YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY Gift of F. B. Trowbridge. THE PICTORIAL FIELD- BOOK THE CIVIL ¥AE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA. By BENSON J. LOSSING, LL.D. ILLUSTEATED BT MANY HUNDliED ENGEAVINGS ON WOOD, BT LOSSING AND BAEEITT, FEOM SKETCHES BT THE AUTHOE AND OTHEES. VOLUME II HAE^yOED; THOMAS BELKNAP, PUBLISHER, 1880. Entered nconrdinqr to Act of Congress, By BENSON J. LOSSING. In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the Unitoi3 States for the Southera District of New York. PRE FA C E. HE 'peculiar circumstances under which this work has been prepared, caused a much longer interval between the appearance of the first and second volumes than was ex pected ; but the delay has been an advan tage to the book, because it has enabled the author to procure and use more authentic and valuable materials than could have been obtained earlier, especially from Confederate sources. An essential part of the original plan of the writer, and which has been carried out, was to make a personal visit to the principal battle-fields and other places of interest connected with the Civil War. This could not be done within the Con federate lines during the war, and it was difficult to do so in many places for several months after the conflict had ceased. As much as possible of this labor was accomplished before the completion of the first volume, in which the events of the con flict, civil and military, to the close of the first battle of Bull's Run, are recorded. After the first volume was completed, in the spring of 1866, the writer made a journey of several thousand miles in visiting the historical localities within the bounds of the Confederacy, observing the topography of battle-fields and the region of the movements of the great armies, making sketches, conversing with actors in the scenes, procuring documents, and in every possible way gathering valuable materials for the work. The writer bore a cordial letter of introduction from General Grant to any officer commanding a military post within the late Slave- labor States, asking him to afford the bearer every facility in his power. To General O. O. Howard the writer was also indebted for a similar letter, directed to any agent of the Freedmen's Bureau. These, and the kind services everywhere proffered by, 4 PREFACE. and received from, persons who had been in the Confederate ar mies, procured for the author extraordinary facilities for gather ing; historical materials, and he was enabled to send and bring home a large amount of valuable matter. This had to be caie- fully examined and collated. In this and kindred labor, and in the construction of small illustrative maps, and the preparation of the sketches for the engraver, all by his own hands, months were consumed, and the delay in the appearance of the second volume was the consequence. B. J. L. The Ridge, Dovee Plains, N. Y., September, 1873. VOLUME II. CHAPTER I. EFFECT OF THE B ATTLE OF BULL'S RUN. — REORGANIZATION OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. CONGRESS AND THE COUNCIL OF THE CONSPIRATORS. — EAST TENNESSEE. Effect of the Battle of Bull's Eun, page IT.— The Story in both Sections— Scenes in Richmond and in Washing ton— A sad Picture, IS.— The Story iu Europe— Hopes and Predictions ofthe Ruling Classes there— Relative Position of the Combatants, 19.— Another Uprising ofthe People— The Exultation ofthe Confederates— The "United South," how formed, 20.-^Sufferings of Southern Unionists— The Confederate Army immovable— Jefferson Davis a Marplot, 21. — Why the Confederate Army was immovable— Alarm oF iho Conspirators, 22.— General McClellan at the Head of the Army of the Potomac— Reorganization of that Army, 23.— The Defenses of "Washington, 24.— Purchase of Arms for the Government— Domestic Manufactures of Arms, 25. — Prisoners taken at Bull's Eun, in Richmond — Tobacco Warehouse Prison and Commissary Winder, 26. — L- Richmond Prison Association "—Kind Women in Richmond, 27. — Object of the War declared by Congress —Measures for crushing the Rebellion opposed, 23 — Thaddeus Stevens's Warnings — Peace Proposition, 29, —A National Loan authorized, 30.— .Appeal of the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Response— The Pro visional Congress of the Conspirators, 81. — Jefferson Davis's Misstatements, 32. — Determination of Davis and his Fellow-Conspirators to -wage War vigorously — Confiscations, 33. — Protection of Pirates — Davis's so-called '¦Departments," and their Heads, 34.— Persecution of Union Men, 85. — Outrages in East Tennes see, 36. — Brownlow and other Loyalists hunted — Blood-Hounds, 37. — Unionists in Prison — Brutal Order of Judah P. Benjamin, 38. — Brownlow's Defiance — His Release, 39. — Writs of Garnishment — Denunciations by Pettigru, 40. — Pettigru's Actions reviewed, 41. CHAPTER IL CIVIL AND MILITARY OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI. Position of National Troops in Missouri — Si gel's Pursuit of Price, 42. — Battle near Carthage, 48.— Sigel's Retreat to Springfield — Lyon's March Southward, 44. — He hastens toward Springfield — Confederates Marching on that Town, 45. — Lyon goes out to meet them— Battle at Dug Springs, 46. — Price and McCulloch at variance —-The Confederates at Wilson's Creek, 47.— Lyon marches out to attack them, 48. — Battle of Wilson's Creek, 49. — Death of General Lyon— Major Sturgis in command — Sigel's Troops lost by a Trick of the Con federates, 53. — A Drawn Battle — Retreat of the National Troops Northward, 54. — Guerrillas in Missouri — Activity of Union Troops— Civil Affairs in Missouri, 55.— Promises of Protection to Slavery— Movements of the Missouri Traitors — A Military Despotism proclaimed, 56. — Operations of Tlardce, Thompson, and Pillow, 57. — Measures for annexing Missouri to the Confederacy, 58. — General Fremont in command in the Western Department — His Embarrassments, 59. — Aspect of Affairs in his Department — Kentucky Neu trality a Help to the Insurgents, 60. — Cairo and its Vicinity strengthened — Pillow anxious for a Union of Confederate Forces, Gl. — The Confederates alarmed — Polk, orders Pillow to fly from Missouri, 62. — Activity of Missouri Secessionists— Guerrilla Bands, 63. — Fremont proclaims Martial Law throughout Missouri — Secessionists rigorously treated — Fremont's Emancipation Proclamation, 64.— The Proclamation modified by the President— Relations of the Government to Slavery, 05, 6 CONTENTS. CHAPTER III. MILITARY OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI AND KENTUCKY. Ben. McCulloch's Proclamation— Price's Appeal to the Missourians, 66.— Lexington fortified— Price attacks the post, 6T. — Siege of Lexington— Mulligan expects Re-enforcements— A Severe Struggle, 6S. — Fremont called upon for Troops— Why Mulligan was not re-enforced, 70.— Fremont assailed— He puts an Army in motion, —Pillow's Designs on Cairo, 71.— Kentucky Neutrality— Conference between McClellan and Buckner— Magoffin encourages the Secessionists, 72.— Union Military Camps in Kentucky — Magoffin rebuked by the President 73.— The Confederates invade Kentucky— Seizure of Columbus, 74.— Zollicoffer invades Eastern Kentucky— The Kentucky Legislature against the Confederates, 75.— General Grant takes Military- Posses sion of Paducah— End of the Neutrality— Flight of Secessionists, 76.— Ex Vice-President Breckenridge among the Traitors — Operations of Buckner— General Anderson's Counter-action, 77. — Seed of the Army of the Cumberland planted — The Confederate Forces in Missouri in check — Price retreats toward Arkan sas, 7S.— Fremont's Army pursues him— Passage of the Osage— Fremont's Plans, 79. — The Charge of Fre mont's Body-guard at Springfield, SO. — Fremont's Army at Springfield— Success of National Troops in Eastern Missouri, SI.— Thompson's Guerrillas dispersed — Complaints against Fremont, S2.— Fremont succeeded in command by Hunter — Preparations for a Battle, 83. — Fremont returns to St. Louis — His Reception, 84. — General Grant in Kentucky, So. — Expedition down the Mississippi by Land and Water — Columbus menaced, S6. — Battle at Belmont — Grant hard pressed, but escapes, S7 — Services of the Gun-Boats — The Confede rates at Columbus in peril, SS. — Zollicoffer's Advance in Kentucky — The Unionists aroused — Battle among the Rock Castle Hills, 89.— Battle of Piketon, 90 —The East Tennessee Unionists disappointed— The Con federate Foothold in Tennessee and Kentucky, 91. CHAPTER IV. MILITARY OPERATIONS IN WESTERN VIRGINIA AND ON THE SEACOAST. Robert E. Lee in command in Western Virginia — Disposition of his Troops, 92. — Floyd at Carnifex Ferry — General Cox in the Kanawha "Valley, 93.— Advance of Eosecrans — He crosses the Mountains and confronts Floyd at Carnifex Ferry, 94.— Battle of Carnifex Terry, 95.— Gallantry of the Western Troops, 96.— Flight and Escape of Floyd— Insubordination of Wise, 97.— Eeynolds's Command— Lee plans for seizins ami Holding West Virginia — Ee.ynolds wounded, 9S.— Attempt to capture the Summit foiled— Lee repulsed at Elkwater, 99.— He joins Floyd at Meadow Bluff— Conflict near "Traveler's Depose" 100.— Eosecrans on. I Leo between the Gauley and New Eivers— Floyd driven from New Eiver, 101.— Benhaui's unsuccessful Pursuit of Floyd — Eosecrans retires — Kelley in Western Virginia, 102. — Battle near Eomney— Milroy holds the Cheat Mountain Region— He fights Johnston, of Georgia, at Alleghany Summit, 103.— Expedition to Huntersville — Operations on the Seacoast, 104. — Burning of Hampton by Magnifier— General Wool at Fortress Monroe, 105.— Expedition to Hatteras Inlet, 107. — Captures of the Forts and Hatteras Island— Cut ler commissioned to raise Troops in New England, 108. — Naval Operations near Cape Hatteras— Perils of the Nationals on Hatteras Island, 109. — Hawkins's Proclamation — Attempt to establish a loyal Civil Gov ernment in Eastern North Carolina, 110. — Stirring Events near Pensacola — Wilson's Zouaves on Santa Rosa Island attacked, 111. — Battle on Santa Rosa Island, and Repulse of the Confederates — The Confede rates before Fort Pickens, 112. — Attack by Fort Pickens and War-vessels on the Confederate Works — Folly of Hollins on the Mississippi, 118. — Naval Engagement at Southwest Pass — Incompetency of Hollins, 114, CHAPTER V. MILITARY AND NATAL OPERATIONS ON THE COAST OF SOUTII CAROLINA. MILITARY OPERATIONS ON THE LINE OF THE POTOMAC RIVER. Need of Harbors for Blockading Vessels— Gathering of a Naval and Military Expedition in Hampton Eoads, 115.— Composition of the Expedition— Its Departure, 110.— A Terrible Storm at Sea— Joy of the Confede rates, 117.— The Expedition off Beaufort Harbor— Confederate Defenses there, 113.— TatiiaU and his "Mosquito Fleet"— Plan of Attack, 119.— Battle of Port Eoyal Entrance, 120.— Capture of Forts' Walker and Beauregard at Port Eoyal Entrance, 121.— Landing of National Forces at Hilton Head, 122.— The Coast Island Eegion of South Carolina abandoned to the National Troops, 123.— Flight of white Inhabitants- Capture of Beaufort, 124.— Conquests on the Coast of Georgia, 125.— Care of the Cotton on the Const Islands, 126— Movements against Port Eoyal Ferry— Composition of the Expedition, 1:7. Battle at Port Royal Ferry — Attempt to close the Harbor of Charleston with sunken Vessels filled with Eocks 12S Failure of the Attempt— McClellan and the Army of the Potomac, 129.— Preparations for ninreh'in» on Richmond— Retirement of General Scott, 130.— Organization and Equipment of the Army of the Potome-o CONTENTS. 7 ^French Princes on McCIcllan's Staff, 131. — Position of the Army of the Potomac— Its Departments, 132. — Reviews — Hostile Demonstrations, 1S3. — A Land and Naval Expedition down the Potomac planned — Its Failure — The Potomac Blockade, 184. — Reconnoissance near "Washington City — Committee on tbe Conduct ofthe War, 185. — Confederates evacuate Munson's Hill — "Quaker Guns,11 136.— Expedition to Harper's Ferry, 187. — Capture of Harper's Ferry — The Combatants along the Potomac, 138. — Movements on the Potomac, 189.— Invasion of Virginia, UO.— Senator E. D. Baker and his Troops, 141.— Battle of BalPs Bluff; 142. — A Terrible Scene on the Eiver, 148. — Disaster to the National Arms, 144.— The Honored Dead — Explanation demanded, 145. — The Case of General Stone, 146. — A Prisoner of State, 147.— The Baltimore Plot, 14S.— ^How Mr.- Lincoln's Life was saved. 149. CHAPTER VI. THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. THE TRENT AFFAIR. — CAPTURE OF ROANOKE ISLAND. Immobility of the Grand Army of the Potomac, 150. — Confederate Incursions — A Battle near Drainsville, 151. — Feeling in Europe in Favor of the Conspirators — Expression of Leading Men in Great Britain, 152. — Depar ture of Mason and Slidell for Europe as " Embassadors " of tbe '" Confederate States," 153. — Their cordial Reception at Havana — They embark for England in the Steamer Trent, and are captured by Captain Wilkes, 154. — Mason and Slidell in Fort Warren — Wilkes's Act Applauded by all loyal Men, 155. — Appro val of tho Secretary of the Navy — The Wisdom of President Lincoln, 156. — British Theory and Practice concerning Neutrals, 157, — The British demand the Release of the u Embassadors " — Abuse of the American People by the British Press and Orators, 153. — The Liberal Mind of England represented by John Bright and a few others, 159. — The British Government demands the Release of Mason and Slidell, 160. — Concilia tory Action of the American Government met by Duplicity and Truculence, 161. — American Principles concerning the Eights of Neutrals vindicated, 162. — Arguments of the Secretary of State, 163. — Surrender of the "Embassadors" to British Custody, 164. — Enemies of the Eepublic hopeful, 165. — The Government strengthened, 166. — The " Burnside Expedition "—A Terrible Storm, 167.— The Expedition at Hatteras Inlet, 16S. — The Confederates on Eoanoke Island, 169.— Attack on the Confederate Works there by the National Fleet— Landing of National Troops, 170.— Battle of Roanoke Island, 171.— Capture of the Island and the Confederate Army, 173.— Elizabeth City taken, 174. — Medals of Honor bestowed, 175.— The Nation als control Albemarle Sound, 176. — Appeals to the North Carolinians, 177.— Spirit of the Loyal and the Disloyal, 178. CHAPTER VII. MILITARY OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI, NEW MEXICO, AND KENTUCKY. — CAPTURE OF FORT HENRY. Position of the Armies in tbe Mississippi Valley — General Halleck in command of the Department of Mis souri, 179.— His rigorous Treatment of influential Secessionists. ISO. — Fugitive Slaves excluded from Mili tary Camps— Pope in Missouri — Price's Appeal to tbe Missourians, 181. — Activity of the Confederates — Battle on the Blackwater, 1S2 — Halleck declares Martial Law in St. Louis — Price driven out of Missouri, 183. — Hunter's Operations in Kansas, 1S4. — Treason in New Mexico, 1S5. — Loyalty and Disloyalty within its Borders— General Canby and Colonel Sibley, 1S6.— Battle of Valverde— Texas Rangers, 187.— Sibley's Victories in, and final Expulsion from New Mexico. 1SS.— Albert Sidney Johnston in the West— A Pro visional Government in Kentucky, 1S9.— War in Southern Kentucky, 190.— Battle of Prestonburg, 191.— Forces of Generals Buell and Zollicoffer'in Kentucky, 192.— Military Movements in Eastern Kentucky— The Confederates on the Cumberland, 193.— Battle of Mill Spring, 194— Its Results— Death of Zollicoffer, 195.— Beauregard sent to the West. 196.— The Confederates in Kentucky and Tennessee, 197.— Their Fortifi cations in those States — A Naval Armament in Preparation at St. Louis, 198. — Foote's Flotilla — Preparations to break the Confederate Line, 199.— Thomas's Movements toward East Tennessee, 200.— Expedition against Fort Henry, 201. — Operations of Gun-Boats on the Tennessee River — Torpedoes, 202. — Attack on Fort Henry, 203.— Capture of the Post^-Scene just before the Surrender, 204.— Effects of the Fall of Fort Henry, 205. CHAPTER VIII. BIB&E AND CAPTURE OF FORT DONELSON. Gun-Boat Expedition up the Tennessee River, 206.— Commodore Foote in the Pulpit, 207.— Preparations for marching against Fort Donelson, 208.— Character and 8trength of Fort Donelson, 209. —Disposition of Forces for Battle, 210.— The Caron-delet— Opening of the Battle, 211,— Defeat of the National Troops— Arrival of CONTENTS. General Lewis Wallace's Command, 212.— Attack on the "Water Batteries, 218.— The Confederates prepare for a Sortie, 214.— Severe Battle on the National Eight— General Lewis Wallace hastens to McClernand's Assistance, 215.— The Tide of Battle turned by "Wallace, 216.— Grant on the Battle-Field— His Order for another Attack, 217.— Struggle on the National Left— Victory fur the Nationals, SIS. — The Confederates iu Council— Conduct of their cowardly Leaders, 219.— Terms of Surrender, 220.— Surrender of Fort Donelson, 221.— Effect of the Fall of Fort Donelson. 222.— Floyd and Pillow disgraced, 223.— The Army Mail-Service. 224.— The Army Mail at "Washington, 225.— A Yoyage on the Cumberland Elver, 226.— Yisit to Fort Donel son, 227.— Nashville, 229. CHAPTER IX. EVENTS AT NASHVILLE, COLUMBUS, NE"W" MADRID, ISLAND NUMBEE TEN, AND PEA EIDGE. Advance of National Troops on Bowling Green, 230. — Panic in Nashville — Governor Harris crazy with Anrisrht, 231.— Destruction of the Tennessee Iron "Works— Clarksville, 232.— Flight of Confederate Troops from Nashville— Floyd and Pillow again on the Wings of Fear, 233. — Surrender of Nashv lie, 234. — Exped tion against Columbus — Polk's Preparations to liy from it, 235.— Capture of Columbus, 286. — Mines and Torpe does at Columbus — Island Number Ten, 237. — Beauregard in command of Island Number Ten — His Call for Bells to cast into Cannon, 238. — Pope's March on New Madrid— Confederates strengthening that Post, 239. — Transportation of Siege Guns — Capture of New Madrid, 240.— Strength of Island Number Ten-^-Foote prepared fur Action, 241. — Attack on Confederate Batteries — The Mortar Service, 242. — Pope at New Madrid —General Hamilton's Plan for flanking Island Number Ten by the Gun-Boats, 243. — Construction of a Flanking Canal, 244. — Passing of Island Number Ten by Gun-Boats — Success of the Canal Project, 245. — Island Number Ten abandoned — Obstructions in the Eivcr, 246 — Capture of the Confederate Army, 247. — Effect of the Victory, 248. — The Confederates alarmed — Memphis and New Orleans in Terror, 249. — National Troops in Arkansas — Curtis in Pursuit of Price, 250. — Gathering of Confederate Forces — Curtis's Address to the Inhabitants of Arkansas — General Van Dom, 251.— His Presence in the Confederate Camp — His Address to his Soldiers, 252. — Eelative Position of the National Troops — Van Dorn's Flanking Move ment, 233. — He marches to attack — Curtis prepared to receive him, 254. — Opening of the Battle of Pea Eidge — Indian Savages led by Albert Pike — A severe Struggle, 255. — A general Battle — Caries Struggle on the Eight, 256. — Night ends the Battle — Preparations by the Nationals for renewing it, 257. — Battle renewed in the Morning — The Nationals victorious, 258. — Eesult of the Battle — Atrocities of Pi kit's Indians, 259. — Curtis marches toward the Mississippi — The Indians, 260. CHAPTER X. GENERAL MITCIIEL's INVASION OF ALABAMA. THE BATTLE OF SHILOLl, Grant and his victorious Army — Expedition up the Tennessee River planned, 261. — Grant's Army on Trans ports on the Tennessee — Skirmish at Pittsburg Landing, 262.— Events near Pittsburg Landing — Sherman at Shiloh Church, 263.— Movements of Buell's Army— Morgan, the Guerrilla Chief, 264.— Mitchel's extraordi nary March Southward, 265. — Capture of Iluntsville, Alabama, 266.— Memphis and Charleston Railway seized— Grant's Army near Pittsburg Landing, 267.— Its Position on the 6th of April, 26S.— The Confederate Army at Corinth — Its forward Movement, 269. — Preparations for Battle by the Confederates — The Nationals unsuspicious of Danger, 270.— Opening of the Battle of Shiloh, 271.— First Day of the Battle of Shiloh, 273.— General Grant ou the Battle-Field, 274. — Defeat of the National Army, 275,— General Lewis Wallace's Troops expected — The Cause of their Delay, 276.— The Confederates prepare for a Night Attack, 277. Arrival of Buell's Forces, 273.— Opening of the Second Day's Battle on the Eight by Wallace's Troops, 279. — The Struggle on the Lett, 2S0.— The final Contest for Victory, 2S1.— Defeat of the Confederates on the Eight, 282.— Flight of the Confederate Army— Miseries ofthe Retreat, 2S3.— Disposition ofthe Dead— Jour ney from Meridian to Corinth, 2S4. — Visit to the Battle-Field of Shiloh — Journey from Corinth to the Field, 285.— A Night on Shiloh Battle-Field, 2S6.— A Victim of the wicked Rebellion— Effects of Shot and Shell on the Battle -Ground, 2S7. CHAPTER XI. OPERATIONS IN SOUTHERN TENNESSEE AND NORTHERN MISSISSIPPI AND ALABAMA. Situation of the two Armies near Oorinth, 283.— The Victory at Shiloh, and its Fruits— Public Rejoicings 289.— Forward Movements of the National Army checked by Halleck— Mitchel's Troops driven from Tuscumbia CONTENTS. 9 and Decatur, 290.— Mltchel's Operations in tho Direction of Chattanooga— Halleck moves Cautiously toward Corinth, 291.— The Confederate Army at Corinth— National Troops on detacbed .-crvici-, 292.— The Siesro of Corinth— Its Evacuation— Halleck's Surprise, 293.— Deaiuvsaitl's Flight Southward. 294— Change of Con federate Commanders— Quiot of the National Army under General Halleck. 295 — Operations on thii Missis sippi—The opposing Fleets— Siege of Fort Pillow, 296.— Battle at Fort Pillow, 297 —Evacuation of Fort Randolph— Naval Battle before Memphis, 295.— Capture of Memphis, 299 —Expeditions sent out by General Mitehel, 300.— Raid on the Railway between Chattanooga and Atlanta, 301. — Capture and Execution of the Raiders, 302. — Battle at Chattanooga — Capture of Cumberland Gap, 303. — Generals Buell and Mitehel, 304, CHAPTER XII. OPERATIONS ON THE COAST OF THE ATLANTIC AND TILE O-TTLF OF MEXICO. Expedition against New Berne — Landing of the Army below the Town, 305. — Battle near New Berne, 306. — Eout of the Confederates— Flight of Citizens, 807.— Effect of the Capture of New Berne, 80S.— Christian Work at New Berne— Mr. Colyer's Schools, S09. — Expedition against Fort Macon — The Xashville. 310.— Preparations to assail Fort Macon, 311. — Siege and Bombardment of the Fort, 312,— Fort Macon and its Vicinity in 1864, 813. — Expedition to Albemarle Sound— Battle of South Mills, 314— Operations in the Hear of Norfolk— The Coast of N«irtb Carolina in Possession of National Troops, 315. -^Blockade Runners— Expedition against Fort Pulaski. 316.— Obstructions of the Savannali River, 817. — Preparations to bombard Fort Pulaski, 31S. — Bom bardment and Capture ofthe Fort, 319.— Expedition against Fort Clinch, and its Capture, 320.— Capture of Jacksonville. Florida. 321.— Capture of St. Augustine, 322.— The Atlantic Coast abandoned by the Confede rates, 323. — Expedition against New Orleans, 324. — National Troops at Ship Island, 325. — Proclamation of General Phelps, 326. — Operations at Biloxi and Mississippi City, 327. CHAPTER XIII. THE CAPTURE OF NEW ORLEANS. Plan for the Capture of New Orleans— Porter's Mortar Fleet, 328.— The Defenses of New Orleans, 329.— Confi dence ofthe Confederates in their Defenses— The Fleets of Farragut and Porter, 330. — Their appearance on the Mississippi Eivcr, 331.— Bombardment of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, 332,— Passage of the Forts by War-vessels, 333.— Battle with the Forts and the Earn Manassas, 334. — Fearful Struggle of the Hartford, 835.— A desperate Naval Battle, 386.— Capture of Forts Jackson and St. Philip, 339.— Excitement in New Orleans, 340.— Flight of Lovell and his Troops, 341.— Farragut approaches New Orleans— Destruction of Property there. 342.— Farragut before the City, 343.— Folly of the Civil Authorities— Impertinence of a French Nav;d Commander, 344.— National Troops In New Orleans, 345. — General Butler and the absurd Mayor Monroe — Butler's Proclamation. 346.— Rebellion rebuked and checked, 347.— Martial Law proclaimed — Concessions to the People, 34S. — Benevolent and Sanitary Measures— The Rebellious Spirit of Citizens, 849. — Butler's famous " Woman Order'1 — Its Effects, 850. — A Traitor hung — Butler's Administration, 351. — Effect of the Capture of New Orleans, 362, CHAPTER XIV. MOVEMENTS OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. — THE MONITOR AND MERRIMACK. Continued Inaction of the Grand Army of the Potomac, 333. — Impatience of (he President and the People, 354.— Haughtiness of General McClellan, 355. — The President orders a Movement of all the Armies— McClellan substitutes Argument for Obedience.— Patience of the President, 850.— Campaign against Richmond con sidered — Army Corps formed, 357. — The Confederates evacuate Manassas, 35S. — u Promenade" of the Army of the Potomac— McClellan relieved of some Burden of Duty, 359.— The Me-n'mack and Monitor. 3G0. — Onslaught of the Merrimack on National Vessels. 361. -"Destruction of the latter, 362. — The Monitor in Hampton Eoads, 363.— Battle between the Monitor and Merrimack, 364.— Result of the Fight, 866. — The contending Vessels — Captain Worden. 366.— Movements In Western Virginia, 867,— Opposing Forces in the Shenandoah Valley, 368.— Shields at Winchester— Skirmish near there, 369.— Battle of Kernstown, 370 — The Defense of Washington City made sure, 371. —The Confederates on the Peninsula. 372.— Army of the Potomac checked, 373. — McClellan complains of a Want of Force, 374. — The Siege of York town — Maaruder deceives McClellan, 375.— Confederate Re-enforcements sent to York town— Sufferings of the National Troops, 376. 10 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XV. THE ARMY 01? THE POTOMAC ON THE VIRGINIA PENINSULA. The Confederates evacuate Torktown, 877.— Pursuit ofthe Fugitives— Confederate Works at Williamsburg, 378. —Hooker's Advance upon them, 379.— Battle near Williamsburg— Hooker bears the Brunt, 3S0.— Kearney's Troops on the Field, 381.— Hancock's Flank Movement, 382.— Close of the Battle of Williamsburg— Com position of the National Army there, 383.— McClellan urged to the Front— The Fruits of Victory lost by Delay, 334.— Expedition up the York liiver— National Troops on the Patnunkey— A sharp Fight, 385.— Head-Quarters near the •' White House "—A Trick to save that Building, 386.— Preparations to attack Nor- fulk— Vigilance of General Wool, 3S7.— He leads Troops against Norfolk— Surrender of the City, 3SS.— Events in the Shenandoah Valley, 3S9.— Battle at McDowell, 890.— Kenly attacked at Front Royal, 891.— Banks's Retreat toward the Potomac— Difficulties in the Way, 392.— Battle at Winchester, 893.— Banks's Retreat to the Potomac— Jackson hastens up the Shenandoah Valley, 394.— An exciting Race in that Valley— Jackson arid Ewell hard pressed, 395.— Battle of Cross Keys, 396.— Map of Operations in Upper Virginia, 398.— Battle of Port Republic and Escape of Jackson's Army, 899. — A Visit to the Shenandoah Region — Weyer's Cave, 400.— Passage of the Blue Ridge, 401. CHAPTER XVI. THE ARMY OP THE POTOMAC BEFORE RICHMOND. Naval Attack on Drewry's Bluff, 402. — The Army of the Potomac on the Chickahominy, 403. — Skirmish at Ellison's Mill — An inspiriting Order, 404. — Inactivity of the Army of the Potomac, 405. — Skirmishes near Hanover Court-House, 406. — McClellan calls for Re-enforcements — Raids on Railways, 407. — The Confede rates prepare to attack the Nationals — General Casey's Position, 403. — Battle of the Seven Pines, 409.— Battle near Fair Oaks Station, 410. — Sumner crosses the Chickahominy, 411. — Second Battle of Fair Oaks Station — The Confederate Commander-in-Chief wounded, 412. — Hooker looks into Richmond and is called back, 413. — "Stonewall "' Jackson joins the Confederate Army near Richmond — General Robert JE. Lee in command, 414. — Public Expectation disappointed — Hopes excited, 415. — Bold Raid of General J. E. B. Stuart, 416. — Richmond quietly besieged, 417. — Lee preparing to strike McClellan, 418. — Battle at Mechan- icsville, 419. — The Siege of Richmond abandoned, 420. — Preparations for a defensive Battle near Cool Arbor, 421. — Battle of Gaines's Farm. 422. — The National Army in imminent Peril, 423. — Retreat of the Army of the Potomac to the James River begun, 424. — The Confederate Commander deceived, 425. — Destruction of the "White House"' and public Property near, 426. — Lee pursues McClellan — The Latter's insolent Letter to the Secretary of War, 427.— Battle at Savage's Station, 42S.— Battle at the White Oak Swamp Bridge, 429. Battle of Glendale, 430. — The Army of the Potomac on Malvern Hills, 431, — The contending Armies con fronting each other there, 482.— Battle of Malvern Hills, 488.— McClellan on the Galena— His victorious Army ordered to retreat, 434.— Position of his Army on the James River, 435. -Visit to the Battle-fields near Richmond, 436.— Malvern Hills and the Randolph Mansion, 488.— Fair Oaks and Savage's Station, 439. — Williamsburg and Yorktown, 440. CHAPTER XVII. POPE'S CAMPAIGN IN VIRGINIA. Reported Condition of the Army of the Potomac, 441. — The President visits the Army — His Perplexity, 442. The Army of Virginia under General Pope, 443. — Withdrawal of the Army of the Potomac from the Vir ginia Peninsula, 444— The Confederates plan a Grand Scheme of Invasion, 445.— Successful Raids toward Richmond, 440.— Pope in the Field— Events near the Rapid Anna, 447.— Battle of Cedar Mountain, 448 — The Combatants re-enforced, 449.— Pope compelled to retreat, 450.— Movements on the Rappahannock— Attempts to flank the Army of Virginia, 451.— Tardiness of Re-enforcements, 452.— Position of the Army of Virginia, 453. — Manassas Junction captured by the Confederates— Critical Situation of both Armies. 454.— Failure of an Attempt to capture Jackson's Force at Manassas, 455.— Battle near Groveton, 450.— Jackson re-enforced by Longstreet, 457.— Battle-ground near Groveton, 458.— Condition of the two Armies, 459.— Second Battle of Bull's Run, 460.— Battle near Chantllly, 461.— Relations of Generals Pope and McClellan 462.— Dissolution of the Army of Virginia — Members of the " Confederate Congress," so-called 468. CHAPTER XVIII. « LEE'S INVASION OF MARYLAND AND HIS RETREAT TOWARD RICHMOND. Lee's relative Position to the National Army reviewed— Tho Republic In Peril, 464.— Lee's Invasion of Mary land—His Proclamation, 465.— It is scorned by the People of Maryland— Barbara Frtetchic 466.— Lee's Scheme of Invasion discovered, 467.— McClellan" s Advantages, 468.— Advance upon South Mountain 469 — CONTENTS. 11 Battle on South Mountain, 470. — Struggle at Cramp ton's Gap— Toombs and Cobb, the Georgia Traitors, 471. — Harper's Ferry invested, 472. — Surrender of Harper's Ferry, 473. — The Annies in the Autietam Valley, 474.— Their relative Position, 47.). — Preparations for Battle — Preliminary Contests, 476.— Battle of Antietam, 477.— Close of Operations on the Right, 4S0. — Operations on the Left, and close of the Battle, 4S1, — Lee per mitted to escape, 4S2. — McClellan ordered to pursue him — lie halts and calls for Re-enforcements. 4S3. — The Army of the Potomac again in Virginia — A Race toward Richmond — Napoleon's Ideas about making War, 4S4.— Slow Movements of the Army— McClellan superseded by Burnside, 4S5.: — The Army before Fred ericksburg. 436.— Position of the Confederates at Fredericksburg, 4S7. — Attempts to build Pontoon Bridges- Attacks on the "Workmen, 4S3. — Passage of tlie Rappahannock by National Troops, 4S9. — Ri-lative Position of the two Armies, 490.— Attack on the Confederate Lino, 491. — Battle of Fredericksburg, 492. — Struggle a- 1 the foot of Marye's Hill, 493.— "Withdrawal of National Troops, 494.— Burnsido1s new Plan of Operations, 495.— Its Execution commenced and suspended— Burnside called to Washington City, 496. — He is super seded by General Hooker — His Patriotism triumphs over Feeling, 497. CHAPTER XIX. EVENTS IN KENTUCKY AND NORTHERN MISSISSIPPI. Condition of Kentucky, 493. — John H. Morgan and his Guerrillas, 499. — Morgan driven from Kentucky, 500. — Forrest in Tennessee, 501. — E. Kirby Smith's Invasion of Kentucky, 502. — Cincinnati threatened by the Confederates, 503. — Wallace's Defense of Cincinnati, 504— Bragg's March toward Kentucky— Cavalry Figlit nearMcMinnsville, 505.— Bragg's Invasion uf Kentucky, 506. — His Proclamation to the Kentuekiuns, 507 — Buell turns upon Bra^g, .">0S. — llattle near Perryville, 509. — Bragg's Flight from Kentucky, oil. — G*.' nival Grant in Tennessee, 512.— Capture of Iuka by the Confederates, 513.— Battle of Inka, 514.— Movements of General Ord. 515.— A Visit to the Iuka Battle-ground, 516.— Graves of Ohio Soldiers, 517.— The Confederates approaching Corinth, 51S.— Battle of Corinth, 519.— Fierce Contest at Fort Robinett— Repulse of the Con federates — Eosecrans pursues them, 522.— Buell superseded by Roseerans, 523. CHAPTER XX. EVENTS "WEST OF THE MISSISSIPPI AND IN MIDDLE TENNESSEE. Department of the Tennessee— Grant's Position, 524.— Curtis*s March toward the Mississippi— Weakness of Military Force in Arkansas, 525. — Land and Naval Forces on the Mississippi. 526.— Brief Siege of Vicksburg, 527.— The Ram A>-kaiw /«— Bombardment of Donaldsonville, 523— Battle at Baton Rouze, 529.— The La Fourche District *¦ repossessed,11 530.— Generals Banks and Butler in New Orleans— Military Operations in Missouri, 531.— War on its Western Borders, 532. — Confederated driven into Arkansis. 58*3.— Battl- on Boston Mountains, 504. — Battle of Prairie Grove, 535.— Sufferings of Loy dists in Western Texas. 53G. —Massacre of Unionists, 537. — The Army of the Cumberland. 53S. — Bragg's Army at Murfreesboro1 — Teffersim Davis at Head-Quarters, 539.— Rosecrans's Army at Nashville, 540. — Activity of his Troops, 541.— Advance of the Army of the Cumberland, 542.— Its Appearance before Murfreesboro1, 543. — Opening of the Battle of Mur freesboro1. or Stone's River, 544.— Disaster to the Right Winuf of the National Army, 545. — Struggle of Hozen's Brigade, 546. — Progress of the Battle, 547, 548, and 549.— Victory for the Nationals— Pursuit delayed, 5">0.— Bragg retreats Southward, 551. — Important Cavalry Raids, 552. — A Visit to the Murfrees boro'' Battle-field, 553. CHAPTEK XXI. SLAVERY AND EMANCIPATION. AFFAIRS IN THE SOUTHWEST. The Army of the Cumberland rests at Murfreesboro'— Meeting of the Thirty-seventh Congress, 554.— Confisca tion and Emancipation proposed, 555. — Proposed Compensation for Emancipated Slaves, 556.— Temper of the People ofthe Border Slave-labor States, 557.— The People impatient for Emancipation— War Powers of the President, 5.")S.— Preliminary Proclamation of Emancipation— Public Anxiety, 559. -Definitive Procla mation of Emancipation, 560.— The original Draft of the Proclamation, 501.— Character of the Proclamation —The Instrument, and the Pen with which it was written, 564.— First Regiment of colored Troops— Scene in a Live-Oak Grove, 565— The Confederate "Congress," so-called, 566.— Jefferson Davis and his chosen Counselors, 5J7.— Confederate Pint -Ships, 568.— The Pirates Semmes and Mafftt, 509. — Confederate Naval Commission. 570. — Barbarism and Civilization illustrated by the Alabama and George Griswold. 57L— Vicksburg and its Importance. 572.— Grant's Advance in Mississippi, 573. — Seri His Disaster at Holly Spring . 574.— Sherman's Descent of the Mississippi, 575.— Natural Defenses of Vicksburg, 576.— Movements at Chickasaw Bayou in their P.ear, 577.— Battle at Chickasaw Bayou, 57S— Sherman compelled to withdraw. 579.— Expedition against Arkansas Post, 530.— Capture of Arkansas Post, 581.— Posts on lied lliver captured, 582. 12 CONTENTS. CHAPTER XXII. THE SIEGE OF VIOKSBUEG, Grant's Army reorganized, 583, — Projected Canal near Vicksburg, 5S4 — Digging of the Canal, 585. — Another Tazoo Expedition, 5S6. — Attack on Fort Pembcrton — The Expedition a Failure, 5S7. — A Third Yazoo Expe dition — Porter's Gun-boats in Peril — Expedition abandoned, 5SS.— Raids by iron-clad Hams, 5S9. — The Jndianola captured by the Confederates— Her Destruction caused by a Trick, 590. — Passage of the Vicksburg Batteries by Gun-boats and Transports, 591. — Banks's Kxpedition, and his Arrival in Tse\v Orleans, 59:2.— The National Forces at Galveston, 593.— Capture of Galveston by the Confederates, 594. — The Interior of Louisiana, 595. — Expedition to the Teche Region, 59G.— Battle o:i tlie Bayou Teche, 597, — Attempt to pass the Port Hudson Batteries, 598. — Banks in the Interior of Louisiana, 599. — His Triumphant March to the Red River, 600.— He invests Port Hudson, 601. — Grierson's Great Raid in Mississippi, 602. — Grant's Army crosses the Mississippi, 603. — Battle near Port Gibson, 604. — March of the Nationals toward Jackson, 605. — Battle near Raymond, 606. — Battle near Jackson. 607.— Capture of Jackson, 60S. — Pemberton's Forces —He is compelled to fight, 609. — Battle of Champion Hills, 610. — Pursuit of the Confederates — New Position of the Confederates, 611, — Battle at the Big Black River, 612. — Vicksburg invested — Porter again on the Yazoo, 613. — Position ofthe National Troops around Vicksburg, 614, CHAPTER XXIII. SIESE AND CAPTURE OF VICKSBTJRG AND POET HUDSON. The National Troops in Danger, 615.— Preparations to storm the Works at Vicksburg — An Attack, 616. — Second Attack, 617. — A severe Struggle, 618. — The Nationals repulsed, 619.— A regular Siege of Vicksburg begun — Weakness of the Confederates, 620.— Grant re-enforced— Services of Porter's Fleet, 621. — Life in the besiegod City, 622.— Confederate Troops in Louisiana, 628.— Battle at Milliken's Bend — Bravery of colored Troops, 624.— Mining the Confederate Works, 625.— Pemberton's Proposition to surrender, 626. — Interview between Grant and Pemberton, 627.— Formal Surrender of Vicksburg— Celebration ofthe Fourth of July in the City, 62S. — Region of Military Operations in Mississippi, 629.— The Spoils of Victory — Its Effects, 680. — The Investment of Port Hudson, 631. — Assault on the Confederate Works — The Charge by colored Troops, 632. — Close Siege of Port HudsoD, 683. — A severe Struggle, 634. — Second Assault on Port Hudson, 635.— Siege of Port Hudson continued, 636.— Surrender of tlie Post and Garrison — Banks's Loss, and his Spoils- won— The Mississippi River open to Commerce, 637. — Effect ofthe Fall of Vicksburg and Port Hudson at Home and Abroad — A Visit to Vicksburg and its Vicinity, 638. — Voyage up the Mississippi — A Confederate Major, 639. — The Historical Localities around Vicksburg, 640. VOLUME II. PAGE Abraham Lincoln — Steel Frontispiece 3. 9. 10. 11.12. 13. 14. 15.16. 17.IS. 19.20.21.22. 23. 24 25.26. 27.23.2J.33. 31. Portrait Plate Initial Letter . . Contexts. Vol. II. . Illustrations. Vol. IL . Initial Letter — Dragon of Treason . Geigsby's House, Centreville Map Showing tub Defenses of Washing ton . . Tobacco "Warehouse Prison , John H. Winder . Prison Association Seal Seal of the Treasury Department The Senate Chamber at Montgomery Confederate State Department Seal The Tredegar. Iron Works at Richmond BloodhoundThe Cpunty Jail at Kxoxvillm The Gallows-Tree J. L Pettigeu Tail-Piece — Sword and Scales Initial Letter — Seal of Missouri Sigel's Field of Operations — Mai- Plan of Battle of Wilson's Creek — Map Portrait of M. Jeff. Thompson . Portrait of John C. Fremont Fremont's Head-Quarters in St. Louis Steamboat Obstructions Spear's Torpedo Raft Anchored in the Mississippi Tail-Piece — Broken Shackles Initial Letter — Seal of Kentucky Siege of Lexington — Map . Head-Quarters at Camp Dick Robinson , The Bluff, and Polk's Head-Quarters near Columbus ..... Portrait of Felix K. Zollicoffee Portrait of Humphrey Marshall Sigel crossing the Osage . Portrait of David Hunter Fremont's Sword . . Pontoon Bridge at Paducaii Field of Operations against Belmont — Map ......... 79 86 41. Battle at Belmont — Map . 42. Portrait of William Nelson 43. Tail-Piece — Broken Cannon 44. Initial Letter — Mountain Scenery 45. Portrait of Joseph J. Reynolds 46. Ascent of Gauley Mountain 47. Portrait of Henry W. Benham . 4S. Plan of the Battle of Carnifex Ferry- Map . 49. Portrait of Robert E. Lee . 50. Region of Military Operations in West ern Virginia — Map .-..., 51. Portrait of Robert H. Milroy . 52. Burning of Hampton ... 53. Portrait of Silas H. Stringiiam 54. Fort Hatteras . . ... 55. Operations near Cape Hatteras — Map 56. Portrait of J. S. Hollins 57. Initial Letti-ir — War Vessel 53. Portrait of S. F. Dupont 59. Portrait of T. F. Drayton . 60. Fort Walker, Hilton Head 61. Tlan of Battle at Port Royal En trance — Map . , . 62. Plan of Fort Beauregard , = 63. Portrait of Stephen Elliott, Jr. 64. Pope's House, Hilton Head 65. Portrait of R. S. Ripley ..... 66. Cannon captured at Beaufort 67. Martello Tower on Tybee Island 6S. Fort on Bay Point ... 69. Coast Islands— Map ..... 70. Flat-Boats used for Landing Troops 71. Port Royal Ferry before the attack 72. The Channels of Charleston Harbor — Map ... . 73. War Balloon ... 74. Fairfax Court-House .... 75. Quaker Gun at Manassas . 76. Geary's Head-Quarters on Camp Heights 77. Portbait of E. D. Baker .... 78. Map of the Battle of Ball's Bluff 79. Banks's Head-Quarters at Edwards' Ferry 9o9192939495 101 103105 105107 109114 115 116 11s 119 120121 122 122123 124 125125 12G 127 127 12S132133136137141 143 14 illustrations. so. 81. 82.83.84. 85.66ST.83.89.90.91.92.93.94. 95.96. 9T. 98.99. 100.101. 102. 103. 104.105.106.107. 108. 109.110. 112. 118.114.115. 116.in. IIS.119.120. 121.123. 123.124. 123.126.121. 12S. 129.130.131.132.133. 134. 135. 130. 137.13s. 139. 140.141. 112.143. 144. 145. PAGE Fort Lafayette 146 Initial Letter— Lion on Deck . . . 150 Foragers at Work 150 Portrait of E. O. C. Op.d . . 151 Portrait of Ciiarles Wilkes . . 154 Fort Warren 155 Portrait of Joiin Bright . ' . . 159 Portrait of Lord Lyons . . . 164 Portrait of Count Mercier . . . 165 Portrait of Louis M. Goldsborougii . 166 Portrait of Stephen C. Rowan . . 167 Portrait of Ambrose E. Burnside . 168 Portrait of Benjamin Huger . . 169 The Attack on Roanoke Island — Map . 171 Portrait of John G. Foster . . 172 Burnside's Head-Quarters . 174 Naval Medal of Honor . . 175 Portrait of C. F. Lynch 176 Hawkins Zouaves . .... 177 Tail-Piece — Proclamations 17S Initial Letter — Waterfall . . 179 Portrait of Henry Wager Halleck ISO Po'.'.trait of Henry IT. Sibi.ey . 1SG One of Sibley's Texas Rangers . 1S7 Portrait of A. Sidsey Johnston . 1S9 Buell's Head-Quarters at Louisville . 190 Portrait of Thomas C. Hindman in 1S5S 191 Portrait of Don Carlos Buell 192 Map of the Battle of Mill Springs . 194 Army Forge 195 Region of Military Movements in East ern Kentucky — Map . . 197 Plan of the Fortifications at Columbus —Map . ... 19S Foote's Flotilla ... . 199 Plan of Fort Henry ..... 201 Portrait of A. H. Foote . 202 Torpedo ..... .202 Interior of Fort Henry . . 203 Tail-Piece— Delivery of a Sword . 205 Initial Letter — Seal of Tennessee . . 206 A Mortar-Boat 207 Route from Fort Henry to Fort Donel son— Map 208 Lower Water Battery, Fort Donelson 209 Birge's Sharp-Siiooter . 210 Grant's Head-Quarters, Fort Donelson 211 Position of the Gun-Boats in the At tack on Fort Donelson .... 213 Portrait of Busiirod 11. Johnston '214 Portrait of John A. McClernand . 215 The Graves of the Illinois Tro.ops 217 Camp Douglas 220 Prison at Camp Chase, Columbus, Ohio 220 Plan of the Siege of Fort Donelson — Map 221 IIalleck's Sword . . . 222 View at Fort Donelson 22S Tail-Piece— Bomb-Shell . . . .229 Initial Letter — Seal of Arkansas . . 230 Bowling Green after the Evacuation . 230 Fort Bruce and its Vicinity . . . 232 Nashville and its Bridges . . 233 Capitol at Nashville . . 234 Island Number Ten . . . . 237 Torpedoes . . .... 237 Infernal Machine 2.37 Pope's ITead-Quaiiters near New Madrid 239 A Cannon Truck . . 240 Thirteen-incii Mortar .... 241 Island No. Ten and its Defenses — Map . 242 155.156.157. 15!. 159.100.101.1C2.103. 104. 105. 160. 107.10S. 169.170.171.172.173. 174.175.176. 177. 178. 179. 180.181.1S2. 1S3.184.1S5. ISO. 187. 1SS. 189.190. 191. 192. 193. 194. 195. 190.197.193. 199.200.201.202.203.204.205. Method of Carrying a Shell Portrait of Sciiuylee Hamilton Constructing the Canal . The Carondelet . .... Sunken Vessels in the Mississippi . Magazine opposite Island Number Ten Ancient Mortar Map of the Operations of Pope and Foote .... ... Confederate Head-Quarters, Island Number Ten . . . . Grand Junction, Mississippi Portrait of Samuel R. Curtis . Portrait of Earl Van Dorn Portrait of Alexander Asbotii Battle-Field of Pea Ridge — Map . Tail-Piece — Unfit foe Duty Initial Letter — Forest Scene Portrait of Charles Ferguson Smith Pittsburg Landing in 1S66. Shiloh Meeting-House . Portrait of James S. Negley . Fort Negley Portrait of Ormsby M. Mitchel Ruins of Shiloh Meeting-House Portrait of Braxton Bragg Portrait of W. J. Hardee Pickets on Duty . Portrait of B. M. Prentiss Portrait of Ulysses S. Grant . A Hand Litter .... Portrait of Stephen A. Hurlbut Position of the National Troops in the Battle of Shiloh — Map . Mules Carrying Wounded Men Burning Horses near Pitt6RUrg Landing Confederate Hospital at Monterey Our Hostess at Shiloh Our Lodging-Place on the Field of Shiloh . .... Effects of a Shot near Shiloh Meeting- House . .... . . Tail-Piece — Broken Arms Initial Letter — Siiatterf.d Trees Beauregard's Head-Quarters at Corinth Cabin of a Hospital Steamer on the Tennessee River ... . . Farmington Meeting-House Corinth after the Evacuation The Siege of Corinth , Halleck's Head-Quarters at Corinth . Portrait of Charles Ellet Ellet's Stern-Wheel Ram .... Entrance to the Cave Cumberland Gap and its Dependencies Tail-Piece— A Cannon in the Mountains Initial Letter — Seal of Georgia . Operations near New Berne — Map Burnside's Head-Quarters at New Berne .... . Colyer's Head-Quarters .... View at the Landing at Moreiiead City Newspaper Boat at Fredericksburg Fort Macon in 1864 Operations m Burnside's Department — Map ... A Blockade-Runner .... Obstructions in the Savannah River cuevaux-de-frise . Portrait of Quincy A. Gilmork Sieqe of Fort Pulaski — Map . page 242 243 244245240 247 247 24 S 249 250251254 258 260261 262 263203 204 205 205 2032C9 270271 272274 275 2702S22832S42S52SS2S62S7 2b72SS2S3 2S9292293294 295297299 302304304 305307 30330931 L 311 313 315316317317313318 illustrations. 15 210. 211.212.213.214.215.216.217.21S219. 220. 221.222.223.224.225.226.227.228.229.230.231.232. 2134.235.236.237.238.239.240.241. 242. 243.244.245.246. 247.24S. 249. 250.251.252.253.254. 255. 256. 257. 25S. 259.200.201.202. 264 265.206.207 20S.269.270.271.272.273. PAGE Breach in Fort Pulaski . . . .819 Fort Clinch 320 Fort Marion 822 Or- PORTRAIT OF EDWIN M. STANTON Fort Massachusetts, on Sim* Island Tail-Piece — Ruins of the Steamer Nash ville . .... Initial Letter— Seal of Louisiana Portrait of David D. Porter . The Louisiana .... Mortar Vessels Disguised Attack on the Forts — Map Portrait of Theodorus Bailey Ram Manassas attacking the Brook lyn Shrapnel Shell The Hartford Portrait of Charles Boggs View of the Quarantine Grounds The Manassas .... Plan of Fort Jackson Portrait of Mansfield Lovell Twiggs's House .... New Orleans and its Vicinity — Map The Levee at New Orleans General Butler's Residence, New leans Portrait of George F. Sheplet Louisiana Native Guard . Tail-Piece — Camp Chest Initial Letter — Seal of Virginia Portrait of Montgomery C Meigs Portrait of George Stoneman . Portrait of Franklin Buchanan Interior of the Monitor's Turret Portrait of John Ericsson Mashed Bolt . ... Battle between the Monitor and eimack, in Hampton Roads Portrait of John L. Worden . Portrait of Frederick W. Lander Portrait of Nathaniel P. Banks Exodus of Slaves .... Portrait of James Shields Mageuder's Head-Quarters at Yorktown McClellan's Head-Quarters Scene at Warwick Court-House Tail-Piece — Gabions . Initial Letter Parish Church in 1S66 Portrait of Edwin V. Sumner . Torpedo Excelsior Brigade Road between Yorktown and liamsbukg Site of the Dam Battle of Williamsburg— Map Vest's H0U6E The Modern "White House" . McClellan's Head-Quarters at Arbor . . . . Wool's Landing-Place at Ocean View Jackson's Note to Ewell . Portrait of Richard S. Ewell . Hand Grenade .... Portrait of A. Elzy Union CnuRcn at Cross Keys . Operations in Upper Virginia — Map Tail-Piece — Punishments in Camp Initial Letter— Guide-Posts An Armored Lookout . Mer- Wil- 324 Cool 381 3.57 307. Fair Site of New Bridge Ellison's Mill .... Portrait of Fitz-John Porter . Portrait of Silas Casey Portrait of Henry M. Naglee . Battle-Field of the Seven Pines Battle of the Seven Pines and Oaks — Map Hooker's Head-Quarters . Hospital at Fair Oaks Portrait of J. E. B. Stuart Portrait of Samuel P. Heintzei.man Mechanicsville Bridge over the Chicka hominy . .... Battle of Mechanicsville — Map Portrait of A. P. Hill Portrait of Daniel Butteefield Battle of Gaines's Farm— Map. Ruins of Gaines's Mills . . . . Portrait of Erasmus D. Keys . View at Savage's Station in 1806 . McClellan's Head-Quarters on Malvern Hills . .... Willis's Church" Position of Troops on Malvern Hills — Map The Galena Battle-Field of Malvern Hills Westover ... .... The Harrison Mansion . Mechanicsville Walnut Grove Church .... Head-Quarters near Cool Arbor . White's Tavern ... . . View from Malvern Hills. Battery and Church Tower on James Island McClellan's Head-Quarters at York- town Initial Letter .... Portrait of Samuel D. Sturgis Portrait of Samuel W. Crawford . Pope's Head-Quarters near Cedar Moun tain . Oatlett's Station Portrait of Wm. B. Franklin . Thoroughfare Gap Portrait of Abner Doubleday. . Portrait of Philip Kearney Monument and Battle-Ground near Groveton ... ... Mrs. Dogan's House at Groveton . Tail- Piece — Congreve Rocket . Initial Letter — Seal of Maryland . Portrait of Barbara Frietciiie Barbara Frietcuie's House Portrait of Alfred Pleasanton Wise's House, South Mountain Battle- Ground Battle-Field of South Mountain . Harper's Ferry — Map McClellan's Head-Quarters Signal Station on Red Hills . Portrait of Joseph K. F. Mansfield Dunker Church View of the Antietam Battle-Ground . Portrait of Winfield S. Hancock . The Burnside Bridge Battle of Antietam — Map Sumner's Head-Quarters .... Farmers' Bank, Fredericksburg rAGE 403 404 ¦jo:; 403 409 410 411413414 410 417 419420 421 423 423 424 425 426 429 429431432433435 435 430 430 487 437438 440 411443447 450 451453 455 450457453453 403 464 400 406409 470 4724754754764774784S0 430 432486 16 ILLUSTRATIONS. 337. 333. 339. 340.341. 342.343. 344 345.34J.347.343349. 353.351.352.353.354.355.356.357.353.309.360.361.362.363.364. 365. 366. 3G7. 3GS.369. 370. 371. 372.373.374, 375.376.377. 37S. 379.3S0.3S1.3S2. 3S7, 3SS. Bridge built by Soldiers over Potomac Run ... The Phillips House on Fire Place of Franklin's Passage of the Rappahannock Scene in Fredericksburg on the Morn ing of TIIi" 12tii . Wall at the Foot of Marye's Heights . Army Signal-Telegraph Portrait of Thomas Francis Meagher . Battle of Fredericksburg — Map Appearance of Army Huts, TAir.-Pirxr. — Virginia Farm-House Initial Lester Portrait of John II. Morgan . Fortifications of the S'late House at Nashville Portrait of E. Kirey Smith Pontoon Bridge at Cincinnati . A Railway Stockade . Fortifications at Mumfordsville Portrait of Lovell II. Rousseau Portrait of Joseph Wheeler . Iuka Springs .... Price's Head-Quarters View of the Iuka Battle-Ground Battle of Iuka — Map Rosecrans's Head-Quarters Our Coachman Graves of the Eleventh Ohio Battery . Portrait of William S. Eosecrans . Fort Eobinett .... Rosecrans's Head-Quarters Bragg's Head-Quarters Operations in Kentucky, Tennessee, and Northern Alabama . Confederate Flag Battle of Corinth — Map Initial Letter — Seal of Mississippi. Baton Rouge . Flles's Cliffs. Portrait of David G. Farragut Fort Butler, Donaldsonville Portrait of James G. Blunt Portrait of Francis J. Herron Monument of Texas Martyrs Bragg's Head-Quarters at Mdrfreesboro1 Bragg's Private Residence at Murfrees boro' ... ... Look-out at Fort Necley . Position on December 31st — Map Monument Erected by Hazen's Brigade Po-ition on Night of December 31st — Map . ... The Nashville Pike Biiidge over Stone's River Position January 2d — Map . Rosecrans's Head-Quarters Initial Letter Fac-Simile of the Draft of the Presi dent's Proclamation of Emancipation . The President's Pen .... 4S7 4SS 300. 391. 480 092. 393. 490 394. 491 305. 492 300. 493 397. 405 398. 400 399 497 400. JOS 401. 493 102. 403. 500 4.14. 501 405. 504 400 503 407. 500 408. 509 511 409. 613 410. 513 411. 514 4.12. 515 413. 510 414. 510 415. 517 410. 51S 417. 519 520 418. 520 410. 420. 521 421. 522 422. 522 423. 524 424. 520 425. 527 426. 527 427. 523 423. 532 429. 534 430. 537 431. 539 432. 540 433. 541 434. 544 435. 540 436. ¦137. 547 43S. 489. 549 440. 550 441. 551 442. 554 443. 501 444. 504 445. Live-Oak Grove, at Smith's Plantation, Port Royal . . . 565 Live Oak at Smith's Plantation . 566 Monument in Church- Yard at Beaufort 566 Portrait of James A. Seddon . 567 Pirate-Ship Sumter . . 56S Portrait of John Newland Maffit. 569 Portrait of Raphael Semmes . . 569 The Confederate jSTaval Commission . 570 The Alai;ama . . . 571 The George Geiswoi.d . . . . 571 Jefferson Davis's Residence . . 572 Slave Lash . . . 573 Look-out . . . 575 Tub Rlack-TTawk , . 576 I'pper Kntrance to Vicksburg . 576 Ancient Mound, Chickasaw Bayou 577 Battle of Chickasaw Bayou — Maps 57S Battle Ground of Chickasaw Bayou . 579 Fort Hindman . 5S1 Tail-Piece — Cavalry Stable in the Field . . . . 5S2 Initial Letter — An Embrasure. 5S3 Peninsula opposite Vicksburg 5S4 View showing the Site of the Canal 5S4 . The Samson . . 5S5 A Bow Gun ... 5S7 The Yazoo Eecion . 5S8 The Indianola . . 5S9 , A Louisiana Swamp . . 596 Raft with Wounded Soldiers on Bayou Teche . . . 597 Landing-Plai e at Port Hudson 59S Portrait of Richard Taylor . 599 Portrait of C C. Augur . . 601 Portrait of Benjamin H. Grierson . 602 Grierson's Raid— Map . . 603 View on Lake Providence . . - 604 BATTLE-GROUND of Jackson . 607 Portrait of John C. Pemberton . , 60S Champion Hills Battle-Ground . . 609 The Passage of the Big Black River . 612 Pemuerton's Head-Quarters in Vicksburg 613 Tail-Piece — Grave on the Battle-Field 614 Initial Letter — An A Tent . . . 615 Military Operations around Vicksburg —Map .... . 615 Grant's Head-Quarters at Vicksburg . 616 Portrait of Frank K. Gardner # , 620 . Caves near Vicksburg. . . G22 Cave-Life in Vicksburg . , 622 Portrait of II. Lieb .... 623 McPherson's Sappers at Fort Hill. 625 Defenses of Vicksburg — Map . . 626 Monument at Vicksburg . . . 627 Operations in Mississippi— Map 629 McPherson's Head-Quarters . , 630 . The Defenses of Port Hudson — Map . 631 Destruction in the Works at Port Hud son .633 . Banks's Head-Quarters, Port Hudson , 637 , The Shirley House 639 THE CIVIL WAR. CHAPTEE I. EFFECT OF THE BATTLE OF BULL'S EUN.-EEOEGANIZATION OF THE ARMY OF ME POTOMAC-CONGRESS, AND THE COUNCIL OF THE OONSPIEATOES.-EAST TENNESSEE. HE Battle of Bull's Run, so disastrous to the National Arms, and yet so little profit able, as a military event, to the Confederates, was in it; immediate effects a profound enigma to the people of the whole country. They could not understand it. The Confederates held the field, yet they did not seek profit from the panic and flight of their opponents, by a pursuit. The Nationals were beaten and dispersed ; yet, after the first paralysis of defeat, they instantly recovered their faith and elasticity. There had been marches, and bivouacs, and skirmishes, and a fierce battle, within the space of a week ; and at the end of twenty-four hours after the close of the conflict, the respective parties in the con test were occupying almost the same geographical position 1 which they did before the stout encounter. The people at home, in both sections, were excited by the wildest tales of overwhelming defeat and disgrace on one side, and the most com plete and advantageous victory on the other. It was said, and believed, that fifteen thousand Confederates had easily and utterly routed and dispersed thirty-five thousand National troops,1 and smitten, beyond hope of recovery, ¦ See JelrVrsim Davis's dispatch to the " Confederate Congress," volume I., page 003. On tho 2Sth of July, Generals Johnston and Beauregard issued a joint address to their soldiers, which was full of exultation. " One week ago," they s.iid, '-aeountless host of men, organized into an army, with all the appointments which modern art and practiced skill could devise, invaded the soil of Virginia. Their people simnded their approach with triumph and displays of anticipated victory. Their generals eamo in almost regal state. Their Ministers, Sena tors, and women carrte to witness the immolation of this army, and the subjugation of our people, and to cele brate them with wild revelry." After speaking of the battles, tho capture of nearly every thing belonging to the National nrmv. " together with thousands of prisoners," they said. '• Thus the Northern hosts were driven by you from Virginia. .... We congratulate you on an event which insures the liberty of our country. Wo congratulate every man of you whose privilege it was to participate in this triumph of courage and truth, to , 18 WASHINGTON AND RICHMOND CONTRASTED. the Army of the Potomac charged with the duty of seizing the Capital of the insurgents, driving them from Virginia, and relieving the City of Washington from all danger of capture. Whilst one section of the Republic was resonant with shouts of exulta tion, the other was silent because of the, inaction of despondency. Whilst the Confederates were elated beyond measure by the seeming evidence given by the battle, of their own superior skill and valor and the cowardice of their opponents, and thousands flocked to the standard of revolt from all parts of the Southern States, the Loyalists were stunned by the great disaster, and the seventy-five thousand three-months men, whose terms of service were about expiring, were, for the moment, made eager to leave the field and retire to their homes. Whilst in Richmond, now become the Capital of the Confederation, the bells were ringing out merry peals of joy, and " the city seemed lifted up, and every one seemed to walk on air," and " the men in place felt "that now they held their offices for life ;'" where Jefferson Davis said to the multitude, when referring to the vanquished Nationals, with bitter scorn, " Never be haughty to the humble;" where all believed that Walker's prediction would that day be fulfilled, and the banner of Rebellion be unfurled from the dome of the Capitol in Washington,5 and that the " tide of war would roll from that day northward into the enemy's country "3 — the fertile fields and rich cities of the Free-labor States — there was terror and anguish, and the most gloomy visions of a ruined Republic at the seat ofthe National Government, and men in place there were not certain of filling their offices for an hour. Whilst the streets of Richmond were populous with prisoners from the vanquished army, and cag.er volunteers pressing on toward the camp of the victors at Manassas, the streets of Washington were crowded with discomfited and disheartened soldiery, without leaders, and without organization — the personification of the crushed hopes of the loyal people. Such was the sad picture of the situation of the Republic and of the relative character of the contending parties, much exaggerated, which was presented to Europe in the month of August." The first account of the battle, the panic that seized some of the National troops, and the confused flight of soldiers and civilians back to Wash ington, was given to the Elder World through the London Times, the assumed and accredited exponent of the political and social opinions of the ruling class in England, by the pen of Dr. Russell,4 who did not see the con flict, and who was one of the most speedy and persevering of the civilians in fight in the battle of Manassas. Tou have created an epoch in the history of liberty, and unborn nations will rise up and call you blessed. Continue this noble devotion, looking always to the protection of a just God, and before time grows much older, we will be hailed as the deliverers of a nation of ten millions of people. Com rades, our brothers who have fallen have earned undying renown, and their blood, shed in our holy cause is a precious and acceptable sacrilice to the Father of truth and right. Their graves are beside the tomb of Wash ington; their spirits have joined his in eternal commune." Jefferson Davis addressed tho people on his arrival at Richmond, on the evening of the 28d, and boldly declared that his troops had captured " everything tbe enemy had in the field," including " provisions enough to feed an army of 50,000 men for twelve months."— Richmond papers, July 24. Davis's exaggeration is made plain by the statement that it would require more than 12,000 wagons to transport that amount of food. • A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at Vie, Confederate States Capital, page 65. * See volumo I., page 889. • A Rebel War Clerk's Diary, page 65. 'A-See note 3, pag-p- J We'll repeat our motto — l Site and be damned? " *£ This motto was on the seal of the Prison Association, which was drawn with a pen. and attached to each certificate of membership. The annexed copy is from » w ,^ a book containing the autographs of a number'of the officers who were captives at lr-S J)Afl/\N BI&^qX that time. Ifcmay here be mentioned that Mr. Huson, who experienced the kind *&t)f lr >^^^ hospitality of Mrs. Van Lew and her family, died while in prison. Mr. Ely was ^»^y ^¦'^i " if afterward exchanged for Charles James Faulkner, who was the resident Minister ^ ^r&Gl ^ of the Republic at the French Court when Buchanan retired from office, and who, " ** on his return to the United States, was arrested and imprisoned under a charge prison association seal. of complicity in the schemes of the conspirators. 3 See chapter xxiv., volume I. * See volume I., page 573. 28 VIGOROUS MEASURES PROPOSED IN" CONGRESS. was believed by many that the seat of Government was at the mercy of its enemies, Congress, on Monday, deliberated as calmly as if assured of perfect safety. Mr. Crittenden's resolution was adopted by a vote of 1 1 7 to 2 ; and two days afterwards," one identical Avith it passed the Senate by ' Jis6i U' a vote almost as decisive.1 It was such a solemn declaration of the Government that the conspirators were speaking falsely when charging that Government with waging war for the subjugation of the Southern States, the emancipation of the slaves, and the confiscation of property, that it was not alloAved to be published within the bounds of the Confederacy. The writer Avas so informed by Southern men of intelligence, and that they never heard of the resolution until the war had ceased ; also that, had its declarations been known, multitudes would have paused in their rebellious career, and the terrible desolation of the South might have been prevented. This was what the conspirators, Avho had resolved on rule or ruin, justly feared. On the same day 6 the House of Representatives, by an almost uy ' unanimous vote, anticipated the Avishes of the loyal people by declaring that " the maintenance of the Constitution, the preservation of the Union, and the enforcement of the laAVS are sacred trusts Avhich must be executed; that no disaster shall discourage us from the most ample per formance of this high duty ; and that Ave pledge to the country and the world the employment of every resource, national and individual, for the sup pression, overthrow, and punishment of Rebels in arms." On the same sad day a bill, reported by the Judiciary Committee on the 20th, providing for the confiscation of property used for insurrec tionary purposes, was considered in the Senate, to which Mr. Trumbull, of Illinois, the chairman of that committee, offered an amendment, pro viding that the master of any slave who should employ him for such pur pose should forfeit all right to his service or labor thereafter. It was adopted by a vote of 33 against 6. "When this bill reached the Lower House, on the 2d of August, it met with strenuous opposition, especially Trumbull's amend ment, from Crittenden and Burnet, of Kentucky, Vallandigham, Pendleton, and Cox, of Ohio, and Diven, of New York, chiefly on the ground that it would confirm the belief of the slaveholders that the Avar Avas Avaged for' the emancipation of their slaves, and, as a consequence, would produce great exasperation, and increase the rigors of Avar without increasing the means for the success of the army., Mr. Crittenden Avas opposed to the passage of any penal laws. " Shall we send forward to the field," he asked, " a whole cata logue of penal laws to fight this battle with ? Arms more impotent Avere never resorted to. They are beneath the dignity of our great cause. They are outside of the policy which ought to. control this Government, and lead us on to success in the Avar we are now fighting. If you hold up before your enemies this cloud of penal laws, they will say, ' War is better than peace : war is comparative repose.' They Avill say Avhen they are subdued, or if they choose noAV to submit, ' What next ? Have we peace, or is this rtfeAv army 1 The negatives were Breckinridge and Powell, of Kentucky; Johnson and Polk, of Missouri ; and Trumbull of Illinoia ' The latter opposed it because of the particular wording of the first clause, and said, " the revolt was occasioned, in my opinion, by people who are not here, nor in this vicinity. It was started in South Carolina. I think the resolution limits it to a class of persons [those 'in arms around the Capital'] who were not tho originators of this Eebellion." CONFISCATION, EMANCIPATION, AND PEACE. 29 of penal laAvs then to come into action ? Are these penal laws to inflict upon us a long agony of prosecution and forfeiture ?' No, gentlemen, it is not by such means that we are to achieAre the great object of establishing our Union and reuniting the country. Sir, these laws will have no efficacy in war. Their only effect Avill be to stimulate your adversaries to still more desperate measures. That Avill be the effect of this army of penal laAvs." Mr. Stevens, of Pennsylvania, strenuously advocated the bill, and espe cially Mr. Trumbull's amendment concerning the freedom of slaves employed for insurrectionary purposes ; and, in reply to the assertions that the insur gents would never submit, that they could not be conquered, that they would " suffer themselves to be slaughtered and their whole country to be laid waste," ho said, " Sir, Avar is a grievous thing at best, and civil Avar more than any other ; but if they hold this language, and the means Avhich they have suggested must be resorted to, if their whole country must be laid Avaste and made a desert in order to saA'e this Union from destruction, so let it be. I would rather, sir, reduce them to a condition Avhere their whole country is to be peopled by a band of freemen than to see them perpetrate the destruction of this people through our agency. .... I warn Southern gentlemen that if this war is to continue, there will be a time Avhen my friend from New York [Mr. DiA'en] ¦will see it declared by this free nation that every bondsman in the South — belonging to a rebel, recollect ; I confine it to them — shall be called upon to aid us in war against their masters, and to restore this Union."1 The bill Avas recommitted to the Committee on the Judiciary, and on the following day" it was reported back with Trumbull's amendment so modified as to include only those slaves "^j 8' whose labor for insurrectionary purposes Avas employed in " any military or naA'al service against the Government and authority of the United States." With tho amendment so modified, the bill was passed by a vote of 60 against 48. When it was returned to the Senate, it Avas concurred in, on motion of Mr. Trumbull, and was passed b by a vote of 24 against 11. The President's signature to it made it law on the us- same day. This Avas the first act of Congress, after the beginning of the Avar, concerning the emancipation of slaves and the confiscation of property. We haA-e already observed the peace propositions of Vallandigham, of Ohio, and Wood, of New York.2 These Avere followed, later in the session, after Clarke, of NeAv Hampshire, had asked and obtained leave of the Senate to offer a joint resolution declaratory of the determination of Congress to main tain the supremacy of the Government and integrity of the Union, by proposi tions for securing peace and reconciliation by friendly measures. One of these, offered in the House of Representatives by S. S. Cox, of Ohio, proposed the appointment of a committee, composed of one member of Congress from each State, who should report to the House, at the next session, such amendments to the National Constitution as should "assuage all grieA'ances and bring about a reconstruction of the national unity;" also the appointment of a committee for the purpose of preparing such adjustment, and a conference 1 Congressional Globe, Aug. 2, 1861 ;¦ History 6f the Anti-slavery Measures of the Thirty-seventh and 'Thirty -eighth Congresses, by Senator Henry Wilson, chapter I. 2 Volume I., page 573. 30 FINANCIAL MEASURES OF THE GOVERNMENT. 0o°°2°°°°°°°or, requisite for that purpose, composed of seven citizens, whom he named,1 who should request the appointment of a similar committee "from the so-called Confederate States," the two commissions to meet at Louisville, Kentucky, on the first Monday in September following. This was followed by a propo sition from W. P. Johnson, of Missouri, to recommend the Governors of the several States to convene the respective legislatures for the purpose of calling an election to select two delegates from each Congressional district, to meet in conA-ention at Louisville on the same day, "to devise measures for the restoration of peace to our country." These, and all other proposi tions of like nature, Congress refused to entertain, for they were satisfied that the conspirators, who had appealed to the arbitrament of the sword, Avould hot listen to the voice of patriotism. The judgment of the majority was in consonance with a resolution Avhich Mr. Diven, of New York, proposed to offer, namely : " That, at a time when an armed rebellion is threatening the integrity of the Union and the overthrow of the Government, any and all resolutions or recommendations designed to make terms. Avith armed rebels are either cowardly or treasonable." They recognized Avar as existing in all its hideousness in the bosom of the nation, and legislated accordingly. Acting upon the recommendation of the Secretary of the Treasury (Mr. Chase), Congress authorized a loan of $250,000,000, for Avhich bonds and Treasury- notes were to be issued. The bonds were to be irredeemable for tAventy years, and to bear interest not exceeding seven per cent, per annum ; Avhile the Treasury notes of fifty dol lars and upAvards were to be payable three years after date, Avith annual interest at the rate of seven and three-tenths per cent, per annum. For greater convenience in the dis bursements of the Government, and the pay ment of revenue, Treasury notes were author ized in denominations not less than five dollars, and to the extent of fifty millions of dollars. The Government Avas allowed to deposit its funds Avith solvent banks, instead of confining these deposits to the National Sub-treasury. This measure, together Avith the issue of the bills receivable for specie, relieved the financial pressure at a time Avhen it threatened serious embarrassments. To provide for the payment of the interest on this debt and to meet other demands, an act2 Avas passed" for the increase of revenues from imports, by which new duties Avere imposed upon foreign articles of luxury and necessity. By a provision of the same act, a direct tax of tAventy millions of dollars was to be laid upon the real estate of the country, in Avhich the amount to be raised in each State was specified not excepting those in which rebellion existed. ProA'ision Avas also made for levying a tax on the excess of all incomes above eight hundred dollars • but fccx? -"Oooooooo00 SEAL OF THE TREASURY DEPARTMENT. •August 5, 1S61. 1 Edward Everett, of Massachusetts ; Franklin Pierce, of New Hampshire; Millard Fillmore, of New York- Keverdy Johnson, of Maryland ; Martin Van Buren, of New York ; Thomas Ewing, of Ohio ; and James Guthrie' of Kentucky. ' See No. 40 of the Acts and resolutions passed during the First Session of the Thirty-seventh Congress. ADJOURNMENT OF CONGRESS.— CONFEDERATE CONGRESS. 31 Mr. Chase's suggestion concerning excise duties, and .other taxes on special articles of personal property, legacies, &c, Avere not adopted at that time. Indeed, this system of taxation Avas not put in operation until after it was modified at the next session of Congress ; for the President, Avho Avas in- A-ested Avith power to appoint officers to carry it out, was not alknved by the act to exercise it until the following February.1 In the month of September, Mr. Chase sent forth a patriotic appeal to the people, in behalf of the subscription to the authorized loan.2 He called for purchasers at par of one hundred and fifty millions of Treasury notes, bearing seven and three-tenths per cent, interest, and met with a cordial response from individuals and banking institutions. The obvious advantages of the loan caused the first and second issues, of fifty millions each, to be generally absorbed for in\'estment; and this mark of confidence in the Government and the financial system of the Secretary filled the hearts of the loyal people with gladness. We shall, as occasion offers, hereafter notice the working of the Treasury Department under the management of Mr. Chase. When Congress had finished the business for which they were called together, they adjourned on the Gth of August, after a session of thirty-three days. They had Avorked earnestly and industriously, and the product of their labors consisted of the passage of sixty-one public and seven private acts, and five joint resolutions. They had made ample provisions for sustaining the contest against the enemies of the Republic; and, on the day before the adjournment, in a joint resolution, they requested the President to " recom mend a day of public humiliaiton, prayer, and fasting, to be observed by the people of the United States Avith religious solemnity, and the offering of 'fer vent supplications to Almighty God for the safety and welfare of these States, his blessings on their arms, and a speedy restoration of peace."3 Whilst the National Congress Avas in session at Washington, and armies were contending along the borders of Bull's Run, the Third Session of the so-called " ProArisional Congress" of the conspirators (Avho, as Ave have seen, had left the Senate-Chamber of the Capitol of Alabama, at Mont gomery," Avherein their Confederacy Avas formed) Avas commenced " ^ ' in the Capitol of Virginia, at Richmond, on the 20th of July.4 There Avas a full attendance. The members assembled at noon, and Avere called to order by HoAvell Cobb, Avhen the ReAr. S. K. Tallmadge, of Georgia, made a prayer. At half-past tAvelve o'clock, Col. Josselyn, the private secre tary of Jefferson DaAas, appeared, and delivered to " Congress " a communi- 1 It was estimated by the Secretary of tho Treasury, that the real and personal values in the United States, at that time, reached the vast aggregate of $16,000,000,000, of which $11,000,000,000 were in the loyal States. It was also estimated that the yearly Burplus earnings of the loyal people amounted to over $400,000,000. 2 " The war," said Mr. Chase, " made necessary by insurrection, and reluctantly accepted by the Govern ment, must be prosecuted with all possible vigor, until the restoration of the'just authority of the Union shall insure permanent peace. The same Providence which conducted our fathers through the difficulties and dangct s which beset the formation of the Union, has graciously strengthened our hands for the work of its preservation. The crops ofthe year are ample. Granaries and barns arc everywhere full. The capitalists of the country come cheerfully forward to sustain the credit of the Government. Already, also, even in advance of this appeal, men of all occupations seek to share the honors and the advantages of the loan. Never, except because of the temporary depression caused by* the rebellion, and the derangement of business occasioned by it, were the people of the United States in abetter condition to sustain ft grea&contest than now." * The President, by proclamation on the 12th of August, appointed the last Thursday in September to be observed as a day of fasting, humiliation, and prayer. * See page 547, volume L 32 JEFFERSON DAVIS'S MESSAGE. THE SENATE-CIIAMBER AT MONTGOMERY.1 cation from that chief leader of the Rebellion. In that "message," Davis congratulated his confederates on the accession of States to their league. He assured them that the National Government had now revealed its inten tions to subjugate them by a Avar "whose folly" Avas "equaled by its Avick- edness," and Avhose " dire calamities avouUI fall with double severity " on the loyal people themselves. He charged the President Avith " a violation of an armistice" concerning Fort Sumter,2 and declared the assertion that the insurgents commenced hostilities, to bo "an unfounded jn-etcnse." He argued that the Confederacy Avas " a great and poAverful nation," because the Goa-- ernment had made such extensive preparations for its OA-erthrow; also that the nationality of the leagued insurgents had been recognized by the Gov ernment, by its establishment of " blockades by sea and land ;" also that the idea that the inhabitants of the " Confederate States " were citizens of the United States was repudiated by the Government, in making war upon them "Avith a savage ferocity unknoAvn to modern civilization." With the same disregard of candor which characterized Beauregard's proclamation at Manassas, in June, and Avith the same OA-ident intention to "fire the Southern heart,"3 Davis said of the Avarfare of the Nationals: " Rapine is the rule ; private residences, in peaceful rural districts are bom barded and burnt," and pains taken to have " a brutal soldiery completely destroy every article of use or ornament in private houses." "Mankind Avill shudder," he continued, "to hear the 'tales of outrages committed on defense less females, by soldiers of the United States noAV invading our homes " Hi. ' This picture is from a sketch made by the author, while on a visit to Monti-ornery, earlv in At -il The mahogany furniture was the same as thnt used by tho conspirators at the formation of their Confed. ' 3 See pages 805 to 309, inclusive, volume I. ' See page 550, volume I c'racJ- BANISHMENT AND CONFISCATION ACTS. 33 charged the Government Avith making "special war" on the South, including the Avomen and the children, "by carefully devised measures to prevent their obtaining medicines necessary for their cure," Avith " cool and deliberate malignity, under pretext of suppressing an insurrection." He spoke of " other savage practices Avhich haA'e been resorted to by the GoA-ernmcnt of the United States," and cited the case of the prisoners taken with the pirate-ship Savannah, already referred to in this Avork.1 After speaking of the annun- .ciation at the seat of Government, that the States were subordinate to the National authority and had no right to secede, and that the President was authorized to suspend the privilege of the Avrit of Habeas Corpus, " Avhen," as the Constitution says, " in cases of rebellion or inA^asion the public safety may require it," he said: "We may well rejoice that Ave have severed all connection with a Government Avhich thus tramples on all the principles of constitutional liberty, and with a people in Avhose presence such avowals could be hazarded." He then spoke of the enthusiasm of the Southern people, their abundant offers of aid to the Confederacy, and the "almost unquestion ing confidence which they display in their government during the impending struggle;" and he concluded his communication by saying: "To speak of subjugating such a people, so united and determined, is to speak in language incomprehensible to them. To resist attacks on their rights or their liberties, is with them an instinct. Whether this Avar shall last one, or three, or fiA*e years, is a problem they leaATe to be solved by the enemy alone ; it will last till the enemy shall have withdrawn from their borders — till their political rights, their altars, and their homes, are freed from invasion. Then, and then only, will they rest from this struggle, to enjoy in peace the blessings which, with the favor of Providence, they have secured by the aid of their own strong hearts and sturdy arms." With a determination such as Davis expressed, the " Congress " made provision for the contest, and for creating that " United South " which had been proclaimed to the world. • For the latter purpose it. passed an act" which authorized the banishment from the limits of the " ^j°" ^ " Confederate States " . of every masculine citizen of the United States (with some exceptions named2) over fourteen years of age, Avho ad hered to his Government and acknoAvledged its authority. The act prescribed as the duty of all courts of justice to cause the arrest of all Union men Avho did not proclaim their allegiance to the conspirators or leave the Confederacy within forty days, and to treat them as " alien enemies." Another act6 authorized the confiscation of every species of ' g' property within the limits of the Confederacy belonging to such " alien ene mies " or absent citizens of the United States, Avith the exceptions mentioned. Various measures were adopted for the increase and efficiency of the army and navy, and for carrying on the immense financial operations of the so- called goA'ernment.3 It Avas officially reported that there were two hundred 1 See page 557, volume I. 2 The citizens of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, the Territories of New Mexico, Arizona, and the Indian Territory south of Kansas, and the District of Columbia, were excepted. 8 Further issues of Treasury notes were authorized, and provision wns made for a war-tax, for the creation of means for their redemption, to the amount of fifty cents upon each one hundred dollars in value of real estate, slaves, merchandise, stocks of corporations, money at interest or invested in various securities, excepting Con- Mcrate bonds, money in hand or in bank, live stock, gold watches, gold and silver plate, pianos, horses, and pleasure carriages. Vol. IL— 3 34 RETALIATION.— ATTITUDE OF THE CONFEDERATES. thousand soldiers in the field ; and Davis was authorized to increase this force by an addition of four hundred thousand volunteers, to serve for not less than tAvelve months or more than three years. He Avas authorized to send ad ditional commissioners to Europe ; and on the last day of the ses- * Aug. si, sjon„ an act wag passed giving him authority to inflict retaliation upon the persons of prisoners of war. This measure had special reference to the captives of the pirate-ship Sa.va.nnah, concerning Avhom, as Ave have observed,1 Davis had already sent a threatening letter to the Presi dent, to Avhich no reply Avas given.2 Under the provisions of that act, Colonel Corcoran and other officers Avere closely confined as hostages, and treated Avorse than the pirates Avere.3 The latter, as Ave have observed, were, for the sake of humanity, treated as prisoners of Avar, and in clue time the hostages Avere exchanged. On the establishment of the so-called government at Richmond, Davis's committee of advisers, whom he dignified with the title of " Cabinet," was reorganized. R. M. T Hunter, of Virginia, had become his " Secretary of State." Judah P. Benjamin, his laAV officer, Avas made "Secretary of War," and was succeeded in his office by ex-Governor Thomas Bragg, of North Carolina. The other members of the " Cabinet " were the same as those first appointed.4 In every phase of its organization, the " new government " was modeled after the rejected one ; and in form, and numbers, and operations, the Confederacy presented to the world the outAvard aspect of a respectable nation. Seals Avere devised for the use of the several " Departments ;" and 011 that made for the "Department of State," AA"hich, more than others, might be seen abroad, Avas the significant legend, in indifferent Latin, Nulla Pateia .AincTiE fidei, meaning, No country, no fatherland, that does not keep faith, >or Avhere faith is covered up — that is to say, We reject the National Govern ment because it is faithless.5 With this feeling they set about the establish- tnen-t of a neAV empire, Avith Avonderful energy, and called forth all of the ^industrial resources of the region under their control, with results the most 1 See page 557, volume I. 2 This letter was taken by Captain Thomas H. Taylor, with a flag of truce, to the head-quarters of General 'McDowell, at Arlington House, when the bearer was conducted to the quarters of General Scott, in Washington City, where the letter was delivered. 3 See note 2, page 557, volume I. The trial of the officers and crew of the Savannah occurred at New York, in October, 1861. It continued seven days, when, the jury disagreeing, the prisoners were remanded to the cus tody "of the marshals. In the mean time, William Smith, another Confederate privateersman, had been tried in Philadelphia, and found guilty of piracy, The penalty for which was death by hanging. Now was afforded an opportunity for the exercise of that system of retaliation which the Confederate "Congress" had authorized. Accordingly, on the 9t.h of November, 1S61, Judah P. Benjamin, the Confederate " Secretary of War," instructed General Winder to select by lot "from among the prisoners of war of the highestrank" one who was to be confined in a cell appropriated to convicted felons, to he a hostage for Captain Smith, of the Savannah, aDd to he executed if he should suffer death. Also to select in tho same way thirteen other prisoners of war, the highest in rank, to be confined in cells used for convicted felons, and to be treated as such so long as the National Government so treated a " like number of prisoners of war captured by them at sea." This order was read by General Winder, in the presence of seventy-five captive officers, in the old Tobacco Warehouse, in Richmond, on the 10th of Novemher. lie had six slips of paper, each containing tho name of one ofthe six colouels ofthe National Army then held as prisoners. These were handed to Colonel W. 11. Lee, of the 20th Massachusetts Kegiment, recently captured at Ball's Bluff, who was directed to place them in a deep tin case provided for the purpose, when Mr. Ely was directed to draw one out, the officer whose name it should bear "to be held as hostago for William Smith, convicted of piracy." The lot fell upon Colonel Corcoran, then a prisoner in Castle Pinckney, in Charleston harbor. Tlie names of the other thirteen hostages were drawn in the same way. They were: Colonels Lee, Wilcox, Cogswell, Wood, and Woodruff; Lieutenant-Colonels Bowman and Neff ; Maiors Potter, Revere, and Vogdes ; and Captains Uockwood, Bowman, and Keffer. — Journal of Alfred Ely Nov 10 1861, pages 210 to 216, inclusive. ' ' ' 4 See page 25S. * See engraving on page 85. CONFEDERATE MANTJFACTUn: r.LOIHENT OF SPIES. astonishing. The blockade becoming more and more stringent every day, they perceived the necessity of relying upon their own ingenuity and indus try for the materials of Avar ; and forges, and foundries, and poAvder manufactories soon appeared in various parts of the Confederacy, while those already estab lished were taxed to their utmost capacity in responding to orders. Of these the great Tredegar Iron Works, at Rich mond (see page 3(3), was the most exten sive of its kind within the limits of the Slave-labor States, and some of the most effectiAe heavy ordnance used by the Confederate Army, and projectiles of various kinds, were made there, directly under the eye ofthe so-called government. The labors of this establishment in the cause of the rebellion made its name and deeds familiar to every American. Jefferson Davis Avas quick to act upon the authority of the decree of the Confederate "Congress" concerning the banishment of Union men. He issued a proclamation on the 14th of August, in accordance Avith the intent of that decree ; and then commenced those terrible persecutions of loyal . inhabitants Avithin the limits of the " Confederate States," under the sanction of law, which made that reign of terror in those regions tenfold more dreadful than before. This, and the Confiscation Act, put the seal of silence upon the lips of nearly all Union men. FeAV could leave, for obstacles Avere cast in their Avay. To remain Avas to acquiesce in the new order of things, or suffer CONFEDERATE "STATE DEPARTMENT" SEAL.1 1 This delineation of the seal is from a pass which the " Secretary of State " of the Confederacy issued in the following form : — " CONFEDERATE STATES OF AMERICA. " To all to whom these presents sliall come. Greeting : " I, the undersigned, Secretary of State of the Confederate States of America, hereby request all whom it may concern, to permit 6afely and freely to pass, A B , a citizen of the Confederate States of America, and in case of need to give him all lawful aid and protection. u Given under my hand and the impression of the seal of the Department of State, at the City of [seal.] Montgomery, May 20, 1S01. "Robert Toombs, Secretary of State." While on a visit to Fort Fisher, North Carolina, in the spring of 1S66, the writer met a resident of Wilming ton and a native of North Carolina, who had been employed in the secret service of the National Government during a portion of the war, with the commission of colonel, and in command of a regiment of S50 spies, who were scattered over the Confederacy. He also entered the service of the Confederacy as a spy, in order that he might work more efficiently for his Government, and was furnished with a pass like the above, on the margin of which, it should have been mentioned, was an exact description of the person to whom it was given. He desired to furnish each of his spies with such a pass. Through some of them in Richmond, he procured a large number of blank passes. These required the impression of the seal of the "State Department." lie went to Richmond, and through spies there, professedly in the service of the Confederates, he was introduced to Judnh P. Benjamin, then "Secretary of Statp," and visited his office daily for about a fortnight, endeavoring to ascer tain where the seal of the "Department" was kept. He was finally successful. One day, when no one was in the office but a boy, he sent him on an errand, and then going boldly to the place where tlie seal was kept. he made an impression of it in wax. He then 6tarted with his own pass to "go into tho Tankee lines." He hastened to Washington, and thence to New York, where ho had a seal cut in steel precisely like the original." With this he stamped the blank passes, which he properly filled up and signed successfully with the forged name of Benjamin. With these he furnished his spies with passes, and they performed essential service by gaining information in the camps and at the Capital, and in communicating with the blockading squadrons. The commander sif this regiment of spies was arrested several times on suspicion, but was never implicated by suffi cient proof. 36 PERSECUTION OF LOYALISTS IN EAST TENNESSEE. intensely. Then, for the same reason that gave truth to the proclamation of the despot— " Order reigns in WarsaAV "—there Avas a "United South" in TIIE TEEDEGAR IROlf WORKS, AT RICHMOND, VIRGINIA.1 favor of the conspirators. Under their subordinate officers, civil and mili tary, almost unbounded license Avas exercised, and no man's life, liberty, and property Avere secure from A'iolence. In districts of the Confederacy, such as East Tennessee, where the blight of slaA^ery Avas but little knoAvn, Avhere a greater portion of the inhabitants Avere loyal to their Government, and where the Confederates held SAvay, the keenest cruelties Avere exercised. Those Avho, in East Tennessee, had voted for the Union at the election of Avhich Governor Harris made fraudulent returns,2 Avere continually persecuted. Good and peaceable citizens were taken, before magistrates Avithout cause, and imprisoned Avithout mercy. They Avere arrested by the authority of processes issued by J. Crozier Ramsey,. the Confederate district attorney, Avho was assisted in the Avork of crushing the Unionists in that region by R. B. Reynolds, a Confederate commissioner, and W. B. Wood, a Methodist clergyman from Alabama, Avho bore the com mission of a Confederate colonel. Under the direction and assistance of these men, loyalists were hunted, arrested, taken to camps and prisons, and insulted and abused by mobs. Confederate cavalry, as avcII as infantry, scoured the • country, offering every indignity to men and Avomen, destroying the crops of the rich and poor alike, turning their horses to feed into fields of growing corn, burning barns and stacks of hay, and plundering tlie people of provisions. The jails Avere soon filled Avith loyalists, and an extensiA-e disarming of the people Avas accomplished. So thoroughly Avere they under the control of the Confederates, that in November" Colonel Wood Avas able to Avrite ¦ to Benjamin, at Richmond, " The rebellion [resistance to Con federate outrages] in East Tennessee has been put down in some of the counties, and Avill be effectually suppressed in less than tAvo Aveeks in all the counties. Their camps in Sevier and Hamilton Counties," he continued " have been broken up, and a large number of them have been made prisoners It is a mere farce to arrest them and turn them 1 This view is from the ruins of the Virginia State Arsenal, The works are on the left bank of the James River, nearly opposite Mayo's Island. 2 See pages 8SS-889, volume I. LOYALISTS HUNTED, IMPRISONED, AND HANGED. 37 over to the courts They really deserve the gallows, and, if consistent with the laws, ought speedily to receive their deserts." With the spirit of this Alabama clergyman, the Loyalists Avere everywhere ill- treated, and no measures seemed to be considered too cruel to be employed in crushing them.1 Among the most prominent of the East Tennessee Loyalists, Avho suffered persecution, Avere AndreAV Johnson and Horace Maynard, members of Con gress, and Rev. W. G. Brownlow, D. D., a Methodist preacher, and editov of the Knoxville Whig? BroAArnloAv's fearless spirit, caustic pen, social position, and public relations through the press and the pulpit, made him intensely hated by the conspirators and their friends, and much feared. They thirsted for his life, and finally the false charge Avas made, that he Avas acces sory to the burning pf several railway-bridges in East Tennessee,3 to eut off communication between that region and Virginia. His life had been daily threatened by Confederate soldiers ; and, at the urgent solicitations of hi.; family, he left his home in the autumn, and Avent into another district of his State. While he Avas absent, several railway-bridges were burned. Brown- low was s accused of being in complicity Avith their destroyers, and Colonel Wood sent out ca\ralry in search of him, Avith instructions, publicly given in the street, at Knoxville, not to take him prisoner, but to shoot him at once.4 BroAvnlow was informed of his peril, and, with other loyal men, he secreted himself in the Smoky Mountains, on the borders of North Carolina, where they Avere fed by Loyalists. It Avas finally resolved by the Confed erates to rid themselves of so dangerous an enemy, by giving Brownlow a pass to go into Kentucky, under a military escort. The " Secretary of War " at Richmond (Benjamin) Avas asked for one. He would not give it himself. He said he greatly preferred seeing' BroAvnloAV " on the other side of the lines, as an avowed enemy ;"5 and instructed General Crittenden, then in command at Knoxville, to give him a pass. General Crittenden sent for Brownlow to come to Knoxville to receive it. He did so, and' was on the point of departure for the Union lines, Avhen he was arrested " for treason, on the authority of a warrant issued by " Commissioner" "De™mb<,r 6> Reynolds, on the affidavit of Attorney Ramsey. He( Atras refused 1 Notwithstanding the Loyalists were disarmed, the hatred and cruel passions of the Secessionists were not appeased. Two Confederate officers had the following advertisement printed in the Memphis Appeal : " Bloodiiounus Wanted. — We, the undersigned, will pay five dollars per pair for fifty pairs of well-l>red hounds, and fifty dollars for one pair of thoroughbred bloodhounds, that will take the track of a man. The pur- pope for which these dogs arc wanted, is to chase the infernal, cowardly Lincoln bushwhackers of East Tennessee ahrl Kentucky (who have taken advantage or the bnsh to kill and cripple many good soldiers) to their haunts and capture them. The said hounds must be delivered at Captain Hammer's livery-stable by the 10th of December next, where a mustering officer will be present to muster and inspect thein. " F. N. McNairy. " H. H. Harris. "Camp Comfort, Campbell Co., Tenn., Nov. 16." 5 See page 38, volume L a So eager were the Confederates to implicate Brownlow in these transactions, that they offered men under sentence of death their lives and liberty, if they would testify to that effect. The latter spurned the bribe, and would not sacrifice truth and honor eveh fur the sake of life. 4 Sketches ofthe Rise, Progress, and Decline of Secession. By W. G. Brownlow. 6 Letter of J. P. Benjamin to Major-General Crittenden, Nov. 20th, 1661. 38 BENJAMIN'S CRUEL ORDER.— MURDERS AT GREENVILLE. the county jail at knoxville.1 » Nov. 20, 1361. a hearing or bail, but was cast into the" county prison at Knoxville, from which appeals to the honor and good faith of Crittenden and his superiors were made in A'ain. There, in a room so croAvded that not all could lie down, and not a chair, bench, stool, table, or other article of furniture, excepting a Avooden bucket and tin cup, Avas to be seen, he and his associates, some of them among the best men in the lafad, were kept a long time, subjected to the vile ribaldry of soldiers and guards, and threats of being hung. Nor Avere these threats idle; for, from time to time, prisoners Avere taken out and hung — men as innocent of crime as infants. These were citizens, charged Avith burning the railway-bridges. The alleged crimes of these men and other Loyalists Avere set forth by Colonel Wood in a letter to Benjamin," in Avhich he declared that the sentiment of the inhabitants in East Tennessee Avas "hostile to the Confederate government," and that the people were slaves to AndreAV Johnson and Horace Maynard. "To release the prisoners," he said, " is ruinous. To convict them before a court is next to an impossibility. The bridge-burners and spies ought to be tried at once." This letter excited the brutal instincts of Benjamin, and he wrote back instantly b from Richmond, saying, " All such as can be identified in having: been eng-asred in bridge-burning-, are to be tried sum- marily by drum-head court-martial, and, if found guilty, executed on the spot by hanging. It would be well to leave their bodies hanging in. the vicinity of the burned bridges.'''' He ordered the seizure of all arms that were " concentrated by these traitors," and said, " In no case is one of the men, knoAvn to have been up in arms against the gOA^ernment, to be released on any pledge or oath of allegiance. The time for such measures is past. They are all to be held as prisoners of Avar, and held in jail to the end ofthe war." Acting upon these suggestions, some of those Avho Avere charged Avith bridge-burning, but not found guilty, Avere hung under circumstances of great cruelty. In compliance with Benjamin's savage instructions, they Avere left hanging in public places, to receive the indignities of a brutal mob. Such Avas the case Avith the bodies of tAvo A'ictims (Hensie and Fry), Avho Avere hanged together upon the limb of an oak tree, near the railway-station at Greenville, Tennessee, by the hands of Colonel Leadbetter, already men tioned.2 He ordered their bodies to hang there four days and nights " and Avhen the trains upon the road passed by, they were detained lonn- enough to allow the passengers to go up and offer insults to the lifeless remains. 1 This picture is from a sketch made "by the anthor in May, 1866, and shows the front of the prison The window that lighted the room on the lower floor, in which Brownlow was confined, is seen on the ri»ht'of the door. In tho upper story are two immense iron cages, into which the worst criminals are put and in theR some of the most obnoxious Loyalists were confined. Out of this loathsome place several were taken to th gallows. 2 See page 1T4, volume I. This man, who was guilty of enormous crimes, it is said, during the war A fled to Upper Canada at its close, died at Clifton, in that province, of apoplexy, on the 25th of September tS6ft BOLDNESS OF BROWNLOW.— WRITS OF GARNISHMENT. 39 This was done, especially by Confederate soldiers on their way to Virginia, in view of many of the loyal inhabitants of Greenville. In the midst of these fiery trials, the intrepid Brownlow remained firm, and exercised the greatest boldness of speech. They dared not hang him without legal conviction, and they well knew that he had done nothing worthy of death. He was not only bold, but defiant. They offered him life and liberty if he would take the bath of allegiance to the Confederacy. He scorned the proposition, saying : " Rather than stultify myself, and disgrace my family by such an oath, I agree to die. I never could sanction this government, and I trust no child of mine will ever do it." Whilst suffering in the Knoxville jail, and almost daily menaced with death, he wrote to Ben jamin a characteristic letter," in which he said, "You are report- ° D°°™ber 16- ed to have said to a gentleman in Richmond, that I am a bad man, and dangerous to the Confederacy, and that you desire me out of it. Just give me my pass ports, and I will do for your Confederacy more than the devil has ever done — I Avill quit the country !" This letter, and a visit from General Crittenden (who felt sensitive on this point), brought one from Benjamin6 to the authorities at Knox ville, indicating his wish that Brownlow should be sent out of the Confederacy, and regretting the circumstances of his arrest and imprison ment ; " only," as he said, because " color is given to the suspicion that he has been entrapped." He was finally released and sent to Nashville (then in possession of National troops) early in March. Dr. BrownloAV was a type of the Loyalists of the mountain regions of that State, who suffered terribly during a great" portion of the war. A minute record of the faithful and fearless patriotism of the people of East Tennessee during the struggle, and the cruel wrongs and sufferings which they endured a greater portion of that time, would make one of the most glorious and yet revolting chapters in the history of the late fierce conflict. Incidents of that patriotism and suffering will be observed, as Ave juroceed in our narrative. Let us return a moment to the consideration of the other measure of the Confederate Congress, designed to force loyal men into a support of the re bellion, namely, the Confiscation Act.2 From the " Department of Justice," at the head of which was Judah P. Benjamin, went out instructions that all TUB GALLOWS TREE.1 A December 22. ' 1-This la from a sketch made by the author, in May, 1866. The tree was a vigorous red oak, standing on a slope overlooking the town, a few rods northeastward of the Greenville Station. Some person commenced cut ting it down a while after the execution, but was restrained by the consideration offered, that it mitrht serve the purpose of a gallows for tho punishment of some of those who were engaged in the murder of the men who were hanged there. Near the root of the gallows limb (from which a rope is seen suspended) we observed a scar made by the passage of a Confederate cannon-ball through the tree. Its place is marked by a black spot, in the picture. 3 See page 545, volume I., and page 33, volume II. 40 PETTIGRU'S DENUNCIATIONS. persons, Americans or Europeans, haA'ing a domicile in the " Confederate States, and carrying on business or traffic within the States at war with the Confederacy," Avere alien enemies ; that the property, of every kind, of these persons should be seized and held, and that the receivers of the same should apply to the clerk of courts for writs of garnishment,1 commanding persons suspected of holding in trust the property of an alien enemy to appear and answer such questions, under oath, touching such custody, as might be pro pounded. The authorized persons making the seizures were furnished with a formula of questions for the garnishees, Avhich implied the establishment of a court of inquisition ofthe most despotic kind. The citizen Avas asked, first, Avhether he held in trust any property belonging to an alien enemy ; secondly, Avhat was the character of such property, and Avhat disposition had been made of any profit, interest, or rent accruing from the use thereof; thirdly, whether the citizen so questioned had, since the 21st day of May, 1861, been indebted to such alien enemy or enemies, and if so to what amount,, and to Avhat extent the debts had been discharged, and also to give the names of the creditors ; fourthly, whether he knew of any property or interest belonging to such alien enemies, and if so to tell where it might be found. The citizen Avas Avarned that it Avas his duty,, according to the law, to answer all of these questions, under penalty of indictment for a high misdemeanor, punishable by heavy fines and imprisonment. Under this searching sequestration act a vast amount of property be longing to owners in the loyal States Avas seized, SAvelling the entire loss to the inhabitants of those States by the repudiation of, or inability to pay, honest debts by the business men of the South, to about three hundred mil lions of dollars. It Avas one of the strong arms of the despotism established by the conspirators, and feAV men had the boldness to oppose its operations. Vet the constitutionality of the act was questioned in the Confederate courts ; and in that of the district of Charleston, over Avhich Judge Magrath2 presided, it Avas opposed in open court by that stanch loyalist J. L. Pettigru, Avho, from the beginning of the rebellion until his death, defied the conspirators and their instruments. He was served Avith a writ of garnishment, and re fused to obey it, telling the court plainly that such proceedings were no better than those Avhich made the •English Star Chamber and the Spanish Inquisition odious to every lover of liberty. " Was there ever a law like this endured, practiced, or heard of?" he asked. " It certainly is not found among the people from whom we de rive the common law. No English monarch or Parliament has ever sanc- JAMES LOUIS I'ETTIGItr. 1 A writ of mation of any kind 2 See page 49, volume I r garnishment in English law is a warning or notice for a person to appear in court, or srive i f cind required. The person named was called a garnishee. THE POWER OF COURAGE AND PRINCIPLE. 41 tioned or undertaken such a thing. It is no more a part of the law of war than it is a part ofthe laAV of peace." The inquisitors quailed in the presence of the honest old patriot, and his example and his words blunted the keen edge of the law.1 Its enforcement gradually declined, and it became almost a dead letter during the later period of the war. At the close of August, Congress and the chief council ofthe conspirators at Richmond had each finished its session, and both parties to the contest were preparing to put forth their utmost strength. Let us leave the con sideration of these preparations, and whilst General McClellan is preparing the grand Army of the Potomac for a campaign, let us return to the observa tion of the performances on the theater of war westward of the Alleghany Mountains. 1 Mr. Pettigru's boldness, and fidelity to principle while the terrible insanity of rebellion afflicted the people of his State, was most remarkable. He never deviated a line, in word or ac't, from the high stand of oppo sition to the madmen, which he had tak'en at the beginning of the raving mania. And the respect which his courage and honesty wrung from those whose course he so pointedly condemned was quite as remarkable. Tho Legislature of South Carolina, during that period of wild tumult, elected him to the most important trust and the largest salary in their gift, namely, to codify the State laws." William J. Grayson, a life-long friend of Pettigru, and who died during the siege of Charleston, at the age of seventy-five years, left, in manuscript, an interesting biographical study of his friend. Concerning Mr. Pettigru's action at the period we are considering, ho wrote : uTo induce the simple people to plunge into the volcanic fires of the revolution f>nd war, they were told that the act of dissolution would produce no opposition of a serious nature ; that not a drop of blood would be spilled; that no man]s flocks, or herds, or negroes, or houses, or lands would be plundered or destroyed ; that unbroken prosperity would follow the Ordinance of Secession ; thai cotton would control all Europe, anil secure open ports and boundless commerce with the whole world for the Southern States. To such views Mr. Petti gru was unalterably opposed. He was convinced that war, anarchy, military despotism would inevitably fol low a dissolution of the Union ; that secession would impart to the abolition party a power over slavery that nothing else could give them — a power to make war on Southern institutions, to proclaim freedom to the negroes, to invoke and, command the sympathy and aid of the whole world in carrying on a crusade on the Southern States.11 » " Mr. Pettigru saw that bankruptcy would follow war; that public fraud would find advocates in Richmond as well as in Washington. He opposed these schemes of disorder which have desolated the South. Their pro jectors professed to protect her from possible evils, and involved her in present and terrible disasters. Tho people were discontented at seeing rats infesting the granaries of Southern industry, and were urged to set fire to the four corners of every Southern barn to get rid of the vermin. They wire alarmed-at attacks on slavery by such men as John Brown and his banditti, and proposed as a remedy to rush into war with the armed hordes ofthe whole world. For a bare future contingency, they proposed to encounter an enormous immediate evil." 42 POSITION OF NATIONAL TROOPS IN MISSOURI. OHAPTEE II. CIVIL AND MILITARY OPERATIONS IN MI8S0UKI. E left General Lyon in possession of Booneville, Mis souri,1 from Avhich he had driven the Confederates under Price and Jackson, on the 18th of "1S61. ' June." These leaders, as Ave have ob served, were satisfied that the northern part of the State was lost to the cause of Secession, for the time, and they endeavored to concentrate their troops Avith Ben McCulloch's more southern men, in the southwestern part of the Commonwealth. We also left Colonel Franz Sigel in the vicinity of Rolla, pushing with eager Missouri loyalists toward the Confederate camps, on the borders of Kansas and Arkansas.2 Colonel Sigel arrived at Springfield on the 23d of June, where he Avas informed that the Confederates, under Governor Jackson, were making their Avay from the Osage River in a southwesterly direction. He pushed on to Sarcoxie, a post-village in Jackson County, where he arrived to- Avard the evening of the 28th, and learned that General Price, with about nine hundred troops, was encamped at Pool's Prairie, a feAV miles north of Neosho, the capital of Newton County, and that other State troops, under Jackson and Rains, were making their way in the same direction. It Avas important to preArent their junction. Sigel resolved to march first on Price, and capture or disperse his force, and then, turning northward, attack the other troops, and so open a communication Avith General Lyon, Avho, he had been informed (but incorrectly), had been fighting Avith the Confed erates on the banks of the Little Osage. Sigel's march from Sarcoxie had just commenced, Avhen a scout brought him Avord that Price had fled from Pool's Prairie to Elk Mills, thirty miles south of Neosho. He at once turned his attention to the troops north of him, Avho he supposed Avere endeavoring to make their way into Arkansas. He sent forward a detachment of tAVO companies, under Captain Grone, with two field-pieces, toward Cedar Creek and Grand Falls, on the Neosho, to occupy a road in this supposed route of the Confederates, and to gain infor mation, while he pushed on with the remainder of liis command to Neosho, receiving greetings of welcome from the inhabitants on the Avay, Avho had been pillaged by the insurgents. Ha had already summoned Colonel Salo mon, with his Missouri battalion, to join him at Neosho, and Avith this addi- 1 See page 542, volume I. 2 See page 643, volume L BATTLE NEAR OARTHAGE. 43 tion to his force, he went forward to meet his foe, leaving a single rifle company, under Captain Conrad, to protect the loyal inhabitants there, with orders to retreat to Sarcoxie if necessary. Sigel encamped close by the south fork of the Spring River, southeast of Carthage, the capital of Jasper County, on the evening of the 4th of July, after a march of tAventy-fiVe miles, where he was informed that Jackson was nine or ten miles distant, in the direction of Lamar, the county seat of Barton County, with four or five thousand men. Sigel's force consisted of about five hundred and fifty men of the Third (his own) Missouri Regiment, and four hundred ofthe Fifth (Salomon's) Regiment, Avith tAvo batteries of artillery, each consisting of four field-pieces — in all about fifteen hundred men. With these troops, and Avith his baggage-train three miles in the rear, he slowly adA-anced to find his foe on the morning of the 5th, his skirmishers driving before them large numbers of mounted riflemen, Avho seemed to be simply gathering information. Six miles northward of Carthage they passed the Dry Fork Creek, and, after a brisk march of three miles farther, they came upon the Confederates, under Governor Jackson, assisted by Brigadier-Generals Rains, Clark, Parsons, and Slack. They had been marching that morning in search of Sigel, and were now drawn up in battle order on the crown of a gentle ascent. Sigel was soon convinced that his foe was vastly his superior, not only in numbers, but in cavalry, but Avas deficient in artillery. They had but a feAV old pieces, Avhich were charged with trace-chains, bits of iron, and other missiles. Sigel therefore determined to make his OAvn cannon play an im portant part, for they were his chief -reliance for success. The battle commenced at a little past ten o'clock by Sigel's field-piece" under Major Bischoff", and, after a desultory contest of over three hours, it wa observed that the Confederate cav alry under Rains were outflanking the Nationals, on the right and left. Sigel's baggage- train at the Dry Fork Creek was in danger, and he fell back to secure it. His antagonist sloAvly folio Aved, but Avas kept at a respectful dis tance by the Na tional cannon, two of Avhich were on each flank, and four in the rear, of the little Union army. The retreat Avas made in perfect order, and was but little interrupted by fighting, excepting at the bluffs at Dry Fork Creek, through which the road passed. There the Confederate cavalry massed on Sigel's front and tried to impede his progress. These were quickly dispersed by his guns, and by a vigorous charge of his infantry. SIGEL 8 FIELD OF OPERATIONS. 44 RETREAT TO SPRINGFIELD.— LYON IN MOTION. Finding the presence of an overAvhelming force (estimated at full five thousand men, including a heavy reserve) too great to be long borne with safety, Sigel continued his orderly retreat . to the heights near Carthage, having been engaged in a running fight nearly all the Avay. The Confede rates still pressed him sorely. He attempted to give his troops rest at the village, but the cavalry of his enemy, crossing Spring River at various points, hung so threateningly on his flank, and so menaced the Springfield road, that he continued his retreat to Sarcoxie Avithout much molestation, the Confeder ates relinquishing the pursuit a feAV miles from Carthage, The Nationals had lost in the battle thirteen killed and thirty-one wounded, all of Avhom Avere borne aAvay by their friends. They also lost nine horses, a battery of four cannon, and one baggage wagon. In the mean time, Captain Con rad and his company of ninety men, who were left in Neosho, had been cap tured by the Confederates.1 The loss of the insurgents, according to their OAvn account, Avas from thirty to forty killed, and from one hundred and twenty-fiveto one hundred and fifty Avounded.2 They also lost forty-five men made prisoners, eighty horses, and a considerable number of shot-guns, with Avhich Jackson's cavalry Avere armed. Being outnumbered by the Confederates, more than three to one, Colonel Sigel did not tarry at Sarcoxie, but continued his retreat by Mount Vernon • Jul 1S61 t0 Springfield, Avhere he was joined by General Lyon on the 13th," Avho took the chief command. It Avas a fortunate movement for Sigel ; for Avithin tAvelve hours after the battle, Jackson Avas re-enforced by Generals Price and Ben McCulloch, Avho came Avith several thousand Mis souri, Arkansas, and Texas troops. General Lyon had left Booneville in pursuit of the fugitive Confederates on the 3d of July, Avith a little army numbering about twenty-seven hundred men, Avith four pieces of artillery and a long baggage-train. The day Avas intensely hot. The commander Avas mounted on an iroivgray horse, accom panied by his body-guard, composed of ten German butchers of St. Louis, Avho Avere noted for their size, strength, and horsemanship, and were all Avell mounted and heavily armed Avith pistols - and sabers. He reached an im portant ferry on the Grand River, a branch of the Osage, in Henry County, on i Jul the 7th'' """here ne was Joined by three thousand troops from ' , Kansas, under Major Sturgis. The Avhole force crossed the river, by means of a single scoav, by ten o'clock on the 8th. In the mean time, two companies of cavalry, Avho crossed on the evening ofthe 7th, had pushed forward to gain the ferry on the Osage, tAventy-tAvo miles ahead. Near that point, in the midst of a dense forest, the main army reached the river in the afternoon of the 9th, Avhen they were stirred by intense excitement, produced by intelligence of Colonel Sigel's fight near Carthage. Lyon Avas noAV eighty miles from Springfield. Satisfied of Sigel's peril, he decided to change his course, and to hasten to the relief of that officer by forced marches. Early on the morning of the 10th, regardless of the in tense heat and lack of sleep, the army moved from the south bank of the 1 Report of Colonel Sigel to Brigadier-General Sweeney, dated Springfield, July lltli, 1861. * Pollard's First Year ofthe War, page 188. It is believed that the entire loss of the Confederates wis at least 300 men. LYON'S MARCH TO SPRINGFIELD.— CONFEDERATE FORCE. 45 Osage, and soon striking a dense forest, sometimes pathless and dark, they were compelled to make their way among steep hills, deep gorges, swiftly running streams, miry morasses, ugly gullies Avashed by the rains, jagged rocks, and fallen timbers. At three o'clock in the afternoon, Avhen the army halted for dinner, they were tAventy-seven miles from their starting-place in the morning. The march Avas resumed at sunset, and Avas continued until three o'clock on -the morning of the 11th, AA'hen the commander ordered a halt. For forty-eight hours, most of the men had not closed their eyes in sleep. Within ten minutes after the order to halt Avas giA'en, nine-tenths of the wearied soldiers Avere slumbering. They did not stop to unroll their blankets, or select a good spot for resting ; but officers and privates dropped upon the ground in deep deep. They had marched OA'er a horrible road, during twenty-four hours, almost fifty miles. Early the»next morning a courier brought intelligence of Sigel's safety in Springfield, and the remain der of the march of thirty miles was made leisurely during the space of the next two days.1 Lyon encamped near Springfield," and then prepared to contend with the oa erwhelming and continually increasing number of his ene mies. Within the period of a few weeks, the Confederates had "^J,18 been driven into the southwestern corner of Missouri, on the bor der of Kansas and Arkansas. Noav they Avere making vigorous preparations to regain the territory they had lost. They had been largely re-enforced, and were especially strong in cavalry. At Cassville, the capital of Barry County, near the Arkansas line, on the great OA'erland mail route, they established a general rendezvous; and there, on the 29th of July, four Southern armies, under the respective commands of Generals Price, McCulloch. Pearce, and McBride, effected a junction. At that time General Lyon, with his little force daily diminishing by the expiration of the terms of enlistment, Avas confined in a defensive attitude to the immediate vicinity of Springfield. He had called repeatedly for re-en forcements, to which no response Avas giA'en. He Avaited for them long, but they did not come. Every day his position had become more perilous, and now the Confederates were Aveaving around him a strong Aveb of real danger ; yet he resolved to hold the position at all hazards.2 At the close of July, Lyon Avas informed that the Confederates Avere marching upon Springfield in two columns (in the aggregate, more than tAventy thousand strong) ; one from Cassville, on the south, and the other from Sarcoxie, on the west, for the purpose of investing the National camp and the town. He determined to go out and meet them ; and, late in the afternoon ofthe 1st of August, his entire army (5,500 foot, 400 horse, and 18 guns), led by himself, moved toAvard CassA'illc, Avith the exception of a small force left behind to guard the city.8 They bivouacked that night on CaA-e * Life of General Nathaniel Lyon. By Ashbel Woodward, M. D. s On the 31st of July, Lyon wrote, saying: '*I fear the enemy may become emboldened by our want of activity. I have constant rumors of a very large force below, and of threats to attack us with overwhelming numbers. I should have a much larger force than I have, and be much better supplied." 3 Lyon's force at this time consisted of five companies of the First and Second Regulars, under Major Sturgls ; five companies of the First Missouri Volunteers, Lieutenant-Colonel Andrews; two companies of the Second Missouri, Major Osterhaus; three companies of the Third Missouri, Colonel Sigel ; Fifth Missouri, Colonel Salo mon; First Iowa, Colonel Bates; First Kansas, Colonel Deitzler; Second Kansa-*, Colonel Mitchell ; two com' 46 THE BATTLE OF DUG SPRINGS. Creek, ten miles south of Springfield, and moved forward at an early hour in the morning, excessively annoyed by heat and dust, and intense thirst,' for most of the Avells and streams were dry. At Dug Springs, nineteen miles southwest of Springfield, they halted. They were- in an oblong valley, five miles in length, and broken by projecting spurs of the hills, Avhich formed Avooded ridges. Soon after halting, they discovered, by clouds of dust at the other extremity of the valley, that a large body of men were there and in motion. These Avere Confederates, under General Rains. A battle-line was formed by the Nationals, and in that order the little army moved forward toAvard the enemy, led by a company of Regular Infantry, under Captain Steele, supported by another of the Fourth Regular Cavalry, under Captain Stanley, which held the advanced position on the left. Owing to the ridges in the valley, the* real force of each party Avas easily concealed from the other, and afforded opportunities for surprises. And so it happened. While the van guard of the Nationals Avas moving cautiously forAvard, followed by the main body, and skirmishers Avere exchanging shots briskly, a large force of Con federates suddenly emerged from the Avoods, to cut off Steele's infantry from Stanley's cavalry. The latter (about a hundred and fifty strong) immediately drew up his men in proper order, and Avhen the foe Avas within the range of their Sharp's carbines, they opened a deadly fire upon them. The latter numbered i nearly five hundred. They returned the fire, and a regular battle seemed about to open, Avhen a subordinate officer in Stanley's command shouted " Charge !" and tAventy-five horsemen dashed in among the Confederate in fantry, hewing them doAvn with their sabers Avith fearful slaughter. Stanley could do nothing better than sustain the irregular order ; but before he 'could' reach the heroic little band Avith re-enforcements, the Confederates had broken and fled in the Avildest confusion. "Are these men or devils — they fight so?" asked some of the Avounded of the vanquished, Avheh the conflict Avas over. When this body of Confederate infantry fled, a large force of their cavalry appeared emerging from the avoocIs. Captain Totten brought tAVO of his guns to bear upon them from a commanding eminence Avith such precision, that his' shells fell among and scattered them in great disorder, for their frightened horses became unmanageable. The whole column ofthe Confederates no w Avith- drew, leaving the Aralley in possession ofthe National troops. Thus ended The Battle of Dug Springs. Lyon's loss Avas eight men killed and thirty Avound ed, and that of the Confederates Avas about forty killed and as many Avounded. The Nationals moved forward the next morning, in search of foes, but were disappointed. They encamped at Curran, in Stone County, twenty-six miles from Springfield, and remained in that vicinity until the next day, Avhen , General Lyon called a council of officers,1 and it Avas determined " AisGiSt *' to retum t0 Springfield. The army moved in that direction on the following morning," and reached Springfield on the 6th.2 panies First Regular Cavalry, CaptaiHS Stanley and Carr; three- companies First Regular Cavalry (recruits). Lieutenant Lathrop; C.iptain Totten's Battery, Regular Artillery, six guns, G and 12-pounders; Lieutenant Du Bois1 Battery, Regular Artillery, four guns, 0 and 12-pounders; Captain SchaefFer's Battery, Missouri Volunteer Artillery, six guns, G and 12-pounders. G'neral Lyon gave the most important secondary commands to Briga dier-General Sweeney, Colonel Sigel, and Major Sturgis. 1 The officers called into tho council were Brigadier-General Sweeney, Colonel Sigel, Majors Schofield, Shepherd, Conant, and Sturgis, and Captains Totten and ScliaefrVr. s Correspondence of the New York World and Herald ; Life of General Lyon, by Dr. Woodward, pages 297 to 801, inclusive. MARCH OF THE CONFEDERATES ON SPRINGFIELD. 47 The events of the past few days had given great encouragement to both officers and men. The affair at Dug Springs impressed General McCulloch (a part of whose column it was that had been so smitten there) Avith the importance of great circumspection, and, after consultation Avith some of his officers, he fell back, and moving AvestAvard, formed a junction with the Aveaker force under Price, then advancing from Sarcoxie. Information reached them at Cane Creek that Lyon's force was immensely superior, and McCulloch counseled a retro grade movement. Price entertained a different opinion, and favored an immediate advance. His officers agreed Avith him, and he asked McCulloch to loan him arms, that his destitute Missouri soldiers, who were Avilling to fight, might be allowed to do so. McCulloch refused. So the matter stood, when, on the same evening," an order was received by McCulloch, from Major-General Polk,1 ordering an advance upon Lyon. He "A^t*' called a council of his officers, exhibited the order to Price, and offered to march immediately on Springfield, upon condition that he should have the chief command of the army. Price, anxious to drive the Nationals out of Missouri, yielded to the Texan, saying he Avas " not fighting for distinction but for the defense of the liberties of his country. He was willing to surrender his command and his life, if necessary, as a sacrifice to the cause."2 On taking chief command, General McCulloch issued an order,6 direct ing all unarmed men to remain in camp, and all others to put their arms in order, provide themselves with fifty rounds of USUB ammunition each, and be in readiness for marching at midnight. He divided the army into three columns ; the first commanded by himself, the second by General Pearce, of Arkansas, and the third by General Price ; and at the appointed hour the Avhole force,, full tAventy thousand strong, in fine spirits, moved toward Springfield, expecting to meet Lyon eight miles dis tant from their camp, Avhere there were strong natural defenses. They . approached the position cautiously, at sunrise, but Avere disappointed. They pushed forward, unmindful of the intense heat, the stifling dust, and the lack of Avater ; and en the night of the 1 Oth the wearied army encamped at Big Spring, a mile and a half from Wilson's Creek, and about ten and a half miles south of Springfield. They Avere in a sad plight. Their baggage-train Avas far behind, and so Avere their beef cattle. The troops had not eaten any thing for twenty-four hours, and for ten days previously they had received only half rations. They satisfied the cravings of hunger by eating green corn on the Avay, but without a particle of salt or a mouthful of meat: They had no blankets, nor tents, nor clothes, excepting what they had on their backs, and four-fifths of them Avere barefooted. " Billy BarloAv's dress at a circus," Avrote one of their number, " Avould be decent in comparison Avith that of almost any one, from the major-general down to the humblest pri vate." On the 9th, the whole Confederate army moved to Wilson's Creek, at a point southwest of Springfield, where that stream flows through a narrow valley, inclosed on each side by gentle sloping hills covered Avith patches of 1 See page 540, volume I. 2 Pollard's First Year ofthe War, page 135. 48 LYON PREPARES FOR BATTLE. low trees and fields of corn and Avheat. They encamped on both sides of the creek, and for nearly two days subsisted wholly upon green corn. Their effective force, according to the best estimates, Avas about fifteen thousand men, of Avhom six thousand were horsemen. The latter were indifferently armed Avith flint-lock muskets, rifles, and shot-guns ; and there Avere many mounted men not armed at all. They had fifteen pieces of artillery.1 Gen eral Price reported the number of Missouri State troops at five thousand two hundred and twenty-one. The entire number of Confederates encamped on Wilson's Creek appears to have been about twenty-three thousand. General Lyon had iioav only a little more than five thousand eft'ectiA-e men, and prudence seemed to dictate a retreat northward rather than risk a battle under such disadvantages. But he knew that a retreat at that time Avould ruin the Union cause in Missouri, and he was willing to risk eArery thing for that cause. He Avas conscious of the extreme peril by which his little army Avas surrounded, but he had reason to hope for success, for he was in command of good officers, and brave and well-armed men. Yet, in a council of war, Avhich he called on the 9th, these officers, Avith great unani mity, favored the evacuation of Springfield, in order to save the troops ; but General T. W. Sweeney vehemently opposed it, and urged making a stand where they were, and Avithdrawing from Springfield only on com- "^isir'9' pulsion.2 On the same clay" each party in the contest prepared to advance upon the other within twenty-four hours. Necessity compelled Lyon to go out and meet his foe, for Springfield, situ ated on an- open plain, could not be made defensible by means at his command.. Every avenue leading from it would soon be closed by the oA^erwhelming numbers of the Confederates, and the loss of his whole command might be the consequence. Every thing now depended upon secrecy and skill of move ment, and he resolved to march out at night, surprise his enemy, and by a bold stroke scatter his forces. TAvice already he had appointed the hour for such a movement to begin, but eacB time prudence compelled him to post pone it. Finally, on Friday, the 9th of August, he prepared to execute his plan that nighl. He divided his little army into two columns, and made dispositions to strike the Confederate Camp at'two points simultaneously.3 At the same time, as Ave have observed, the Confederates were preparing for a similar moArement. They Avere divided into four columns, and ordered to march at nine o'clock on the night of the 9th/ so as to sur round Springfield and attack the National Army at dawn the next morning. On account of a ^atherinsj storm and the intense darkness, McCul- 1 Pollard's First Year of Vie War. page 136. 2 Woodruffs Life of Lyon, page 303. General Sweeney had been in_ Springfield some time, from -which place ho had issued a proclamation, on tho 4th of July, commanding all disloyalists to cease their opposition to tho Government and to take an oath of allegiance. 3 Lyon's column consisted of threo brigades, commanded respectively by Major S. D. Sturgis, Lieutenant- Colonel Andrews, and Colonel Deitzler. Mijor Sturgis's brigade was composed of a battalion of Regular Infantry, under Captain Plummer, Captain Totten's light battery of six pieces, a battalion of Missouri Volunteers, under Major Osterhaus, Captain Wood's company of mounted Kansas Volunteers, and a company of Regular Cavalry under Lieutenant Canfield. Lieutenant-Colonel Andrews's brigade consisted of Captain Steele's battalion of Regulars, Lieutenant Du Bois' light battery of four pieces, and the First Missouri Volunteers. Deitzler's brigade was composed of the First and Second Kansas and First Iowa Volunteers, and two hundred mounted Missouri Home Guards. Sigel's column consisted of the Third and Fifth Missouri Volunteers, one company of cavalrv under Captain Carr, another of dragoons, under Lieutenant Farrand, ofthe First Infantry, and a company of re.' emits, with a light battery of six guns, under Lieutenant Lothrop. OPENING OF THE BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK 49 loch countermanded the order, and his army, wearied Avith Avaitmg and watching, was still in camp on Wilson's Creek on the morning of the 10th.' This was a fortunate circumstance for Lyon. He had moved at the appointed hour ; and as McCulloch, in anticipation of his march upon Springfield, had AvithdraAvn his advanced pickets, and, feeling no apprehensions of an attack by Lyon Avith his small force, had not thrown them out again, the Nationals were afforded an opportunity for a complete surprise of their foe. The two columns of the National Army were led respectively by Lyon and Sigel. The former, Avith Major Sturgis as his second in command, marched from Springfield Avith the main body, at five o'clock in the after noon of the 9th," to fall upon the Confederates in front, leaving Sigel, Avith twelve hundred men and six guns, to gain their rear ie§i. ' by their right. Lyon's force, arrived within sight of the Con federate guard-fires at one o'clock in the morning, Avhere they lay on their arms until daAvn. Sigel in the mean time had left his position a little south of Springfield, and was in the Confederate rear at the appointed time, ready to strike the meditated bloAV. Lyon formed a line of battle at fiATe o'clock,1 and moved 6Autr 10 forward to attack the extreme northern point of the Confederate camp, occupied by General Rains, closely followed by Totten's Battery, which was supported by a strong reserve. The Confederate pickets were driven in by Lyon's skirmishers, and the Nationals were Avithin musket- range of the hostile camp in front of Rains before the latter Avas aware of their approach. Rains immediately communicated the astounding fact to General Price. He told him truly, that the main body of the National Army was close upon him, and he called earnestly for re-enforcements. McCulloch was at Price's quarters Avhen the alarming news arrived, and he hastened at once to his OAvn, to make dispositions for battle. General Lyon pushed on Avith vigor Avhen the Confederate camp pickets were driven in. The mounted Home Guards and Captain Plummer's battal ion were throAvn across Wilson's Creek, near a sharp bend, and moA'ed on a line Avith the advance of the main body, for the purpose of preventing the left flank of the Nationals being turned. Steadily onward the main column marched along a ravine, Avhen, on ascending a ridge, it confronted a large force of Confederate foot-soldiers, composed of the infantry and artillery of Price's command, under Generals W. Y, Slack, J. H. McBride, J. B. Clark, and M. M. Parsons. These were all Missouri State Guards. Dispositions for a contest were at once made by both parties. The battalions of Major Osterhaus, and two companies of the First Missouri Volunteers, under Cap tains Yates and Cavender, of the Nationals, deployed as skirmishers. At the same time the left section of Captain Totten's Battery, under Lieutenant Sokalski, fired upon their foe. A few moments afterward, the remainder of the battery, planted on an eminence more to the right and front, opened with such destructive effect, that the Confederates broke, and Avere driven by Lyon's infantry to the hills overlooking their camp. To seize and occupy the crest of the hills from which the Confederates 1 Report of General Price to Governor Jackson, August 12th, 1S61. Pollard, in his First Year of the War, page 137, says, that after receiving orders to march, on the evening of the 9th, the troops made preparation, and got up a dance before their camp-fires. This dance was kept up until a late hour. Vol. II.— 4, 50 BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. had been driven was most desirable, and for that purpose the First Missouri, First Kansas, and First IoAva, Avith Totten's Battery, pushed forward, Major Osterhaus's battalion being on the extreme right, his own right resting on the side of an abrupt ravine. A line of battle Avas immediately formed on the hill, Avith the Missouri troops in front, the Kansas troops sixty yards to the left, on the opposite side of a ravine, and the Iowa troops still farther to the left. Totten's Battery Avas planted on an eminence, between the Missouri and Kansas troops; and Dubois's Battery, supported by Steele's battalion, Avas placed about eighty yards to the left and rear of it, in a position to play upon a concealed Confederate battery on the crest of a ridge across the creek, Avhich SAvept the position of tho Nationals. In the mean time, Totten attacked a masked battery on the left bank of the creek, Avhose position could only be known by the flash and smoke of its guns. Directly in front, under Totten's guns, lay the camp of General Rains, entirely deserted. The battle noAV became general. A very severe contest Avas raging on the right, Avhere the First Missouri Avas fighting in thick underwood. It Avas a contest inArolving a struggle betAveen superior arms Avell used, and over- Avhelming numbers. As the ranks of the Confederates were penetrated and gaps Avere made, they Avere immediately filled ; and in this terrible conflict the line of the Missourians Avas sadly thinned. Totten Avas ordered up to their support, and his canister-shot made awful lanes through a large body of Confederates, who, by the trick of carrying a Union flag, approached quite near for the purpose of capturing his cannon. The deception Avas dis covered in time to alloAV Totten to punish them severely, and full half aa hour his and Dubois's Battery made a continual roar. In the mean time, Plummer's battalion, in the bend of the stream, was encountering a large body of infantry in a corn-field. The fight there was terrific for a Avhile, Avhen over tAvo thousand Confederates came pouring into the open field from the Avoods like a torrent, threatening to overAvhelm and annihilate the Nationals in an instant. The latter, perceiving their peril, retreated in good order, Avhile shells from Dubois's Battery, throAvn Avith precision, fell among the pursuers Avith such fearful effect, that they turned and fled. The Con federates had been struggling vigorously and bravely to turn the left flank of the Nationals; but iioav, after such fearful loss and demoralization, they abandoned the attempt. Whilst Lyon Avas thus carrying on the battle on the Confederate front, Sigel, Avhose assigned duty Avas to turn their right, by the rear, had opened fire, With his twelve hundred men, and battery of six cannon, he had reached a position within a mile of their camp at daAvn. He had moved with great skill and caution, and his alert little force had cut off several squads of their enemy in such a Avay th'at no intelligence of his approach could reach the Confederate Army. Almost the first intimation given them of his presence Avas the bursting of his shells over their tents near the middle of their encampment, at the moment when the booming of Lyon's heavy guns was heard in another part of the field. The dismayed Confederates, composed of the regiment of Colonel Churchill, Greer's Texan Rangers, and nearly seven hundred mounted Missourians, commanded by Colonel Brown fled, leaving every thing behind them ; when Sigel's men rushed across the creek, traArersed the desolate camp, and formed almost in its center. The BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. 51 MOUNTED HOME GUARD Confederates immediately reappeared in strong force of infantry and cavalry, when Sigel brought his artillery into a commanding position, and with it drove' his foes into the Avoods. Hearing the continued roar of Lyon's heavy guns, Sigel now pressed for ward to attack the Confederate line of battle in the rear. He had passed along the Fayette- ville road, as far as Sharp's farm, Avith about a hundred prisoners, whom he had captured, when the firing at the northAvard almost ceased. Seeing at the same time large numbers of the Confederates moving southward, he belieAted that Lyon had won a victory; and that belief Avas strength ened, when it Avas reported to him that National sol diers were ap proaching his line. Orders were giA-en not to fire in that direction, and flags of friendly greeting Avere AvaA'ed, when suddenly the adArancing troops raised the Confederate banner^ and two batteries, directly in front of Sigel's force, opened a hea\y and destructive fire upon the Nationals. The Confederates, strong in num bers, and dressed like Sigel's men, had so deceived that commander, that they were alloAved to approach within less than musket-shot distance before the trick was disco\'ered. The consternation in his ranks Avas terrible, and every arm seemed paralyzed for a moment. In the sudden confusion the Confed erates rushed forward, killed the artillery horses, and, turning the flanks of the infantry, caused them to fly in the Avildest disorder. They rushed into bushes and by-roads, incessantly attacked by large numbers of Arkansas and Texas cavalry. The entire battery was captured ; and, in the course of a few minutes, of his twelve hundred men, Sigel had only about three hundred left. He saved these and one of his cannon,1 but lost^his regimental flag. Such now composed the entire remnant of Lyon's second column.2 PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF "WILSON S CREEK. 1 Captain Flagg fastened ropes to this gun, and made some of the Confederate prisoners draw it off the field, 2 The composition of Sigel's corps was not well fitted for a trying position. The term of service of the Fifth Missouri had expired, and the engagement to remain eight days longer ended on the day before the battle. 52 BATTLE OF WILSON'S CREEK. There had been a lull in the tempest of Avar, Avhen this successful strata gem of the Confederates Avas performed. Now the storm burst with in creased fury, and the fight Avas terrific all along the line, as we shall observe presently. We left Lyon's column contending with the Confederates in front, Avhen each party in turn had been compelled to give Avay, but, equally brave and determined, had reneAved the contest with vigor. At length, as we have seen, Avhen Sigel Avas pushing along the Fayetteville road, to strike the Con federate rear, the firing had ceased along almost the entire line. The excep. tion Avas on the extreme right of the National forces, where the First Mis souri, assisted by the First Iowa and Kansas regiments, Avere valiantly beating back the foe, in their attempts to turn that flank. They were patiently carrying on an unequal contest Avith a superior force, though decimated, during over four hours' hard fighting. , They Avere almost fainting with weari ness and thirst, after having repeatedly driven back their enemy, Avhen a heavy body of fresh Confederates Avere seen hurryjing forward to giA'e them a crushing bloAV. The quick eye and judgment of General Lyon saAV the peril of his comrades, and he ordered the Second Kansas to their support. He rode forward himself, and perceiving the danger greater than he apprehended, ordered Totten to send aid from his battery for the right of the contending Nationals. Lieutenant Sokalski Avas immediately ordered forward Avith a sec tion, and prompt relief Avas afforded by his skillful use of his guns. A new danger to the Nationals now appeared. Eight hundred Confede rate caAralry had formed a line of battle, unobserved, behind a ridge, and suddenly dashed tOAvard the National rear, Avhere some Kansas troops Avere guarding ambulances for the Avounded. Volleys from infantry did not check their movement ; but Avhen they Avere Avithin tAvo hundred yards of Totten's Battery, that officer suddenly wheeled his guns, turned them upon the horsemen, and opened such a deadly fire that they and their beasts fell in heaps. The effect Avas marvelous. Those mounted men, who had just been prouldy scorning all opposition, and feeling sure of turning the tide of victory in favor of the Confederates Avith very little more fighting, Avere noAV suddenly scattered in confusion. The check immediately became a rout, and every man in the saddle sought the shelter of the Avoods or intervening ridges. Meanwhile the support of Steele's Battery was trans ferred from Dubois's to Totten's. These had just formed in battle line when a~ very heavy body of Confederates came pouring out of the woods on Lyon's front and flank. Instantly the hurricane of Avar Avas again in full career over that hard-fought field. Backward and forAvard the contending lines SAvayed, their fronts often within a feAV yards of each other. Every effective man in Lyon's column Avas now engaged. For an hour the conflict was terrible, and all that time it seemed as if a feather's Aveight would turn the scale in favor of one or the other. Lyon Avas seen continually moving along the lines Avherever the storm raged most furiously, encouraging his men by brave Avords and braver deeds. Very early in this fierce engagement his horse was shot. Then ho received a wound in the leg ; another in the head soon The men serving the cannon were taken from the infantry, and were mostly recruits. Many officers had left and a greater portion ofthe men ofthe Third Regiment were imperfectly drilled, and had never been under firo before. DEATH OF GENERAL LYON. 53 followed, when, partially stunned, he walked a few paces to the rear and said to Major Schofield, despondingly, " I fear the day is lost." — " No, Gene ral, let us try once more," Avas the reply. The commander soon rallied, and,' regardless of the blood still floAving from his wounds, he mounted the horse of one of Major Sturgis's orderlies, and placing himself in front ofthe Second Kansas, who were led by the gallant Colonel Mitchell, he swung his hat ove: his head, and calling loudly for the troops to folloAv, dashed forward Avith a desperate determination to gain the A-ictory. Mitchell fell severely Avounded, and his troops asked, " Who shall lead us ?" — " I Avill lead you," said the chief; " come on, brave men !" In a feAv moments afterward a rifle-ball entered his left side and passed through his body near the heart. He fell in the arm". of his body-servant, Albert Lehman, saying : " Lehman, I am going," and expired a few seconds afterward. It was about nine o'clock in the morning AA'hen General Lyon fell, and the command deA-olved upon Major Sturgis. The Confederates had just been repulsed along, the Avhole line, and for twenty minutes there Avas another lull in the storm. Taking advantage of this respite, Sturgis consulted Avith his officers. The little army Avas dreadfully shattered, and its beloved leader was slain. In its front were at least twenty thousand men, of Avhom tAvo- thirds were effective soldiers. The Nationals had then been Avithout water nearly thirty hours, and a supply could be had only at Springfield, twelve miles distant. Certain defeat seemed to aAvait the little band. The loss of Sigel's column was not then known. His silence Avas ominous. If he had retreated, nothing Avas left for Sturgis to do but to folloAv his example. The great question to be decided Avas, " Is retreat possible ?" It Avas under con sideration when the council was suddenly broken up by the appearance of a heavy body of infantry adA'ancing from the hill on which Sigel's guns had been heard. AboA'e them Avas seen wa\-ing the banner of the Union. Pre parations were made to form a junction with them, and they had approached to a covered position Avithin a short distance of Sturgis's line, Avhen a battery upon a hill in the rear opened a heaA'y fire upon the Nationals, and the approaching troops displayed the Confederate flag. For the third time during the battle the Union soldiers had been deceived by this stratagem. In this case the Confederates came, having an appear ance exactly like Sigel's men, and the battery with Avhich they announced their true character was composed of Sigel's captured guns ! Their A'oicc was the signal for a renewal of the conflict, and they Avere speedily silenced by Dubois, supported by Osterhaus and a remnant of the First Missouri. The battle raged fiercely for a time. Totten's Battery, supported by Iowa and Regular troops, in the center of the National line, was the special object of Attack. The two armies Avere sometimes Avithin a few feet of each other, and faces were scorched by the flash of a foeman's gun. The Union column stood [ike a rock in the midst of turbulent waves, dashing them into foam. Its opponents were A-astly its superior in numbers. At length its line, pressed by an enormous weight, began to bend. At that critical moment Captain Granger dashed forward from the rear with the support of Dubois's Battery, consisting of portions of the First Kansas, First Missouri, and First IoAva Regiments. These poured upon the Confederates aA-olley so destructive that their right wing recoiled, leaAing the earth streAvn Avith their dead and 54 THE NATIONALS WITHDRAWN FROM SPRINGFIELD. wounded. The confusion caused by this disaster spread over the entire Con federate line, and in broken masses they fell back to the shelter of the woods. At the same time, their wagon-train was on fire, its huge columns of black smoke in the distance giving heart to the Nationals by its seeming indications of a design on the part ofthe enemy to fly. But this they did not do: They held the field. Thus ended, at eleven o'clock in the morning," the Battle of " ^llef 10' Wilson's Creek,1 after a struggle of five or six hours, Avhich Avas not surpassed in intensity and prowess, on both sides, during the great Avar that folloAved.2 The National loss Avas between twelve and thirteen hundred, and that of the Confederates Avas, according to the most careful estimate, full three thousand.3 The shattered National troops Avere in no condition to follow up the advantage which they had gained in the closing contest. Their strength and their ammunition were nearly exhausted, and nothing remained for them to do but to fall back to Springfield. The order for that moA^ement was given at the close of the battle, and the little army, joined on the Avay by a portion of the remnant of Sigel's column, reached the old camp, still under the protection of a body of Home Guards, at five o'clock in the afternoon. In the hurry of retreat, the body of General Lyon was left behind, but it Avas subsequently recovered.4 Under the general command of Colonel Sigel, the entire Union force left Sprinarfiel'd the next morning' at three o'clock, and in eood b August 11 order retreated $o Rolla, one hundred and twenty-five miles distant, in the direction of St. Louis, safely conducting a Government train, five miles in length, and valued at one million five hundred thousand dollars. 1 The Confederates called this the Battle of Oak Hill. 2 The example of Lyon in the campaign, which for him ended at Springfield, inspired all of his followers with the most soldierly qualities, and they were eminently displayed afterward. From his little army a large number of commanders emanated, and were conspicuous, especially in the West. Two year,; afterward, a writer in the Detroit Tribune said: "There was present at Wilson's Creek the usual complement of officers for a force of five thousand men. From them have been made six major-generals, and thirteen brigadiers ; colonels, lieutenant-colonels, and majors by the score have sprung from those who were then either line or non-com missioned officers. From one company of the First Iowa Infantry thirty-seven commissioned officers arc now in the service. Similarly, one company of the First Missouri has contributed thirty-two. It is a curious fact, that, of the officers -who survived the battlo of AVilson's Creek, not one has been killed in battle, and only one has died from disease. In every battle for the Union the heroes of this terrible contest are found, and nowhere have they disgraced their old record. 'Is it not worth ten years of life to be able to say, I was in the campaign with Lyon ?' " A poet of tho day, apostrophizing tho Spirit of Lyon as a terror to the conspirators, -wrote : "For wneresoe'er Ihy comrades stand To face the traitors, as of yore, Thy prescient spirit shall command, And lead the charge once more." 8 See reports of Major Sturgis, August 20th, 1S61 ; of Colonel Sigel, August ISth, 1S81, and ofthe subordinate officers of Lyon's army ; also, reports of Generals Price and McCulloch and their subordinate officers. The National loss was reported at 223 killed, 721 wounded, and 292 missing. McCulloch repo-.ted the Confederate loss at 265 killed, SOU wounded, and 31) missing. At the same time, he reported the National loss to be over 2,000. no had previously saiil to a Notional officer, who was with a party at his quarters, under a flag of trace, '-Your loss was very great, bat ours was four times yours." See Report of tlie Committee on. the Conduct of hie War. General Price, in his report ( August 12th, 1SG1), says the loss of his command was nearly 700, or nearly one- Ifth of his entire force. 1 Lyon's body was placed in an ambulanco to be moved from tho field, but in the hurry of departure it was left. From Springfield, a surgeon with attendants was sent back for it, and General Price sent it to the town in Ms own wagon. In the confusion of abandoning Springfield, the next morning, it was again left behind, when after being carefully prepared for burial by two members of ISrigndier-General Clark's staff, it was delivered to the care or Mrs. Phelps (wife of J. S. Phelps, a former member of Congress from Missouri, and a stanch Union man), who caused it to be buried. A few days afterward it was disinterred and sent to St. T.roiis, and from there it was conveyed to its final resting-place in a cb-ircliyar.l at Hist Hartford, in Connecticut. MILITARY AND CIVIL AFFAIRS IN MISSOURI. 55 The Confederates, so greatly superior in numbers, did not follow, thereby acknoAvledging the groundlessness of their claim to a victory, Avhich Avas so exultingly made.1 Indeed, McCulloch, in his first official report, only said of the Nationals, "They have met Avitha signal repulse." It was not even that. The Union forces reached Rolla, a point of railway communication Avith St. Louis, on the 19th of August, where "Camp Good Hope" was established. The southern portion of Missouri Avas noAv left open totthe sway of the Con federates, and they Avere securing important footholds in the vicinity of the Mississippi River. In the mean time, Harris, one of Governor Jackson's brigadiers, had been making a formidable display of power in Northeastern Missouri. He had rallied a considerable force at Paris, and commenced the work of destroying the Hannibal and St. Joseph Railway. He was driven away by loyal forces under Colonel Smith, Avhen he organized guerrilla par ties to harass and plunder the Union people. Finally, with twenty-seven hundred men, he joined General Price before Lexington. Other organized bands of Secessionists had been operating in Northeastern Missouri at the same time, and had compelled the Unionists to organize and arm themselves for defense. The latter, under Colonel Moore, formed a camp at Athens. The Secessionists also organized ; and on the 5th of August, nearly fifteen hundred of them, led by Martin Green, and furnished Avith three pieces of cannon, fell upon Moore's force, of about four hundred in number, in the village of Athens, Avhere the assailants were repulsed and utterly routed. The Unionists now flocked to Moore's victorious standard ; and these being aided by General Popev the Secessionists north of the Mis souri River were soon made to behave very circumspectly. In the mean time, the loyal civil authorities *of Missouri were making efforts to keep the State from the A^ortex of secession. The popular Conven tion, which had taken a stand in favor of the Union, as we have observed,2 reassembled at Jefferson City on the 22d of July, and proceeded to reorganize civil government for the State, which had been broken up by the flight of the Executive and other officers, and the dispersion of the legislators, many of whom Avere in the ranks of the enemies of the Government. The Conven tion declared the offices of Governor, Lieutenant-Governor, and Secretary of State, to be A'acant, by a vote of fifty-six to tAventy-five. They also declared the seats of the members of the General Assembly vacant, by a vote of fifty-two to tAventy-eight." On the following day they pro- " JisgiS°' ceeded to the election of officers for a provisional government,3 and appointed the first Monday in November folloAving as the time for the people 1 McCulloch telegraphed to L. Pope Walker, at Richmond: "We have gained a great victory over the enemy." General Price spoke of it as " a brilliant victory," " achieved upon a hard-fought field," and said the Confederates had "scattered far and wide the well-appointed army which the usurper at Washington " had been for more than six months gathering. The Confederate " Congress," at Richmond, on the 21st of August, in the preamble to a resolution of thanks tendered to McCulloch and his men, declared that it had " pleased Almighty God to vouchsafe to the arms of the Confederate States another glorious and important victory;" while the newspaper press exhibited the greatest jubilation. " The next word will be," shouted the New Orleans Picaywne of the 17th of August, " ' On to St. Louis 1' That taken, the power of Lincolnism is broken in the whole West ; and instead of shouting 'Hoi for Eicbmondl' and 'Ho! for New Orleans I' there will be hurrying to and fro, among the frightened magnates at Washington, and anxious inquiries of what they shall do to save themselves from tbe vengeance to come." 2 See page 462, volume I. 3 Hamilton E. Gamble, Provisional Governor; Willard P. Hall, Lieutenant-Governor; and Mordecai Oliver, Secretary of State. 56 CONTEST BETWEEN LOYALISTS AND SECESSIONISTS. to elect persons to fill the same -offices. After transacting other necessary business, the Convention issued an Address to the people, in which the state of jjublic affairs was clearly set forth, and the dangers to the State, in conse quence of the hostile movements of the Secessionists within its borders, and invaders from Avithout, were as plainly portrayed. The treason of the Gov ernor and his associates Avas exposed, Avhereby the action of the Convention in organizing a provisional government Avas justified. On the 3d of August, the Provisional Governor issued a proclamation to the people, calculated to allay their apprehension concerning one of their special interests. "No countenance," he said, "will be afforded to any scheme, or to any conduct, calculated in any degree to interfere with the institution of slavery existing in the State. To the very utmost extent of executive power that institution will be protected." This assurance was a1 mordant for the loyalty of the Union-loving slaveholders, and the new pro visional government received the confidence and support of the majority of the people. Large numbers of the disaffected inhabitants took an oath of allegiance,1 and the friends of order Avere greatly encouraged. Whilst the loyal State ConA'-ention and the provisional government Avere laboring to bring order out of chaos in Missouri, the leaders in rebellion there Avere making the strongest efforts to secure the absolute control of the Commonwealth. On the clay when the Convention sent forth its address, the disloyal Lieutenant-Governor (Thomas C. Reynolds), then at New Ma drid, on the Mississippi River, issued a proclamation to the people of the State, in Avhich he declared that, acting as Chief Magistrate during the tem porary absence of Governor Jackson, he had returned to proclaim, under the provisions of an act of the disloyal legislature, the absolute severance of Missouri from the Union. " Disregarding forms, and looking to realities," he said, " I view any ordinance for the separation from the North, and union Avith the Confederate States, as a mere outward ceremony to give notice to others of an act already consummated in the hearts of her people," and that, consequently, " no authority of the United States will hereafter be permitted in Missouri." With such views of the political rights of the people, it was natural for him to consign them to the inflictions of a military despotism ; so, in the same proclamation, he announced that, by invitation of Governor Jackson, General Pillow, commander of the Tennessee troops in the Confed erate service, had entered Missouri,2 and. that he was empowered "to make 1 The following is a copy of tho oath which the Confederate leaders had compelled the citizens to take:— " Know all men, that I, , of the County of , State of Missouri, do solemnly swear that I will bear true allegiance to tbe State of Missouri, and support the Constitution of the State, and that I will not give aid, comfort, information, protection, or encouragement to the enemies or opposers of the Missouri State Guard, or of their allies, the Armies of the Confederate States, upon the penalty of death for treason." 2 General Pillow landed with his troops at New Madrid, at near the close of July. His first order issued there was on the 2Sth, prohibiting tho sale of intoxicating liquors to his soldiers. He had suggested this move ment into Missouri at an early period, as one of vast importance in his plans for seizing Bird's Point and Cairo. Whilst engaged in strongly fortifying Memphis, Randolph, and one or two other points on the Tennessee shore of the Mississippi, he earnestly recommended the occupation of New Madrid and Island No. 10 by his troops and the erection of strong fortifications there, for the twofold purpose of making New Madrid his base of opera tions against Bird's Point and Cairo, and of preventing armed vessels descending the river, it being evident early in Juno that preparations were being made for that purpose. At tho middle of June he was ready to move forward, and only awaited a compliance of Governor Harris, with a requisition of Pillow for additional troops from Middle Tennessee. Tho threatening aspect of affairs in loyal East Tennessee at that time so alarmed Harris that he hesitated, and telegraphed to Pillow on tho 22d of June, as follows : " I still approve, but cannot send troops from here until matters in Last Tennessee are settled." Pillow was disappointed and annoyed and PILLOW AND JEFF. THOMPSON. 57 and enforce such civil police regulations as he may deem necessary for the security of his forces, the preservation of order and discipline in his camp, and the protection of the lives and property of the citizens ;" in other words, martial law Avas established within indefinite limits by this aA'OAved usurper of the rights of the people. He clothed M. Jeff Thompson,1 one of Jackson's Missouri brigadiers, with the same poAvcr; and he and PilloAV, and W. J. Hardee (Avho had abandoned his flag, joined the insurgents, and Avas com missioned a brigadier in the Confederate Army), iioav held military posses sion of the southeastern districts of the Commonwealth, and made vigorous preparations to co-operate with Price and his associates in " expelling the enemy from the State." PUIoav assumed the pompous title of '" Liberator of Missouri" and his orders and dispatches Avere commenced, "Head-Quarters Army of Liberation." Governor Jackson, who had been to Richmond to make arrangements for on the following day he wrote to the Governor, saying: "I think it exceedingly unfortunate that yon have suspended the movewentsforward against Bird's Point and Cairo for the relief of Missouri. The main body of the force at these two points has been withdrawn, in consequence of the pressure in the East and the rising up of Missouri, and the work of taking these points would now be of comparatively easy accomplishment If my move ments are to be suspended until East Tennessee ceases fo sulk and becomes loyal, it will defer my action to a period when I cannot assume the offensive slate. In my judgment, two, three, or four regiments is a force sufficient for any probable contingency in view of the position of East Tennessee. Without aid from the forces of Middle Tennessee I have not the means of advancing, nor will I attempt it. In ten days the enemy will, in all proba bility, increase his force at Cairo, and will have his three gunboats, mounting 30 guns, at Cairo, and then it would be madness to attempt a dislodgment." Then, aud for some time afterward, the great want of tho Army of Tennessee was arms. In Jnly, Pillow issued an order directing the gathering up of all tho rittos in private hands in Western Tennessee, for the purpose of having them made of uniform bore and devoted to the public use. In his appeal to tbe people, he said: "Seventy tbousind additional troops must be raised to protect the country. These troops can be armed only by the country rifles being procured, and thus converted. . . These rifles will give you no protection when scattered over the country in your houses. Nothing will save the coun try from being overrun and devastated by a more than savage foe, but arms in the hands of organized and drilled troops." Workshops for the purpose of changing these arms were employed at Memphis, under Captain Hunt. Agents were appointed to collect the rifles, who were authorized to give certificates of purchase, tbe weapons to be afterwards paid for by the Confederate government. — Pillow's MS. Order Book. Among a mass of autograph letters before me is one from General S. R. Anderson to General Pillow, dated May ISth, 1S6I, in which he makes an important disclosure concerning evident preparations for revolt having been made by the authorities of Tennessee, several months before the election of Mr. Lincoln. He says: *'I am using every cffoit to collect together the arms oft/te State issued, to volunteer companies, raised for 'political purposes and otherwise, and now disbanded; and in looking over the bonds given for arms, as found in the Secretary of State's office, I find that on the Uh of July last [1S60], there was issued to W. J. Hendricks. J. E. Crowder, R. E. Moody, and R. Winslow, of Lagrange, West Tenn., the following arms : 64 swords and 128 pistols. These arms are worth looking after, and I would respectfully suggest to you to have them looked after and gathered up, if not in the hands of such men as are going to take the field." 1 Thompson, who became a notorious guerrilla cbirf, like Pillow, seemed fond of issuing proclamations and writing letters, in both of which he indulged much in hyperbole. Many of the latter, written at tlie period we are now considering, are before me. The day after Reynolds issued his proclamation, Thompson sent forth the following manifesto to the people, of Missouri, which is a fair specimen of his style : — " Come, now, strike while the iron is hot ! Our enemies are whipped in Virginia. They have been whipped in Missouri. General Hardee advances in tho center, General Pillow on the right, and General McCulloch on the left, with 20.000 brave Southern hearts, to our aid. So leave your plows in the furrow, and your oxen in the yoke, and rush like a tornado upon our invaders and foes, to sweep them from the face of the earth, or force them from the soil of our State ! Brave sons of the Ninth District, come and join us! We have plenty of ammunition, and the cattle on ten thousand hills are ours. We have forty thousand Belgian muskets coming; but bring your guns and muskets with you, if you have them; if not, come without them. We will strike your foes like a Sonthern thunderbolt, and soon our camp-fires will illuminate the Morrimac and Missouri. Come, turn out. "Jeff. Thompson, Brio. -General Comd'g.'' Many Missourians who had fled from the State, late in May and early in Juno, had entered the Tennessee Army. It was desirable to have these and other exiled citizens of that State organized for homo duty, and Thompson was sent to Memphis for that purpose. There, on the 14th of June, a meeting of Missourians was held, arid in a series of resolutions they asked I'illow for quarters and subsistence, and the release from * ervice in the Tennessee Army, snch Missourians as had been enlisted. The autograph letter to Pillow inclosing these resolutions is before me, and is sign.-d by M. Jeff. Thompson, B. Newton Hart, Thomas P. Hoy, N. J. McArthur, James George, and Lewis H. Keunerly. 58 ADMISSION OF MISSOURI INTO THE CONFEDERACY. military aid, and the annexation of Missouri to the Confederacy, had just returned, and from NeAV Madrid he also issued a proclamation." ' A^S' It Avas in the form of a provisional declaration of the independence of the State, in which he gave reasons which, he said, "justified" a separation from the Union. These " reasons " consisted of the usual misrepre sentations concerning the National Government, in forms already familiar to the reader, and were folloAved by a formal declaration that Missouri Avas " a sove reign, free, and independent republic." On the 20th of the same month, the Confederate "Congress" at Richmond passed an act to " aid the State of Mis souri in repelling invasion by the United States, and to authorize the admission of said State as a member of the Con federate States of America." Jefferson Davis was authorized to " muster into the service of the Confederate States" such Missouri troops as might volunteer to seiwe in the Confederate Army ; the officers to be commissioned by Davis, Avho Avas also empowered to appoint all Missouri was to be admitted into the Confederacy on an equal footing with the other States, when the Constitution of the "Confederate States" should be "adopted and ratified by the properly and legally constituted authorities of said State;" in, other words, when the disloyal fugitive Governor, Jackson, and his friends, and not the people of Missouri, should so adopt and ratify that unholy league. By the same act the government of Missouri, of Avhich Jackson was recog nized as the chief magistrate, Avas declared to be " the legally elected and constituted government of the people and State of Missouri."1 Measures Avere speedily adopted for the consummation of the alliance, and, durino- a greater portion of the Avar, men claiming to represent the peoj)le of Missouri occupied seats in the Confederate " Congress " at Richmond.2 At this critical juncture of public affairs in Missouri, John C. Fremont, who had been brought prominently before the American people in 1856, as M. JEFF. THOMPSON. field officers for the same. 1 See Acts and Resolutions of the Provisional Congress of fie Confederate States, Third Session No. 225. 2 By proclamation, in September, Jackson called a session of the disloyal members of the General Assembly • of Missouri, at Neosho, on the 21st of October. In his message to that body, on tho 2Sth of October, he recom mended, 1st, the passage of an ordinance of secession ; 2d, of an "act of provisional union with the Confederate States;" 3d, the appointment of "three commissioners to the Provisional Congress of the Confederate States-" 4th, tho passige of a law .empowering tho Governor to cause an election to be held for Senators and Representatives to the " Confederate States Congress " as soon as practicable after Missouri should become a member of the lea-mo • and, 6th, the passage of an act empowering the Governor to i,.suo bonds of the- State of Missouri The pliant in' struments of the Governor responded cheerfully to his reconimc ndations. An Ordinance of Secession was passed the same day (October 2Sth, 1861), and an "Act to provide for the defense of tho State of Missouri " was adopted on the 1st of November. It authorized the issue of what wore termed "Defense Bonds," to the amount of $10,000,000, all of which, of the denomination of $5 and upwards, should bear interest at the rate of ten per cent per annum. They were to be issued in denominations not less than $1, and not greater than $500 payable in three, Ave, and seven years. They were made a legal tender for all dues. Such was the currency offered to the people of Missouri as members of Iho Confederacy. See Journals of t'te Senate, Ac, noticed at tho close of noto L, page 404, volume I. FREMONT IN MISSOURI. 59 the candidate of the neAvly formed Republican party for the Presidency of the United States, assumed the command of the Western Department. He Avas in Europe when the war broke out, and on the 14th of May, 1861, ho was commissioned a major-general of Volunteers. On receiving" notice of his appointment, he left his private affairs abroad in the hands of others, and hastened home. He arrived at Boston on the 27th of June," bringing witli him an assortment of arms for his Government, °1S61' and on the 6th of July he Avas appointed to the important command in the West just mentioned.1 He re mained a short time in NeAV York, "where he made arrangements for OA'er tAventy thousand stand of arms, Avith munitions of war, to be sent to his Department. On hearing of the dis aster at Bull's Run, he left for the West, and arrived at St. Louis on the 26th of July, Avhere Colonel Harding, Lyon's Adjutant-General, was in command. Fremont had already issued orders for General John Pope to proceed from Alton, \ in Illinois, Avith troops to suppress the armed Secessionists in Northern Mis souri, who, as we have observed, had commenced the destruction of railways, and depredations upon the Unionist,' Fremont made his head-quarters in St. Louis at the house of the late Colo- ^=_ i'7 - ~1SbtS-^--^-^ nel Brant, an elegant and splendid ;i»fc#s#v^&~ -- mansion, and proceeded at once with great vigor in the performance of his duties. He found disorder everywhere prevailing. The terms of enlistment of the Home Guards, or three-months men, were expiring ; and these, being com posed chiefly of working-men, Avith dependent families, and having been some time without pay, were unwilling to re-enlist — in fact, some yet in the service were in a state of mutiny on that account. Fremont Avas embarrassed. He had very little money at his disposal to meet the just demands of these soldiers ; neither had he arms for neAV recruits, who were now coming . into St. Louis in considerable numbers, and Avere compelled to remain there in idleness for lack of Aveapons, Avhen he was anxious to send them to the aid of Lyon, and to points exposed to cap ture. The guns ordered at Ncav York were detained for the use of the Army of the Potomac. Indeed, the National authorities Avere so absorbed in JOHN C. FREMONT. %Z^ FBEMOKT'S JIEAD-QrARTEKS IN ST.. LOUIS. 1 The Western Department was created on tlie 6th of July, and comprised the St-ite of Illinois, and the States and Territories west of the Mississippi and east of the Kocky Mountains, including New Mexico. Head- quarters at St. Louis. 60 AFFAIRS IN FREMONT'S DEPARTMENT. taking measures for the defense of Washington City, that the care of the Government Avas little felt in the West, for a time. Fremont perceived that he could be useful only by assuming grave responsibilities, and he resolved upon that course, Avith the belief that he would be sustained by his Government. Funds Avere indispensable, and he applied to the National Sub-Treasurer at St. Louis for a supply. That officer had three hundred thousand dollars in his hands, but he refused to let the General have a dime Avithout, an order from the Secretary of the Treasury. So Fremont prepared to seize one hundred thousand dollars of it by military force, when the custodian yielded.1 With these funds he secured the re-en listment of many of the three-months men. With vigor and secrecy, Fremont prepared for offensive and defensive action. He strongly fortified St. Louis against external and internal foes, and prepared to place Cairo in a condition of absolute security ; for upon the holding of these points rested, in a great degree, the salvation ofthe North west from invasion and desolation. He was compelled to choose betAveen securing the sa^ty of these places, or re-enforcing Lyon ; and wisely, it seems, he decided upon the former course. Kentucky, professedly neutral, and AArith doors closed against Union troops from other States, was giving shelter and Avelcome to large bodies of Confederate soldiers in its western districts. Already full 12,000 Confederate troops wore Avithin a circle of fifty miles around Cairo, in Kentucky and Missouri. Pillow, as Ave have seen,2 had in- vaded the latter State at its southeastern extremity Avith a large number of troops, preparatory to an immediate advance upon Bird's Point and Cairo, Avhile Hardee, with a considerable force, Avas pushing into the interior to menace Lyon's flank and rear. At the same time Liutenant-GoAernor Rey nolds, in his proclamation at NeAV Madrid," taking adA-antage of "iS6i.° the joy ofthe secessionists, and the depression ofthe loyalists, on account of the sad news from Virginia, had said, in connection with his announcement of the presence of Pillow Avith Tennessee troops, " The sun Avhich shone in its full midday splendor at Manassas is about to rise in Missouri." Every thing at that moment seemed to justify the predic tion. Lyon, Avith the only considerable National force in the field, Avas sur rounded Avith the greatest peril, as Ave have seen ; every county in the Com monwealth Avas in a state of insurrection, and every post held by the Unionists — even St. Louis itself — Avas menaced Avith real danger. To avert the perils threatening Bird's Point and Cairo, Fremont secretly and quickly prepared an expedition to strengthen the latter post ; for Gen eral Prentiss, its commander, had not more than twelve hundred men in i Fremont laid a brief statement of the condition of affairs in Missouri, and his needs, before tho President, in a letter on the 80th of July. Ho said : " AVe have not an hour for delay. There are three courses open for me. One, (o let the enemy possess himself of some of the strongest points in the State and threaten St. Louis which is insurrectionary; second, to force a loan from recession banks hero; third, to use the inonev belonging to the Government which is in the Treasury here. Of course I will not lose the State, nor permit the enemy a foot of advantage. I have infused energy and activity into tho Department, and there is a thoroughly good spirit in officers and men. This morning I will ordir the Treasurer to deliver the moneyin his possession to General A ndrows, and will send a force to the Treasury to take the money, and will direct sub-payments as the exigency requires." The President made no reply ; and this silence, with a dispatch received four dnys before from a Cabinet minister (Postmaster-General Blair), saying, "Ton will have to do the best you can, and take all needful responsibility to defend and protect the people over whom you are specially set," justified his course, to his judgment. 3 See page 56. THE CONFEDERATES DECEIVED. 61 garrison there at the close of July. Mustering about thirty-eight hundred troops on board of eight steamers,1 at St. Louis, on the night of the 30th of July, he left that city at noon the next day with the entire squadron, and making a most imposing display. Nobody but himself knew the real strength of the expedition, and the most exaggerated rumors concerning it went abroad. The loyal people and the insurgents believed that these ves sels contained at least twelve thousand men. The deception had its desired effect. Cairo was re-enforced without opposition. Other points were strengthened. Pillow, who had advanced some troops, and, with Thompson, was preparing to seize Cape Girardeau, Bird's Point, and Cairo, and overrun Southern Illinois, fell back, and became very discreet in action ; and Hardee, with his independent command, was checked in his movements into the interior of Missouri. Pillow, notwithstanding he had about twenty thousand troops at his com mand, alarmed by rumors of an immense National force on his front, sent a dispatch0 to Hardee, then supposed to be at Greenville, urging the necessity for a junction of their forces, before an attempt a Al^f' 5' might be safely made to march on Commerce and Cape Girar deau. " Having a good deal of work before us," he said, " we should be careful not to so cripple our forces as to be unable to go forward. ... I ought to have your support before engaging the enemy on my front. . . . . Without the co-operation of your force, I doubt if I can reach you at Ironton, except in a very critical condition. We ought to unite at . Benton."2 He informed Hardee that General Thompson, Governor Jackson, and Lieutenant-Governor Reynolds were with him, and that they all re garded the union of the two forces as essential. On the same day General Polk wrote to Pillow, urging him to " put his troops in the trenches," and strongly fortify New Madrid, near which it was proposed to stretch a chain, to obstruct the navigation of the Mississippi.3 Polk was then gathering 1 Empress, War Eagle, Jennie Dean, Warsaw, City of Alton, Louisiana, January, and Graham. Gen eral Fremont and Staff were on the City of Alton. The squadron was in charge of Captain B. Able. a Autograph letter of General Pillow, dated, " Head-quarturs Army of Liberation, August 5th, 1S61." e At that time there were various plans proposed for barricading the Mississippi against the '¦ invaders." The stretching of a chain across was a favorite one, and materials for the purpose were sent up from New Orleans to Memphis. An anonymous writer, whose autograph letter is before me, dated " New Orleans, July 8d, 1S61,11 proposed a plan, by which, ho said, "steamboats of the enemy could be as effec tually prevented from descending the Mississippi, as from steaming across the Alleghany Mountains.11 The letter contained the annexed illustrative diagram. Thomas J. Spear, of New Oilcans, in a letter dated the 31st of July, proposed a species of torpedo for the same pur pose, which might also be of use in battle on land. His accompanying diagram, which is annexed, represents the manner of using the torpedo in the river. It was to be attached to the end of a long rod, projecting, nnder water, from the bow of the ves sel, and fixed by a tube filled with gunpowder. Theso plans were not tried; but other obstructions, in the way nf sunken vessels, c/ievaux de frise of various kinds, and a great variety of torpedoes, were used duripg the war. Spear proposed to place his torpedoes on land, at " shoot ing distance in front of a chosen place of battle, or in roads over which the enemy would travel, a few Inches underground, with wires attached, so as to explode them The plan was to fall back as the enemy approached, and when they wlto above tho torpedoes to explode them. The illustrations of this note may be explained as follows :— Steamboat Obsthuctions. — A A, rafts anchored between the shoru and tho channel." B B, batteries s:*EA.n,s TORPEDO. steamboat obstruc tions. by means of electricity 62 THE CONFEDERATES ALARMED strength at Randolph and Fort Pillow, on the Tennessee side of the Missis sippi. He had prohibited all steamboats from going above New Madrid, had pressed into the service several Cincinnati pilots, and had ordered up two gunboats from New Orleans, to operate between New Madrid and Cairo.1 Fremont returned to St. Louis on the 4th of August, having accomplished the immediate objects of his undertaking. He had spread great alarm among the Confederates immediately confronting him, who w^ere somewhat dis tracted by divided commanders. Polk was chief;2 and from his aAiS6iSt7' neacHuarters at Memphis he ordered" Pillow to evacuate New Madrid, and, with his men and heavy guns, hasten to Randolph and Fort Pillow, on the Tennessee .shore. The ink of that dispatch was scarcely dry, when he countermanded the order, for he had heard glad tidings from McCulloch, in front of Lyon. Again, on the 15th, he was so alarmed by rumors from above, that he again ordered Pillow to abandon New Mad rid, and cross to Tennessee with his troops and armament immediately. The ambitious Pillow, evidently anxious to win renown by seizing Cape Girardeau, and with that . victory to gain possession of Bird's Point and Cairo, was tardy in his obedience, and the result was, that he kept his head quarters at New Madrid until early in September, as we shall hereafter observe.3 on the shore. C, raft with heavy battery in the channel. D, floating boom to allow friendly vessels to pass through. E, steamer descendi ng the river Such rafts were constructed at several places on tbe Mississippi, in the form seen in the annexed engraving, being held by chain?, attached to an chors, passing over them lengthwise. They were inefficient, and were soon abandoned. Spear's Torpedo. — A, bow of tor pedo vessel. B, torpedo. C 0, tube filled with gunpowder, supported-by a strong framework, to which the torpedo raft anciioked in the Mississippi. is attached. D, end of tube to which the match is applied. 1 Autograph letter of Leonidas Polk to Gideon J Pillow, dated at Memphis, August 5th, 1S61. 2 General Polk, as we have observed, was Bishop of the Diocese of Louisiana, of the Protestant Episcopal Church, when the war broke out. A correspondent of the New Orleans Picayune, writing from Richmond on the day of PollO s appointment as major-general in the Confederate service, related the secret history of his lay ing aside the crook ofthe bishop for the sword of tho soldier. He had been urged to take ^he appointment, his military education at the West Point Academy being thought sufficient to promise a successful career in the field. He finally visited Bishop Meade, of Virginia, the senior bishop of tho church in the United States, to consult with him about it. Tho result was in his case, as in that of General Joseph E. Johnston (who also con sulted Bishop Meade as to what was bis duty in a similar emergency); he received the approval of the prelate, and joined the army. It seems that Polk had satisfied himself that he ought to accept the commission, before he visited Bishop Meade ; for the writer says, that when the latter suggested that the Diocesan of Louisi- and was already holding a commission in a very different army, to which ho owed allegiance, the great slave- holding bishop replied : " I know that very well, and I do not intend to resign it On the contrary, 1 shall only prove the more faithful to it by doing all that in me lies to bring this unhallowed and unnatural war to a speedy ;md happy close. We, of the Confederate States, are the last bulwarks' of civil and religious liberty , we fight for our hearthstones and our altars ; above all, wo fi~ht for a race that has been, by Divine Providence, intrusted to our most sacred keeping. When I accept a commission in tho Confederate Army, therefore, 1 not only perform the duties of a good citizen, out contend for the principles wlvich lie at the foundation of our social, political. and- religious polity.'1'' 3 Pillow had always been restive under the restraints imposed by the transfer of tho Tennessee Army to the service of the Confederate authorities, and he never obeyed the commands of General Polk with alacritv. Thompson was under the command of Governor Jackson ; and Hardee, who was at Greenville, some distance in the interior of Missouri, early in August was operating with independence, in a measure, of both Pillow und Polk. Pillow and Thompson had set their hearts on the seizure of Cape Girardeau and Bird's Puint, whilst Hardee was aiming at a similar result in a different way. Polk, at Memphis, alarmed by rumor of an immense arma- THE SECESSIONISTS IN MISSOURI 63 News ofthe Battle of Wilson's Creek,1 and the death of Lyon, reached Fremont on the 13th of August. The secessionists in 'St. Louis were made jubilant and bold by it. This disposition was promptly met by the Com mander-in-Chief. ^ Martial law was declared,0 and General Mc- Kinstry was appointed Provost-Marshal. Some of the most °A?f6Tt14, active secessionists were arrested, and the publication of news papers charged with disloyalty was suspended.2 So tight was held the curb of restraint in the city that an outbreak was prevented. More free to act in the rural districts, the armed secessionists began again to distress the loyal people. In bands they moved over the country, plundering and destroying. Almost daily, collisions between them and the Home Guards occurred. One of the most severe of these conflicts took place at Charleston, west, of Bird's Point, on the 19th,4 when three hundred Illinois Volunteers, under Colonel Dougherty, put twelve hundred Confederates to ugus flight. Two days afterward, a battery planted by Thompson, at Commerce, was captured by National troops sent out from Cape Girardeau ; and every where the loyalists were successful in this sort of warfare. But the condition of public affairs in Missouri was becoming daily more alarming. *The provi sional government was almost powerless, and Governor Gamble, by a mis taken policy, seriously injured the public service at that critical time by refusing to commission military officers appointed by Fremont. The Presi dent commissioned them himself, and the work of organizing a force for the ment about to descend the Mississippi and attack that place, was anxious to strengthen it and the supporting posts above it on the Tennessee shore, and hence his order for Pillowc to evacuate New Mad rid and hasten with his troups and heavy guns to Randolph and Fort Pillow. Pillow demurred, c August 7, and charged Polk, by implication, with keeping back re-enforcements, and thwarting his well-laid. 1561. plans for the liberation of Missouri. Polk retorted, and intimated that Pillow a neglecting to forti "y New Madrid, as he had been ordered to do, before the Nationals were ready for an offensive movement, was a blunder that now made the evacuation of that post a necessity. In his dispatch revoking the order for the evacuation of New Madrid, Polk directed Pillow to break up his base there, send his heavy cannon to llan- doiphjmd Fort Pillow, and, marching by the way of Pleasanton,join his forces with those of Hardee at Greenville. This was also distasteful to the Tennessee commander. He reported that he had tried the path and had been compelled to fall back to New Madrid on account of unsafe bridges ; also, that he intended to move on Cape Girardeau by the river road. Polk, was annoyed, and wrote him a long letter on the 16th of August, in its tone deprecatory of Tillow's course; whilst the restless Thompson, who was now with Hardee, and now with Pillow, was eagerly urging a forward movement " I would like very much," he wrote on the 16th of Augnst, "to have your permission to advance, as I am sure that I can take Cape Girardeau without firing a gun, by marching these moonlight nights and taking them by surprise. Every one gives me the credit of at least 7,000 men, and I have them frightened nearly to death.1' The following day he wrote to Pillow, saying, u If you wish a legal excuse for advancing, withdraw your control over me for a few liours, and then come to my rescue. We must not lose the moon; the weather may change, and the swamps become impassable." Hardee, on the contrary, who desired, as a preliminary movement against Cape Girardeau, to seize the pott at Ironton, the then terminus of the railway running southward from St. Louis, did not seem disposed to aid Pillow in his designs; whilst Polk, accord in 7 to a letter from Lewis G. De Eussey, his aid-de-camp, dated at Fort Pillow on the 17th of August, was anxious for Pillow and Hardee to join their forces at Benton, and march npon St Louis. In this andecided state, tho question concerning offensive movements in Missouri remained until the close of August, when the National f. trees at Ironton, the Cape, and Bird's Point, had been so increased, that any forward movement of the Confederates would have been extremely perilous " We can take the Cape, but what would we do with it?" Pillow a^ked significantly on the 29th- Hardee, an old and experienced officer, had positively refused to go forward, and Pillow and Polk would not risk such a movement without his concurrence. The conduct of the ambitions Pillow in this connnection became so insubordinate, that General Polk submitted a statement of it to the" War Department," at Richmond, on the 20th of August. " Considering ¦ you have usurped an authority not properly your own," wrote De Eussey, in behalf of Polk, "by which you have thwarted and embarrassed his arrangements and operations for the general defense, he feels it hi.s duty to submit to the War Department the position you have thought proper to assume." Events during the few suc ceeding days changed all plans. — Autograph Letters of Polk, Bardee, Pillow, Thompson, and others, from the close of July to-the close of Ansrnst, 1861. 1 The Confederates, as we have oWserved. call it the Battle of Oak TXill, 2 Morning Jlerald, Evening Missourian, and War Bulletin. 64 FREMONT'S STARTLING PROCLAMATION. purpose of sweeping the insurgents out of the State, and clearing the banks of the Mississippi of all blockading obstructions to free .navigation from St. Louis to New Orleans, went steadily on. Satisfied that nothing but martial law and the most stringent measures toward the secessionists would secure peace and quiet to Missouri, and safety to the cause, Fremont took the administration of public affairs there into his own hands, and on the 31st of August he issued a proclamation, in which he declared that martial law was thereby established throughout Missouri, and that the lines of the Army of Occupation in that State extended, for the present, from Leavenworth, in Kansas, by way of the posts of Jefferson City, Rolla, and Ironton, to Cape Girardeau on the Mississippi Eiver. He declared that all persons within those lines taken with arms in their hands should be tried by court-martial, and, if found guilty, should be shot ;' that the property, real and personal, of 'all persons in Missouri, who should be proven to have taken an active part with the enemies of the Government, in the field, should be confiscated to the public use, and their slaves, if they had any, should be thereafter free men; and that all persons engaged in the destruction of bridges, railway tracks, and telegraphs, should suffer the extreme penalty of the law. All persons who, by speech or correspondence, should be found guilty of giving aid to the insurgents in any way, were warned of ill consequences to themselves ; and all who had been seduced •from their allegiance to the National Government were required to return to their homes forthwith. The declared object of the proclamation was to place in the hands of the military authorities the power to give instantane ous effect to existing laws, while ordinary civil authority would not be sus pended, where the law should be administered in the usual manner.2 General Fremont acted promptly in accordance with his proclamation, and the greatest consternation began to prevail among the insurgents of Missouri, when his hand was stayed. He was most bitterly assailed by the enemies of the Administration, especially because of that portion of his pro clamation which related to emancipation and confiscation. In the border Slave-labor States there arose a storm of indignation which alarmed the Government ; and the President, anxious to placate the rebellious spirit in those States, requested Fremont to modify his proclamation concerning the confiscation of property and the liberation of the slaves, so as to strictly conform to an act of Congress passed on the 6th of Au gust.3 Fremont declined to do so, and asked the President to openly direct him to make that modification, for his judgment and self-respect would not , 1 M. Jeff. Thompson, already mentioned, and who became, the terror of all law-abiding citizens in Missouri, issued a proclamation on the 2u of September, declaring that he was intrusted !-»y Acting Governor Reynolds not only with tlie commission of brigadier-general, but also witli "certain police powers," and said: "I do most solemnly promiso that, for every member of the Missouri Srtatc Guard or soldier of our allies, the armies of the Confederate States, who shall be put to death in pursuance of tho said order of General Fremont, I will' hang, draic, and quarter a minion of said Abraham Lincoln." 2 Fremont specified, as reasons for his assuming the administrative powers of the State, tho fact that "its disorganized condition, the helplessness of the civil authority, the total insecurity of life, and the devastation of property by bands of murderers and marauders," who infested nearly every county in the State, and availed themselves of the public misfortunes and the vicinity of a hostile force, to gratify private and neighborhood vengeance, and who found an enemy wherever they found plunder, demanded the severest measures to suppress these disorders, to maintain tho public peace, and " to give security and protection to the persons and property of loyal citizens." a See page 29. THE GOVERNMENT AND SLAVERY. 65 allow him to do it himself.1 The President accordingly issued an order to that effect," and a most powerful Avar measure, which was adopted by the Government less than a year later, and which now prom- ° 8 jg^11, ised, as such, the most efficient aid to the National cause, was made almost inoperative. Only those slaves who were actually employed in the military service of the Confederates were to be declared free by the President's order. So cautiously did the Government move at this time, in the matter of slaves, that special orders were issued to commanders in other Departments on the subject, all having a tendency to calm the apprehensions that a general emancipation ofthe bondsmen was contemplated.2 1 " If I were to retract of my own accord," said Fremont, " it would imply that I myself thought it wrong, and that I acted without the reflection which the gravity of the point demanded. But I did not. I acted with full deliberation, and with, the certain conviction that it was a measure right and necessary ; and I think so still.'" 2 Tbe conservative attitude of the Government in relation to slavery, at that time, however expedient it may have been as a soothing policy toward the border Slave^labor States, was a disappointment to its friends abroad, who well understood the object of the conspirators to be the formation of a gn>at empire whose political and industrial system should be founded on human slavery. In Western Europe, the long controversy on that sub ject in our National Legislature had been watched with great interest; and the more enlightened obttervers, when the war broke out, believed and hoped that the prediction of a distinguished member of Congress (Jo6hua E. Giddings), made in that body in 1S4S, when members from Slave-labor States insolently threatened to dis solve the Union if their wishes were not gratified, would bo fulfilled. He said that when that contest should come, " the Iwera of our race will then stand forth and exert the legitimate powers of this Government for free dom. We shall then have constitutional power to act for the good Qf our country and to do justice to tho slave. We will .then 6trike off the shackles from his limbs. The Government will then have power to act between slavery and ftvedom, and it can then make peace by giving liberty to its slaves/1 — See Giddings's Bistor^j of tha Rebellion, page 481. They were disappointed when, in Mr. Seward's carefully written dispatch to Minister Dayton, on the 22d 01 April, 1S61, they were assured that the majority of the people of the Eepublic were willing to let the system of slavery alone, and that whatever might be the result of the war then kindling, it would receive no damage. " The condition of slavery in the several States,'1 he said, " will remain just the 6ame, whether it succeed or fail. There is not even a pretext for the complaint that the disaffected States are to be conquered by the United States if the revolution fail; for the rights of the States, and the condition of every human being in them, will remain sub ject to exactly the same laws and forms of administration, whether the revolution shall succeed or whether it shall fail. In the one case the States would be federally connected with the new confederacy ; in the other, they would, as no«-, be members of the United States ; but their constitutions and laws, customs, habits, and insti tutions, in either ca^e will remain the same. It is hardly necessary to add to this incontestable statement the further fact that the new President, as well as the citizens through whose suffrages he bus come into the admin istration, has always repudiated all designs, whatever and wherever imputed to him and them, of disturbing the system of slavery as it is existing under the Constitution and the laws." The prediction of Mr. Giddings was fulfilled, while those of his friend and co-worker in the anti-slavery movement, contained in his official assurances, were not: They only served to inflict moral injury upon the cause of the Government, and discourage the friends of humanity ; and such also was the effect ofthe conserva tive action of the Government on the subject of slavery during the earlier period of the war. It was not until the President issued his Emancipation Proclamation, sixteen months later, that the warmest sympathies ofthe lovers of liberty aiid the rights of man, in the Old World, were manifested for the cause of the Government. Vol. It— 5 66 MOVEMENTS OF INSURGENTS IN MISSOURI. CHAPTEK III MILITARY OPERATIONS 1ST MISSOURI AND KENTUCKY. ONTRARY to general expectation, the Confederates did not pursue the shattered little army that was led by Sigel, from Springfield to Rolla.1 McCulloch contented himself with issuing a proclamation to the "Ami% PeoPle of Missouri," telling them that he had come, on the invitation of their Governor, "to assist in driving the National forces out of the State, and in restoring to the people their just rights." He assured them that he had driven the enemy from among them, and that the Union troops were then in full flight, after defeat. He called upon the people to act promptly in co-operation with him, saying, "Missouri must be allowed to choose her own destiny — no oaths binding your consciences." This was all that the Texan did in the way of " driving the enemy out of the State," after the battle of Wilson's Creek. His assumptions and deportment were offensive to Price and his soldiers. Alienation ensued, and McCulloch rsoon abandoned the fortunes of the Missouri leader for the moment, and, with his army, left the State. Price now called upon the secessionists to fill his shattered ranks. They responded with alacrity, and at the middle of August he moved northward toward the Missouri River, in the direction of Lexington, in a curve that bent far toward the eastern frontier of Kansas, from which Unionists were .advancing under General James H. Lane. With these he had some skirmish ing on the 7th of September, at Drywood Creek, about fifteen miles east of the border. He drove them across the line, and pursued them to Fort Scott, 'which he found abandoned. Leaving a small force there, he resumed his Jg , march, and reached Warrensburg, in Johnson County, on the 11th. b In the mean time, he had issued a proclamation to the "s' " ' inhabitants of Missouri," dated at Jefferson City, the capital ofthe State, in which he spoke of a great victory at Wilson's Creek, and gave the peaceable citizens assurance of full protection in person and property. Lexington,2 a town on the southern bank of the Missouri River, three hundred miles, by its course, above St. Louis, and occupying an important frontier position, was now brought into great prominence as the theatre of a desperate struggle. It commanded the approach to Fort Leavenworth by water; and when Fremont was apprised of Price's northward movement, and the increasing boldness of the secessionists in thai region, he sent a 1 See page 54. -2 Capital of Lajhyette County, Missouri, and then containing about five thousand inhabitants. NATIONAL TROOPS AT LEXINGTON. 67 small force to Lexington to take charge of the money in the bank there, and to protect the loyal inhabitants. This little force was increased from time to time, until early in September, when Price was approaching Warrensburg, the number of Union troops at Lexington was nearly twenty-eight hundred ' commanded by Colonel James A. Mulligan, ofthe "Irish Brigade" of Chicago, Illinois. Mulligan, with his men, reached Lexington on the Oth of Septem ber, after a march of nine days from Jefferson City, and, being the senior officer, he assumed the chief command. Peabody's regiment had come in, on the following day, in full retreat from Warrensburg, having been driven away by the approach ofthe overwhelming forces of Price.2 Satisfied that Price would speedily attack the post, Colonel Mulligan took position on Masonic Hill, northeastward of the city, which comprised about fifteen acres, and on which was a substantial brick building erected for a college. He proceeded at once to cast up strong intrenchments on the eminence, in compass sufficient to accommodate within their area ten thousand men. His first line of works was in front of the college building. Outside of his embankments was a broad ditch, and beyond this were skillfully arranged pits, into which assailants, foot or horse, might fall. The ground was also mined outside of the fortifications, with a good supply of gunpowder and suitable trains. But the troops, unfortunately, had only about forty rounds of ammunition each, and six small brass cannon and two howitzers. The latter were useless, because there were no shells. Hourly expecting re-enforcements, Mulligan resolved to defy his enemy with the means at hand. On the morning ofthe 1 1 th of September, after a violent storm that had raged for several hours, Price moved from Warrensburg toward Lexington, and that rflght encamped two or three miles from the city, There he rest- v ed until dawn," " e^61 ' when he drove in the National pickets, and opened a cannonade, with the batteries of Bled soe and Parsons, upon Mulligan's intrenched camp from four different points. Their fire was at first concentrated upon the stronger works at the col lege building. Some outworks were captured, and the Nationals were driven within their intrenchments ; not, however, until several fierce struggles had 6IEGE OF LEXINGTON. 1 These troops were composed of tile Thirteenth Missouri, Colonel Peabody; First Illinois Eejriment o' Cavalry, Colonel Marshall; five hundred Missouri Home Guards, and the Twenty-third Illinois, of the Irish Brigade, Colonel Mulligan. 2 These troops had been sent from Lexington to Warrensburg, to secure about $100,000 in money. Price was informed of this movement, and had hurried forward, hy forced marches, to seize the treasure before tbe National troops could re:ich there. Tie was too late, and to his disappointment was added great indignation. because of caricatures which some of the German ofiicers, who were clever artists, had left behind, illustrative ofthe distress ofthe Confederates when they should find the treasure gone. 68 SIEGE OF LEXINGTON. been endured. The defense was bravely kept up during the whole day, when Price, finding his ammunition and his famished men ' nearly exhausted, withdrew, at sunset, to the Fair-grounds, to await the arrival of his wagon- train and re-enforcements. Mulligan's men immediately resorted to the trenches, to complete their preparations for a siege. Mullio-an now anxiously looked for expected re-enforcements, while his men worked night and day in strengthening the fortifications. He was dis appointed. His courier, sent with supplications for aid to Jefferson City, was captured on the way.2 Hour after hour and day after day went by, and no relief appeared. Yet bravely and hopefully his little band worked on, until, on the morning of the 17th, General Price, who had been re-enforced, and now had in hand over twenty-five thousand troops, including a large number of recruits who had come with their rifles and shot-guns, cut off the communication of the besieged with the city, upon which they • sept is, clliefly reiieci f01- water, and on the following day" took possession 1861. •* , , . of the town, closed in upon the garrison, and began a siege in earnest. The Confederates had already seized a steamboat well laden with stores for the National troops ; and, under every disadvantage, the latter conducted a most gallant defense. General Rains's division occupied a strong position on the east and north east of the fortifications, from which an effective cannonade was opened at nine o'clock, and kept up by Bledsoe's Battery, commanded by Captain Em- mit McDonald, and another directed by Captain C. .Clark, of St. Louis. General Parsons took a position southwest of the works, from which his battery, under Captain Guibor, poured a steady fire upon the garrison. Near Rains, the division of Colonel Congreve Jackson was posted as a reserve ; and near Parsons, a part of General Steen's division performed the same ser vice, whilst sharpshooters were sent forward to harass and fatigue the be leaguered troops, who were not allowed a moment's repose. General Harris (who, as we have seen,3 came down from Northeastern Missouri and joined Price at Lexington) and General McBride, scorning all rules of Christian warfare, stormed a bluff on which was situated the house of Colonel Anderson, and then used as a hospital, capturing it with its in mates, while a yellow flag, the insignia of its character, was waving over it. It was retaken by the Montgomery Guards, Captain Gleason, of the " Irish Brigade," eighty strong, who charged, in the face of the hot fire of the foe, a distance of eight hundred yards up a slope, driving the Confederates from the building and far down the hill beyond. The fight was desperate, arid some of the sick were killed in their beds. The Guards were finally repulsed. Captain Gleason came back with a bullet through his cheek and another through his arm, and with only fifty of his eighty men. " This charge," said Colonel Mulligan, in his official report, " was one of the most brilliant and reckless in all history." 1 In consequence of a forced march to Lexington, a large number of Price's soldiers had neither eaten nor slept for thirty-six hours. — Price's Report to Governor Jackson, September 23, 1S6L 2 On the 10th he sent Lieutenant Rains, of his " Irish Brigade," with 12 men. on the steamer Sunshine, on this errand. The distance to Jefferson City from Lexington is 160 miles. Forty miles below Lexington the steamer was captured, and those on board were made prisoners. 3 See page 55. * SURRENDER OF THE NATIONAL TROOPS. 69 For seventy-two hours Mulligan's little band maintained the contest with out cessation, fighting and laboring on the works alternately beneath a scorching sun by day and a scarcely less debilitating heat by night, under a cloudless moon, choked with the smoke of gunpowder, their tongues parched with thirst from which there was little relief, and at last with ammunition and provisions completely exhausted. During that time, Colonel Mulligan, was seen at all points where danger was most imminent ; and there were deeds of courage and skill performed on the part of the besieged that baffle the imagina tion of the romancer to conceive. At length, at two o'clock in the afternoon of the -20th,0 the Confederates, who had constructed " SeP^mber' movable breastworks of bales of hemp, two deep, wetted so as to resist hot shot, pressed up to within ten rods of the works, along a line forty yards in length. Further resistance would have been madness. Retreat was impossible, for the ferry-boats had been seized, and these being in possession of the Confederates, re-enforcements could not reach the garrison. No water could be had excepting that which came from the clouds in little showers, and was caught in blankets and wrung into camp dishes. The stench of horses and mules killed within the intrenchments was intolerable.1 The scant amount of artillery ammunition was of poor quality, and the firearms of the Illinois cavalry (who composed one-sixth of Mulligan's command) consisted of pistols only. Major Becker, of the Eighth Missouri Home Guards (whose colonel, White, had been killed), now, for the second time and with out authority, raised a white flag from the center of the fortifications, and the Siege of Lexington ceased.2 Colonel Mulligan, who had been twice wounded, now called a council of officers, and it was decided that the garrison must surrender. That act was performed. The officers were held as prisoners of war,3 whilst the pri vate soldiers, for whom Price had no food to spare, were paroled. The vic tor held all arms and equipments as lawful prize.4 The National loss in men had been forty killed, and one hundred and twenty wounded. Price reported his loss at twenty-five killed and seventy-five wounded. Colonel Mulligan was soon exchanged, and for his gallant services was rewarded with the 1 There were about 3,000 horses and mules within the intrenchments. These were a burden of much weigh ?, under the circumstances. In the center of the encampment, wagons were knocked into pieces, stores were scattered and destroyed, and the ground was strewed with dead horses and mules. — Correspondence of Ihe Chicago Tribune. 2 The Home Guards seem to have become discouraged early in the siege, and on the morning of the 20th, after Mulligan had replied to Price's summons to surrender, by saying, " If you want us, you must take lis," Major Becker, their commander, raised a white flag. Mulligan sent the Jackson Guard, of Detroit, Captain McDermott, to take it down. After a severe contest that soon afterward ensued, the Home Guards retreated to the inner line of the inlrenchmcnts, and refused to fight any longer. Then Becker again raised the white flag. for he was satisfied that resistance was utterly vain, to which conclusion Mulligan and his officers speedily arrived. 3 These were Colonels Mulligan, Marshall, White, Peabody, and Grover, and Major Van Horn, and IIS other commissioned officers. * The spoils were 6 cannon, 2 mortars, over 8.000 stand of infantry arms, a large number of sabers, about 751 horses, many sets of cavalry equipments, wagons, teams, ammunition, and $100,000 worth of commissary stores, — See General Price's Report to Governor Jackson, September 24th, 1S61. " In addition to all this." Price said. . 11 1 obtained the restoration of the great seal of the State, and the public records, which had been stolen from their proper custodian, and about $900,000 in money, of ' which the bank at this place had been robbed, and which I have caused to be returned to it." The disloyal State Legislature, with Governor Jackson, had held a session in the court-house at Lexington only a week beforethearriv.il of Colonel Mulligan. They fled so hastily that they left behind them the State seal and $800,000 in gold coin, deposited in the vault of tho bank there. These treasures, with the magazine, were in the cellar of the college, which was the head-quarters of Mulligan. 70 CALLS UPON FREMONT FOR TROOPS. offer of the commission of a brigadier-general, the thanks of Congress, and the plaudits of the loyal people. Congress gave the Twenty-third Illinois Regiment (which was now called " Mulligan's Brigade") authority to wear on its colors the name of Lexington. Mulligan declined the commission of brigadier, because he preferred to remain with his regiment. General Fremont was censured for his failing to re-enforce the garrison at Lexington. The public knew little of his embarrassments at that time. His forces were largely over-estimated,1 and he was receiving calls for help from every quarter. Pressing demands for re-enforcements came from General Ulysses S. Grant, at Paducah, for the Confederates, then in possession of Columbus, in Kentucky, were threatening an immediate march upon that place, so as to flank and capture Cairo. General Robert Anderson, com manding in Kentucky, was imploring him to send troops to save Louisville from the Confederates ; and a peremptory order was sent by Lieutenant- General Scott" to forward five thousand " well-armed infantry to 1861 4' Washington City, without a moment's delay." There were at that time seventy thousand men under General McClellan in camp near the National Capital, while Fremont's total force was only about fifty-six thousand men, scattered over his Department, and menaced at many points by large bodies, or by guerrilla bands of armed insurgents. He had only about seven thousand men at St. Louis ; the remainder were at dis tant points. When he heard6 of Mulligan's arrival at Lexing ton, and of General Price's movements in that direction with continually increasing strength, he did not doubt that General Jefferson C. Davis, commanding nearly ten thousand men at Jefferson City, and keeping a vigilant eye upon the Confederate leader, would give him immediate aid. He had reason to believe that a large portion of General Pope's five thousand men in Northern Missouri, sent for the purpose under General Sturgis,2 would co-operate with the forces of General Lane on the frontier of Kansas, over two thousand strong, and those of Davis at Jefferson City, in giving all needed relief to Mulligan.3 So confident was he that Price would be driven from Lexington by these combined forces, that he telegraphed to General Davis on the 18th, directing him to send five thousand men to the South Fork of La Mine River, in Cooper County, where it is crossed by the Pacific Railway, there to intercept the expected retreat of the Confederates to the Osage River. In these reasonable calculations Fremont was disappointed. Whilst „ . „„ expecting tidings of success, he received from Pope' the sad e Sept. 22 _o ~nr it * news of Mulligan's surrender. The active and vigilant Price, with a force of more than twenty-five thousand men, had been enabled 1 Fremont's force in St Louis alone, at that time, was estimated at 20,000. A week before the fall of Lex ington, Schuyler Colfax, Representative in Congress from Indiana, visited him, and urged him to send forward a part of that force to confront Price. Fremont informed him how few were his troops in St. Louis then, and the importance of allowing the false impression of their number to remain. His muster-roll was laid before Colfax, and it showed that within a circuit of seven miles around the city, the whole number of troops, including the' Home Guards, was less than 8,000. The official returns to the War Department at that date gives the number in the City of St. Louis at 6,890, including the Home Guards.— Speech of Schuyler Colfax, March T, 1S62 cited by Abbott in his Civil War in America ; 282. 2 Major Sturgis had been commissioned a brigadier-general for his gallant service at the Battle of Wilson's Creek, on the 10th of August. s General Pope telegraphed to General Fremont on the 16th, saying: "The troops I sent to Lexington will be there the day after to-morrow [the day when the assault on Mulligan commenced], and consist of "two full FREMONT'S FORCES IN MOTION. 71 to beat back re-enforcements for the garrison and to keep the way open for recruits for his own army.1 In this work a severe fight occurred at Blue Mills, on the Missouri, thirty miles above Lexington, on the 17th," in which the insurgents, commanded by General David R. Atch- inson,2 were victorious ; and on the 1 9th, General Sturgis, with a large body of cavalry, appeared opposite Lexington, but finding no boats for transporta tion, and being confronted by two thousand men under General Parsons, he was compelled to make a hasty retreat northward. The fall of Lexington was a discouraging blow to the Union cause in Missouri. Fremont was violently assailed with charges of incapacity, extrava gance in expenditure, and a score of faults calculated to weaken his hold upon the confidence of the people, and the troops in his Department. The disasters at Wilson's Creek and Lexington were attributed to his remissness iu forwarding re-enforcements ; and he perceived the necessity for prompt action in the way of repairing his damaged character. In a brief electro- crraph to the Adiutant-General on the 23d,4 announcing the fall „V- i .-ii -i n f n io 'September. of Lexington, he said he was ready to take the held himself, with a hope of speedily destroying the enemy, before McCulloch, who was gathering strength in Arkansas to return to Missouri, should rejoin Price. Believing the latter would follow up his success at Lexington, and march in the direction of Jefferson City or establish himself somewhere on the Missouri River, he imniediately pepared to proceed with a large force in the direction of the insurgents. On the 27th of September he put in motion an army of more than twenty thousand men, of whom, nearly five thousand were cavalry, arranged in five divisions under the respective commands of Generals David Hunter, John Pope, Franz Sigel, J. A. McKinstry, and H. Asboth, and accompanied by eighty-six pieces of artillery, many of them rifled cannon. While this formidable force is moving forward cautiously, let us observe the course of events on the borders of the Mississippi, and in Kentucky, bearing upon the fortunes of war in Fremont's Department. During the few weeks preceding the fall of Lexington, General Pillow, as we have seen, had been making great efforts to secure the possession of Cairo by military operations in Missouri. In this effort, as he alleged, he had been thwarted by a lack of hearty co-operation on the part of Generals Polk and Hardee,3 and he now turned his attention to a plan which he had proposed at an early day, in which it is probable he had the active sympathies of the disloyal Governor-of Kentucky, namely, the occupation and intrench ing of Columbus, in Kentucky, from which he believed he could flank the position at Cairo, take it in reverse, and, turning its guns upon Bird's Point, drive out and disperse its force.4 So early as the 13th of May," he cl8gl had asked the consent of Governor Magoffin to take possession of and fortify Columbus ; and in reporting the fact to his " Secretary of War," regiments of infantry, four pieces of artillery, and 150 regular horse. These, with two Ohio regiments, which will reach there on Thursday [19th], will make a re-enforcement of 4,000 men and four pieces of artillery." 1 Martin Green, already mentioned (see page 55), was at about that time operating successfully in North eastern Missouri with 8,000 men. They were effectually broken up by General Pope. 2 Atchinson was at one time a member of the United States Senate, and was conspicuous as a leader of the Missourians called "Border Eufflans," who played a prominent part in the politics of Kansas a *ew years be fore. ' Autograph letter of General Pillow to L. Pope Walker, " Secretary of War," Sept. 6, 1S61. • Autograph letter of General Pillow to L. Pope Walker, Sept. 1, 1861. 72 MILITARY AFFAIRS IN KENTUCKY. he exhibited his contempt for the neutrality of Kentucky, by saying: "If he (Magoffin) should withhold his consent, my present impression is that I shalf go forward and occupy the position, upon the ground of its necessity to protect Tennessee." ' The action of the people and the Legislature of Kentucky made Magoffin very circumspect. At the election in June, for members of Congress, there appeared a Union majority of over fifty-five thousand, and the Governor saw no other way to aid his southern friends than by insisting upon the strict neutrality of his State in outward form, in- which its politicians had placed it. He had sent Buckner to con- • jnneio, fel, witil General McClellan (then" in command at Cincinnati) on the subject, who reported that he had consummated an agreement officially with that officer, for a thorough support of that neutrality. He declared that McClellan agreed that his Government should respect it, even though Confederate troops should enter the State, until it should be seen that Kentucky forces could not expel them; and then, before troops should be marched into its borders, timely notice of such intended movement should be given to the Governor; also, that, in case United States troops were com pelled to enter Kentucky to expel Confederate troops, the moment that work should be accomplished the National forces should be withdrawn. McClellan promptly denied, ever making any such agreement with Buckner.5 Yet Mao-offin insisted upon acting as if such an agreement had been actually entered into by the National Government ; and Governor Harris, of Tennes see, to whom Buckner was directed by Magoffin to make ah oral report of his conference with McClellan, determined to aid Kentucky in preserving that neutrality, because it promised his own State the best protection against the power of the Government troops.3 While Magoffin endeavored to enforce neutrality as against National troops, he seems to have given every encouragement to the secessionists that common prudence would allow. They were permitted to form themselves into military organizations and enter the service of Tennessee or of the Con federate States ;4 and recruiting for the latter went on openly. The Unionists soon followed the example, and "Camp Joe Holt" was established near Louisville, at an early day, as a military rendezvous for loyal citizens. This was . chiefly the work of Lovell H. Rousseau, a loyal State Senator who, when he left the hall of legislation, prepared for the inevitable conflict for the National life. At about the same time, William Nelson, another loyal 1 Autograph letter' of General Pillow to L. Pope Walker, May 15, 1S61. He appealed to Walker for anna, and promised him, if he should comply with hid request, that he \vould(have 25,000 of the best fighting men in tho world in the field in twenty days. u If we cannot get arms." he said, " it is idle to indulge the hope of successfully resisting the bodies of Northern barbarians of a tyrant who has trampled the Constitution under his feet." The Mayor of Columbus, B. W. Sh.irpe. seems to have been in complicity with Pillow in his designs for invading Kentucky. On the first of June he informed him by letter, that the citizens there were preparing to mount heavy guns and to collect military stores. 2 Letter to Captain Wilson, ofthe United States Navy, June 26. 1S0I. 3 Autograph letter of Isliam G. Hirris to General Pillow, June 11, 1331. 4 Many young men joined the Tennessee troops under Pillow, and with his army were transferred to the Confederate service. So early as the middle of May, organizations for the purpose had been commenced in Kentucky. On the 17th of that month, William Preston Johnston, a son of General A. Sidney Johnston, of the Confederate Army, in a letter to Governor Harris, from Louisville, said: "Many gentlemen, impatient of the position of Kentucky, and desirous of joining the Southern cause, have urged me to organize a regiment, or at least a battalion, for that purpose." Ho offered such regiment or battalion to Governor Harris, on certain condi tions, and suggested the formation of a camp for Kentucky volunteers, at Clarkesville or Gallatin, in Tennessee. This was one of many offers ofthe kind received from Kentucky by Governor Harris. NEUTRALITY OF KENTUCKY. 73 HEAD-QUARTERS AT CAMP DICK ROBINSON. Kentuckian, established a similar rendezvous in Garrard County, in Eastern Kentucky, called " Camp Dick Robinson." Both of these men were after ward major-generals in the Na tional Volunteer service. The Government encouraged these Union movements. All Ken tucky, within a hundred miles south ofthe Ohio River, had been made a military department, at the head of which was placed Robert Anderson, the hero of Fort Sumter, who, on the 14th of May, had been commissioned a brigadier-general of Volunteers. When Union camps were formed in Kentucky, Magoffin became concerned about the violated neutrality, of his State, and he finally wrote to the President," by the hands of a committee, urging him to remove from the limits of Ken tucky the forces organized" in camps and mustered into the National service. The President not only refused compliance with his request, but gave him a rebuke6 so severe that he did not venture to repeat his wishes.1 A similar letter was sent by the Governor to Jefferson Davis, softened with Magoffin's assurance that he had no belief that the Confederates would think of violating the neutrality of Kentucky. Davis, thus made apparently unmindful of the fact that his " Con gress" at Richmond had authorized0 enlistments for the Confed erate armies in Kentucky ; that his officers were organizing bands of Volun teers on its soil, and that already Tennessee troops in his employ had invaded the State, and carried away six cannon and a thousand stand of arms, replied that his "government" had scrupulously respected the neutrality of Ken tucky, and would as scrupulously maintain that respect "so long as her people will maintain it themselves." The loyal Legislature of Kentucky assembled at Frankfort on the 2d of September. Its action was feared by the conspirators;2 and under tho .pre text of an expectation that National troops were about to invade the State, General Polk, with the sanction of Davis, and Governor Harris, of Tennessee, and the full knowledge, it is believed, of Governor Magoffin, proceeded to carry out General Pillow's favorite plan of scorning Kentucky's neutrality, and seizing Columbus. On the 30th of August, Polk telegraphed to Pillow, saying: "I shall myself be at "New Madrid to-morrow to arrange for the future;" and on the 3d of September, De Russey, Polk's aid-de-camp, tele graphed to the same officer, that "the general-commanding determines, with troops now at Union City, to fall at once upon Columbus ;" and directed Pillow • Aug. 19, 1861. 'Aug. 24. "Aug. 7. 1 The President said that, taking all means within his reach for forming a judgment, he did tint believe It was the popular wish of Kentucky that the Union troops should be removed, and added : ¦' It is with regret I search, and cannot find, in your not very short letter, any declaration or intimation that you entertain any desire tor the preservation of the Federal Union." 2 In the Senate were 27 Union and 11 Secession members, and in the Lower House 76 Union and 24 Secession representatives. 74 INVASION OF KENTUOKY. to take his whole command immediately to Island No. 10. This was done, and on the 4th° Polk seized Hickman and Columbus, and com- ep '' * menced the erection of batteries on the bluff near the latter place.1 He immediately telegraphed the fact to Davis, at Richmond, and to THE BLUFF, AND POLK'S HEAD-QUARTERS, NEAR COLUMBUS. Governor Harris, at Nashville.2 Then followed some transparent chicanery 1 Columbus is in Hickman County, about twenty miles below tho mouth of tho Ohio River. 2 On the same day Guneral Polk issued a proclamation, in which he gave as a reason for his violation of the neutrality of Kentucky, that the National Government had done so by establishing camp depots for its armies, by organizing military companies within its territory, and by making evident preparations, on the Missouri shore of the Mississippi, for the seizure of Columbus. It was, therefore, " a military necessity, for the defense of the territory ofthe Confederate States, that a Confederate force should occupy Columbus in advance." When General Fremont heard of this movement, he wrote a private letter to the President, dated the 8th of September, in which he set forth a plan for expelling the Confederates from Kentucky and Tennessee.* The President urged its immediate adoption, hut was overruled by his counsellors. Experts say, that had Fremont's plan been promptly acted upon, the war that so long desolated Kentucky and Tennessee might have been averted. * The following Is a copy of Fremont's letter :- To the President : — Hbad-Quartkrs Westbkn Department, September 8, 1S61. My Deah Sin: — I send, by another band, what I ask you to consider in respect to the subject of tho note by your special messenger. In this, I desire to ask your attention to the position of affaire in Kentucky. As the rebel troops, driven out of Missouri, had invaded Kentucky in considerable force, and by occupying Union City, Hickman, and Columbv.3, were preparing to seize Pnducnh and Cairo, I judged it impossible, without losing important advantages, to defer any longer a forward movement. For this purpose I have drawn from tbe Missouri side a part of tbe force stationed at Bird'3 Point, Cairo, and Capo Girardeau, to Fort Holt and Paducah, of which places wo have taken possession. As the rebel forces outnumber ours, and the counties of Kentucky, between tho Mississippi and Tennessee Rivers, as well as those along the Cumberland, are strongly Secessionist, it becomes imperatively necessary to have the co-operation of the Union forces under Generals Anderson and Nelson, as well as those already encamped opposite Louisville, under Colonel Rousseau. I have re-enforced, yes terday, Paducnh with two regiments, and will continue to strengthen the position with men and artillery. As soon as General Smith, who commands there, is re-enforced sufficiently for him to spread his forces, he will have to take and hold Mayfleld and Lovelaceville, to be in the rear and flank of Columbus, and to occupy Sinithland, controlling in its. way both the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers. At the same time Colonel Rousseau should bring bis force, increased, if possible, by two Ohio regiments, in boats, to Henderson, and taking the Hen derson and Nashville Ralroad, occupy Hopkinsrille, while General Nelson should go, with a force of 5,000, by railroad to Louisville, and from there to Bowling Green. As the population In all the counties through which the above railroads pass are loyal, this movement could be made without delay or molestation to the troops. Meanwhile, General Grunt would take possession ofthe entire Cairo and Fulton Railroad, Piketon, New Madrid, and the shore of the Mississippi opposite Hickman and Columbus. The foregoing disposition having been eifected, a combined attack will be made on Columbus, and, if successful in that, upon Hickman, while Rousseau and Nelson will move in concert, by railroad, to Nashville, occupying the State capital, and, with adequate force, New Providence. The conclusion of this move ment would be a combined advance towards Memphis, on the Mississippi, ns well as the Ohio and Memphis Railroad, and I trust the result would be a glorious one to the country. In a reply to a letter from General Sherman, by the hand of Judge Williams, in relation to the vast Importance of securing possession, in advance, of tho country lying between the Ohio, Tennessee, and Mississippi, I have to-day suggested the first part of the plan. By extending my command to Indiana, Tennessee, and Kentucky, you would enable me to attempt the accomplishment of this all-important result, and in order to secure the secrecy necessary to its success, I shall not extend the communi cation I have made to General Sherman, or repeat it to any one else. With high respect and regard, I am very truly yours, J. C. Fkemoxt. LOYALTY OF THE KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE. 75 on the part of the conspirators, to deceive the people and defend Confederate honor. Walker, the "Secretary of War," ordered Polk to withdraw his troops from Kentucky, while Davis, his superior, telegraphed to the same officer in approval of his movement — " The necessity justifies the act." ' When the authorities of Kentucky demanded from Governor Harris, of Ten nessee, an explanation of the movement, that functionary replied with the false assertion that it had been done without his knowledge or consent; "and I am confident," he said, "without the consent of the President. I have telegraphed President Davis," he continued, " requesting their immediate withdrawal." On the day after Polk invaded Ken tucky on the west, and General Felix K. ZollicofFer, formerly a member of Congress, with a considerable, force had passed from East Tennessee, through the Cumberland Mountains, and entered the State on its eastern border, Magoffin laid a message before the Legislature, in which he made special complaint of Union military organizations within the State, and asked for the passage of a law for maintaining for the Common wealth an armed neutrality ; also to rsquest the National Government to order the immediate disbanding of such organizations. The Legislatui responded by directing the Governor to order, by proclamation, all the Con federate troops within the State to leave it immediately. An attempt tc have the Union troops included in the order was promptly voted down. The Legislature did more. They passed a series of resolutions, by an over whelming vote,2 declaring that the peace and neutrality of Kentucky had been wantonly violated, its soil invaded, and the rights of its citizens grossly injured "by the so-called Southern forces;" and, therefore, by special act, the Governor was requested to call out the military force of the State, " to expel and drive out the invaders." It was further resolved that the National Government should be asked for aid and assistance in that business ; that General Anderson be requested " to enter immediately upon the discharge of his duties " in that military district, and that they appealed to the people to assist in expelling and driving out "the lawless invaders ofthe soil." FELIX K. ZOLLICOFFER. 1 This was denied by some of the partisans of Davis. I have before me an autograph letter, written by Nash H. Burt to Governor Harris, dated at Nashville, September 6, 1861, in which he says: "The following dispatch is received this morning, dated Union City, 12 r. m., Sept. 5, 1S6I," directed to Governor Harris:— "On l:ist evening I had the honor of telegraphing to you the necessity I had been under, of seizing the town of Columbus in advance of the enemy, who had already taken all the preparatory measures to do so. On this evening I received from his honor the Secretary of War, an order to withdraw the troops from Kentucky; but while issuinjr the appropriate orders to that effect, had the gratification to receive from the President the follow- ins dispatch, viz.: 'General Polk, Union City — Tour telegram received. The necessity must justify the act. Signed. Jefferson Davis.1 "1.E0XIDAS Polk, Major- General." (Jeneral^Polk sent a dispatch to Governor Magoffin, announcing to him that military necessity had com pelled him to take possession of Columbus, and that, in reporting to Davis, his reply was, " the necessity justified the action." That dispatch is before me. 2 In the House, 63 to 26 ; and in the Senate, 26 to 8. 76 END OF KENTUCKY NEUTRALITY. Magoffin vetoed these resolutions, and they were promptly passed over his negative by a large majority.1 In the mean time, the invasion of Ken tucky by Tennessee troops had brought in a National force, under Major- General Ulysses S. Grant, then in command' of the district around isgi ' Cairo. He took military possession of Paducah," at the mouth of the Tennessee River, where he found Secession flags flying in different parts of the town in expectation .of the arrival of a Confederate army, nearly four thousand strong, reported to be within sixteen miles of that place. He seized property there prepared for the Confederates, and he issued a procla mation declaring that he had come solely for the purpose of defending the State from the aggression of rebels, and to protect the rights of all citizens, promising that when it should be manifest that they were able to maintain the authority of the Government themselves, he should withdraw the forces under his command. Thus ended the neutrality of Kentucky, in which its politicians had unfortunately placed it.s That neutrality had suppressed the practical loy alty of the State, given freedom to the growth of its opposite, and allowed Confederate troops to make such a lodgment on its soil, that large National armies were required to oppose them, and war in its most horrid aspects filled all its borders with misery. But for that neutrality, Tennessee, whose disloyal authorities had espoused the Confederate cause, would probably have been the frontier battle-ground, and the blood and treasure of Kentucky, so largely spent in the war, would have been spared. Too late to avoid the penalties of remissness in duty, Kentucky, five months after the war was begun in Charleston harbor, took a positive stand for the Union. Encouraged by the new attitude of Kentucky, the National Government determined to take vigorous measures for securing its loyalty against the wiles of dangerous men. Ex-Governor Morehead, who was reported to be an active traitor to his country,, was arrested at his residence, near Louisville, and sent as a State prisoner to Fort Lafayette, at the entrance to the harbor of New York. Others of like sympathies took the alarm and fled, some to the Confederate armies or the more southern States, and others to Canada. Among them was John C. Breckinridge, late Vice-President of the Republic, and member of the National Senate, also William Pres ton, late American Minister to Spain ; James B. Clay, a son of Henry Clay; Humphrey Marshall, lately a member of Congress, and a life-long politician ; Captain John Morgan, Judge Thomas Monroe, and others of less note. HUMPHREY MARSHALL. 1 Compelled to issue a proclamation by order of the Legislature, Magoffin put forth one on the 18th as mild as possible, simply saying that he was instructed to declare that "Kentucky expects the Confederate or Tennes see troops to withdraw from her soil immediately." 3 See page 458, volume I. ATTEMPT TO SEIZE LOUISVILLE. 77 Breckinridge, Marshall, and Morgan entered the military service of the Con federates. The first two were commissioned brigadier-generals, and the latter became a conspicuous guerrilla chief Breckinridge became a zealous servant of the Confederates. He issued an address, in which he announced his resignation of his seat in the United States Senate, and in bitter language spoke of the dissolution of the Union, and the atrocious despotism which he alleged had been established at Wash ington ; and he charged his own State Legislature with abject " submission to every demand o Federal despotism, and woeful neglect of every right of the Kentucky citizens." It is well suggested that " Mr. Breckinridge, in his exodus from Kentucky, perpetrated a serious blunder;'" for, had he, like other "friends of the South," remained in Congress, he might have served the cause of the conspirators more efficiently. He was an able and adroit politician and legislator, but was an indifferent soldier. t Vigorous military action in Kentucky, besides the seizure of Columbus and Hickman, speedily followed that act. Simon B. Buckner, the corrupter of the patriotism of large numbers of the young men of Kentucky,5 bearing the commission of brigadier-general in the Confederate service, had established a camp on the Nashville and Louisville Railway, just below the Kentucky line. Soon after the seizure of Columbus, he left his camp with a considera ble force, with the intention of moving quickly upon Louisville, by the rail way, seizing that city, and establishing a Confederate post on the Ohio at that important point. The telegraph wires were cut, and he was far on his way before any intimation was given of his approach. The trains due at Louisville did not arrive, and the managers sent out an engine to ascertain the cause. It, like a train before it, was seized by Buckner. A fireman escaped, and, procuring a hand-car, soon returned to Louisville with the startling news. General Anderson immediately ordered General Rousseau to move out on the road with his little force at Camp Joe Holt,3 and some Louisville Home Guards. These were his only available forces at that moment. The order was obeyed with alacrity, and very soon a considerable force, under the chief command of General William T. Sherman, Anderson's lieutenant, were on their way to repel the invaders — the latter, who was in delicate health, remaining in Louisville to forward re-enforcements. Fortunately, Buckner had been delayed, near Bowling Green, by the patriotic act of a young man of that place, who went quietly up the road and displaced a rail, by which the engine of the invaders' train was thrown from the track. But for this, Buckner might have reached Louisville before Anderson could have put any forces in motion. As it was, he penetrated the county as far as Elizabeth- town, forty miles from that city, when he heard of the approaching troops. He thought proper to fall back to Bowling Green, where he established an intrenched camp, and issued a proclamation" to his "fellow-citizens of Kentucky,"4 and where he remained for several months. At °'"e1gj1 ] the same time, Sherman established a camp and general rendez- 1 Greeley's American Conflict, i. 615. . 2 See page 45S, volume I. 3 See page 72. * That proclamation abused the National Government and the loyal Legisl .ture of Kentucky. He declared in it that Confederate troops occupied "a defensive position "' in that State, "on the invitation of the people of Kentucky;" that be returned to his native State with peaceful intentions, "at the head of a force, the advance of 78 THE SITUATION IN KENTUCKY AND MISSOURI. vous on Muldraugh's Hill, not far from Elizabethtown, and there laid the foundation of that notable organization afterward known as the Army ofthe Cumberland. On account of Anderson's feeble health, General Sherman was placed in chief command of the Department of the Cumberland (which included the States of Kentucky and Tennessee) early in October, when, with a forecast not then appreciated, he declared that an army of two hundred thousand men would be necessary to expel the Confederates from Kentucky and Tennessee, and carry the National banner victoriously to the Gulf. Because of that assertion, whose wisdom was speedily vindicated, he was called insane, and for a time he was overshadowed by a cloud of neglect. Let us now return to a consideration of affairs in Missouri. We left General Fremont, with a strong force, moving toward the interior of Missouri. He had strengthened the forces in Eastern Missouri and at Cairo, that they might keep tlie Confederates so well employed in that region, that they could not give aid to Price, nor seriously menace St. Louis. In this service, as we have seen, they were successful. Hardee dared not advance much from Greenville ; Pillow was kept in the neighborhood of New Madrid, without courage to move far toward Bird's Point and Cape Girar deau ; and Jeff". Thompson, the guerrilla, contented himself with eccentric raids and " scaring the Federals to death," as he foolishly supposed and declared. Fremont went forward, and on the 28th of September he was at Jefferson City, the State capital, where he adopted vigorous measures for driving Price frqjn the State. The latter had cause for serious alarm. McCulloch, as we have seen, had left him and gone to Arkansas, and Pillow and Hardee had abandoned Southeastern Missouri, and taken position in Kentucky and Tennessee. McCulloch, who had promised an escort for an ammunition train to be sent from Arkansas to Price, not only withheld that promised aid, but arrested the progress of the train, with the pretext that it would be unsafe in Missouri. These adverse circumstances compelled Price to retreat toward Arkansas. He abandoned Lexington on the 30th of September," leaving a guard of five hundred men there in defense of National prisoners. A squadron of cavalry, called the "Prairie Scouts," one hundred and eighty strong, under Major Frank J. White, surprised this party by a bold dash,6 dispersed them, made nearly seventy of them prisoners, released the Union captives, and, bearing away with them the Secession State flag, joined Fremont's forces, which were then on the Osage River, at Warsaw, in pursuit of Price. Fremont, with his splendid body-guard of cavalry, under Major Charles Zagonyi, a Hungarian,1 had arrived there on the 16th,c after encountering a severe rain storm. Gen- which is composed entirely of Kentuckians," whom he had seduced by false representations from their homes and their national allegiance ; and that tho Legislature of Kentucky was "faithless to the will of the people." He assured the people that his forces at Bowling Green would be used in aiding Kentucky in maintaining its strict neutrality, and '¦ to enforce it against the two belligerents alike." General Anderson issued a counter-proclamation, in which he said that he, a native of Kentucky, had " come to enforce, not to make laws," and to protect the lives and property of the people of the Commonwealth. . He called upon the citizens to arm in their might and drive the invader from their soil. u The leader of the hostile force,'1 he said, "who now approaches, is, I regret to say, a Kcntuckiun, making war on Kentucky and Ken tuckians.'1 He called them to "rally around the flag our fathers loved," and bade them trust in God and do their duty. 1 Zagonyi had been a soldier in his native land, under General Bern. lie came to America as an exile. Offering his services to Fremont,nt St Louis, he was charged with the duty of recruiting a body of cavalry as FREMONT'S MOVEMENTS IN MISSOURI. 79 SIGEL CROSSING THE OSAGE. eral Sigel, who led the advance, had already crossed his force over the rapidly swelling stream by means of a single ilatboat and the swimming of his horses ; but its banks were now filled to the brim with the recent rains, and could not be forded, nor were boats or lumber for their con struction to be had there. The ax was soon heard in the sur rounding forest, and in the course of five days a rude strono- hridsre was constructed, under the direction of Captain Pike, of the engineers, over which the whole army, now thirty thousand strong, with eighty-six heavy guns, safely passed, and moved on in the direction of Springfield, by the way of Bolivar. The commander was full of confidence in the success of his plans, yet fearful of official interference with them by the Secretary of War (Cameron) and the Adjutant-General (Thomas), then in pursuit of him, as he had been informed.1 That plan was to capture or disperse the forces of Price, and seizing Little Rock, the capital of Arkansas, so completely turn the position of the Confederate forces under Polk, Pillow, Thompson, and Hardee, as to cut off their supplies from that region, and compel them to retreat, when a flotilla of gunboats then in preparation near St. Louis, in command of Captain Foote, could easily descend the river and assist in military operations against Memphis, which, if successful, would allow the Army and Navy to push on and take possession of New Orleans. "My plan is New Orleans straight," he wrote on the 11th of October, from his camp near Tipton. "It would precipitate the war for ward, and end it soon and victoriously."5 When Fremont's army was at the Pomme de Terre River, fifty-one miles north of Springfield," he sent the combined cavalry forces of Zagonyi and Major White (led by the former), to reconnoiter ""isoi.28' the position of the Confederates at the latter place, with instruc tions to attempt its capture if circumstances should promise success. The whole force did not exceed three hundred men. When within a few miles of Springfield/ on the highest point of the 6zark Mountains, they fell in with some foragers and captured them ; and there a Union a body-gnard for the General. lie selected for this purpose young men, and formed them into three companies, one of which were nearly all Kentuckians. There were very few foreigners in the guard, and all the officers wero Americans excepting three, one Hollander and two Hungarians, the latter being Major Zagonyi and Lieutenant Majthenyi. The Guard was mounted on well-equipped blooded bay horses. Each man was armed with two of Colt's six-barrel navy revolvers, one Jive-barret rifle, and a saber. 1 See letters to his wife in Mrs. Fremont's Story ofthe Guard. " Letter of General Fremont to his wife, October 11th, 1SG1. Mrs. Fremont, daughter of the late Senator Benton of Missouri, was then at Jefferson City. Her husband had long been in the habit of referring all manner of work and duties to her as acting principal in his absence, and in that capacity she was now at Jefferson City and gave him efficient aid. See note on page 88 of The Story of die Cruard: a Chronicle ofthe War. "By Jessie Benton Fremont. 80 CHARGE OF FREMONT'S BODY-GUARD. farmer told Zagonyi that the Confederate force in the town was full two thousand in number. He was not daunted by this information, but pushed forward. One of the foragers who escaped had heralded his coming, and when he approached the suburbs of the village, on the Mount Vernon road, at a little past four o'clock in the afternoon, he found twelve hundred in fantry and four hundred cavalry well prepared, on the brow of a hill in front of sheltering woods, to receive him. Zagonyi was still undaunted. Not withstanding White's Prairie Scouts had been separated from the Guard, Zagonyi was determined to fight. Turning to his officers, he said : " Follow me and do like me !" And to his little band of followers he spoke a few hurried words, saying : " Comrades ! the hour of danger has come ; your first battle is before you. The enemy is two thousand strong, and we are but one hundred and fifty. It is possible no man will come back. If any of you would turn back, you can do so now !" Not a man moved. Zagonyi was delighted. "I will lead you!" he exclaimed. "Let the watchword be, ' Tlie Union and Fremont /' Draw sabers ! By the right flank — quick trot — march /" and away dashed the bold leader and his comrades with a shout down a narrow lane fringed with concealed sharp-shooters, with a miry brook and a stout rail fence ahead to oppose them. These were all passed in a few minutes, while the fire from the infantry in their front was terrible. On an eminence nearer stood the Confederate cavalry, ready to engage in the fray. Already the lane had been strewn with the fallen men and horses of the Guard, and yet Zagonyi's troops had not struck a blow. The moment for dealing that blow was now at hand. The word is given, and Lieutenant Majthenyi, with thirty men, dashed madly upon the center of the Confederate cavalry, breaking their line, and scattering the whole body in confusion over the adjoining corn-fields. Then Zagonyi shouts to the impatient soldiers ho is holding in leashes, as it were, " In open order — charge /" and with the impetuosity of a whirlwind they sweep up the slope in the face of bullets that fly thick as hail. At the same moment fifty Irish dragoons of Major White's squadron, led by Captain McNaughton, fall upon the foe, and away scampers almost the entire body of Confederate in fantry in wild search for safety. The remnant of the Guard, led by Zagonyi, follow the fugitive horsemen and smite them fearfully, chase them into the town, and fight them fiercely in detail in the streets and in the public square of Springfield, whilst Union women, undismayed by the dangers, come out, and, waving their handkerchiefs, cheer on the victors. When the conflict ended, the Confederates were utterly routed ; and of the one hundred and fifty of Zagonyi's Guard, eighty-four were dead or wounded.1 The action had lasted an hour and a half; and in the dim twilight of that bright Octo ber evening, the National flag was raised in triumph over the court-house. At a little past midnight, Zagonyi, with a captured Confederate flag and only seventy of his Guard, and a few released prisoners, rode" proudly but sadly out of Springfield, because it was unsafe for them to remain. They 1 Dispatch of Major Zagonyi to General Fremont, October 25, 1SG1. Report of Major Zagonyi to Colonel J. n. Eaton, Assistant Adjutant-General, October 2S, 1861. Letter of Major Zagonyi to Mrs. Fremont, quoted in her Story of the Guard. Narrative of Major Dorsbeimer, of Fremont's staff, in the A tlantia MonthVy. Tho number of tho Guard killed was 15 ; mortally wonnded, 2 ; the remainder were wounded or made prisoners. Zagonyi said, " Of tho wounded not one will lose a finger." The prisoners were released, and the actual loss to the Guard was only IT. So Zagonyi said in a letter to Mrs. Fremont, October 25, 1S61. OPERATIONS IN EASTERN MISSOURI. 81 fell back until they met Sigel's advance, between Springfield and Bolivar. The report of this brilliant charge and victory, which had preceded them, filled the whole army with delight and enthusiasm. " This was really a Balaklava charge," wrote Fremont. " The Guard numbered only one hun dred and fifty. You notice that Zagonyi says he has seen charges, but never such a one. Their war-cry, he says, sounded like thunder. This action is a noble example to the army."1 There had been other noble examples for the army during its advance in Missouri.2 Fremont's army arrived at Springfield at the beginning of November, inspirited by news of recent successes in the Department, and the prospect of speedily ridding Missouri of insurgents. While it had been moving forward, Lane and Montgomery, who, we have seen, had been driven back into Kan sas by Price,3 had crossed into Missouri again, to cut oft or embarrass the Confederates in their retreat from Lexington. Montgomery pushed on to the town of Osceola, the capital of St. Clair County, on the Osage, but was too late to intercept Price. The armed Confederates at that place, after a brief skirmish," were driven away, and the village was laid in ashes, with no other excuse for the cruel measure than the fact " is6i.2 ' that it was a rendezvous for the foe, and its inhabitants were all disloyal. A month later the National troops gained a signal victory over the guer rilla chief, Thompson (who was called the " Swamp Fox," and his command, the "Swamp Fox Brigade"), at Frederickton, the capital of Madison County, in Southeastern Missouri. General Grant was in command at Cape Girar deau at that time. General Thompson and Colonel Lowe had been roaming at will over the region between New Madrid and Pilot Knob, Thompson, with six hundred men, had captured the guard at the Big River Bridge, near Potosi, and destroyed that structure on the 15th of October, and on the fol lowing day he and Lowe were at the head of a thousand men near Ironton, threatening that place, where they were defeated by Major Gavitt's Indiana cavalry, and a jiart of Colonel Alexander's Twenty-first Illinois cavalry, with a loss of thirty-six killed and wounded. Grant determined to put an end to the career of these marauders, if possible. Informed that they were near Frederickton, he sent out a considerable force under Colonel Plummer,4 to strike them from the East, while Captain Hawkins, with Missouri cavalry, was ordered up from Pilot Knob on the Northeast, followed by Colonel Carlin with a body of infantry as a support,5 to engage and occupy Thomp- 1 An accident occurred to Major White and prevented his being in this action. He had sickened on the way and been compelled to lag behind. .When attempting to overtake his troops, he was made a prisoner, but escaped and reached Springfield on the morning after the fight, with a few Home Guards. Stationing 22 of his 24 men as pickets, he deceived the Confederates in the town with the belief that he had a considerable force with him. After receiving a flag of truce, and permitting them to bury their dead, he prudently fell back to meet tbe advancing army. 2 Other detachments of cavalry from Fremont's army, besides those of White and Zagonyi, had been opera ting against the Confederates during the march of the main body. One of them, under Major Clark Wright, routed and dispersed a body of Confederates near Lebanon, in Laclede County, on the 18th of October; and on the following day the same forces captured the village of Lynn Creek. In the former engagement, after a charge, and a running fight for a mile and a half, there were about 60 Confederates killed and wounded, while the Union loss was only one man killed.— Eepdrt of Major Wright, October 18, 1861. 3 See page 66. 4 They consisted of the Eleventh, Seventeenth, and Twentieth Illinois, and 400 cavalry. s These consisted of parts of the Twenty-first, Twenty-third, and Twenty-eighth Illinois, the Eighth Wis consin, Colonel Baker's Indiana cavalry, and Major Schofleld's Battery. Vol. H.— 6. 82 FREMONT SUCCEEDED RJ HUNTER. son until Plummer's arrival. They formed a junction at Frederickton, with Plummer in chief command, and, starting in pursuit of the Confederates, who they supposed were in full flight, found them about one thousand strong, well posted and ready for battle, partly in an open field and partly in the woods, only a mile from the village, with four iron 18-pounders in position. Schofield opened the battle with his heavy guns. A general engagement ensued, and, after two hours' hard fighting, the Confederates fled, hotly pursued by the Indiana cavalry for twenty miles. The Confede rate Colonel Lowe was killed early in the action. Their loss was large — how large is not known. The loss of the Nationals was ten killed and twenty wounded. This defeat and dispersion completely broke up Thompson's guerrilla organization for a time, which was composed almost wholly of disloyal and deluded Missourians. They had fought bravely with inferior arms against superior numbers.1 We have observed that General Fremont had anticipated an interference with his plans when he heard that the Secretary of War and the Adjutant- General were in pursuit of him. They had overtaken him on the 1 3th,° at Tipton, the then Western terminus of the Pacific Rail way, about thirty miles south of Jefferson City. The interview of the officials was courteous and honorable. The Secretary frankly told him that their errand was to make personal observations of his army, and of affairs in his Department. Complaints concerning his administration of those affairs had filled the mind of the President with painful apprehensions, and the Secretary of War bore with him an order, relieving him of his command, with discretionary powers to use it or not. The Secretary carried it back to Washington, and the Adjutant-General made a report highly unfavorable to the commanding general in Missouri. This was published, and had the two fold effect of prejudicing the public mind against Fremont, and revealing to the enemy secrets which the highest interests of the country at that time. required to be hidden.2 The assertion was publicly made, after the return of the Government officials, that the campaign in Missouri was a failure ; and the prediction was confidently uttered that Fremont's army could never cross the Osage, much less reach Springfield. The fallacy of this prophecy was proven in less than .a fortnight, when that army lay on the Ozark hills and on the plain around Springfield ; and the campaign failed only, it is believed, because its progress was suddenly checked when the most reasonable promises of abundant suc cess were presented. That check was given on the morning of the 2d of November, when a courier arrived at head-quarters with an order from Gen eral Scott, directing General Fremont to turn over his command to General 1 More than half of their fire-arms were old flint-lock squirrel guns. " Of the dead," wrote an eye-witness, "not a single one that I saw was dressed in any kind of uniform, the cloth being generally home-made, and but ter-nut colored." 2 This report was in the form of a journal, and contained a great amount of gossip and scandal, gathered from subalterns and Fremont's political enemies, which subsequent information showed to be unworthy of credit. It is due to the Adjutant-General to say that he disclaimed any intention to make that journal public. It is said that a copy of it was surreptitiously obtained and given to a newspaper reporter, and suspicion at the time pointed to the Postmaster-General (whose brother, an officer in the army, it was known had quarrelled with Fremont), as tho one on whom the responsibility of the publication should rest. Fremont afterward published a vindication of his administration in the Department of Missouri, which almost wholly removed from the pub lic mind the unfavorable impression made by that journal. FREMONT AND HIS ARMY. 83 David Hunter, then some distance in the rear. This order came when tho army was excited by the prospect of a battle almost immediately. Price had at first fled to Neosho,1 when, finding Fremont still in pursuit, he pushed on to Pineville, in the extreme South western part of Missouri. Further than that his " State Guard " were not disposed to go. He was unwilling to leave Missouri without measuring strength and powers with Fremont, so he changed front and prepared to receive him. This attitude gave rise to startling rumors in Fremont's camp, and, at the moment when he was relieved of command, it Avas reported that Price was marching on Springfield, and that his van guard had reached Wilson's Creek, ten miles distant, prepared to give battle on the ground where Lyon was killed three months before. McCulloch was reported to be at Dug Springs f and the number of the combined armies was estimated at forty thousand men.3 Hunter had not yet arrived, and Fremont, who had made his troops ex ceedingly sorrowful by the announcement in a formal address that he was about to leave them,4 was implored by one hundred and ten of his officers to lead his army against the foe. He promised compliance with their wishes, if his successor should not reach them by sunset.5 Hunter failed to do so, and at eight o'clock in the evening Fremont issued the order of battle, and the entire camp was alive with enthusiasm. Lyon's plan for surrounding and capturing the Confederates was substantially adopted. They were to be assailed simultaneously by Generals Pope and McKinstry in the front, by Generals Sigel and Lane in the rear, and by General Asboth on the east, from the Fayetteville road. DAVID HUNTER. 1 There Jackson and the disloyal Legislature of Missouri met, as we have observed (note 2, page 5T), under Price's protection. 2 See page 45. 3 General Asboth's report to General Fremont, Nov. 3, 1866. 4 The following is a copy of his address: " Soldiers of the Mississippi Army: Agreeable to orders this day received, I take leave of you. Although our army has been of sudden growth, we have grown up together, and I have become familiar with the brave and generous spirit which you bring to the defense of your country. and which makes me anticipate for you a brilliant career. Continue as you have begun, and give to my successor the same cordial and enthusiastic support with which youhave encouraged me. Emulate the epleridid example which yon have already before you, and let me remain, as I am, proud of the noble army which I had thus far labored to bring together. Soldiers ! I regret to leave you. Most* sincerely I thank you for the regard and cor- fidence you have invariably shown to mo. I deeply regnt that I shall not havo the honor to lead you to the victory which you are just about to win ; but I shall claim to share with you in the joy of every triumph, am trust always to be fraternally remembered by my companions in arras." 6 " The intelligence of this determination of the commanding general," wrote an eye-witness, "was at once communicated from camp to camp, and the greatest enthusiasm prevailed. Every five minutes during the suc ceeding two and a half hours, tho wildest cheering' could be heard from some portion ofthe army as the informa tion was carried to the various regiments. A dozen bands at once proceeded to the head-quarters and serenaded the General. Crowds of officers gathered in front of his quarters, and greeted him with loud and prolonged cheer ing ; and, had the battle occurred according to arrangements, the troops would have fought in the mpst deter mined manner." 84 FREMONT'S RECEPTION AT ST. LOUIS. a Nov. 8 1861. General Hunter arrived at head-quarters at midnight, and Fremont, after informing him of the position of affairs, laid before him all his plans. The order for battle was countermanded,1 and nine days afterward Major-General II. W. Halleck was appointed to the command of the Missouri Department. On the morning of' the 4th, Fremont and his Staff left the army for St. Louis. The parting with his devoted soldiers was veiy touching, and his rec'eption in St. Louis" was an ovation like that given to a victor. Crowds of citi zens greeted him at the railway station and escorted him to his head-quarters. An immense torch-light procession passed through the streets that night in honor of his arrival ;2 and at an assemblage of the citizens, resolutions of confidence and sympathy, and an address, were adopted. Afterward he was presented with an elegant sword in token of profound re gard, which was inscribed with these words : — " To the Path finder, by the Men of the West."3 Disappointed and disheartened, the National army com- |,i |' menced a retrograde march from Springfield toward St. Louis " at the middle of November, followed by a long train of vehicles Fremont's fin d ith jj j refugees. The women of Springfield, who had welcomed Zagonyi, and the Union men everywhere throughout 1 Price seems not to have moved his army from Pineville, but Ms scouts penetrated to the front ofthe National troops, and thus caused the alarm. 2 "The General was to h aye been at home by nine in the morning ; but the management of the trrt in being in other hands, they were delayed until_ncarly that hour in the evening. But patient crowds hadkept their watch through the Ions day, and by night it was a sea of heads in all the open spaces around our house. The door posts were garlanded, and tho very Fteps covered with flowers— touching and graceful offerings from the Ger mans. China-asters and dahlias, with late roses and regular bouquets of geraniums, beautified the entrance and perfumed the air; and when the General did make his way at last through the magnificent assemblage, it was to be met by the wives and children of tho German officers he had left at Springfield. Unknown to me, they hud come to speak their hearts to him, but they had more tears than words. Touched to the. heart already, tho General was not prepared for the arrival of citizens — American as well as German — who came to thank him for past service?, and ask to stand by him in the hour of disgrace. Meantime, the unceasing cheers and shouts of the vast crowd without sounded like the tide after a high. wind. I could not stand it ; I went far up to the top of the house, and in the cold night air tried to still the contending emotions, when I saw a sight that added to the throbbing of my heart. Par down the wide avenue the serried crowd was parting, its dark, restless masses glowing in the lurid, wavering torchlight, looking literally like waves; and passing through them came horse men, stamped with the splendid signet of battle, their wounded horses and bullet-torn uniforms bringing cries of love and thanks from those for whom they had been battling. When they halted before the door, and the sudden ring and flash of their drawn sabers added new beauty to the picture, I think only the heart of a Haman could have failed to respond to the truth and beauty of tho whole scene. Were not these men for ihe king to delight to honor? Who could have foreseen what was the official recognition already preparing for them?'**— Mrs. Fremont, in her Story ofthe Guard, page 201. 8 Fremont had long before been called The Pathfinder, because of his wonderful explorations among the Rocky Mountains. Tho blade of the sword now presented to him was made at Solimzcn, on the Ehine. The ecabbard was of silver, with a design near its upper part, four inches in length. In its center was a bust of Fremont sculptured out of gold, in high relief, with a rich border of diamonds, and on each side a sculptnred figure of fame. In the rear of the hilt wa3 a hollow, arched at the top so as to form a canopy for a figure of America, at the foot of which, in the midst . C. :— I would regard it as nn net of personal courtesy and kindness to me, if yon will order my Body-Guard to remain with me, subject to no orders in this department but my own. It is composed of educated and intelligent young men, to whom the country and I owe more than tbe usual co sideratlon accorded to the rank and file of the army. J. C. Fremont, Maj.-Gen. U.S. A. Hh ad -Quarters of the Army, Washington, Xov. 11, 1861. Maj.-Gen. J. C. Fremont: — , Before receiving your djgpnteh, I had given instructions that the cavalry corps, known as your Body-Guard, should be otherwise dis posed of. Official information had reached this city that members of that body had at Springfield expressed sentiments rendering tbeir NATIONAL TEOOPS IN KENTUCKY. 85 that region who had received Fremont as a liberator, dared not remain, for they expected, what really happened, that General Price would follow up the receding army, and they would be made to suffer for their loyalty. Price did follow, with more than fifteen thousand men, in three columns ; and all South-western Missouri below the Osage was soon delivered into the power of the Confederates. When at the point of being deprived of his command, Fremont sent an order to General Grant at Cairo, directing him to make some co-operating movements. That officer, as we have observed, had taken possession of Paducah, in Kentucky," on hearing of the invasion of that State by General Polk. He had proceeded to strengthen the position by " ^ ' casting up fortifications there ; and by order of General Fremont, an immense pontoon bridge was thrown across the Ohio, half a mile below the PONTOON BBIDGJC AT PADUCAH. town.1 He also seized and occupied Smithland, not far from the mouth of the Cumberland River, and thus closed two important gateways of supply for the Confederates in the interior of Kentucky and Tennessee, from the Ohio. When Fremont's order for co-operation reached Grant, and was followed the next day by a dispatch,6 saying, " Jeff. Thompson is at Indian Ford of the St. Frantjois River, twenty-five miles below Green ville, with about three thousand men, and Colonel Carlin has started with a force from Pilot Knob; send a force from Cape Girardeau and Bird's Point, to assist Carlin in driving Thompson into Arkansas," he was ready to move quickly and effectively. Grant had already sent Colonel 5 Nov. 2. 1 A pontoon bridge, is a portable structure made to float on boat-shaped buoys, and used by an nrmy on its march for the purpose of crossing rivers where bridges may have been destroyed, or a fordable river made impassable by rains. The more modern boats used for the purpose are madfe of vulcanized india-rubber, and consist of cylinders peaked at each end, so as to offer very little resistance to a current. The river at Paducah is 8,600 feet across. The bridge was constructed of coal-barges, strongly braced to gether, and otherwise connected by trestle-work planked over. It was capable of bearing the heaviest ordnancu and thonsands of men. continuance in the servire of douMful expediency. With every desire to gratify your wishes, I do not see exactly how I call violate every rule of military propriety. Please reply. Geo. B. McClellan, Com.-in-Cliief. General Fremont tried to find out what were the offensive sentiments that had been expressed by members of bis Guard, which hail caused Ihie harsh official action toward idem ; but lo his application for a reconsideration of their case, in order that the truth might be dis covered. General McClellan made no reply. The Guard was mustered out of service on the 28th of November, 1861. It is said that the offensive sentiments alluded to were those of Fremont's emancipation proclamation. It was well known that some of tho Guard were outspoken against the slave system, whose supporters had commenced the war against the Government. 8G EXPEDITION DOWN THE MISSISSIPPI. Oglesby to Commerce and Sikeston, to pursue Thompson in conjunction with' some troops from Ironton, and had been informed that Polk was sending re-enforcements to Price from Cqlumbus. In this situation of affairs, ho determined to threaten Columbus by attacking Belmont, a little village and landing-place on the Missouri shore opposite, and break up the connection between Polk and Price. Oglesby's force was deflected toward New Madrid, and Colonel W. H. L.Wallace, of Illinois, was sent from Cairo to re-enforce him. The movement on Belmont would keep Polk from interfering with Grant's troops in pursuit of Thompson. General Charles F. Smith, a soldier of rare qualities, was now in command at Paducah. Grant requested him to make a demonstration toward Co lumbus, to attract the atten tion of Polk, and at the same time ho sent a force down the Kentucky shore to Ellicott's Mills, about twelve miles above Columbus. When these deceptive movements were put in operation, Grant went down the Mississippi from Cairo," with about three thousand troops, mostly Illinois Volunteers,' in four steam transports, convoyed by the wooden gunboats Tyler and Lexington , commanded respectively by Captains Walke and Stemble. They lay at Island No. 1, eleven miles above Columbus, that night. There Grant received information that Polk was sending troops across to Belmont, to cut off Colo nel Oglesby. At dawn the -next morning, he pressed -forward and landed his forces at Hunter's Point, on the Missouri shore, three miles above Bel mont, where a battalion was left to guard the transports from an attack by land, whilst the remainder pushed on and formed a line of battle two miles from the village. In the mean time, the gunboats had moved down and opened fire upon tho Confederate batteries on the Iron Banks, a short distance above Columbus, on the Kentucky shore, and two. hundred feet above the river, where twenty heavy guns were planted. Colonel Fouke took command of the center of the attacking column, Colonel Bnford of the right, and Colonel Logan ofthe left. Polk was surprised. He was looking for an attack only in the rear, for General Smith was threatening him at Mayfield. He at once sent over three regiments, under General Pillow, to re-enforce the regiments of Russell and Tappen (the former acting as brigade commander), then holding Belmont. FIELD OF UPEHATIONS AOAlNBT BELMONT. a Nov. 6, 1861. 1 These consisted of a part of General John A. McClernand's Brigade, composed ofthe Twenty-seventh, Thirtieth, arid Thirty-first Illinois, commanded respectively by Colonels N. B. Buford, Philip B. Fnukp, and John A. Logan ; and n company of cavalry le.l by Captain J J. Dollins. To these were added another company of cavalry under Lieutenant J. R. Catlin. and Captain Ezra Taylor's Chicago Light Artillery of six pieces and 114 men, all Illinois Volunteers. Also tbe Twenty-second Illinois, Colonel H. Dougherty, and thy Seventh Iowa, Colonel Lauman. BATTLE OF BELMONT. 87 Grant moved forward, with Dollins' cavalry scouring the woods to the right, and, deploying his whole force as skirmishers, he fought from tree to tree, and drove back the foe to their intrenched camp, which was protected by a strong abatis of slashed trees.1 Behind these, opposing Grant's left, lay the Thirteenth Arkansas and Ninth Tennessee ; and opposite his left was a bat tery of seven guns, commanded by Colonel Beltzhoover, and Colonel Wright's Tennessee regi ment. Against these the Nation als charged over the fallen timber, captured the battery, and drove the Confederates back across the low level ground to the river, and some of them to their boats. In this movement Pillow's line was broken into a confused mass of men. The powder of the Con federates was nearly exhausted. The victory was complete ; but the ground being commanded by the heavy guns on the bluffs at and near Columbus, it was un tenable. The victors gave three cheers for the Union, set fire to the Confed erate camp (having no wagons, in which to carry away property), and fell back with captured men, horses, and artillery, toward their landing-place in the morning. Polk determined not to allow Grant to escape with his' victory and booty. He opened upon him with some of his heaviest guns, and sent General Cheat ham with three regiments to cross the river above, and land between Grant and his flotilla. At the same time the chief crossed, at the head of two regiments, to aid Pillow in- his chase of the Nationals. The Confederates now were not less than five thousand strong, and pressing hard. There was desperate fighting for a short time. Grant pushed on in good order toward his landing-place, under fire of the Confederate batteries on the Iron Banks, turning once to punish severely some of Cheatham's troops on his flank, and once again to send back in confusion some of Pillow's men, under Colonel Marks, who had endeavored to cut him off from his boats. He finally reached his landing-place, and embarked, after suffering severely. The fight had been gallant on both sides.2 The gun-boats had performed most efficient service in BATTLE OF BELM0KT. 1 Aoatis is a French word for rows of felled trees, having their smaller branches cutoff and the larger ones sharpened, and placed with their ends toward the approach of assailants, either in front of a fort or an intrenched camp. Sometimes the smaller branches are left, and so intertwined as to make it extremely difficult to pene trate the mass, excepting by cannon-balls. 2 In a general order, Nov. Sth, General Grant said : " It has been my fortune to have been in all the battles fought in Mexico by Generals Scott and Taylor, save Buena Vista, and I never saw one more hotly contested, or where troops behaved with more gallantry.11 In his report on the 12th, he spoke in highest terms of General McClernand, as being In the midst of danger throughout the engagement, displaying coolness and judgment, 88 THE CONFEDERATES UNEASY. engaging the Confederate batteries, protecting the transports, and covering the re-embarkation. Indeed, to Captains Walke and Stemble, who managed their craft with the greatest skill and efficiency, the country was mostly in debted for the salvation of that little army from destruction or capture.1 At five o'clock in the afternoon, the flotilla, with the entire force, was on its way back to Cairo, carrying away two of Beltzhoover's heavy guns, the others having been recaptured. Grant had lost four hundred and eighty-five men,2 and Polk six hundred and thirty-two.? Cotemporaries and eye-witnesses on both sides related many deeds of special daring by individuals. The repulse of Grant did not relieve the Confederates of a sense of impending great danger, for intelligence was continually reaching Colum bus of the increase of National forces on the Ohio border. General Mansfield Lovell, then in command at New Orleans, was solicited to send up re-en forcements ; and Governor Pettus, of Mississippi, and Governor Rector, of Arkansas, were implored for aid. But these men perceived the peril threat ened by the land and water campaign commanded by Fremont, which events had sufficiently developed to make it fully suspected by the Confederates, and they dared not spare a man. Lovell answered that he had no more troops than were necessary to defend New Orleans, whilst both Pettus and Rector considered themselves deficient in strength for the expected conflict.4 Gov ernor Harris, of Tennessee, was urged to increase his efforts in " ^l'sci14' raismS volunteers. He had telegraphed to Pillow," saying : " I congratulate you and our gallant volunteers upon their bloody but brilliant and glorious A'ictory ;" and a week later he added, " I am or ganizing, as rapidly as possible, thirty thousand volunteers and militia, armed with country guns." The hope thus held out was fallacious, for nearly all the troops that Harris could then muster, by force or persuasion, were soon needed in the interior of his State, in keeping in check the Loyalists of East and having had his horse shot three times. Grant's horse was also shot under him. Colonel Dougherty, of the Twenty-second Illinois, was three times wounded, and finally taken prisoner. Major McClurken, ofthe Thir tieth Illinois, and Colonel Lauman, of the Seventh Iowa, were bndly wounded. Among the killed were Colonel Wentz, of the Seventh Iowa, Captains Brolaski and Markle, and Lieutenant Dougherty. The Twenty-second Illinois lost 23 killed and 74 wounded; and the Seventh Iowa had 26 killed and 80 wounded, including nearly all of its field officers. The loss of property was estimated at 25 baggage wagons, 100 horses, 1,000 overcoats, and 1,000 blankets. One man was 1- illed and two wounded on the gunboats. Among the Confederates killed was Colonel John V. Wright, of the Thirteenth Tennessee, nnd Major But ler, of the Eleventh Louisiana Wright was a Democratic Congressman, and an intimate friend of Colonel Philip B. Fouke, of the Illinois Volunteers. " When they parted at the close of tho session of 1860-61," says Mr. Greeley, (American Conflict, i. 597), Wright said to his friend, ' Phil, I expect the next time we meet it will be on tho battle-field.1 Their next meeting was in this bloody Btruggle." 1 After the transports had departed from before Columbus, and gone some distance up the river, followed by the gunboats, 1'aptain Walke was informed that some ofthe troops had been left behind. Ho returned with tho Tyler, and met detached parties along the banks. Ho succeeded in rescuing nearly all of the stragglers from capture. 2 Eighty-five killed, 801 wounded, nnd'99 missing. General Pillow, whose performances on this occasion were tho least creditable, with his usual bombast and exaggerations, spoke in his report of his "small Spartan army" withstanding tbe constant flro of three times their number forfour hours.— Pollard's First Year of the War, 203. 3 Official reports of Grant and Polk, and their subordinate officers; private letter of General Grant to his father, Nov. 8th, 1801 ; Grant's Itevised Eeport, June 26th, 1865; Pollard's First Year of tlie War. Tho latter gives the Confederate loss as it is above recorded. MS. Reports of Acting Brigadier-General E. M. Eussell, Nov. 9, and of Colonels E. Eicketts, Jr., and T. H. Bell, Nov. 11, 1861. 4 A little later, Governor Pettus changed his views, and, in a Bpecial message to the Mississippi Legislature, he suggested to that body the propriety of sending such troops as could "be immediately raised and armed, to assist in the defense of the important post of Columbus. I deem the safety of our position and forces at Colum bus as of such vital importance to this State," he said, "as to claim the prompt and decisive action of all tho State authorities.'1 KENTUCKY INVADED BY ZOLLICOFPER. 89 Tennessee ; in aiding Zollicoffer in his invasion of Southeastern Kentucky, already alluded to ;' and in supporting Buckner in his treasonable operations in his native State. Zollicoffer Tiad advanced to Barboursville, the capital of Knox County, so early as the 19th of September, where he dispersed an armed band of Kentucky Unionists, and captured their camp. He pro claimed peace and security in person and property for all Kentuckians, ex cepting those who should be found in arms for the Union ; but his soldiers could not be restrained, and the inhabitants of that region were mercilessly plundered by them. Zollicoffer's invasion aroused the Unionists of Eastern Kentucky, and they flew to arms. A large number of them were mustering and organizing under Colonel Garrard, a plain, earnest, and loyal Kentuckian, at a point among the Rock Castle Hills known as Camp Wild Cat. It was in a most picturesque region of one of the spurs of the Cumberland Mountains, on the direct road from Cumberland Gap toward the rich " blue-grass region " of Kentucky. Upon this camp Zollicoffer advanced on the 18th of October, with seven regiments and a light battery. When intelligence of his ap proach was received, Colonel Garrard had only about six hundred effective men to oppose him. Others in sufficient numbers to insure a successful re sistance were too remote to be available, for the invader moved swiftly, swooping down from the mountains like an eagle on its prey. Yet when he came, on the morning of the 21st,'1 he found at "^osf"' Camp Wild Cat, besides Garrard's three regiments, a part of Colonel Coburn's Thirty-third Indiana, and Colonel Connell's Seven teenth Ohio regiments, and two hundred and fifty Kentucky cavalry, under Colonel Woolford, ready to resist him. With the latter came General Schoepf, an officer of foreign birth and military education, who assumed the chief command. The position of the Unionists was strong. Zollicoffer with his Tennes- seans and a body of Mississippi "Tigers" boldly attacked- them, and was twice repulsed. The first attack was in the morning, the second in the after noon. The latter was final. The contests had been very sharp, and the latter was decisive. The camp-fires of Zollicoffer's invaders were seen that evening in a sweet little valley two or three miles away from the battle ground. Promptly and efficiently had Garrard's call for help been responded to, for toward the close of the second attack a portion of Colonel Steadman's Fourteenth Ohio also came upon the field to aid the Kentuckians, Indianians, and Ohioians already there ; and when the invaders had withdrawn, others were seen dragging cannon wearily up the hill for the defense of Camp Wild Cat. A little later a trial of strategy and skill occurred in the most eastern 1 Zollicoffer, like Polk, made necessity the pretext for scorning the neutrality of Kentucky. On tho 14th of September he telegraphed to Governor Magoffin, informing him of his occupation of three mountain ranges in Kentucky, because it was evident that the Unionists in Eastern Kentucky were about to invade East Ten nessee, to destroy the great railway and its bridges. He 6aid, apologetically, that he had delayed that "pre cautionary movement," until it was evident that ''¦ the despotic Government at Washington '' had determined to subjugate first Kentucky and then Tennessee, whom he regarded as twin Bisters. With the old plea of the unrighteous, that "the end justifies the means," he declared that he felt a "religious respect for Krntncky'fl neutrality," and would continue to feel it, so long as the 6afety of the Confederate cause would permit. He issued an order at the same time, setting forth that he entered Kentucky to defend "the sdil of a sister State against an invading foe." 90 BATTLE OF PIKETON, KENTUCKY. a November, 1861. WILLIAM NELSON. portion of Kentucky, between about three thousand loyalists, under General William Nelson, and a little more than a thousand insurgents, under Colonel John S. Williams. The latter were at Piketon, the capital of Pike County, and were marched against by General Nelson's force from Pres- tonburg, on the Big Sandy River. He sent" Colonel Sill, with nearly one-half of that force,1 to march by way of John's Creek to gain the rear of Wil liams at Piketon, whilst with the re mainder he should move forward and ¦ attack his front, so bringing him be- > tween two fires, and compelling him to surrender. Some one, counting positively on success, telegraphed to Washington that this result, had been accomplished, and that a thousand prisoners had surrendered. The whole country was thrilled by the good news, for it seemed as if a way was about to be opened for the relief and the arming of the suffering loyalists in East Tennessee. Truth soon told a different story. Nelson had moved on the 9th with his main column2 directly toward Pikeville, twenty-eight miles distant, a bat talion of Kentucky volunteers, under Colonel C. A. Marshall, in advance. They met picket-guards eight miles from that village. The road now lay along a narrow shelf cut in a high mountain side, ending in a steep ridge at Ivy Creek, which bent around it. There lay the Confederates in ambush, and did not fire until Marshall's battalion was close upon them. Then a volley was poured upon his men, and a sharp skirmish ensued. Confederates on the opposite side ofthe creek joined in the attack; but, after a contest of almost an hour and a half, all the insurgents fled, leaving thirty of their comrades dead on the field. How much greater was their loss was not ascertained. Nelson's loss was six killed and twenty-four wounded. He did not pursue far, and, as he had no cavalry, Williams escaped. The latter was too watch ful and discreet to be caught in the trap laid for him by Nelson. Seeing his danger, he fled to the fastnesses of the mountains at Pound Gap, carrying with him a large amount of cattle and other spoils. General Nelson entered Pikeville on the 10th, where he found Colonel Sill and his division, who, after fighting on the way, had arrived the previous evening, and given Williams's troops a few shot and shell when they departed. On the same day Nelson had the pleasure of saying to his troops, in an order issued from " Camp Hopeless Chase," that "In a campaign of twenty days, 1 Sill's troops for this occasion were tho Thirty-third Ohio (his own regiment), a light battalion, under Major Hart, composed of portions of the Second, Thirty-third, and Fifty-ninth Ohio, and two Kentucky companies ; one hundred and forty-two mounted men, mostly teamsters, commanded by Colonel Metcalf; thirty-six volunteers, under Colonel Apperson, and a section of artillery (two rifled 6-poundcrs), under Colonel Eoher Vacher. 2 This was composed of tbe greater portions of the Second, Twenty-first, and Fifty-ninth Ohio Volunteers, under Colonels Harris, Norton, and Tyffe; a battalion of Kentucky volunteers, commanded by Colonel C. A. Marshall, and two sections of artillery, in charge of Captain Konkle. RESULTS OF A FALSE ALARM. 91 you have driven the rebels from Eastern Kentucky, and given repose to that portion of the State." He alluded to their privations, and then said : " For your constancy and courage, I thank you, and, with the qualities which you have shown that you possess, I expect great things from you in the future." The East Tennessee patriots were compelled to wait and suffer longer. Bright hopes had been excited among them by the repulse of Zollicoffer at Camp Wild-Cat ; and many from the great valley between the Alleghenj and Cumberland ranges, had made their way to the camps of the Unionists in Kentucky, fully persuaded that they would soon return with a victorious host as liberators of East Tennessee. It might have been so, had not Gen eral Schoepf been deceived by false reports concerning the strength of the insurgents at the mountain gaps, and the movements of others who were occupying Bowling Green, in the heart of Kentucky, under General Buck ner, and who at that time were too weak to make any aggressions. Startled by a report that a large force from Bowling Green was marching to strike his flank, Schoepf fell back hastily toward the Ohio, making two days' forced marches, and leaving behind him and along the road ample evidence of a precipitate and rather disastrous flight. Not a platoon of soldiers had gone out from Buckner's camp in that direction. That retrograde movement of Schoepf extinguished the hope of speedy relief in the hearts of the East Tennesseans. Now, at the middle of November, the Confederates had obtained a firm foothold in Tennessee, and occupied a considerable portion of Southern Ken tucky, from the mountains to the Mississippi River; also a greater portion Of Missouri south of the Missouri River. At the same time the National authorities were making vigorous preparations to drive them southward. At this interesting point, let us leave the consideration of events westward of the Alleghenies for a time, and glance at stirring scenes eastward of th i lofty range of mountains, and on the sea-coast. 92 CONFEDERATE TROOPS IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. CHAPTER IY. MILITARY OPERATIONS IN WESTERN VIRGINIA, AND ON THE SEA-COAST N the autumn of 1861, the Confederates made a severe struggle for the possession of West Vir ginia. They hoped, by the employment of other commanders than those who had failed there, to, recover all that had been lost in the summer by the dispersion of Garnett's forces at Carricksford,1 and the pushing of the incompetent Wise out of the Kanawha Valley, as we have observed.2 General Robert E. Lee was sent with re-enforcements to take command of the troops left by Garnett and Pegram in Northern Vir ginia. He made his head-quarters at Huntersville, in Pocahontas County. His entire force, early in August, numbered full sixteen thousand men. He placed a strong guard on Buffalo Mountain, at the crossing ofthe Staunton turnpike, and extended his line northward from the Warm Springs, in Green brier County. General Floyd, the late Secretary of War,3 had, in the mean time, taken chief command of his own and Wise's troops, in the region of the Gauley River.4 With these two armies acting simultaneously, it was intended to expel the National troops from Western Virginia, and menace Ohio. Floyd was to sweep down the Kanawha Valley, and drive General Cox, of Ohio, beyond the border, while Lee should scatter the Union army, under General Rosecrans (McClellan's successor),5 in Northern Virginia, and, planting the Confederate flag at Wheeling, threaten Western Penn sylvania. Floyd took a strong position between Cox and Rosecrans, at Carnifex Ferry,6 on the Gauley River, just below Meadow Creek, and eight miles from Summersville, the capital of Nicholas County. He left Wise with his force, called " Wise's Legion," at Pickett's Mills, to prevent a flank movement from Hawksnest, a mountain on the southern side of the Gauley, near which, on 1 See pago 534, volume I. 2 See page 537, volume I. 3 See page 145. volume I. * Wise was so great a boaster, and so poor a performer, that bis signal failures as a milita-y leader on all occasions caused him to be much ridiculed. The following is a specimen of some of the shafts of wit that were cast at him through the newspapers of the day — " There was a man of Accomac, 9 And he was bully Wise ; He jumped into Kanawha's bush, And scratched out both his eyes; And, when he saw he lost his eyes, With all his might and main, From Kanawha he quickly flies, To brag, and — run again.11 • See page B87, volume I. ' Carnifea is a Latin word, signifying a villain, or villainous. EVENTS IN THE KANAWHA VALLEY. 93 * Aug. S 1861. the New River, Cox's main force was then stationed. Floyd had just settled his command at Carnifex Ferry, when he received intelligence that some National troops were approaching from the direction of Summersville, north of him. These were the Seventh Ohio, under Colonel E. B. Tyler, who, as a fur-trader, had made himself well acquainted with that region. Floyd had been placed in a perilous position in passing over the Gauley, by the cap sizing of a ferry-boat. His command was severed ; most of his cavalry and four pieces of artillery being on the southern side of the river, whilst his in fantry and a small portion of his cavalry were on the opposite shore. . Tyler had information of this affair, and hoped to strike Floyd before he could re unite his troops. But he was a little too late. He was encamped at Cross Lanes, not far from Summersville, on the night of the 25th of August, and, while at breakfast the next morning," his command was surprised by a force of Virginians sent out stealthily by Floyd, severely handled, and dispersed with the loss of about fifty men. General Rosecrans, soon after this defeat of Tyler, marched to the aid of Cox against Floyd. He issued a stirring proclamation to the loyal inhabi tants of Western Virginia, and promised them ample protection. General Cox, of Ohio, in the mean time, had advanced from Charleston to the site of Gauley bridge, which Wise, in his hasty flight, had burnt ; and, at the junction of New River with the Gauley,1 he had reported to Governor Pier- pont, on the 29th of July, that the Kanawha Valley was " free from the Secession troops," and that the inhabitants were denouncing Wise " for his vandalism." He had moved up the Kanawha, by land and water, having under his control a number of steamboats. His whole force proceeded cau tiously, for masked batteries were dreaded. His scouting parties were very active. One of these, under Colonel Guthrie, composed of the First Kentucky cavalry, routed a Confederate troop at Cissonville. Others were driven from their camps, and as Cox moved steadily onward, Wise, as we have observed, becoming alarmed,2 abandoned his strong in trenchments at Charleston, and fled up the river, burning the bridges over the streams in his rear. When ap proaching the abandoned town, Cox captured a Confederate steamer, and on the 25th of July he entered the village, just after the Confederate rear-guard had left. He found the fine suspension bridge over the Elk River in ruins, and Wise beyond his reach ; so he fortified his position there, and, with some of his troops, followed his fugitive foe as far as the confluence of the New and Gauley Rivers, and took position, as we have observed, in the region between them. JOSEPH J. REYNOLDS. 1 New River rises among the spurs of the Blue Ridge, in North Carolina, and, uniting with the Gauley, forms the Great Kanawha. 2 See page 537, volume I. 94 MARCH OF ROSECRANS TOWARD THE KANAWHA. General Rosecrans had organized a strong column of nearly ten thousand men at Clarksburg, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railway ; and early in Sep tember he marched southward, with several of his best Western regiments, to attack Floyd, wherever he might be found, leaving the remainder of his force under General Reynolds, who was in command of the Cheat Mountain division, to watch and oppose Lee. He soon ascertained that Floyd was at or near Carnifex Ferry, and he pushed forward in that direction, through Lewis, Braxton, and Nicholas Counties, by way of Weston, Jacksonville, and Braxton Court House, to Summersville. His route lay along some of the wildest of the mountain roads, over the western spurs of the Alleghenies, and among the most charming and picturesque scenery of Western Virginia. Sometimes his troops thridded deep and gloomy ravines, and narrow defiles, and then climbed the steepest hillsides ; at times along slippery winding paths, among beetling crags, catching here and there, at some sharp angle, glimpses of distant mountain groups, and fertile valleys covered with corn.1 Especially rugged was the Gauley mountain range, over which the army climbed, after leaving Suttonsville, on the Elk, and tho valley of its tributary, the Big Birch Creek. Rosecrans reached the summit of the mountain at noon, on the 9th," when a magnificent panorama of lofty wooded ranges met the eye. On that height, near Muddlethy Bottom, they began to feel the foe. He had an ad vanced camp in the vicinity, and there picket-firing commenced. Union cavalry dashed forward, and Floyd's vedettes were soon seen scampering toward Sum mersville, with information of the ap proach of the National troops. The latter passed through that town with General Benham's brigade in the advance, on the morning of the 10th, a, few hours after the Thirty-sixth Virginia had left it and fled to Floyd's intrenchments at the Ferry. The little army moved cautiously forward from Summersville, properly » Sept., 1S61. ASCENT OF GAULEY MOUNTAIN. 1 The ascent, of one of these steep monntnin pathways by a portion of the Twelfth Ohio Regiment was described by an eyewitness as presenting a singularly picturesque appearance. This was accomplished a short time before the march ofthe army now under consideration, when those, troops were making their way over tbe mountains south of the Gauley, to reconnoiter Floyd's position. A part of the ascent was made at night, in the light of torches. The troops were compelled to go in sinsle file, sometimes crawling on their hands and knees. and at midnight they reached the summit. The sketch given in the text is from the pencil of one who accom panied the army. # BATTLE OF CARNIFEX FERRY. 95 HEXr.Y w. nsxnAM. fearing an ambuscade. The Tenth Ohio, under Colonel Lytle, led the way ; and, at about two o'clock in the afternoon, the vanguard came in sight of Floyd's works, a mile distant, be yond a deep wooded valley. These occupied a bald eminence on the north side of the Gauley River, which here swept in a curve, so that each flank of the Confederate in trenchments rested on the stream. Over that eminence, and through these works, passed the road to Car nifex Feny, a passage of the river just belOw Meadow Creek, and a battery of twelve guns was so placed upon the hill as to sweep this road back for full a mile, in the face of Rosecrans' approach. Placing his entire force in proper order for conflict, the commander or- < dered Benham to advance with his brigade and make a reconnoissancej in force. That brigade was composed of three Ohio regiments and two batteries.1 The order was promptly obeyed. The Tenth Ohio still led, and at balf-past three o'clock in the afternoon, when Lytle's skirmishers emerged from the woods into an open field of corn, they found themselves near some of the Confederate works. Musket firing immediately commenced, first lightly, but soon it was a perfect storm of lead from the entire Confederate front. The remainder of the regiment was ordered forward to the aid of the skirmishers, and the colors were placed in front, with the intention of attacking the main Confederate bat tery. This drew upon them the concentrated fire of the foe. The storm was so heavy that the line recoiled and broke, but it was soon rallied, and the batteries of Schneider and McMullen were ordered up to the support of the smitten regiment. Benham was now satisfied that Floyd's weakest point was on his right wing, and he resolved to attack him there. He ordered the Twelfth and Thirteenth Ohio to advance, pass the deep valley on his left, and under cover of the woods make the attack. While this movement was in progress, Colonel Lytle dashed up the hill with his regiment, to assail the intrench ments in the center. He was so warmly received that he was compelled to direct his men to seek shelter from the storm. He had received a severe wound in his leg, and his horse was fatally shot. He took refuge in a deserted house between the two fires, and lay there until the conflict ceased. His regiment, discouraged at the loss of their Colonel, became somewhat scattered in the woods, but kept up an incessant firing. Colonel Smith, in the mean time, had opened upon Floyd's right, and Colonel Lowe with the Twelfth Ohio was led by Adjutant-General Hartsuff into the woods, in a position to work his way up under cover and form on 1 These were the Tenth, under Colonel Lytle, the Twelfth, under Colonel Lowe, and the Thirteenth, under Colonel Smith. A battery of two rifled 6-pounders was commanded by Captain Schneider, and another of foui mountain howitzers was in charge of Captain iMcMullen. 96 BATTLE OF CARNIFEX FERRY. Smith's right, so as to threaten , more positively the extreme right flank of the Confederates. Lowe was pushing rapidly forward, when he was instantly killed by a musket-ball that pierced his forehead and entered his brain. Hartsuff hurried McMullen's battery into a position to play effectively" on the principal redoubt, whilst Schneider's on the right of the road completely commanded the entire front of the Confederate works. Two of Floyd's guns were soon silenced, and the fire of the others became weaker. In the mean time Rosecrans was busy on the hill to the right of the road, exposed to the hottest of the fire, in forming Colonel Robert L. McCook's Brigade — the Third, Ninth (his own regiment), and Twenty-eighth Ohio— for co-operation in the movement, with Scammon's Brigade a little in the rear as a reserve. McCook's Regiment was composed mostly of Germans, and these were to lead the column. When they were ready for an advance, Adjutant-General Hartsuff was sent to bring the brigade forward. McCook, who had been restive in inac tivity while the battle had been raging for nearly an hour, now glowed with de light. He was acting as brigadier, and was eager for usefulness and renown. He dashed up and down his line like a weaver's shuttle, dis tinguished from other officers by his citizen's dress and slouched hat. He told his men what was to be done, and what was expected of them, and asked them if they were ready to do it. He was answered by cheers that smothered the roar of battle on the left. Then standing high in his stirrups, and snatching his hat from his head, he waved it in the air, and shouted, " Forward, my bully Dutch ! We will go over the intrenchments if every man dies on the other side !" Another volley of cheers broke from the column as it moved forward at the double quick to storm the intrench ments, with the calm Hartsuff at their head. Down into the densely wooded ravine they plunged, and McCook's Ninth and Colonel Mohr's Twenty- eighth Ohio were already feeling the severe storm from the intrenchments, and fighting bravely, when they were suddenly checked by an order from Rosecrans to halt. The General had more minutely examined the plan (which Hartsuff had submitted and begged permission to carry out) for storming the works in front, and perceiving, as he thought, too much peril to his troops involved in it, he countermanded the order when the movement was in mid career, and at the moment when Colonel Smith, with the Thir teenth Ohio, was at the point, apparently, of successfully carrying the works on Floyd's right. The troops were all recalled from the assault, after fight ing between three and four hours. It was near the end of twilight when this conflict, known as the Battle PLAN OF THE BATTLE OF CARNIFEX FERRY. v ^Ajf jG E QJ)K1D®KI (BLEKi [IKACU^c .j'.oitGJ-' WrJtiU)S Rihiihheh 6/?8&6.30 Chkstnut St Philadklphia It'Whitecniiich Sc Fhfld.da LEE IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. 97 op Carnifex Ferry, ceased. Rosecrans intended to renew it in the morn ing, and his troops lay on their arms all night, some of them within a hun dred yards of the intrenchments. When day dawned," Floyd, who had been wounded in the arm, had fled. Terrified by the " 'g^11' fury of the assault on the previous! day, he had stolen softly away in the dark, leaving a large amount of ammunition, arms, stores, and equipage behind. He crossed the Gauley over a hastily constructed bridge of logs, which he broke down behind him, destroyed the ferry-boat, and hastened to Dogwood Gap, and thence to a secure spot on the summit of Big Sewell Mountain, near New River, thirty miles distant from the battle-field. After resting there a few days, he pushed on to Meadow Bluff, whilst Wise, who had refused to send him re-enforcements at the Ferry, and now refused to follow him,1 strengthened the position on Big Sewell Mountain, and called it " Camp Defiance." The Battle of Carnifex Ferry was regarded as a decided victory for the Nationals, and an excellent test of the quality of the soldiers. These troops, with the exception of the cavalry of Stewart, of Indiana, and Schaumberg, of Chicago, were all from Ohio. They^went into tho battle after a hard march of seventeen miles, not more than four thousand strong, and fought nearly two thousand men, behind intrenchments,2 for three or four hours, losing fifteen killed, and seventy wounded. The Confederates report ed their loss at one killed and ten wounded.3 The expulsion of Floyd from Car nifex Ferry was soon followed by a conflict between the forces of General Reynolds, of tho. National army, and those of General Lee, of the Confede rate army, at important posts among the mountains farther to the north ward. Reynolds's troops, forming the first brigade of Rosecrans's Army of Occupation in Western Virginia, consisted of the Thirteenth, Four teenth, and Fifteenth Indiana Regi- EOBERT E. LEE. 1 Wise could not reconcile his pride and duty. The former prevailed, and made him insubordinate. He refused to send re-enforcemcnts to Floyd, at Carnifex Ferry, and the latter declared to his superiors at Richmond -f that the failure to receive them was a capital reason for, his inability to hold that position. Wise, atthat time, according to Pollard, was endeavoring to win laurels exclusively for himself in another direction ; but, as usual, he failed, no was quick to follow Floyd in his retreat bef.iro danger ; but, as soon as that danger seemed remote, he again became insubordinate, and, as we have observed in the text, remained on the summit of Big Sewell Mountain, and established ** Camp Defiance " there. There, on the 18th, he made a speech to his Legion, ia which he told them that hitherto he had never retreated, excepting in obedience to superior orders, and that there he was determined to make a stand, notwithstanding his own troops numbered only 1,700, while those or his foe were reported by Floyd to be 15,000. He did not believe this statement ; " nevertheless, they must bo prepared to fight great odds, front and rear, for successive days.11 a Pollard, in bis First Year ofthe War, page 165, says: "The force of General Floyd's command was 1,740 men. Others put it at a much higher number. It was probably about 2,000." 3 Report of General Rosecrans to Adjutant-General Townsend, September 11th; of General Benham to General Rosecrans, September 13th ; of Colonels Lytle and Smith, and Lieutenant-Colonel White, September 11th, 1861; and of General Floyd, to the Confederate "Secretary of War," September 12th ; also army corre spondence of the Cincinnati Gazette and Lynchburg (Va.) Bepubliean. Vol, II.— 7 98 REYNOLDS AND LEE AMONG THE MOUNTAINS. ments, the Third and Sixth Ohio, detachirients of the First and Second Vir ginia, Burdsall's Ohio, and Bracken's Indiana cavalry, and Loomis's Michigan Battery. With these forces he held the roads and passes of the more wes terly ranges of the great Allegheny chain, from Webster, on the Baltimore and Ohio Railway, to the head waters of the Gauley, among the spurs of the Greenbrier Mountains. His head-quarters, at the time of Rosecrans's move ment from Clarksburg, were at Cheat Mountain Pass (Crouch's), at the western foot of the hills over which goes the highway from Huttons- ville to Staunton. There he had the Thirteenth Indiana, Colonel Sullivan, with two pieces of artillery, and a small cavalry force. These were disposed along the approaches to the Pass, to guard against surprise. On the Sum mit of the Cheat, as we have observed, General McClellan had left Colonel Kimball with the Fourteenth Indiana as an outpost,1 which that officer had strengthened, and where he now had the aid of about forty cavalrymen. General Lee's head-quarters, at this time, were at Huntersville, in Poca hontas County. His scouts were active everywhere, and so were those of Reynolds. The adventures of these men during several weeks furnish material for the wildest romances. The opposing parties frequently met, and engaged in sharp conflicts ; and scarcely a day passed that the sound of the' desultory firing of small-arms was not heard among those solitary hills. Scouting became a most exciting pleasure to many who were engaged in it ; but time and circumstances soon brought about more sober work. i It was evident, from the movements of Lee's scouts on the mountains, early in September, that he was contemplating an expedition against some of Reynolds's important posts, for the purpose of capturing his army in detail, 'Or of breaking through and severing his lines of communication, and marching to the Ohio ; or, possibly, for the interception of Rosecrans in his march toward the Gauley. He was watched with sleepless vigilance, and on the day after Floyd's retreat from Carnifex Ferry, it was evident that he was moving against the post on the Summit, and another at Elk Water, at the western foot of the mountain, seven miles from the former by a bridle-path over the hills, and eighteen by the road. His object was to secure the great Cheat Mountain Pass, and have free communication with the Shenandoah Valley at Staunton. For this purpose he marched from Huntersville on the night of the 11th of September," with nine thousand men, and nearly a dozen pieces of artillery. He had succeeded, with great difficulty, in placing his troops to make a simultaneous attack upon the Summit, Elk Water, and the Pass. A storm was sweeping over the moun tains, and favored the expedition. At midnight the telegraph wires between Kimball, at the Summit, and head-quarters, were cut, and all communication ceased. The last message to the Colonel from General Reynolds was one from Elk Water, warning him of impending danger. It was heeded, and promptly acted upon. The bridle-path between the Summit and Elk Water was immediately picketed, and, on the morning ofthe 12th, a horseman was sent down the mountain with dispatches for Reynolds. He met some wagons without horses or men. It. was a supply-train, that had been moving 1 See page 536, volume L A STRIFE FOR THE SUMMIT. 99 tip under the escort of the Twenty-fifth Ohio, and had been cut off. He hastened back with the news, when Colonel Kimball, at the head of the Fourteenth Indiana and twelve dragoons, hurrieCd to the spot, near which they met the Confederates in force, and drove them. , Kimball then detailed one hundred men, under Captain Higgins, to re-enforce Captain Coons, who was closely invested on a ridge near the Pass. They fought their way down, and found Coons stubbornly holding his position, having repelled every assault. In a short time the Confederates in that vicinity, driven at several points by the men of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Indiana, and Twenty-fourth and Twenty-fifth Ohio, were discomfited and dispersed, and in their flight cast away every thing that might encumber them. So the attempt to reach the rear of the National works on the Summit was foiled, and another portion of the Confederate troops, which appeared on and near the Cheat River, on the front and flank of Kimball's position, were at about this time routed by a few Indiana and Ohio troops, under Captain Foote, of the Fourteenth Indiana. The Confederates engaged in this attempt upon the Summit and the Pass were nearly five thousand in number, and were led in person by General Anderson, of Tennessee.' The troops that opposed them did not number more than six hundred. General Reynolds, who had hastened around to Elk Water, was ignorant of these important movements on the mountain. He arrived there toward evening,'* and found a large force of Confederates, " Se?h}2' under General Lee, threatening the position. They were kept at a respectful distance by the Parrot guns of Loomis's battery, and all was silent at the gathering of darkness on the evening of the 12th. Reynolds was satisfied that Kimball had performed all that could be done in defense of his post, yet he was determined to open communication with him. He ordered Colonel Sullivan to take his Thirteenth Indiana, and cut his way, if necessary, by the main road ; and Colonels Morrow and Moss were ordered to do the same by the bridle-path. These troops left at three o'clock on the morning of the 13th f the former from the Pass, and the latter from Elk Water. They found their prescribed work already ep performed. They secured the provision train, and reached the Summit at dawn. At the same time Lee advanced in heavy force upon Elk Water, with the apparent intention of making a direct attack. Reynolds's pickets were driven in, when a 10-pounder Parrot gun of -Loomis's battery was pushed about three-fourths of a mile to the front, and did such execution that the Confederates withdrew. In that positSon both armies remained until night, when Lee withdrew still farther under cover of the darkness, and on the following day took post along the slopes of the Greenbrier Mountains, about ten miles from Elk Water. He attempted a flank movement on the Cheat Summit, on the 15th, but was driven away. The repulse of Anderson on the mountain had satisfied Lee that his grand strategic plan for severing and destroying Reynolds's army, and pushing on to the Ohio, had failed. In the encounters during these two or three days, the Nationals lost ten 1 General Anderson's brigade consisted chiefly of Tennessee and Arkansas troops, with some Virginians. Those employed against the Summit and the Pass were the Twenty-third, Twenty-fifth, Thirty-first, and Thirty- seventh Virginia Regiments, a Virginia batteryWder Colonels Talliafero and Heck, and the First, Seventh, and Fourteenth Tennessee, under Colonel Manly. 100 BATTLE ON THE GREENBRTER. killed,, fourteen wounded, and sixty-four prisoners- The Confederate losa was_about one hundred killed1 and wounded, and ninety prisoners.2 Lee, having faded. in his designs against Reynolds, withdrew. from. the Cheat, Mountain region with a greater part of his, force, and joined Floyd at Meadow Bluff, at the close of September," He had left General " Sas6i2t>" ^- -^- Jackson, of Georgia, with about three thousand men, on the Greenbrier River, at the foot of Cheat Mountain, and a small force at Huntersville, to watch Reynolds. He now proceeded to fortify Wise's position on Big Sewell Mountain, which confronted the Nationals on and near the Gauley River and New River, and there, as the senior officer, he concentrated his own forces, and those of Floyd and Wise, and found himself in command of an army of at least twenty thousand men.3 . , Reynolds now resolved to act . on the offensive. At the beginning of October he moved with about five thousand men upon Jackson's intrenched camp, on the Greenbrier, near a noted tavern, called " Travelers,' Repose," on the Staunton pike. His forces, composed of Indiana, Ohio, Michigan, and Virginia troops, left the summit of Cheat Mountain at a little before midnight,6 for " an armed reconnoissance," as he termed it- They reached the front of the Confederates, twelve miles distant, at dawn, when the, Ninth Indiana, under Colonel Milroy, drove in the advance pickets. Kimball's Fourteenth Indiana took position directly in front, , and Loomis.'s battery was planted within seven hundred yards of the works, where it opened fire. Howe, of the Fourth Regular Artillery, and Daum, also in command of artillery, brought their guns into position at about the same distance. Three oi the Confederate cannon were disabled, when he,avy re- enforcements for the garrison were reported to be. .near. The Nationals were eager to storm tjie works before these should , arrive, but the General would not permit it. They were allowed to make a ihmk movement on the Confederate right, and attempt a dislodgment. The Confederates, per ceiving their design, were prepared at that .point, and with a terrible storm of grape and canister they, repulsed the assailants. Reynolds lost ten killed and thirty-two wounded. Jackson's loss in the picket-firing and in the trenches was estimated at over two hundred. The engagement had lasted about seven hours. Reynolds fell back to Elk Water. 1 Among the killed was Lieutenant-Colonel John A. Washington, of General Lee's staff. Ho was the former owner of tho mansion and mansion-farm of the estate of Mount Vernon, which he sold to the Ladies' Mount Vernon Association a few years before the war broke out. He was out on the evening of the 13th, with two other officers, reconnoitering the works at Elk Water, when he was shot dead by three Minle bails, from a picket post of the Seventeenth Indiana. These penetrated hia breast, which was covered by a rich white satin vest In his pocket was found a complete description of the works at Elk Water. Ilis'remains were tenderly cared(for, nnd sent to General Lee the next morning. Washington was about forty years of age. 2 Report of General J. J. Reynolds to Assistant Adjutant-General Georgo L. Hartsnff, September 17th, 1S61 ; of General Robert E. Lee to L. Popo Walker, September ISth. 1SGI ; The (Xieat Mountain Campaign, in Ste venson's Indiana Boll of Honor ; Pollard's First Year of the War. Whilst evidently giving Lee full credit for mre abilities as an engineer, Pollard regarded him as incompetent to execute, well. He says: "There is reason to Believe that, if General I-ee bad not allowed the immaterial part of his plan to control his action, a rrlorions success would have resulted, opening the whole northwestern conntry to us, and enabling .Floyd and Wise to drive Cox with ease out of tho Kanawha Valley. Regrets, howover, wero unavailing now. . General Lee's plan, finished drawings of which wero sent to the War Department at Richmond, was said to have been one of the best-laid plans that ever illustrated the consummation of the rules of strategy, or ever went awry on account of practical failures in its execution." , 3 When Lee arrived at Floyd's camp at Meadow Bluff, he wrote to Wise, advising him to fall back without delay. Wise hesitated, and invited General Leo to visit him, and inspect his position. Leo did so, and, satisfied that it was the most advantageous place of the two, ordered him to remain. This tacit approval of Wfse^ in subordination offended .Floyd ; but the concentration of all tho forces under Lee prevented any ill consequences. ? ROSECRANS AND FLOYD ON NEW RIVER. 101 ¦ Sept. 24, 1861. Lee's position on Big Sewell Mountain was directly in front of that of Rosecrans, who occupied the country in the crotch formed by the Gau ley River and New River. His main camp was on New River, and his lines extended down to the Gauley. The breacli between Wise and" Floyd widened, and, late in September,11 the former was recalled to Richmond by the Confederate " Secretary of War." Lee held Wise's position on Big Sewell for about three weeks, in sight of Rosecrans, who had been re-enforced;1 but did not venture to attack him. The latter then fell back, without Lee's knowledge, and concentrated his forces near the junction of the rivers. Lee, too, was then recalled to Rich mond,2 and was soon afterward sent to take charge of the coast defenses of South Carolina and Georgia.3 Floyd and Rosecrans were once more com petitors for the possession of the Kanawha Valley. The former, late in Oc tober, took position on the left bank of New River, and erected batteries there a little above its junction with the Gauley, and on the. first of Novem ber he opened an annoying fire on the National camp. Already very troublesome raids had been made by small parties of Confederates, and on one occasion they had approached within twelve miles of Charleston. Floyd's batteries now commanded the road over which Rosecrans's sup plies had to pass to his camp at the junction, and it was resolved to dislodge or capture him. Troops were thrown across for that purpose. An attempt of General Schenck to cross behind Fayetteville, and strike Floyd's rear, was frustrated by a sud den flood in New River, and the Confederates were struck only in the front, opposite the mouth of the Gauley, by the First Ken- b Nov. 12. EEGION OF .MILITARY OPERATIONS IS' WESTEEN VIEGINIA. tucky, under Major Leepcr. This was gallantly performed,'' and Floyd recoiled. General Benham had crossed below the mouth 1 His army now numbered' about 10;000 men, composed of the brigades of Generals Cox, Benham, and Schenck, the latter bavin i beentransferred from tho Army ofthe Potomac. s Lee's campaign lrr Western Virginia was a failure, arid the hopes' centered on hUn were signally disap pointed. The' Confederate! historian ofthe war, Pollard, commenting on Lee's failure to attack Rosvciians, says (i. 171): "Thus the second opportunity of a decisive- battloin Western Virginia Was blindly lost. General Leo making no attempt to follow up the enemy, who had so skillfully eluded him; the excuse ulleged for his' not d 'ing so being mud. swollen streams, and the leanness of his artillery horses.11 3 See Lee's httw of r sig/iation, note St. pige 4-21, volume I. 102 DEFEAT AND FLIGHT OF FLOYD. of New River, with his brigade. Rosecrans, fearing Floyd "would retreat, ordered Benham to push forward at once to Cassidy's Mills, on his flank and rear, to intercept him. This was not accomplished in time, and Floyd fled precipitately, strewing the. way with tents, tent-poles, working utensils, and ammunition, in his eiforts to lighten his wagons. Benham pressed his rear heavily through Fayetteville, and on the road toward Raleigh ; and near the latter place he struck the Confederate rear-guard of four hundred cav alry, under Colonel Croghan,1 who was mortally wounded. Onward Floyd sped, with Benham close at his keels ; "but the pursuit was ended near Raleigh, after a thirty miles' race, by the recall of Benham, and the fugitive escaped to Peterston, full fifty miles southward from his point of departure. Ho soon afterward took leave of his army, ' in a stirring proclamation, praising his men for their courage and fidelity, and remind ing them that for five months "hard contested battles and skirmishes were matters of almost daily occurrence." General Rosecrans also issued an address to his troops, in which he recapitulated their services, and implored them to prepare for greater deeds in the future.2 Thus ended the campaign in the Kanawha Valley.3 But little more effort was needed to rid Western Virginia of the insur gents. Already General Kelly, who had behaved so gallantly, at Philippi in June,4 had struck them a severe blow on the spot where Colonel Wallace first smote them a few months before.5 Kelly had recovered from his severe wound, and, with the commission of Brigadier-General, was in command of troops in the autumn, guarding the Baltimore and Ohio Railway along its course through West Virginia. Ascertaining that a considerable insurgent force, consisting of cavalry, under Colonel Angus McDonald, and militia under Colonel Monroe, was at Romney, preparing 1 St. George Croirhan was a son of the eminent Colonel George Croghan, who so gallantly defended Fort Stephenson, ut lower Sandusky, in the War of 1S12. His family were residing in Newburgh, on the Hudson River, at this time. . • 2 Eosecrans said : l' When ourgnllant young commander was called from us, after tho disaster of Bull's Run, this department was loft with less than 15,000 men to guard 300 miles of railroad, and 800 miles of frontier, ex posed to bushwhackers, and the forces of Generals Floyd, Wise, and Jackson. The northwestern pass..infco it was fortified and held, Cheat Mountain secured, the rebel assaults there victoriously repelled, and tho Kanawha Valley occupied. A march of 112 miles, over bad roads, brought you upon Floyd's intrenched position, whenco the rebels wore dislodged and chased to Sewell. Finally, your patience and watchings put the traitor Floyd within your reach, and thoiurh, by a precipitate retreat, ho escaped your grasp, you have the substantial fruits of victory. Western Virginia belongs to herself, and the invader is expelled from her soil. In the name of our Commander-in-Chief, and in my own, I thank yon." 3 On the^lOth of November, a most unhappy event occurred in the extreme southwestern portion of Vir ginia. The village of Guyandotte, on tho Ohio River, near the Kentucky line, was held by a small Union forco under R. V. Whaler, a loyal Virginian, commanding the Ninth Virginia Regiment, who had a recruiting station there. At eight o'clock in the evening, a guerrilla chief, named Albert G. JenkinsT who, with hia mounted men, had been for some time carrying on a distressing warfare in that region, dashed into the litUe village, surprised the Union force, and mailo over 100 of them prisoners. They killed every man who resisted. With prisoners and plunder, Jenkins fled the next morning. It was reported that the Secessionists in the village had entrapped many of the Union 'soldiers in the coils of social enjoyment!*, and then gave Jenkins notice that he could easily win a prize. This so exasperated Colonel John J. Zeigler, a loyal citizen of Wayne County, who was in com mand ofthe Fifth Virginia, and who entered the town tho next morning, that he ordered the houses of tho dis loyalists to bo burned. Almost the whole village was laid in ashes. Jenkins had represented his section of Virginia in Congress. The guerrilla bands who infested portions of Virginia during the whole war, were composed of the disloyal citizens of that State. Seme of them gave themselves names significant of their character and intentions. A portion of one of these hands, composed of residents of Flat Top Mountain, in Mercer County, were captured near Raleigh, in Western Virginia, by Colonel (afterward General) Rutherford B. Hays, of Ohio, and he found by papers in their possession, that their organization was known as i(i The Flat Top Copperheads," their avowed ob ject being tho destruction of the lives and property of Union men. 4 See page 496, volume I. 5 See page 5is, volume I. * MILEOT IN WESTERN VIRGINIA. 103 for a descent on the railway, he led about twenty-five hundred Ohio and Virginia troops against them, from the New Creek Station, along the route ¦ first traversed by Wallace. He came upon the insurgents a few miles from Romney, at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 26th of October, drove in their outposts, and, after a severe" contest of about two hours, completely routed them, capturing their three cannon, much of their camp equipage, a large number of prisoners, besides killing and wounding between thirty and forty in the fray. This victory paralyzed the rebellion in that region for a time. It was followed by a proclamation from General Kelly, assu ring the inhabitants that full protection should be given to those who were peaceable, at the same time telling them that, if they joined in guerrilla warfare, they should be treated as enemies. He required all who had taken up arms against the Government to lay them down immediately, and take an oath of allegiance to the National Government. For a while that region of the State enjoyed repose. Soon after Reynolds's attack on Jackson, at " Travelers' Rest," a large portion of the Cheat Mountain troops were sent to Kentucky, and Colonel Robert H. Milroy, who had been commissioned a Brigadier- General," was kept with a single brigade to hold the mountain ° s^ 3' passes. Reynolds was ordered to report in person to General Rosecrans, who at the close of the Kanawha campaign had retired to Wheel ing, and, in December, Milroy succeeded to the command of the Cheat Mountain division of the army. Milroy had at first established Ms head quarters on Cheat Summit, and vigorously scouted the hills in that region, making the beautiful little Greenbrier Valley lively with frequent skirmish ing. Jackson had withdrawn from Camp Bartow at " Travelers' Rest," and, . being ordered to Georgia, had left his command of twelve hundred Con federates and about eight hundred Virginians with Colonel Edward Johnston of Georgia, to confront Milroy. He made his heaM-quarters at Allegheny Summit; and Milroy, when he took chief command, estab lished his at Huttonsville, in Tygart's Valley. Milroy determined to attack Johnston, and for that purpose moved a little over three thousand men on the 1 2th of December. He directed Colonel Moody of the Ninth Indiana to lead his regiment, with a detach ment of the Second Virginia, around to make a flank movement, and charge and capture a battery on a bluff commanding the Staunton pike. At the same time the Twenty-fifth Ohio, Colonel Jones, with detachments of the Thirteenth Indiana, and Thirty-second Ohio, was to assault Johnston's front. This was done, but Colonel Moody did not arrive in time to co-operate with Jones. The fight was continued, but Jones was not successful. The Con federates became the aggressors, and they in turn were discomfited. Milroy EOBERT II. MILROY. 104 EVENTS ON THE SEA-COAST. had lost about one hundred and fifty men whenvMoody commenced 'his flank attack. This, too, was unsuccessful, and the whole force retired in good order, unpursued by the Confederates. The losses on both sides appear to have been about equal, and amounted to very nearly two hundred men each. Both parties had fought with the most commendable valor. Milroy was not discouraged by his failure on the Allegheny Summit. Late in December he sent a force to break up a Confederate post at Hun tersville, and capture or destroy military stores there. The main expedi tion consisted of a battalion of the Twenty-fifth Ohio, and a detachment of the Second Virginia, with Bracken's cavalry, and was commanded by Major Webster, of the first-named regiment. Other troops were sent to co-operate with these. The expedition was successful. After a weary march of about fifty miles, the ground covered with snow, the post was attacked, the Con federates were dispersed, a large amount of stores were burned, and the jail, which was used for the confinement of Union prisoners, was partially destroyed. This event closed the campaign of 1861 in Western Virginias and armed rebellion in that region was effectually crushed. Whilst the scenes we have just recorded were transpiring in the Middle Mississippi Valley, and in West Virginia, others even more remarkable, and quite as important in their relations to the great contest, were occurring on the sea-coast. Let us see what official records and narratives of eye-wit nesses reveal to us on this subject. In a previous chapter,1 we have considered some stirring events at and near Fortress Monroe, in Southeastern Virginia. In Hampton Roads, in front of that fortress, a great land and naval armament was seen in August, 1861, destined to strike a severe blow at the rebellion farther down the coast. It had been collected there while the smoke of the once pleasant village' of Hampton, near, was yet making the air of Old Point Comfort murky with its density. Let us see how that village, whose ruins have already been depicted in this work,2 came to destruction. We have observed that, after the disastrous Battle of BulVs Run, Gen eral Butler, in command at Fortress Monroe, was* compelled to reduce the garrison at Newport-Newce, and to abandon the village of Hampton, the latter movement causing a general exodus of the colored people living there," who flocked into the Union lines. The whole country "JiS6i26' between Old Point Comfort and Yorktown was now left open to Confederate rule; and General Magruder, commanding at the latter post, moved down the. peninsula with about five thousand men, infantry, cavalry, and artillery, to menace Newport-Newce, and take position at or near Hampton, for the close investment of Fortress Monroe. A de serter3 had swum across Hampton Creek, and given General Butler such timely notice of the movement that preparations were made at both posts for Magruder's warm reception. Camp Hamilton, commanded by Colonel Max Weber, was soon alive with preparations for battle, and a force stationed at the redoubt at Hami> 1 Chapter XXL, volume I. 2 See pages 511, 512, and 514, volume. I. 3 Mr. Mahew, ofthe State of Maine. He was in Georgia when the war broke out, and had been pressed into the Confederate service. BURNING OF HAMPTON. 105 BUENING OF HAMPTON. ion Bridge' were ordered to oppose- the' passage of the foe at all hazards. These were attacked late in the evening, and repulsed," and soon afterward the town was set on fire in several places. This was ' A^ 7' done, as it afterward appeared, by order of General Magruder, Whose judgment and feelings were at that time in subjection to his passionr?, excited by the too free use of intoxicating drinks. It was at about mid night when the town was fired, and before dawn it was almost en tirely in ashes, with a greater portion of the bridge. The Confede rates ran wildly about the village with blazing firebrands, spreading destruction in all direc tions. Even the vener able parish church, built in colonial times, and standing out of danger from the conflagration of the village, was not spared ; it having been fired, according to testimony subsequently given, by the special order of the drunken Magruder.3 The cruelty of this destruction was at first charged upon the Union troops, but the truth Was soon known, and the odium fixed where it belonged. Magruder contented himself with this performance, and withdrew his forces to Big Bethel and Yorktown. It was at about this time that General Butler was relieved of his com mand at Fortress Monroe, and Major- General John E. Wool was' put in his place. Butler was not assigned to any other duty; but he was not long idle. The generous and sagacious Wool gave him the command of all the volunteer troops outside of the fortress. This service was a tem porary one. Weeks before, a LTnion prisoner (Daniel Campbell, of Maine), | who had escaped from Hatteras In let, brought information to Commo- I . . , dore Stringham, commanding ni Hampton Roads, that through that pass English blockade-runners were continually ' carrying in supplies of SILAS II. STRINGHAM. 1 See page 514, volume I. 2 The troops employed for the purpose wero all. Virginians, under the respective commands of Captains Goode. Phillips. Sullivan, and Curtis; the whole under the control of Colonel J. J. Hodges. Many of these troops were citizens of Hampton, and sot lire to their own property, to prevent, as they said, its " being occupied oy Northern Vandals.'1 106 EXPEDITION AGAINST HATTERAS. arms, ammunition, and clothing for the Confederates, and that two forts guarded the Inlet. Stringham informed General Butler of these facts, and the latter sent the report to Washington, with suggestions that land and naval forces should be sent to capture the forts at the Inlet, and close up the passage. The suggestion was acted upon, and, at the time we are con sidering, a small squadron of vessels was in Hampton Roads for the purpose, on which were to be borne nine hundred land troops. Butler volunteered to command these troops. His offer was accepted, and on Monday s the 26th of August," at one o'clock P. m., the expedition departed, the squadron being under the command of Commodore Silas H. Stringham.1 General Butler took passage in the flag-ship (the Minnesota), and his troops were on the transports George Peabody and Adelaide.11 The frigate Cumberland was ordered to join the squadron. The expedition rendezvoused off the Hatteras inlet to Pamlico Sound (at the western end of Hatteras Island, and about eighteen miles from the Cape) at 'Aug. 27. „ ° r ' five o'clock on Tuesday afternoon,1 when preparations were immediately made for landing the troops in the morning, twelve hours later. Two forts, named respectively Hatteras and Clark, occupied the western enllrof Hatteras Island. The troops were to be landed a short distance up the- beach, to attack them in the rear, while the vessels should assail them in front. The Paionee, Monticello, and Harriet Lane were to be sent for ward to cover the landing of the forces, and take position, at first, about two miles from the forts. These movements began at the ap pointed hour." Breakfast was served at four o'clock. The Cum berland (sailing vessel) was there, and was taken in tow by the Wabash. Dragging her charge to a proper position, the Wabash opened fire on the forts at a quarter to ten o'clock, and the Cumberlajid joined in the work. The flag-ship {Minnesota) was near, and soon passed inside the other two and engaged in the fight. The Susquehanna, which had joined the expe dition, came up at eleven o'clock, and at once opened fire. In the mean time a few ofthe troops had landed near a wreck, about two miles up the beach, under the direction of General Butler, who, with the marines, had gone on board the Harriet Lane. A heavy surf made the landing very dif ficult, and it was effected by only a little over three hundred men, who were completely covered by the guns of the Monticello and Harriet Lane. The assault on the Confederate works had continued for more than four hours, when the firing ceased on both sides. The flags of the forts were down, and the men from the smaller work had fled to the greater, which was Fort Hatteras. Some ofthe Coast Guard, under Mr. Weigel, of Colonel Weber's command, who had landed, took possession of the former, and raised the Union flag over it.; and it was believed that both works were about to 1 The vessels composing the squadron wero the Minnesota, Captain G. A. Van Brune ; Wabash, Captain Samuel Mercer; Monticello, Commander John P. Gillis; Pawnee, Commander S. C. Rowan; Harriet Lane, Captain John Faunce; chartered steamer Adelaide, Commander II. S. Stellwagen : George Peabody, Lieu tenant R. P. Lowry; and tug Fanny, Lieutenant Pierce Crosby. Tho Minnesota was the flag-ship. The trans port, Service, was in charge of Commanrler Stellwagi-n, who had made the preparations. 2 These troops consisted of 501) of the Twentieth New Torki Colonel Weber- 220 of the Ninth New York, Colonel Hawkins ; 100 of the Union Coast Guard, Captain Nixon ; and 60 of the Second United States Artillery, Lieutenant Larned. BATTLE AT HATTERAS INLET. 107 FOET nATTEEAS.1 be surrendered. The Monticello was ordered to go cautiously into the Inlet, followed by the Harriet Lane, and take possession of them ; but it had proceeded only a short distance, when fire was opened upon it from Fort Hatteras, and at the same time a tug- steamer was seen ap proaching, having in tow a schooner filled with troops, for the re lief of the fort. The Minnesota, Susquehan na, and Pawnee imme diately reopened fire on the fort, and the attack was kept up until half-past six, when the whole squadron, excepting the Pawnee and the Harriet Lane, hauled off for the night. The Monticello was much exposed during the fight, and, at one time, her capture or destruction seemed inevitable ; but she was finally taken out of range of the heavy guns ofthe fort, without much damage. Early on the morning of the 29th the contest was renewed. During the preceding evening, Major W. S. G. Andrews, the commander ofthe two forts (who had been absent on the main), accompanied by Samuel Barron, who was in command of a little Confederate navy in charge of the defenses of Virginia and North Carolina, and then lying in Pamlico Sound, not far from the Inlet, arrived at Fort Hatteras. They found Colonel Martin, who had conducted the defense during the day, completely prostrated by fatigue,, and it was agreed that Barron should assume the chief command of the fort, which he did. Guns were speedily brought to bear on Fort Clark, then supposed to be held by the Nationals, and the batteries were placed in charge of fresh troops. But Fort Clark was not held by Butler's troops. They were well and cautiously handled by their commander, Colonel Weber, and had been withdrawn toward the landing-place. Not far from the fort they had placed in battery during the night two howitzers and a rifled 6-pounder cannon, landed from the fleet. These were very serviceable in the hands of Lieutenant Johnson, of the Coast Guard, who, early in the morning, beat off the Confederate steamer Winslow, commanded by Arthur Sinclair (who had abandoned his country's flag), which was filled with re-enforcements 1 Fort Hatteras was the principal work, and mounted ten guns. Fort Clark was a square redoubt, about 750 yards northward of it, and mounting seven guns. The former occupied a point on a sandy beach, and was almost surrounded by water. It could only be approached on the land side by a march of 500 yards eircuitously over a long neck of land, within half musket-shot of its embankments, and over a narrow causeway, only a few feet in width, which was commanded by two 82-pounder guns loaded with grape and canister shot. The parapet was nearly octagon in form, and inclosed about three-fourths of an acre of ground, with several suf ficient traverses. Mr. Fiske, acting aid-de-camp of General Butler, performed a gallant feat When Fort Clark was abandoned, he swam ashore, through quite heavy breakers, with orders from Butler to Colonel Weber. He entered the fort, and found books and papers there containing much valuable information. He formed them into a package, strapped them on his shoulders, and swam back with them to the general. After the capitulation, tho Confede rate officers expressed their surprise at the accuracy of Butler's information on the previous day, being ignorant that their own documents had furnished it. 108 CAPTURE OP PORTS HATTERAS AND OLARK. i for the garrison. The Harriet Lane, in the 'mean time, had run in shore to assist the land forces who had moved up to Johnson's battery. The Susquehanna was the first of the squadron to open fire on the fort on the second day. The Wabash and Minnesota followed, and a little later the Cumberland sailed in and took part in the fight. The Harriet Lane also came up and became a participant. The pounding of the fort was too severe to be borne long, and Barron attempted the trick of hauling down his flag, and assuming the attitude of th&vanquished ; but the Nationals were not deceived a second time. ; > All almost eleven o'clock a white flag appeared ever the fort, arid '¦' the firing ceased. The tug Fanny, with General Butler on board, moved into the Inlet to take possession of the works. The Confede rate vessels in the Sound, withtroops on 'board, fled at her approach. The Harriet Lane and the transport Adelaide followed the Fanny in; and both grounded,1 but they were finally hauled off. The forts were formally surrendered, under a capitulation signed by the respective commanders.2 "No one of the fleet or army was in the least degree injured," said Butler, in his report to General Wool. He added, that the loss of the Confederates Was " twelve or fifteen killed and thirty-five wounded."3 The capture of the forts at Hatteras Inlet was a severe blow to the Con federates, and opened the way to most important results, beneficial to the National cause, as we shall observe hereafter.4 General Butler had been ordered to destroy the forts, and not attempt to hold them. He was so im pressed with the importance of preserving them, that, after consultation with Stringham and Stellwagen, he returned immediately to Fortress Monroe, and hastened to Washington with the first news of the victory, to explain his views to the Government in person. It was determined to hold them, and the troops, which had only been provisioned for five days, were imme diately supplied. Butler was now commissioned by the Secretary °8ePitsecTber' of War" to go to New England and "raise, arm, uniform, and equip a volunteer force for the war." He did so. What was done with them will be revealed when we come to consider events at Ship Island, in the Gulf of Mexico, and at New Orleans. Colonel Hawkins was left, with the portion of his Ninth New York (Zouaves) that had joined the expedition, to garrison the post at Hatteras .* This was an anxious moment for the Unionists, for, by these accidents, a valuable ship of war and a trans port filled with troops were under the guns of the fort, and within the power of the Confederates. 2 The capitulation was signed on board the flag ship Minnesota, August 29th, 1S61, by " S. n. Stringham,' Flag Officer Atlantic Blockading Squadron," and " Benjamin F. Butler, Major-General U. S. Army, command ing," on one part, and " S. Barron, Flag Oflicer C. S. Navy, commanding naval forces, Virginia and North Carolina," tl William F. Martin, Colonel Seventh Light Infantry, N. C. Volunteers," and " W. S. G. Andrews. Major, commanding Forts Hatteras and Clark." It was agreed that commanders, men, forts, and munitions of war should be immediately surrendered to tho Government of the United States,' in terms of full capitulation; " the officers and men to receive the treatment of prisoners of war." Barron had proposed that the officers and men should "retire" (in other words, not be detained as prisoners), tho former to go out with their side-arms. The proposition was rejected. The prisoners were taken to New York, and afterward exchanged. 3 Reports of General Butler, August 80th, and' of Commodore Slringuam, August 30th and September 1st, 1861, and other subordinate officers; also of "Commodore" Barron and Major Andrews, of the Confederate service, September 1st, 1861. The number of troops surrendered, including the officers; was T15, nnd with them 1,000 stand of armB, 5 stand of colors, 81 pieces of cannon, vessels with' cotton and stores, and T5 kegs' of gun powder. One of the flags was new. and had been presented, within a week, by the women of New Berne, North ' Carolina, to the " North Carolina Defenders."— General Wool's General 'Order, No. 8, August 81st, 1861. * General Wool issued a stirrinx order, announcing the'vietory, and Secretary Welles congratulated' String- .ham and his men for the u brilliant achievement accomplished without the loss of a man on tho Union side.1' ' STRUGGLE POR HATTERAS ISLAND. 109 c CeNUDBRnrc 't ugy, *„„„,„„„ OPERATIONS WEAK CAPE HATTEEAS. and hold the Island and Inlet. Late, in September he was re-enforced by Colonel Brown and his Twentieth Indiana regiment. In the mean time an expedition had been secretly prepared for following up the victory at Hat teras, by seizing and holding the whole coast of North Carolina washed by the waters of Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds, and threatening Norfolk, still held by the Confederates, in the rear.1 The first object was to close the passages to these Sounds from the sea. Accordingly, a little naval force was sent" to break up a Confederate post at Ocracoke Inlet, a Sci^ 17' few miles down the coast from Hatteras. Commo dore Rowan sent Lieutenant J. T. Maxwell to perform this service. He went in the tug Fanny, with a detachment of mariners and soldiers of the Naval Brigade which had been organized in Hampton Roads. The tug towed a launch, and the Sus quehanna, accompa nied them. An earthwork, little in ferior to Fort Hat teras, was found on Beacon Island, com manding the Inlet ; but this, called Fort Ocracoke, and older Fort Morgan near, were abandoned. They were disabled by Maxwell. In the meantime the Confederates were evidently preparing to throw a force on to Roanoke Island, to the northward of Hatteras, with the intention of recovering, their losses at the Inlet, and keeping open two small inlets to Pamlico, above Cape Hatteras. Hawkins sent Colonel Brown,4 with his Twentieth Indiana, up the island to a hamlet called ' Sept: 29' Chicomicocomico, partly to defend the professedly loyal inhabitants there, but more particularly to watch the Confederates, and, if possible, prevent their gaining possession of Roanoke. The regiment was landed in small boats," with very scant supplies. The .Fanny was sent with cSe t 80 stores/ but was captured by the Confederates, who thus obtained 'dQ^t\ property of the value of one hundred and fifty thousand dollars. The most important loss was the camp equipage, provisions, and intrenching tools of Brown's regiment. It defeated his undertaking ; for when, on the 4th of October,, a squadron of .five or six Confederate steamers, bearing over two thousand men, composed of North Carolinians and Georgians, who had taken possession of Roanoke Island, bore down from Croatan Sound, with the evident intention of attacking him, he was compelled to retreat. Troops were landed from the steamers at Keneekut and Chicomicocomico, above and below Brown's Camp, under cover of shells thrown from the armed vessels. The Indjanians, succeeded in escaping to Cape Hatteras, where they were met by five hundred of Hawkins's Zouaves, supported by the Susquehanna and Monticello. They had lost about fifty men, most of whom were cap- 1 See page 897, volume I. 110 A LOYAL DEMONSTRATION. tured while straggling.1 A number of the islanders had followed them; and all had suffered much from hunger, thirst, and fatigue, during that ' exciting march of twenty-eight miles. The Confederate vessels were a part' of the little fleet in that region, under the command of Lieutenant Lynch, who had lately abandoned his flag and joined the insurgents. The assailants fled back to Roanoke, and after that left Hatteras in the undis puted possession of the National forces. General Mansfield was sent from Washington with five hundred troops, to still further strengthen the position. He was soon relieved by Brigadier-General Thomas S. Williams, of the Regu lar Army. While these events were transpiring, Colonel Hawkins, in pursuance of the humane and conciliatory policy of the Government toward misguided and misinformed inhabitants, issued a proclamation to the people of North Carolina, in which he exposed the misrepresentations of the intentions of the Government put forth by the conspirators and their allies, assuring them that the war was waged only against traitors and rebels (who were called to lay down their arms and have peace), and that the troops had come to give back to the people law, order, and the Constitution, and all their legitimate rights. To this there was a public response by the inhabitants in the immediate vicinity of Hatteras, who professed to be loyal. A conven tion of the citizens of Hyde County was held," which, by resolu- ""iso'i12' ti0118? offered the loyalty of its members to the National Govern ment. A committee was appointed to, draw up a statement of grievances, and a declaration of independence of Confederate rule was put forth, in form and style like that issued in 1176* A more important conven- 4 1S tion was held at Hatteras a month later,' in which appeared representatives from forty-five counties in North Carolina. That body assumed the prerogatives of the State, and by a strong ordinance pro vided for the government of North Carolina in allegiance to the National Constitution. This promise of good was so hopeful that the President,, by proclamation, ordered aii election to be held in the First Congressional Dis trict of North Carolina. The people complied, and elected a representa- tive' (Charles Henry Foster), but he was not admitted to Con gress,3 because of some technical objection. This leaven of loyalty, that promised to affect the whole State, was soon destroyed by the strong arm of the Confederates in power. 1 The Indiana Eegiment was peculiarly unfortunate at Hatteras. In the affair near Chicomicocomico, it had lost its stock of winter clothing. This disaster was followed by a fearful storm on the night of the 2d of Novem ber, which swept along the coast, and bringing tbe sea in with such violence that it submerged Hatteras Islantf between the forts, threatening instant destruction to Fort Clark, the smaller one, occupied by the regiment. Its pick wero much distressed by removal for safety ; and nearly one-half of its new supply of winter clothing was swept away. 2 This Declaration bore tho signatures of Rev. Marble Nash Taylor, of the North Carolina Methodist Confer ence, Caleb B. Stowe, and William O'Neal. 3 This movement was brought prominently before tho citizens of New York by Mr. Taylor, one ofthe signers ofthe Declaration of Independence, at a meeting over which Mr. Bancroft, the historian, presided, in which ho said that " some 4,000 of tho inhabitants living on the narrow strip of land on the coast bad, on the first arrival ofthe troops, flocked to take the oath of allegiance, and this had cut them off from their scanty resources of traffic with the interior. They were a poor race," he said, " living principally by fishing and gathering of yoakurn, an evergreen of spontaneous growth, which they dried and exchanged for corn." The yoaknm is a plant which is extensively used in that region as a substitute for tea. The appeal of Mr. Taylor in behalf of these people was nobly responded to by generous gifts cf money, food, and clothing. EVENTS AT FORT PICKENS. Ill Whilst the stirring events just mentioned were occurring on the coast of North Carolina, the vicinity of Fort Pickens, on the waters of the Gulf of Mexico, had again become the theater of conflict. We have observed how that fortress was saved from seizure by the insurgents at Pensacola in the spring of 1861, and the arrival in June, at Santa Rosa Island (on which the fort stands), of the New York Sixth, known as Wilson's Zouaves.'- These troops and a small blockading squadron, with a garrison in the fort, were stationed there for the purpose of securing from capture by the Confederates that fortress, whose possession was so much coveted by them. Although no serious hostilities occurred between these forces and the insurgents on the main, who threatened them, the former were not inert, but dispelled the uneasiness of camp and deck life by an occasional "disturbance of the quiet of their foe, sometimes by threatening a descent on the coast, and at others by firing on some supply-vessel of the Confederates, moving in Pensacola Bay. On the night of the 2d of September," a party from Fort Pickens, under Lieutenant Shepley, burned the Dry Dock at the Navy Yard at Warrington; and, on the night ofthe 13th ofthe same month, about one . hundred men, under Lieutenant John H. Russell, of Commodore Merwin's flagship Colorado, crossed over to the Navy Yard, and before daylight boarded a large schooner (the Judah), which was being fitted out as a privateer, and lying at the wharf there. They spiked a ten-inch columbiad, with which she was armed, and burnt her to the water's edge. By the use of muffled oars they eluded the vigilance of the sentinels until it was too late for useful resistance.2 This was a most daring feat, for at the Navy Yard near by there were at least a thousand Confederate soldiers. " They were led by an officer with the courage of forty Numidian lions, and their success was perfect," said an account of the affair "written by an officer at the Navy Yard. The Confederates soon became the aggressors. Early in October, they made an attempt to surprise and capture Wilson's troops on Santa Rosa Island. About fourteen hundred picked men, chosen mostly from Georgia troops and from some Irish volunteers, and commanded by General Ander son, assisted by General Ruggles, crossed Pensacola Bay in the evening on several steamers, and at two o'clock in the morning* landed at Deer Point, on Santa Rosa Island, four or five miles eastward of the encampment of the Zouaves. Anderson divided his force into three columns, and in this order marched upon the camp, wherein there was no suspicion of danger near. The pickets were suddenly driven in, and the Zouaves were completely surprised. The Confederate war-cry was, " Death to Wilson ! no quarter !"3 The Zouaves fought desperately in the intense darkness, while being driven back by superior numbers to the cover of batteries Lincoln and Totten, situated 1 See chapter XV., volume I. 2 Lieutenant Russell lost three men killed and twelve wounded. The planning and fitting out of tho expedition was intrusted to Captain Bailey, of the Colorado. Lieutenant Russell was promoted to Coinmande»- on the 4th of October. * 3 Common report had given to Wilson's men the character of being mostly New Tork "roughs," and tho people of the South were taught to believe that they were selected for the purpose of plunder and rapine. It was on that account that the troops at Pensacola hated them, and resolved to give them no quarter. Wilson, in a characteristic letter to General Arthur, of New Tork, reporting the affair, says, alluding to wild rumors on 112 BATTLE ON SANTA ROSA ISLAND. one on each side of the island, and about four hundred yards from Fort Pickens. They numbered only one hundred and thirty-three effective men. They were met in their retreat by two companies, under Major Vogdes, sent out of the fort by Colonel Harvey Brown, its commander, to aid them. Two other companies, under Major Arnold, immediately followed, and the com bined force returned and charged upon the Confederates. The latter had already plundered and burnt the camp,1 and were in a disorganized state. In this condition they were driven in great confusion to their vessels, terribly galled by the weapons of their pursuers. As the vessels moved off with the retreat ing assailants, several volleys of musketry were poured upon them, and one of the launches, loaded with men, was so riddled by bullets that it sank. In this affair the Nationals lost, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, sixty-four men. Among the latter was Major Vogdes. The Confederates lost about one hundred and fifty,8 including those who were drowned. Such was the confusion in which they fled to their boats, that, according to the statement of one of their officers, they shot down their own friends in numbers. " Night skirmishing is a dangerous business," he said, " especially in an unknown country, as was the Island of Santa Rosa." So ended The-Battle of Santa Rosa Island. Fort Pickens had been silent during the entire summer and autumn of 1861, until late in November, when its thunders were heard for miles along the coast, mingling with those of some vessels of war there, in a combined attack upon the forts and batteries of the Confederates on the main. The garrison at Fort Pickens then numbered about thirteen hundred men, under Colonel Brown. The number ofthe Confederates, whose works stretched along the shore, from the Navy Yard to Fort McRee, in a curve for about four miles, was about seven thousand, commanded, as in the spring,3 by General Braxton Bragg. His defenses consisted of Forts McRee and Barrancas, and fourteen separate batteries, mounting from one to four guns each, many of which were ten-inch columbiads, and several thirteen-inch sea-coast mortars. Having determined to attack Bragg's works, Colonel Brown invited flag- officer McKean, who was in command of the little blockading squadron there (composed ofthe Niagara, Richmond, and Montgomery), to join him. Mc Kean prepared to do so, and at a little before ten o'clock, on the morning of the 22d of November,11 the heavy guns of Fort Pickens opened upon some transports . at the Navy Yard. This was the signal for McKean to act. The Niagara was run in as near Fort McRee as the depth of water would allow, accompanied by the Richmond, Captain Ellison. The latter became instantly engaged in a hot contest with the fort and the water the main after tho fight, "They are exhibiting my head and hair In Pensacola— tho reward is already claimed; also an old flag which I nailed to a flagstaff on the 4th of July, which has been hanging there ever since; nothing left, however, but the stars. The leaders have cut it up in pieces, and havo pinned it on their bosoms as a trophy. Every one in Pensacola has my sword and uniform. I must havo a large quantity of hair, and plenty of swords nnd uniforms. They say if I -was to be taken alive, I was to bo put in a cage and exhibited." 1 This camp was on the sea-sido of the island, a short mile from Fort Pickens. The ten'ts were arranged in parallel lines, forming pleasant avenues, and each was sheltered by u canopy of boughs and shrubs, to protect It from the hot sun. Santa Rosa Island is a long and narrow sand-bank, with an average -width of about half a mile. 2 Report of Colonel Harvey Brown to Adjutant-General E. D. Townsond, October 11th, 1861; also of Colonel Wm. Wilson to General Arthur, October 14th, 1861 ; Correspondents of tho Atlantic Intelligencer and Augusta Constitutionalist. See map of Pensacola Bay and vicinity, on page 868, volume I. 3 See page 871, volume I. * THE BOAST OP HOLLINS. 113 battery, and was soon joined in the fight by the Niagara. The guns of Fort Pickens were also brought to bear upon Fort McRee ; and at noon the artil lery of the former and of Battery Scott, and also of the two vessels, wore playing upon the devoted fortress and the surrounding batteries. The guns of McRee were all speedily silenced but one. Those of Barrancas were soon reduced to feeble efforts ; and from those at the Navy Yard, and one or two other batteries, there was no response for some time before the close of the day.^ , The bombardment from Fort Pickens was resumed early the next mor ning," but, owing to the shallowness of the water, the vessels could not get within range of Fort McRee. The fire of Pickens was °^^ less rapid, but more effective than the day before. McRee made no response, and the other forts and the batteries answered feebly. At three o'clock in the afternoon, a dense smoke arose from the village of Warrington, on the west of the Navy Yard, and at about the same time buildings in Wolcott, at the north of the yard, were in flames. These villages were fired by the missiles from the fort, and large portions of them, as well as of the Navy Y^ard, were laid in ashes. The bombardment was kept up until two o'clock the next morning, when it ceased.1 After this bombardment of two days, there was quiet on Pensacola Bay until the first "day of the year,6 when another artillery duel occurred, lasting nearly twelve hours, but doing very little dam- is62. age to either party. Looking farther westward, along the Gulf of Mexico, we observe little sparks of war threatening a conflagration at several .points, at about the time when the events we have just considered were occurring on the shores of Pensacola Bay. One of the most notable of these minor hostilities was exhibited at the mouth ofthe Mississippi River, on the 12th of October, and was first announced by Captain Hollins, an old officer of the National navy, whose merits were much below his pretensions, as the Confederates, to whom he offered his services when he abandoned his flag, in May, 1861, soon learned to their cost. Hollins startled the public with a telegraphic dispatch to his employers at Richmond, boasting of a successful attack on the National blockading fleet at the Southwest Pass of the Mississippi. He claimed to have driven all the vessels aground on the bar there, sinking one of them and "peppering well" the others.2 The official account of this affair showed the following facts : J. S. Hollins was placed in command of a peculiarly shaped iron-clad ves sel called a " ram," and named Manassas. At about four o'clock in the mor ning" this ram was seen approaching the little blockading squad ron, consisting ofthe war steamer Richmond, sloops-of-war Vin- ' ^'-J^ 12, cennes and Preble, and steam-tender Water- Witch, all under the 1 Report of Colonel Brown, November 24th, 1861 ; also of Commodore McKean to Secretary Welles, Novem ber 25th, 1 861 ; report of General Bragg to Samuel Cooper, November 27th, 1861. 1 The following is a copy of the dispatch, dated at Fort Jackson, below New Orleans, October 12th. 1861 : " Last night I attacked the blockaders with my little fleet I succeeded, after a very short struggle, in driving them all aground on the Southwest Pass bar, except the Preble, which I sunk. " I captured a prize from them, and after they were fast in sand I peppered them well. There wero no casualties on our side. It was a complete success. — Hollins." Vol. II— 8 114 CONFLICT AT SOUTHWEST PASS. command of Captain John Pope.1 The Manassas was close to the Richmond before she was discovered, and by the time the watch could give the alarm, her iron prow had struck the vessel "abreast the port fore-channels," tearing a coal schooner that was alongside from her fastenings, and staving a hole in the ship's side, about five inches in cir cumference, two feet below the water- line. The ram then drew off, and, pass ing aft, made an ineffectual attempt to breach the Richmond's stern. The crew ofthe assailed vessel had promptly hastened to quarters at the first alarm, and, as the monster passed abreast of the ship in the darkness, had given it a volley from the port battery, but with what effect was not known until some time afterward. A signal of danger had been given to the other vessels. They at once o. S. HOLLINS. . J supped their cables and got under way, with orders to run down to the Pass, while the Richmond shonld cover their retreat. This was done at five o'clock. In an attempt to pass the bar, the Richmond and Vincennes grounded, at about eight o'clock, in the morning, where they were bombarded for a while by the Manassas, and some fire-rafts were sent down to burn them. A little later, Commander Robert Handy, of the Vincennes, mistaking the meaning of a signal from Pope, abandoned his ship, placed a slow match at the magazine, and with his officers and crew fled, some to the Richmond and some to the Water- Witch. Happily, the fire of the match expired, and Handy and his men re turned to the ship and saved her. The fire-rafts sent down by Hollins were harmless, and at ten o'clock the Confederate " Commodore " withdrew and ran up to Fort Jackson, to send news of his great " victory " to Richmond. The only damages inflicted by Hollins were slight bruises on the coal schooner, sinking a large boat, and staving Captain Pope's gig. When his dispatch and the facts were considered together, they produced great merri ment throughout the country at the expense of the weak Confederate " Com modore." The Manassas would have been a formidable enemy to the blockaders at the mouth of the Mississippi, in the hands of a competent officer. It was so considered by the Government; and the apprehension that others of like character might be speedily fitted out at New Orleans, hastened the prepara tions already commenced for sending an expedition to the Lower Mississippi, for the purpose of controlling it and its connecting waters, and taking pos session of the great commercial city on its banks. This expedition and its results will be hereafter considered. 1 This squadron ha'd'hecn placed there by Flag-officer McKean, commander of tbe squadron off Pensacola, for the purpose of guarding -the several entrances to the Mississippi, and erecting a battery at the head of the .passes, which would command the entire navigation of the river. NAVAL EXPEDITIONS. 115 CHAPTER Y. MILITAET AND NAVAL OPEEATIONS 'ON THE COAST OF SOUTH CABOLINA MILITAET OPEEATIONS ON THE LINE OF THE POTOMAC RIVEE. HAMPTON ROADS presented a spectacle, in October, similar to that, late in August, of the Hatteras expe dition; but more imposing. It was a land and naval armament, fitted out for a descent upon the borders of lower South Carolina, among the coast islands between Charleston harbor and the Savannah River. - "--" " "5 The want of some harbors under the control ofthe — — --r~- Government in that region, as stations, and as places of refuge of the blockading vessels during the storms of autumn and winter, had caused the Government to take action on the subject even before the meeting of Congress in July. So early as June, a Board of army and navy officers was convened at Washington City.1 The Board, after careful inves tigations, made elaborate reports, and, in accordance with their recommen dations, expeditions were planned. The Secretary of the Navy, with the help of his energetic assistant, Mr. Fox, had so far matured an expedition for the Southern coast, that, early in October, rumors of it began to attract public attention. It became tangible when in Hampton Roads a large squadron was seen gathering, and at Annapolis a considerable land force was collecting, which, it was said, was to form a part of the expedition. Whither it was to go was a mystery to the public, and its destination was so uncertain to the popular mind, that it was placed by conjecture at almost every point of interest between Cape Hatteras and Galveston, in Texas. Even in official circles its destination was generally unknown when it sailed, so well had the secret been kept. The land forces of the expedition, which assembled at Annapolis, in Maryland, about fifteen thousand in number, were placed in charge of Briga dier-General T. W. Sherman, acting as major-general. The naval portion of the expedition was placed under the command of Captain S. F. Dupont, who had served as chairman of the Board of Inquiry just mentioned. The fleet was composed of fifty war vessels and transports, with twenty-five coal vessels under convoy of the Vandalia. These, with the troops, left Hampton Roads and proceeded to sea on a most lovely October morning," having been summoned to the movement at dawn by ° j8'61 ' the booming of a gun on the Wabash, the Commodore's flag-ship. The destination of the expedition was not generally known by the partici- t This Board was composed of Major John G. Barnard, of the Engineer Corps of the army, Professor Alex ander Bache, ** the Coast Survey, and Captains Samuel F. Dupont and Charles H. Davis, of the Navy. 116 AN EXPEDITION IN MOTION. IT. DTTPONT. pants in it until it was well out to sea, when, under peculiar circumsttinces, as we shall observe, it was announced to be Port Royal entrance and harbor, and the coast islands of South Carolina. The army under Sherman was divided into three brigades, com manded respectively by Brigadier- Generals Egbert S. Viele, Isaac J. Stevens, and Horatio G. Wright ; all of them, including the chief, being graduates ofthe West Point Military Academy. The transports which bore these troops were about thirty- five in number, and included some powerful steamships.1 The Wabash led the way out to sea, and its followers, moving in three parallel lines, and occupying a space of about twelve miles each way, made a most imposing appearance. The war-vessels and transports were judiciously intermingled, so that the latter might be safely convoyed.2 During a greater portion of the day of departure, they moved down the coast toward stormy Cape Hatteras, most of the vessels in sight of the shore of North Carolina, and all hearts cheered with promises of fine weather. That night was glorious. The next day was fair. The second night was calm and beautiful. There was no moon visible ; but the stars wero brilliant. The dreaded Cape Hatteras was passed in the dimness with such calmness of sea, that on the following morning a passenger on the Atlantic counted no less than thirty-eight of the fifty vessels in sight from her deck. But, on that evening, the aspect of the heavens changed, and the terrible storm, already mentioned, which swept over Hatteras so fearfully at the beginning of November, was soon encoun tered, and the expedition was really " scattered to the winds." So complete was the dispersion, that, on the morning of the 2d of November, only a single vessel might be seen from the deck of the Wabash. Fortunately, there were sealed orders on board of each vessel. These were opened, and the 1 The Atlantic and Baltic, each carrying a full regiment of men an 1 a vast amount of provisions and stores, were of the larger class. Among^ the other more notable vessels may be named the Vanderbilt, Ocean Queen, Ericsson, Empire City, Daniel Webster, and Great Republic, the latter having been employed in tho British service for the same purpose during a part of the Crimean war. Among the lesser vessels were five or six ferry-boats, calculated, on account of their capacity and light draught, for landing troops in shallow and still waters. The entire tonnage of the transports was estimated at about 40,000 tons. 2 The vessels moved in the following order and connection : The Wabash was flanked by tho gunboats Pawnee, Ottawa, Curlew, Isaac P. Smith, Seneca, Pembina, Unadilla, Penguin, and R. B. Forbes. Tho Baltic, towing the Ocean Express, led the column on the left, and was supported by the Pocahontas. The Illinois towed tho Golden Eagle, and was followed by the Locust Point, Star of the South, Purkersburg, Belvidere, Alabama, Coatzacoalcas, Marion, Governor, and Mohican. The Atlantic led the central line, and was followed by the Vanderbilt, towing the Great Republic; the Ocean Queen, towing the Zenas Cofin; and these were followed by the Winfteld Scott, -Potomac, Cahawba, Oriental Union, II. B. Forbes, Vixen, and 0. M. Petit. The Empire City led tho right, fallowed by the Ericsson, Philadelphia, Ben De Ford, Florida, Roanoke, Matanzas, Daniel Webster, Augusta, Mayflower, Peerless, Ariel, Mercury, Osceola, and two ferry-boats Tho twenty-flvo coal-barges, convoyed by the Yandalia, had been sent out th ¦ day before, with instructions to rendezvous o3* t'.ie Savannah Eive~, so as to mislead as to the rc.il destination of the expedition. TERRIBLE STORM AT SEA. 117 place of rendezvous, off Port Royal, was made known. In that fearful storm four transport vessels were lost,1 but not a dozen persons perished. It was most remarkable how small was the aggregate amount of disaster suffered by so large a number of vessels in company, by a storm so severe that at times it was a hurricane. Some were compelled to part with freight, in order to insure salvation. The gunboat Mercury lost one of her two rifled guns, thrown overboard to lighten her ; and the Lsaac P. Smith was saved by parting with eight 8-inch guns in the same way. The side-wheel steamer Florida, carrying nine guns, was disabled, and put back in distress ; and the Belvidere and two New York ferry-boats (Ethan Allen and Commodore Perry) were compelled to go back to Fortress Monroe, where they gave the first public notice of the storm and the dispersion of the fleet. The sad news disturbed the loyal people with alarm and distress until the small amount of disaster was known, while the Confederate newspapers were jubilant with the expressed idea that the elements were in league with them in destroying their enemies. " The stars in their courses fought against Sisera," one of them quoted, and added, " So the winds of heaven fight for the good cause of Southern independence. Let the Deborahs of the South sing a song of deliverance." That joyous song was very brief, for, whilst it was swelling in full chorus, a voice of wailing w'ent over the Southern land, such as had not been heard since its wicked betrayers had raised their arms for the destruction of the Republic and the liberties of the people. On Sunday morning* the storm began to abate, and the vessels of the expedition to reassemble around the flag-ship. When "^gl;3, passing Charleston harbor, Commodore Dupont sent in Captain Lardner with the Seneca to direct the Susquehanna, on blockading duty there, to proceed to Port Royal ; and on the following morning, at eight o'clock, the Wabash anchored off Port Royal Bar in company with twenty- five vessels, whilst many others were continually heaving in sight in the dim offing. The expedition was now on the threshold of a theater of great and im portant events, with many difficulties and dangers still before it. The awful perils of the sea had been passed, but there were others, no less fearful, to be encountered in the works of man before it. There were also grave dangers beneath the waters on which that armada floated, for the insurgents had, as we have observed,8 removed lighthouses, beacons, buoys, and every help to navigation all along the Southern coasts. Yet a remedy for this evil was found in the person of Commander Charles H. Davis (the fleet captain, and chief of Dupont's staff), and Mr. Boutelle, of the Coast Survey, a man of 1 The lost vessels were the Governor, Peerless, Osceola, and Union. The Governor, Captain Litchfield, was asteam transport. It foundered on Sunday (Nov. 3), having on board a battalion of marines, numbering 350. AH were saved by the frigate Sabine(see pige366, volume I.), Captain Eingold. excepting a corporal and six men, who were drowned, or crushed between the vessels ; nearly all the arms and half of the accoutennents of the marines were faved, and about 10,000 rounds of cartridges. The Peerless was a small Lake Ontario steamer, loaded with beef cattle. Its officers and crew were saved by the gunboat Mohican, Captain Gordon. The pro peller Osceola, Captain Morrell, also loaded wl:h beef cattle, was wrecked on North Island, near Georgetown, S. C and its people, 20 in number, were made prisoners. The Union, Captain Sawin, was a new and stanch steamer, and went ashore off Beanfort, N. C, with a largo quantity of stores, which wero lost. Its crew and passengers, and a few soldiers, in all 73 persons, were captured and taken into the interior. The stanch steamer Winjleld Scott, with 500 men of tic Fiftieth Pennsylvania regiment, barely escaped destruction. 2 See page 458, volume L 118 CONFEDERATES AT PORT ROYAL ENTRANCE. great scientific skill, who had recently been engaged in making a minute examination of this coast. By these well-informed men the channel entrance to Port Royal Sound was found, and so well buoyed in the course of a few hours that the fleet might enter with perfect safety. At three o'clock in the afternoon Commodore Dupont Was informed that all of his gun-boats and transports drawing less than eighteen feet water might go forward without danger. The movement commenced at once, and at twilight these vessels were all anchored in the roadstead of Port Royal. To oppose the further progress of the expedition, the Confederates had earthworks on each side of Port Royal entrance. The one on the northern side, at Bay Point, Phillip's Island, was named Fort Beauregard, and that on the southern side, near Hilton Head, Hilton Head Island, was called Fort Walker. The latter was a strong regular work, with twenty-four guns ; and the former, though inferior to it in every respect, was formidable, being armed with twenty guns. Fort Walker was manned, when the expedition arrived, by six hundred and twenty men,1 under General T. F. Drayton, a wealthy land-owner, whose mansion was not more than a mile distant from it, standing a few yards from the beach, and overlooking a beautiful expanse of land and water. He was a brother of Captain Percival Drayton, commander of the Poca hontas, of this expedition. On the beach at Camp Lookout, six miles from Fort Walker, were sixty-five men of Scriven's guerrillas, who acted as scouts and couriers for the commander. These forces were increased, before the battle commenced, to one thousand eight hundred and thirty-seven men.2 The force on Bay Point was six hun dred and forty men, commanded by Colonel R. G. M Dunovant.8 Of these, one hundred and forty-nine, con sisting of the Beaufort Volunteer Artillery, garrisoned Fort Beauregard, under the immediate command of Captain Stephen Elliott, Jr., of Beaufort. Dunovant's infantry force was stationed so as to protect the eastern portion of Phillip's Island, and the entrance to Trenchard's Inlet. In addition to these land forces, there was a little squadron called the " Musquito Fleet," under Commodore Josiah Tatnall, a brave old veteran of the National navy, who served with distinction in the war of 1812, but who had been seduced from his allegiance and his flag by the siren song of supreme State sovereignty. He had followed the politicians of his native T. F. DRAYTON. 1 Two companies of Wagner's South Carolina First Beglment of Artillery, three companies of Hayward'ft Ninth South Carolina Volunteers, and four companies of Dunovant's Twelfth South Carolina Volunteers, under Major Jones. 2 The re-enforcements were composed of 450 infantry from Georgia, nnder command of Captain Berry ; Cap tain Eeed's battery of two 10-pounder howitzers and 50 men, and Colonel De Saussure's Fifteenth South Carolina Volunteers, numbering 650 men. 8 See page 188, volume L PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE. 119 Georgia in the wicked ways of treason, and in the course of a few months he had fallen from his high position of an honored commander, kindly placed by his Government in a retreat of ease and comfort, at the naval station at Sackett's Harbor, on Lake Ontario, in New York, to be the chief manager of a little flotilla of eight small armed steamers that had been employed in navigating the shallow waters among the Coast Islands, and losing, by lack of success, even the respect of those whose bad cause he had consented to serve. His achievements on the occasion we are now considering consisted of a harmless show of opposition to the fleet when it anchored in Port Royal roadstead ; a successful retreat from danger when a few shots were hurled at his vessels ; assisting in the flight of the Confederate land forces upon Hilton Head Island, and in the destruction of his own flotilla to prevent its capture by his late brothers in the National navy. On Tuesday, the 5th," Commander John Rogers, a j>assenger a with Dupont, on his way to his own ship, the Flag, accompanied by General Wright, made a reconnoissance in force of the Confederate works in the Ottawa, supported by the Curlew, Seneca, and Smith. The forts on both shores opened upon them, as they desired they should, and an engage ment of about three-quarters of an hour ensued, by which the strength and character of those works were fairly tested. . In the mean time, the great Wabash had passed safely over the bar, and every thing was now ready for an attack. It was delayed by an ugly wind off shore, and meanwhile the Confederates were re-enforced and the'ir works were strengthened. Thursday, the 7th, dawned gloriously. The transports were all in sight, and in the light of the morning sun a grand spec tacle was speedily presented. It had been ascer tained by Rogers and Wright that Fort Walker, on Hilton Head, was by far the most powerful of the defenses, and upon it the bolts of the fleet were chiefly hurled. The order of battle " comprised a main squadron ranged, in a line ahead, and a flank- • ing squadron, which was to be thrown off on the northern section of the harbor, to engage the enemy's flotilla (Tatnall's), and prevent them tak ing the rear ships of the main line when it turned to the southward, or cutting off a disabled vessel."1 That flotilla was then lying at a safe distance between Hilton Head and Paris Islands. The plan of attack was to pass up midway between Forts Walker and Beauregard (which were about two miles apart), receiving and returning the fire of both ; and at the distance of two and a half miles northward of the latter, round by the west, and closing in with the former, attack it on FOET WALKER, HILTON HEAD. 1 Eeport of Commodore Dupont to tho Secretary of the Navy, November 1Kb, 1S61. Tho main squadron consisted of the Wabash, Commander C E. P. Rogers, leading; frigate Susquelwnna, Captain J. L. Lardner; sloop Mohican, dtmma.nderjji W. Gordon; sloop Seminole, Commander J. P. Gillis; 6loop Pawnee, Lieutenant commanding T. H. Stevens ; gunboat Pembina, Lieutenant commanding J. P. Bankhead ; sailing sloop Van- daUa, towed by the Isaac P. Smith, Lieutenant commanding J. W. A. Nicholson. Tho flanking squadron con sisted of the gunboats Bienville, Commander Charles Sreedman, leading; Seneca, Lieutenant commanding Daniel Ammen; Owrlew, Lieutenant commanding P. G. Watmough; Penguin, Lieutenant commanding F. A. Budd ; and Augusta, Commander E. G. Parrott. 120 BATTLE OF PORT ROYAL ENTRANCE. «Nov. 7, 1861. its weakest flank, and enfilade its two water faces.1 The vessels were to pass abreast ofthe fort very slowly, in the order of battle, and each avoid becom ing a fixed mark for the Confederate guns. On reaching the shoal ground making off* from the extremity of Hilton Head, the line was to turn to the north by the east, and, passing to the northward, to engage Fort Walker with the port battery nearer than when first on the same course. These evolutions were to be repeated. : The captains of the vessels were called on board the Wabash, and fully instructed in the manner of proceeding ; and this plan of pursuing a series of elliptical movements was strictly followed in the engagement that ensued. The signal to get under way was given at eight o'clock in the mor ning,'" and the action commenced at about half-past nine, by a gun at Fort Walker, which was instantly followed by one at Fort Beauregard. The Wabash immediately responded, and was fol lowed by the Susquehanna. After the first prescribed turn, the signal for closer action was given, at a quarter past ten, the Wabash passing Fort Walker at a distance, when abreast, of eight hundred yards. In the desig nated order the fight went on. At half-past eleven the flag of Fort Walker ivas shot away, and the heavy guns of the Wabash and Susquehanna had so " discomforted the enemy," as Dupont reported, and the shells from the smaller vessels were falling so thickly upon them, at the enfilading point,5 that their fire became sensibly weaker and weaker, until their guns ceased altogether to reply. At a quar ter past one p. m., the Ottawa signalled that the fort was aban doned. Fort Beauregard was also- silent and abandoned. The gar risons of both had fled for their lives. According to the official and unofficial reports of the Con federate officers and correspond ents, Fort Walker bad become the scene of utter desolation, at noon. Dismounted cannon lay in all directions, and the dead and dying were seen on every side. The place had become utterly untenable, yet it was a perilous thing PLAN OF BATTLE AT POET EOYAL ENTEANCE. 1 Dupont's Report. 2 Commander John Rogers, in a letter to a friend, said : " During the action I looked carefully at the fort with a powerful spy-glass. Shell fell in it, not twenty-eight in a minute, but as fast as a horse's feet beat the ground in a gallop. The resistance was heroic ; but what could flesh and blood do against such a fire ? " The Wabash was a destroying angel, hugging the shore, calling the soundings with cold indifference, slow- ing the engine so as only to give steerage-way, signalling to the vessels their various evolutions, and at the same time raining shells, as with target practice, too fast to count." RETREAT FROM BAY POINT. 121 to leave it. An open space of a mile, directly in range of the National guns, lay between the fort and a thick wood to which they must go for shelter. Across this they ran, each man for himself, divested of every thine that might make him a laggard. Each of the wounded, was placed in a blanket and borne away by four men, but the dead were left. The garrison, with their commander, ran six miles across the island, to Seabrook, where they embarked for Savannah. So too at Fort Beauregard the retreat had been hasty. General Drayton had vainly endeavored to send over re-enforcements to the little garrison there, that fought bravely and well. Seeing danger of being cut off from retreat, ft Colonel Dunovant ordered H them to flee while there was a chance for safety. ' Leav ing an infernal machine in Fort Beauregard for a mur derous purpose,1 and a note for Commodore Dupont,5 Captain Elliott and his com mand retreated with the rest of the troeps, first to St. Helen's, then to Port Royal Island, and then to the main, with all possible haste, for the Charleston and Savannah Railway. The loss on board the fleet during the action was very slight.3 Dupont reported it at thirty-one, of whom eight were killed. The Confederate officers reported their loss in both forts at fifty, of whom ten were killed in Fort Walker, but none in Fort Beauregard. On the evening succeeding the battle, a procession of seventeen boats, from the Wabash, conducted the remains of the dead to their burial-place on Hilton Head, near Pope's man- PLAN OF FORT BEAUREGARD. 1 The fair fame of Captain (afterwards General) Elliott as a humane man and honorable soldier received an anerasable blemish by an act at this time perfectly consistent with the fiendish spirit of the conspirators, but not at all so with what common report .'•ays was his own. He left the Confederate flag flying, and its halliards so connected with a percussion -cap apparatus, that when the victors should enter the fort and attempt to pull down the ensign of treason, a mine of gunpowder beneath would be exploded. Fortunately, the arrange ment was so defective that no life was lost by a partial explosion that occurred. 2 The following isa copy of Elliott's note to Dupont : — "Bay Point, Nov. 7th, 1861. "We arc compelled to leave two wounded men. Treat them kindly, according to the poet's saying — 'Haud ignara mail miseris succurrere disco.' We abandon our untenable position that we may do the cause of the Confederate States better service elsewhere. Respectfully, "Stepiten Elliott, Jr.." The Latin quotation in the above is a line from Virgil's JEnead, in which Dido, remembering her own mis fortunes, pities the errors of AZneas. It says, "Not unacquainted with misfortune, I have learned to succor tho distresses of others.11 I am indebted to tho Rev. John Woart (who was chaplain at the IT. S. General Hospital at Hilton Head. when I visited that post in April, 1S66) for a copy of Elliott's note, taken from the original by Captain Law, of the Hew Ilampslvire, then in that harbor. Tho humane injunction of Elliott was io a spirit directly opposed to his act in tbe matter of the infernal machine. He doubtless acted under tlie orders of his superiors. Captain Elliott became a brigadier-general, and commanded Fort Sumter during a greater portion of the siege of that fortress. He was blown up by the explosion of the mine at Petersburg, when one of his arms was broken. lie died at Aiken, South Carolina, ip March, 1866. 3 The vessels engaged were all more or less injured by tho Confederate cannon. Tho Wabash was struck ¦ thirty-four times. Its mainmast was injnred beyond hope of repair, its rigging was cut, and it was made to leak badly. 122 LANDING OF NATIONAL TROOPS. « Nov. 8, 1861. STEPHEN ELLIOTT, JR. sion, in a grove of palm and orange trees, not far from the fort ; and on the following day," Dupont issued a stirring general order, in which, after speaking in praise of his officers and men, he said : " The flag-officer fully sympathizes with the officers and men of the squadron, in the satisfaction they must feel at seeing the ensign of the Union once more in the State of South Carolina, which has been the chief promoter of the wicked and unprovoked rebellion they have been called upon to suppress." The flags captured at the forts were sent to the Navy Department, where they were put to a better use as curtains for a wjndow. Up to the time when the forts were silenced, the land forces were only spectators of the conflict ; then it was their turn to act, and promptly they performed their duty. The transports containing them . at once moved for ward, the launches were prepared, and a flag of truce was sent ashore to ask whether the garrison had surrendered. There was no one there to respond. The Union flag was hoisted by Commander Rogers,1 amid the greetings of cheers from the fleet and transports ; and "very soon the surface of the water was dark with a swarm of troops in boats made specially for such occasions. Early in the evening, the brigades of Generals Wright and Stevens had landed on the beach, which was so flat that the water is always shallow a long dis tance out. Wright's men landed first, close by Fort Walker; and so eager were they to tread the soil of South Carolina, that many of them leaped from the boats and waded ashore. Fort Walker was formally taken posses-- sion of, and General Wright _. made his head-quarters near it, at the abandoned mansion of William Pope, and the only dwelling-house at that point. It had been the head quarters of General Drayton. General Stevens's brigade, consisting of the Seventy- P0PE'8 Homa' HILT0N HEAD- ninth New York and Eighth Michigan, crossed over to Bay Point the next morning, and took possession of Fort Beauregard. The victory was now complete, and the universal joy which it created in the Free-labor States found public expression in many places ; for it seemed as if the hand of 1 "Commodore Dupont," Rogers wrote to a friend, "had kindly made me his aid. I stood by him, and I did little things which I suppose gained me credit. So, when a boat was sent on shore to ask whether they had surrendered, I was sent. I carried the Stars and Stripes. I found the ramparts utterly desolate, and I planted the American flag upon those ramparts with my own hands— first to take Dossession, in the majesty of the United States, of the rebel soil of South Carolina." SHERMAN'S PROCLAMATION. 123 retributive justice, so long withheld, was about to be laid heavily upon the chief offender, South Carolina.1 "A thrill pervaded the loyal land When the gladdening tidings came to hand : Each heart felt joy's emotion ! The clouds of gloom and doubt dispersed, The sun of hope through the darkness burst, And the zeal the patriot's heart had nursed Burned with a warm devotion." The joy of the Loyalists was equaled in intensity by the sadness of the Secessionists everywhere. The latter perceived that an irreparable blow had been dealt against their cause, and throughout the Confederacy there was much wailing, lamentation, and bitter recriminations. It- was believed that Charleston and Savannah would soon be in possession of the National forces, and that Forts Sumter and Pulaski would be " repossessed " by the Gov ernment. General R. S. Ripley, an old army officer who had abandoned his flag, was the Confederate commander of that sea-coast district,2 having his head quarters at Charleston. He had arrived on Hilton Head just before the action commenced, but retired to Coosa whatchie, on the main, satisfied that no glory was to be achieved in a fight so hopeless on the part of his friends. It was under his advice that the Confederate troops aban doned that region to the occupation of the National forces. The latter fact was officially announced by General Sherman, in a proclamation to the people of South Carolina on the day after the battle. Unfortunately, a portion of that procla mation was couched in such terms, that neither the personal pride nor the politi cal pretensions of the rebellious leaders was offended. It was so lacking in positiveness that they regarded it with perfect indifference.3 Indeed, it was difficult to get them to notice . it at all. JS. S. RIPLEY. 1 In all the cities and towns in the Free Labor States flags were flung out, and in many places salvos of can non were fired. The chimes of Trinity church, in the city of New Tork, beneath its great flag that floated from its spire, rang out two changes on eight bells, and twelve airs, under the direction of Mr. Ayliffe, the celebrated chimist The airs were as follows: Hail Columbia; Tankee Doodle; Airfrom "Child of the Regiment;" Home, Sweet Home; Last Eose of Summer; Evening Bells; Star Spangled Banner Airs by De Beriot; Airs from.'* Fra Diavolo;" Columbia, tbe Gem of tbe Ocean; Hail Columbia; and Tankee Doodle. The Secretaries of War and of the Navy publicly tendered to the commanders of the expedition and to their men thanks, and the latter issued a General Order on tho 16th of November, in which it was directed that a national salute should be fired from each navy-yard at meridian on the day after tho reception, to commemorate the signal victory. 2 See page 811, volume I. 1 He acknowledged their pretensions to State sovereignty by speaking of " the dictates of a duty " which he owed "to a great sovereign State;*' and ho flattered them by speaking of them as "a proud and hospitable people, among whom he had passed some of the pleasantest days of his life." Then he assured them that they were in a state of active rebellion against the laws of their own country, nnd that the civilized world stood amazedi at their course, and appalled by tbe crime they were committing against their " own mother." He narrated some a Nov. 9, 1S61. 124 FLIGHT FROM THE COAST ISLANDS. Messengers were sent with it, under a flag of truce, first to Port Royal Island, and thence to the main. The Confederate officers they met told them there were no " loyal " citizens • in South Carolina, and that no others wanted it, and advised them to turn back with their bundle of proclamations. They acted upon this recommendation, and so ended the attempt to conciliate the South Carolinians. > General Sherman set vigorously to work to strengthen his position on Hilton Head, for it was to be made a depot of supplies. Mechanics and lumber had been brought out in the transports. Buildings were speedily erected; also an immense wharf; and in a short time the place assumed the outward appearance of a mart of commerce. Meanwhile, Dupont sent his armed vessels in various directions among the islands and up the rivers of the coast of South Carolina, in the direction of Charleston ; and before the close of November, every soldier occupying earthworks found here and there, and nearly every white inhabitant, had abandoned those islands and fled to the main, leaving the negroes, who refused to accompany them, to occupy their plantations and houses. Everywhere, evidences of panic and hasty departure were seen ; and it is now believed that, had the victory at Port Royal been immediately followed up, by attacks on Charleston and Savannah, both cities might have been an easy prey to the National forces. Beaufort, a delightful city on Port Royal Island, where the most aristocratic portion of South Carolina society had summer residences, was entered," and its arms and munitions of war seized, without the least resistance,1 there being, it was reported, only one white man there, named Allen (who was of Northern birth), and who was too much overcome with fear or strong drink to give any intelligible account of affairs there.2 The negroes everywhere evinced the greatest delight at the advent of the " Yan kees," about whom their masters had told them fearful tales ; and it was a most touching sight to see them — men, women, and children — flocking to the island shores when the vessels appeared, carrying little bundles contain ing all their worldly goods, and with perfect faith that the invader was their of their crimes, implored them to pause, and warned them that they would bring great evils upon their State. •le assured them that he and his troops would respect any constitutional obligations to them, and begged them o believe that if, in tbe performance of their duty in enforcing the National authority, some of those obligations 'hould be neglected, such neglect came only because of the "necessities of the case." The general had been ¦pecifilly instructed by the War Department to treat all slaves as General Butler had been authorized to treat hem at Fortress Monroe, and to assure all loyal masters that Congress would provide just compensation to them Jor the loss of the labor of their slaves taken into the public service. ' 1 Among tho trophies secured at Beaufort, and now (1867) preserved at the Washington Navy Yard, was a 6-pounder brass cannon, which had been captured from tho British whilo marauding on the coastof South Carolina during the war of 1S12. It was deposited in the trophy room of the National Arsenal, at Charleston, and there it remained until the conspirators in that city seized it, with the other public property, and appropriated it to their use. According to their code of ethics, the act of seizure conferred tbe right of owner ship, nnd so they had the name of " South Carolina " engraved cannon captured at beaitfokt. upon the cannon. It also bore the date of its construction, " 1S03." Its carriage was modern, having been made after its capture from the British. It, too, was of brass, and was decorated with stars. 2 Eeport of Lieutenant Sproston, of the Seneca, who was tho first to land at Beaufort. He says that while he was talking with Mr. Allen, at bis store in Beaufort, an intelligent mulatto boy dismounted from ahorse, and said, " The whole country have left, sir, and all the soldiers gone to Port Royal Ferry. They did not think that you could do it, sir." He informed 'him thatthere were then about 1,000 soldiers at the ferry, a portion of whom wero the Beaufort Artillery, under Captain Elliott. CONQUEST ON THE GEORGIA COAST. 125 deliverer, expressing a desire to go on board the ships, evidently fearing that their masters would return.1 The latter had used great exertions, by per suasion, threats, and violence, to induce their slaves to accompany them in their flight to the interior, but with very little success.3 With equal ease Dupont took possession of Big Tybee Island, at the mouth of the Savannah River, from which Fort Pulaski, which was within easy mortar distance, might be assailed, and the harbor of Savannah perfectly sealed against blockade runners. On the approach of the National gunboats, the de fenses, which consisted of a strong martello tower erected there during the war of 1812, and a battery at its base, were abandoned, and on the 25th° Dupont wrote to , _ ' „,* „_,, „ "Nov., 1861. the Secretary of \ V ar : " Tho flag of the United States is flying over the terri tory ofthe State of Georgia."4 Before the close of the year the National authority was supreme from Wassaw Sound, below the mouth of the Savannah, to the North Edisto River. Every fort on the islands in that region had been abandoned, and there was nothing to make serious oppo sition to National authority.6 But at the close of November, and in the month of December, over the curious net-work of creeks and rivers on that coast hung the black clouds of extensive conflagrations, evincing intense hostility to that authority by the South Carolinians. Vast quantities of cotton were on the islands when the National forces came ; and, when the first panic had martello tower on tybee island.3 1 Nowhere in the South were the negroes so shut out from all knowledge of the world as among these coast islands. Theirmasters assured them that the •' Yankees" were coming to steal them and sell them into bondage in Cuba ; and some described the " Northerners " as monsters who would devour them, or kill and bury them in the sand. But most of these simple people did not believe a word of these tales ; on the contrary, they believed the Lord had sent the " Yankees " to take them out of bondage. This faith and hope was most remarkable. 2 When the National forces reached Beaufort, the negroes, finding themselves sole occupants of the place and property, had begun to pillage. They reported that their masters, before their departure, had tried to drive them back into the woods, in tho direction of the main, and numbers of them had been shot and killed. Com mander Eogers. in a letter to a friend (Nov. 9th), said: "A boat which came off to the Seneca said one man (giving his name) shot six of the negroes." 3 This was the appearance of the tower when I sketched it, ia April, 1SGG. It3 height had been somewhat diminished by demolishing a portion of its upper part, on 'which rested a roof. Such towers had been erected early in tbe present century along tho British coasts, as a defense against an expected invasion by Bonaparte. The lower story was used for stores, and the upper, being bomb-proof, as secure quarters for the men. The walls terminated in a parapet, behind which cannon were placed. The tower at Tybee was built of solid masonry, like the best of those on the British coast. 4 Resides those on III. ton Head, and at Bay Point on Phillip's Island, there wero five other fortifications on these islands, namely, on Botany Bay Island, North Edisto ; on Otter Island, St. Helena's Sound ; on Fenwick's Island ; on Bay Point, on the South Edisto River; and on Sam's Point, on tho Coosaw River. Tho little | sketch here given of the fort on Bay Point, South Edisto, conveys an idea of the general form of these works, which were constructed of loose earth, and blocks of tough marsh sod. 6 See map on page 126. POET ON BAT POINT. 126 THE COAST ISLANDS AND COTTON. passed by, planters returned stealthily and applied, the torch to that which . was gathered and ungathered, that it should not fall into the hands of the invaders.1 • In this connection it is proper to say, that so soon as the report of the existence of a igjpA vast quantity of aban- U^JlK • cloned cotton on these »:,.-. . cnARoJ|^ip coast islands — cotton of the q most valuable kind2 — reached "Washington, an order went forth for its secure preservation and preparation for market. Agents were appointed for the purpose, and the military and naval authorities in that region were directed to give them all necessary aid. Measures were taken to organize the negro population on the islands, and to carry forward all necessary work on the abandoned plantations. This business was left in the control of the Treasury Department, and was efficiently and wisely managed by Secretary Chase, who appointed Edwin L. Pierce as a special agent for the purpose. At the beginning of February following," Mr. Pierce coast islands. rep0rte(i that about two hundred plantations on fifteen of the South Carolina coast islands were occupied, or under the control of the 1 The Cliarle&ton Mercury of Nov. SOtb, 1861, said : " Tbe heavens to the southwest were brilliantly illu minated with the patriotic flames ascending from burning cotton. As the spectators witnessed it, they involun tarily burst forth with cheer after cheer, and each heart was warmed as with a new pulse. Such a people can never be subjugated. Let the holy flames continue to ascend, and let the demons of hell who come here on their diabolical errand learn a lesson and tremble. Let the torch be applied wherever tbe invader pollutes-our soil, and let bim find, as is meet, that our people will welcome him only with devastation and ruin. Our people are in earnest, men, -women, and children, and their sacrifice will ascend as ft sacred holocaust to God, crying nloud for vengeance against the fiends in human shape who aro disgracing humanity, trampling down civilization, and would blot out Christianity. Patriotic planters on the seaboard aro hourly applying tbe torch to their crops of cotton and rice. Some are authorized by military authorities to destroy their crops, to prevent ravages by the c.nemy. Plantations on North Edisto and in the neighborhood, and elsewhere on the coast of South Carolina, are one sheet of flames and smoke. The commanding officers of all the exposed points on our coast have re ceived positive instructions to burn or destroy all property which cannot be conveniently taken away and is likely to be seized by the enemy.'1 2 The " Sea Island Cotton " of commerce is the product of a narrow belt of coast islands along the shores of South Carolina, and in the vicinity of the mouth of the Savannah River. The seed was obtained from the Ba hama Islands, and the first successful crop raised,. in South, Carolina was on Hilton Head Island, in 1790. It is of the arborescent kind, and noted for its long iiber, adapted to the .manufacture of the finest fabrics and tho best thread. It always brought a very high price. Just before the war. when tbe common cotton brought an average of ten or twelve cents a pound, a bale sent from South Edisto Island brought, in Liverpool, one dollar and tnirty-five cents a pound. MOVEMENT AGAINST PORT ROYAL FERRY. 127 FLAT BOATS USED FOB LANDING TROOPS. Union forces, and that upon them there was an aggregate negro population of about eight thousand, exclusive of several thousand colored refugees at and around Hilton Head. The industrial operations in this region under the control of the Government will be further considered hereafter. The only stand made by the Confederate forces in defense of the South Carolina coast islands, after the battle of the 7th of Noyember, was at Port Royal Ferry, on the Coosaw, at the close of the year. They had a fortified position there, and a force estimated at eight thousand strong, under Generals Gregg and Pope, from which it was determined to expel them. A joint land and naval expedition against this post was undertaken, the former com. manded by Brigadier-General Stevens, and the latter by Commander C. R. P. Rogers. The troops employed by Ste vens were Colonel Frazier's Forty-seventh and Colonel Perry's Forty-eighth New York regiments, and the Sev enty-ninth New York High landers, Major Morrison; Fif tieth Pennsylvania, Colonel Crist ; Eighth Michigan, Colo nel Fenton; and the One Hundredth Pennsylvania ("Round Heads"), Colonel Leasure, of Stevens's brigade; in all about four thousand five hundred men. The naval force assembled at Beaufort for the purpose was composed of the gun-boats Ottawa, Pembina, Hale, and Seneca, ferry-boat Ellen, and four large boats belonging to the Wabash, each of them carrying a 12-pounder howitzer, under the respective Commands of Lieutenants Upshur, Luce, and Irwin, and Acting Master Kempfl".' The expedition moved in the evening ofthe 31st of December." a 1861 A large portion of the vessels went up the Broad River, on the westerly side of Port Royal Island, to approach the Ferry by Whale Creek; and at the same time General Stevens's forces made their way to a point where the Brick Yard Creek, a continuation of, the Beaufort River, unites with the Coosaw. There he was met by Commander Rogers, with launches, and his troops were embarked on large flat boats, at an early hour in the morning.' j™j ' The Ottawa, Pembina, and Hale soon afterward entered the Coo saw, and at Adams's plantation, about three miles below the Ferry, the land and naval forces pressed forward to the attack, two of the howitzers of the Wabash accompanying the former, under Lieutenant Irwin. Stevens threw out the Eighth Michigan as skirmishers, and the gun-boats POET ROYAL FEREY BEFOEE TITE ATTACK. 128 BATTLE OF PORT ROYAL FERRY. CHARLESTON opened a brisk fire into the woods in their front. The Seventy-ninth New York led. Very soon a concealed battery near the Ferry was encountered. It opened upon them with grape and canister, but was soon silenced by a close encounter, in which the Eighth Michigan bore the brunt. The Fiftieth Pennsylvania pressed forward to the support of these and the Highlanders, but very little fighting occurred after the first onset. The Confederates, seeing the gun-boats Seneca, Ellen, Pembina, and Ottawa coming forward, abandoned their works and fled, and the Pennsylvania "Round Heads" passed over the Ferry and occupied them. At four o'clock in the afternoon, General Stevens joined them. The works were demolished, and the houses in the vicinity were burned. General' Stevens's loss was nine wounded, one of them (Major Watson, ofthe Eig1 .a Michigan) mortally. While the National forces were thus gaining absolute control of the South 'Carolina coast islands, and the blockading ships, continually multiplying on the Atlantic and on the Gulf, were watching every avenue of ingress or egress for violators of the law, the Government, profiting by the hint given by the insurgents themselves, several months before, in sinking obstructions in the channel leading up to Norfolk,1 pro ceeded to close, in like manner, the main entrances to the harbors of Charleston and Savannah. For that '%] , purpose a number of condemned mer chant vessels, chiefly whalers, were found in New England harbors, and purchased by order of the Secretary of the Navy. Twenty-rfive of them, each of three or four hundred tons burden, were stripped of their cop per bottoms, and were as heavily laden as their strength would permit, with blocks of granite, for the purpose of closing up Charleston harbor. In their sides, below water-mark, hole^ were bored, in which movable plugs were inserted, so that when these vessels reached their destination these might be drawn, and the water allowed to pour in. This " stone fleet," as it was called, reached the blockading squadr.on off Charleston at the middle of December, and on the 20th, sixteen of the vessels,8 from New Bedford and New London, were sunk on the bar at the entrance of the Main Ship channel,3 six miles in a direct southern line from Fort Sumter. This was done under the superintendence of Fleet-captain Charles H. Davis. They were placed at intervals, checkerwise, so as to, form :il»H'°»r„ oHAttne>-. ,'-¦; J M °HAHN*t.. 0 w k THE CHANNELS OF CHARLESTON HAHBOE. "" * See page 89S, volumo I. 3 Ono of these vessels was named Ceres. It bad been an armed store-suip of tbe British navy, and as such was in Long Island Sound during the old war for Independence, when it was captured by the Americans. 3 There are four channels leading out from Charleston harbor. . The Main Shi p channel runs southward along Morris Island. Mafntfs channel, on the northern side ofthe entrance, is along the south side of Sullivan's Island. Between these are the North channel and the Swash channel, the former having eight, and the latter nine feat of water on the bar. The Main Ship channel had fifteen feet, and Maffitt's channel eleven. FAILURE OF THE STONE FLEET. 129 disturbing currents that would perplex but not destroy the navigation. Indeed, the affair was intended by the Government, and expected by those acquainted with the nature of the coast, the currents, and the harbor, to be only a temporary interference with navigation, as a war measure, and these experts laughed at the folly of those who asserted, as did a writer who accompanied the jleet, that " Charleston Bar is paved with granite, and the harbor is a thing of the past." ' The idea that such was the case was fostered by the Confederates, in order to " fire the Southern heart ;" and their news papers teemed with denunciations of the " barbarous act," and frantic calls upon commercial nations to protest by cannon, if necessary, against this " violation of the rights of the civilized world." The British press and British statesmen sympathizing with the insurgents joined in the outcry, and the British Minister at Washington (Lord Lyons) made it the subject of diplomatic remonstrance. He was assured that the obstructions would be temporary, and he was referred to the fact that, since they had been placed there, a British ship, in violation of the blockade, had run into Charleston harbor with safety, carrying supplies for the enemies of the Government. The work of the " stone fleet " was a failure,2 and the expected disaster., to Charleston, from its operations, did not occur. But a fearful one did fall upon that city at the very time when this "stone fleet" was approachino-. A conflagration commenced on the night of the 14th of December, and con tinued the following day, devouring churches and public buildings, with several hundred stores, dwellings, manufactories, and warehouses, valued with their contents, at millions of dollars. Let us now turn from the sea-coast, and observe events at the National capital and in its vicinity, especially along the line of the Potomac River. We left the Confederate army, after the Battle of Bull's Run, lying in comparative inactivity in the vicinity of its victory, with General Joseph E. Johnston as its chief commander, having his head-quarters at Centreville.3 We left the Army of the Potomac in a formative state,4 under General McClellan, whose head-quarters were in Washington City, on Pennsylvania Avenue, opposite the southeast corner of President Square. He was busily engaged, not only in perfecting its physical organization, but in making a solid improvement in its moral character. He issued orders that com mended themselves to all good citizens, among the most notable of which was one* which enjoined " more perfect respect for the Sabbath!" He won "golden opinions " continually, and with the return of every "^og,6' morning he found himself more and more securely intrenched in the faith and affections of the people, who were lavish of both. General McClellan's moral strength at this time was prodigious. The " soldiers and the people believed in him with the most earnest faith. His short campaign in Western Virginia 'had been successful. He had promised, on taking command of the Army of the Potomac, that the war should be " short, sharp, and decisive ;" and he said to some of his followers,6 while the President and Secretary of War were standing by, 1 Special correspondence ofthe New York Tribune, Dec. 26th, 1S61. 3 A similar attempt had been made to close Occa£ok,e Inlet, in September, but with the same lack of success, the old bulks being either carried to sea by the strong currents, or so deeply Imbedded in the sand as to be harmless.' 1 See page 22. * See page 23. Vol. II.— 9 130 RETIREMENT OF GENERAL SCOTT. "Soldiers! "We have had our last retreat. "We have seen our last defeat. You stand by me, and I will stand by you, and henceforth victory will crown our efforts."1 These words found a ready response from the soldiers and the people, and they were pondered with hope, and repeated with praise. In them were promises of the exercise of that promptness and energy of action, in the use of the resources of the country, that would speedily bring peace. In the hearts ot the people still rang the cry of " On to Richmond !" while their lips, taught circumspection by the recent disaster at Bull's Run, were modestly silent. The soldiers, eager to wipe out the disgrace of that disaster, were ready to obey with alacrity, at any moment, an order to march on Richmond. And it was evidently the determination of the commander, all through the earlier weeks of autumn, to* strike the foe at Manassas, as quickly as possible, and march triumphantly on the Confederate capital.2 But the retirement of Lieutenant-General Scott from the chief command of the ISTational Army,"3 and the appointment of McClellan to fill his place, imposed new duties and responsibilities upon the lat ter, and his plan of campaign against the insurgents in Virginia was changed. The new organization of the Army of the Potomac was perfected at the middle of October, when at least seventy-five thousand well-armed and fairly disciplined troops were in a condition to be placed in column for active operations against the Confederates in front of Washington. At that time the National city was almost circumvallated by earth-works, there being no 1 This little speech was on the occasion when Governor Curtin, accompanied by the President and Secretary ¦of War, presented a set of flags to the Pennsylvania Brigade of General McCall, on Arlington Heights. 2 Mr. S win ton, in his History of the Campaigns of the Army of the Potomac (note on page 69), says : ¦"Though General McClellan used to keep his own counsel, yet General McDowell tells mc ho was wont, in their rides over the country south of the Potomac, to point toward the flank of Manassas, and say, ' We shall strike ¦them there"'' 3 General Scott was then in the 76th year of his age, having been born in June, 17S6. He had been for some time suffering from physical and mental infirmities, and was incapable of performing, in any degree of efficiency, the duties of his office at that important time. His voluntary retirement from active military duty was a fortu nate circumstance for the country and his own reputation, and he descended into the quiet of private life after a most distinguished military career of more than fifty years' duration, followed by the benedictions of a grateful people. It was on his recommendation that General McClellan, his junior by forty years, was made tho Com mander-in-chief of all the armies of the Republic. — Sec General Orders, No. 94, dated Washington, November 1st, 1861* General Scott left Washington city immediately after he retired from active command, accompanied by his staff, the Secretaries of War and the Treasury, and other distinguished officials. General McClellan bade him an affectionate farewell at the Washington railway-station, and the veteran- was conveyed easily on a conch fitted up for his use. He was everywhere greeted by the people with the most earnest demonstrations of respect. In- New Tork, a committee of the Chamber of Commerce and the Union Defense Committee made formal callsupon him, tendering him addresses, to which he replied in the most feeling manner. He expressed confidence in the ultimate success of the National cause, and spoke in highest terms of President Lincoln, to whom he was politi cally opposed. " I had no part nor lot in his election," he said. u I confess that he has agreeably disappointed me. He is a man of great ability, fidelity, and patriotism.11 On the 9th of November, General Scott departed for Havre, in the steamship Arago, his heart cheered by intelligence, byway of Richmond, of the victory of Dupont at Port lloyal, and the capture of Beaufort 1 * The following letter or the President was embodied in tho order: " Executive Mansion, " Washington, November let, 1861. " On the lat day of November, a. d. 1881, upon hia own application to tho President of tho United States, Brevet Lieutenant-General Winfjeld Scott ia ordered to be plnced, and hereby ia placed upon the Hat of retired offlcera of the Army of the United States, without leduction in hia current pay, subsistence, or allowance. " The American people will hear with sadness and deep emotion that General Scott has withdrawn from the active control of the army, while the President and u unnnimOna Cabinet express their own and tlie nation'B sympathy in his personal affliction, and their pro found sense of the important public services' rendered by him to his country during hie long and brilliant career, among which will over abundance, and the chief commander was furnished with numerous and efficient staff officers,2 amonq whom wel"e two French Princes of the House of Orleans, who had just arrived at the capital, with their uncle, the Prince de Joinville, son of the late Louis Philippe, King of the French. These were the Count of Parla and the Duke of Chartres, sons of the late Duke of Orleans, who wished to acquire military experience in the operations of so large a force as was there in arms. A prominent member of the then reigning family in France, whose head was considered a usurper by the Orleans family, had just left this country for his own. It was the Prince Jerome Bonaparte, a cousin of the Empercr Napoleon the Third, who, with his wife, had arrived in New York in tho preceding July, in his private steam yacht. He went to Washington, where he was entertained by the President, and visited the Houses of Congress and the army on Arlington Heights and vicinity. He passed through the lines and visited the Confederate forces tinder Beauregard, at Manassas. Return ing to New York, he started on a tour to Niagara, Canada, and the Western prairies, with the princess. At the middle of September, he went from New York to Boston and Halifax in his yacht, and so homeward. It was only a few days before Prince Jerome's departure from New York that the Prince de Joinville arrived there, with members of his family. He came to place his son, the Duke of Penthievre (then sixteen years of age), in the Naval School at Newport. He brought with him his two nephews above named, who offered their services to the Government, with the stipulation on their part that they should receive no pay. Each was commissioned a captain, and assigned to the staff of General McClellan. They remained in the service until the close of the Peninsula campaign, in July, 1862, and acquitted themselves well. 1 See map and foot-note on page 24 of this Tolume. On the 7th of December, Chief Engineer Barnard re ported that the defenses of Washington city consisted of abont forty-eight works, mounting over 800 guns, some of which were of very large size, and added, '¦ that the actual defensive perimeter occupied is about thirty-five miles, exceeding the length of the famous, and hitherto the most extensive — fortified by extemporized field-works — lines of Torres Vedras by several miles." Concerning the creation and use of heavy ordnance at that time, Swinton says : " The task of forming an artillery establishment was facilitated by the fact that the country possessed, in the regular service, a body of accomplished- and energetic artillery officers. As a basis of organization, it was decided to form fiekl -batteries of six guns (never less than four guns, and the guns of each battery to be of uniform caliber), and these were assigned to divisions, not to brigades, in the proportion of four batteries to each division ; one of which was to be a battery of regulars, and the captain of the regular battery was in each case appointed commandant of the artillery ofthe division. In addition, it was determined to create an artillery reserve of a hundred guns, and. a siege-train of fifty pieces. This work was pushed forward with so much energy, that whereas, when General McClellan took command of the army, the entire artillery establishment consisted of nine imperfectly equipped batteries of thirty guns, before it took the field this service had reached the colossal proportions of ninety-two batteries of five hundred and twenty guns, served by twelve thousand five hundred men, and in full readiness for active field duty." — Campaigns ofthe Army of tlie Potomac, page 65. 2 The following officers composed tbe staff of General McClellan soon after taking the command of the Aran of the Potomac: "Major S. "Williams, Assistant Adjutant-General; Captain Albert V. Colburn, Assistar. Adjutant-General; Colonel R. B. Marey, Inspector-General; Colonel T. M. Key, Aid-de-Camp; Captain N. E Sweitser, 1st Cavalry, Aid-de-Camp ; Captain Edward McK. Hudson, 14th Infantry, Aid-de-Camp ; Captain L. A. Williams, 10th Infantry, Aid-de-Camp; Major A. J. Myer, Signal Officer; Major Stewart Van Vliet, Chief Quartermaster; Captain II. F. Clarke, Chief Commissary ; Surgeon C. S. Tripler, Medical Director; Major J. G. Barnard, Chief Engineer; Major J. N. Macomb, Chief Topographical Engineer; Captain Charles P. Kingsbury. Uhief of Ordnance; Brigadier-General George Stoneman, Volunteer Service, Chief of Cavalry; Brlgadier- Oeneral W. F.. Barry, Volunteer Service, Chief of Artillery." 132 THE DEPARTMENTS OF THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC. McClellan had organized every necessary department thoroughly, and had endeavored to place at the head of each the best men in the" service.1 These had been active co-workers with him, and their several departments were in the best possible condition for effective service. The main Itiody of the army was now" judiciously posted, for offense or defense, in the immediate vicinity of Washington City, with detachments on the left bank of the Potomac as far up as Williamsport, above Har per's Ferry, and as far down as Liverpool Point, in Maryland, nearly oppo site Acquia Creek.2 At the close of September a grand review had been held, when seventy * Oct. 15, lsei. 1 The Engineers, as we have observed, were placed in charge of Major J. G. Barnard, and the Artillery under tlie chief command of Major "William F. Barry. The Topo graphical Engineers were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel John N. Macomb, and a Signal Corps, formed by Major Albs-rt J. Myer, the inventor of a most efficient system of signalling, was placed in charge of that officer. This system was first practically tested daring the organization of tlie Army of the Potomac, and, as we shall observe hereafter, it performed the most essential and important service on land and water, in reconnoitering and in directing the fire of artillery, where objects, such as hills or woods on land, or bluffs or wooded points on tho shores of rivers, intervened between the belligerents. The value of that service during the war cannot be estimated. A full explanation of its operations, with illustrations, may be found in another part of this work. The Telegraphic operations of the army were intrusted to Major Thomas J. Eckert. In this connection. T. S. C. Lowe, a distinguished aeronaut, was employed, and for some time balloons were used with groat efficiency in reconnoitring, but later in the progress of the war they fell into disuse. Mr. Lowe made experiments with his balloon in connection with the telegraph so early as June, 1SC1, and by perfect success demonstrated the feasibility of the joint use of the balloon and telegraph in reconnoitering. At the height of full five hundred feet above Arlington Heights, Mr. Lowe telegraphed to the President, at Washington, as follows : " Sin : — From this point of observation we command an extent of country nearly fifty miles in diameter. I havo pleasure in sending you this first telegram ever dispatched from an aerial station, and acknowledging indebtedness to your / encouragement for the opportunity of demonstrating the availability of the / science of aeronautics in the service ofthe country. / / " I am your Excellency's humble servant, If "T. S. C. Lowe." / L War-balloons were first regularly used by Louis Napoleon in the Italian War, / //i in 1S59. Their success there commended their introduction //J--3. inLo the National army, and the attention of tlie military _ _=^/&m^X- authorities was early called to the subject. On receiving the ^=^^^k.^"-~ Y^m^^^L above dispatch, Mr. Lincoln invited Mr. Lowe to tho Execu- JUll '-. tive mansion. He introduced him to General Scott, and he was soon afterward employed as an aeronaut in the military ser vice. When in use, the balloon is kept under control by strong cords in the hands of men on the ground, who, when the reconnoissanco is ended, draw it down to tho place of depar ture. Tho Medical Department of the army was placed in charge of Surgeons Charles S. Tripler and Jonathan Letterman, who in turn performed the duties of Medical Director. The Quartermaster's Department was intrusted to Major S. Van Vliet. The Subsistence Department was placed in charge of Captain H. F. Clarke; and to the control of the Ordnance Department was assigned Captain C P. Kingsbury. Colonel Andrew Porter was made Provost-Marshal General of the Army of the Potomac; and Colonel Thomas G. Garrett, of the General's staff, was made Judge Advocate.— See General McClellan's Pweport on the Organization, of tlie Army of the Potomac, and its Campaigns in- Virginia and Maryland, " The different divisions were posted as follows : " Hooker at Budd's Ferry, Lower Potomac , Heintzelman r.t Fort Lyon and vicinity; Franklin near tho Theological Seminary; Blenker near Hunter's Chapel ; McDowell at Upton's Hill and Arlington; F.J.Porter at Hall's and Miner's Hills; Smith at Mackall's Hill; McCall at Langley; Buell at Tenallytown, Meridian Hill, Emory's Chapel, &c, on the left bank of the river; Casey at Washington; Stoneman's cavalry at Washington; HuntV artillery at Washington ; Banks at Darnestown, with detachments at Point of Eocks, Sandy Hook, Williamsport, &c. ; Stone at Poolesville ; and Dixat Baltimore with detachments on tlie Eastern shore." ' WAR BALLOON. DANGERS POINTED OUT. 133 'Oct. thousand men of all arms were assembled and maneuvered. It was the largest military force ever gathered on the American Continent, and gave the loyal people assurance of the safety of the Republic. And to these troops, regiment after regiment, at the rate of two thousand men each day, and battery after battery, was continually added from the teeming popula tion and immense resources of the Free-labor States. A little later," there was another imposing review. It was of artillery and cavalry alone ; when six thousand horsemen, and one hun dred and twelve heavy guns, appeared before President Lincoln, the Secre tary of State, Prince de Joinville, and other distinguished men. Their evolutions were conducted bver an area of about two hundred acres : the cavalry under the direction of General Palmer, and the artillery under the command of General Barry. The whole review was conducted by General Stoneman. But drills, parades, and reviews were not the only exhibitions of war near the Potomac during these earlier days 01 autumn. There was some real though not heavy fighting between ____ the opposing forces there. The auda city of the Confederates was amazing. Soon after the Battle of Bull's Run, General Johnston had advanced his outposts from Centreville and Fairfax Court House to Munson's Hill, only six miles in an air-line from Washing ton City, where the Confederate flag was flaunted for weeks, in full view of the National Capitol. At other points above the city, his scouts pressed up almost to the Potomac, and he was at the same time taking measures for FAIEFAX COOET n0USE~1 erecting batteries at points below the Occoquan Creek, for the purpose of obstructing the passage of supplies up that river, for the National army around Washington. The probability of such a movement had been per ceived at an early day by vigilant and expert men. So early as June, the Navy Department had called the attention of the Secretary of War (Mr. Cameron) to the importance, in view of the possible danger, of seizing and holding Matthias Point, in order to secure the navigation of the river. At different times afterward,4 the attention of the President, General Scott, and General McClellan was called to the matter by the same Department, but nothing was done until toward the close of September, when Confederate batteries were actually planted there.3 Then it was proposed to send a land force down the Maryland side of the river, and crossing in boats, covered by the Potomac flotilla, take possession of the shore just above Matthias Point. The Secretary of the Navy, having 1 This is a view of one of the most frequently mentioned buildings in the records of the Civil War. It is from a sketch made by the author in I860. It gives the name to the village around it, which is the shiretown of the county. The village was much injured during the war. 5 July 1st, August 20th, and August 81st. 8 It appears by an autograph letter before me, written by Colonel Wade Hampton, at Freestone Point, between Occoquan and Dumfries, and dated September 24th, 1S61, that a battery was completed at thr.t place, p."-1 134 THE POTOMAC RIVER BLOCKADED. use for the Potomac flotilla elsewhere, was anxious that the movement should take place at once.1 Preparations were accordingly made to send four thousand of Hooker's division for the purpose. The Navy Department furnished transportation, and Captain Craven, the commander ofthe flotilla, gathered his vessels in the vicinity of Matthias Point, to co-operate in an attack on the batteries there. In the mean time the chief engineer (Major Barnard) reported adversely,2 and the project was abandoned. On the assurance of sufficient aid from the Navy Department, it was agreed that a land force should march down the right bank of the Potomac, capture all batteries found there, and take permanent possession of that region. This project was also abandoned, because McClellan believed that the movement might bring on a general engagement, for which he did not feel prepared. No attempt was afterward made to interfere with' the Con federates in their mischievous work, and early in October Captain Craven officially announced that the navigation of the Potomac was closed, and the National capital blockaded in that important direction. Craven was so mortified because of the anticipated" reproach of the public for the supposed inefficiency of his command, that he made a request to be assigned to duty elsewhere. The President, who had warmly seconded the Navy Depart ment in urging McClellan to take measures for keeping the navigation of the river open, was exceedingly annoyed ; whilst the nation at large, unable to understand the cause of this new disaster, and feeling deeply mortified and humiliated, severely censured the Government.3 That blockade, so dis graceful to the Government, was continued until the Confederates voluntarily evacuated their position in front of Washington, in March following. was ready for action at that date. His letter was addressed to Colonel Thomas Jordan, Beauregard's Assistant Adjutant-General. He says the works were constructed under Captain Lee, whose battery and along- 82-pounder rifled gun were there. The latter had been sent, there by General Trimble, a Maryland traitur, then in the Con federate army. He reported that he had every thinsr in readiness to open fire tho previous evening. A. fringe of trees had been left standing- on tho point, to conceal tbe troops while erecting the works. These were cut down on the night of the 23d. 1 At that time (late in September) there were in tho Potomac the Pawnee, Pocahontas, and S&minole, three heavily armed vessels, and the R. B. JF&rbes, with two very formidable guns on board. These vessels had been detailed to go with Dupont's expedition to Port Royal, and it was urged by the Navy Department that they should first be employed in destroying the Confederate batteries on the river, and assisting tho Army of the Potomac in t iking possession of their positions. 8 He referred to the fact that High Point, Freestone Point, and Cock -pit Point, and thence down to Chnpa- wausic Creek, opposite Hooker's quarters at Eudd's Ferry, were eligible places for batteries, and considered it unwise to attempt the capture of any already completed, unless a campaign was about to be opened in that direction. He concluded that the best way to prevent tho erection of batteries, and to keep open navigation, was to have a sufficient naval force patrolling the Potomac. See McClellan's Report, page 50. In a review of the Peninsula Campaign, Major (then General) Barnard, alluding to this project, snys (pnge 16), if it had been attempted "a Ball's Bluff affair, ten times intensified, wonld havo been the certain result." 3 General McClellan, in his report to tlie Secretary of War of tho operations of^ the Army of the Potomac while under his command, made in August, 2S63 (nearly two years after tho events here recorded), attributed the failure to keep the navigation of the Potomac open, at this time, to tho remissness of the Navy Department in not furnishing a sufficient number of armed vessels for tho purpose. G. V. Fox, tho Assistant Secretary of the Navy, in his testimony beforo the Committee on the Conduct ofthe War (i. page 289), attributes that failure partly to the remissness of the War Department, under the management of Cameron, but chiefly to tho failure of General McClellan to furnish a force from his immense army in time to havo taken and held possession of the Virginia shore of the river. The Committee on the Conduct of the War, in their summary of the testimony of both Mr. Fox and General McClellan, says : " After repeated efforts, General McClellan promised that 4,000 men should be ready, at a time named, to proceed down tho river. Tho Navy Department provided the neces sary transports for the troops, and Captain Craven, commanding the Potomac flotilla, upon being notified to that effect, collected at Matthias Point all the boats of his flotilla atthe time named. The troops did not arrive, and tho Navy Department was informed of the fact by Captain Craven. Assistant Secretary Fox, upon inquiring of General McClellan why the troops had not been sent, according to agreement, was informed by Mm that hia engineers were of the opinion that so large a body of troops could not be landed, and therefore he had concluded not to send them. Captain Fox replied that tho landing of the troops was a matter of which the Navy Depart* HOSTILE MOVEMENTS ON THE POTOMAC. 135 As the Army of the Potomac rapidly increased in numbers and equip ment in Virginia in front of Washington, it required more space than the narrow strip hetween the river and the advance posts of the Confederates, and early in Septemher it was determined to acquire that space hy pushing back the intruders. Already there had been several little skirmishes be tween the pickets and the outposts of the confronting contestants. On the 5th of August, a detachment of the Twenty-eighth New York, under Captain Brush, mostly firemen, attacked a squad of Confederate cavalry in Virginia, opposite the Point of Rocks, killing and wounding eight men, and capturing nine prisoners and twenty horses; and on the 12th a detachment of the Tenth New York, under Captain Kennedy, crossed the Potomac from Sandy Hook, and attacked and routed some Virginia cavalry at Lovettsville. On the 12th of September," a reconnoissance was made toward Lewinsville, four or five miles from Camp Advance, at the Chain Bridge, by about two thousand men, under the command of Gen eral William F. Smith,1 in charge of a brigade at that post. They had accomplished a topographical survey, for which purpose they were chiefly sent, and were returning, when they were attacked by a body of Virginians,2 under the command of Colonel J. E. B. Stuart, afterward the famous general leader of cavalry in the Confederate army. Stuart opened heavily with his cannon, which at first disconcerted the National troops. The latter were kept steady until Grifiin's Battery was placed in position, when its guns soon silenced those of the Virginians, and scattered their cavalry. Then the National troops, having accomplished their object, returned to their post near the Chain Bridge " in perfect order and excellent spirits," with a loss of two killed and ten wounded.3 ment had charge ; that they had provided the necessary means to accomplish the landing successfully ; that no inquiry had heen made of them in regard to that matter, and no notification that the troops were not to be sent. It was then agreed that the troops should be sent the next night. Captain Craven was again notified, and again had his flotilla in readiness for the arrival of the troops ; but no troops were sent down at that time, nor were any eversent down for that purpose. Captain Fox, in answer to the inquiry of the Committee, as to what reason was assigned for not sending the troops according to the second agreement, replied that the only reason, so far as he conld ascertain, was that General McClellan feared that it might bring on a general engagement. The Presi dent, who had united with the Navy Department in urging its proposition, first upon General Scott and then upon General McClellan, manifested great disappointment when he learned that the plan had failed in conse quence <>f tho troops not being sent. And Captain Craven threw up his command on the Potomac, and applied to he sent to sea, saying that, by remaining here and doing nothing, he was but losing his own reputation, as the blame for permitting the Potomac to be blockaded would bo imputed to him and tho flotilla under his command." As the reports of the Committee may be frequently referred to in this work, it is proper to 6ay that it was a joint committee of Doth Houses of Congress, appointed in December, 1S61, consisting of three members ofthe Senate and four members of the House of Representatives, with instructions to inquire into the conduct of the war. The Committee consisted of B. F. Wade, Z. Chandler, and Andrew Johnson, of tho Senate, and D. W. Gooch, John Covode, G. W. Julian, andM. F. Odell, of tho House of representatives. They constituted a per manent court of inquiry, with power to send for persons and papers. When Senator Johnson was appointed Military Governor of Tennessee, his place on the Committee was supplied by Joseph A. Wright, of Indiana. 1 These troops consisted of the Seventy-ninth (Highlanders) New York Militia; battalions of Vermont and Indiana Volunteers, and of the First United State9 Chasseurs ; a Cavalry company, and GrifEn's West Point Battery. 2 These were the Thirteenth Virginia Volunteers, Bosser's Battery of the Washington Artillery, and a detachment of cavalry. 3 Keports of Lieutenant-Colonel Shaler and Adjutant Ireland, and dispatch of General McClellan, all dated September 11th, 1S61. General McClellan joined the column at the olose of the affair. Colonel Stuart (Con federate) gave a glowing account of the confusion into which the Nationals were thrown hy his first attack, and gave the affair the aspect of a great victory for himself. He reported " fearful havoc in the ranks of the enemy." " Our loss," he said, " was not a scratch to man or horse." — Stuart's Report, Sept. 11, 1S61. Stuart appears to have been acenscd of rashness on this occasion, in exposing his cannon to the danger of captnre. In an autograph letter before me, dated at Munson's Hill, September 14th, and addressed to General IiOngstreet, ho repels the accusation, and declares that at no time was a piece of his cannon " in a position that it 136 AN INGENIOUS DECEPTION. Three days after the affair near Lewinsville, the pickets on tlie right of the command of Colonel JohnW. Geary, ofthe Twenty-eighth'Pennsylvania, stationed three miles above Darnestown, in Maryland, were " Sei86i15' attacked" by four hundred and fifty Virginians, who had boldly crossed the Potomac. A spirited skirmish for about two hours ensued, resulting in a loss to the assailants of eight or ten killed, and several wounded, and their utter repulse. Geary's loss was one killed ; and his gain vi as great animation for the troops under his command, who were charged with holding the country opposite Harper's Ferry. A little later, < Oct. 16. National troops permanently occupied Lewinsville,6 Vienna," and <*0ct. it. Pah-fax Court House,'* the Confederates falling back to Centre ville without firing a shot. They had evacuated Munson's Hill on the 28th of September, when the position was formally taken possession of by the Na tionals, who had been for some time looking upon it. from Bailey's Cross roads with much respect, because of its apparently formidable works and heavy armament. These had been reconnoitered with great caution, and pro nounced to be alarmingly strong, when the fort was really a slight earth work, running irregularly around about four acres on the brow of the hill, >v ithout ditch or glacis, " in every respect a squirming piece of work," as an eye-witness wrote. Its armament consisted of one stove-pipe and two logs, the latter with a black disc painted on the middle of the sawed end of each, giving them the appearance, at a distance, of the muzzles of 1 00-pound Par- rott guns. These " Quaker Guns," like similar ones at Manassas a few months later, had, for six weeks, defied the Army ofthe Potomac. In a house near the fort (which was soon made into a strong regular work), Brigadier-Gen eral James Wadsworth, who was placed in command, there made his head-quar ters ; and on the roof he caused a sig nal-station to be erected, from which there was an interchange of intelligence with another station on the dome of the capitol at Washington. There the writer visited General Wadsworth, late in November, 1861, and found that ardent and devoted patriot, who had left all the ease and enjoyments which great wealth and a charming domestic circle bestow, and for the sake of his endangered country was enduring all the privations incident to an arduous camp life. His quarters were humble, and in no respect did his arrange ments for comfort differ from those of his brother officers. On the day of the grand review of the cavalry and artillery of the Army QUAKER GUN AT MANABSA8.1 could not have safely retreated from before an army of 10,000 advancing at the double-quick." Longstroet sent Stuart's leti er to General Johnson, with an indorsement, testifying to the judicious disposition of the cannon in the encasement. 1 This is from a photograph by Gardner, of Washington City, and represents one of the logs in the form of a cannon, and painted black, that was found in an embrasure at Manassas, after the Confederates withdrew from that post, in the spring of 1862. HOSTILITIES AT HARPER'S FERRY. 137 ofthe Potomac,1 there was an important movement in the vicinity of Har per's Ferry, which led to a still more important one a week later. On that day,? Major J. P. Gould, of the Thirteenth Massachusetts, was sent across the river to some mills a short distance above Harper's Ferry to seize some wheat there belonging to the Confederates.' The "0cts- movement was made known to General Evans,3 commanding in the vicinity, and quite a heavy force was sent to oppose them.4 Geary was called upon for re-enforcements. He promptly responded by crossing the river with about six hundred men and four pieces of cannon, tho latter under the respective commands of Captain Tompkins of the Rhode Island Battery, and Lieutenant Martin of the Ninth New York Battery.6 The wheat was secured and made into flour ; and Geary was about to recross the river with his booty, on the morning of the 16th, when his pickets, on Bolivar Heights, two and a half miles west of Har per's Ferry, and ex- ^ tending from the Poto- B| mac to the Shenandoah, jS were attacked by Con- j|§ federates in three col- J3 umns, consisting of in- ?|j fantry and cavalry, and supported by artillery. The pickets were driven ' OEAEY'B 'reAD-«™™ °* '0AMP ™*™- into the town of Bolivar. Geary, who, with his main body, was on Camp Heights,6 an eminence around the foot of which nestles the village of Harper's Ferry, rallied them, and a general fight ensued. In his front, on Bolivar Heights, were a large body of troops and three heavy guns, and suddenly there appeared on Loudon Heights on his left, across the. Shenan doah River, another large body of men, with four pieces of cannon, which with plunging shot might terribly smite the little National force, and com mand the ferry on the Potomac. Geary sent a company of the Thirteenth Massachusetts, under Captain Schriber, to guard the fords of the Shenandoah, and prevent troops crossing there and joining those on Bolivar Heights. He then had only four hundred and fifty men left to fight his foe on his front. With these ho repelled three 1 See page 132. 2 His force consisted of three companies of the Third Wisconsin, and a section of Captain Tompkins1? Rhode Island Battery. 3 This was Colonel Evans, who commanded the extreme left of the Confederates at the stone bridge, at the opening of the battle of Bull's Eun, on the morning of the 21st July, 1861. See page 590. volume I. * This force consisted of the Thirteenth and Nineteenth Mississippi, Eighth Virginia. Ashby's Virginia Regiment of cavalry, and Rogers's Riehmond^Battery of six pieces, the whole commanded by General Evans in person. B The remainder of Geary's force consisted of four companies of the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania and yirea of the Third Wisconsin. « Geary's quarters were at the large Government house on Camp Heights, delineated in the engraving, in which Generals Kenley, Banks, and Miles were afterward quartered. It was in a terribly dilapidated condition when the wiitcr visited and sketched it, early in October, 1866, its outer walls scarred by shot and shell, and its interior almost a ruin. On the left of the picture is seen tho western slope of Loudon Heights, across the Shenandoah. 138 NATIONAL VICTORY AT HARPER'S FERRY. fierce charges of Ashby's cavalry, and withstood the storm of bullets from a long line of infantry on Bolivar Heights, until joined, at eleven o'clock, by Lieutenant Martin, with one rifled cannon, with which he had crossed the Potomac Ferry under a galling fire of riflemen on Loudon Heights. These two companies of the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania turned the Confederate left near the Potomac, and gained a portion of the Heights. At the same time, Martin opened a telling fire on the Confederate cannon in front, and Tompkins silenced two guns on Loudon Heights. The main body moved forward at this crisis, charged the foe, and in a few minutes were in possession of Bolivar Heights from river to river. It was now half-past one o'clock in the afternoon. The Confederates fled, and were driven up the valley in the direction of Halltown. They did not cease their flight until they reached Charlestown, on' the line of the railway between Harper's Ferry and Win chester, a distance of six miles. Major Tyndale arrived from Point of Rocks with five companies of Geary's regiment immediately after the capture of the Heights. He brought with him the standard of the Twenty-eighth Pennsylvania. It was immediately unfurled, "and under its folds," wrote the victor, "we directed the fire of our artillery against the batteries and forces on Loudon Heights, and soon succeeded in silencing every gun and driving away every rebel that could be seen.. The victory was now complete."1 Geary's troops rested until evening, when, there beino- no military necessity for holding Bolivar Heights at that time, he crossed the Ferry with his whole command and resumed his position in Mary land. His loss was four killed, seven wounded, and two taken prisoners. The loss fell chiefly on the Wisconsin troops.2 The loss of the Confederates is unknown. Still more important movements were made on the line of the Potomac River as the beautiful month of October was passing away. At that time Major-General Banks was in command of troops holding the Maryland side of the river from Darnestown to Williamsport. Brigadier-General Charles P. Stone (who had been assigned to the command of a special corps of obser vation on the right flank of the Army of the Potomac), with a considerable body of troops, then had his head-quarters at Poolesville, a short distance from Conrad's and Edwards's Ferries, on the Potomac River. These ferries were not far from Leesburg, the capital of Loudon County, Virginia, where it was reported that the Confederate left, under General N. G. Evans, was strong in numbers. The troops under Stone confronted this left wing, and. commanded the approaches to Leesburg, a village at the terminus of the Alexandria, Loudon, and Hampshire railway, and which was the key to the upper interior communication with the Valley of the Shenandoah. Between the two ferries just named (which were four or five miles apart) was Harri son's Island, three miles in length and very narrow and nearly equally divi ding the river. 1 Report of Colonel John W. Geary, October ISth, 1S61. In that report Colonel Geary mentioned the fact that the Honorable Daniel McCook (father of the several McCooks who served the Union cause as general officers so well throughout the war) was in the engagement, gun in hand, as an "amateur soldier." 2 In his report General Geary said : " The four men who were killed were afterward charged upon by the cavalry and stabbed through tho body, stripped of all their clothing, not excepting shoes and stockings, and left in perfect nudity. One was laid out in the form of crucifixion, with his hands spread and cut through the palms with a dull knife. This inhuman treatment incensed our troops exceedingly, and I fear its consequences may be shown in retaliating hereafter." MOVEMENTS ON THE UPPER POTOMAC. 139 On the 1 7th of October it was reported (erroneously) that the Confederates had evacuated Leesburg. General McClellan then determined to make a thorough reconnoissance of the Confederate left, to ascertain their strength, and to cover the operations of his topographical engineers in making a map of that region. He accordingly ordered" General " 0™19' McCall, who held the advanced command in Virginia on the right of the National line, to move forward and occupy Drainsville, about half way between the Chain Bridge and Leesburg. He did so, and pushed his scouts forward to Goose Creek, within four miles of the latter place. On the following morning,4 General Banks telegraphed to General McClellan from Darnestown, saying, " The signal station at Sugar Loaf telegraphs that the enemy have moved away from Leesburg." McCall had also reported to McClellan the previous evening that he had not encountered any opposition, and that it was reported that the Confederates had abandoned the tpwn. On the strength of Banks's dispatch, and without waiting for later information from Drainsville, McClellan notified" General Stone of the movement of McCall. He assured him that "heavy reconnoissances " would be sent out that day " in all directions " from Drainsville, and desired him to keep "a good lookout on Leesburg," to see if it had the effect to drive the Confederates away^ adding, " Perhaps a slight demonstration on your part would have the effect to move them." This dispatch reached Stone before noon. He acted promptly, and at evening he telegraphed to the Chief that he had made a feint of crossing the river, during the afternoon, at two places, and had sent out a reconnoitering party, toward Leesburg, from Harrison's Island, adding, "I have means of crossing one hundred and twenty-five men once in ten minutes at each of two points." To this dispatch he received no reply. The feint had been made at the ferries of Edwards and Conrad, already mentioned. The brigade of General Gorman, Seventh Michigan, two troops of the Van Alen cavalry, and the Putnam Rangers were sent to the former, where a section of Bunting's New York Battery was on duty. To the latter Stone sent a battalion of the Twentieth Massachusetts, under its commander, Colonel Lee, a section of Vaughan's Rhode Island Battery, and Colonel Cogswell's New York (Tammany) Regiment. The ferry was at that time de fended by a section of Ricketts's Battery. Colonel Devens was sent to Harrison's Island in two flat-boats from the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal, bearing four companies of his Massachusetts Fifteenth. One company of the same regiment was already there. A reserve, numbering about three thou sand men, was held in readiness to co-operate, should a battle ensue. With this reserve was the fine body of Pennsylvanians known as the First Cali fornia regiment, commanded by Colonel E. D. Baker, then a representative of the State of Oregon in the National Senate. These movements, at first designed as a feint, resulted in a battle. McCall had made a reconnpissance on Sunday, the 20th/ which do . h had evidently caused an opposing movement on the part of the Confederates. An infantry regiment of these had been observed marching from Leesburg and taking shelter behind a hill, about a mile and a half from the position of the Nationals at Edwards's Ferry. In order to disperse or intimidate these, General Gorman was ordered to deploy his forces in their 140 INVASION OF VIRGINIA. view. Three flat-boats, filled with troops, were maneuvered as if crossing, and shot and shell were cast into the jflace where the foe was concealed. This demonstration caused the Confederates to retire, and at twilight Gorman's force returned to camp. In the mean time, a scouting party of about twenty men had been sent out from Harrison's Island under Captain Philbrick, of the Fifteenth Massa chusetts. They ascended the steep bank on the Virginia side, opposite the island, known as Ball's Bluff, which rises about one hundred and fifty feet above the Potomac. Philbrick went a short distance toward Leesburg, when he discovered, as he supposed, a small camp of Confederates, appa rently not well guarded. Upon receiving information of this fact, General Stone, who supposed that McCall was near to assist, if necessary, sent orders to Colonel Devens to cross from Harrison's Island with five companies of his regiment, and proceed at dawn to surprise that camp. Colonel Lee was also ordered to cross from the Maryland shore with four companies of his regi ment and a four-oared boat, to occupy the island after Devens's departure, and to send one company to the Virginia shore, to take position on the heights there, and cover his return. Two mountain howitzers were also to be sent stealthily up the tow-path of the canal, and carried over to the opposite side of the island, so as to command the Virginia shore. These orders were promptly obeyed. -Devens advanced at dawn, but the reported camp could not be found. It proved that other objects had been mistaken for tents. He marched cautiously on to within a mile of Leesburg, without discovering scarcely a trace of a foe. There he halted in a wood, and sent a courier to General Stone for further orders. Devens had been watched by vigilant Confederates.1 Evans and his main force lay on Goose Creek. Riflemen and cavalry were hovering near, and waiting a favorable opportunity to strike Devens. He had a slight skirmish with the former, in which one of his men was killed and nine were wounded, when he fell back in safety and in perfect order toward the bluff, at about eight o'clock in the morning, and halted within a mile of the little band under Colonel Lee. While tarrying in an open field of about eight acres, he received a message from General Stone, directing him to remain there until support could be sent to him. The remainder of Devens's regiment had been brought over by Lieutenant-Colonel Ward. His entire force consisted of 'only six hundred and twenty-five men. In the. mean time, Colonel Baker, who was acting as brigadier-general, in command of the reserves, had been ordered to have the California Regi ment, under Lieutenant-Colonel Wistar, at Conrad's Ferry at sunrise, and the remainder of his command ^ready to move early. In order to divert attention from Devens's movement, Colonel Gorman was directed to send two companies of the First Minnesota Regiment, Colonel Dana, across tho river at Edwards's Ferry, under cover of Ricketts's cannon, to make a recon- 1 u An English Combatant" in tho Confederate service, in a volume entitled Battle-fields of the South,from BuWs Bun to Gettysburg (page SO), says that there were several Marylanders in Evans's camp who were em ployed as spies. Among these was a wealthy young farmer named Elijah White, who resided near Poolesville. He belonged to a company of Confederate cavalry, and often crossed the Potomac by swimming his horse, and gathered valuable information for the insurgents. He sometimes went even to Baltimore, where he held con ference with the secessionists, and always returned with assurances that ninety-nine of every hundred of the Marylanders were rebels. " COLONEL BAKER AND HIS TROOPS. 141 noissance toward Leesburg ; and a party of the Van Alen cavalry, led by Major Mix, were ordered to scour the country in the direction of that town, and after gaining all possible information concerning its topography, and the position of the Confederates, to hasten back to the cover of the Minnesota skirmishers. These movements were well performed. The scouts came suddenly upon a Mississippi regiment, when shots were exchanged without much harm to either party. At a little past noon, Devens and his band were assailed by Confederates under Colonels Jenifer and Hunton, in the woods that skirted the open field in which they had halted. Infantry attacked the main body on their left, and cavalry fell upon the skirmishers in front. His men stood their ground firmly ; but, being pressed by overwhelming numbers, and re-enforcements not/ arriving, they fell back about sixty paces, to foil an attempt to flank them. This was accomplished, and they took a position about half a mile in front_ of Colonel Lee. In the mean time Colonel Baker had been pressing forward from Conrad's Ferry, to the relief of the assailed troops. Ranking Devens, he had been ordered to Harrison's Island to take the chief command, with full discre tionary powers to re-enforce the party On the Virginia shore, or to withdraw all of the troops to the Maryland shore. He was cautioned to be care ful with the artillery under his con trol, and not to become engaged with greatly superior numbers. When Baker found that Devens had been attacked, he decided to re- enforce him. It was an unfortunate decision, under the circumstances, and yet it then seemed to be the only proper one. The task was a most difficult and perilous one. The river had been made full by recent rains, and the currents in the channels on each side were very swift. The means for transportation were en tirely inadequate. There had been no expectation of such movement, and no provision had been made for it. There was only one scow, or flat-boat, for the service, between the Maryland shore and Harrison's Island, and at first only two skiffs and a Francis metallic life-boat were on the opposite side.- To these were soon added one scow; and these four little vessels com posed the entire means of transportation of several hundred troops and munitions of war. McClellan had not ordered more than a "demonstration" by a small portion of Stone's troops, in conjunction with those of McCall; but Stone, to whom the chief had not intimated his object in ordering "heavy reconnoissances in all directions " in that vicinity, and who knew that there were forty thousand troops within easy call of his position, naturally con sidered -that they were to complete the expulsion of the Confederates from the Potomac. He therefore made what disposition he might to assist in tho D. BASER. 142 BATTLE OF BALL'S BLUFF. ' movement, in conjunction with McCall, and, as he supposed, with the divi- ' sion of General Smith, known to be within supporting distance.1 He was ignorant of the very important fact that, on the previous evening, General McClellan had ordered McCall to fall back from Drainesville. It was so. At the very time when Baker was preparing to pass over the reserves in force, McCall, by order of McClellan, was marching back to his camp near the Chain Bridge, and Smith was without orders t<* do any thing in particu lar, thus making the peril that threatened the Nationals at Ball's Bluff much greater for want of this support. Colonel Baker, like General Stone, was ignorant of this damaging move ment, and was pressing on in high spirits, with the most wearisome and per plexing toil in slowly passing his troops in three scows,2 when, hearing the sound of battle on the Virginia shore, he hastened over in a small skiff, leav ing instructions to forward the artillery as quickly as possible. Plis Cali fornia regiment had already crossed and joined Devens and Lee. A rifled 6-pounder of Bunting's Rhode Island Battery, under Lieutenant Bramhall, followed them. Two howitzers under Lieutenant French were already there ; and, just before Baker reached the Bluff, a detachment of Cogswell's Tammany Regiment had climbed the winding path leading up from the river. Baker now took command of all the forces on the Bluff, numbering nineteen hundred.3 These were immediately formed in battle order, and aivaited attack. The ground on which the Nationals were ¦ compelled to give battle was unfavorable for them. It was an open field, surrounded on three sides by a dense forest, and terminating on the fourth at the brow of the high bluff at , the river. With their backs to the stream, the Union forces were prepared for the contest, Avhich was begun at three o'clock in the afternoon, by General Evans, who hurled the Eighteenth Mississippi, under Colonel Burt, upon Baker's left flank, and the commands of Jenifer and Hunton upon his front.4 These came from the woods, that swarmed with Confederates, and were received with the most determined spirit. The battle instantly became general and severe. Colonel Featherston, with the Seventeenth Mississippi, joined in the fray. Bramhall and French soon •brought their heavy guns to bear, and were doing good execution, when both officers were borne wounded away, and their pieces were hauled to the rear, to prevent their falling into the hands of their foe. A greater calamity speedily followed. The gallant Baker was seen here and there in the thickest of the fight, encouraging his men by words and deeds, and when the battle had lasted nearly two hours he fell dead, pierced with many bullets.5 1 See page 185. 2 The current was so strong and deep that it could be navigated by the scows only by dragging them up the Maryland shore above the island, and letting them float diagonally across the stream until they touched the island. The voyage from tbe latter to the Virginia shore was accomplished in the same way. The operation was very slow, and tho passage of the few troops occupied about three hours. 3 Baker's entire force consisted ofthe California Regiment, Lieutenant-Colonel Wistar, 570; the New Tori: Tammany Regiment, Colonel Milton Cogswell, 860; and portions of the Fifteenth' Massachusetts, Colonel Devens, 053 and of tho Twentieth, Colonel Lee, 818— total, 1,901. 4 The attacking troops were Evans's brigade, composed of the Eighth Virginia, and Thirteenth, Seventeenth, and Eighteenth Mississippi. 'Colonel Baker was probably killed instantly. Eye-witnesses say that a tall, red-haired man appeared emerging from the smoke, and approaching to within five feet of the commander, flred into hia body the con tents of a self-cocking revolver pistol. At the same moment a bullet entered his skull behind his ear, and a A TERRIBLE SCENE. 143 The immediate command now devolved upon Colonel Lee, but Cogs well, his superior, soon took the control of affairs. Seeing the desperate situation of the troops, with an overwhelming force on their front and flanks, and a deep and turbulent river in their rear, Cogswell ordered them to move to the left, and attempt to cut their way through to Edwards's Ferry, about three miles distant, where they might receive the aid of the force there under General Stone. This movement was about to take place, when the Tammany Regiment, deceived by the beckoning of a Confederate officer, whom they mistook for a National one, dashed off on a charge in the direc tion indicated by the deceiver, carrying with them the rest of the line. Then a destructive fire at close distance was poured upon the whole column by the Thirteenth Mississippi Regiment, Colonel William Barksdale, which advanced from the direction of the ferry. Cogswell's plan was frustrated, and he gave orders for his whole force to retire immediately to Harrison's Island, and thence to the Maryland shore. That retreat almost instantly became a rout. Down the steep declivity the Nationals hurried, in wild disorder, to reach the boats, while the Con federates, who had followed them up to the brow of the bluff with ball >and bayonet, fired into the straggling mass below with murderous effect. The fugitives huddled on the shore, formed in some order at first, and kept up the hopeless fight for a time, while endeavoring to cross the flood to Harrison's Island. Only one large flat- boat was there, and that, with an over-load of wounded and others, at the beginning of its first voyage, was riddled with bullets, and sunk. The small er vessels had disappeared in the gloom, and there was no means of escape for the Union ists but by swimming. This was attempted by some. Seve ral of them were shot in the water,1 and others, swept away by the current in the darkness, were drowned.2 A little more ^Woo'el's^.XO *."5> ' >'^*) 1 81° O «-*-' => -, t-'j =*> " t HOWITZER* ^r^MAas.^; BAKER KILLED MAP OF TUB BATTLE OF BALL S BLUFF than one-fourth of the whole of Cogswell's sing from a Mississippi Yager wounded his arm and made a terrible opening in his side. Captain Bcirel, ofthe California regiment, who was close by Baker, caught tlie slayer of his friend by the throat, just as he was stooping to seize the colonel's sword, and with his pistol blew out his brains. Baker had enjoined many of his California regiment that if he should fall in battle, not to let the Confederates get possession of his body. Buirel, the avenger, and tho brave leader of company G of that regiment, acting upon these instructions, raised the precious burden in his arms and bore it away amid « shower of bullets, and delivered it to Major Toitng, who conveyed it safely to the river and took it across. 1 Pollard says (i. 1S1) that after the Nationals had surrendered, " the Confederates kept up their fire upon those who tried to cross, and many not drowned in the river were 6hot in the act of swimming.11 a The gallant Captain JJeirel was among the last who left the 6hore nnd swam across tho river. He was compelled to drop his sword midway, in order to save his life. Many of the men, before they surrendered, threw their arms into the river. » Bramhall's gun had been spiked and completely disabled. It was brought to the bluff and tumbled over, with the intention of having it gu into tho river. 144 DISASTER AT BALL'S BLUFF. command, including himself and Colonel Lee, were made prisoners, and marched off to Leesburg, whilst Colonel Devens escaped on his borse, that swam across the turbulent Potomac. A few were saved from captivity by stealing along tinder the banks, and making their way to Gorman's camp below. While the contest was raging at Ball's Bluff, General Stone, who was at Edwards's Ferry with about seven thousand troops, had been sending over the remainder of Gorman's brigade to co-operate with Baker, all the while unsuspicious of the perilous condition of the troops of that commander. He had received information from time to time that Baker was perfectly able to hold his po sition, if not to advance ; and, believing: that he would re- pulse and drive his assailants, he was prepared to push Colonel Gorman forward to >~ strike the retreating forces on their flank. He felt anxious, however, and at four o'clock telegraphed to General Banks for a brigade of his division, to place on the Maryland shore, in support of the troops on Harrison's Island and the severely pressed combatants on Ball's Bluff.1 A little while afterward, the sad news of Baker's death was received, and Stone- hastened forward to take command in person. On his way he was met by some of the fugitives, with the tale that the Confederates were ten thousand strong, and that all was lost. Still ignorant of the position of McCall, he left orders to hold Harrison's Island, and then hastened back to Edwards's Ferry, to secure the safety of the twenty-five hundred troops that \>° had sent across the river. There he was joined by General Banksi, ° ?oh 22' at three o'clock in the morning:," who took the chief command'. 1861. " Orders arrived at about the same time, from General McClellan, to hold the Island and the Virginia shore at all hazards, and intimating thar- re-enforcements would be sent.2 So ended the Battle of Ball's Bluff,3 in disaster to the National arms. In the camps of the Unionists, in the vicinity of the battle, on that gloomy night of the 21st of October, there was darkness and woe, while the little BANKS'S HBAD-QTJAETBRS AT EDWARDS'S FEERY. 1 Stone had kept McClellan advised of the progress of affairs at BalPa Bluff during the afternoon, and the latter commander, toward evening, ordered General Banks to send one brigade to the support of the troops on Harrison's Island, and to move with the other two to Seneca Mills, ready to support General Stone, at Edwards's Terry. — See McClellan's Report, page 84. '' Eeports of General Charles P. Stone and his subordinates, October 23th, 1S61, and of General N. G. Evans, t'.io Confederate commander, October 25th, 1SG1. The latter report was, in several respects, marred by mis representations. It represented the Confederate force at only 1,709, omitting to state the fact that there was a 6trong reservo of Mississippi troops, with six guns, posted so as to repel any troops that might approach from Edwards's Ferry. From the best information since obtained, it is agreed that Evans's force numbered 4,000. His report also claimed that, with his small force of 1,T00, eight thousand Nationals were fought and beaten, and that tho Confederates killed and captured a greater number than their whole force engaged. It also declared that long-range cannon were fired upon tho Confederates from the Maryland side of the river, when there were no heavy guns there at the time of the battle. 4 3 This is called the Battle of Leesburg by Confederate writers. THE H0N0BED DEAD. 145 village of Leesburg, near by, whither the captives were taken, was brilliantly illuminated, and the Confederates there were wild with joy. The Union loss was about one thousand men and three cannon. Nearly three hundred men were killed, and over five hundred were made prisoners and taken to Rich mond.1 The Confederate loss was about three hundred. According to Genera] Evans's report, he had one hundred and fifty-three killed, including Colo nel E. R. Burt, of the Eighteenth Mississippi, and two taken prisoners. He did not mention the number of his wounded, which was reported to be large. The death of Senator Baker was felt as a national calamity.5 He was one of the ablest men of his time as a statesman and orator. Thoroughly comprehending the great issue, and the horrible crime of the conspirators, he had eagerly left the halls of legislation (where he had combated the friends of the criminals with eloquent words, and voted for abundant means to crush the rebellion) to lead his countrymen into battle for the right. The achieve ments of his little band at Ball's Bluff, who composed a part of the Army ot the Potomac, assisted greatly in effacing from the escutcheon of that army the stain it received at the battle of Bull's Run. Again, as in the case of the battle of Bull's Run, the grieved, and disap pointed, and mortified loyal people demanded an explanation of the catas trophe. To the most inexpert there appeared evidence of fatal mismanagement. General McClellan, General Stone, and Colonel Baker all received censure at different times, and by different persons ; the first, for remissness in duty in not informing Stone of the retrograde movement of McCall, and sending re-enforcements ; the second, for sending troops across the river without ade quate transportation for a larger body at a time ; and the third, for rashness in crossing at all and engaging the Confederates, double his own in numbers. There was a natural clamor for investigation, and, on the assembling of Congress, the House of Representatives passed a resolution asking the 1 Twenty-four of the prisoners wero officers, namely, two colonels, one major, one adjutant, one assistant- surgeon, seven captains, and twelve lieutenants. The colonels were M. Cogswell (Captain of the Eighth U.S. Infantry), of the Forty-second New Tork Volunteers, and W. Raymond Lee, of tho Twentieth Massachusetts Volunteers. Tho major was P. J. Eivers, of the latter regiment. At Leesburg, General Evans (who was repre sented as a tall, strongman, of unusual length of limb, and in manners courteous and dignified) offered the cap tains a parole on the condition that they Bhoul^ not, unless exchanged, again " bear arms against the Southern Confederacy." They refused to accept it, and were sent to Richmond by way of Mauassas, arriving there at nine o'clock in the morning ofthe 24th of October, where they were greeted with many jeers from an immense crowd, such as " I say, Tanks, how do you feel ?" The captains were confined in the tobacco warehouse, already men tioned on page 26, where they were soon brought under the petty tyrannyof the notorious General Winder. A full account of the experience of the captains may be found in a little volume entitled "Prison Life in the Tobacco Warehouse at Bichmond," by Lieutenant William C. H irris. of Baker's California regiment. 2 In a general order issued by McClellan, on the day after tho battle, he announced the death of Baker, and spoke of him as one having " many titles to honor," as a patriot ¦' zealous for the honor of his adopted country " (he was born in England), cut off "in the fullness of his power as a statesman, and in the course of a brilliant career as a soldier distinguished in two wars." When Congress met, in December, the Senate appointed a day (the 11th of that month) for the consideration of the death of this distinguished member. The President was there to participate in the mournful proceedings. Most touching eulogies were pronounced by the dead hero's compatriots of the Senate. From that body went resolutions to the House of Representatives, where liko pro ceedings were held ; and all over the country there was general grief because of tho fall of that noble man. In California, which had been his chosen residence for a long time, tho news of his death created a profound sensa tion. It reached San Francisco a few days after tho battle, the line of telegraph between the Atlantic and Pacific oceans having been just completed. That line was opened for messages on the 25th of October, when a communication (tho first) was sent by Judge Field to President Lincoln. While they were preparing in San Francisco on the following day, to fire a salute in honor of this important event, a dispatch from the East announced the death of Baker. Rejoicing was changed into mourning, and tho celebration was deferred. Vol. IL— 10 146 THE CASE OF GENERAL STONE. <¦ Dee. 16, 1S61. Feb. 8, 1862. Secretary of War " whether any, and, if any, what measures had been taken to ascertain who was responsible for the disastrous movement of the National troops at Ball's Bluff." It was answered" that General McClellan was of the opinion that " an inquiry on th« subject of the resolution would, at that time, be injurious to the public ser vice." But General McClellan had already answered that inquiry, so far as one of the commanders was concerned. He was at Stone's head-quarters, at Pooles ville, twenty-four hours after the disaster, and from there had telegraphed to the President, saying, " I have investigated this matter, and General Stone is without blame. Had his orders been followed, there could (or would) have been no disaster."1 This was unknown to the public. They were dissatis fied with the apparent desire on the part of the General-in-chief to stifle investigation, and more than ever he was held to be personally responsible for the disaster. For a time there were warm discussions in Congress on the subject. Finally a victim appeared to propitiate the public feeling, in the person of General Stone, who was arrested* by order of the War Department and sent to Fort Lafayette, at the entrance to New York Bay, and then used for the confinement of political priso ners. There he was detained until the following August, when, without trial, or any public proceedings whatever, he was released. That fort ress being a place of durance for men charged with treasonable acts, this gallant and truly pa triotic officer suffered pa tiently and silently, for a greater portion of the war, under the imputa tions of disloyalty. He was imprisoned without public accusation, was held a prisoner about six months, in profound "ignorance of any charges against him, and was released without .comment by .the power that closed the prison doors upon him/ But little more remains to be said concerning affairs at Ball's Bluff. FORT LAFAYETTE. 'Dispatch to President Lincoln, Tuesday evening, October 22 i, 1851. General Stone well knew that tho public would naturally blame him for the disaster, he being in chief command there, and he had suggested to General McClellan that .he should desire a court of inquiry, when that officer showed him the above satisfactory vindication by tbe highest authority. 2 The proceedings in this case were extraordinary. So full was the acquittal of all blame accorded by Gene ral McClellan to General Stone, in his dispatch to tho President, that Stone was not only retained in command, but his force was increased to the number of 12,000 men. For about a hundred days Stone was busily engaged in his duties, and had just submitted to McClellan a plan for the capture of General D.1 II. Hill and his force of 4.500 men, lying opposite his camp, when he was ordered to Washington, and placed before the Committee on the Conduct of the War, to answer charges against his loyalty. His explanations were such that the Committee simply reported to the Secretary of War that,. on the points to which his attention had been called, " the testimony was conflicting." General Stone heard nothing more'df the matter until tho night of the 8th of February, when, after being •engaged at Willard's hotel, in Washington, in the examination of maps until almost midnight, he was retiring to /Ills residence, he found General Sykes, an old friend, and then commander of the eity guard, waitin" for him A PRISONER OF STATE. 147 Supposing all the troops to be on the Virginia side of the Potomac, McClellan telegraphed to Stone to intrench himself there, and to hold his position, at all hazards, until re-enforcements should arrive. At the same time he ordered Banks to remove the remainder of his division to Edwards's Ferry, and send over as many men as possible to re-enforce Stone. These orders were promptly obeyed. Intrenchments were thrown up ; large numbers of with orders from General McClellan for his arrest, and immediate departure for Fort Lafayette.* Tie exchanged ¦ his military for citizen's dress, said a few consoling words to his wife, and departed for Sykes's quarters, wliere he was kept until morning, and then sent under a guard to Fort Hamilton, near Fort Lafnyette. Before leaving he had written to the Adjutant-General, asking for information concerning his arrest, not doubling that there was some strange misunderstanding in the matter. On the 10th he was in the custody of Colonel Burke, at Fort Hamilton, and was then taken over to Fort Lafayette in a boat. There he was confined in a casemate fifty- four days, receiving the most kind treatment. There lie again wrote to the Adjutant-General, requesting a copy of charges, and a trial, but, as before, was denied any response. In the mean time, General Stone's friends had unsuccessfully endeavored to obtain justice for him at Washing ton. When his brother-in-law, on his way thither, stopped in New York, to consult with Lieutenant-General Scott, the astonished veteran, who had not till ihen heard of his arrest, indignantly exclaimed, " Colonel Stone a traitor ! Why, if he is a traitor, I am a traitor, and we are all traitors. While holding Washington last year, he was my right hand, and I do not hesitate to 6ay that I could not have held the place without him."t After the lapse of fifty-four days, General Stone was transferred to Fort- Hamilton, where he had larger liberty. He was released on the 16th of August, by an order from the War Department, sent by telegraph. He immediately applied for orders to active duty ; and on returning to Washington he searched in vain in the office of the Adjutant-General and of the War Department for the order for his arrest; the law requiring the officer issuing such order to give a statement in writing, signed with his own name, and noting the otfense,'within twenty-iour hours. Halleck, then General-in-Chief, knew nothing about it. Stone then went to the President, who said he knew nothing about the matter, but kindly remarked, "I could never be made to believe General Stone was a traitor." In endeavors to give to his country his active services in the war he was thwarted, and it was not until May, 1S63, that he was allowed to enter again upon duty in the field, when he was ordered, to report to General Banks, then the commander of the Department of the Gulf. He served faithfully during the remainder of the war, until prostrated by malarious ftjyer before Petersburg, when the service lost a meritorious and patriotic officer. In this connection, the following letter, written to the author by the Superintendent of the Metropolitan Police of the City of New Tork, may be appropriately given. It furnishes interesting additions to the history of Mr. Lincoln's journey from Philadelphia to Washington, in February, 1S61, given in the first volume of this work. "Office ofthe Superintendent of Metropolitan Police, tl300 Mulberry Street. " New York, August IStJi, 1866. * "Benson J. Lossing, Esq., " Poughkeepsie, New Tork. " Dear Sir: — On reading your description of the manner in which the late President Lincoln was induced to change his route in going to the City of Washington, in February, 1861, I was impressed with the faithfulness, so far as the narrative goes, but regretted that it was not more full in showing how and to whom the- country is indebted for the safety of his valuable life at that important period. " It will be rememberpd that there was much uncertainty at the beginning of the late rebellion as to what course the conspirators designed taking to carry out their plans ; and, with the view of ascertaining their pur pose, in the latter part of December, 1S60, I detailed two of my most intelligent detectives to proceed to Wash ington, with instructions to endeavor to discover the secret plans of tho conspirators, if they had any, for taking possession of the seat of Government, and to communicate with 'Senator Grimes, of Iowa, on the subject I did not know the Senator personally at that time, but I had a reputation of him that justified me in confiding in him. " On Friday, January 4th, 1861, 1 received a note from Hon. Schuyler Colfax, requesting me to send a num ber of detectives to Washington, for the same purpose that I had already dispatched the two alluded to. I then * In the report of the Committee on the Conduct of the "War (Part II., page 18) is a statement of General McClellan, that on the day of the arrest lie received deformation from a refugee from Leesburg, which, in his mind, " toDded to corroborate some of tlie charges made against General Stone," which he reported to the Secretary of War, and received orders to arrest -the General and send him imme diately to Fort Lafayette. What those charges were, neither the Committee on the Conduct of the War nor General McClellan ever made public t When, late in 1860, General Stone, who had left the army (in which he held the commission of captain by brevet, awarded for meri torious services in Mexico), wns in Wnehington Citv, General fccott desired him to raly around him the loyal men of tho District of Columbia. He complied, nnd on the 1st of Janua y, 1*61, he was made Inspector-general of the District. Ho at once commenced organizing and instruct'ng volunteers nnd when £ort Sumter was attacked he had under him no less than 3,000 well-organized troops fit for service. He was the first man mustered into the service for the defense of the Capital. That was dono on the 2d day of January, 1861. He was in command nl the troops in Washington .luring the dark days at the close of April, when that city was cut off from the loyal people. During those seven davs, he slept but ihree hours in his bed, all . ther rest being taken in his military cloak. All the outposts around Washington were under his command nntil the passage of a portion of the army Into Virginia, in May (see pages 480, 481, and 4S2, volume I.), and some of his troops were the first to encounter the pickets of the insurgents. 148 THE BALTIMORE PLOT. troops were crossed, and active preparations were in progress for moving strongly upon the Confederates, when, on Tuesday night,0 Gene- a°im^ ra^ McClellan arrived at Poolesville. Then, as he says, he " learned, for the first time, the full details of the affair." The preparations for a forward movement, which promised the most important results for the National cause, were immediately suspended, and orders were determined to go that night myself, and take with me another "of my men. I purposed looking tbe field over, with the view of ascertaining the probability of such an attempt being made. In the morning of Saturday I found a want of harmony among the friends of the Union — scarcely any two looked at the crisis through the same medium. Mr. Col tax invited me to attend a meeting of a sort of committee of members of both houses of Con gress, at the residence of Senator Trumbull, that morning. It numbered about a dozen persons, and there were about twelve different opinions among them as to tho ultimate designs of the conspirators. The extreme views were entertained by Senator Trumbull and Rep. E. B. Washburn. One of these gentlemen regarded the ' matter as nothing more than the usual Southern Taunting ; that the South had been badly defeated, and tbe secession talk meant nothing but braggadocio; that they had had things so long their own way, it could not be expected of them to quietly submit to defeat; a few weeks and all would be peaceful again.1 The other gentleman was of opinion 'that the Southern men meant every word they uttered; that they had been preparing for this thing since 18=32; that he was convinced they had selected this time because they think themselves ready, while we are not; that they have made preparations which we know nothing about; that their plan was to destroy tho Government and to start one of their own ; and that to take possession of Washington was more than half the battle.' " None of the remaining gentlemen agreed with either of these, nor with themselves. " While at this meeting, I learned that a large number of detectives had been sent for to all the larger cities, East, North, and West, and among these it was mentioned that Marshal Kane, of Baltimore, had been applied to, and had promised to send ten detectives. I told the gentlemen plainly the Marshal would betray them ; that his sympathies were with the South in any movement they would make; that but a few weeks before he had declined an invitation to exchange a detective of his for one of mine, on the ground that he had but one in his force, and consequently he could not now furnish them with ten. In reply, I was informed that Mr. Corwin had confidence in jdarshal Kane, and they also had confidence in Mr. Corwin. So, as they decided to hold on to the Marshal nnd his bogus detectives, I concluded not to act with them. " I then called on a number of other members of Congress, without finding much improvement ; the excep tional case was Senator Grimes. One distinguished Senator informed me that he was in counsel with Jefferson Davis, and that in a day or two they would be able to adjust all apparent differences. Lt After that I went among the people, and soon found that Mr. Washburn was nearer right than any other member of Congress I had talked with. I also found that the safely of the country depended on Lieutenant- General Scott, and I determined to consult with him ; but I feared the General could not spare sumcient tiuie to talk with me as fully as I desired, and then concluded to see one of his confidential officers. On inquiring, I learned that two of General Scott's family had great influence with him, Col. Eobt. E. Lee and Capt. OhasTp. Stone. I do not know what induced me to select Captain Stone in preference to Col. Lee, but I did so, and called on the Captain at his quarters. . We conversed freely in regard to the impending trouble, and especially of the danger in which Washington stood. I informed him I would leave three of my detectives in the city, and, at his request, agreed to instruct them to report to him verbally any things of importance they should discover. " I stopped in Baltimore that night on my way homo, and ascertained from Marshal Kane himself the plan by which Maryland was to be precipitated out of the Union, against tho efforts of Govr. Hicks to keep it there ¦ and with Maryland also the District of Columbia. He told me Maryland would wait for the action of Virginia and that action would take place within a month; and 'that when Virginia seceded through a convention, Maryland would secede by gravitation.1 It was at this interview I ascertained Fort McIIenry to be garrisoned by a corporal's guard, consisting of one man, and that the Baltimore police were keeping guard on tlie outside, to prevent the roughs from capturing it prematurely. I communicatee! the facts to Captain Stone, and on tho following Wednesday, January 9th, troops from Washington took possession of the fort, under orders from General Scott. "At a subsequent visit to Washington I called, of course, on Captain Stone, and informed him of the purposes contemplated in Baltimore. He then requested me to put some of my men on duty there, and instruct them to report to him in person, byword of mouth, and not by mail, ns he could not trust the mails. I had previously placed two men there, and on my return selected a third, whom I sent directly to Captain Stone for special- instructions. Under these instructions, this officer, David S. Bookstaver, remained at Baltimore until February 23d, when I relieved him. During that period, while apparently occupied as a music agent, Bookstaver gave particular attention to the sayings and doings cf tho better class of citizens and strangers who frequent music variety, and book stores, while tho other two detectives .had joined an organization of rebel roughs destined to go South or elsewhere, whenever their services should be required. "It was on the evening of Wednesday, February 20th. that Bookstaver obtained the information that mada it necessary for him to take the first train for Washington. Before going, he posled a letter to me briefly stating the condition of things, and of his intention to go on the four o'clock morning train and report. I shall complete this narrative with an extract from a letter written by Captain Stone on the subject. '•'It is impossible, with the time now at my disposal, to give you any thing like a detailed history of the information derived fijom your men, and from dozens of letters nnd reports from other sources, addressed some- HOW MR. LINCOLN WAS SAVED. 149 given for the entire force to recross the river to the Maryland side. Generals Banks and Stone, and the troops under their commands, were disappointed and mortified, for they knew of no serious impediments then in the way of an advance. General McClellan subsequently said, that " a few days after ward," he " received information which seemed to be authentic, to the effect that large bodies of the enemy had been ordered from Manassas to Leesburg, to cut off our troops on the Virginia side ;" and that their " timely with drawal had probably prevented a still more serious disaster."1 Plain people inquired whether sumcient re-enforcements for the Nationals, to counteract the movement from Manassas, might not have been spared from the almost one hundred thousand troops then lying at ease around Washington, only a few miles distant. Plain people were answered by the question, What do you know about war? times to the General-in-Chief and sometimes to myself, which served to convince both of us that there was imminent danger that Mr. Lincoln's life would be sacrificed, should he attempt to pass through Baltimore at the time and in the manner published in the newspapers as the programme of his journey. "'The closing piece of information on the subject was brought by one of your men, Bookstaver. He had for weeks been stationed in Baltimore, and on the morning of Thursday (two days before the intended passage of Mr. Lincoln through Baltimore) he arrived by the early train and reported to me. His information was entirely corroborative of that already in our possession; and at the time of making my morning report to the General-in-Chief, I communicated that. General Scott had received from other sources urgent warnings also, and ho stated tome that it was almost a certainty that Mr. Lincoln could not pass Baltimore ali^c by tho train on the day fixed. "But," said the General, "while you and I know this, we cannot convince these gentlemen that Mr. Lincoln is not coming to Washington to be inaugurated as quietly as any previous President." " * I recommended that Mr. Lincoln should be officially warned; and suggested that it would be altogether best that he should take the train of that evening from Philadelphia, and so reach Washington early the next day. General Scott said that Mr. Lincoln's personal dignity would revolt at the idea of changing the programme of his journey on account of danger to his life. I replied to this, that it appeared to me that Mr. Lincoln's per sonal dignity was of small account in comparison with the destruction, or, at least, dangerous disorganization of the United States Government, which would be the inevitable result of his death by violence in Baltimore ; that in a few days more the term of Mr. Buchanan would end, and there would (in case of Mr. Lincoln's death) be no elected Presideut to assume the office; that the Northern cities would, on learning of the violent death of the President-elect, pour masses of excited people upon Baltimore, which would be destroyed, and we should find ourselves in the worst form of civil war, with the Government utterly unprepared for it u * General Scott, after asking mo how the details could be arranged in so short a time, and receiving my suggestion that Mr. Lincoln 6hould be advised quietly to take the evening train, and that it would do him no harm to have the telegraph wires cutfor a few hours, hedirected me to seek Mr. W. H. Seward, to whom he wrote a few lines, which he handed me. "'It was already ten o'clock, and when I reached Mr. Seward's houso he had left: I followed him to the Capitol, but did not succeed in finding him until after 13 m. I handed him the General's note ; ho listened attentively to what I said, and asked me to write down my information and suggestions, and then, taking the paper I had written, he hastily left. *"Tbe note I wrote was what Mr. Frederick Seward carried to Mr. Lincoln in Philadelphia. Mr. Lincoln has stated that it was this note which induced him to change his journey as ho did. The stories of disguise are all nonsense ; Mr. Lincoln merely took the sleeping-car in the night train. I know nothing of any connection of Mr. Pinkerton with the matter.' " The letter from which the above extract is made was sent to me by General Stone, in reply to an inquiry of mine, made in consequence of having seen an article in a newspaper which gave the whole credit of the move ment to a person who I supposed had little to do with it. My opportunity for knowing who the parties were that rendered this service to the country was very good, but I thought it advisable to have the testimony of one of the most active in it to sustain my views. For obvious reasons, I havo not called on either of the o^her living parties to the matter, regarding the above sufficient to satisfy all reasonable persons that the assassination con summated in ApriL 1S65, would have taken place in February of 1861 had it not been for the timely efforts of Lieutonant-General Scott. Brigadier-General Stone. Hon. Wm. U. Seward, Frederick W. Seward, Esq.. and David S- Bookstaver, ofthe Metropolitan Police of New York. " I am, very respectfully, yours, &c, "Jonif A. Kennedy." 2 "See General McCIellan,fl Report, page 84 150 "ALL QUIET ON THE POTOMAC.' CHAPTER VI. Indian summer time. THE AEMT OF THE POTOMAC.— THE TEENT AFEAIE.— CAPTURE OE EOANOKE -ISLAND. OR tho space of nearly two months after the disaster at Ball's Bluif, the public ear was daily teased with the unsatisfactory report, " All is quiet on the Poto mac !" The roads leading toward the Confederate camps, near Bull's Run, were never in better condition. The weather was perfect in serenity. The entire autumn in Virginia was unusually magnificent in all its features. Much of the time, until near Christmas, the atmosphere was very much like that of the soft Regiment after regiment was rapidly swelling the ranks ot the Army ofthe Potomac to the number of two hundred thousand men, thoroughly equipped and fairly disciplined ; while at no time did any reliable report make that of the Confederates in front of it over sixty thou sand. Plain people wondered why so few, whom politicians called " raga muffins " and " a mob," could so tightly hold the National Capital in a state of siege, while the " bravest and best men of the North," fully armed and provisioned, were in and around it, and Nature and Patriotism invited them to walk out and disperse the besiegers, lying not two days' march from that Capital. But what did plain people know about war ? Therefore so it was that they were satisfied, or tried to be satisfied, with a very little of it from time to time, though paying at enormous rates in gold and muscle for that little. And so it was that when, just before Christmas, the " quiet on the Potomac " was slightly broken by an event we are about to consider, the people, having learned to expect little, were greatly delighted by it. Let us see -what happened. When McCall fell back from Drainsville, the Confederates reoccu- pied it. His main encampment was at Langley, and Prospect Hill, near the Leesburg road, and only a few miles above the Chain Bridge, on the Vir ginia side. The Confederates became very bold after their victory at the Bluff, and pushing their picket-guards far up toward the National lines, they made many incursions in search of forage, despoiling Union men, and distressing the country in general. With FOBAGEKS AT WOEX. BATTLE NEAR DRAINSVILLE. 151 > Dec., 1861. McClellan's permission, McCall prepared to strike these Confederates a blow that should make them more circumspect, and stop their incursions. He had observed that on such occasions they generally left a strong reserve at Drainsville, and he determined to attempt their capture when an oppor tunity should offer. Later in December the opportunity occurred, and he ordered Brigadier-General E. O. C. Ord to attempt the achievement ; and at the same time to gather forage from the farms of the secessionists. Ord, with his brigade,1 undertook the enterprise on the 20th." McCall ordered Brigadier-General Reynolds to move forward with his brigade toward Leesburg, as far as Difficult Creek, to support Ord, if required. When the force of the latter was within two miles of Drainsville, and his foragers were loading their wagons, the troops were attacked by twenty- five hundred Confederates, under General J. E. B. Stuart,2 who came up the road from the direction of Centre- villc. A severe fight ensued. The Confederates were greatly out numbered, and were soon so beaten that they fled in haste, carrying in their wagons little else than their wounded men. The brunt of the battle had fallen on the Sixth and Ninth Pennsylvania, the Rifles, and Easton's Battery. The National loss consisted of seven killed and sixty wounded ; and their gain was a victory, and " sixteen wagon-loads of excellent hay, and twenty-two of corn." Stuart reported his loss at forty-three killed and one hundred and forty-three wounded.3 He had been induced to attack superior numbers by the foolish boast of Evans, that he had encountered and whipped four to his one ; and he tried to console his followers by calling this affair a victory for them, because McCall did not choose to hold the battle-field, but leisurely withdrew to his encampment. This little victory greatly inspired the loyal people, for it gave them the assurance that the troops of the Army of the Potomac were ready and able to fight bravely, whenever they were allowed the privilege. While the friends of the Government were anxiously waiting for the almost daily promised movement of the Grand Army toward Richmond, as the year was drawing to a close, and hearts were growing sick with hopes deferred, two events, each having an important bearing on the war, were in E. O. U. OIID. 1 His brigade was composed of Pennsylvania regiments, and consisted of the Ninth, Colonel Jackson ; Tenth. Colonel McCnlinont ; Twelfth, Colonel Taggart; Buektail Eitles, Lieutenant-Colonel T. L. Kane; a battalion of the Sixth; two squadrons of cavalry, and Easton's Battery — in all about 4,000 men. 2 His troops consisted of the Eleventh Virginia. Colonel Garland; Sixth South Carolina, Lieutenant-Colonel Seagrist; Tenth Alabama, Colonel Harvey; EirBt Kentucky, Colonel T. H. Taylor; the Sumter Flying Artil lery, four pieces. Captain Catts; and detachments from two North Carolina cavalry regiments, 1,000 in number, under Major Gordon. Stuart was also on a foraging expedition, and had about 200 wagons with him. 3 Eeport of General McCall, December 20, 1861 ; also, General Stuart to General Beauregard, December 21, 1861. 152 OPINIONS OF THE BRITISH ARISTOCRACY. progress ; one directly affecting the issue, and the other affecting it inciden tally, but powerfully. One was the expedition that made a permanent lodg ment of the National power on the coast of North Carolina ; and the other was intimately connected with the foreign relations of the Government. Let us first consider the latter event. The incidents were few and simple, but they concerned the law and the policy of nations. We have already noticed the fact that the conspirators, at an early period of their confederation against the Government, had sent representatives to Europe, for the purpose of obtaining from foreign powers a recognition of the league as an actual government.1 These men were active, and found swarms of sympathizers among the ruling and privileged classes of Europe, and especially in Great Britain. There was an evident anxiety among those classes in the latter country to give all possible aid to the conspirators, so that the power ofthe Republic ofthe West, the hated nursery of democratic ideas, might be destroyed by disintegration resulting from civil dissensions.2 Fortunately for the Republic, the men who had been sent abroad by the conspirators were not such as the diplomats of Europe could feel a pro- 1 See page 259, volume I. 2 We have already observed, the "precipitate and unprecedented" proceedings, aa Mr. Adams termed it, of the British Government, and the leaders of public opinion in England, in allowing to the insurgents tho privi leges of belligerents. [Chapter XXIV., volume I.] In Parliament and out of it, no favorablo occasion "was omitted, by many leading men, to speak not only disparagingly, but often very offensively, of the Government and people of tho Republic. The enemies of free institutions and supporters of privileged classes acted upon the old maxim of political craft, " Divide and Govern," and they exerted all their powers to -widen the breach between the people ofthe Free and Slave-labor States. Sir.Edward Bulwer Lytton, tho author, who had received the honors of knighthood, which allied him to the aristocratic class in Great Britain, appeared among the willing prophets of evil for the Eepublic. He declared in an address before an Agricultural Society, on the 25th of September, LSS1, that he had " long foreseen and foretold te> be inevitable " a dissolution of tho American Union ; and then again, mounting the Delphic stool, he solemnly said : " I venture to predict that the younger men here present will live to see not two, hut at least four, and probably more than four, separate and sovereign Common wealths arising out, of those populations which a year ago united their legislature under ono President, and carried their merchandise under one ling.''1 He rejoiced in the prospect that so gladdened his vision, nnd said: ''I believe that such separation will be attended with happy results to the safety of Europe, and tho develop ment of American civilization." The desire for such separation was evidently engendered in the speaker's mind by an unpleasant horoscope ofthe future of tho Groat Republic. "If it could have been possible," he said, '• that, as population and wealth increased, all the vast continent of America, with her mighty seaboard, and tho fleets which her increasing ambition as well as her extending commerce would have formed and armed, could have remained under one form of government, in which the executive has little or no control over a populace exceedingly adventurous and excitable, why, then, America would have hung over Europe like a gathering and destructive thunder-cloud. No single kingdom in Europe could have been strong enough to maintain itself against a nation that had once consolidate 1 the gigantic resources of a quarter of the globe." A little later, Earl Russell, the Minister for Foreign Affairs, in an after-dinner speech at Newcafetle-upon- Tyne, declared that the struggle in America was " on the one side for empire, and on the other for power," and not for the great principles of human liberty, and for the life of the Republic, for which tho Government wad really contending. A little later still, the Earl of Shrewsbury, speaking with hope for his class, at tho old city of Worcester, said that he saw in America tho trial of Democracy, and its failure. He believed tho dissolution of the Union to be inevitable, and that men there before him would live to " see an aristocracy established in America." In the samo hour, Sir John Pakington, formerly a cabinet minister, and then a member of Par liament, told the samo hearers, th t, "from President Lincoln, downward, thrro was not a man in America who would venture to tell them that he really thought it possible that by the force of circumstances the North could hope to compel the South to again join them in constituting tho United Status." Sir John Bo wring, an eminent English scholar, in a kindly letter to an American friend in Englahd, expressed his solemn conviction of the utter separation of the States, and intimated that tho Government lacked the sympathy of Englishmen because it had not "shown any disposition to put down slavery." Overlooking the fact that the fathers of tho Republic fo ight for the establishment of liberty for all, and that the conspirators were fighting for the establishment of t he slivery of the many for the benefit of the few, he made a comparison, and said, " It does not appear to mo that you are justified in calling the Southerners rebels. Our statesmen of the time of George III. called Wash ington and Franklin by that name." Lord Stanley, who had traveled in the United States a dozen years before, and butter understood American affairs, said, in a speech early in November, that a Southern Confederacy would be established. " He did not think it reasonable to blame the Federal Government for declining to give up half their territory without striking a blow in its defense;" but the real difficulty in this case, in his mind, waa NEW CONFEDERATE . COMMISSIONERS. 153 found respect for;1 and at the beginning of the autumn of 1861 it was pain fully evident to their employers that they were making no progress toward obtaining the coveted good of recognition. It was therefore determined to send men of more ability to vindicate and advocate their cause at the two most powerful Courts of Europe, namely, Great Britain and France. For these missions, James Murray Mason2 and John Slidell3 were appointed. They were original conspirators. The former was a native of Virginia, and the latter of New York, but long a resident of Louisiana. The former was accredited to the Court of St. James, and the latter to the Court of St. Cloud. Both had been prominent members of the Senate of the United States, and both were somewhat known in Europe. Mason was justly supposed to pos sess a sufficiency of that duplicity (which unfortunately too often characterizes a diplomatist), to cover up the real objects of the -conspirators and win for them the good offices of confiding English statesmen. Slidell (whose wife was an accomplished French Creole of Louisiana) was well versed in the French language and habits ; and for adroit trickery and reckless disregard of truth, honor, or justice, he was rightly supposed to be a match for the most wily employe of the Emperor of France, honest or dishonest. These men were duly commissioned as " Ambassadors " for the " Confederate States of America," and their proposed work was regarded as of vital importance to the interests of the Confederacy. The blockade of the Southern ports of the Republic was then very strin-* gent, and it was some time before these men found an opportunity to leave the country. They finally went to sea on the 12th of October," in the small steamship Theodore, which left Charleston harbor at a little past midnight, while rain was falling copiously, and in the darkness escaped the notice of the blockading fleet. Mason was accompanied by his secretary (Mr. McFarland), and Slidell by his wife and four children, and his secretary (Mr. Eustis) and his wife, who was a daughter of Corcoran, the eminent banker of "Washington City. The Theodore touched first at involved in tho question. " If they conquer the Southern States, what will they do with them when they have got them?" Ho pictured to himself the need ofthe establishment of a powerful military government to keep them in subjection. He wisely recommended great caution in judging of American affairs. Mr. Gladstone, tbe Chancellor of the Exchequer, in a speech at Edinburgh, in January, 1S62, expressed there the opinion that the National Government could never succeed in putting down the Rebellion, and if it should, he said, it " would only be the preface and introduction of political difficulties far greater than even the military difficulties of the war itself." This speech was delivered just after the surrender of Mason and Slidell to tho British Government; and Mr. Gladstone, evidently unmindful of tho true greatness of fixed principles ot action as inseparable from mere worldly interests, was ungenerous enough to make that display of honor, honesty, and consistency on the part of our National Government an occasion for disparaging that Government and the people, by charging them with instability of purpose, if not cowardice. He tauntingly 6aid : "Let us lookback to the moment when the Prince of Wales appeared in the United States of America, and when men by the thousand, by tens of thousands, and by hundreds of thousands, trooped together from all pa; ts to give him welcome as enthusiastic, and as obviously proceeding from tlie depths of tho heart, as if those vast coun tries had still been a portion of the dominions of our Queen. Let us look to the fact that they are of necessity a people subject to quick and violent action of opinion, and liable to great public excite. nent, intensely agreed on the subject of the war in which they were engaged, until aroused to a high pitch of expectation by hearing that one of their vessels of war had laid hold on the Commissioners ofthe Southern States, whom they regarded simply as rebels. Let us look to the fact that in the midst of that exultation, and in a country where the prin ciples of popular government and democracy are carried to extremes — that even, however, in this struggle of life and death, as they think it to be— that even while ebullitions were taking place all over the country of joy and exultation at this capture — that even there this popular and democratic Government has, under a demand of a foreign Power, written these words, for they are the closing words in the dispatch of Mr. Seward: 'Tho four Commissioners will be cheerfully liberated.1 " 1 See page^CO, volume I. 2 See page 8S1, volume I. 3 See page 281, volume I. 154 WILKES IN SEARCH OF TRAITORS. CHARLES WILKES. Nassau, New Providence, a British port, where blockade-runners and Confederate pirate-ships always found a welcome and shelter during the war, and thence went to Cuba. At Havana, the "Ambassadors" were greeted with the most friendly ex pressions and acts, by the British Consul and other sympathizers, and there they took passage for St. Thomas," in the/ British "•^ggj7, mail-steamer Trent, Cap tain Moir, intending to leave for England in the next regular packet from that island to Southamp ton. The National Government heard of the departure of Mason and Slidell, and armed vessels were sent in pursuit. None of these won the prize. That achievement was left for Captain Charles Wilkes, of the navy, to perform, an officer of world-wide fame, as the commander of the American Exploring Expedition to the South Seas, a quarter •of a century before. At that time he was on his way home from the coast of Africa, in command of the National steam sloop-of-war San Jacinto, mounting thirteen guns. He put into the port of St. Thomas, and there hearing ofthe movements of the pirate ship Sumter, he departed on a cruise in the Gulf of Mexico and among the West India Islands in search of it. At Havana he was informed of the presence and intentions of the Confederate "Ambassa dors," and after satisfying himself that the law of nations, and especially the settled British interpretation of the law concerning neutrals and belligerents, would justify his interception of the Trent, and the seizure on board of it of the two " Ambassadors," he went out* in the tralck of that vessel in the Bahama Channel, two hundred and forty miles from Havana, and awaited its appearance. He was gratified with that apparition toward noon on the 8th of November, when off Paredon del Grande, on the north side of Cuba, and less than a dozen miles distant. On the appearance of the Trent, all hands were called to quarters on the San Jacinto, and Lieutenant D. M. Fairfax, a kinsman of Mason by mar riage, was ordered to have two boats in readiness, well manned and armed, to board the British steamer, and seize and bring away the "Ambassadors" and their secretaries. When the Trent was within hailing distance, a request was made for it to heave to. It kept on its course, when a shell fired across its bow made a demand that was heeded. Fairfax was sent on board of the Trent, but found he coidd do nothing in the matter of his errand without tho use of physical force. Captain Moir had declined to show his papers and his passenger-list, and the "Ambassadors" had treated with scorn the summons to go on board the San Jacinto, which, like all the other acts of Fairfax, had been done with the greatest courtesy and propriety.1 A proper force was ' Nov. 2. » Tho appearance of Lieutenant Fairfax on board the Trent, with a warrant for the arrest of Mason and CAPTURE OF MASON AND SLIDELL. 155 FOKT WARREN. sent, and Mason and Slidell, compelled to yield to circumstances, went quietly on board the San Jacinto with their secretaries. The Trent, with the families o'f Slidell |~ and Eustis on board, and its large number j of passengers, was per- ! mitted to proceed on its voyage, after a deten- tion of only little more j than two hours. The captives were conveyed i first to New York and then to Boston Harbor, , where they were fur- .: nished with quarters in Fort Warren,1 then used as a prison for political offenders, under the charge of Captain Dimick, the defender of Fortress Monroe against the Virginia insurgents.2 The act of Captain Wilkes was universally applauded by loyal men, and filled the land -with rejoicings because two of the worst of the conspirators were in the custody of the Government. For the moment men did not stop to consider either the law or the expediency involved in the act. Public honors were tendered to Commander Wilkes,3 and resolutions of thanks were passed by public bodies. He partook of a public dinner in Boston. The New Tork Historical Society, while he was present at a stated meeting,'1 elected him an honorary member of that body, by "lge6°' ' acclamation. Two days afterward, he was publicly received by Slidell, and their secretaries, produced great excitement. The Captain was asked to show his passenger-list. He refused to do so. Fairfax then said that the vessel would not be allowed to proceed until he was satisfied whether the men he was seeking were on board or not. These, hearing their names mentioned, came forward. They protested against arrest, and in this act they were joined by Captaiu Moir, and by the Mail Agent, Captain Williams, of the Eoyal Navy, who said he was the " representative of Her Majesty." The "Ambassadors" refused to leave the Trent, except by force. Fairfax called to his aid Lieutenant Greer, who came on board with a few marines. The Lieutenant then took Mason by the shoulder, and, with another officer on the opposite side, conducted him to the gangway ofthe steamer, and handed him over to Greer. He then returned for Slidell, who gave him to understand that a good deal of force would be required to make him go. The passengers gathered around in great commotion, making contemptuous remarks, with threats of violence, and one cried out, " Shoot him !" The wife and daughter of Slidell joined in vehement pro- tests, and the latter struck Fairfax in the face, according to tho testimony of Capt. Williams, who told the story of this cabin scene in an after-dinner speech at Plymouth. " Some ofthe public papers," ho said, ''have described her as having slapped Mr. Fairfax's face. [Here his audience cried out, ' Served him right if she did,' and ' Bravo.1] She did strike Mr. Fairfax," ho continued, and the audience gave cheers in her honor. "But she did not do i{ with the vulgarity of gesture which has been attributed to her. Miss Slidell was with her father in the cabin, with her arm encircling hia neck, and she wished to bo taken to prison with her father. (Hear, hear.) Mr, Fairfax attempted to get into the cabin — I do not say forcibly, for I do not say a word against Mr. Fairfax, so far as his manner is concerned — he attempted to get her away by inducements. In her agony, then, she did strike him in the face three times. I wish that Miss Slidell's littlo knuckles had struck me in the face. I should liko to have the mark forever." Exclamations of " Oh 1" and laughter followed this assertion. The marines were called in, and Slidell was compelled to go. McFarland and Eustis went quietly, under ¦protest. 1 Fort Warren is on George's Island, and commands the main entrance to Boston Harbor. It is a strong work of masonry, with five fronts, the southern, eastern, and northern ones being seen in the littlo sketch. Around the main work is a ditch 30 feet in width. The entire circuit of the fort is 8,136 feet. Against the south front is an outwork of much strength, which is seen in the sketch. 2 See page 498, volume I. 3 The crew of the San Jacinto presented to Lieutenant Fairfax, on board that vessel, in Boston Harbor, a beautiful silver goblet, with national, naval, and military devices on it, and the inscription,— " Presented to Lieutenant Fairfax, by the crew of the San Jacinto, as a slight token of their esteem and love." 156 CAPTAIN WILKES'S ACT APPROVED. the authorities of the City of New York ; and on his arrival in Washington City, toward the middle of December, he was made the recipient of special honors. Already the Secretary of the Navy had written to him" "^soj30' a congratulatory letter on the "great public service" he had rendered " in capturing the rebel emissaries, Mason and Slidell," who, the Secretary said, " have been conspicuous in the conspiracy to dissolve the Union ; and it is well known that, when seized by you, they were on a mission hostile to the Government and the, country." He assured him that his conduct had "the emphatic approval of the Department." In his annual report, submitted to Congress three days afterward, the Secretary as em phatically approved Wilkes's course, and at the same time remarked that his generous forbearance in not capturing the Trent must not be " permitted to constitute a precedent hereafter for the treatment of any case of similar infraction of neutral obligations by foreign vessels> engaged in commerce or the carrying trade." On the first day of the Session of Congress,6 the House of t Dec. 2. " o > Representatives, on motion of Mr. Lovejoy, of Illinois, tendered " the thanks of Congress to Captain Wilkes, for his arrest of the traitors Slidell and Mason." By a further resolution, the President was requested, in retaliation for the outrageous treatment of Colonel Corcoran, then a prisoner in the hands of the Confederates, in confining him in the cell of a convicted felon, to subject Mason to like treatment in Fort Warren.1 By most of the writers on international law in the United States, in structed by the doctrines and practices of Great Britain, the essays of British publicists, the decisions of British courts, and by the law as laid down by the Queen's recent proclamation,2 the act of Captain Wilkes was decided to be abundantly justified. But there was one thoughtful man, in whom was vested the tremendous executive power of the nation at that time, and whose vision was constantly endeavoring to explore the mysteries of the near future, who had indulged calmer and wiser thoughts than most men at that moment, because his feelings were kept in subjection to his judgment by a sense of heavy responsibility. That man was Abraham Lincoln. The author was in Washington city when the news reached there of the capture of the conspirators, and he was in the office of the Secretary of War when the elec- trograph containing if was brought in and read. He can never forget the scene that ensued. Led by the Secretary, who was followed by Governor Andrew of Massachusetts, and others, cheer after cheer was given by the company, with a will. Later in the day, the writer, accompanied by the late Elisha Whittlesey, First Comptroller of the Treasury, ¦ was favored with a brief interview with the President, when the clear judgment of that far-seeing and sagacious statesman uttered through his lips the words which formed the key-note to the judicious action of the Secretary of State afterward. "I fear the traitors will prove to be white elephants," said Mr. Lincoln. " We must stick to American principles concerning the rights of neutrals. Wc fought Great Britain for insisting, by theory and practice, on the right to do 1 Report of the Proceedings of Congress in the Congressional Globe, Dec. 2d, 1861. ' See pasre 567. volume I. of this work. In that proclamation, after enumerating many acts that would be a violation of the duty of neutrals, the Queen specified that of " carrying officers, soldiers, dispatches " e"t cetera. Mason and Slidell were civil officers ofthe Confederacy, and were themselveB living diepatclies. * MIGHT MAKES RIGHT. 157 precisely what Captain Wilkes has done. If Great Britain shall now pro test against the act, and demands their release, we must give them up, apolo gize for the act as a violation of our doctrines, and thus forever bind her over to keep the peace in relation to neutrals, and so acknowledge that she has been wrong for sixty years."1 That demand speedily came. When intelligence of the affair on board the Trent reached England, and details were given by " Captain Williams, R K," in a public communication dated at sea, November 9th (and also in his after-dinner speech already mentioned), in which he so highly colored a few facts that the courteous acts of Lieutenant Fairfax were made to appear 1 For more than a hundred years Great Britain had denied the sanctity of a neutral ship, when her interests seemed to require its violation. That Power had acquired full supremacy of the seas at the middle uf the last century, and Thompson had written that offering to British pride, the song of "Rule Britannia," boastingly asserting that — When Britain first, at Heaven's command. Arose from out the azure main, This was' the charter of the land, And guardian angels sung the strain — ' Rule Britannia! Britannia rules the waves I Britons never shall be slaves!" Conscious of its might, Great Britain made a new law of nations, for its own benefit, in 1756. Frederick the Great of Prussia had declared that the goods of an enemy cannot be taken from on board the ships of a friend. A British order in Council was immediately issued, declaring the reverse of this to be "the law of nations," and forbidding neutral vessels to carry merchandise belonging to those with whom she might be at war. So viola tive of the golden rule was this order, that the publicists of Great Britain found it necessary, out of respect for the opinions of mankind, to put forth specious sophistries to prove that England was not ambitious 1 Under what was called " The Rule of 1756," the British navy began to depredate upon the commerce of the world. The solemn treaty made by Great Britain with Holland, eighty-two years before, in which it was expressly stipulated that free ships should make free goods— that a neutral flag should protect a neutral bottom — that the contraband of war should be strictly limited "to arms, artillery, and horses, and to include naval materials," was wantonly violated by the possession of might. The vessels of Holland were not only prohibited from carrying naval stores, but were seized, and their cargoes used for the benefit of the English war-marine. From that time until tho present, Great Britain has steadily adhered to "The Rule of 1756," excepting in a few instances, when it suited her interests to make a temporary chango in her policy. So injuriously did this "Rule," practically enforced, operate upon the commerce of tho world for England's benefit, that in 17S0 the northern powers of Europe — Russia, Sweden, Denmark, and Holland — formed a treaty of alliance, called the "Armed Neutrality," to resist the pretensions and evil practices of Great Britain. The doctrine of the league was that of Frederick, but much enlarged. Armaments were prepared to sustain the doctrine, but Great Britain's naval strength was too great, and the effort failed. In 1793, when Great Britain was at war with France, "The Rule of 1756" was again put into active operation. By an order in Council, it was directed that " all vessels laden with goods, the produce of any colony of France, or carrying provisions or supplies for such colony, should be seized and brought in for adjudication." This was aimed at American commerce, which was then exciting the envy.of the British. To that commerce France had then opened all her West India ports. The order was secretly circulated among the British cruisers, and captures were made under it before it's existence was known in London I For that treachery, English states men and publicists offered the selfish c^'cuse that it was " British policy to maintain for that power the suprem acy of tbe seas," that its children might continue to sing "Rule Britannial Britannia rules the waves." These aggressions were soon followed by more serious outrages against tho rights of friends, or neutrals. Great Britain declared its right to search any vessel on the high seas, and take therefrom any subject of hers found there. This was a "new law of nations," promulgated by Great Britain to suit her necessities. Her cruisers roamed tho seas, and held no flag to be an absolute protection of what was beneath it. Seamen wero continually dragged from American vessels and placed in the British navy. The British cruisers were not very particular when they wanted seamen, and under the pretext of claiming the subjects of His Majesty, about 14,000 American citizens were forced into the British service in the course of twelve or fifteen years. Thii practice was one of the chief causes of the war declared against Great Britain by the United States in 1312. In the midst of that war, when overtures for peace on righteous terms were offered by the Americans, the right of search and impressment was insisted upon by a carefully prepared manifesto of tlie acting head of the British Government, in which it was declared that '¦ If America, by demanding this preliminary concession, intends to deny tha.validity of that right, in that denial Great Britain cannot acquiesce, nor will sho give coun tenance to such pretensions by acceding to its suspension, much less to its abandonment, as a basis on which to treat" The war went on, and when it was ended Great Britain yet maintained the doctrine laid down in "The Rule of 1756" and continued to insist, until 18C1, upon the right of a nation at war to enter tho ship of a neutral power in search and for the seizure of its subject.1*, or articles contraband of war, or things intended to be injuri ous to the British nation. Tn doctrine and practice, Great Britain justified the act of Captain Wilkes. 158 ABUSE BY THE ENGLISH PRESS. like rude outrages, a storm of indignation was raised. The most violent and coarse abuse of Americans was uttered by a portion of the British press ; and the most absurd threats of vengeance on the offending nation were put forth. Of the courteous and accomplished gentleman, Captain Wilkes, the London Times, the accredited exponent of the opinions of the Government and the ruling class, said : " He is unfortunately but too faithful a type of the people in whose foul mission he is engaged. He is an ideal Yankee. Swagger and ferocity, built up on a foundation of vulgarity and cowardice — these are his characteristics, and these are the most prominent marks by which his country men, generally speaking, are known all over the world. To bully the weak, to triumph over the helpless, to trample on every law of country and custom, willfully to violate all the most sacred interests of human nature, to defy as long as danger does not appear, and, as soon as real peril shows itself, to sneak aside and run away — these are the virtues of the race which presumes to announce itself as the leader of civilization and the prophet of human progress in these latter days; By Captain Wilkes let the Yankee breed be judged." Other publications, of higher and lower character than the Times, used equally offensive language;1 and the Government itself, without waiting to hear a word from the United States on the subject, at once assumed a belligerent position, and made energetic preparations for war. So urgent seemed the necessity, that not an hour of procrastination was permitted. All through Sunday, the 1 st of December (immediately after the arrival of the passengers ofthe Trent), men were engaged in the Tower of London in pack ing twenty-five thousand muskets to be sent to Canada. On the °D°«6iber' 4th," a royal proclamation was issued, prohibiting the exporta tion of arms and munitions of war ; and the shipment of saltpeter was stopped. A general panic prevailed in business circles. Visions of British privateers sweeping American commerce from the seas floated before the English mind, and no insurance on American vessels could be obtained. American securities dropped amazingly, and large fortunes were made by wise ones, under the shadow of high places, who purchased and held them for a " rise" ! Orders were issued for a large increase in the naval squadrons on the North American and West India stations, and powerful transports were called for. The great steam-packet Persia was taken from the mail- service, to be employed in carrying troops to Canada. The immense iron clad Warrior, supposed to be invincible, was fitted out for service in haste. Armstrong and Whitworth cannon were purchased by the score ; and pre parations were made for sending various conspicuous batteries and regiments 1 The Saturday Review, conducted chiefly by members of the British aristocracy, said with a bitter sneer, " The American Government is in the position of the rude boor, conscious of infinite powers of annoyanco, destitute alike of scruples and of shame, recognizing only the arbitration of the strong arm, which repudiates the appeal to codes, and presuming, not without reason, that more scrupulous States will avoid or defer such an arbitration as long as ever they can.'1 The London Punch gave, in one of its cartoons, a picture representing the relative position of the two Governments at that crisis. America appeared as a diminntive blusterer, in the form of a slave-driver, and carrying an American flag Before him is a huge English sailor, impersonating Great Britain, who says to the little American, "You do what's right, ray son, or I'll blow you out of the water." — "Now, mind you, sir," says the Briton, to a most uncouth American Commodore— "no shuffling — an ample apology — or I will put the matter into the hands of my lawyers, Messrs. Whitworth and Armstrong," alluding to the popular cannon invented by men of that name, and then extensively manufactured In England, and afterward furnished in considerable numbers to the Confederates. THE "WISDOM OF JOHN BRIGHT. 159 to the expected " seat of war." It seemed, from the action of the British Government, and the tone of the utterances of many of the British writers and spaakers, that the time had come when the calamity of civil war that had o/ertaken the Eepublic of the West was considered England's oppor tunity to humble her rival. And it was with infinite delight that the con spirators at Richmond contemplated the probability of war between the two countries, for in that event they felt sure of achieving the independence of the Confederacy, and procuring its recognition as a nation by the powers of Europe. Yet all Englishmen were not so ungenerous and mad. The great mass of the people — the governed class of Great Britain — continued to feel kindly toward the Americans,1 and there were leading men, who, in the qualities of head and heart, towered above the common level of all society in England as Chimborazo rises above the common height of the Andes, who comprehended the character of our Government, the causes of the rebellion, and the- war it was making upon the rights of man ; and with a true catholic and Christian spirit they rebuked the selfishness of the ruling class. Among these, John Bright, the Quaker, and emi nent British statesman, stood most conspicuous. In the midst of the tumultuous surges of popular excite ment that rocked the British islands in December and January, his voice, in unison with that of Richard Cobden, was heard calmly speaking of righteousness and counseling peace. He appeared as the cham pion of the Republic against all its enemies, and his persuasions and warnings were heard and heeded by thousands of his countrymen. All through the war, John Bright in England, and Count de Gasparin in France,2 stood forth conspicuously as the representatives of the true democracy in America, and for their beneficent labors they now receive the benedictions of the good in all lands. There were other men in Great Britain who had an intelligent conception of the machinery of our Government, and who could not be deceived by the sophistries of the disciples of Calhoun into a belief that the armed enemies of the Republic were any less rebels against sovereign authority than would a like band of insurgents be in Lancashire, or any county of England, arrayed JOHN EEIGnT. 1 In a speech in Parliament on the 17th of February, 1S62, when appropriations for the army expenses in the contemplated war with the United States were under consideration, John Bright said: "A largo portion of the people of this country see in it a Government, a real Government; not a Government ruleL by a mob. and not a Government disregarding law. They believe it is a Government struggling for the integrity of a great country. They believe it is a country which is the home of every man who wants a home, and moreover they believe this— that the greatest of all crimes which any people in the history of the world has over been con nected with — tho keeping in slavery four millions of human beings — is, in the providence of a Power very much higher than that of the Prime Minister of England, or of the President ofthe United States, marching on, as I believe, to its entire abolition." 2 See note 4, page 569, volume I. 160 HASTE OF THE BRITISH GOVERNMENT. against the Crown. They well understood that if the American insurgents, whose fathers helped to form the Republic which they were trying to destroy, and who had perfect equality in public affairs with the whole nation, could be justified in rebelling against it, the Irish people — a conquered nation, and made a part of Great Britain against their will — had the fullest warrant for rebelling against their English conquerors at any and at all times. Among these men we find the names of John Stuart Mill, Professors Goldwin Smith and J. E. Cairnes, Rev. Baptist Noel, Henry Vincent, Layard, the eminent Eastern traveler, the eloquent young O'Donoughue,1 and others less con spicuous ; while Lord Brougham, who for sixty years was an opponent of slavery, and was known to be thoroughly conversant with the structure of our Government, and an admirer of its practical workings, following the lead of the spirit of his class, took sides with the slaveholders, and said most unkind words. Kinglake, the eminent author and member of Parliament, announced, as a principle which he " had always enforced," that " in the policy of states a sentiment never can govern ;" that ideas of right, justice, philan thropy, or common humanity should have no influence in the dealings of one nation with another, " because they are almost always governed by their great interests," which he thought to be a sound principle ; while Thomas Carlyle, the cold Gothicizer of the English language, dismissed the whole matter with an unintelligible sneer. The British Government, acting upon ex parte and, as was afterward found to be, unreliable testimony in the person of Captain Williams, treated the proceedings on board of the Trent as " an act of violence which was an affront to the British flag and a violation of international law ;" and as soon as the law officers of the Crown had formally pronounced it so, " ^soii 3°' ^orf the British Government, admitted was unanswerable, the Secretary, after briefly summing up in an interrogatory the iniquitous features - of the " right of search," so strictly maintained by the British, said : " If I decide this case in favor of my own Government, I must disallow its most cherished principles, and reverse and forever abandon its essential policy. The country cannot afford the sacrifice. If I maintain these prin ciples and adhere to that policy, I must surrender the case itself.. It will be seen, therefore, that this Government could not deny the justice of the claims presented to us in this respect, upon its merits. We are asked to do to the British nation just what we have always insisted all nations ought to do unto us." The Secretary added that, if the safety of the Union required the de tention of the conspirators, it would be the duty of the Government to detain them ; but the condition of the rebellion, " as well as tho comparative unim- . portance of the captured persons themselves," he said, happily forbade him from resorting to that defense. He continued by delicately alluding to the injuries inflicted on his countrymen by the British in the past, when exer cising power in the manner they now complained of, and said : " It would 1 In his dispatch to the Secretary of the Navy, Captain Wilkes said it was his determination to take pos session of the Trent, and send her to Key West as a prize, for resisting the search, and carrying those " Ambas sadors, whom he considered as ' tho embodiment of dispatches ;' " but the reduced number of his officers and crew, and the. large number of passengers on board bound to Europe, who would be put to great inconvenience in not being able to join the steamer from St. Thomas to Europe, "decided him to allow them lo proceed." This weak point in the proceedings was noticed by the Secretary of tho Navy, both in his congratulatory letter to Captain Wilkes and his Annual Eeport 164 SURRENDER OE MASON AND SLIDELL. tell little for our claims to the character of a just and magnanimous people, if we should so far consent to be guided by the law of retaliation as to lift np buried injuries from their graves to oppose against what national consistency and the national conscience compel us to regard as a claim intrinsically right. Putting behind me all suggestions of this kind, I prefer to express my satis faction that, by the adjustment of the present case upon principles confessed to be American, and yet, as I trust, mutually satisfactory to both of the nations concerned, a question is finally and rightly settled between them which heretofore, exhausting not only all forms of peaceful discussion, but also the arbitrament of war itself, for more than half a century alienated the two countries from each other, and perplexed with fears and apprehen sions all other nations." The Secretary then announced that the four persons confined at Fort Wan-en would be "cheerfully liber ated," and requested Lord Lyons to indicate the time and place for re ceiving them. The latter ordered the British gun-boat Rinaldo to proceed : to Provincetown, Massachusetts, for that purpose, where, on the 1st of \ January, 1862, the prisoners were de- |||> ' livered to the protection of the British ^ flag. They were conveyed first to ,#; - Bermuda, and then to St. Thomas, jfagj | where they embarked for England, ' Si and arrived at Southampton on the 29th ofthe same month.1 So began and ended, in the space of eighty-three days, the event known as " the Trent affair," which cost Great Britain ten millions of dollars for unnecessary warlike preparations, and the people of the two nations con cerned four times that amount, in consequence of the derangement of their industrial operations. While the result was full of promise of good for the two nations, it was pregnant with promises of disaster to the conspirators and their cause. It was so unexpected and discouraging to- them and their sympathizers in America and Great Britain, who hoped for and confidently expected a war between the two Governments that would redound to the m\ % 9 ,0 LORD LYONS. 1 When the captives could no longer serve a political purpose for the ruling claps in Great Britain, they Eank into their proper insignificance, and, as a general rule, Mason was treated with courteous contempt by the public authorities and cultivated people everywhere. The Liverpool Post, imitating the severer example of the London Times,* gave the following contemptuous notice of their arrival, on which occasion they were almost unnoticed: "Messrs. Mason and Slidell have arrived. Already the seven weeks1 lieroes have shrunk to their natural dimensions, nnd the apprehensions expressed by the London Times, by ourselves, and by other jour nals, lest they should have a triumphal reception, already seems absurd." * Tlie Times, in nn editorial, said they were " about tho most worthless booty" it would be posaible to extract from the jaws of the American Hon, for it recognized in them tho leading revilersof Great Britain for many years, and the promoters of discord between the two Governments, hoping thereby to bringon war, when tlie opportunity for tbe conspirators against the Republic would be presented. Tbe Times hoped Englishmen would let the " fellows," as it called them, alone. "England would have done just as much," it said, "tot two negroes." This language produced both indignation and alarm throughout the Confederacy, for it was significant of a policy on the part of Great Britain In favor of entire non-interference. The Richmond Enquirer said, " England may dishonor herself if Bhe will. Sho may prove false to her duty if she choose. Thank Heaven, we are not dependent upon her, nnd her course will nnt affect oura. , . . John Bull is a surly animal, we know, but such gratuitous rudeness shows a want of practical sense as well as good manners." ENEMIES OF THE GOVEENMENT HOPEFUL. 165 !¦ Dec. 16. benefit of the insurgents, that they could not conceal their chagrin and disap pointment. They had tried to fan the flame of discord between the Cabinets of Washington and London. In England, Liverpool was the focus of efforts in aid ofthe rebellion. There the friends ofthe conspirators held a meeting,"1 which was presided over by James Spence, who, for "^g^28' a time, was the fiscal agent of the Confederates #,nd a bitter enemy of the Republic. On that occasion the act of Wilkes was denounced as a gross violation of the honor of the British flag, for which, according to a resolution offered by Spence, the most ample reparation should be demanded. In concert with these expressions, a sympathizing friend in the American Congress (C. L. Vallandigham, of Ohio) offered a resolution* in the House of Representatives, in which the President was en joined to maintain the positiom of approval and adoption by the Government (already assumed by the House) of the act of Captain Wilkes, " in spite of any menace or demand of the British Government," and declaring that " this House pledges its full support in upholding now the honor and vindicating the courage of the Government and people of the United States against a foreign power." " We have heard the first growl of the British lion," said the author ofthe resolution, " and now let us see who will cower. The time has now come for the firmness of this House to bo practically tested, and I hope there will be no shrinking."2 Fortunately, better counsels prevailed in Congress, and out of it.3 The loyal people acquiesced in the wise decision of the Government, and soon rejoiced that it had sustained Ameri can principles in a case so tempting to a different course, for thereby the nation was amazingly strengthened. This act of the Government was warmly commended by the best men in Europe, and gratified, those powers who, like the United States, had been in vain endeavoring to persuade Eng land to a righteous and unselfish course concerning the sacred rights of neutrals. M. Thouvenal, the French Minister for Foreign Affairs, had expressed, in a confidential note to Count Mercier, the representative of France at Washington, a desire that the captives might be delivered up, in accordance with tho liberal COUNT MERCIER. 1 The meeting was calleil by the folloirine placard, posted all over the town : " Outrage ok the British Flag — The Southern Commissioners forcibly removed from a British Mail Steamer. A. public meeting will beheld in the Cotton Saleroom at three o'clock." 2 Proceedings of Congress, reported in the Congressional Globe, Pecember 16, 1861. The resolution, by a rote of 109 to 16, was quietly disposed of by beina referred to the Committee on Foreign Relations. The 16 who voted against laying the resolution on the table were :, Messrs. Allen, Q. II. Brown, F. A. Conckling, <3ox. Cravens, Haight, Holman, Morris, Noble, Kngen, Pendleton. Shier, T. B. Steele, Vallandigham, Vandaver, and C. A. White. 3 The Chairman of the Senate Committee on Foreign Relations (Charles Sumner) approved the action of thi Government, and made it the. occasion of an elaborate speech in that body. He declared that in tho dispute Great Britain was "armed with American principles, which throughout our history have been constantly, deliber ately, and solemnly rejected." Speakiug of the release of the prisoners, he said : " Let the rebels go. . 166 THE GOVERNMENT STRENGTHENED. principles of the Republic ; and the Prussian and Austrian Governments, through their respective Ministers, had also given their views of the policy of releasing the prisoners, in deference to the princijjles to which the Americans were so firmly pledged. To their communications, which were read to Sec retary Seward, that Minister made the most friendly responses ; and from that time, during the entire war, there was never any serious danger of the* recognition of the independence of the so-called " Confederate States " by France and England, however much their respective Governments may have wished for a reasonable excuse to do so. This the conspirators, and their chief supporters North and South, well knew ; yet they continued to deceive the people within the Confederacy with false hopes of foreign aid, while they were being robbed of life, liberty, and property by their pretended friends. So persuaded was the Secretary of State that war would certainly be averted, that, with a playful exhibition of his consciousness "Jis6'2' °^ tne strenotn 0I" the Republic, he telegraphed" to the British Consul at Portland, Maine, that British troops that-must be sent over to fight the Americans might pass through the United States territory, whilst on their way to Canada to prepare for hostilities ! The public mind was just becoming tranquil after the excitement caused by the Trent affair, when its attention was keenly fixed on another expedi tion to the coast of North Carolina, . already alluded to. The land and naval armaments of which it was composed were' assembled in Hampton Roads early in January, 1862, read y for depar ture, after a preparation of only two months. Oyer a hundred steam and sailing vessels, consisting of gun-boats, transports, and tugs, and about sixteen thousand troops, mostly recruited in New England, composed the expedi tion. General Ambrose Everett Burn side, an Indianian by birth, C1S4T. . a West Point graduate,6 and a resident of Rhode Island when the war broke out, was appointed the commander-in-chief, and the naval operations were intrusted to FlagTOfficer Louis M. Golclsborough, then the commander of the North Atlantic Naval Squadron. Lorna m. goldsbokottgii. Prison doors are opened; hut principles are established which will he}p to free other men and to open tho gates of the sea. Never before in her active history has Great Britain ranged herself on this side. Such an event is an epoch. Isovus sazclorum nascitur ordo. To the liberties of the sea this Power is now committed. To a certain extent this course is now under her tutelary care. If tho immunities of passengers, not in tho military or naval service, as well as of sailors, aro not directly recognized, they arc at least implied; while the whole pretension of impressment, so long the pest of neutral commerce, and operating only through the law less adjudication of a quarter-deck, is made absolutely impossible. Thus is the freedom of the sea enlarged,not only by limiting the number of persons who are exposed to tho penalties of war, but hy driving from it tho most offensive pretension that ever stalked upon its waves. To such conclusion Great Britain is irrevocably pledged. Nor treaty nor bond was needed. It is sufficient that her late appeal can be vindicated only by a renunciation of early, long-continued tyranny. Let her bear the rebels hack. The consideration is ample, for the sea became free as this altered Power went forth upon it, steering westward with the sun on an errand of liberation." THE BURNSIDE EXPEDITION. 167 The military force which, like Butler's,1 had been gathered at Annapolis, was composed of fifteen regiments and a battalion of infantry, a battery of artillery, and a large number of gunners for the armed vessels, who were able- to render service on land if required. The whole force was divided into three brigades, commanded respectively by Generals John G. Foster, of Fort Sumter fame, Jesse L. Reno, and John G. Parke.2 The fleet was divided into two col umns for active service, intrusted respectively to the charge of commanders S. F. Hazard and Stephen C. Rowan.3 Every thing necessary for the peculiar service assigned to the expedition was furnished and arranged. The fleet guns were equipped with ship and field carriages, that they might be used on land or water ; and the cannon were mostly of the newest construction. A well-organized signal corps accompanied the expedition, and there were two extensive pontoon trains. Fully equipped in every way, the expedition, whose destination had been kept a profound secret, left Hampton Roads on Sunday, the 11th of January," and went to sea. When it w,as known that the expedition had actually gone o-it upon th< , Atlantic at that inclement season, there was great anxiety in the public mind. The storm of November, by which Dupont's fleet had been scat tered, was vivid in memory, and awakened forebodings of like evil. They were well founded. A portion of Goldsborough's fleet now me.t with a similar fate off tempestuous Cape Hatteras. Its destination was Pam lico Sound, which was to be reached throughxBatteras Inlet. The voyage had been lengthened by a heavy fog on Sunday,' and on Monday night those vessels pf the fleet which had not reached the stiller waters of the Inlet were smitten and scattered by a terrible tempest. Four transports, a gun-boat, and a floating battery were wrecked. Among these was the fine steamer City of New York, Captain Nye. It went down in sight of the shore," with four hundred barrels of gunpowder, one thousand five hundred rifles, eight hundred IJan. 11. STEPHEN 0. ROWAN. " Jan. 12. 1 See page 106. 2 The first brigade (Foster's) was composed ofthe Twenty-third. Twenty-fourth, Twenty-fifth, and Twenty- seventh'Massaehusetts regiments, and tbe Tenth Connecticut. The second (Reno's) consisted of the Twenty-first Massachusetts, Fifty-first Pennsylvania^ Fifty-first New York, Ninth New Jersey, and Sixth New Hampshire. The third (Parke's) was composed of the Fourth and a battalion of the Fifth Rhode Island, the Eighth and Eleventh Connecticut, the Fifty-third and Eighty-ninth New Tork, and Belgier's Rhode Island Battery of 106 men, 120 horses, four 10-pounder Parrott guns, and two 12-pounder field howitzers. 3 The fleet consisted of thirty-one gun-boats, with an aggregate armament of ninety-four guns. These were the Brickner, commanded by J. C. Giddings ; Ceres, S. A. McDermaid ; Cliasseur, John West ; Com. Barney, E. D. Renshaw ; Com. Perry, C. H. Flusser ; Delaware, S. P. Quackenbush ; Granite, E. Boomer ; Granite, W. B. Avery; Gen. Putnam, W. J. Hoskiss; Iluzzar, Fred. Crocker; Hunchback, E. R. Calhoun; Iletzel, II. K. Davenport; J. N. Seymour, F. S. Welles; Louisiana, Hooker; Lockwood, S. L. Graves; Lancer, B. Morley; Morse, Peter Hayes; Philadelphia, Silas Reynolds ; Pioneer, 0. S. Baker; Picket, T. P. Ives; Rocket, .Tamos Lake ; Ranger, J. B. Childs ; Stars and Stripes, Reed Werdon ; Southfield, Behm ; Shawslieen, T. S. Wood ward; Shrapnel, Ed. Staples; Underwriter, Jeffers; Valley City, J. C. Chaplin; Tidette, ; White head, French; Young Rover, I. B. Studley. 168 ROANOKE ISLAND. shells, and other stores and supplies ; but no human life perished with it. Nor was any man lost in the other vessels that were wrecked ; but of a party i who went ashore from one of the transports " yet outside, three °Jis6214' were drowned by the upsetting of their boat on its return. These were Colonel J. W. Allen, of Burlington, New Jersey, com mander of the Ninth Regiment from that State ; the surgeon, F. S. Weller ; and the mate of the transport. It was several days before all of the surviving vessels of the expedition entered the Inlet. The weather continued boisterous. Many of them drew too much water to allow them to cross the bars ; and the remainder of the month of January was spent in overcoming the difficulties of that perilous passage, and in making full preparations for moving forward over the still waters of Pamlico Sound. General Burnside (whose head-quarters were on the S. P. Spaidding) with his officers and men had been unwearied in their assistance of the sea men. Time was precious. Delay was very inj urious, .for the Confederates, accurately divining the destination of the fleet that was worrying its way through that " perilous gut," as Goldsborough called it, had made prepara tions for its reception. The newspapers of the North had not yet learned to be as discreet as those of the South,1 but vied with each other in giving early revelations of military and naval movements. Through these channels the Confederates had obtained. very accurate knowledge of the force that was coming. With the logic furnished by the nature of the coasts and waters of Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds, and the points in their vicin ity which it was evident the Nation als intended to seize, they correctly argued that Roanoke Island, about thirty miles from Hatteras Inlet, would be the first object of attack. It is situated between Pamlico and Albemarle Sounds, with a narrow channel on each side, called respect ively Roanoke Sound and Croatan Sound. This island, well fortified and manned, presented the only effec tual barrier to an invasion from the sea of the entire north-eastern coast of North Carolina, and the rear ap proaches to Norfolk and Portsmouth in Virginia. In some respects it was almost as important as Fortress Monroe, and deserved the special attention of the Confederates. At the time of the approach of Burnside's expedition, Roanoke Island AMRROBE E. BURNSIDE, 1 At a very early period of the war, a censorship of the press was established by the conspirators, which was extremely rigid from the beginning. No contraband intelligence was allowed to be given; and as the contest progressed, and the despotism at Richmond became more and more absolute, even the opinions of tho conduct ors of the press in general were in complete subjection to that despotism. That control was really of essential service in carrying on the war, for the National authorities could never find any reliable information concerning the Confederate forces in tho Southern newspapers. So early as May, 1861, General Lee requested the press of ~-ginia to keep silent on the subject of military movements. DEFENSES OF ROANOKE ISLAND. 169 BENJAMIN nUGER. and its vicinity were under the command of Brigadier-General H. A. Wise, the Department commander being Major-General Benjamin Huger, of South Carolina, whose head-quarters were at Norfolk. Owing to the illness of General Wise, who was at Nag's Head, on a narrow strip of sand lying between Roanoke Sound and the sea, that stretches down from the main far above, Colonel H, M. Shaw, of the Eighth North Carolina Regiment, was in chief command of the forces on the island. These consisted of his own regiment ; the Thirty-first North Carolina Volunteers, under Colonel J. V. Jordan ; three com panies of the Seventeenth North Carolina, under Major G. H. Hill. and four hundred and fifty men, under Lieutenant-Colonel Anderson. Several batteries had been erected on prominent points of the shores of Roanoke, which commanded the Sounds on its eastern and western sides ; and upon its narrowest part, between Shallowbag Bay and Croatan Sound, was a strong redoubt and intrenched camp, extending across the road that traversed the middle of the island. These several fortifications mounted about forty heavy guns. There were batteries also on the main, commanding the channels of Croatan Sound. Vessels had been sunk in the main channel of Croatan Sound, and heavy stakes had been driven in its waters from the main to the island, to obstruct the passage of vessels. Above these obstructions was a flotilla of small gun boats — a sort of " Musquito fleet " like that of Tatnall at Port Royal — eight in number, and carrying eleven guns. These were commanded by Lieuten ant W. F. Lynch, late of the National navy, who had abandoned his flag, received a commodore's commission from the conspirators, and was now charged with the defense of the coast of North Carolina. After a reconnoissance, Commodore Goldsborough slowly moved his fleet of seventy vessels, formed on the morning of the 5th of February," toward Croatan Sound, fifteen of the gun-boats leading, under the immediate command of Rowan, and followed by the anned transports. On the following day Lynch sent the Curlew, Captain Hunter, to reconnoiter the approaching fleet, and her commander reported it at anchor six miles below Roanoke Island. That evening was dark and misty, and the morning of the 7th was lowery for a time. At length the sun broke forth in splendor, and at about ten o'clock Goldsborough, hoisting the signal, "This day our country expects every man to do his duty," advanced his gun-boats in three columns, the first being led by the Stars and Stripes, Lieutenant Werden ; the second by the Louisiana, Commander Alexander Murray ; and the third by the Hetzel, Lieutenant H. R. Davenport. Goldsborough made the South- field his flag-ship. At eleven o'clock, a bombardment was opened upon Fort Bartow, on Pork 170 LANDING TROOPS ON ROANOKE. ¦Point, toward the northern end of the island, and, within thirty minutes afterward, a general engagement between the gun-boats and the batteries on Croatan Sound ensued. The Confederate flotilla joined in the fight, but was soon driven beyond the range of the National guns, with the Curlew, its largest steamer, so badly disabled, that it began to sink, and was soon afterward beached, under cover of the guns of Fort Forrest, on Redstone Point.1 These Vessels disposed of, Goldsborough concentrated his fire upon Fort Bartow, at a range of about three-fourths of a mile. Its flagstaff was soon shot away, the barracks were set on fire, its guns began to give feeble responses, and its walls of sand to fall into a confused mass, under the weight of shot and shell hurled upon them. The army transports now came up, and preparations were made for landing them on the island at Ashby's Harbor, about two miles below Fort Bartow. They were confrontejd by two thousand men, and a battery of three pieces in the neighboring woods ; but these were soon dispersed by a storm of shells from the gun-boats. Meanwhile the Confederate flotilla had returned to the attack, and, after an engagement for bout an hour, had been compelled again to retire, considerably damaged. At midnight," in the midst of a cold rain-storm, eleven thou- ° r js'J-3' sand troops were safely put on shore.2 They were without shelter, and at an early hour the next morning they moved forward to attack the intrenchments in the interior of the island, to which all of the Confederate forces out- of the other redoubts had now repaired. The advancing column was under the command of General Foster, who was next in rank to Burnside. These works were about five miles from the landing-place at Ashby's Harbor,3 and were situated on land flanked on both sides by a morass. They occupied a line a greater portion of the way across the narrower part of the island. The main work to be attacked could be reached only by a narrow causeway, which was well protected by .a battery of three guns, mounted on an earthwork. Within the intrench ments to be assailed were about twenty-five hundred troops, under the com mand of Colonel Shaw. Foster led the way with his brigade, which was accompanied by a battery of six 12-poimder boat howitzers, brought from the naval launches, and commanded by Midshipman B. F. Porter. The brigades of Reno and Parke followed. The road being swampy and fringed with woods, the march was slow and cautious. The first pickets encountered fired their pieces and ran for their lives. Foster pressed on, and soon coming in sight of the Con federate works, he disposed his troops for action by placing the Twenty-fifth Massachusetts, Colonel Upton, in line, with the Twenty-third Massachusetts, 1 Lynch, who was a man of very moderate ability and courage, was disheartened. He wrote to Mallory that he should endeavor to get tho guns from the Curlew, and with the squadron proceed to Elizabeth City, from which he would send an express to Norfolk for ammunition. There he would make a final stand, and would blow up the vessels rather than they should fall into the hands of his enemy. 2 The waterwas so shallow that the launches and other small boats could not get very near the shore, and the soldiers wero compelled to wade several hundred feet through the, water, sometimes sinking deeply into the cold ooze. 3 Much valuable information concerning Roanoke Island, the position of the Confederates, and the best place for lauding was obtained from a colored boy named Thomas R. Robinson, the slave of J. M. Daniel, of Roan oke, who ten days before had escaped to Hatteras. He was taken with the expedition. BATTLE OF ROANOKE ISLAND. 171 Colonel Kurtz, for a support. With musketry and cannon he opened the battle, and was hotly answered by musketry and cannon. The fight was severe, and soon the Twenty-seventh Massachusetts, Colonel Lee, came to the aid of their fellow New Englanders, by falling upon the sharpshooters in the woods, on the left of the Confederate line. To relieve the Twenty- third Massachusetts, the Tenth Connecticut, Colonel Russell, came up to the support of the Twenty-fifth, from the former State. THE ATTAOK ON ROANOKE ISLAND. The Confederates made a gallant defense ; and the fight raged fiercely. Reno brought up his brigade to the help of Foster's. These were the Twen ty-first Massachusetts, Colonel Maggi ; Fifty-first New York, Colonel Fer- rero ; Fifty-first Pennsylvania, Colonel Hartrauf, and Ninth New Jersey. He pushed through the tangled swamps and took a position on Foster's right, with the intention of turning the Confederate left flank, where Lieu tenant-Colonel Frank Anderson was in command of a battalion of "Wise's Legion." The fight in that direction soon became warm, while it continued to rage fiercely in the front. Massachusetts, Connecticut, New York, and New Jersey troops were zealous rivals in deeds of daring, fortitude, courage, and generosity. They continually gained advantages, but at the cost of heavy work. Parke came up with his Fourth Rhode Island, Colonel Rod man ; the first battalion Fifth Rhode Island ; the Eighth Connecticut ; and Ninth New York, Colonel Hawkins, and gave timely aid to the Twenty-third and Twenty-seventh Massachusetts. With all this pressure of overwhelming numbers, the Confederates still 172 BATTLE OF ROANOKE ISLAND. held out. At length the artillery ammunition of the Nationals began to fail, and they were suffering very severely in killed and wounded. Victory could now be won only by a charge. That movement was resolved upon. Major E. A. Kimball, of Hawkins's (Ninth New York) Zouaves (a hero of the Mexican war, who fought gallantly in every battle, from Vera Cruz to the City of Mexico), perceiving the necessity, and eager to serve his country (for whose cause he finally gave his life), offered to lead the charge across the causeway against the main battery, with the bayonet. The de lighted Foster said, " You are the man, the Ninth the regiment, and this is the moment ! Zouaves, storm the battery !" he shouted — " Forward !" In an instant they were on the run across the causeway, yelling fear fully, and cheered by their admiring comrades on every side, who cried out, " Make way for the red-caps ! # They are the boys !" Colonel Haw kins, who was leading two companies in a flank movement on the left, see ing his men rushing to the perilous performance, could not resist his impulses, and, joining them, pressed forward the whole battalion, shout ing, "Zou! Zou! Zou !" and closely followed by the Tenth Connecticut. The frightened Confederates, after firing once, had fled, and into the battery the Zouaves rushed, with none to oppose them, almost simultaneously with the Fifty-first New York and Twenty-first Massachusetts, who had attacked the Confederates on their right. The colors of the Fifty-first, being at the head of the regiment, were first planted on the captured battery, and at the same time the State flag of the Massachusetts Twenty-first was triumphantly displayed. The fugitives, in their haste, had left every thing behind them. There lay their dead and wounded as they had fallen. Their heavy guns were in perfect order, and the knapsacks and blankets of the routed soldiers were strewn about the works. General Foster, who had skillfully directed these successful movements in person, now re-formed his brigade, whilst Reno, with the Twenty-first Massachusetts and Ninth New York, started in pursuit. Foster soon fol lowed and overtook Reno, who was maneuvering to cut off the retreat of about eight or nine hundred Confederates on the left, near Weir's Point. With a part of his force, Reno pushed on in that direction. Hawkins, with his Zouaves, hurried toward Shallowbag Bay, where, it was said, the Con federates had a two-gun battery. Foster pressed forward with an adequate force, and was on the heels ofthe fugitives, after a chase of five or six miles, when ho was met by a flag of truce, borne by Colonel Pool, of the Eighth North Carolina, carrying a message from Colonel Shaw, who, as we have observed, was the senior acting officer in command on the Island, asking what .terms of capitulation would be granted. " Unconditional surrender I" JOHN G. FOSTER. EFFECTS OF THE BATTLE. 173 was Foster's reply. These were accepted, and two thousand Confederates soon laid down their arms as prisoners of war. In the mean time, General Reno had received the surrender of about eight hundred Confederates, under Colonel Jordan ; and Colonel Hawkins, after taking possession ofthe deserted battery on Shallowbag Bay, captured about two hundred Confederates, who were seeking a chance to escape from the island to Nag's Head. Among these was Captain 0. Jennings Wise, son of the General in command, and editor of one of the bitterest of the rebellious journals in Richmond, who had been severely wounded while fighting gallantly.1 . To complete the conquest of the Island, General Foster sent a force to capture Fort Bartow, which Goldsborough had been bombarding while the land battle had been going on. Its inmates had retired, and at a little past four o'clock in the afternoon the National flag was unfurled over its walls, when Goldsborough signalled to his fleet, " The fort is ours." This was followed by the most joyous cheers. In the mean time the Confederate steamer Curleio, which, as we have observed, had been beached under the guns of a battery on Redstone Point, on the main, had been fired by the insurgents, together with the barracks at that place, and the remainder of the flotilla had fled up Albemarle Sound. So ended, in triumph for the National cause, the conflict known as The Battle of Roanoke.3 It disappointed the prophets of evil at home and abroad, and spread consternation throughout the Con federacy. There, on Roanoke Island, where the first germ of a- privileged aristocracy had been planted in America,3 the first deadening blow had been given to the hopes of an oligarchy, fighting for the establishment of such a social system. The " Government " at Richmond (and especially Jefferson Davis and his " Secretary of War," Benjamin) we're severely censured for alleged neglect in making Roanoke Island and its approaches impregnable. Davis, in a " message to Congress," cast reflections upon the troops there ; but a committee of that body, appointed to investigate the matter, declared that the battle was " one of the most gallant and brilliant actions of the war," and laid the blame, if any existed, on Huger and Benjamin, esjsecially on the latter, who, it was said, had positively refused to put the Island in a state of defense.4 1 His father, who, as we have observed, was ill, had remained with a part of the "Legion " at Nag's Head. The wounded son had been placed in a boat to he sent to his camp, when it was fired upon, and compelled to return. He was tenderly cared for by Colonel Hawkins and his officers, but died toward noon on the following day. 2 Report of General Burnside to General McClellan, Feb'y 10th, 1852; of Generals Foster, Reno, and Parke; of Commodore Goldsborough to Secretary Welles, Feb'y 9th, 1862 ; of Commander Lynch to R. S. Mallory, Feb'y 7th, 1862 ; and accounts by other officers and eye-witnesses on both sides. 3 There, in the year 1537, Mauteo, a native chief, who had been kind to colonists sent to that coast by Sir Walter Raleigh, was, by that baronet's command, and with the approval of Queen Elizabeth, invested with tlie title of Lord of Roanoke, the first and last peerage created in America. Nearly a hundred years later, an attempt was made to found in North Carolina an aristocratic government, with the nominal appendages of royalty, it being designed to have orders of nobility and other privileged classes in exact imitation of English society of that period. 4 Pollard, the Confederate historian ofthe war, says, that records showed that Wise, who assumed the command there on the 7th of January, had "pressed upon the Government the importance of Roanoke Island to Norfolk." In a report to Benjamin, on the 13th of that, month, he said the canals and railroads connecting with Norfolk. " were utterly defenseless." Later he reported that " a force at Hatteras, independent of the Burnside expedition. was amply sufficient to capture or pass Roanoke Island in twenty-four hours." Wise also asked for re-enforce ments from Huger's fifteen thousand men, lying idle around Norfolk. He was answered by a peremptory order* when Burnside's expedition was passing into Pamlico Sound, to proceed immediately to Roanoke Island and 174 ELIZABETH CITY TAKEN. The conquest was complete, and Burnside; taking up his quarters at a house near Fort Bartow, prepared at once for other aggressive movements on the coast. In his report, he generously said, " I owe every thing to Generals Foster, I Reno, and Parke," and sadly i gave the names of Colonel ' Charles S. Russell and Lieu tenant-Colonel Vigeur de Mon- teuil1 as among the killed. The number of his prisoners amounted to about three thousand. Many of the troops buknside's head-quarters. j r on the Island escaped to Nag's Head, and thence, accompanied by General Wise and the remainder of his Legion, they fled up the coast toward Norfolk.2 The spoils of victory were forty-two heavy guns, most of them of large caliber, three being 100-pounders.3 The Confederate flotilla was immediately followed" by Captain " ^S629' R°wan- It nad gone up Albemarle Sound thirty or forty miles, and into the Pasquotank River, toward Elizabeth City, not far southeast of the Great Dismal Swamp. Rowan's fleet consisted of fourteen vessels, the Delaware being his flag-ship. On the morning of the 10th it was in the river near Elizabeth City, and confronting seven steamers and a schooner armed with two 32-pounders, and a four-gun battery on the shore, and one heavy gun in the town in front. The whole force was in charge of Commander Lynch. Rowan opened fire upon flotilla and batteries at about nine o'clock. After a short but very severe engagement, Lynch, who was on shore, sig nalled for the abandonment of the vessels, when they were run aground defend it. The neglect of Benjamin was so notorious, that the Committee held him responsible. . The public indignation was intense, and yet, in the face of all this, Davis, assuming the attitude of a Dictator, as he really was, with his usual haughty disregard of the opinions of others and'the wishes of the people, promoted Benjamin to the position of "Secretary of State." The insult was keenly felt, but the despotism of the conspirators was too powerful to allow much complaint from Ihe outraged people. In his report to General linger, Wise said Roanoke Island was the key to all the defenses of Norfolk It unlocked two sounds — Albemarle and Currituck; eight rivers — the North, West, Pasquotank, Perquimmons, Little, Chowan, Roanoke, and Alligator; four canals — the Albemarle and Chesapeake, Dismal Swamp, North west, and Suffolk; two railways— the Petersburg and Norfolk, and Seaboard and Roanoke. At the same time it guarded four-fifths of the supplies for Norfolk. Its fall, Wise said, gave lodgment to the Nationals in a safe harbor from storms, and a command of the seaboard from Oregon Tnlet to Cape Henry, at the entrance of Chesa peake Bay. " It should have been defended," ho said, " at the expense of twenty thousand men, and many millions of dollars." 1 The entire National loss in the capture of Roanoke was about 50 killed and 222 wounded. That of the Confederates, according to Pollard (i. 231), was 23 killed, 58 wounded, and 62 missing. Colonel Montenil was the comunandi.r of a regiment of New Tork Volunteers, known as the D'Epineuil Zouaves: These bad accompanied the expedition as far as Hatteras, when, for the want of transportation, they were sent back to Fortress Monroe. Their Lleutenant-Coionel remained with the army, and in the battle he served as a volunteer. With a Sharp's rifle he fought gallantly in the ranks of Hawkins's Zouaves, was shot through the head while urging these forward in the notable charge, with the words "Charge, mes en fans ! Charge, Zouaves!" In honor of this brave and devoted soldier, General Burnside named one of the captured batteries Fort de Monteuil. s On the 13th of February, Wise issued a characteristic " Special Order No. 1," from " Canal Bridge, Curri tuck County, N. C," informing the public that the flag of Captain 6. Jennings Wise would be raised for true men to rally around. 8 New names were given to the forts. Fort Bartow was changed to Fort Foster; Fort Huger to Fort Reno and Fort Blanchard to Fort Parke. • MEDALS OF HONOR BESTOWED. 175 and set on fire. Then the Confederates fled, and Lynch, retiring to the interior of North Carolina, was not heard of again during the war until he reappeared at Smithville, when Fort Fisher was captured, early in 1865. Shortly after the flight of the Confederates, Acting Masters-Mate J. H. Raymond planted the National flag on the'shore battery, and thus proclaimed the first conquest achieved by the Nationals on the main of North Carolina. The battle had lasted only forty minutes, and Rowan's loss was only two killed and ^ve or six wounded.1 The number lost by the Confederates was 1 An extraordinary example of heroism was exhibited during1 this engagement by John Davis, a Finland^r, who was a gunner's mate on board the Valley City. A shell entered that vessel, and, exploding in the maga zine, set firo to some wood-work. Davis was there, and, seeing the imminent danger to the vessel and all on board, because of an open barrel of gunpowder from which he had been serving, he seated himself upon it. and so remained until the flames were extinguished. For this brave act the Secretary of the Navy rewarded him with the appointment of acting-gunner in the navy (March 11, 1862), by which his salary was raised from $300 to $1,000 a year. Admiring citizens of New York raised and presented to him $1,100. The Secretary of the Navy, by authority of an act of Congress, approved Dec. 21. 1SG1, presented him with a Medal of Honor, on which are inscribed the following words : "Personal Taloe — John Davis, Gunner's Mate, IT. S. S. Valley City, Albemarle Sound, February 10th, 1S62." Such medals were afterward presented 1 > a considerable number of gallant men in subordinate stations, for acts of special bravery "before the enemy." Davis was the first recipient The act of Congress authorized the Secretary to cause two hundred of these Medals of Honor to be pre pared, and to be bestowed by him upon "such petty officers, others of inferior rating, and marines, as should most distinguish themselves by their gallantry in nction and other commendable qualities during the present war." These were made of bronze, in the form of a star of five rays, with a device emblematic of Union crush ing the monster Ecbellion, around which is a circle of thirty-three smaller stars, representing the thirty-three States then (1SG1) composing the Urnon, The medal is suspended from the flukes of an anchor, which in turn is attached to a buckle and ribbon. Tho Secretary directed that the medal should be worn suspended f:-om the left breast, by a ribbon all blue at top for half an inch downward, and thirteen vertical stripes, alter nate red and white for eight-tenths of an inch. The name ofthe recipient to be engraved on the back, with his rating, the name of the vessel in which he was serving, and the place where, and the date when, his meritorious act was performed. The picture here given ofthe, medal — an American "Legion of Honor" — is the exact size of tho original. For fuller particulars concerning the Medal op Honor, see Regulations for the Government ofthe JJnAted States Nwvy, 1865, page 140. The following is a list of the names (320 in number) of those to whom medals were awarded: James Mc- Cloud, Louis Eichnrds, Thomas Flood- James Buck, Oscar E. Peck, Thomas Gehegan, Edward Farrel, Peter Williams, Benjamin Sevearer, John Davis, Charles Ken yon, Jereiniah Eegan, Alexander Hood, John Kelley, Daniel Lakin, John Williams, John Breese, Alfred Patterson, Thomas C. Barton, Edwin Smith, Daniel Harrington, John Williams, J. B. Frisbee, Thomas Bourne, William McKnight, William Martin, John Greene, John McGowan, Amos Bradley, George Ilollat, Charles Florence, William Young, William Parker, Edward Wright, Charles Bradley, Timothy Sullivan, James Byrnes, John McDonald, Charles Eob- inson, Pierre Leno, Peter Colton, Charles W. Morton, William Martin, Robert Williams, George Bell, William Thompson, John Williams, Matthew Arthur, John Mackie, Matthew McClelland, Joseph E. Vantine, John Ensh, John Hickman, Eobert Anderson, Peter Howard, Andrew Iirinn, P. E. Vaughn, Samuel Woods, Henry Thielberg, Eobert B. Wood, Eobert Jordan, Thomas W. Hamilton, Frank Bois, Thomas Jenkins, Martin Mc- Hngh, Thomas E. Corcoran, Henry Dow, John Woon, Christ. Brennen, Edward Einggold, James K. L. Dud- naval MEDAL OF HONOR. 176 CONTROL OF ALBEMARLE SOUND. large, but was never ascertained. Only one of the Confederate vessels (the Ellis) was saved from destruction ; and it was with difficulty that the town was preserved, for the insurgents, when they abandoned their vessels, set fire to it in several places. It was a most barbarous act, for only a few defense less women and children remained in the town. These at once experienced the humanity ofthe Nationals, who showed them every kind- " ?s62"' ness> when> on the followins day>* they took p°ssessio11 of the place. This success was followed up by other movements for securing the con trol of Albemarle Sound and the adjacent country, as well as the waters through which communication was held with Norfolk. To this end, Rowan sent Lieutenant A. Maury, with a part of his fleet, to take posses sion of Edenton, near the western end of the Sound. This was easily done on the day after the capture of Elizabeth City,' a body 1 Ttm 2' of flyinS artillel7 station ed there having left it precipitately without firing a shot. Maury destroyed a schooner on the stocks and eight cannon, and then passed on, capturing vessels on the Sound. On the following "Feb. 18. , „ T . T _, ° day," Lieutenant J efters, . with some of the fleet, proceeded to the Chesapeake and Albemarle Canal, that traverses the Dismal Swamp on its way from the Elizabeth River to the Pasquotank, for the purpose of W. P. LYNOH. can, Hugh Melloy, William P. Johnson, Bartlett Laffey, Richard Seward, Christopher Nugent, James Brown, William Moore, William P. Brownell, William Talbot, Richard Stout. George W. Leland, Horatio N. Young, Michael Huskey, John Dorman, William Farley, J. Henry Denig, Michael Hudson, William M. Smith, Miles M, Oviatt. Barnett Kenna. William Halsted, Joseph Brown, Joseph Irlam, Edward Price, Alexander Mack, William Nichols, John Lawson, Martin Freeman, William IMnsmore, Adam Duncan, Charles Deakin, Cornelius Cronin, William Wells, Hendrick Sharp, Walter B. Smith, George Parks, Thomas n.ayes, Lebbeus Simkins, Oloff Smith, Alexander H. Truett, Robert Brown, John II. James, Thomas Cripps, John Brazell, James H. Morgan, John Smith, James B. Chandler, William Jones, William Doolen, James Smith, Hugh Hamilton, James Mcintosh. William M. Carr, Thomas Atkinson, David Sprowle, Andrew Miller, James Martin, Willinm Phinney, Johu Smith, Samuel W. Kinnard, Patrick Dougherty, Michael Cassid)', George Taylor, Louis G. Chaput, James Ward, Daniel Whitfield, John M. Burns, John Edwards, Adam McCulloch, James Sheridan, John E. Jones, William Gardner, John Preston, Willinm Newland, David Naylor, Charles B. Woram, Thomas Kendrick, James S. Roan, tree, Andrew Jones, James Seanor, William C. Connor, Martin Howard, James Tallontine, Robert Graham, Henry Brutsche, Patrick Colbert, James Haley, John F. Biekford, Charles A. Read, William Smith, William Bond, Charles Moore, George n. Harrison, Thomas Perry, John Hayes, George E. Read, Robert Strahan, James II. Lee, Joachim Pease (colored), William B. Poole, Michael Aheam, Mark G. Ham, John W. Loyd, Charles Baldwin, Alexander Crawford, John Laverty, Benjamin Loyd, David Warren, William Wright, John Sullivan, Robert T. Clifford, Thomas narding, Perry Wilkes, John Ilyland, Michael McCormick, Timothy O'Donohne, George Butts, Charles Asteri, John Ortega, Maurice Wagg, R. II. King, Wilkes, — — Demming, Bernard Harley, William Smith, Richard Hamilton, Edward J. Houghton, Oliver O'Brien, Frank Lucas, William Garvin, Charles J. Bibber, John Neil, Eobert Montgomery, James Roberts, Charles Hawkins, Dennis Conlan, James Sullivan, William Hinnegan, Charles Rice, John Cooper, Patrick Mullin, James Saunders, James I-Iorton, James Rountry, John H. Ferrell, John Ditzenbach, Thomas Taylor, Patrick Mullin. Aaron Anderson or Sanderson (colored), Charles H. Smith, Hugh Logan, Lewis A. Horton, George Moore, Luke M..Griswold, John Jones, George Pyne, Thomas Smith. Charles Reed, JohnS. Lann, George Schutt. John Mack. John H. Nihbe, Othnlel Tripp, John Griffiths, Edward Swatton, John Swatson, Phillip Bazaar, George Province, Augustus Williams, Auzella Savage, John Jackson, Robert M. Blair, Anthony Williams, James W. Verney, Asa Bettram, John P. Ericson, Clement Dees, arwiigw. 300*- APPEALS TO THE NORTH CAROLINIANS. 177 disabling it. They found Confederates engaged in the same work, who fled on the approach of the Nationals. The latter sunk two schooners in the canal and departed. Finally, on the 19th, the combined fleet set out from Edenton on a reconnoissance, which extended up the Chowan River as far as Winton (which was partially de stroyed), and the Roanoke to Ply mouth. The Perry, bearing Colonel Hawkins and a company of his Zou aves, received a volley of musketry from the high bank near the latter place, when Rowan ordered the town to be shelled. It was nearly all de stroyed excepting the church. The power of the Government was so fully displayed in this region, while its justice and clemency were pro claimed by Burnside and Goldsborough conjointly, in an address to the people of North Carolina, issued on the 1 Sth, that the great bulk of the inhabitants, naturally inclined to loyalty, were anxious to render full submission. The proclamation assured them that the expedition was not there for the purpose of invading any of their rights. On the contrary, it came to protect them under the rightful authority of the National Government, and to close the desolating war which their wicked leaders had commenced. They were admonished of the truth, that those leaders were imposing upon their cre dulity, deceiving them by fictions about the intentions of the Government, such as desti-oying their property, injuring their women, and liberating their slaves. " "We are Christians as well as yourselves," they said, " and we pro- ' fess to know well and to feel profoundly the sacred obligations of the charac ter. No apprehensions need be entertained that the demands of humanity or justice will be disregarded." ..." We invite yon, in the name of the Constitution, and in that of virtuous loyalty and civilization, to separate yourselves at once from these malign influences, to return to your allegiance, HAWKINS ZOUAVE. George W. McWilliams, John Angling, William Dunn, Robert Summers, Joseph B. Ilayden, Isaac N. Fry, Edward R. Bowman, William Shipmnn, William G. Taylor, George Prance, Thomas Jones, William Campbell, Charles Mills? Thomas Connor, David L. Bass. Franklin L. Wilcox, Thomas Harcourt, Gurdou II. Barter, John Rannahan, John Shivers. Henry Thompson, Henry 8. Webster, A. J. Tomlin, Albert Burton, L. C Shepard, Charles II. Foy, James Barnum, John Dempster, Edmund Ilaffee, Nicholas Lear, Daniel S. Milliken, Richard Willis, Joseph White, Thomas English, Charles Robinson. John Martin, Thomas Jordan, Edward B. Toung, Edward Martin, John G. Morrison, William B. Stacy, Henry Shutes, John Taylor, John Harris, Henry Baker, James Avery. John Donnelly, John Noble, John Brown, Richard Bates, Thomas Burke, Thomas Robinson, Nicholas Irwin, John Cooper, John Brown, John Irving, William Blagdeen, William Madden, James Machon, William H. Brown, James Mifflin, James E Sterling, Richard Dennis, Samuel W. Davis, Samuel Todd, Thomas Fitzpatrick, Charles Melville, William A. Stanley, William Pelham, John McFarland, James G. Garrison, Thomas 0. Connell, Wilson Brown. The following named persons, having had Medals of nonor awarded to them for distinguished servico in battle, and having again performed acts which, if they had not received that distinction, would have entitled them to it, were authorized to wear a bar attached to the ribbon by which the medal is suspended: John Cooper, Patrick Mullen. The following persons, whose names appear on the above li6t, forfeited their medals by bad conduct: Joseph Brown, John Brazell, Frank Lucas, John Jackson, Clement Dees, Charles Robinson, John Martin, Rich ard Bates. VOL. II— 12 • 178 SPIRIT OF THE LOYAL AND DISLOYAL. and not compel us to resort further to the force under our control. The Government asks only that its authority may be recognized ; and, we repeat, in no manner or way does it desire to interfere with your laws, con stitutionally established, your institutions of any kind whatever, your prop erty of any sort, or your usages in any respect." This appeal alarmed the Confederate leaders in that State, and the Gover nor, Henry T. Clark, issued a counter-proclamation a few days " Fis6222' afterward," in which he denounced the expedition as an attempt to deprive the inhabitants of liberty, property, and all they held " most dear as a self-governing and free people." He called upon them to supply the requisitions just made by Jefferson Davis for troops to repel the enemy. " We must resist him," he said, " at all hazards, and by every means in our power. He wages a war for our subjugation — a war forced upon us in wrong, and prosecuted without right, and in a spirit of vengeful wickedness, without a parallel in the history of warfare among civilized nations." He assured them that the Government was increasing its efforts " and straining every nerve " not to regain its rightful authority, but to over run the country and subjugate the people to its domination, its "avarice and ambition." " I call upon the brave and patriotic men of our State to volun teer," he said, " from the mountains to the sea." Such was the opposing spirit of the Government, and the conspirators against its life. The former was anxious for peace, the latter were zealous for war. The former, battling for right, justice, and the perpetuity of free institutions, and conscious ofthe righteousness of its cause, was firm but mild, patient, and persuasive ; the latter, battling for wrong, injustice, and the perpetuation of slavery for the negro, and serfdom for the poor white man, with no warrant for their acts but selfishness, were bitter, vehement, -and uncompromising; continually appealing to the passions of the people rather than to their reason and judgment, and by fraud and violence dragging them into the vortex of rebellion, in which their prosperity and happiness were sadly wrecked. Here we will leave the National forces for a while in the waters of North Carolina, preparing for another important victory, which they' achieved a month later, and observe the progress of military events westward of the Alleghanies during the later days of autumn, and the winter of 1861-62. WESTERN MILITARY DIVISIONS. 179 CHAPTER VII. .MILITARY OPERATIONS IN MISSOURI, NEW MEXICO, AND EASTERN KENTUCKY -CAP TURE OF FOET HENRY. OWARD the close of the autumn of 1861, the attitude of the contending parties, civil and military, in the great basin of the central Mississippi Valley was ex ceedingly interesting. We left the National army in Southern Missouri, at tthe middle of November, dis pirited by the removal of their favorite leader, slowly making their way toward St. Louis under their tempo rary commander, General Hunter, while the energetic Confederate leader, General Price, was advancing, and reoccupying the region which the Nationals abandoned.' We left Southern Ken tucky, from the mountains to the Mississippi River, in possession of the Confederates. Polk was holding the western portion, with his head-quarters at Columbus ; General Buckner, with a strongly intrenched camp at Bowling Green, was holding the center ; and Generals Zollicoffer and Marshall and others were keeping watch and ward on its mountain flanks. Back of these, and between them and the region where the rebellion had no serious opposition, was Tennessee, firmly held by the Confederates, excepting in its mountain region, where the most determined loyalty still prevailed. On the 9th of November, 1861, General Henry Wager Halleck, who had been called from California by the President to take an active part in the war, was appointed to the command of the new Department of Missouri.2 He had arrived in Washington on the 5th," and on the 19th took the com- s-i tkt r-\ n ¦ "Nov., 1861. mand, with Brigadier-General George W. Cullum, an eminent engineer officer, as his chief of staff, and Brigadier-General Schuyler Hamilton as assistant chief. Both officers had been on the staff of General Scott. The head-quarters were at St. Louis. General Hunter, whom Halleck superseded, was assigned to the command of the Department of Kansas.3 General Don Carlos Buell had superseded General Sherman, and was appointed commander ofthe Department of the Ohio;4 and the Department of Mexico, which included only the territory of New Mexico, was intrusted to Colonel E. R. S. Canby. Such was the arrangement of the military divisions of the territory westward ofthe Alleghanies late in 1861." 1 See page 84. ' It included Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Wiscoasin, Illinois, Arkansas, and that portion of Kentucky lying west of the Cumberland River. 3 This included the State of Kansas, the Indian Territory, west of Arkansas, and the Territories of Nebraska, Colorado, and Dakota. * This Included the State of Ohio, and the portion of Kentucky lying eastward of the Cumberland River, which had formed a part of Sherman's Department of the Cumberland. 180 HALLECK'S TREATMENT OE SECESSIONISTS. /'^BStt IIENRY WAGER HALLECK. General Halleck was then in the prime of life, and he entered upon his duties with zeal and vigor. He was possessed of large mental and physical energy, and much was expected of him. He carefully considered the plan ar ranged by Fremont for clearing the States of Kentucky, Tennessee, Mis souri, and Arkansas of armed insur gents, and securing the navigation of the Mississippi by sweeping its banks of obstructions, from Cairo to New Orleans.1 Approving of it in general, he pushed on the great enterprise with strong hopes of success. Halleck's first care was to establish the most perfect discipline in his army, to overawe the secessionists, and to relieve the loyal people of Missouri of the effects of the dreadful tyranny in flicted by the latter, many of whom 'were engaged in armed bands in plundering the inhabitants, desolating tlie property of Union men, and destroying railways and bridges. Refugees were then crowding into the Union lines by thousands. Their miseries cannot be described. Men, women, and children were stripped, plundered, and made homeless. Naked and starving, they sought refuge and relief in St. Louis. Seeing this, the com mander determined to apply an effectual remedy. In a general order, he directed the Provost-Marshal of St. Louis (Brigadier-General Curtis) to in quire into the condition of these refugees, and to take measures for quartering them " in the houses of avowed secessionists," and for feeding and clothing them at the expense of that class of citizens, or others known to have been guilty of giving " assistance and encouragement to the enemy." He also further ordered0 wealthy secessionists to contribute for the support of these refugees, and that all who should not volun tarily do so should be subjected to a levy, either in money, food, clothing, or quarters, to the amount of ten thousand dollars each. This order was rigidJy enforced, and many wealthy citizens were made to pay liberal sums. One prominent merchant, named Engel, who ventured to resist the order by appealing to the civil courts, was ordered out of the Department. This was the last appeal of that kind. Determined to put a stop to the continual outflowing of information^to the Confederates from within his lines, Halleck issued some very stringent orders. The earliest of these was Order No. 3,6 which forbade Nov. 20. fugitives entering or remaining within his lines, it having been rep resented to him that they conveyed contraband information out of them.* This order was a subject of much comment, because of its seeming tender ness for the rebellious slaveholder, and cruelty toward the bondman seeking o Dec. 12, 1SG1. . ' See page 79. 2 " In order to remedy this evil," ran the order, u it is directed that no such person be hereafter permitted to enter the lines of any camp, or of any forces on the march, and that any now within such lines be immediately excluded therefrom." - POPE IN MISSOURI.— PRICE'S APPEAL. 181 freedom. That it was a mistake, subsequent experience fully demonstra^ ted ; for throughout the war the negro, whether bond or free, was uni formly the friend and helper of the National cause. General Halleck had been misinformed, and upon that misinformation he acted with the ,best intentions, one of which was to prevent the betrayal of the secret of his camps, and another that he might keep clear of the questions relating to masters and slaves,1 in which Fremont had been entangled, to his hurt. In the order of the 4th of December, concerning the treatment of avowed secessionists, Halleck further directed that all rebels found within his lines in the disguise of pretended loyalty, or other false pretenses, or found giving information to the insurgents, should be " arrested, tried, and, if condemned, shot as spies." This and all other orders, concerning the disloyalists by whom he was surrounded, were enforced; and he directed that any one attempting to resist the execution of them should be arrested and imprisoned, to be tried by a military commission. Many offenders being women, it was declared that " the laws of war make no distinction of sex." To enforce these laws, it was necessary to use military power, especially in the suppression of the bands of marauders who were then sweeping over the country. He accordingly sent General John Pope, who, as we have already observed, had been active in that Department, to disperse the encampments of these guerrillas in Western Missouri. Pope had been acting with vigor during the latter part of summer and the early autumn. The people of a district where outrages were committed had been held responsible for them. He had quartered his troops on such inhabitants, and required from them contributions of horses, mules, provisions, and other necessaries. He had organized Committees of Safety, on which were placed prominent secession ists, charged to preserve the peace ; and in a short time comparative good order was restored. Now Pope was charged with similar duties. On the 7th of December, he was assigned to the command of all the National troops between the Missouri and Osage Rivers, which included a considerable por tion of Fremont's army that fell back from Springfield. Price was advanc ing. He had made a most stirring appeal by proclamation to the Missouri ans to come and help him, and so help themselves to freedom and independ ence. The Governor (Jackson), he said, had called for fifty thousand men, but only five thousand had responded. " Where are those fifty thousand men ?" he asked. "Are Missourians no longer true to themselves? Are they a timid, time-serving race, fit only for subjugation to a despot ? Awake ! my countrymen," he cried, " to a sense of what constitutes the dignity of the true greatness of a people Come to us, brave sons of the Mis souri Valley ! Rally to our standard ! I must have the fifty thousand men. . . . . Do you stay at home for protection? More men have been murdered at home than I have lost in five successive battles. Do you stay at home to secure terms with the enemy? Then I warn you the day soon may come when you will be surrendered to the mercies of that enemy, and your substance given to the Hessians and the Jayhawkers.5 . . . Leave 1 Letter of General Halleck to General Asboth, December 20, 1S61. a A name given to certain rangers or guerrilla bands of Kansas and especially those under Colonel Jenni- 6on, who was active against the insurgents. 182 BATTLE ON THE BLACK WATER. your property to take care of itself. Come to the Army of Missouri, not for a week or a month, but to free your country. ' Strike till each armed foe expires ! Strike for your country' s altar fires ! Strike for the green frraves of j'Our sires, God and your native land !' Be yours the office to choose between the glory of a free country and a just government, or the bondage of your children, I, at least, will never see the chains fastened upon my country. I will ask for six and a half feet of Mis souri soil in which to repose, for I will not live to see my people enslaved." 'This appeal aroused the disaffected Missourians, and at the time when Pope was ordered to his new field of operations, about five thousand recruits, it was said, were marching from the Missouri River and beyond to join Price. To prevent this combination was Pope's chief desire. He encamped thirty or forty miles southwest from Booneville, at the middle of Decem ber, and after sending out some of the First Missouri cavalry, under Major Hubbard, to watch Price, who was then at Osceola with about eight thou sand men, and to prevent a reconnoissance of the main column of the. Nation als, he moved his whole body" westward and took position in the aDis6i8' country between Clinton and Warrensburg, in Henry and John son counties. There were two thousand Confederates then near his lines, and against these Lieutenant-Colonel Brown, of the Seventh Mis souri, was sent with a considerable cavalry force that scattered them.. Having accomplished this, Brown returned to the main army,4 SDec.18. . ° K ' •". which was moving on Warrensburg. Informed that a Confederate force was on the Blackwater, at or near Milford, North of him, Pope sent Colonel Jefferson C. Davis and Major Mer rill to flank them, while the main body should be in a position to give immedi ate aid, if necessary. Davis found them in a wooded bottom on the west side of the Blackwater, opposite the mouth of Clear Creek. His forces were on the east side, and a bridge that spanned the Blackwater between them was strongly guarded. This was carried by assault, by two companies of the Fourth Regular Cavalry, under Lieutenants Gordon and Amory, supported by five companies of the First Iowa cavalry. Gordon led the charge in per son, and received several balls through his cap. The Confederates were driven, the bridge was crossed, and a pursuit was pressed. Unable to escape, the fugitives, commanded by Colonels Robinson, Alexander, and Magoffin (the latter a brother of the Governor of Kentucky), surrendered. The captives were one thousand three hundred in number, infantry and cav alry ; and with them the Nationals gained as spoils about eight hundred horses and mules, a thousand stand of arms, and over seventy wagons loaded with tents, baggage, ammunition, and supplies of every kind. At about midnight the prisoners and spoils were taken into Pope's camp, and the next day the victors and the vanquished moved back in the direc tion of Sedalia, Pope's starting-place. In the space of five days the infantry had marched more than one hundred miles, and the cavalry double that distance. During that time they had captured nearly fifteen hundred pri soners, with the arms and supplies just mentioned. They had swept the PRICE DRIVEN OUT OE MISSOURI. 183 whole country west of Sedalia, in the direction of Kansas, far enough to foil the attempts of recruits to reach Price in any considerable numbers, and to compel him to withdraw, in search of safety and subsistence, toward the borders of Arkansas. Among the captured on the Blackwater, were many wealthy and influen tial citizens ot Missouri. This event dealt a stunning blow to secession in that State for the moment, and Pope's short campaign gave great satisfaction to all loyal people. Halleck complimented him on his " brilliant success," and feeling strengthened there by, he pressed forward with more vigorous measures for the complete suppression of the rebellion in his Department westward of the Mississippi River. On the 23d of December he declared martial law in St. Louis ; and by proclamation on the 25th this system of rule was extended to all railroads and their vicinities.1 At about the same time General Price, who had found himself relieved from immediate danger, and encouraged by a promise of re-enforcements from Arkansas, under Gen eral Mcintosh, concentrated about twelve thousand men at Springfield, where he put his army in comfortable huts, with the intention of remaining all winter, and pushed his picket-guards fifteen or twenty miles northward. This demonstration caused Halleck to concentrate his troops at Lebanon, the capital of Laclede County, northeastward of Springfield, early in February, under the chief command of General (late Colonel) S. R. Curtis. These were composed of the troops of Generals Asboth, Sigel, Davis, and Prentiss. In the midst of storms and floods, over heavy roads and swollen streams, the combined forces moved on Springfield" in three columns, the right under General Davis, the center under General Sigel, and ° ^2 ' s the left under Colonel (soon afterward General) Carr. On the same day they met some of Price's advance, and skjrmishing ensued ; and on the following day about three hundred Confederates attacked Curtis's picket-guards, but were repulsed. This feint of offering battle was made by Price to enable him to effect a retreat. On the night of the 12th and 13th5 he fled from Springfield with his whole Force. Not a man of them was to be seen when Curtis's vanguard, the Fourth Iowa, entered the town at dawn the iiext morning. There stood their huts, in capacity sufficient to accommodate ten thousand men. The camp attested a hasty departure, for remains of supper and half-dressed sheep and hogs, that had been slain the previous evening, were found. Price retreated to Cassville, closely pursued by Curtis. Still southward he hastened, and was more closely followed, his rear and flanks continually harassed during four days, while making his way across the Arkansas border to Cross Hollows.2 Having been re-enforced by Ben McCulloch, near a range of hills called Boston Mountains, he made a stand at Sugar Creek, where, in a brief encasement, he was defeated," and was again compelled c Feb 20 to fly. He halted at Cove Creek, where, on the 25th, he reported 1 The proclamation of the 25th was issued in consequence of the destruction or disability, on the 20th, of about one hundred miles of the Missouri railroad, by some men returned from Price's army, assisted by inhab* itants along the line of the road, acting by pre-concert. On the 23d, Halleck issued an order, fixing the penalty of death for that crime, and requiring tbe towns and counties along tho line of any railway thus destroyed, to repair tho damages and pay the expenses. 2 During the operations of this forward movement of the National troops, Brigadier-General Price, son of the chief, was captured at Warsaw, together with several officers of, tho elder Price's staff, and about 500 recruits. 184 HUNTER'S OPERATIONS IN" KANSAS. to his wandering chief, Jackson, saying, " Governor, we are confident of the future." General Halleck, quite as " confident of the future," was now able to report to his Government that Missouri was effectually cleared of the armed forces of insurgents who had so long infested it, and that the National flag was waving in triumph over the soil of Arkansas. In accomplishing this good work, no less than sixty battles and skirmishes, commencing with Boono- ville at the middle of June ' and ending at the middle of the sue- ceeding February," had been fought on Missouri soil, resulting in an aggregate loss to both parties, in killed, wounded, and prisoners, of about eleven thousand men.2 "While Halleck was thus purging Missouri, Hunter, with his head-quarters at Fort Leavenworth, was vigorously at work in Kansas,j3n the west of it.3 The general plan of his treatment of the rebellion, which was rife on the Missouri border, was set forth in a few words addressed to the ^gj.2' Trustees of Platte City,4 concerning an outlaw named Gordon, who, with a guerrilla band, was committing depredations and rutrages of every kind in that region. Hunter. said, "Gentlemen, I give you notice, that unless you seize and deliver the said Gordon to me at these head-quarters within ten days from this date, or drive him out of the country, I shall send a force to your city with Orders to reduce it to ashes, and to burn the house of every secessionist in your county, and, to carry away every negro. Colonel Jennison's regiment will be intrusted with the execution of this order." Jennison, who was the commander of the First Kansas cavalry, was well known to the people as an arcTent anti-slavery champion during the civil war in Kansas in 1855,4 and n man ready to execute any orders of the kind. That letter, the power given to Jennison, and a proclamation issued by, the latter a short time before,5 made the secessionists very circumspect for a while, and " all quiet in Kansas " was a frequent report in the Spring of 1862. Active and armed rebellion was at this time co-extensive with the slave- labor States. Colonel Canby found it ready to meet him even in the remote region of New Mexico, in the shape of invaders from Texas. Like Halleck and Hunter, he attacked the monster quickly and manfully. 1 See rage 540, volume I. 2 Several of these skirmishes were so light, and so unimportant in their bearings npon the great issues, that the narrative of this general history has not been unduly extended by a record of them. Such record belongs to a strictly statistical and military history of the war. During the last fortnight of the month of December, 1S61, tho Nationals in Missouri captured 2,500 prisoners, including 70 commissioned officers; 1,200 horses and mules ; 1,100 stand of arms ; 2 tons of powder ; 100 wagons, and a large amount of stores and camp equipage, 3 Preparations had been made for organizing an army in Kansas to go through tho Indian Territory and a portion of Southwestern Arkansas and so on to New Orleans, to co-operate with the forces that were to sweep down the Mississippi and along its borders. James H. Lane, then a member of the United States Senate, was to command that army. Owing to some difficulties, arising from misapprehension, the expedition was abandoned, and Lane took his Eeat in the Senate at Washington. 4 See note 2, page 1S1. 5 Jennison had said to the inhabitants of LafayetLe, Cass, Johnson, and Pettis Counties, in Missouri: " For four months our armies havo marched through your country. Your professed friendship has been a fraud ; your oaths of allegiance havo been shams and perjuries. Tou feed the rebel army, yon act as spies while claiming to be true to the Union Neutrality is ended. If you are patriots, you must fight; if you are traitors, you must be punished." ... lie told them that the rights and property of Union men would be everywhere respected, but "traitors," he said, '¦ will everywhere be treated as outlaws — enemies of God and men, too base to hold any description of property, and having no rights which loyal men are bound to respect The last dollar and the last slave of rebels will be taken and turned over to the General Government. Playing war is played out, and whenever Union troops are fired upon the answer will boom from cannon, and desolation will follow." TREASON IN NEW MEXICO. 185 We have seen the loyal people of Texas bound hand and foot by a civil and military despotism after the treason of General Twiggs.1 The con spirators and their friends had attempted to play a similar game for attaching New Mexico to the intended Confederacy, and to aid Twiggs in giving over Texas to the rule of the Confederates. So early as 1860, Secretary Floyd sent Colonel W. II. Loring, of North Carolina (who appears to have been a:i instrument of the traitor), to command the Department of New Mexico, while Colonel George B. Crittenden, an unworthy son of the venerable Ken tucky senator, who had been sent out for the same wicked purpose as Loring, was appointed by the latter, commander of an expedition against tho Apaches, which was to start from Fort Staunton in the Spring of 1861. It was the business of these men to attempt the corruption of the patriotism of the officers under them, and to induce them to lead their men into Texas and give them to the service of the rebellion. One of these officers (Lieutenant-Colonel B. S. Roberts, of Vermont), who had joined Crittenden at Fort Staunton, perceiving the intentions of his commander, refused to obey any orders that savored of a treasonable purpose, and procuring a furlough, he hastened to Sante Fe, the head-quarters of the Department, and denounced Crittenden to Colonel Loring. He was astonished when, instead of thanks for his patriotic service, he received a reproof for meddling with other people's business, and discovered that Loring was also playing the game of treason. Roberts was ordered back to Fort Staunton, but found an opportunity to warn Captain Hatch, the commander at Albuquerque, and Captain Morris, who held Fort Craig (both on the Rio Grande), as well as other loyal officers, of the treachery of their superiors. The iniquity of Loring and Crittenden soon became known to the little army under them, and they found it necessary to leave suddenly and unattended. Of the twelve hundred regular troops in New Mexico, not one proved treacherous to his country. Loring and Crittenden made their way to Fort Fillmore, not far from El Paso and the Texas border, then commanded by Major Isaac Lynde, of Ver mont. They found a greater portion of" the officers there ready to engage in the work of treason. Major Lynde professed to be loyakT but, if so, he was too inefficient to be intrusted with command. Late in July, while leading about five hundred of the seven hundred troops under his control toward the village of Mesilla, he fell in with a few Texas insurgents, and, after a slight skirmish, fled back to the fort. He was ordered to evacuate it, and march his command to Albuquerque. Strange to say, the soldiers were allowed to fill their canteens with whisky and drink when they pleased. A large por tion of them were drunken before they had marched ten miles, and then, as if by previous arrangement, a Texas force appeared on their flank." The soldiers who were not prostrated by intoxication °Jj^*' wished to fight, but, by order of a council of- officers, with Lynde at their head, they were directed to lay down their arms as prisoners of war. Lynde's commissary, Captain A.»H. Plummer, who held seventeen thousand dollars in Government drafts, which he might have saved, handed them, over to Baylor, the commander of the insurgents. For this cowardice or treachery, Lynde was simply dismissed from the army, and Plummer was reprimanded 1 Seo chapter XI., volume L 18G LOYALTY AND DISLOYALTY IN NEW MEXICO. « Fob. 16, 1361. and suspended from duty for six months. Thus, 'at one sweep, nearly one- half of the Government troops in New Mexico were lost to its service. The prisoners were paroled, and then permitted tcgo on to Albuquerque. Their sufferings from thirst on that march were terrible ; some of them seeking to quench it by opening veins and drinking their own blood ! It was now thought that New Mexico would be an easy prey to the Texas insurgents. Miguel A. Otero, its delegate in the National Con gress, had endeavored, by a published address," to incite the in habitants of New Mexico to rebellion, while Governor Abraham Rencher, of North Carolina, took measures to defend the Territory against the insurgents. His successor, Henry Connolly, was equally loyal. So also were the people ; and when, at this junc ture of affairs, Colonel Canby arrived as Commander of the Department, he was met with almost universal sym pathy. He successfully appealed for a regiment of volunteers to the Gover nor of the neighboring Territory of Colorado, and these, with his few regular troops and New Mexico levies, made quite a respectable force in numbers, when Canby was informed that Colonel Henry H. Sibley, a major by brevet in the National army, and a Louisianian, who had abandoned his flag and put himself at the head of a band of insur gents known as Texas Rangers, some of them of the worst sort, was invading the Territory. His force was for midable in numbers (twenty-three hundred) and in experience, many of them having been in successive expeditions against the Indians. Sibley issued a proclamation to the people of New Mexico, in which he denounced the National Government and demanded from the inhabitants aid for and allegiance to his marauders. Confident of success, he moved slowly, by way of Fort Thorn, and found Canby at Fort Craig, on the Rio Grande,6 prepared to meet him. ¦ A reconnoissance satisfied him that, with his light field-pieces, an assault on the fort would He could not retreat or remain with safety, and his military knowledge warned him that it would be very hazardous to leave a well- garrisoned fort behind him. So he forded the Rio Grande at a point below Fort Craig, and out of reach of its guns, for the purpose of drawing Canby out. In this he was successful. Canby at once threw a force across the river,1 to occupy a position on an eminence commanding the fort, which it was thought Sibley might attempt to gain. In the afternoon of the following day, some cavalry, under Captain Dun can, and a battery were sent across, and drew a heavy cannonade from the Texans. The infantry were nearly all thrown into confusion, excepting HENRY II. SIBLEY. 4 Feb. 19, 1S62. be foolish. 1 These consisted of the Fifth, Seventh, and Tenth Regular Infantry, under Captains Selden and Wingate, and the volunteer regiments of Colonels Carson and Pine. BATTLE OF VALVERDE. 187 Colonel Kit Carson's regiment. The panic was so great that Canby ordered a return of all the forces to the fort. That night the exhausted mules of the Texans became unmanageable, on account of thirst, and scampered in every direction. The National scouts captured a large number of these, and also wagons, by which Sibley was greatly crippled in the matter of trans portation. At eight o'clock the next morning," Canby sent Lieutenant- Colonel Roberts, with cavalry, artillery, and infantry,1 across the "^'221' Rio Grande ; and at Valverde, about seven miles north of the fort, they confronted the vanguard of the Texans under Major Pyron, who were making their way toward the river. Tlie batteries opened upon Pyron, and he recoiled. Desultory fighting, mostly with artillery, was kept up until some time past noon, when Canby came upon the field, and took command in person. In the mean time, Sibley, who was quite ill, had turned over his command to Colonel Thomas Green, of the Fifth Texas regiment. Canby, considering victory certain 'for his troops, was preparing to make a general advance, when a thousand or more Texans, foot and horse, under Colonel Steele, who had gathered in concealment in a thick wood and behind sand hills, armed with carbines, revolvers, and bowie-knives, suddenly rushed forward and charged furiously upon the batteries of McRea and Hall. The Texas cavalry, under Major Raguet, charged upon Hall's battery, and were easily repulsed ; but those on foot, who made for McRea's battery, could not be checked. His grape and canister shot made fearful lanes in their ranks, but they did not recoil. They captured the battery, but not without encountering the most desperate defenders of the guns in McRea and his artillerists, a large number of whom, with their commander, were killed. McRea actually sat upon his gun, fighting his foe with his pistol until he was shot. The remainder of the Nationals, with the excep- OHE 0F siWb TEXi8 EAlroEE8-2 tion of Kit Carson's men and a few others', panic-stricken by the fierce charge of the Texans, fled like sheep before wolves, and refused to obey the com mands of officers who tried to rally them. That flight was one of the most disgraceful scenes of the war, and Canby was compelled to see victory snatched from his hand when it seemed secure. The surviving National?: took refuge in Fort Craig. Their loss was sixty-two killed and one hundred and forty-two wounded. The loss of the Texans was about the same. Sibley well comprehended the situation. The fort could not be taken, 1 These were composed of a portion of Roberts's and Colonel Valdez's cavalry ; Carson's volunteers ; the Fifth, Seventh, and Tenth Regulars, and two batteries, commanded respectively by Captain McRea and Lieutenant Hall. 8 These Rangers who went into the rebellion were described as being, many of them, a desperate set of fellows, having no higher motive than plunder and adventure. They were half savage, and eacli was mounted on a mnstang horse. Each man carried a rifle, a tomahawk, a bowie-knife, a pair of Colt's revolvers, and a lasso for catching and throwing the horses of a flying foe. The above picture is from a sketch by one of Colonel Canby's subalterns. 188 VICTORIES AND FLIGHT OF INSURGENTS. and the spirit shown by a large portion of Canby's troops satisfied him that, notwithstanding his loss of transportation by the capture of his mules and wagons, he need not fear a pursuit. So, passing on and leaving his wounded at Socorro, thirty miles above Fort Craig, Sibley pressed forward to Albu querque, fifty miles farther, which was at once surrendered. His destination was Santa Fe, and he was marching with perfect confidence of success there, when his vanguard, under W. R. Scurry, was met near Fort Union, in the Canon Glorietta, or Apache Pass, fifteen miles from the capital of New Mexi co, by about thirteen hundred National troops, under Colonel John P. Slough. These were mostly Colorado Volunteers, with a few regulars. A greater part of these had just traversed the mountain wilderness from Denver, and during the latter part of their journey, after hearing of Sibley's approach to Santa Fe, they had marched at the rate of forty miles a day. In that nar row defile, where flanking was out of the question, a very severe fight between the infantry and artillery of both parties occurred," in °Mis62 **" wnicn the Texans were victorious, after a loss of thirty-six killed - and sixty wounded. The National loss was twenty-three killed and fifty wounded.1 Sibley entered Santa Fe without further resistance. His army was greatly crippled, and the people were either indifferent or actively opposed to him. He seized whatever property might be useful to him, and hoped to hold his position ; but a month had not elapsed before he was compelled to fly back to Albuquerque, which he had made his depot of supplies, for these were threatened by the forces of Colonel Canby, approaching from below. He accomplished that purpose, but was so satisfied that he could not hold New Mexico, that he evacuated Albuquerque on the 12th of &1S62 April,6 leaving his sick and wounded in hospitals there and at Santa Fe. After skirmishing with his opponents along the river, each party moving on opposite sides of the stream, and perceiving imminent danger to his whole command, Sibley fled under cover of the night to the mountains, with his scanty provisions on pack mules, dragging his cannon over rugged spurs and along fearful precipices, for ten days. Then he again struck the Rio Grande at a point where he had ordered sup plies to meet him. Lie then made his way to Fort Bliss,2 in Texas," a wiser if not a happier man. Canby did not follow him over the mountains, but returned to Santa Fc, and reported to the Secretary of War that Sibley, who had been compelled to evacuate New-Mexico, had left behind him, " in dead and wounded, and in sick and prisoners, one-half of his original force." Let us now observe events eastward of the Mississippi River, within the Departments of Generals Halleck3 and Buell,4 having a connection with the 1 On the previous morning, in a skirmish with Pyron's Cavalry, Colonel Slough took fifty-seven prisoners, but loBing fifteen of his own men. In tho fight just recorded, Major Chivington, with four Colorado com panies, gained the rear of the Texans, and was inflicting serious injury upon them, when he heard of Slough's defeat, and was compelled to withdraw. 2 At Albuquerque, according to Sibley's report, the brothers Raphael and Manuel Armijo were so warmly interested in the Confederate cause that they placed at his disposal stores valued at $200,000. They fled over the mountains with Sibley. Their generosity and sacrifices so touched his heart that he expressed a hope that they might not be forgotten by the "Confederate Government" in the final settlement. B See page 179. * See page 1T9. PROVISIONAL GOVERNMENT IN KENTUCKY. 189 grand plan for expelling the Confederates from Kentucky, and liberating Tennessee from their grasp. We have seen how the loyalists in the Kentucky Legislature foiled the efforts of the Governor and his political friends to link the fortunes of that State with those of the " Southern Confederacy." These efforts were met, as we have observed, by the occupation ofthe whole southern portion ofthe commonwealth by Confederate troops, all of which were within the Depart. ment commanded by General Albert Sidney Johnston. That officer had been an able veteran in the army of the Republic, and was then about sixty years of age. He was a Ken- tuckian by birth, and his sympathies were with the conspirators. He was on duty in California when the war was kindling, and was making pre parations, with other conspirators there, to array that State on the side of the Confederacy,1 when he was superseded in command by Lieu tenant-Colonel E. V. Sumner, of Mas sachusetts. Johnston then abandon ed his flag, joined the conspirators in active rebellion, and was appointed by Jefferson Davis to the command of the " Western Department," with his head-quarters at Nashville. Under the shadow of Johnston's protection, and behind the cordon of Confederate troops stretched across the State, the disloyal politicians of Kentucky proceeded to organize an independent government for the com monwealth. They met at Russellville, the capital of Logan County, in the southern part of the State, on the 29th of October. They drew up a mani festo, in which the grievances of Kentucky were recounted, and the action of its Legislature denounced. They then called upon the people of the State to choose, " in any manner" they might see fit, " delegates to attend a 'Sovereignty convention,'" at Russellville, on the 18th of November. At the appointed time, about two hundred men from fifty-one counties, not elected by the people; assembled, and with difficult gravity adopted a " Declaration of Independence," and an " Ordinance of Seces sion,"" and then proceeded to , organize a "Provisional Govern- "^J^0, ment," by choosing a governor, a legislative council of ten, a treasurer, and an auditor.5 Bowling Green was selected as the new capital of the State. Commissioners were appointed to treat with the " Confede rate Government," for the admission of Kentucky into the league;3 and before the close of December the arrangement was made, and so-called ALBERT SIDNEY JOHNSTON. 1 Annual Cyclopaedia for 1S62. Article — A. S. Johnston, 2 George W. Johnson, of Scott County, was chosen Governor. The ministers of the Legislative Council were : William B. Machin, John W. Crockett, James P. Bates, James S. Critman, Philander R. Thompson, J. P. Burnside, II. W. Bruce, J. W. Moore, E. M. Bruce, and George B. Hodge. ' Tho Commissioners wero ; Henry C. Burnett, W. E. Simons, and William Preston. 190 THE WAR IN SOUTHERN KENTUCKY. representatives of that great commonwealth were chosen by the " Legisla tive Council ""to seats in the "Congress" at Richmond.1 The °DisC6i16' PeoPle na|l nothing to do with the matter, and the ridiculous farce did not end here. All through the war, disloyal Kentuckians pretended to represent their noble old State in the supreme council of the conspirators, where they were chosen only, a great portion of that time, by the few Kentuckians in the military service of Jefferson Davis. While these political events in Kentucky were in progress, military movements in that quarter were assuming very important features. General Johnston concentrated troops at Bowling Green, and General Hardee was called from Southeastern Missouri, to supersede General Buckner in com- ' mand there. The forces under General Polk at Columbus were strength ened, and Zollicoffer, having secured the important position of Cumber land Gap, proceeded to occupy the rich mineral and agricultural districts around the upper waters ofthe Cumberland River. He issued a proclamation6 to the people of Southeastern Kentucky, declaring, in the set phrases used by all the instruments of the conspirators, when about to plant the heel of military despotism upon a community, that he came as their " liberator from the Lincoln despotism " and the ravages of " Northern hordes," who were " attempting the subjugation of a sister Southern State." In the mean time, General Buell had organized a large force at Louisville, with which he was enabled to strengthen various advanced posts, and throw forward, along the line of the railway toward Bowling Green, about forty thou sand men, under General Alexander McD. McCook. As this strong body advanced, the vanguard of the Confederates, under General Hindman (late member of Con gress from Arkansas), fell back to the southern bank of the Green River, at Mumfordsville, where that stream was spanned by one of the most costly iron bridges in the qountry.3 This was partially destroyed, in order to impede the march of their pursuers. The latter soon con structed a temporary one. For this pur pose, a greater portion of Colonel Auguste Willich's German regiment (the Thirty- second Indiana), forming McCook's vanguard, were thrown across the river, where they were attacked," at Rowlett Station, by a regiment of mounted Texas Rangers, under Colonel Terry, supported by two A- BTTELL'S HEA.D-QTJAKTEKS AT LOUISVILLE.2 1 These were : Henry G. Burnett, John Thomas, Thomas L. Burnett, S. H. Ford, Thomas B. Johnson, George W. Ewing. Dr. D. V. White, John M. Elliott, Thomas B. Monroe, and George B. Hodge. On the day when these men were chosen by the " Council," two of them — Henry C. Burnett and Thomas Monroe — were sworn in at Richmond as memhers of the Confederate Senate. Of such usurpers of the political rights ofthe people, the "Confederate Congress," so called, was composed. 2 This is a view of General Buell's head-quarters on Fourth Street, between Green and Walnut Streets, In the most aristocratic portion of the city of St. Louis. 8 See page S51, volume I. BATTLE OF PRESTONBURG. 191 THOMAS C. lllNnMAN IN 1858. regiments of infantry and a battery of six guns. The Nationals, though greatly outnumbered, and attacked chiefly by cavalry and artillery, repulsed the assailants with ball and bayonet, killing Terry and thirty-two others, wounding about fifty, and losing eight killed and ten wounded themselves. ' In this work they were aided by a battery on the north side of the river. Seeing re-enforcements crossing, the Confederates withdrew toward Bowling Green, slowly fol lowed by the Nationals. In the mean time, stirring scenes were in progress in the extreme eastern part of Kentucky, and move. ments there caused a brief diversion of a part of Buell's army from the business of pushing on in the direc tion of Tennessee. Humphry Mar shall was again in the field, at the head of about twenty-five hundred insurgents, and at the beginning of January was intrenched in the neighborhood of Paintsville, in Johnston County, on the main branch of the Big Sandy River, that forms the boundary between Kentucky and Virginia. Colonel James A. Garfield, one of the most energetic young men of Ohio, was sent with the Forty-second Ohio and Fourteenth Kentucky regiments, and three hundred of the Second Vir ginia cavalry, to dislodge him. Garfield followed the course of the river in a march of greatest difficulty and danger, at an inclement season. When Marshall heard of his approach, he fled in alarm up the river toward Pres- tonburg. Garfield's cavalry pursued, and, in an "encounter with those of Marshall," at the mouth of Jennis's Creek, they killed some, and drove the others several miles. On the following day, Garfield also set out with about eleven hundred of his force in pursuit, and overtaking Marshall in the forks of Middle Creek, three miles above Pres- tonburg, where he was strongly posted with three cannon on a hill, he gave battle, fought him from one o'clock in the afternoon until dark, and drove him from all his positions. Garfield, having been re-enforced by seven hundred men from Paintsville, was enabled to make the victory for the Unionists at the Battle of Pkestojtbueg, as it is called, complete. The National loss was two killed and twenty-five wounded. That of the insur gents was estimated at sixty killed, and about one hundred wounded or made prisoners.2 The ponderous Marshall was not heard of afterward as a military leader. Because of his services on this occasion, Gar- „ „ field was commissioned a brigadier-general of volunteers. ¦Jan. T, 1862. 1 Eeport of General Buell to General McClellan, December 18, 1861. General Hindman, in his report on the 19th, said General Terry and three of his regiment were killed, three others slightly wounded, and only six missing. As they left a much larger number dead. on the field, Ilindman's report must have heen incorrect. 2 Garfield, in his report, sayB that twenty-seven dead insurgents wero found on the field the next morning. The Richmond papers reported the battle as a success for the insurgents, in which they lost only nine killed and the same number wounded ; while the loss of the Nationals was "from 400 to 500 killed, and about the ¦ame number wounded !" Such was the usual character of the reports in the Confederate newspapers, under the 192 FORCES OF ZOLLICOFFER AND BUELL. This victory on the Big Sandy was soon followed by another of the greatest importance, on the borders of the Cumberland River, farther west ward. Zollicoffer, as we have observed, had established himself in the region of the upper waters of the Cumberland. At the close of a 1S61. ° l l the year" he was strongly intrenched at Beech Grove, on the north side of that river, opposite Mill Spring, in Pulasla County, at the bend of the stream where it receives the White Oak Creek. On a range of hills that rise several hundred feet above the river, and with water on three sides of him, he had constructed a series of fortifications ; and on the opposite, or south side of the Cumberland he had also erected supporting works. There he had gathered a large part of his force, composed of infantry, cavalry, and 51862 artillery; and there, early in- January,6 he was joined by Major- General George B. Crittenden, already mentioned,1 who had been discharged from the National army because of his intemperance, and had espoused tho cause of the conspirators, while a brother was in the military service of the Government, in the same State. He ranked Zollicoffer, and T assumed the chief command." On the same day he inflicted a ' Jan. 6. J long and bombastic proclamation on the " people of Kentucky," closing with the appeal, " Will you join in the moving columns of the South, or is the spirit of Kentucky dead ?" At this time General Buell had under his command about one hundred and fourteen thousand men, composed chiefly of citizens of Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, Wisconsin, Minne sota, Pennsylvania, and loyalists of Kentucky and Tennessee, with about one hundred and twenty-six jiieces of artillery.2 This large army was divided into four grand divisions, commanded respectively by Brigadier* Generals Alexander McDowell Mc- Cook, Ormsby M. Mitehel, George II. Thomas, and Thomas L. Critten den, acting as major-generals, aided by twenty brigade commanders. These divisions occupied a line " across the State, nearly parallel to that held by the Confederates. DON CARLOS BT/ELL. T\r n 1 1 1 1 T McCook's, as we have observed, was in the vicinity of Mumfordsville. Brigadier-General William Nelson was eye of tho conspirators at Eichmond. With the most absurd mendacity, they made the deceived people believe that in every fight the Confederates won u victory over vaotly superior numbers, killing, 'wounding, and capturing the Nationals by hundreds and thousands. These false reports were made on purpose to deceive the people, so as to draw men into the army, and money from the pockets of the dupes of the conspirators. 1 See page 1S5. 3 The contributions of these States to Buell's army were as follows : Ohio, thirty regiments of infantry, two rnd a half of cavalry, and eight batteries of artillery ; Indiana, twenty-seven regiments of infantry, one and a half regiment of cavalry, and five batteries of artillery; Illinois, three regiments of infantry; Kentucky, twenty-four regiments of infantry, four of cavalry, and two batteries of artillery ; Pennsylvania, three regiments of infantry, two of cavalry, and one battery of artillery ; Michigan, three regiments of infantry, and one battery of artillery ; Wisconsin, three regiments of infantry; Minnesota, two regiments of infantry and one battery of artillery ; Tennessee, two regiments of infantry. MILITARY MOVEMENTS IN EASTERN KENTUCKY. 193 about ten miles farther east, with a considerable force, and Mitehel's was held as a reserve to aid McCook in his contemplated attack on Hindman, at Cave City. General Thomas was at Columbia, midway between Bowlino- Green on the west, and Somerset on the east, and -Crittenden was in the extreme eastern part of the State, in the direction of Cumberland Gap. To General Thomas was assigned the duty of attacking the Confederates at Beech Grove and Mill Spring, where, at the middle of January, there were about ten thousand effective men, with nearly twenty pieces of artillery. If successful there, Thomas was to push on over the Cumberland Mountains into the great valley of East Tennessee, seize the railway that traversed that region, and afforded quick communication between the Confederate armies in the West and in Virginia, and liberate the East Tennesseeans from their ter rible thrall. It was a great work to be performed, and Thomas was precisely the man for the task. He entered upon it with alacrity. He divided his force, giving a smaller portion to the care of General Schoepf at Somerset, while he led the remainder in person, in a flank movement from Columbia, by way of Jamestown. He reached Logan's Cross Roads, ten miles from Beech Grove, on the 1 7th," where, during the prevalence of a heavy rain-storm, he gathered his troops and made disposition for an immediate "^"g™7' attack. In the mean time the Confederates had left their in trenchments, and had marched to meet him. General Crittenden, satisfied that Zollicoffer's position was untenable against superior numbers,1 had determined to take the offensive. The Fishing Creek, which lay between the forces of Thomas and Schoepf, was so swollen by the rain that he hoped to strike the Nationals before these divisions could unite. He called a council of war on the evening of the 18th, when it was unanimously agreed to make the attack.2 Zollicoffer was immediately ordered to lead the column. He started at midnight, Carroll's Brigade following his.3 Following these" as a reserve were the Sixteenth Alabama, Colonel Wood, and Branner's and McClellan's battalions of cavalry. The whole force was between four and five thousand strong. At early dawn, Zollicoffer's advance met the Union pickets. General. Thomas had been advised of this movement. He had made dispositions accordingly, and the pickets, encountered by the Confederate vanguard, were of Woolford's cavalry. These fell slowly back, and Wool- ford reported to Colonel M. D. Manson, of the Tenth Indiana, who was in command of the Second Brigade, stationed in advance of the main body. That officer formed his own and the Fourth Kentucky (Colonel S. S. Fry) in battle order, at the junction of the Somerset and Mill Spring Roads, 1 The line of Intrenchments was bo extensive that the force was not sufficient to defend it thoroughly. The face of the country was such that there was bad range for artillery. At tho same time, the country around the post could not furnish adequate subsistence for the army. At the time in question, the troops were reduced to a single ration of beef and a half ration of corn a day, the latter being parched, and not issued as meal. 2 Correspondence of the Louisville Courier, by an eye-witness, January 25th, 1862. 3 Zollicoffer's Brigade was composed of the Fifteenth Mississippi, and the Tennessee regiments of Colonels Cnmmings, Battle, and Stanton, marching in the order hero named, with four guns commanded by Captain Eutiedge, immediately in the rear of the Mississippians. CaiToll's troops were composed of the Tennessee regi ments of Colonels Newman, Murray, and Powell, with two guns commanded by Captain McClung, marching in the order named. Colonel Wood's Sixteenth Alabama was in reserve. Cavalry battalions in the rear; Colonel Branner on the right, and Colonel McClellan on the left. Independent companies in front of the advance regi ments. Following the whole were ambulances, and ammunition and other wagons. Vol. n.— 13 194 BATTLE OF MILL SPRING. about five miles from the latter place, to await attack), and then sent a courier to inform Thomas of the situation. The commanding general hastened forward to view the position, when he found the Confederates advancing through a corn-field, to flank the Fourth Kentucky. He immedi ately ordered up the Tennessee brigade and a section of artillery, and sent orders for Colonel R. L. McCook to advance with his two regiments (Ninth Ohio, Major Ksemmerling, and Second Minnesota, Colonel PL P. Van Cleve) to the support of the vanguard. The battle was opened at about six o'clock by the Kentucky and Ohio regiments, and Captain Kinney's Battery, stationed on the edge of the field, to the left of the Fourth Kentucky. It was becoming very warm when McCook's reserves came up to the support of the Nationals. Then the Con federates opened a most galling fire upon the little line, which made it waver. At that moment it was strengthened by the arrival of the Twelfth Kentucky, Colonel W. A. Hoskins, and the Tennessee Brigade, who joined in the fight. The conflict became very severe, and for a time it was doubtful which side would bear off the palm of victory. The Nation als had fallen back, and were hotly contesting the possession of a com manding hill, with Zollicoffer's Bri gade, when that General, who was at the head of his column, and near the crest with Colonel Battle's regiment, was killed. The Confederate General Crittenden immediately took his place, and, with the assistance of Carroll's Brigade, continued the struggle, for the hill for almost two hours. But the galling fire of the Second Minnesota, and a heavy charge of the Ninth Ohio with bayo nets on the Confederate flank, com- •pelled the latter to give way, and they retreated toward their camp at Beech Grove, in great confusion, pursued by the victorious Nationals to the sum mit of Moulden's Hill. From that commanding point Standart's and Wet- more's Batteries could sweep the Confederate works, while Kinney's Bat tery, stationed near Russell's house on the extreme left, opened fire upon the ferry, to prevent the Confederates from escaping across, the Cumberland. Such was the situation on Sunday evening," at the close of the battle, when Thomas was joined by the Fourteenth Ohio, Colonel Stedman, and the Tenth Kentucky, Colonel Harlan ; also by General 1FIOIRATC #A>»TIULEF>Y^- MAP OF THE BATTLE OF MILL SPRING.1 fl Jan. 19, 1 References. — The figures 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, and 6, refer to the first and succeeding positions ofthe Tenth Indi ana Regiment in the battle ; 8, denotes the second position of the Fourth Kentucky; 9, the second position of *the Second Minnesota; 10, the third position of the same; and 11, the second position of the Ninth Ohio. RESULT OF THE BATTLE OF MILL 'SPRING. 195 Schoepf, with the Seventeenth, Thirty-first, and Thirty-eighth Ohio. Disposi tion was made early the next morning to assault the Confederate intrenchments, when it was ascertained that the works were abandoned. The beleaguered troops had fled in silence across the river, under cover of the darkness, abandoning every thing in their camp, and destroying the steamer Noble Ellis (which had come up the river with supplies), and three flat-boats, which had carried them safely over the stream.1 Destitute of provisions and forage, the sadly-smitten Confederates were partially dispersed among the hills on the borders of Kentucky and Tennessee, while, seeking both. Crit tenden retreated first to Monticello, and then continued his flight until he reached Livingston and Gainesborough, in the direction of Nashville, in order to be in open communication with head-quarters at the latter place, and to guard the Cumberland' as far above it as possible. Thus ended the Battle of Mill Spuing (which has been also called the Battle of Beech Grove, Fishing Creek, and Somerset), with a loss to the Nationals of two hundred and forty-seven, of whom thirty-nine were killed, and two hundred and eight were wounded ; and to the Confederates of three hundred and forty-nine, of whom one hundred and ninety-two were ^ajPa killed, sixty-two were wounded, and _ eighty -nine were made prisoners. Among the killed, as we have seen, was General Zollicoffer, whose loss, at that time, was irreparable.2 The spoils of victory for Thomas were twelve pieces of artillery, with three caissons packed, two army forges,3 one battery wagon, a large amount of am munition and small arms, more than a thousand horses and mules, wagons, commissary stores, intrenching tools, ARMY FORGE. 1 Some accounts say that the Ellis was set on fire by the shells of the Nationals, but the preponderance, of testimony is in iavor of the statement in the text. Tlie Confederates hoped to prevent immediate pursuit by leaving nothing on which their foe could cross the river. The Confederates suffered terribly in their retreat. "Since Saturday night," wrote one of their officers, " we had but an hour of sleep, and scarcely a morsel of food. For a whole week we have been marching under a bare subsistence, and I have at length approached that point in a soldier's career when a handful of parched corn may be considered a first-class dinner. We marched the first few days through a barren region, where supplies could not be obtained. I have more than once seen the men kill a porker with their guns, cut and quarter it, and broil it on tho coals, and then eat it without bread or salt. The suffering of the men from tho want of the necessaries of life, of clothing, and of repose, has been most intense, and a more melancholy speetaclo than this solemn, hungry, and weary procession, could scarcely be imagined." 2 Zollicoffer was killed by Colonel Fry, of the Fourth Kentucky. That officer, according tohis own state ment in a letter to his wife, was leading his regiment in a charge upon the Mississippians, when he was mistaken for a Confederate officer by Zollicoffer. The latter rode up to Fry, saying, as he pointed toward the Mississip pians, " Ton are not going to fight your friends, are you ?" At that instant Zollicoffer's aid, Major Henry M. Fogg, of Nashville, fired at Fry, wounding his horse. Fry turned and fired, killing Zollicoffer, not knowing at tho time his person or his rank. He was covered in a white rubber coat, and on the previous evening had his beard shaved off, so as not to bo easily recognized. The ai 1 of Zollicoffer was mortally wounded at the same time. Zollicoffer's body was taken to Mumfordsville, and sent by a flag of truce to General Hindman. It was honored with a funeral salute at the National camp when it was carried over Green lliver. 3 The army forgo is a part of the equipment of a corps of artillery or cavalry in the field, and is portable. It consists of a four-wheeled carriage, with compartments in which a blacksmith's outfit of fne/ and implements may be carried, and may be made ready for use In the conrBe of half an hour. The fore and tho hind wheels of the carriage may be separated—" unlimbered "—the same as those of a cannon. Attached to the fore wheels are 196 BEAUREGARD SENT TO THE WEST. and camp equipage. The men in their flight left almost every thing behind them, except the clothing on their persons.1 This victory was considered one of the most important that had yet been achieved by the National arms. It broke the line of the Confederates in Kentucky, opened a door of deliverance for East Tennessee, and prepared the way "for that series of successful operations by which very soon afterward the invaders were expelled from both States. The Government and the loyal people hailed the tidings of the triumph with great joy. The Secretary of War, by order of the President, issued an order announcing the event, and publicly thanking the officers and soldiers who had achieved the victory. He declared the purpose of the war to be " to pursue and destroy a rebellious enemy, and to deliver the country from danger ;" and concluded by saying, " In the prompt and spirited movements and daring at Mill Spring, the nation will realize its hopes," and " delight to honor its brave soldiers." The defeat was severely felt by the Confederates ; for they were wise enough to understand its significance, prophesying, as it truly did, of further melancholy disasters to their cause. The conspirators perceived the urgent necessity for a bold, able, and clashing commander in the West, and believing Beauregard to be such an one, he was ordered to Johnston's °Jis622T' Department," and General G. W. Smith, who had been an active democratic politician in New York city, was appointed to suc ceed him at Manassas.2 Crittenden was handled without mercy by the critics. He was accused of treachery by some, and others, more charitable, charged the loss of the battle to his drunkenness. All were compelled to acknowledge a serious disaster, and from it drew the most gloomy conclusions. Their despondency was deepened by the blow received by the Confederate cause at Roanoke Island soon afterward ;3 and the feeling became one' of almost despair, when, a few days later, events of still greater importance, and more withering to their hopes, which we are about to consider, occurred on the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers.* So active and skillful had Johnston been in his Department, in strength ening his irregular line of posts and fortifications for nearly four hundred the boxes for supplies and tools, and to the rear wheels the bellows and forge, as seen in the engraving When . neerled for use, the anvil is taken out and placed on a block made from any neighboring tree, and the work may be speedily begun. 1 Report of General Thomas to General Buell, dated at Somerset, Kentucky, Jan. 31, 1862; also the reports of his subordinate officers. 2 On leaving the army at Manassas, Beauregard issued a characteristic address to them, telling them he hoped soon to be back among them. " I am anxious," he said, " that my brave countrymen here in arms, fronting the haughty array and muster of Northern mercenaries, should thoroughly appreciate the exigency." Alluding to their disquietude because of long inaction, and the disposition to give up, he said it was no time for the men Of the Potomac army " to stack their arms, and furl, even for a brief period, the standards they had made glorious by their manhood." 3 See page 173. 4 These are remarkable rivers. The Tennessee rises in the rugged valleys of Southwestern Virginia, between the Alleghany and Cumberland Mountains, having tributaries coming out of North Carolina and Georgia. It sweeps in an immenso curve through Northern Alabama for nearly three hundred miles, from its northeast to its northwest corner, and then entering Tennessee, passes through it in a due north course, when, bending a little near the Kentucky border, it traverses that State in a northwesterly direction, and falls into the Ohio seventy miles abr>ve its mouth. It drains an area of forty thousand square miles, and is navigable for small vessels to Knoxville, five hundred miles from its month. The Cumberland Eiver rises on the western slopes of tho Cumberland Mountains, in Eastern Kentucky, sweeps around into Middle Tennessee, and turning northward, in a course generally parallel to tbe Tennessee Eiver, falls into the Ohio. It is navigable for large steamboats two hundred and fifty miles, and for smaller ones, at high water, nearly three hundred miles farther. THE CONFEDERATES IN KENTUCKY AND TENNESSEE. 197 miles across Southern Kentucky, and within the Tennessee border from Cum berland Gap to Columbus on the Mississippi, that when General Thomas had accomplished the first part of the work he was sent to perform, it was thought expedient not to push farther, seriously, in the direction of East Tennessee just at that time. It was evident that the Confeder ates were preparing to make an effort to seize Louis ville, Paducah, Smithville, and Cairo, on the Ohio, in order to command tlie most important land and water highwaj-s in Kentucky, so as to make it the chief battle ground in the West, as Virginia was in the East, and keep the horrors of war from the soil of the more Southern States. As Charleston was defended on the J<\CKSBORO REGION OF MILITARY MOVEMENTS IN EASTERN KENTUCKY.1 Potomac, so New Orleans was to be defended by carrying the war up to the banks of the Ohio. Looking at a map of Kentucky and Virginia, and con sidering the attitude of the contending forces in each at that time, the reader may make a striking parallelism which a careful writer on the subject has pointed out.2 Governed by a military necessity, which changing circumstances had created, it was determined to concentrate the forces of Halleck and Buell in a grand forward movement against the main bodies and fortifications of the Confederates. Thomas's victory at Mill Spring had so paralyzed that line eastward of Bowling Green, that it was practically shortened at least one- half. Crittenden, as we have observed, had made his way toward Nashville, and left the Cumberland almost unguarded above that city; yet so moun tainous was that region, and so barren of subsistence, that a flank move- 1 For an account of other movements in Eastern Kentucky, see Chapter III. of this volume. 2 " If Washington was threatened in the one quarter, Louisville was tlie object of attack on the other. As Fortress Monroe was a great basis of operations at one extremity, furnishing mjn and arms, so was Cairo on the west; and as the one had a menacing neighbor in Norfolk, 60 had the other in Columbus. What the line of the Kanawha was to Northern Virginia, penetrating tho mountainous region, the Ilig Sandy, with its tributaries emptying also in the Ohio, was to the defiles of Eastern Kentucky. What Manassas or Richmond was, in one quarter, to the foe, Bowling Green, a great railway center, was to the other. As Virginia was pierced on tlie east by the James and the Rappahannock and the York, so was Kentucky on the west by the Cumberland and Tennessee ; alid as the Unionists held Newport News [Newport-Newce]. a point of great strategic importance at the mouth of one of these streams, so were they in possession of Paducah, a place of equal or greater advantage, at the entrance to another." — History of tlie War for the Union, by E. A, Duyckinck. 19c? CONFEDERATE "WORKS IN KENTUCKY AND TENNESSEE. PLAN OF THE FORTIFICATIONS AT COLUMBUS. ment in that direction would have been performed with, much difficulty and danger. The great body of the Confederate troops, and their chief fortifications, were between Nashville and Bowling Green and the Mississippi River, and upon these the combined armies of Halleck and Buell prepared to move. These fortifications had been constructed with skill, as to location and form, under the direction of General Polk, and chiefly by the labor of slaves. The principal works were redoubts on Island No. 10, in the Mississippi River, and at Columbus, on its eastern bank; Fort Henry, on the Ten nessee River, and Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River. The two latter were in Tennessee, not far below the line di viding it from Kentucky, at points where the two rivers approach within a few miles of each other. During the autumn and early winter, a naval armament, projected by Fremont for service on the Mississippi River, had been in preparation at St. Louis and Cairo, for co-operation with the military forces in the West. It ol862 consisted, at the close of January," of twelve gun-boats (some new and others made of river steamers), carrying one hundred and twenty-six heavy cannon and some lighter guns,1 the whole commanded by Flag-officer Andrew Hull Foote, of the National navy. Seven of these boats were covered with iron jilates, and were built very wide in proportion to their length, so that on the still river waters they might have almost the steadiness of stationary laud batteries when discharging their heavy guns. The sides of these armored vessels were made sloping upward and downward from the water-line, at an angle of forty-five degrees, so as to ward off shot and shell ; and they were so constructed that, in action, they could be kept " bow on," or the bow toward the enemy. Their hulls were made of heavy oak timber, with triple strength at the bows, and sheathed with wrought- iron plates two and a half inches in thickness. Their engines were very powerful, so as to facilitate movements in action; and each boat carried a mortar of 13-inch caliber.2 These vessels, although originally constructed for service on the Missis sippi River, were found to be of sufficiently light draft to allow them to navigate the Cumberland and Tennessee Rivers, into whose waters they were speedily summoned, to assist an army which General Halleck had placed under the command of General Grant, in an expedition against Forts 1 None of the cannon were less in metal than 82-pounders. Some were 42-ponnders; some were nine nnd ten-inch Navy Columbians, and the bow guns wore rifled 84-pounders. 2 The larger of these vessels were of the proportion of about 1T5 feet to 50 feet, and drawing, when armed and laden, about five feet of water. They wero manned by Western boatmen and Eastern volunteers who had been navigators, commanded by officers of the National navy. PREPARATIONS TO STRIKE THE CONFEDERATE LINE. 199 Henry and Donelson. Notwithstanding repeated assurances had been given to Mallory— the Confederate Secretary of the Navy— that these forts would be, in a great degree, at the mercy ofthe National gun-boats abuilding, that conspirator, who was remarkable for his obtuseness, slow method, ancf indif ferent intellect, and whose ignorance, even of the geography of Kentucky and Tennessee, had been broadly travestied in " Congress,"1 paid no atten tion to these warnings, but left both rivers open, without placing a single floating battery upon either. This omission was observed and taken advan tage of by the Nationals, and early in February a large force that had moved from the Ohio River was pressing toward the doomed forts, whose FOOTE S FLOTILLA. capture would make the way easy to the rear of Bowling Green. By that movement the Confederate line would be broken, and the immediate evacuation of Kentucky by the invaders would be made an inexorable necessity. , Preliminary to this grand advance, and for the double purpose of study ing the topography of the country, and for deceiving the Confederates con cerning the real designs of the Nationals, several reconnoissances, in con siderable force, were made on both sides of the Mississippi River, toward the reputed impregnable stronghold at Columbus. One of these minor expe ditions, composed of about seven thousand men, was commanded by General McClernand, who left Cairo for Fort Jefferson, and other places below, in river transports, on the lOth'of January." From that point he penetrated Kentucky far toward the Tennessee line, threatening Columbus "lm' and the country in its rear. At the same time, General Paine marched with nearly an equal force from Bird's Point, on the Missouri side of the Missis sippi, in the direction of Charleston, for the purpose of supporting McCler nand, menacing New Madrid, and reconnoitering Columbus ; while a third party, six thousand strong, under General C. F. Smith, moved from Paducah to Mayfield, in the direction of Columbus. Still another force moved east ward to Smithland, between the Tennessee and Cumberland Rivers ; and at the same time gun-boats were patrolling the waters of the Ohio and Missis sippi, those on the latter threatening Columbus. These reconnoitering 1 Pollard's First Year ofthe War, page 2ST. 200 THOMAS'S MOVEMENT TOWARD EAST TENNESSEE. parties all returned to their respective starting places preparatory to the grand movement. These operations alarmed and perplexed the Confederates, and so puzzled the newspaper correspondents with the arfnies, that the wildest speculations about the intentions of Halleck and Buell, and the most ridiculous criti cisms of their doings, filled the public journals. These' speculations were made more unsatisfactory and absurd by the movements of General Thomas, immediately after the Battle of Mill Spring, who, it was then believed by the uninformed, was to be the immediate liberator of East Tennessee. He had crossed the Cumberland River in force, after the battle of Mill Spring, at the head of navigation at W'aitsboro, and had pushed a column on toward Cumberland Gap. Predictions of glorious events in the great valley between the Alleghany and Cumberland Mountains were freely offered and believed; but the hopes created by these were speedily blasted. The movement was only a feint to deceive the Confederates, and was successful. To save East Tennessee from the grasp of Thomas, Johnston sent a large body of troops by railway from Bowling Green by way of Nashville and Chattanooga to Knox ville, and when the Confederate force was thus weakened in front of Buell, Thomas was recalled. The latter turned back, marched westward, and joined Nelson at Glassgow, in Barren County, on Hardee's right flank. In the mean time,' Mitehel, with his reserves -that formed Buell's center, had moved toward the Green River in the direction of Bowling Green. These developments satisfied Johnston that Buell was concentrating his forces to attack his front, so he called in his outlying posts as far as " ^ltm7' prudence would allow, and prepared" for the shock of battle, that now seemed inevitable. The combined movements of the army and navy against Forts Henry and Donelson, arranged by Generals Grant and C. F. Smith,1 and Commodore Foote, and approved by General Halleck, were now commenced. The chief object was to break the line ofthe Confederates, which, as we have observed, had been established with care and skill across the country from the Great River to the mountains ; also to gain jjossession of their strongholds, and to flank those at Columbus and Bowling Green, in the movement for clearing the Mississippi River and valley of all warlike obstructions. Fort Henry,, lying on a low bottom land on the eastern or righ tbank of the Tennessee River, in Stewart County, Tennessee, was to be the first object of attack. Jt lay at a bend of that stream, and its guns commanded a reach ofthe river below it toward Panther Island, for about two miles, in a direct line. The fort was an irregular field-work, with five bastions, the embrasures revetted with sand-bags. It was armed with seventeen heavy guns, twelve of which commanded the river. Both above and below the fort was a 1 General Smith seems to have been fully instructed by Fremont with the plan of his Mississippi Valley campaign. An officer under Smith's command (General Lewis Wallace), in a letter to the author, says : " One evening General Smith sent for me. At his head-quarters, before a cozy tire, he opened his map on tho table. and with fingers now on his map, then twirling his great white moustache, and his gray eyes all the time as bright as the flames in his grate, he painted glowingly the whole Tennessee River campaign. I recollect dis tinctly his stopping at Corinth, and sajing emphatically, l Here will be the decisive battle.' lie finished the conversation by saying that tho time was come. The troops at Cairo, strongly re-enforced, and those at Paducah would very shortly embark. In the mean time I was to go to Smithland, at the mouth ofthe Cumber land Eiver, and get the regiments there in condition to march. He handed me an order to that effect, and I executed it." EXPEDITION AGAINST FORT HENRY. 201 creek defended by rifle-pits, and around it was swampy land with back water in the rear. It was strong in itself, and so admirably situated for defense, that the Confederates were confident that it could not be cap tured. At the time we are considering, the garrison in the fort and the troops in camp within the outer works, con sisting of less than three thousand men,2 were commanded by Brigadier- General Loyd Tilghman, a Marylander, and graduate of West Point Academy, and it was supplied with barracks and tents sufficient for an army fifteen thousand strong; General Halleck, as we have seen, had divided his large Department into pliN 0F F0ET ,IEKIiYl military districts, and he had given the command over that of Cairo to General Grant. This was enlarged late in December," so as to include all of Southern Illinois, Kentucky west of the Cumber- ""jggf0' land River, and the counties of Eastern Missouri, south of Cape Girardeau. Grant was therefore commander of all the land forces to be engaged in the expedition against Fort Henry.3 To that end he collected his troops at the c*lose of the reconnoissance just mentioned, chiefly at Cairo and Paducah, and had directed General Smith to gain what information he could concerning the two Tennessee forts. Accordingly, on his return, that officer struck the Tennessee River about twenty miles below Fort Henry, where he found the gun-boat Lexington patrolling its waters. In that vessel he approached the fort so near as to draw its fire, and he reported to Grant that it might easily be taken, if attacked soon. The latter sent the report to General Halleck. Hearing nothing from their chief for several days afterward, Grant and Foote united, in a letter to Halleck,6 in asking permission to storm Fort Henry, and hold it as a base for other operations. On the *Jjg6f8' following day Grant wrote an urgent letter to his commander setting forth the advantages to be expected from the proposed movement, and on the 30th an order came for its prosecution.4 The enterprise was 1 Eefeiiences. — The A's denote the position of twelve G2-poundcrs; B, a 24-pounder barbette gun; C, a 12-incb.Oolumbiad; D, 24-pounder siege-gun; E E, 1-i nounder siege-guns; F, Flag-staff; II, Draw-bridge; K, Well; M, Magazine; O, Ordnance Stores; P, Adjutant's Quarters; Q, Head-quarters; U. Odicers' Quarters. 2 These were divided into two brigades — the first, under Colonel A. Hieman, was couniosed of tho Tenth Tennessee (his own), consisting of about 800 Irish volunteers, under Lieutenant-Colonel McGavoek ; Twenty- seventh Alabama, Colonel Hughes; Forty-eighth Tennessee, Colonel Voorhies : Tennessee liattalion of cavalry, Lieutenant-Colonel Gantt; and alight battery of four pieces, conlmanded by Captain Culbrrt-on. Tlie Second Brigade, under Colonel Joseph Drake, ofthe Fourth Mississippi Eegiment, was composed of Lis own troops under Major Adair; Fifteenth Arkansas, Colonel Gee; Fifty-first Tennessee, Colonel Eiw.cr; Alabama battalion. Major Garvin; light battery of three pieces, Captain Clare; Alabama battalion of cavalry; an inde pendent company of horse, under Captain Milner; Captain Pndgett's Spy Company, and a detachment of Bangers, commanded by Captain Melton. The heavy artillery manned the guns of tlie fort, and were in charge of Captain Jesse Taylor.— Report of General Tilghman to Colonel Mackall, Johnston's Assistant Adjutant- General, Feb. 12, 1S62. 3 The number jf troops— officers and men— under General Grant's command, who were fit for duty at the middle of January, 1862. was 24,608. < Grant and his Campaigns, by Henry Coppeo, pages 39 and 40. 202 OPERATIONS; OF -GUN-BOATS ON THE TENNESSEE. immediately begun, and on Monday morning, the 2d of February," Flag- officer Foote left Cairo with a little flotilla of seven gun-boats1 a 1S62 (four of them armored), moved up the Ohio to Paducah, and on that evening was in the Tennessee River. He went up that stream cau tiously, because of information that there were torpedoes in it, and b > Fob. 8. on Tuesday morning,' at dawn, he was a few miles below Fort Henry. Grant's army, composed of the divisions of Generals McClernand and C. F. Smith, had, in the mean time, embarked in transports, which were convoyed by the flotilla. These landed a few miles below the fort, and soon afterward the armored gun-boats (Essex, St. Louis, Caron- delet, and Cincinnati) were sent for ward by Grant, with orders to move slowly and shell the woods on each side of the river, in order to discover concealed batteries, if they existed. At the same time the Conestoga and Tyler were successfully engaged, under the direction of Lieutenant Phelps, in fishing up torpedoes.2 ANDREW H. FOOTE. ¦m 1 These were the armored ghn-boaLs Cincinnati (flag-ship), Commander Stetnbel ; Carondelet, Commander "Walke ; Essex, Commander "W. D. Porter ; and St. Louis. Lieutenant Commanding Paulding ; and tlie, wooden gun-boats Lexington, Lieutenant Commanding Shirk; Tyler, Lieutenant Commanding Givin; and Conestoga, Lieutenant Commanding Phelps. 2 Information concerning these had been given by a woman living near the banks of the river. The "Jessie Scouts," a dar ing corps of yonng men in Grant's army, went into a farm-house wherein a large number of women wero gathered for safety. "When their fears were allayed, one of the women said that her hus band was a soldier in Fort Henry. l*Ey to-morrow night, madam," said one of tbe scouts, "there will be no Fort Henry — our gun boats will dispose of it."— u Not a bi t of i t," \t as tho reply ; " they will all be blown np before they get past the Island" — meaning Panther Island. The scouts threatened to carry her away a pri soner if she did not tell all she knew about them, when she told them that torpedoes had been planted all along the channels near the island, and gave them directions as to their locations. Acting upon this information, these little floating mines were searched for, and eight of them were found. They were cylinders of sheet iron, five feet and a half long, pointed at each end, each containing, in a canvas bag, seventy-five pounds of gunpowder, with a simple apparatus lor exploding it by means of a percussion cap, to bo operated upon by means of a lever, extending to the outside, and moved by its striking a vessel. These were anchored in the river a little below the surface. The rise in the river at this time had made them harmless, and it was found that moisture had ruined the powder. TOEPEDO.* * Explanation. — A. the shell of the Torpedo ; B, air chamber, made of sheet zinc, and tightly fastened ; C, a chamber, nr Bnclt contain ing gunpowder ; D, a pistol with tbe muzzle in the powder, having its trigger connected with the rod E. That rod had prongs, which were designed to strike the bottom of a vessel lu motion in such a way that it would operate, by a lever and cord, on the piBtol, discharging it in the powder, nnd so exploding the torpedo under the bow of ihe vessel. E, F, heavy iron bundB, to which the anchors or weights, G; G, were attached. Tbe torpedo was anchored ao as to meet a vessel going against the current, the direction of which Is indicated by the arrow. ATTACK ON FORT HENRY. 203 By the morning of the 6th, every thing was in readiness for the attack, which was to be made simultaneously on land and water. McClernand's division1 moved first, up the eastern side of the Tennessee, to get in a position between Forts Henry and Donelson, and be in readiness to storm the former from the rear, or intercept the retreat ofthe Confederates, while two brigades of Smith's division,3 that were to make the attack, marched up the west side ofthe river to assail and capture half-finished P'ort Hieman,3 situated upon a great hill, and from that commanding point bring artillery to bear upon Fort Henry. There had been a tremendous thunder-storm during the night, which made the roads very heavy, and caused the river to rise rapidly. The conse quence was, that the gun-boats were in position and commenced the attack some time before the troops, who had been ordered to march at eleven o'clock in the morning, arrived. The little streams were so swollen that they had to build bridges for the passage of the artillery ; and so slow was the march that they were compelled to hear the stirring sounds of battle without being allowed to participate in it.4 I It was at half-past twelve o'clock at noon when the gun-boats opened fire. The flotilla had passed Panther Island by the western channel, and the rNTEEIOE OF FOET ITENET. armored vessels had taken position diagonally across the river, with the unarmored gun-boats Tyler, Lexington, and Conestoga, in reserve. The fort warmly responded to the assault at the beginning (which was made at a distance of six hundred yards from the batteries), but the storm from the 1 This was the First division, and consisted of two brigades, composed of the Eighth, Eleventh. Eighteenth, Twentieth, Twenty-seventh, Twenty-ninth, Thirtieth, Thirty-first. Forty-fifth, and Forty-eighth Illinois Regi ments ; with one Illinois cavalry regiment, and four independent cavalry companies, and four batteries of artillery. 2 This, the Second division, comprised the Seventh, Ninth, Twelfth, Twenty-eighth, and Forty-first Illinois Eegiments, the Eleventh Indiana, the Seventh and Twelfth Iowa, the Eighth and Thirtieth Missouri, with a considerable body of cavalry and artillery. 3 So named in honor of Colonel A. nieman, of Tilghman's command, who was at the head of a regiment of Irish volunteers. Hieman was a German, and a resident of Nashville. lie was an architect, and a man of taste, culture, and fortune. I* General Lewis Wallace, who commanded one of the brigades that marched upon Fort Hieman, in a letter to the author soon after the affair, said : "The whole march was an exciting one. When we started from our bivouac, no doubt was entertained of our being able to make the five miles,' take up position, and be ready foi 204 CAPTURE OF FORT HENRY. flotilla was so severe, that very soon the garrison became panic-stricken. Seven of the guns were dismounted, and made useless ; the flag-staff was shot away ; and a heavy rifled cannon in the fort had bursted, killing three men. The troops in the camp outside the fort fled, most of them by the upper Dover road, leading to Fort Donelson, and others on a steamer lying just above Fort Henry. General Tilghman and less than one hundred artillerists in the fort were all' that remained to surrender to the victorious Foote.1 The Confederate commander had behaved most soldierly throughout, at times doing a private's duty at the guns. His gallantry, Foote said in his report, " was worthy of a better cause." Before two o'clock he hauled down his flag and sent up a white one, and the Battle of Fort Henry °^S626' ceased," after a severe conflict of little more than an hour.2 It was all over before the land troops arrived, and neither those on the Fort Henry side of the river, nor they who moved against Fort Hieman, on the other bank of the stream, had an opportunity to fight. The occupants of the latter had fled at the approach of the Nationals without firing a shot, and had done what damage they could by fire, at the moment of their departure. " A few minutes before the surrender," says Pollard, " the scene in and around the fort exhibited a spectacle of fierce grandeur. Many of the cabins in and around the fort were in flames. Added to the scene were the smoke from the burning timber, and the curling but dense wreaths of smoke from the guns ; the constantly recurring, spattering, and whizzing of fragments of crashing and bursting shells ; the deafening roar of artillery ; the black sides of five or six gun-boats, belching fire at every port-hole ; the volumes of smoke settled in dense masses along the surrounding back-waters ; and up and over that fog, on the heights, the army of General Grant (10,000), deploying around our small army, attempting to cut off its retreat. In the the assault at the appointed hour. Never men worked harder. The guns of the fleet opened while we were yet quite a mile from our objective. Our line of march was nearly parallel with the line of fire to and from tho gun-boats. Not more than seven hundred yards separated us from the great shells, in their roaring, fiery pas sage. Without suffering from their effect, we had the full benefit of their indescribable and terrible noise. Several times I heard the shot from the fort crash against the iron sides of the boats. You can imagine the excitement and martial furor the circumstances were calculated to inspire our men with. I was all eagerness to push on with my brigade, but General Smith rode, like the veteran he was, laughing at my impatience, and refusing all my entreaties. He was too good a soldier to divide his column/' 1 Report of Commander Foote to the Secretary of the Navy. February G, 1S62. Commander Stembel and Lieutenant-Commander Phelps were sent to hoist the Union flag over the fort, and to invite General Tilghman on board the commodore's flag-ship. When, an hour later, Grant arrived, the fort and all the spoils of victory were turned over to him. General Tilghman, and Captain Jesse Taylor of Tennessee, who was the commander ofthe fort, with ten other commissioned officers, with subordinates and privates in the fort, were made prisoners. It was said that the General and some of his officers attempted to escape, but were confronted by sentinels who had been pressed into the service, and who now retaliated by doing their duty strictly. They refused to let them pass the line, such being their orders, and threatened to shoot tlie first man who should attempt it 2 Tho National loss was two killed and thirty-eight wounded, and the Confederates had five killed and ten wounded. Of the Nationals, twenty-nine were wounded and scalded on the gun-boat Essex, Captain W. D. Porter ; some of them mortally. This calamity was caused by a 32-pound shot entering the boiler of the Essex. It had passed through tho edge of a bow port, through a bulkhead, into the boiler, in which, fortunately, there was only about sixty pounds of steam. In its passage it took off a portion of the head of Lieutenant S. B. Drittain, Jr., one of Porter's aids. He was a son of tho Rev. S. 15. Brittain, of New York, and a very promising youth, not quite seventeen years of age. He was standing very near Commander Porter at the time, with one hand on that officer's shoulder, and the other on his own cutlass. Giptain Porter was badly scalded by the steam that escaped, but recovered. That officer was a son of Commodore David Porter, famous in American annals as tho commander ofthe Essex in the war of 1S12; and he inherited his father's bravery and patriotism. The gnn-boat placed under his command was named Essex, in honor of his father's memory. EFFECTS OF THE CAPTURE OF FORT HENRY. 205 midst of the storm of shot and shell, the small force outside of the fort had succeeded in gaining the upper road, the gun-boats having failed to notice their movements until they were out of reach. To give them further time, the gallant Tilghman, exhausted and begrimed with powder and smoke, stood erect at the middle battery, and pointed gun after gun. It was clear, however, that the fort could not hold out much longer. A white flag was raised by the order of General Tilghman, who remarked, ' It is vain to fight longer. Our gunners are disabled — our guns dismounted ; we can't hold out five minutes longer.' As soon as the token of submission was hoisted, the gun-boats came alongside the fort and took possession of it, their crews giving three cheers for the Union. General Tilghman and the small garrison of forty were taken prisoners."1 The capture of Fort Henry was a naval victory of great importance, not only because of its immediate effect, but because it proved the efficiency of gun-boats on the narrow rivers of the West, in co-operating with land troops. On this account, and because of its promises of greater achievements near, the fall of Fort Henry caused the most profound satisfaction among the loyal people. Halleck announced the fact to McClellan with the stirring words, " Fort Henry is ours ! The flag of the Union is re-established on the soil of Tennessee. It will never be removed." Foote's report, brief and clear, was received and read in both Houses of Congress,' in open session ; and the Secretary of the Navy wrote to him, " The country appreciates your gallant deeds, and this Department desires to convey to you and your brave associates its profound thanks for the service you have rendered." The moral effect of the victory on the Confederates was dismal, and drew forth the most serious complaints against the authorities at Richmond, and especially against Mallory, the so-called "Secretary of the Navy." Painful apprehensions of future calamities were awakened ; for it was felt that, if Fort Donelson should now fall, the Confederate cause in Kentucky, Ten nessee, and Missouri must be ruined. The first great step toward that event had been taken. The National troops were now firmly planted in the rear of Columbus, on the Mississippi, and were only about ten miles by land from the bridge over which was the railway connection between that post and Bowling Green. There was also nothing left to obstruct the passage of gun boats up the Tennessee to the fertile regions of Northern Alabama, and carrying the flag of the Republic far toward the heart of the Confederacy. 1 First Year ofthe War, page 288. 206 GUN-BOAT EXPEDITION UP THE TENNESSEE. CHAPTER VIII. THE SIEGE AND CAPTURE OF FOET DONELSON. HE fall of Fort Henry was followed by immediate preparations for an attack on Fort Donelson, on the Cumberland River. Preparatory to this was a recon- noissance up the Tennessee River. Lieutenant-Com mander S. L. Phelps was sent up that river " ism 6' on *ke evenmg °f tne day of battle," with a detachment of Foote's flotilla, consisting of the Conestoga., Tyler, and Lexington, to reconnoiter the borders of the stream as far toward its upper waters as possible. When he reached the bridge of the railway between Memphis and Bowling Green, he found tho draw closed, its machinery disabled, and some Confederate transports just above it, escaping up the river. A portion of the bridge was then hastily destroyed, and the work of demolition was completed the following day by Commander Walke, of the Carondelet, who was sent up by General Grant for the purpose. The fugitive transports were so closely pursued that those in charge of them abandoned all; and burned two that were laden with military stores.1 In this flight an officer left papers behind him which gave an im portant official history of the Confederate naval preparations on the western rivers. Onward the little flotilla went, seizing Confederate vessels and destroying Confederate public property as far up as Florence, in Alabama, at the foot of the Muscle Shoals. When Phelps appeared in sight of that town, three Confederate steamers there, loaded with supplies, were set on fire, but a part of their contents, with other property on shore, was saved. A delegation of citizens waited upon the commander to ask for kind treatment for their families, and the salvation of the bridge that spaimed the Tennessee there. He assured them that women and children would not be disturbed, as he and his men were not savages ; and as to the bridge, being of no military ac count, it should be saved. Returning, Lieutenant Phelps recruited a number of loyal Tennesseeans, seized arms and other Confederate property in several places, and caused the 1 "The first one flred," says Lieutenant Phelps, in his report to Commodore Foote, "had on board a quantity of submarine batteries; the second one was freighted with powder, cannon-shot, grape, balls, &C. Fearing an explosion from the flred boats, I had stopped at the distance of a thousand yards; but even there our skylights were broken by the concussion." The boat was otherwise injured; and he said, "the whole river for half a mile round about was completely beaten up by the falling fragments and the shower of shot grape, balls, &c." He also said that the house of a reported Unionist was blown to pieces. It was believed that the veBsels were fired in front of it for the purpose of destroying it. FOOTE IN THE PULPIT AT CAIRG. 207 flight of a considerable number of troops from Savannah, on the eastern bank of the river, which he had prepared to attack. His reconnoissance was a perfect success. It discovered the real weakness of the Confederacy in that direction, the feasibility of marching an army into the heart of the Con federacy, and, better than all, it developed the most gratifying evidences of genuine Union feeling in Tennessee, Mississippi, and Alabama. The river banks in places were crowded with men, women, and children, who greeted the old flag with the greatest enthusiasm. " I was assured at Savannah," he said, " that; of the several hundred troops there, more than one-half, had we gone to the attack in time, would have hailed us as deliverers, and gladly enlisted with the National forces." Over and over again he was assured that nothing but the dreadful reign of terror then prevailing kept thousands from iopenly expressing their attachment to the old flag. " Bring us a small organized force, with arms and ammunition," they said, " and we can maintain o.ur position."1 The report of this reconnoissance was very cheering, and it was deter mined to capture Fort Donelson as speedily as possible, and then, with a heavy force, march across Tennessee and penetrate Alabama. Foote had already hurried back to Cairo with the Cincinnati, Essex, and St. Louis, to prepare mortar-boats for the new enter prise, leaving Commander Walke, of the Carondelet, in charge of a portion of his flotilla at Fort Henry. With the spirit of the old Puritans (from whom he was descended5), who were everr cady to fight or pray, as circum stances might require, he went into the pulpit of the Presbyterian church at : ": ":'iBlfi?^ •''.'' ¦AMp1'-^" Cairo, on the Sunday after the capture " r. L. ys%^f* ¦¦"' :' l of Fort Henry,3 and preached a stirring sermon from the words 01 J esus — Let not your hearts be troubled. Ye believe in God ; believe also in me." He poured forth eloquent sentences in humble thanks to Almighty God for the recent victory, and inspired all who heard him with burning zeal in the National cause. General Grant, at the same' time, was making vigorous preparations for attacking Fort Donelson.6 Re-enforcements were arriving in Cairo, where 1 Eeport of Commodore Foote, Feb. 0th, 1S62. 2 He was a son of Senator Samuel Foote, of Connecticut, whose resolution concerning the public lands occasioned the famous debate in the Senate of the United States between Daniel Webster and Robert Y. Hayne. a The congregation were disappointed by the non-appearance of their pastor at the proper time, and Foote was invited to conduct the religious services of the occasion. * This represents a mortar-boat. . They were constructed for strength and steadiness of position. On a broad float were walls of wood, about eight feet in height, plated with iron on the outside, and sloping, so as to moro easily ward off shot. In each was a single heavy mortar, with ammunition below water-mark, a tent for shelter, and other conveniences. 6 The following named officers composed Genera! Grant's personal Staff at this time : Colonel J. D. Web ster, Chief of Staff ; Colonel J. Riggin, Jr., Volunteer Aid ; Captain J. A. Rawlins, Assistant Adjutant-General ; Captains C. B. Logan and W. S. Hillyer, Aids; nnd Lieutenant-Colonel V. B. McPherson, Chief Engineer. According to the report of the Adjutant-General, Grant had under him in tho district of Cairo, on the 10th of January, 1862, 26,875 men, officers and privates. 208 PREPARATIONS TO MARCH AGAINST FORT DONELSON. they were rapidly gathering. He reorganized his army, with McClernand and Smith at the head of the principal divisions, as before, while a third division was formed of small proportions at first, but destined to be enlarged by six regiments sent around by water. The latter division was under the command of Lewis Wallace, of the famous Eleventh Indiana Zouave Regi ment,1 who was promoted to be a brigadier-general on the day of the capture of Fort Henry.2 With McClernand's division were the field batteries of Schwartz, Taylor, Dresser, and McAllister ; and with Smith's were the heavy batteries of Richardson, Stone, and Walker, the whole under the command of Major Cavender, chief of artillery. On the 11th, General Grant called a council of war, which was composed of his division commanders and several acting brigadiers. "Shall we march on Donelson, or wait for further re-enforcements ?" was the question con sidered. Information that heavy re-enforcements were hastening toward that stronghold carried a decision in favor of an immediate march against it ; and in general field orders the next morning,'" Grant directed ° Fi86212' one °f McClernand's brigades to move at once by the telegraph road directly upon Fort Donelson, and to halt within two miles of it ; his other three brigades to march by the Dover Ridge road, to within the same distance, to unite with the first in forming the right wing in the invest ment of the fort. Tw o of Smith's Brigades were to follow by the Dover Road, and these were to be fol lowed, in turn, by the troops on the left bank of the river, then, occupying Fort Hieman, as soon as they could be sent forward. Smith was directed to occupy the little village of Dover, on the river bank, a short mile above the fort, if possible, and thus cut off the retreat of the Confederates up the stream. Let us observe the character and strength of the works to be assailed, called Fort Donelson. In the center of Stewart County, in Tennessee, was its shire town of Dover, situated on the left bank of the Cumberland River, where that stream, running nearly due north, makes an abrupt turn to the westward, and, after flowing about half a mile, as suddenly turns to the northward. At this turn, about a mile below Dover, Fort Donelson was constructed, with two water batteries near the river's edge, and all so arranged as to have a large number of guns trained directly down the stream. The country in that vicinity is broken into a singular conglomerate of hills and knolls, divided by deep valleys and ravines, rendering possession easy, and attack very difficult. Upon one of these hills, terminating at the river, and broken by hollows, Fort Donelson was built. Its lines were irregular, and inclosed almost one hundred acres of land. Below it was Hickman's Creek, 1 See page 516, volume I. * 2 His commission was dated September 8d, 1861. CHARACTER AND STRENGTH OF FORT DONELSON. 209 a sort of back-water of the Tennessee, seldom fordable, excepting at the dis tance of a mile or more from the river. Just above the fort, and between it and Dover, was a small creek, flowing through a ravine. The water batteries were admirably planted for commanding the river approaches from below. They had strong epaulments, or side works, and LOWER WATER BATTERY. their embrasures were revetted with coffee-sacks filled with sand. The lower or principal battery was armed with eight 32-pounders, and one 10-inch Columbiad; and the other bore a heavy rifled cannon that carried a 128- pound bolt, flanked by two 32-pound carronades.1 The only guns in the fort (which was at a mean elevation above the river of nearly one hundred feet) were four light siege-guns, a 12-pound howitzer, two 24-ponnders, and one 64-pound h6witzer. Back of the fort the forest was cut down, and sup porting field works were erected for the use of infantry and artillery. Still farther back, at the mean distance of a mile from the fort, was an irregular and detached line of light intrenchments for riflemen, fronting landward, with a parapet of logs and earth, which commenced at Hickman's Creek, and extended to a back-water on Hy smith's farm, above Dover, thus completely surrounding the fort and the town landward. In front of these intrench ments was a row of slashed timber, forming strong abatis. Altogether, the post seemed to have been made by nature and art almost impregnable. And within these intrenchments, when Grant appeared before them to make an assault, were more than twenty thousand effective men.2 It was expected > A carronade is a short piece of ordnance, having a large caliber, and a chamber for tho powder like a mortar. It is similar to the howitzer. Its name is derived from Carron, a place in Scotland, where it was first manufactured. 2 These consisted of thirteen regiments of Tennessee troops, two of Kentucky, six of Mississippi, one of Texas, two of Alabama, four of Virginia, two independent battalions of Tennessee infantry, and a regiment of cavalry, under the. afterward famous leader Colonel A. B. Forest. With these were artilierymen for manning 6ix batteries of light cannon, and seventeen heavy guns. VOL. II.— 14 210 DISPOSITION OF FORCES FOR BATTLE. that this force behind fortifications would check the further advance of the Nationals up the Cumberland, and thus secure the safety of Nashville. Johnston clearly perceived the importance of the post, and when it was threatened by the attack on Fort Henry, which was only twelve miles dis tant, he gave it all the re-enforcements in his power. " I determined," he said, " to fight for Nashville at Donelson, and have the best part of my army to do it," and so he sent sixteen thousand troops there, retaining only fourteen thousand men to cover his front at Bowling Green.1 It is difficult to conceive how a veteran soldier like Johnston could have intrusted a business so important as the command of so large a force, on so momentous an occasion, to such weak men as. Gideon J. Pillow and John B. Floyd, who were successively placed in chief command of Fort Donelson, at that time. But so it was. Pillow had arrived there on the 1 0th of the month," and with the aid of Major Gilmer, General Johnston's chief engineer, had worked diligently in strengthening the de fenses. On the 13th he was superseded by Floyd, who, as we have observed, had fled from Virginia with his followers.2 He had been ordered from Cum berland City by General Johnston, to hasten to Fort Donelson, and take chief command. He arrived there, with Virginia troops, on the morning of the 1 3th. General Simon B. Buckner was there at the head of re-enforcements from Bowling Green, and he was the only one of the three possessed of suf ficient ability and military knowledge to conduct the defense with any hope of success ; yet he was subordinate to the other two, until, as we shall observe presently, their fears overcame their honor, and in the hour of extreme necessity they invested him with the chief command, and deserted him. The morning ofthe 12th5 was like one in spring, so warm and balmy was the atmosphere. At an early hour, the divisions of McClernand and Smith, preceded by cavalry, in all about fifteen thousand men, began their march over the hilly country toward Fort Donelson, leaving behind them a brigade at Fort Hieman, under General Wallace, who was placed in command of that post and Fort Henry. At the same time, Foote was moving up the Cumberland with his gun-boats, convoying transports filled with troops that were to constitute Wallace's Third Division. The columns, commanded respectively by Colo nels Oglesby and W. H. L. Wallace, of the First division, and Colonels Cook and Lauman, of the Second division (who were acting brigadiers), while moving across the wooded country between the two rivers, met with no armed men ; and early in IFeb. BEBGE'S SHARP-SHOOTER. 1 Letter of General Johnston to " Congressman " Barksdale, at Richmond, March 18, 1862. -1 See page 102. THE CARONDELET.— OPENING OF BATTLE. 211 the afternoon they came in sight ofthe fort, drove in the pickets, and proceeded, with some severe skirmishing, to take their prescribed positions, as nearly as possible. Every thing was in readiness for battle before morning, and at dawn" the attack was commenced by the sharp-shooters of Colo nel Berge (Sixty-sixth Illinois Regiment1), who advanced upon "Ff^ the Confederate pickets, and thus disclosed the position of the Nationals. The batteries of the Confederates, on the land side, were at pnce opened, while the water batteries engaged the Garondelet, a solitary iron clad gun-boat in the river. During a desultory fire from the Confederates, Grant rapidly posted his troops for the most vigorous work. ' McClernand was placed on the right, with Oglesby's Brigade at the extreme, and Smith's was posted on the left, opposite the northwest portion of the fort. The light artillery was planted, with proper infantry supports, upon the various roads, to repel approaching columns, while the heavier guns, under the direction of Major Cavender, were brought to bear upon those of the fort. With this general disposition of his troops along a line nearly four miles in length, Grant, who had made the house of Mrs. Crisp-, about two miles from Dover, at the head of Hickman's Creek, his head-quarters, refrained from a general attack, while waiting for the ar rival of the gun-boats and Wallace's Third Di vision. Yet heavy artil lery firing and brisk skir mishing were kept up all the forenoon, and Berge's sharpshooters, concealed behind logs and trees, GEiN?'8 ™">-w"-™*, fort donelson. spread terror among the Confederate gunners, who were rapidly picked off by them. Finally, with a determination to make a lodgment upon the Confederate intrenchments, McClernand, at about noon, ordered Colonel Wallace to capture a formidable battery, known as the Middle Redoubt, on a hill west of a valley, which separated the right wing under Buckner from the right center commanded by Colonel Hieman. The troops employed for this purpose were Illinois regiments — the Seventeenth, Major Smith, commanding ; the Forty-eighth, Colonel Hayne ; and the Forty-ninth, Colonel Morrison — covered by McAllister's battery. They were placed under Hayne, who was the senior colonel. Dashing across the intervening knolls and ravines, and up toward the battery, with great spirit, they fqund themselves confronted by superior numbers. Their line not being long enough to envelope the works, the Forty-fifth Illinois, Colonel Smith, were 1 This regiment, armed with the Henry rifle, were organized ns sharp-shooters by General Fremont. Each man was chosen because of his skill as a marksman. The regiment first appeared in action in the siege now under consideration. They were afterward coni-pieuoiis at the battle of Shiloh, and the sii'ge of Corinth. They were also in active service in Sherman'H Campaign in 1S64, where tbey were highly complimented by Generals McPherson and Logan, for having held a ridge at Eesaca against a brigade of Confederates. I am indebted to Lieutenant A. W. Bill, of tbe regiment, for the sketch from which the engraving on page 210 was made. 212 DEFEAT OF THE NATIONAL TROOPS. sent to their support on the right. They, too, displayed great courage in the face of a galling fire. The Confederates were concentrated in defense of the position with two supporting field batteries, and soon began to show strength in front of Oglesby's brigade. Schwartz's battery was first advanced to meet this new danger, and then Taylor was directed to throw forward two sections of his battery to that position. The fight for a little while was severe and stubborn, when the Nationals were repulsed. Similar movements on the left, by a portion of Colonel Lauman's brigade were equally unsuccessful, and in both cases the National loss was heavy. The troops, somewhat discouraged, fell back to the position they occupied in the morning, and anxiously awaited the arrival of the gun-boats and expected re-enforcements. That night the National troops were terribly smitten by an unexpected enemy. The spring-like morning, during which many of them, in expectar tion of a battle, had laid aside their overcoats and blankets, was succeeded by clouds and chilliness in the afternoon, heavy rain in the evening, and sleet and snow and severe frost at midnight, the mercury having rapidly fallen at thiit hour to only ten, degrees above zero. The besiegers were bivouacked without tents, and dared ngt light a fire, because it immediately became a mark for the guns of the besieged. Their food was scant, and some were without any ; and in that keen wintry air, the ground like iron, and mailed in ice, with insufficient clothing, no shelter, and half starved, the weary, worn, and intensely-suffering troops sadly and anxiously awaited the dawn and the expected re-enforcements. The Confederates, who lay upon their arms all night in the trenches, were equal sufferers. Conscious of. the peril of his situation, Grant had sent a courier to General Wallace at Fort Henry, to bring over the garrison there imme diately. The order reached that officer at about midnight. At " F'ig624' dawn" he marched for Fort Donelson, with the Eleventh Indiana, the Eighth Missouri, and his battery in charge of Company A, Chicago Artillery. A crust of sleet and snow covered the ground, and the air was full of drifting frost. With cheering, and singing of songs, and sounding of bugles the6e troops pressed on, and at noon the general reported at Grant's head-quarters, and dined with him on crackers and coffee. In the mean time the gunboats and transports had arrived, and with them the re-enforcements that were to form the Third Division. The advent of the latter was most timely. They were landed with their artillery three miles below the fort, and, rapidly clearing the woods before them, were standing around Grant's head-quarters soon after Wallace's arrival there. He was at once placed in command of them,1 and posted between McClernand and Smith, thereby (with two of Smith's regiments, tmder McArthur, posted on McCler nand's extreme right) completing the absolute investment of the fort and its outworks. He was ordered by Grant to hold that position, and to prevent 1 This division consisted of two brigades, commanded respectively by Colonels Cruft and John M. Thayer. The first brigade (Cruft's) was composed of the Thirty-first Indiana, Colonel Osbom; Seventeenth Kentucky Colonel MoHenry ; Forty-fourth Indiana, Colonel Kccd ; and Twenty-fifth Kentucky, Colonel Shackelford. The second brigade (Thayer's) was composed of the First Nebraska, Colonel McCord ; Seventy-sixth Ohio, Colonel Woods ; and Fifty-eighth Ohio, Colonel Steadman. Three regiments (Forty-sixth Illinois, Colonel Davis ; Fifty- seventh Illinois, Colonel Baldwin; and Fifty-eighth Illinois, Colonel Lynch) came np the next day durinw the action, and were attached to Colonel Thayer's command. ATTACK ON THE WATER BATTERIES. 213 *» February, 1SG2. the enemy from escaping in that direction ; in other words, to repel any sally from the fort. Rations that had been brought forward were now issued to the half-starved men of the line, and all the preparations for a general assault were soon completed. The gun-boat Carondelet, Commander Walke, whicli had arrived two days before, and made a diversion in favor of Grant1 on the 13th, had the honor of opening the assault on Fort Donelson, at three o'clock in the after noon of Friday, the 14th," and was immediately joined by the armored vessels St. Louis, Pittsburg, and Louisville. These formed the first line. The second line was composed ofthe unar- -mored gun-boats Conestoga, Tyler, and Lexington. The whole were under the personal command of Commodore Foote, who had not been able to get his mortar-boats in readiness to accompany the expedition. The -flotilla made direct war upon the water-batteries, with the intention of silencing and j>assing them, so as to gain a position to enfilade the- faces of the fort with broadsides. The fight was severe. Never was a little squadron exposed to so terrible a fire. Twenty heavy guns were trained upon it, those from the hill-side hurling plunging shot with awful precision and effect, while only twelve boat-guns could reply. Yet, in the face of this terrific storm, Foote, with his flag-ship (St. Louis) and the other armored boats, slowly moved nearer and nearer in the desperate struggle, until he was only four hundred yards from the bat teries. Very soon the upper one of four guns was silenced, the men were flying from both to the fort above, and the victorious vessels were on the point of shooting by, when the Louisville, assailed by flying mis siles and a cross fire, was disabled by a shot which cut away her rudder-chains. Utterly helpless, she drifted away with the current of the narrow river. The flag-ship was very soon in a similar condition, and the commodore was severely wounded in the foot by a falling piece of timber. The other two armored vessels were terribly wounded, and a heavy rifled cannon on the Carondelet was bursted during the engagement. For more than an hour the tempest of iron had been beating furiously l'osrriox qv the gitk^boats in the attack ON FORT DONELSON.2 1 That diversion was more in the form ofa reconnoissance, and the operations of the gun-boat were extremely nsefuL The Carondelet lay behind a jutting promontory, secure from the heavier shots from the shore, and hurled shot and shell into the l'ort and on tho water batteries with great effect" The commander of these batteries afterward declared that the fire of the Carondelet did more actual damage to his guns than the heavy bombardment on the following day. A shot from the Carondelet, on the morning of the 13th, killed Captain Dixon, one of the best of the Confederate engineers, and that vessel was specially singled out for injury on the 14th, for, as a Confederate officer (Paymaster Nixon) said, "She was the object of our hatred;" and added, " Many a gun was leveled at her alone." 2 I am indebted to the courtesy of Commander Walke, ofthe Carondelet, for the above sketch showing the position of the flotilla at the beginning of the attack on the water batteries. 214 THE CONFEDERATES PREPARE FOR A SORTIE. upon the four armored vessels, and so perilous became the condition of them all, that Foote ordered them to withdraw. Then the fugitives from the shore batteries ran back to their guns, and gave the retiring flotilla some deadly parting blows. The four vessels received during the action,' in the aggregate, no less than one hundred and forty-one wounds from the Confederate shot and shell,1 and lost fifty-four men killed and maimed. After consultation with General Grant and his own officers, Foote set out for Cairo, for the purpose of having the damages to his flotilla repaired, and to bring up a competent naval force to assist in carrying on the siege with greater vigor.2 Grant resolved to wait for his return and for large re-enforcements, meanwhile strengthening his own weak points, holding the Confederates tightly in their intrenchments, and cutting off their supplies, with a possibility of starving them into a surrender. The besieged were conscious of their peril, which would increase with every hour of delay. The officers of divisions and brigades held a council of war on the evening of the 14th,° over ISO™"7' which Eloyd, the chief commander, presided. He gave it as his opinion that the fort was untenable with less than fifty thousand men to defend it, and proposed, for the purpose of saving the garrison, to make a sortie next morning, with half his army and Forrest's cavalry, upon McClernand's division on Grant's right, crush it, or throw it back upon Wal lace, and by a succeeding movement on the center, by Buckner, cast the whole beleaguering army into confusion, or rout and destroy it, when the liberated troops might easily pass out into the open country around Nash ville. This plan, promising success, was agreed to by unanimous consent, and preparations were made accordingly. The troops designated for the grand sortie, about ten thousand in number, were under the command of Generals Pillow and Bushrod R. Johnston, the former being chief They were put in motion from Dover at five o'clock i Feb. 15. . on baturday morning •, Colonel Baldwin's brigade of three regiments of Mississippi and Ten nessee troops in advance, followed by four Virginia regiments, under Colonels Wharton and McCausland, and several more under Colonels Davidson, Drake, and others. These were accompanied by Forest's cavalry and thirty heavy guns, with a full complement of artillerists. This main body were directed to attack McClernand's troops, who occupied the heights that reached to the river, just above Dover. Buckner was directed to strike Wallace's division, which lay across the Wynne's ^vft BFST1ROO E. JOHNSTON-. 1 Fifty-nine shot struck the St. Louis, thirty-six hit the Louisville, twenty-six wounded the Carondelet, and twenty shot wero received by the Pittsburg. 2 Iteport of Commodore Foote to the secretary of the Navy, on hoard his flag-ship, Feb. loth, 1862. BATTLE OF FORT DONELSON. 215 Ferry road, at about the same time, so that it should not be in a condition to aid McClernand. Pillow expected, he said, " to roll the enemy in full retreat over upon General Buckner, when, by his attack in flank and rear," they " could cut up the enemy and put him completely to rout."1 McClernand's division was well posted to resist the assailants, had they been on the alert ; but the movement of the Confederates appears not to have been even suspected. Reveille was just sounding, and the troops were not under arms ; and so sudden and vigorous was Pillow's attack, that the whole of Grant's right wing was seriously menaced within twenty minutes after the presence of the Confederates was observed. Then vigor and skill marked every movement, and Pillow's attempt to throw cavalry in the rear of McArthur, on Oglesby's extreme right, was thwarted. The attack was quick, furious, and heavy. Oglesby's brigade had received the first shock of the battle, and gallantly withstood it until their ammunition began to fail. Colonel W. H. L. Wallace's brigade hastened to their relief, but the pressure was so tremendous that Oglesby's line all gave way, excepting the extreme left, held by the Thirty-first Illinois, whose commander, Colonel John A. Logan, inspired his troops with such courage and faith by his own acts, that they stood like a wall opposed to the foe, and prevented a panic and a rout. In the mean time the light batteries under Taylor, McAllister, and Dresser, shifting positions and continually sending heavy volleys of grape and can- ' ister shot, made the line of the assailants ' recoil again and again. But the fresh troops continually pressing forward in greater numbers kept its strength unim paired, and very soon the whole of Mc Clernand's division was in such a perilous situation, that at about eight o'clock he sent to General Lewis Wallace, commanding the Third Division, for immediate assistance. As the latter was assigned to the special duty of preventing the escape of the Confederates, he applied to head-quarters for instructions. Grant was away in conference with Commodore Foote. Again McClernand sent for assistance, saying substantially that his flank was turned, and his whole command was endangered. Wallace took the responsibility of immediately ordering Colonel Cruft to move his brigade on to the right, and report to McClernand. An incompetent guide took Cruft too far to the right, where he was fiercely assailed by a greatly superior force, and compelled to bear the brunt of battle for a time. He struggled gallantly with an equally gallant foe, charging and receiving charges with varied fortunes, until his antagonists gave up the fight. In the mean time General Buckner had made his appearance, in consider- McCLERNAND. i Pillow's report to Captain Clarence Derrick, Columbia, Tennessee, on the 18th of February, 1862. ''Assistant Adjutant-General," written at his home m 216 BATTLE OF FORT DONELSON. able force, to attack the left of the center of Grant's line, and produce the confusion as directed in Floyd's programme. There seemed to be much peril to the National troops in this movement, and the danger seemed more imminent when some frightened fugitives from the battle came crowding up the hill in the rear of Wallace's Division, and a mounted officer dashed along, shouting, " We are cut to pieces !" It was here that the whole of McClernand's line, including Cruft's men, was rapidly falling back. Colo nels Logan, Lawler, and Ransom were wounded, and a large number of subalterns had been killed, yet there was no confusion in that line. This was the crisis of the battle, and it was promptly met. To prevent a pani« in his own brigade, Wallace ordered Colonel Thayer to move on by the right flank. Riding at the front, he met the retiring troops, moving in good order and calling for ammunition, the want of which had been the chief cause of their misfortune. He saw that every thing depended upon prompt action. There was no time to wait for orders, so he thrust his third brigade (Colonel Thayer commanding) between the retiring troops and the flushed Confederates, who were rapidly following, formed a new line of battle across the road, with the Chicago artillery, Lieutenant Wood, in the center, and the First Nebraska, Fifty-eighth Illinois, Fifty-eighth Ohio, and a company of the Thirty-second Illinois on its right and left. Back of these was a reserve, composed of the Seventy-sixth Ohio, and Forty-sixth and Fifty- seventh Illinois. In this position they awaited attack, while McClernand's retiring troops, halting near, supplied themselves with ammunition from wagons which Wallace had ordered up. These preparations were just completed when the Confederates (the forces of Pillow and Buckner combined1) fell heavily upon the battery and First Nebraska, and were cast- back by them as the rock throws back the billows. "To say they did well," said Wallace, "is not enough; their conduct was' splendid. They alone repelled the charge;"2 and the Confede rates, after a severe contest, retired to their works in confusion. " They withdrew," said Buckner, " without panic, bxit in some confusion, to the trenches."3 This was the last sally from the fort, for, by the timely and effec tual interposition of the Third Division, the plans of the Confederates were frustrated. " I speak advisedly," wrote Captain W. S. Hilly er (Grant's Aid- de-camp) to General Wallace the next day, on a slip of paper with pencil, " God bless you ! you did save the day on the right !" Poor Pillow, with his usual shallowness, had sent an aid, when McClernand's line gave way, to tele graph to Johnston, that " on the honor of a soldier " the day was theirs ;4 and he foolishly persisisted in saying, in his first report, a few clays afterward, that the Confederates had accomplished their object, when it was known to all that they had utterly failed. It was at about noon when the Confederates were driven back to their trenches. General Grant seemed doubtful of his ability to make a successful assault upon their works with his present force, and at about three o'clock in the afternoon he called McClernand and Wallace aside for consultation. 1 General Pillow's first Report 2 Report of General Wallace. 3 Report of General Buckner. 1 On the strength of this, Johnston sent a dispatch to Richmond, announcing a great victory, and on Mon day the Richmond Enquirer said : u This splendid feat of arms and glorious victory to our cause will send a thrill of joy over the whole Confederacy." BATTLE OF FORT DONELSON. 217 They were all on horseback. Grant held some dispatches in his hand. He spoke of the seeming necessity of falling back and intrenching, so as to stand on the defensive, until re-enforcements and Foote's flotilla should arrive. His words were few, as usual, and his face was flushed by stronc emotions of the mind, while he turned his eyes nervously now and then on the dispatches. It was suggested that McClernand's defeat uncovered the road by which the enemy might escape to Clarksville. In an instant the General's countenance changed from cloudiness to sunshine. A new thought took possession of him and he acted instantly on its suggestions. Grasping the dispatches more firmly, he ordered McClernand to retake the hill he had lost, while Smith should make a simultaneous attack on the Confederate right1 The new movement was immediately begun. McClernand requested Wallace to retake the ground lost in the morning. A column of attack was soon formed, with the Eighth Missouri, Colonel Morgan L. Smith, and the Eleventh Indiana (Wallace's old regiment), Colonel George McGinnis (both led by the former as a brigade), moving at the head. Two Ohio regiments, under Colonel Ross, formed a supporting column. At the same time, Colonel Cruft formed a line of battle at the foot of the hill. The Eighth Missouri led the van, closely followed by the Eleventh Indiana ; and when about half way up the hill, they received a volley from its summit. The ground was broken, rough, and partly wooded. The Nationals pressed on, and the struggle was fierce and unyielding for more than an hour. Gradually the Confederates were pushed back, and their assailants soon cleared the hill. They drove the insurgents to their intrenchments, and would have assailed them there had not an order reached Wallace, when he was only one hundred and fifty yards off the works, to halt and retire his column, as a new plan of operations was in contemplation for the next day. That commander was astonished and perplexed. He was satisfied that Grant was not informed of the "entire success of his movement. He was also satisfied that if he should fall back -and give up the hill (it was then five o'clock in the evening) the way would be opened for the Cgnfederates to escape under cover of approaching darkness. So he assumed the responsi bility of disobeying the or der, and he bivouacked on the field of victory. All of that keen wintry night his wearied troops were busy in ministering to the wants of the wounded, and in burying the many Illi- THE GRAVES OF THE ILLINOIS TliOOI'S.2 i General Sherman says that General Grant told him that, at a certain period of the battle, *-ho Baw that either side was ready to give way if the other showed a bold front, and he determined to do that very thing,. to advance on the enemy, when, as he prognosticated, the enemy surrenderee!."— Sherman's Letter to the Editor of the. United States Service Magazine. Jannary, 1SC5. = This is from a sketch made hv the author earlv in May, 1S00. This burial-place, surrounded by a rude wattling fence, was in Hysmith's old field, in the edge, of a wood, near where McArthurs troops were posted.. The trees and shrubbery in the adjoining wood showed hundreds of marks of the severe battle. 218 THE CONFEDERATES IN COUNCIL. nbis troops who had fallen in the conflict of the morning. They also made preparations for storming the Confederate works at an early hour on the following day. While Wallace was carrying on the successful movement on the Con federate left, Smith was assailing their intrenchments on their right. He posted Cavender's heavy guns so as to pour a murderous fire upon these and the fort. Lauman's Brigade formed the attacking column, while Co'ok's Brigade, posted on the left, was ordered to make a feigned attack. Lauman was directed to carry the heights on the left of the position that had been assailed on Thursday. He placed the Second Iowa, Colonel Turtle, in the van. These were followed by the Fifty-sixth Indiana as a support. These, in turn, were closely followed by the Twenty-fifth Indiana and Seventh and Fourteenth Iowa, while Berge's sharp-shooters were deployed as skir mishers on the extreme right and left of the column. When all were in readi ness, General Smith rode along the line, told the troops he would lead them, and directed them to clear the rifle-pits with the bayonet alone. At a given signal, the column moved, under cover of Captain Stone's Missouri Battery ; and Smith, with a color-bearer at his side, rode in advance, his commanding figure, flowing gray hair, and courageous example, inspiring the men with the greatest admiration. Very soon the column was swept by a terrible fire from the Confederate artillery. It wavered for a moment, but the words and acts of the General soon restored its steadiness, and it moved on rapidly. When Turtle was within range of the Confederate muskets, he placed himself at the head of his men and shouted " Forward !" Without firing a gun, they charged upon the Confederates with the bayonet, driving them from their intrenchments, and, in the midst of cheers from a thousand voices, the National standard was planted upon them. When darkness fell, General Grant knew that his plan, so suddenly conceived in a moment of anxiety, had secured a solid triumph — that the rich fruit of victory was ripe and ready to fall into his lap. There was joy in the National camp that night, while terror brooded over the imprisoned Confederates. " How shall we escape ?" was the important question anxiously considered by the Confederate leaders that night, especially by Floyd and Pillow ; the former terror-stricken, because of the danger of falling into the hands of the Government, against which he had committed such fearful crimes ; and the latter suffering unnecessarily for the same reason, his vanity magnifying his own importance much beyond its true proportions. A Council of War was held at Pillow's head-quarters, in Dover, at midnight, to consider the matter. There were criminations and recriminations, and Floyd and Pillow seemed to think of little else than the salvation of themselves from the power of their injured Government. Buckner, too, desired to escape, and it was resolved to effect it, if possible, by cutting their way through the supposed weak right of the National lines, at five o'clock in the morning, and press on "toward Nashville. Colonel Forest was ordered, at about two o'clock, to ascertain the position of the Nationals, and the practicability of escaping by the river road. He reported, that the position from -which the Confederates had been driven by Wallace in the afternoon, on the left, by which lay their projected course of ACTION OF COWARDLY LEADERS. 219 escape, was held by a large body of troops, and that the back-water above Dover could not be crossed except by cavalry. Again the council deliberated, when is was agreed that the cost of an attempt to 'cut their way out would probably be the loss of the lives of three-fourths of the troops. " No com mander," said Buckner, " has a right to make such a sacrifice." Floyd agreed with him, and quickly said, " Then we will have to capitulate ; but, gentle men," he added, nervously, " I cannot surrender; you know my position with the Federals : it v.-ouldn't do, it wouldn't do." Pillow then said to Floyd, "I will not surrender myself nor the command; will die first." — "Then," said Buckner, coolly, " I suppose, gentlemen, the surrender will devolve upon me." The terrified Floyd quickly asked, " General, if you are put in com mand, will you allow me to take out, by the river, my brigade ?" — " If you move before I shall offer to surrender," Buckner replied. "Then, sir," said Floyd, " I surrender the command." Pillow, who was next in rank, and to whom Floyd .offered to transfer the command, quickly exclaimed, "I will not accept it — I will never surrender." While speaking, he turned toward Buck ner, who said, "I will accept, and share the fate of my command."1 When the capitulation was determined upon, Floyd and Pillow, who, it has been justly remarked, had already disgraced the name of American citizens, proceeded to disgrace the character of a soldier also,8 by stealing away under cover of the night,, deserting, in the most cowardly manner, the soldierly Buckner and the brave men who had defended the post. In order to aid their flight, the latter allowed Forest to attempt to cut his way out with his cavalry. In too much haste to save himself, Floyd did not wait for all of his Virginians to get ready to escape with him, but with a few of them, hastily collected, he embarked on a steamer at Dover, followed by the curses and hisses of thousands on the shore, and fled to Nashville.3 Pillow sneaked away in the darkness, and, in perfect safety at his home in Columbia, in Middle Tennessee, he sat down a few days afterward to write a report to his indignant superiors. Forest and his horsemen, about eight hundred in num ber, also escaped. There is not in all history a meaner picture of the conduct of traitors than that afforded by the Council of War at Dover, on Sunday morning, the 16th of February, 1862. That Sunday morning dawned brightly upon the Union army. At day break, Wallace prepared to storm the Confederate intrenchments, and while making dispositions for that purpose, a bugle in the direction of the fort sounded a parley. Dimly seen in the morning twilight was an officer with the bugler, bearing a white flag, and at the same time a similar flag was seen waving over the fort, in token of a willingness to surrender. Wallace immediately rode to Buckner's quarters. The latter had posted a letter to Grant, asking for the appointment of commissioners to agree upon terms of 1 Sworn statements of Colonel Forest, Major Gnstavus A. Henry, Major W. H. Haynes, and Hunter Nichol son, who were present at the council. 2 Coppee's Grant and Ms Campaigns, page 66. 8 An epigrammatist of the day wrote concerning Floyd's escape, saying: — "The thief is a coward by nature's law< Who betrays the State, to no one is true ; And the brave foe at Fort Donelson saw Their light-fingered Floyd was light-footed too. 220 TERMS OF SURRENDER. capitulation, and suggesting an armistice until noon. Wallace immediately sent word to Grant that Dover was surrendered, and his troops were iu possession of the town. This made Grant's reply to Buckner short and explicit. He considered Buckner and his troops as simply rebels in arms, with no right to ask any terms excepting such as humanity required, so he said, " No terms other than unconditional and immediate surrender can be accepted. I propose to move immediately upon your works;" Grant's reply irritated the helpless Buckner, and, with folly equal to his chagrin, he answered, " The distribution of the forces under my command, incident to an unexpected change of commanders, and the overwhelming force under your command, compel mc, notwithstanding tho brilliant success CAMP DOUGLAS. of the Confederate arms yesterday, to accept the ungenerous and unchival- rous terms which you propose." This was followed by the speedy surrender ofthe fort, with thirteen thousand five hundred men, as prisoners of war (including the sick and wounded), a large proportion of whom were sent to Camp Douglas, near Chicago ;] also three thousand horses, forty-eight field- i Generals Buckner and Tilahman, who were captured at Fort Henry, were sent to Fort Warren, in Boston Harbor. Leading Unionists of Kentucky asked for the surrender of Buckner to the civil authorities of that State, to be tried for treason against that commonwealth. Tlie application was refused, and ho was afterward ex changed. Camp Douglas was so named in honor of Senator Douglas, and was situ ated on land that had belonged to him. In this eamp many of the Western regiments, that performed such sign:il service, were drilled. It was converted into a prison, and early in April, 1S62, after the battle of Shiloh, it contained full 8,000 captives, most of whom were from Alabama. Mississippi, and Texas. The passage of these prisoners through tho country to their destinatiog produced a profound sensation. A St. Louis journal mentioned the arrival there of ten thousand of them, on ten steamers. A large number ofthe captives at Forts Henry and Donelson were also sent to Camp Chase, at Columbus PKISON AT CAMP CHASE, OOLTTMHUS, OHIO. SURRENDER OF FORT DONELSON. 221 pieces, seventeen heavy guns, twenty thousand muskets, and a great quan tity of military stores.i On the following day, two regiments of Tennessee « o ' LANDING PLACE OF THIRD OIVgnON a -s - .< ".» ri-% a. =' ^ _ O / -> <• I NATIONAL. "^ I CONrCDELft/.TE G=^ ^=j, ^ ¦53 IT) l*e^ ARTHUR I B Y'S BRIG PLAN OF THE SIKQR OF FORT DOSELSCN". troops, that came tip to re-enforce the garrison, in ignorance of the surrender, "were also made prisoners. During the siege, the Confederates had lost, it Ohio, which, was so named in honor of the Secretary of the Treasury. The prison there was in the southeast corner of the camp. The strong inclosure was about sixteen feet in height, built of two-inch pine plank, with scantling well bolted and braced. Tho picture shows the exterior of the prison and the guard -houses. 1 A participant in the scenes at Fort Donelson wroto as follows concerning the surrender: " One of the grandest sights in the whole siege, and one which comes only once in a century, was the triumphal entry into the Fort on Sunday morning. , . . The sight from the highest point in the fort, somrnanding a view of both river and camp, was imposing. There were on one side regiment after regiment 'pouring in, their flngs floating gayly in the wind ; some of them which had been rent and faded on the fields of Mexico, nnd others with * Springfield' emblazoned on their folds.; one magnificent brass band pouring out the raelo. 'es of 'Hail Co lumbia,' 'Star Spangled Banner,' 'Yankee Doodle,' etc., in, such style as the gazing captive.-* had never heard, even in the palmy days of peace. On the other was a spectacle which surpasses all description. The narrow Cumber land seemed alive with steamers. First came thegun-boats, firing salutes : then came little bla„ ' tugs, snorting their acclamations; and after them the vast fleet of transports, pom-ins out volumt-s of black smoke, their banners floating gayly in the breeze, firing salutes, their decks covered with people srndinar deafening shouts in response to those from the shore. The scene was.sublime, impressive, and will nut easily Lc forgotten." 222 EFFECT OF THE FALL OF DONELSOK was estimated, two hundred and thirty-seven killed, and one thousand and seven wounded. The National loss was estimated at four hundred and forty- six killed, one thousand seven hundred and forty-five wounded, and one hun dred and fifty prisoners. The latter had been sent across the river, and were not re-captured.1 • The victory at Fort Donelson was of the greatest importance to the National cause, and the official announcement of it,2 spreading with speed of lightning over the land, produced intense joy in every loyal bosom. Cities were illuminated, heavy guns thundered forth National salutes ; and every- , where the flag of the Republic was flung to the breeze, in token of profound . . satisfaction. The news filled the conspirators with despair, and terribly depressed the spirits of the soldiers of the Confederate army. By it Europe was made to doubt the success oi" the rebellion; and at some courts it pro duced the first serious thoughts of abandoning the cause ofthe conspirators. Its effect, in all relations, was similar to that of the capture of Burgoync and his army at Saratoga, in 1177. So powerful was the impression, that the Confederate Commissioners abroad felt compelled to do all in their power to belittle the event, and, by taking advantage of the general deficiency of knowledge of American geography,3 to satisfy the ruling class that it was of no military importance whatever. In that effort the Commissioners failed. At Richmond the* fall of Fort Donelson caused emotions of mingled anger and dismay. The loss of Roanoke Island, a few days before, had greatly alarmed and irritated the conspirators ; and now the chief of the Confede- 1 Reports of Generals Grant, McClernand, Wallace, and subordinate- officers; and of Floyd, Pillow, and Buckner, and their subordinates. Also written and oral statements to the author by participants in tho action. a Commander Walke, in the Carondelet, carried the first news of the victory to Cairo, from which it was telegraphed to General McClellan by General George W. Culluin, Holleck's Chief of Staff, then at Cairo, saying : " The Union flag floats over Donelson. The Carondelet, Captain Walke, brings the glorious intelligence. The fort surrendered at nine o'clock yesterday (Sunday) morning. Generals Buckner, Bushrod E. Johnston, and 15,000 prisoners, and a large amount of materials of war, are tbe trophies ofthe victory. Loss heavy on both sides. Floyd, the thief, stole away during the night previous with 5,000 men, and is denounced by the rebels as a traitor." He then spoke of the good conduct of Commodore Foote, and announced the fact that, notwithstanding his sufferings from the wound in his foot, he would immediately make an attack on Clarksville, tn important post about forty miles above. He concluded by Baying, " We are now firing a National salute from Fort Cairo, General Grant's late post, in honor ofthe glorious achievement." The women of St. Louis, desirous of testifying their admiration of General Halleck, in whose Department and by whose troops these victories had been achieved (and because Df his energy in suppressing secession in Missomi), ordered an elegant sword to be made by Tiffany & Co., of New York, i to be presented to him in their name. This was done in the parlor of the Planters' Hotel, in St. Louis, on the evening of the 17th of March, 1862, by Mrs. Helen Budd, who spoke in behalf of the donors. In his brief reply, General Halleck assured the women of St. Louis that it should bo " used in defense of their happiness, their rights, and their honor, and solely in behalf of justice." The weapon was an elegant one, richly ornamented with classical designs. HALLECK^S SWORD. 3 The amazing territorial extent of the United States is but little comprehended in Europe, and tho relative position of places mentioned in connection with the war seemed to bo very little understood, oven by some of the best informed writers and speakers. This lack of exact information led writers on American affairs into the most absurd speculations as well as serious blunders. An illustrative example was found in the summary of war news from America in the Paris Moniteur, at about the time we are considering. Speaking of the capture of Roanoke Island, and of Elizabeth City, in Eastern North Carolina," the writer observed: a Feb., 1S62. '-The Federal army landed, and proceeded toward Elizabeth City, which it found evacuated. and burned by the Southern troops. From there a detachment advanced as far as the Tennessee Eiver, and thus occupies the principal road between Memphis and Columbus. This movement establishes tho troops of General Burnside in the rear of the great army of the Potomac." Elizabeth City, on the Atlantic coast, and the Tennessee Eiver, at the point indicated, are fully 750 miles apart, in an air line, and at least 1,200 miles by any route troops might be ¦taken. FLOYD AND PILLOW DISGRACED. 223 rates, with as much dignity as possible, commented seriously on their calami ties in a message to his " Congress." Official information had not reached him. " Enough is known," he said, " of the surrender of Roanoke Island to make us feel that it Was deeply humiliating." Ofthe disaster at Fort Donel son, he said : " I am not only unwilling but unable to believe that a large army of our people has surrendered without a desperate effort to cut its way through the investing forces, whatever may have been their numbers, and to endeavor to make a junction with other divisions of the army."1 A little later, in transmitting to his " Congress " the reports of Floyd and Pillow, he said they were " incomplete and unsatisfactory. It is not stated," he said, " that re-enforcements were at any time asked for ; nor is it demonstrated to have been impossible to have saved the troops" by evacuating the position ; nor is it known by what means it was found practicable to withdraw a part of the garrison, leaving the remainder to surrender ; nor upon what authority or principle of action the senior generals abandoned responsibility by trans ferring the command to a junior officer." Notwithstanding General John ston attempted to gloss the cowardice of Floyd and Pillow,2 Davis, in the communication we are considering, said : " I have directed, upon the exhibi tion of the case as presented by the two senior Generals, that they should be relieved from command, to await further orders, whenever a reliable judg ment can be rendered on the merits ofthe case."3 Davis himself, it has been charged since the close of the rebellion (for all spoke of him during the war with bated breath), was continually inter fering in military affairs, and with the action of skillful commanders most mischievously.4 Generals Grant, McClernand, and Wallace5 issued orders congratulating then- victorious troops f and General Halleck, who had drawn from General 1 Message of Jefferson Davis to tbe Confederate Congress, Feb. 2Sth, 1862. 2 General Johnston said in a private letter to Jefferson Davis: "Although the command was irregularly transferred, it was not apparently to avoid any just responsibility, or from any lack of personal or moral intre pidity." Johnston could not have been aware of the disgraceful scene in the midnight council at Pillow's quar ters in Dover, when he wrote that apology. The temper of the Conspirators in Richmond was in no mood to receive an apology. They had been elated beyond measure by Pillow's premature boast of victory, and now the disappointment was of corresponding force. 3 Jem-rson Davis's message to his Lt Congress," March 11th, 1862. 4 So say military experts, and those most intimately acquainted with his official conduct. " Twenty years hence," says a politician of Mississippi, who was a fellow-worker in rebellion with Davis in Richmond, '¦ no ono will be heard to deny that to the direct and unwise interferences in great military movements, on the part of Davis, arc to be attributed nearly all the principal disasters of the war. In the gross mismanagement of the War Department, under the supervision and control of Mr. Davis himself, mny safely be charged the calamitous occurrences at Torts Donelson and Henry, and at Roanoke Island." — War of the Rebellion, by Henry S. Foote. 6 For their services in the siege of Fort Donelson. Generals Grant, McClernand, and Wallace wero each promoted to Major-General of volunteers, the commission of the former bearing the date of the surrender (Feb ruary 16, 1S62), and the other two of March 21st, 1862. . a Grant said (February 17th), after congratulating his troops on their " triumph over the rebellion, gained by their valor," that " for four successive nights, without shelter during the most inclement weather known in this latitude, they faced an enemy in large force in a position chosen by himself. Though strongly fortified by mature, all the additional safeguards suggested by science were added. Without a murmur this was borne, prepared at all times to receive an attack, and with continuous skirmishing by day, resulting ultimately in forcing the enemy to surrender without conditions. The victory achieved is not only great in the effect it will have in breaking down rebellion, but has secured the greatest number of prisoners of war ever taken in any battle on this continent. Fort Donelson will hereafter be marked in capitals on tho map of our united country, and the men who fought the battle will live in the memory of a grateful people." McClernand, in a field-order (February ISth), said: "You havo continually led the way in the Valley of the Lower Mississippi, the Tennessee, and tho Cumberland. Tou havo carried the flag of the Union farther South than any other land forces, marching from the interior toward tho sea-hoard. "Being the first division to enter Fort Henry, you also pursued the enemy for miles, capturing from Mm, 224 THE ARMY MAIL-SEE VICE. Hunter's Kansas Department some of the re-enforcements which he had sent to Grant, said, in a letter to him," " To you, more than to any « Feb. l?, other man out 0f this Department, are we indebted for our success 1SG2 at Fort Donelson. In my strait for troops to re-eriforce General Grant, I applied to you. You responded nobly, placing your forces at my disposition." The Secretaries of War and of the Navy also issued congratu latory orders. The Government and people were satisfied that a withering blow had been given to the rebellion, and that henceforth its proportions would be less, and its malignity not so dangerous to the life of the Republic. At Forts Henry and Donelson was successfully begun that army mail- service which was so admirably organized and so efficiently executed during the war by Colonel A. H. Markland. It was suggested to General Grant by Colonel Marldand, who was the special agent of the National Post-office Department. It was immediately adopted, and was ever afterward warmly cherished by that sagacious commander ; and to him is justly due much of the credit of making it practically effective in blessing the officers and soldiers of the armies of the Republic during the great struggle. The perfection of the system was exhibited even so early as at the capture of Forts Henry and Donelson, and it never failed to give ample satisfaction to all, until the end ofthe war.1 The peculiar army mail-service organized under the auspices of General Grant was finally extended to all Departments, and was managed by Colonel Markland, who was made the general superintendent of the mails of the armies of the Republic. Soldiers in camp or on the march, and even under the fire of the enemy, received letters from home with as much regularity as if they had been residents of a large city. That system was not introduced into the Army of the Potomac while McClellan commanded it. One much less perfect and efficient, which he found in operation, was continued. That was established when the troops under the first call began to assemble around Washington, in April and May, 1861. The chaplain of each-regiment was recognized as " regimental post-master," and he usually called at the Wash ington City Post-office for the army mail. When the army was increased in his flight, six field-pieces, many of his standards and flags, a number of prisoners, and a great quantity of military stores. Following the enemy to this place, you were the first to encounter him outside of his intrench ments. and drive bim within them." After recounting their exploits, he said : '• The battle-field testifies to your valor and constancy. Even the magnanimity of tho enemy accords to you an unsurpassed heroism, and an enviable and brilliant share in the hardest-fought battle and myst decisivo victory ever fought and won on the American continent." " The death-knell of rebellion is sounded ; an army has been annihilated ; nnd the way to Nashville and Memphis is opened." 1 The origin and general efficiency of that service is stated in the following letter to the author, dated, '• Head-quarters Armies of the United States, Washington, D. C, July 30th, 1866 :" — " Dear Sin : — Among thesubject3 that occupied my mind when I assumed command at Cairn, in the fall of 1S61, was the regular supply of mails to and from the troops; not only those in garrison, but those on the march when active movements should begin. When I commenced Ihe movement on Fort Henry, on Jan. 7, 1S62, a plan was proposed by which tho mails should promptly follow, and as promptly be sent from the army. So perfect was the organization, that tho mails wero delivered to the army immediately upon" its occupation of tho fort. Within one hour afti-r the troops began to march Into Fort Donelson, the mail was being distributed to them from tho mail wagons. The same promptness was always observed in the armies under my command, up to the period of the final disbandment. It is a source of congratulation that the postal service was so con ducted, that officers and men. wero in constant communication with kindred and friends at homo, and with as much regularity as the most favored in tho large cities of the Union. The postal system of the army, so far as I know, was not attended with any additional expenso to the service. The system adopted by me was sug gested and ably superintended by A. H. Markland, special agent of the Post-office Department, " Respectfully, &c, " U. S. Geant, General." THE AKMY MAIL AT WASHINGTON. 225 and fully organized, the commanding officer of each regiment selected a reliable man from the non-commissioned officers or privates to act as mail messenger, and that system was continued until the troops were called to the field in the spring of 1862. Then the mails were " brigaded," placed in canvas bags, labeled and addressed to the brigade, and forwarded to their destination by steamer or railway, under military authority. The Post-office Department had no further control of the army mail after it left the post- office at Washington City, During the Peninsula campaign, the mail for the Army of the Potomac was forwarded from Washington by way of Baltimore and Old Point Com fort, the Potomac being blockaded by shore batteries. At the same time, the troops in the Shenandoah Valley were supplied with a mail service by way of Harper's Ferry, the mails being sent under military control to that place, over the Baltimore and Ohio railway, and there furnished to the brigades when called for. Owing to the peculiar condition of affairs in that region, much of the time there was very little regularity in the delivery of the mails, and communication between the army and home was at times very uncertain. The mails for these armies, and also for the Army of the James, were all distributed in the Post-office at Washington City, where they were assorted into regiments, batteries, and independent commands. Rosters, for the guidance of the postmaster at Washington, were furnished when troops changed localities. In his office boxes were prepared and labeled for the respective regiments ; and at one time no less than eight hundred regiments and batteries, which extended over the seaboard to New Orleans, and the entire Shenandoah Valley, had the mail matter for them thus prepared for distribu tion. After being thus sorted, these mails were delivered to authorized mili tary agents, who attended to their transmission. In this way hundreds of thousands of letters passed to and from the army daily.1 The regularity with which the great armies of Grant, Sherman, Thomas, and others in the West were supplied with mails, under the general sujjerin- tendence of Colonel Markland, was marvelous. He and his assistants seemed to be almost ubiquitous. No danger was so appalling, and no obstructions were so apparently insurmountable as to deter these messengers of good. They endured all that the army endured — -perils, fatigues, and privations. The mail was nearly always in advance of the armies, or moving in a direction to meet them, and yet Colonel Markland never lost one, by capture, over which he had personal control. When Sherman reached tide-water, after his march for the sea, the mail for his army was in readiness for distribution ; and the 1 " For months," says Mr. S. J. Bowen, the postmaster of Washington City, in a letter to the author, on the 22d of July, 1866, "we received and sent an average of 250,000 military letters per day. It is believed that this number was exceeded after General Sherman's army reached Savannah, and up to the time of the review of the troops in this city in the month of May, 1865." "Taking into consideration," continues Mr. Bowen, "the quantity of mail matter, consisting of letters, newspapers, packages of clothing, and other articles of every conceivable kind that passed through this office to imd from our armies, it is surprising that so few losses occurred. Almost every package reached the person to whom it was addressed, and the failure of letters to find their owners in 'due course* of mail' was extremely rare. Indeed, I think the armies were provided with mails with just about as much certainty as people are in large cities, and with about as littlo delay. "The only loss of any moment that occurred to the Post-office Department, on account of this heavy mail service, was in mail-bags. It is estimated that at least thirty thousand of theBe were sent out which never found their way back to this office, although every effort was made by us to have them returned." YOL. II.— 53 226 A VOYAGE ON THE CUMBERLAND EIVEE. first vessel to reach King's Bridge, on the Ogeechee River, was the mail steamer. Subsequently, when Sherman marched through the Carolmas, and after the hard-fought battle of Bentonville, he met the mail for his army, on the evening ofthe day of that battle.1 That army mail-service presents to the contemplation of those who com prehend its extent and usefulness, one ofthe moral wonders ofthe great con flict ; and in its salutary influence and value seems second only to the Sanitary Commission or the Christian Commission. It kept entire armies in continual communion, as far as possible, with home and kindred — a circumstance of incalculable benefit to the soldier and the service. It prevented that terrible home-sickness with which raw troops are often prostrated. It also exercised the affections, and, in a remarkable degree, brought the sweet influences of the domestic circle to bear most powerfully in strengthening the men against the multiform temptations of the camp, and the yearnings for family joys- which so often seduce the less favored soldier to desert ; Avhile courage and patriotism were continually stimulated by heroic words from patient and loving ones at home. The writer visited the theater of events recorded in this chapter, early in May, 1866. He left Nashville in the steamer Tyrone, toward the evening of the 5th. Most of his fellow-passengers, as far as Clarksville, sixty miles down the Cumberland River, consisted of about two hundred colored soldiers, who had just been paid off and discharged from the service. The few white passengers on board, and the officers and crew of the Tyrone, who^ were mostly secessionists, were greatly relieved when these soldiers debarked at midnight, for the fearful massacre of negroes at Memphis had just occurred, and they did not know what might be the temper of these troops on that account. They were in dread of personal danger. But there was no occasion for alarm. The preparations made for surrendering the steamer to the soldiers, on demand, and taking the women and children ashore in tho yawl-boat, as well as the more belligerent one for giving the negroes a- shower of hot water from the boiler, in the event of an uprising, were quite unnecessary. The writer, who mingled among and conversed with many of the soldiers, never saw a more orderly and well-disposed company of men, just loosed from military discipline, than they. There was only one intoxi cated man among them. They were too full of joy to think of mischief. The shores of the Cumberland resounded with their songs and laughter, for 1 Letter to the author by General Markland, August 20, 1S66. In a letter to Colonel Markland, written in. May, 1865, General O. O. Howard says : " For more than a year the Army of the Tennessee has been cam paigning in the interior of the Southern States, a great portion of the time far separated from depots of supplies, and connected with home and friends only by a long and uncertain line of railroad, that was, for tho most part,. overworked to supply provisions, or, moving off without base or lines of communication, the army only touched at points not always previously designated. During all this time, from Chattanooga to Atlanta, from Atlanta to Savannah, and in the homeward campaign across the Caroiinas, you, my dear Colonel, have received the warmest thanks from officers and men for your interest, energy, nnd uniform success in bringing to them the mail, often Immense from accumulation, forwarding it promptly, by sea or by land, for distribution. During the campaign of four months against Atlanta, the mail was received with great regularity. On the 13th December, the very day our communication was opened on the Ogeechee River with Admiral Dahlgren's fleet, the mail-boat, with your personal charge, was the first to pass the obstructions and greet the Army of the Tennessee. When our army arrived at Goldsborough, having been marching 500 miles without communication, it found letters from home in waiting, and you were there to welcome us again. From this time till we left Raleigh, en route for Wash ington, .-il 1 mail matter was regularly received, and you still provided for us while the army was encamped in sight of the capital." General Sherman, in a letter to General Markland, bore similar testimony. VISIT TO FORT DONELSON. 227 they were all happy in the thought of money in their pockets, and the greet ings of friends at home. The Tyrone lay at Clarksville until daylight, when the writer had the opportunity to make a sketch of Fort Bruce and its vicinity, events at which will be considered presently. We left there while breakfasting ; and nearly all of that beautiful day we were voyaging on that winding and picturesque river, whose bosom and shores have been made historical by great events. At about two o'clock in the afternoon we passed the ruins of the Cumberland Iron Works, and at three o'clock we landed at the site of Dover. The little village, with its church, court-house, and almost one hundred dwellings and stores, when Fort Donelson1 was built, had disappeared. The public build ings and most of the private ones had been laid in ashes during the war, and only a few dilapidated structures remained. At Cooley's tavern, near the landing-place (in which General Tilghman had quartered), the writer was introduced to Captain James P. Flood, the commander of the famous Flood's Second Illinois Battery, who performed gallant service at Dover, in repelling an attack by the cavalry of Forest and Wheeler. He had settled there as a lawyer, and was familiar with every foot of the battle-ground. He kindly offered to accompany the writer to the points of interest in connection with the battle, and took him to the house of G. M. Stewart, near the fort, an old and leading citizen of Stewart County, who had been faithful to the old flag, and had suffered much for its sake during the war. Mr. Stewart and his son (who had been in the Union service) kindly offered to go over the field of conflict with us. He fur nished saddle-horses for the whole company, and at twilight we had traversed the entire line of works, in front of which the divisions of McCler nand and Wallace fought, and visited the head-quarters of General Grant. Near McClernand's extreme right, in Hysmith's old field, we found the grave-yard of the Illinois troops, delineated on page 217. We followed the lines toward the center in their devious way through the woods, and clear ings covered with sprouting oaks, and came to the burial-place of the dead of the Eleventh Illinois Regiment, similar in appearance to the other, and having a board in the center with the names of the killed upon it. Every where the trees were terribly scarred by bullets, and cannon-shot and shell, giving evidence of the severity of the battle. All through these woods and openings, we found the detached lines of the Confederate intrenchments half concealed by the already rank growth of grass, and bushes shoulder high, and blackberry shrubs and vines, then white with blossoms. Nature was rapidly hiding from view these evidences of man's iniquity. Grant's head-quarters, as we have observed, were at the house of Mrs. Crisp, a short distance from the road leading from Dover to Fort Henry. Mrs. Crisp, a stout, kind-hearted, good-natured old lady, was still there, and refreshed us with a draught of the finest spring water. She did not approve of National troops in general, but had most pleasant recollec tions of General Grant and his staff. She committed to our keeping kind 1 This fort was so named in honor of Andrew Jackson DonclBon, the adopted son of President Jackson, and who at that time was occupying the " Hermitage," a few miles from Nashville. He warmly espoused the cause ofthe conspirators. 228 VIEW AT FORT DONELSON. compliments to the General, and then, at almost sunset, we bade her farewell and galloped back toward Dover, diverging to the left to visit Fort Donel son, and sketch the scene of the battle on the river between the armed vessels and the water-batteries. The sun was just setting behind some thin clouds when we arrived there, and it was soon too dark to allow the use of the pencil. So we rode to Dover, supped with Mr. Stewart, and lodged at Cooley's. Wishing to take passage on the first steamer that should pass up the Cumberland the next morning, the writer arose at dawn, and found Mr. Stewart, as previously arranged, ready, with two saddle-horses, to visit the fort. We breakfasted before sunrise, and then rode over the lines of the famous stronghold on which the Confederates had spent so much labor, and placed so much dependence. These, too, were half hidden by shrubbery and vines, and in the course of a very few years it will be difficult to trace the KM , jj» A -u #SffeS W?7 VIEW AT FOKT DONELSON.1 outlines of these fortifications. Between these and Dover, we visited a strong work on a commanding eminence, built by the National troops under the direction of Captain Flood and others, but which was never made use of. From the hill overlooking the water batteries I made the accompanying sketch, and had just finished it when a steamer came in sight below, at the point where Foote's armored vessels, ranged in a line, assailed the Confede rate works. Remounting our horses, we hurried back to Dover, reaching 1 This is a view looking down the river, in which tho remains of tho upper water battery are seen in the foreground. In the distance, on the left, near which is seen a steamboat, is the promontory behind which the Carondelet lay while bombarding the Confederate works on the 18th. The fort lay on the top of the hill on the oxtreme left. Across the river is seen tbe shore to which Pillow escaped when he stole out of the fort. RETURN TO NASHVILLE. 229 there just as the steamer was moored at the gravelly bank. It was the Emma Floyd, one of the most agreeable boats on the Cumberland, and with its intelligent pilots, John and Oliver Kirkpatrick, and their wives and chil dren, the writer spent most of the day in the pilot-house, listening to the stories of the adventures of these men while they were acting as pilots in the fleets of Farragut and Porter, during those marvelous expeditions on the Mississippi, its tributaries, and its mysterious bayous, carried on in connec tion with the armies of Grant and Banks. After a delightful voyage of twenty-four hours, we arrived at Nashville, where the writer was joined by his former traveling companions, Messrs. Dreer and Greble, of Philadelphia, with whom he afterward journeyed for six weeks upon the pathways and battle-fields of the great armies in Tennessee, Georgia, and Virginia. The aspect of Nashville, and esjiecially its surroundings, had materially changed since the author was there in 1861. The storm of war had swept over the country in its vicinity with fearful effect. The city itself had not suffered bombardment, yet at times it had been in imminent danger of such calamity ; first on the approach of the forces of Grant and Buell, and after ward when it was held by the National troops and was threatened by the Confederates. The hills had been stripped of their forests, pleasure-grounds had been robbed of their shade-trees, and places of pleasant resort had been scarred by trenches or disfigured by breastworks. Buildings had been shattered by shot and shell or laid in ruins by fire ; and at every approach to the city were populous cemeteries of soldiers who had fallen in defense of their country. In the Capitol were stores of correspondence and other papers captured from Pillow and his fellow-traitors, and these were placed at the disposal of the author, who also had the good fortune to meet in Nashville General Ewell, one of the most estimable of the Confederates who took up arms against the Government, as a man and as a military leader. He kindly al lowed him to make abstracts of his later reports, in manuscript, concerning operations in the Shenandoah Valley, in which he and " Stonewall Jack son" were associated, and also furnished him with information relative to the evacuation of Richmond, and the destruction of a great portion of it by fire immediately succeeding that event, when Ewell was in command of the post. That subject will be considered hereafter. 230 ADVANCE ON BOWLING GREEN. CHAPTER IX. EVENTS AT NASHVILLE, COLUMBUS, NEW MADRID, ISLAND NUMBER TEN, AND PEA RIDGE. « Fob. 11, 1862. HEN Fort Donelson fell, Kentucky and Missouri, and «J1 of northern and middle Tennessee were lost to the Con federates, and the more Southern States, whose inhabit ants expected to have the battles for their defense fought m the border Slave-labor States, were exposed to the inroads ofthe National armies. The terror inspired all along the Confederate line by the fall of Fort Henry, and the forward movement of General Mitehel, of Buell's army, from his camp at Bacon's Creek, across the Green River at Mumfords- ville, toward Bowling Green, simultaneously with Grant's investment of Fort Donelson,"1 caused that line, which seemed so strong almost to invincibility a few weeks before, to crumble into fragments and suddenly disappear as a mist. General Johnston clearly perceived that both Bowling Green and Columbus were now untenable, and that the salvation of his troops at each required the immediate evacuation of these posts. He issued orders accordingly, and when Mitehel, having marched forty-two miles in thirty-two hours, reached the northern bank of the Barren River, on whose southern border Bowling Green1 stood, the main body of Johnston's troops, seven or eight thousand strong, had left it and fled south ward. Mitehel found the bridges on that stream all destroyed ; and when, on the same night, Colonel Turchin crossed it below the village, with his bri- '-—--==•' "~~ gade, the heavens were BOWLING GKEEN AFTER THE EVACUATION. illuminated bv tile flames of the burning railway station-house, and Confederate stores in the ' Bowling Green is about 74 miles from Nashville, and contained a little less than 3,000 inhabitants when the war broke out. Around it are numerous little hills or "knobs," on which tbe insurgents planted batteries and made tho post very strong. Our litle picture shows the appearance of Bowling Green, in the vicinity of the railway station, on the day after the evacuation. PANIC IN NASHVILLE. 231 center of the town. These had been fired by Texas Rangers, left behind for the purpose, and who were then just moving off on a railway train. Mitchel's troops were exhausted by their forced march in the keen frosty air, and the labor of removing trees from the roads which the Confederates had cut down ; and the water in the stream being too high to ford, his army did not cross until the next day, when they found Bowling Green to be almost barren of spoils. Half a million dollars' worth of property had been destroyed, and only a brass 6-pounder, and commissary stores valued at five thousand dollars, remained. The Confederates had also removed, during the preceding four days, a large quantity of provisions and stores to Nashville. Imminent danger now impended over Nashville. Johnston, as we have seen, had declared that he fought for that city at Fort Donelson. When the latter fell, Nashville was doomed, and its disloyal inhabitants were pale with terror. On the day of the surrender, the intelligence of the sad event reached the city just as the people were comfortably seated in the churches, for it was the Christian Sabbath. Pillow's foolish boast1 and dispatch founded upon it2 had allayed all fears ; now these were awakened with ten-fold intensity. The churches were instantly emptied, and each citizen seemed to have no other thought but for personal safety.3 That the town would be speedily occupied by the Government troops, no one doubted. Grant's vigor had been tested. It had been observed that he did not stop when a victory was gained, but pushed forward to reap in full all of its advantages. So they gave up all as lost. The public stores were thrown wide open, and everybody was allowed to carry off provisions and clothing without hindrance. The panic among the Secessionists was fearful. Governor Harris, the worst criminal of them all, was crazy with alarm. He rode through the streets with his horse at full speed, crying out that the papers in the capital must be removed.4 He well knew what evidence of his treason was among them. He and his guilty legislature gathered as many of the archives as possible, and fled by railway to Memphis,5 while the oflicers of banks, bear- 1 See page 216. This boast had so assured the citizens that all was safe, that they felt no apprehensions of evil. Indeed, they had indulged in rejoicings over the victory of the Confederates at Fort Donelson. For this reason, the astounding news that now reached them was more appalling. 2 Tho dispatch was headed in large letters — Enemy retreating ! — Glorious result ! ! — Our hoys follow- LNG AND PEPPERING THEIR REAR! ! — A COMPLETE VICTORY ! ! 3 '¦ An earthquake," says Pollard (i. 247), "could not have shocked the city more. The congregations at the churches were broken up in confusion and dismay; women and children rushed into the streets, wailing with terror; trunks were thrown from three-story windows in the haste of the fugitives, and thousands hastened to leave their beautiful city in the midst of the most, distressing scenes of terror, confusion, and plundering by the mob." Tho panic of the people was natural. They had been deceived and misled, by false teachers in their midst, into the belief that the people of the North were half savages. Among these teachers, who should be held responsible for much of the surferings inflicted by the war, was W. E. Ward, a clergyman who, in his paper, called Tlie Banner of Peace, published at Nashville, had just said : ll We have felt too secure, we have been too blind to the consequence of Federal success. If they succeed, we shall see plunder, insult to old and young, male and female, murder of innocents, release of slaves, and causing them to drive and insult their masters and mistresses in the most menial services, the land laid waste, houses burned, banks and private coffers robbed, cotton and every valuable taken away before our eyes, and a brutal, drunken soldiery turned loose upon us. Who wants to see this ? If you do not believe, you will see it ; look at Missouri." 4 Nashville correspondent of the Richmond Dispatch, Feb. 17, 1862. 6 At Memphis, on the 19th, Governor Hams issued a proclamation, in which he deplored the loss of Fort Donelson, and the danger that threatened tho capital, and told the people that henceforth Tennessee was to become the battle-field in which her inhabitants would show to tho world that they were worthy to be— weat they had solemnly declared themselves to be — "freemen." He encouraged, or discouraged them by the announcement that he wonld take the field at their head ; and then in turgid phrases he tried to arouse them 232 DESTRUCTION OF THE TENNESSEE 1EON WORKS. ing away specie from the vaults, and citizens encumbered with their most valuable effects that were portable, crowded the stations of the railways leading to Decatur and to Chattanooga. Every vehicle was brought into requisition, and hack-hire was raised to twenty-five dollars an hour. This fearful panic was increased when a portion of the troops, flying from Bowl ing Green, came rushing into the city across the railway and the Suspension bridges, and a rumor spread over the town that the victors at Fort Donelson were making their way rapidly up the Cumberland. The rumor was true. On the evening of the day after the surrender of Fort Donelson," Commodore Foote sent the St. Louis up the "^is^16' Cumberland to the Tennessee Iron Works, six or seven miles above Dover. These belonged, in part, to John Bell, the candi date of the " Constitutional Union Party " for President, in I860,1 who, as we have observed, had early espoused the cause of the conspirators.2 There appeared to be sufficient evidence of these works having been employed in the interest of the rebellion to warrant their destruction, and they were laid in ashes. Nothing remained of them, when the writer passed by the spot in the spring of 1866, but three tall chimneys, ruined machinery, and heaps of brick. On the 19th, the commodore, with the gun-boats Cairo, Lieutenant-com manding Bryant, and Conestoga, Lieutenant-commanding Phelps, ascended FORT BRUCE AND ITS VICINITY.3 the river to Clarkesville (a city on its right bank, of about two thousand inhabitants before the war, and the capital of Montgomery County), with the intention of attacking; an unfinished fort there, which the Confederates to resist the Union armies. He had, he said, in a message to the Legislature on the 20th, organized and put into- the field since May, 1861, "for the Confederate service, fifty-nine regiments of infantry, one of cavalry, eleven cavalry battalions, and over twenty independent companies, mostly of artillery." Fifteen thousand of these troops, ho said, had been armed by the " Confederate Government," and to arm the remainder he called for " tbe sporting guns " ofthe citizens. 1 See. page 80, volume I. 2 See page 874, volume I. 3 The National troops completed the work and named it Fort Bruce, in honor of the loyal Colonel Bruce, of Nashville. The engraving shows its situation at the bend of the Cumbeiland, about half a mile below Clarksville. It commanded the river up and down. The mouth of the Red Eiver is seen at the center of tho- picture, near a storehouse. On tho Clarksville side of that stream was a small redoubt, called the Mud Fort, it being overflowed and covered with sediment at high water. This sketch was made by the writer from the deck of the Emma Floyd, while lying at Clarksville, looking down the river. FLIGHT OF CONFEDERATES FROM NASHVILLE. were erecting on the high bluff at the mouth of the Red River, a small stream that enters the Cumberland just below the town. The garrison,, startled by the general panic, fled, and, in defiance of the wishes and remon strances of the citizens of Clarkesville, set fire to the fine railway bridge that spanned the river at that place. Colonel Webster, Grant's chief of staff, and Lieutenant Phelps, immediately went ashore and hoisted the National flag over the fort. Two-thirds of the terrified citizens of Clarkes ville had fled when Foote arrived. At the suggestion of the late venerable Cave Johnson, and one or two others, he proclaimed full protection to all peaceable citizens, at the same time warning them not to display any seces sion flags or other evidence of rebellious feeling;. General Smith, with the advance of the National army, marched up to Clarkesville and took command there ; while Foote returned to Cairo for more gun-boats, for the purpose of attacking Nashville. In the mean time General Johnston and his forces from Bowling Green had continued their flight southward as far as Murfreesboro, twenty-five miles on the way toward Chattanooga,1 leaving General Floyd, the fugitive from Fort Donel son, with a few troops to secure the immense amount of stores and provisions in Nashville. Pillow, the other fugitive from Fort Donelson, and Hardee, who had come down from Bowling Green, were directed to assist Floyd in the business. The assignment to the perilous duty of remaining nearest the dreaded Nationals seemed like punishment inflicted on Floyd and Pillow by Johnston for their cowardice. If so, it was successful; yet it was injurious to the Confederate cause, for these men, unwilling to risk their persons again, suffered terribly from fear, and counseled flight, as before. Floyd, on hearing that Foote's gun-boats were coming, gave orders on Monday" for the Confederate stores to be thrown open to the public ; two steam-packets, which were being | changed into gun boats, to be burned ; and the two bridges2 at Nashville to be destroyed. Against the last act the citi zens most vehement ly protested, and it was postponed until Tuesday night, when they were both burn ed by Floyd's order ; and he and Pillow literally scampered away southward by » Feb. 17, 1S62. NASHVILLE AND ITS BRIDGES 1 It was supposed by the Confederates that the Nationals would push on toward East Tennessee, and it was for the purpose of confronting such movement that Johnston took position at Murfreesboro. 2 The wire suspension-bridge was a beautiful structure, and cost about $150,000. A largo portion of the stock belonged to the slain General Zollicoffer, and was the chief reliance for support, of his orphaned daughters. But Floyd and Pillow wished to put a gulf between themselves and the Nationals, that they might save= their own worthless persons ; and so the claims of orphans and the prayers of citizens were of no avail. 234 SURRENDER OF NASHVILLE. the light of the conflagration.1 The troops that remained longest in Nash ville were Forest's cavalry, led by that bravo captain. During the remainder of the week, Nashville was the theater of the wildest anarchy, and neither jmblic nor private property was safe for an hour. Happily for tho well-disposed inhabitants, Colonel Kenner, of the Fourth Ohio cavalry, of Mitchel's division, entered the city on Sunday evening, the 23d, and endeavored to restore order. He was immediately followed by the remainder of his commander's force, who encamped at Edge field, opposite Nashville, and there awaited the arrival of General Buell. That officer came on the 25th, and on the same morning the Conestoga arrived from Clarkesville, as a convoy to transports bearing a considerable body of troops, under General Nelson. These had not been opposed in their passage up the river, for tho only battery on its banks between the two cities was Fort Zollicoffer, on a bluff, four or five miles below Nashville, which was unfinished, and was then abandoned, ^he citizens of Nashville, believing General Johnston would make a stand there, had commenced this fort on the south or left bank of the Cumberland, and were much incensed by its sudden abandonment. Pursuant to previous arrangement, the mayor of Nashville (R. B. Cheat ham) and a small delegation of citizens crossed over to Buell's quarters at Edgefield, and there made a formal surrender of the city." Gen- °Fjgj226' eral Buell at once issued an order congratulating the troops " that it had been their privilege to restore the National banner to the Capitol of Tennessee."3 He expressed a belief that the hearts of a greater portion of the people of that State would be rejoiced by the fact ; and he assured the in habitants that the rights of person and property should be respected. On the following day, Gen eral Grant and staff arrived, and he and General Buell held a consultation about future movements. Colonel Stanley Mat thews, of the Fifty- first Ohio Volunteers, was appointed Pro vost-Marshal, and or der was speedily re- CAPITOL AT NABITVILLE. 1 A greater portion of the cannon at Nashville were spiked, and many of them were placed upon the bridges before they were fired, and when these perished in the flames, the cannon went to the bottom of the Cumberland. a The Capitol of the State of Tennessee is one of tho finest of its kind in the United States. It is in the center of four acres of ground in the midst of the city, and crowns a hill that rises 197 feet above the Cumberland Iliver. It is composed of fossilated limestone, taken from quarries near the city, and its style is of the most beautiful of the Grecian orders, with four porticoes, whose columns aro 88 feet in height. It is a parallelogram in form, 140 by 270 feet in size, and is surrounded by a terrace 17 feet in width and six in height. The pinnaclo EXPEDITION AGAINST COLUMBUS. 235 stored. Railroad connection with Louisville was soon opened, and the inhabitants were invited to resume their avocations. The capture of Nashville, the flight of the Governor and Legislature of Tennessee from the State capital, and the virtual dissolution of civil govern ment in that Commonwealth, imposed upon the National authorities the duty of providing a substitute for the people. It was resolved to appoint a mili tary governor to administer the public affairs of the State under martial law ; and Andrew Johnson, formerly a chief magistrate of that Common wealth, and then one of its representatives in the United States Senate, was appointed" to that responsible position, with the military rank of Brigadier-General.1 He reached Nashville on the 12th of March, "March 4, and, in a speech to the citizens assembled that evening, he promised friendship and protection to the loyal, and gave them to under stand that "intelligent and conscious treason in high places" would be punished. Another bloodless victory soon followed the capture of Nashville. Six days after the formal surrender of that city, General Halleck telegraphed to General McClellan from St. Louis,6 " Columbus, the Gibraltar of the West, is ours, and Kentucky is free, thanks to the brilliant strategy of the campaign by which the enemy's center was pierced at Forts Henry and Donelson, his wings isolated from each other and turned, com pelling thus the evacuation of his stronghold of Bowling Green first, and. now Columbus." The history of the latter event may be told in few words. When it was evident to the conspirators at Richmond that the " Gibraltar " was untenable, the so-called Secretary of War instructed Polk, through Beauregard, " to evacuate Columbus, and select a defensive position below." Polk chose that section of the Mississippi and its shores which embraces Island Number Ten, the main land in Madrid Bend on the Kentucky shore, and New Madrid. Defensive works had been thrown up at the two latter places during the preceding autumn, and now measures were immediately taken for strongly fortifying Island Number Ten. So early as the 25th of February, Polk ordered the removal of the sick from Columbus, as a preparatory step toward the evacuation of that post, and assigned the command of the river defenses at the position chosen to General I. P. McCown, whose division was ordered thither on the 27th. The remainder of the troops, excepting the cavalry, left Columbus on the 1st of March. General Stuart's brigade went by steamer to New Madrid, and the remainder marched by land to Union City, in Tennessee,2 under General Cheatham. The removal of sjiecial articles of value to Jackson, Tennessee, of its cupola is 200 feet from the ground. In compliance with the request of Mr. Strickland, its architect, his remains are inclosed in its walls, with a proper inscription on the outside ; and so that imposing pile has becomo his monument. The cost of the building was over $1,000,000. The population of Nashville, at the time we are considering, was about 24,000 souls. In bur little sketch is seen a cabin in front of the Capitol. It was used by the architects during the erection of the great ; building and in it Governor Harris was living, it is said, in a very frugal manner, when he was summoned to fly from Nashville. 1 See page 226, volume I. 2 This is at the intersection of the Nashville and Northwestern and the Mobile and Ohio Railways; tho former leading directly to Hickman, on tho Mississippi Eiver. 236 CAPTURE OF COLUMBUS. had been accomplished at that time. Then the cavalry set fire to the military buildings of the post, and, accompanied by Polk and his staff a^>cl3, followed the retiring columns, at three o'clock in the afternoon of the 2d."1 In the mean time preparations had been made to capture Columbus, with its troops and munitions of war. When Foote returned to Cairo from Clarkesville, he collected a flotilla of six gun-boatg, commanded respectively by Captains Davis, Walke, and Stembel, and Lieutenants-commanding Paul ding, Thompson, and Shirk ; four mortar-boats, under the general command of Lieutenant-commanding Phelps, assisted by Lieutenant Ford, of the Ord nance Corps, and Captain George Johnson, of Cincinnati ; and three trans ports. The latter bore a small land force of little more than two thousand men,2 commanded by Brigadier-General W. T. Sherman (who was in com mand at Paducah), accompanied by General Cullum, of Halleck's staff. The flotilla left Cairo before daylight on the morning of the 4th,6 and at sunrise was in sight ofthe fortified bluffs at Columbus. Prepa rations were made for attack. Rumor had declared that the fort had been evacuated. It was cautiously approached, even after a farmer, a professedly Union man, had assured the commodore that the troops had fled. At length the National flag was dimly seen waving over the Confederate works. It might be a trick. Colonel Buford and a detachment of the Twenty-seventh Illinois were landed to reconnoiter. They were soon clambering up the steep bluffs with shouts of triumph. Troops were in the fortifications, but they were friends. A detachment of the Second Illinois cavalry, under Lieutenant Hogg, two hundred and fifty strong, who had been sent out as scouts from Paducah, had entered the place at five o'clock the day before, and hoisted the Stars and Stripes over the main work of that stronghold.3 They found the town deserted by nearly all of its disloyal inhabitants.4 There was evi dence of great haste in the evacuation, " cpnsidering," says General Cullum, " the quantities of ordnance and ordnance stores, and number of anchors, and the remnant of the chain which was once stretched over the river,5 and a large 1 Eeport of Major-General Leonidas Polk to Colonel Thomas Jordan, March 18th, 1862. " In five days," said Polk, in his report, " we removed the accumulation of six months, taking with us all our commissary and quarter master stores — an amount sufficient to supply my whole command for eight months ; all our powder and other ammunition and ordnance' stores (excepting a few shot, and gun-carriages), and every heavy gun in the . fort. Two 32-pounders in a remote outwork were the only valuable guns left." These, with some smaller ones, were spiked. "The whole number of pieces of artillery comprising our armament," he continued, " was one hundred and fifty." General Cullum's report contradicts that of Polk concerning the removal of nearly all that was valuable, for a large quantity of ordnance and ordnance stores, he says, was found there. 2 These wero composed of Colonel Buford's Twenty-seventh Illinois, and a battalion each of the Fifty-fourth and Seventy-fourth Ohio, and Fifty-fifth Illinois regiments, commanded by Majors Andrews and Sawyer. 3 Eeport of Commodore Foote to the Secretary of the Navy, March 4, 1SG2 ; also of General Cullum to General McClellan. on tbe same day. General Polk, in his report, says, u Tho enemy's cavalry, the first of his forces to arrive after the evacuation, reached Columbus in the afternoon of the next day [March 8], twenty-four hours after the last of our troops had left." * A correspondent of the Cincinnati Gazette, who accompanied Commodore Foote, mentioned " Mrs. Sharpe, wife of the ex-mayor of Columbus," as the only woman he met with in his rambles through the town. She said she had stuck up for the Union cause while the secessionists threatened to pull her house down. Her husband, she said, had been "forcibly carried off by the rebels."— See notice of Sharpe's letter to General Pillow, note 1, page 72. 6 This was a contrivance of General Pillow, and, like most of his military operations, was a failure. It was a huge affair, stretching down from the bluffs into the Mississippi, with its Missouri, shore end loose, and tho most of it lying at the bottom of the river. MINES AND TORPEDOES AT COLUMBUS. 237 supply of torpedoes remaining.1 Desolation was visible everywhere — huts, tents, and barricades presenting but their blackened remains." A number of heavy cannon had been spiked and rolled off the bluff into the river. A train on fire, connected with both ends of a magazine, was cut, and safety was soon secured. A garrison of a little over two thousand men, including four hundred cavalry, was left to hold the post. We have observed that Polk and his confederates, on retiring; from Ca lumbus, took position on the Mississippi shores and Island Number Ten ISLAND NUMBER TEN,3 below. ~New Madrid, on the Missouri side of the river,3 to which many of the troops went, had been much strengthened by Jeff. Thompson,4 who had occu pied it for some time, and had strong military works there, one of which was TORPEDOES. 1 These torpedoes were numerous and formidable, and, had men been there to fire those in the river, by tho electrical batteries on the shore, there might have been much damage done to Foote's flotilla, had it gone near. These, and "infernal machines," found in mines in the bluff, at tested the great danger to which the National forces would have been exposed in an assault upon the Confederate works, which were of immense strength from the water to the table-land above. In the bluff near the grand battery above Columbus a cavern was discovered, in which, were found electrical machines, having a connection by wires with portable mines in several directions, so arranged as to destroy troops that might be gathered above them. These mines were iron casks, some thing of a pear shape, about three feet in height, with an iron .cap, fastened with eight screws. In each was a 4-pound shell, with grape and canister shot, " surrounded by about two bushels of coarse powder," wrote an eye-witness. On the bottom of each cask was a wooden box, to whiph, and entering the powder, were fastened insulated wires, connecting with the electrical machines in the cavern. Several other caverns were found with these machines connecting with mines, to the number, it was supposed, of nearly one hundred. The torpedoes found in the river iind on the shore were pointed cylinders, about three feet in length, containing fifty or sixty pounds of powder, which was to be ignited by electricity. The electrical machines were very much like those used in telegraph offices. 2 This was the appearance of Island Number Ten, to the eye of the author, from a Mississippi steamer in April, 1866. It lies in a sharp bend of the Mississippi, about 40 miles below Columbus, and within the limits of Kentucky. 3N ew Madrid is the capital of New Madrid County, Missouri, 79 miles below Cairo, and 94T miles above New Orleans, by the winding river. Island Number Ten is about ten miles above it. The islands in the Missis sippi, from the mouth of the Ohio Eiver downward, are distinguished by numbers, this, as its name implies, being the tenth. 4 See page 58. INFERNAL MACHINE. 238 BEAUREGARD AND HIS CALL FOR BELLS. called Fort Thompson.1 The post was now in charge of General Gantt, of Arkansas. The town was at the junction of a bayou and the Mississippi, at a sharp turn of that stream, and was naturally an eligible position to repel an enemy approaching by water, from above or below. In addition to its land defenses, it was now guarded by a flotilla of six gun-boats, carrying from four to eight heavy guns each, which had been sent up from New Orleans, under the command of the incompetent Hollins.''' The country around New Madrid being flat, and the water in the river, at the time we are considering, very high, the cannon of the flotilla commanded the land approaches to the town for a long distance. This post, although about a thousand miles away from New Orleans, was, with Island Number Ten, a few miles above, regarded as the key to the lower Mississippi, and the metropolitan city on its banks, and therefore an object of great importance to both parties. When the garrison at New Madrid was re-enforced from Columbus, it was placed under the charge of General McCown, while the troops on Island Number Ten were commanded by General Beauregard.3 These officers had scarcely established their quarters at their respective posts, when they were disturbed by the thunder of the Union troops, who were bent upon the redemption of the navigation of the Mississippi from the control of rebel cannon and vessels. It was confidently expected at Richmond, how ever, that, at this great bend in the river, they might say to the National 1 This was an irregular bastioned work, mounting fourteen heavy guns, and situated about half a mile below New Madrid. There was another similar, but smaller work at the upper end of the town, mounting seven heavy guns. Between them was a continuous line of intrenchments and defensive works. 2 See page 114. a Beauregard, who had just been appointed to the command of the Department of Mississippi, was in immediate command of the troops, and the property at Jackson, Tennessee, after the evacuation of Columbus; and, inspired by an appeal from the Ordnance Department at Richmond,* he there indulged in his favorite amusement of issuing sensation orders. He sent forth one dated the 8th of March, addressed "To the Planters ofthe Mississippi Valley," telling them that more than once a people fighting with an enemy less ruthless than, theirs, for "imperiled rights not more dear and sacred.11 for "homes and a land not more worthy of resolute and unconquerable men," and for " interests of far less magnitude than theirs, had not hesitated to melt and mould into cannon the precious bells surmounting their houses of God, which had called generations to prayer. Tho priesthood," he told them, "had ever sanctioned and consecrated the conversion, in the hour of their country's need, as one holy and acceptable in the sight of God. We want cannon," he continued, "as greatly as any people who ever, as history tells you, melted their church bells to supply them ;" so he, their General, called upon them to send their "plantation bells to the nearest railroad depot," subject to his order, "to be melted into cannon for the defense of their plantations." There was a liberal response to this call, and not only "planta tion bells " but church bells were offered for the purpose. " In some cities," wrote a soldier in the Confederate army, " every church gave up its bell. Court-houses, factories, public institutions, and plantations, sent theirs. And the people furnished large quantities of old brass of every description— andirons, candlesticks, gas-fixtures, and even door-knobs. I have seen wagon-loads of these lying at depots, waiting shipment to the foundries." — See Thirteen Montlis in the Rebel Army, by an impressed New Yorker (William G. Stevens), page 84. These brazen contributions were all sent to New Orleans, where they were found by General Butler, who sent the bells to Boston, to be used for a more peaceful purpose. They were sold at auction there in August following, by Colonel N. A. Thompson, who prefaced the sale by a patriotic speech. Ten days before Beauregard's appeal for bell-metal, his Surgeon-General, Dr. Choppin, whom he bad sent to New Orleans, after the fall of Fort Donelson, for the purpose, issued in that city the following characteristic address to his Creole brethren: "Soldiers of New Orleans: Tou are aware of the disasters which have befallen our arms in the West. Greater disasters still are staring us in the face. General Beauregard — the man to whom we must look as the saviour of our country— sends me among you to summon you to a great duty and noble deeds — invoking and inspired by the sacred love of country and of priceless liberty, he has taken the deathless resolution de les iienger ou de les suivre. And, with the immortal confidence and holy fervor of a soul willing, if need be, to meet martyrdom, he calls upon you to join him, in order that he may restore to our country what she has lost, * Tin, an essential article in the manufacture of brass cannon, was ao scarce within the bounds of the Confederacy, that the Ordnance Department solicited the people to contribute bellB for the purpose. It is aaid that sufficient bell-metal was sent to Richmond, from Freder icksburg alone, to make two light batteries. POPE'S MARCH ON NEW MADRID. 239 forces, "Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther;" but, like most of their cal culations, this one signally failed. While Johnston was pressing southward through Nashville with his fugitive army from Bowling Green, and Polk was trembling in his menaced works at Columbus, Halleck was giving impetus to a force destined to strike a fatal blow at the Confederates at New Madrid. He dispatched General Pope from St. Louis on the 22d of February, with a considerable body of troops, chiefly from Ohio and Illinois, to attack that post. Pope went down the Mississippi in transports, and landed at Commerce, in Missouri, on the 24th. He marched from there on the 27th, and three days afterward two companies ofthe Seventh Illinois cavalry, under Captain Webster, and a com pany of independent cavalry, under Captain Noleman, encountered the guer rilla chief M. Jeff. Thompson with about two hundred mounted men. These were routed, and pursued with great vigor to Thompson's lines at New Madrid, losing in their flight three pieces of artillery, and throwing away guns and every thing else that might lessen their speed. In the mean time Pope's main column moved on, traversed with the greatest difficulty over flowed miry swamps,1 and on the day when the National standard was unfurled at Columbus" it appeared before New Madrid. Pope found the post occupied by live regiments of infantry and several * M"sm 8' companies of artillery, with Hollins's flotilla on the river. Satis fied that he could accomplish very little with his light artillery, he encamped out of range of the gun-boats, and sent Colonel Bissell, of the Engineer Corps, to Cairo for heavy cannon. While Pope was waiting for his siege-guns, the Confederates were strengthening New Madrid by re-en forcements from Island Number Ten; and on the 12th, when the cannon from Cairo arrived, there were about nine thousand infantry, besides artillery, within the works in front of Pope, commanded by Generals McCown, Stuart, and Gantt. Meanwhile, three gun-boats had been added to Hollins's flotilla. Fearing the Confederates might be re-enforced from below, Pope sent Colonel J. B. Plummer, of the Eleventh Missouri, to Point Pleasant, ten or twelve miles down the river, to plant a battery, and blockade it at that pope's head-quarters near new Madrid. and lead you on to glory and independence. In tones rigid and sullen as the tollings of the funeral knell, btS with clarion accents that should send a quiver through every heart, and string the nerves of every man, he cries out the final refrain of that immortal hymn — " ' Aux armes citoyens ! formez vos bataillons, Marchons ! Marchons Qu'un sang impur abreuve nos Billons V " ' Creoles of Louisiana, on to the work I1 " i " The men," said a newspaper correspondent, " waded in mud, ate in it, slept in it, were surrounded by it, as St Helena is by the ocean.'1 240 CAPTURE OF NEW MADRID. a March 12, 1862. * March 13. point. He took with him three regiments of infantry, three companies of cavalry, and a field battery of 10-pound Parrott guns. He formed rifle-pits for a thousand men, and planted his cannon in sunken batteries below them. This was done with perfect success in the face of cannonading from the Con federate gun-boats. This position commanded the passage of the river in the rear of Island Number Ten, and prevented supplies being furnished to that post across the peninsula formed by Reel Foot Lake and Madrid Bend. Pope's four siege-guns (three 32-pounders and an 8-inch mortar) arrived at near sunset," and at dawn the next morning (thirty-five hours after they left Bird's Point, on the Cairo and Fulton Railway) they were in position, within half a mile of Fort Thompson.1 On that work and Hollins's flotilla he at once opened a vigorous cannonade and bombard ment.6 They replied with. equal vigor, but in the course of a few hours three of the cannon in the fort were dismounted, and three of the gun-boats were disabled. The fierce ' artillery duel continued throughout the whole day,'2 the Nationals continually extending their trenches, for the pur pose of pushing their heavy batteries to the river bank during the night. General Paine, in the mean time, was making demonstrations against in trenchments on the Confederate right, supported by General Palmer's divi sion. The Confederate pickets were driven in, and when night fell the entire insurgent force at New Madrid, on land and water, were in a perilous posi tion. Their commanders perceived this, and during a furious thunder-storm, at about midnight, while the Twenty-seventh and Thirty-ninth Ohio and Tenth and Sixteenth Illinois were on duty guarding the rifle-pits and bat teries, they evacuated the post and fled to Island Number Ten, leaving almost every thing behind them.4 So precipitate was their flight that their suppers and lighted candles were in their tents, and their dead were left unburied. New Madrid presented a most pitiable spectacle. The original inhabitants had fled, and it had evidently been sacked and plundered by its Confederate occupants, for household articles were scattered in every direc tion. The human loss of the Confederates in this quick, sharp siege is not known. One hundred new graves and many bodies left unburied showed it to have been severe on the land. That of the Nationals was fifty-one killed and wounded.5 A CANNON TRUCK. i 1 These guns were carried twenty miles by railway, and dragged on trucks (such as is delineated in the engraving) twenty miles farther, over a miry road most of the way. 3 The heavy guns were handled by companies A and H, of the First U. S. Regular Infantry, under Captain Mower. 3 See page 583, volume I. 1 They left thirty-three cannon, several thousand stand of small arms, a magazine full of fixed ammunition, several hundred boxes of musket cartridges, tents for an army of ten thousand men, intrenching tooia, and a large number of horses, mules, and wagons. 8 Eeport of General John Pope to General Cullum, March 14, 1S62 ; and statements to the author by eye- -witnesses. # STRENGTH OF ISLAND NUMBER TEN. 241 c March 15. Just before daylight on the morning after the siege, Brigadier-General David S. Stanley, whose command had been in the trenches all night, was relieved by Major-General Schuyler Hamilton ; and, a little after dawn, a flag of truce appeared with information that the place was abandoned. When the fact was certified, Hamilton sent Captain Mower and his artillerists to plant the national flag on Fort Thompson. At almost the same hour," Commodore Foote left Cairo with a powerful fleet, com- aM^^ posed of seven armored gun-boats, one not armored, and ten mortar-boats,1 for the purpose of co-operating with General Pope. At Colum bus he was joined by the Twenty-seventh Illinois, Colonel Buford, and some other troops,6 and moving down to Hickman, on the same shore of the Mississippi, he took possession of that place.5 He did not *Mnrch14" tarry, but, pressing forward, his fleet appeared in sight of Island Number Ten the next day,0 when he carefully reconnoitered the Confeder ate position and prepared for a siege. Under the skillful and energetic management of General Beauregard, Island Number Ten had been made the most impregnable to assault of all the posts in the Mississippi valley. On the day of his arrival there/ he had assumed the command of the Department of the Mississippi, to which, as we have observed, he had recently been appointed, and had called General Bragg from Pensacola to his aid. He issued a stirring order, from Jackson, Tennessee,8 addressed to the inhabi tants of his department, announcing his assumption of the command, and calling upon the men to arouse in defense of their " mothers, wives, sisters, and children." If high-sounding words and good engineering could have made Island Number Ten impregnable, it would have been so. On Saturday nisrht/ _. ., ' ° ' /March 15. Commodore Jb oote was prepared for action, and on Sunday morning he commenced the siege with a bombardment by the rifled guns of the Penton, his flag-ship. This was followed by the mortar- boats, moored at proper points along the river shore, from which these immense pieces of ordnance hurled tons of iron upon the devoted island3 : March 5. TIIIRTEEN-INOII MORTAR. 1 The fleet consisted of the gun-boats Benton, Lieutenant Phelps acting ilag-captain ; Cincinnati, Comman der Stembel; Carondelet, Commander Walke; Mound City, Commander Kelley; Louisville, Commander Dove ; Pittsburg, Lieutenant Thompson ; St Louis, Lieutenant Paulding ; and Conestoga (not armored), Lieu tenant Blodgett. The mortar-boats were in charge of Captain H. E. Maynadier, commander of the squadron ; Captain E. B. Pike, assistant commander; and Sailing-Masters Glassford, Gregory, Simonds, and Johnson. 2 Hickman had been visited by National gun-boats once before. On the day when it was first occupied by the Confederates,* the Tyler and Lexington approached that place, where they encountered a Confederate gun-boat called The Yankee. With this, and a masked battery of four rifled can non on the shore, just above Hickman, tho Tyler and Lexington fought about an hour, driving The Yankee to Hickman, silencing the shore battery, burning the tents near it with hot shot, and scattering the insurgents. 3 The mortar was one of the earliest forms of cannon, being in use in Europe as early as 1435. Its name Is derived from its form, which resembles the apothecaries' utensil of that name. The more ancient form is seen Vol. IL— 54. ¦¦ Sept. 4, 1861. 242 ATTACK ON CONFEDERATE BATTERIES. and the batteries on the Kentucky shore opposite. All day long the bom bardment was kept up, and vigorous responses were made, with very little injury to either party.1 Meanwhile a battery of the Second Illinois artillery was landed on the Missouri shore, in a position to assail the Confederate fleet near the island. This battery was active and effec tual, and did excellent service the next day, when a mo st deadly attack was made on the Confed erate works, after meridian, by a floating battery of ten guns, formed of the gun-boats Cincinnati, Ben ton, and St. Louis, lashed side by side, followed by the Carondelet,. Pittsburg, and Mound City. They went nearer to the works, and pounded them severely. Heavy blows were given in return, and the second day of the siege was as barren of decisive results as the first. " Island Number Ten," said Commodore Foote to the Secretary 1862. ' of the Navy," " is harder to conquer than Columbus, as the island ISLAND NUMBER TEN AND ITS DEFENSES.2 in the little engraving on page 24T. The great mortars userl in sieges on land and water, during the late' war, were truly monster- weapons for destruction. Our picture shows one used on land, mounted and worked precisely as were those on the mortar-boats. It is what is technically termed a 13-inch mortar, that is to say, it will receive a bomb-shell thirteen inches in diameter. Its weight was 17,000 pounds. It was discharged by means of a cord attached to a percussion lock. The immense balls or shells used for these mor tars were so heavy (weighing over two hundred pounds), that one man could not handle one of them, and they were carried from the magazine to the mortar by tho method delineated in the engraving. In the river- service, during the late war, the mortar-boats were firmly moored to the bank, and a derrick was set up on the shore in a position to drop the shell into the mouth of the monster after a bag full of powder had gone down its throat. A correspondent ofthe Cliicago Times, who was at the bombardment of Island Number Ten, thus graphically describes the manner of using these im mense cannon : " The operation of firing the mortars, which was conducted while we were near by, is inter esting and rather stunning. The charge is from fifteen to twenty-two pounds. The shell weighs 230 pounds, and is thirteen inches in diameter. For a familiar illustration, it is about the size of a large soup-plate, so your readers may imagine, when they sit down to dinner, the emotions they would experi ence if they happened to see a ball of iron of those dimensions coming toward them at the rate of a thousand miles a minute. The boat is moored alongside the' shore, so as to withstand the shock firmly, and the men go ashore when the mortar is to be fired. A pull ofthe string does the work, and the whole vicinity is shaken with the concussion. The report is deafening and the jj most enthusiastic person gets enough of it with one or two discharges. There is no sound from the shell at ** this point of observation, and no indication to mark the course it is taking, but in a few seconds the attentivo observer, with a good glass, will see the cloud of smoke that follows its explosion, and then the report comes back with a dull boom. If it has done execution, the enemy may be seen carrying off their killed and wounded." l During the bombardment of this day, Commodore Foote was informed of the death, at New Haven Con necticut, of his second son, a promising boy thirteen years of age. It was so unexpected that, for a moment the brave warrior was overcome. He soon rallied, and pushed on the combat with great vigor, makin°- private- Borrow subordinate to public duty. 2 The figures on this map denote the numbers of the batteries, as given by the Confederates. It will be seen that the channel ofthe river was completely covered by them at the approaches of the island from above. MET1IOD OP CARRYING A SIIELL. POPE AT NEW MADRID. 243 shores are lined with forts, each fort commanding the one above it." And so the siege went on, with varying fortunes, until the first week in April, when Foote's flotilla was yet above Island Number Ten, and Beauregard telegraphed" to Richmond that the National 'guns " Apri,' 5' had "thrown three thousand shells and burned fifty tons of 1SG2' gun-powder" without damaging his batteries, and killing only one of his men. The public began to be impatient, but victory was near.1 While Commodore Foote was pounding away at Island Number Ten and its seven supporting shore-batteries, General Pope was chafing at New Madrid with impatience for decisive action. His guns easily blockaded the river, but he wished to do more. He desired to cross it to the peninsula and attack the island in the rear, a movement that would insure its capture with its dependencies, their garrisons and munitions of war. The river there was about a mile in width, and with a current then flowing at the speed of seven or eight miles an hour. The opposite shore was lined with batteries garnished with guns of heavy ^ caliber. Until these could be silenced, it would be madness to attempt to cross the river with any means at Pope's command. He tried to induce Foote to allow some of his armed vessels to run the batteries of Island Number Ten, and, after silencing these Tennessee shore-batteries, transport the troops across. Foote would not incur the risk, and Pope was at his wit's end, when General Hamilton came to his relief with a most extraordinary proposi tion. It was the construction of a canal from the bend of the Mississippi, near Island Number Eight, across the neck of a swampy peninsula, to the vicin ity of New Madrid, of sufficient capacity to allow the passage of gun boats and transports, and thereby effectually flank Number Ten and insure its capture. He offered to undertake the task with his division, and to execute the work in the space of two weeks, under the general direction of Lieutenant Henry B. Gaw, of the Engineers. General Pope favored General Hamilton's proposition, and directed Colo nel Bissell to perform the task, with the plans so modified as to allow only transports and barges to pass through. ''"'¦ " ' SCHUYLER HAMILTON. Bissell set about it with his regi- 1 While Foote was carrying on this siege, Colonel Buford with the Twenty-seventh Illinois, Colonel Hogg with the Fifteenth Missouri, and Colonel Foster with a hattalion of the Twenty-second Missouri, accompanied hy a battery of six rifled cannon, under Captain Spatsmon, of the Second Illinois artillery, and 200 of the Second Illinois cavalry, went to Hickman on the gun-boat Louisville. They landed quietly, and soon after ward pushed on toward Union City, an important point at the junction of railways south of Columbus, occu pied by a Confederate force composed of the Twenty-first Tennessee infantry and a battalion of cavalry, in all about 1,000 men. Their way led through a densely wooded country. Their march was rapid, and they fell suddenly upon their enemies and scattered them at tho first onset. After burning their camp, and effectually purging Union City of armed insurgents, the Nationals returned to Hickman and re-embarked for Island Num ber Ten. 244 HAMILTON'S PLANKING CANAL. a April 4, 1862. ment, with great vigor, assisted by some of Buford's command. Four light- kraft steamers and two or three gun-barges were sent down from Cairo for use in the work ; and, after nineteen days of the most fatiguing labor, a canal twelve miles long, one-half the distance through a growth of heavy timber,1 was completed;" a wonderful monument to the engineering skill and indomitable perseverance of the Americans.5 In the mean time Foote had not been idle, as Beauregard's electrograph attested. The upper (Rucker's Battery) or number one of the seven forts on the Kentucky shore had received his special attention, and on the night of the 1st of April an expedition to take it by storm was set in motion under the command of Colonel Roberts, of the For ty-second Illinois, who was accom panied by only for ty of his men. They went in five boats manned by armed crews picked from the steamers Pen- ton, St. Louis, Cin cinnati, Pittsburg, and Mound City — a hundred men in all, seamen and soldiers — and, pulling directly for the face of the battery, met with no other opposition than the fire of two sentinels, who scampered away. The six guns of the battery were spiked, and thus one of Foote's most formidable opponents was silenced. This daring feat was followed on the night of the 3d6 by another. Pope had frequently implored Foote to send a gun-boat to his assistance. At length the gallant Captain Walke obtained permission of the commander to undertake to run by the Confederate batteries with the Carondelet. This perilous feat was successfully performed at midnight, during a tremendous thunder-storm. The flashes of lightning revealed her to the Confederates, and she was compelled to run the gantlet of a heavy fire from all of the batteries. She did not return a shot ; and Foote was soon rejoiced by hearing the booming of three signal-guns from her deck, which was to be his assurance of her safety.4 She was received at New CONSTRUCTING THE CANAL.3 6 April. 1 Through this timber a way, at an average of fifty feet in width, was cut by sawing off trees, in some places four feet under water. 2 Report of General Pope to General Halleck, April 9, 1S62. Statement of General Hamilton to the author, June 7, 1803. 3 In this picture the accompanying gun-barges are seen to the right and left of the steumer. 4 The weak aides of thelCarondelet, where the iron plates did not cover them, were protected by bales of PASSING THE CONFEDERATE BATTERIES. 245 TIIE CARONDELET. Madrid with the wildest demonstrations of delight, the soldiers catchino- Up in their arms the sailors who rowed Walke's gig ashore, and passino- them from one to an other. The Carondelet was the first vessel that ran the Confederate blockade on the Mis sissippi River ; and her brave commander and his men received the special thanks of the Secretary of the Navy," °A^2> for his cou rageous and important act. On the following morning,4 the Benton, Cincinnati, and Pittsburg, with three boats, opened a heavy fire upon a huge floating battery of Arn14' sixteen guns, which the Confederates had moored at Island Number Ten.' Unable to defend it, the Confederates imperfectly scuttled the monster, and cut it loose. It drifted down the river and lodged a short distance above Point Pleasant. So one by one advantages were gained by the Nationals. The impatient Pope, satisfied that he could not rely upon the flotilla for much aid on his side of Island Number Ten, had caused several floating- batteries to be constructed of coal-barges, at the upper end of the canal, with which he intended to silence the guns on the Kentucky shore, opposite his position, and cover the passage across of his troops." These were com pleted when the canal was finished, and on the 5th of April they, with four steamers and some barges, were brought through that channel into the bayou which empties into the Mississippi at New Madrid. There all were kept concealed until every thing was in readiness for a forward movement. On the morning of the 6th, Pope sent the Carondelet down the river toward Tiptonville, with General Granger, Colonel Smith, of the Forty-third Ohio, and Captain L. B. Marshall, of his staff, to reconnoiter the stream below. They found the whole Kentucky and Tennessee shore for fifteen miles lined with heavy guns, at intervals in no case more than a mile apart, and between these intrenchments for infantry were thrown up. On their hay, lashed firmly together. She was cast loose at ten o'clock, and very soon afterward the furious thunder storm commenced. The thunder above and tho artillery below kept up a continual and fearful roar. The ves sel was about half an hour passing the batteries, nnd in that time forty-seven shot were fired at her, but not one , touched her. — Statement of Captain Walke to the author. 1 This was formerly the u Pelican Floating Dock," in New Orleans, and had been towed up the river over nine hundred miles. a Each battery was constructed of three heavy coal-barges, lashed together and bolted with iron. Tlie middle one carried the men and the guns, and was bulk-headed all around so as to give four feet of thick ness of solid timber, sides and ends. The outside barges had a layer of empty water-tight barrels securely lashed, then layers of dry cotton-wood rails and cotton, closely packed, so that a shot before reaching the middle barge must pass through twenty feet of rails and cotton. The empty barrels were intended as floats, in the event of the outer barges being pierced by shot below water-mark. Each battery had three heavy guns protected by traverses of sand-bags, and carried eighty sharp-shooters. 246 ISLAND NUMBER TEN ABANDONED. return, the Carondelet silenced a battery opposite Point Pleasant, and Captain Marshall, with a few men, landed and spiked its guns. That night, at the urgent request of Pope, Foote ordered the Pittsburg Lieutenant Thompson, to run the blockade. It was done, and she arrived at New Madrid at dawn on the ^th, when Captain Walke went down the river with the two gun-boats to silence batteries near Watson's Landing, below Tiptonville (Tennessee), where Pope intended to disembark his troops (then on the steamers that had passed through the canal), on the Tennessee shore, in the rear of Island Number Ten. A few days before, he had established batteries of 32-pounders, under Captain Williams, of the First Regular Infantry, opposite that point. The troops on the steamers comprised General Paine's division, and con sisted of the Tenth, Sixteenth, Twenty-second, and Fifty-first Illinois regi ments, with Houghtailing's Battery. A heavy rain-storm was sweeping over the country, but it did not impede the movement. Captain Walke performed his assigned duty admirably, and struck the final blow that secured a victory for the Nationals. At noon he signaled to Pope that the batteries were silenced. The steamers with the troops immediately moved forward and when they commenced crossing the broad river (which Pope said was the most magnificent spectacle he had ever seen), it was ascertained that the Confederates were abandoning then- batteries along that por tion of the Tennessee and Kentucky shore. Walke's victory assured the latter that all was lost, and their only thought was concerning safety in flight. There was now equal commo tion on Island Number Ten. Positive information concerning the flanking canal had been given at Confederate head-quarters there, but the story was not believed until the steamers were seen emerging from the bayou at New Madrid, when hope forsook them. Sinking their gun-boat, Grampus, and six transports in the river between the island and New Madrid, so as to form, as they supposed, effectual obstructions to navigation, they abandoned every thing and fled. It was important to capture the fugitives, and for that purpose Pope directed Stanley and Hamilton, who had come down by land, to cross their divisions. He pushed his troops on toward Tiptonville as fast as they were landed. They met and drove back the Confederates, who were attempting to fly toward Union City. These were joined at Tiptonville that night by many fugitives from Island Number Ten. The wildest confusion prevailed among them. They were driven to the swamps by Pope's 1862. ' advancing forces, and, at four o'clock in the mornino- « hemmed in on all sides, and finding it impossible to escape, they sur- StTNKEN VESSELS IN THE MISSISSIPPI. CAPTURE OF ISLAND NUMBER TEN. 247 Tendered unconditionally, laid down their arms, and received each his parole. At almost the same hour, Commodore Foote received a flag of truce from Island Number Ten, with an offer to surrender the island to him. Up to that time, the Confederates on the island had been ignorant of the disaster that Walke and Pope .had inflicted upon their friends below, and those who had fled in that direction expected to find shelter behind the batteries near Tiptonville. There had been grave doubts in the minds of the commanders on the island concerning their ability to hold it, ever since the Carondelet ran the blockade," and "'t™14' Beauregard's quick perceptions were satisfied that the siege must soon end in disaster and perhaps disgrace. So, on the morning after the passage of that vessel,6 he turned over the command on the island to General McCall, leaving McCown in charge of the pn troops on the Tennessee and Kentucky shores, and, with a considerable body of the best troops, departed for Corinth, in Upper Mississippi, there to prepare to check a formidable movement of the Nationals toward Alabama and Mississippi, by way of Middle Tennessee and the Tennessee River, which we shall consider presently. On assuming command, McCall issued a flaming order announcing it,1 and within thirty-six hours afterward he, too, satisfied of imminent danger, ordered his infantry and Stewart's battery to the Tennessee shore, in a posi tion favorable to escape, leaving only the artillerists on the island. The latter was the force that offered to surrender to Foote, and the entire number of his prisoners was only seventeen officers, three hundred and sixty-eight pri vate soldiers, four hundred sick, and one hundred men employed on the Con federate vessels. The number of prisoners taken by Pope and Foote together was seven thousand two hundred and seventy-three, including three generals and two hundred and seventy-three field and company officers. The spoils of vic tory were nearly twenty batteries, with one hundred and twenty-three cannon and mortars,2 the former varying from 32 to 100-pounders ; seven thousand small arms; magazine opposite island number ten. an immense amount of ammunition on the island and in magazines at points 1 The following is a copy of the order which was found at the Confederate head-quarters on the island : " Soldiers, — We are strangers, commander and commanded, each to the other. Let me tell you who I am. I am a general made by Beauregard — a general selected by Beauregard and Bragg for this command, when they "knew it was in peril. They have known me for twenty years; together we have stood on the fields of Mexico. Give them your confidence now; give it to me when I have earned it. Soldiers ! the Mississippi valley is intrusted to your courage, to your discipline, to your patience. Exhibit the vigilance and coolness of last night and hold it." 2 Among the mortars on the island was an ancient one, already alluded to, made of bronze and bearing the name of George the Second of England, which fact declared that it was more than one hundred years old. It was formerly in Jackson Square, New Orleans, where it was regarded as a pre cious trophy, it having been captured by the Americans from the British during the battle near that city, at the close of 1S14 and the beginning of 1816. Many of the cannon were from the Navy Yard at Norfolk. See page ANCIENT MORTAR. nn- J T 89T, volume I. 248 EFFECT OF THE VICTORY. along the Kentucky and Tennessee shores ; many hundred horses and mules with wagons, et cetera, and four steamers afloat. Never was a victory more complete and decisive, for very few men escaped and very little property was destroyed.1 During the whole of his operations in the siege, Pope did not lose a man, nor meet with an accident ; and the casualties in the fleet were very few. There did not seem to be evidence of much loss of life on the part of the Confederates ; but every where, from Beauregard's and McCall's head-quarters on the island to the smallest tent, there were proofs of the greatest haste in leaving. Among other things found at head-quarters was a bundle of important official pa pers, one of them containing a drawing of Fort Pillow on the river below. The victory at Island Number Ten produced the most profound. sensation throughout the entire republic. Its importance to each party in the conflict could scarcely be estimated. The announcement of it went over the land simultaneously with that of the hard-won triumph at Shiloh on the Tennessee ° Ai862T' River," which we shall consider presently, and was followed, a few days afterward, by that of the capture of Fort Pulaski, at the mouth of the Savannah River. Every loyal heart was filled with, joy and hope, and Government securities, which were at two and a half and three per cent, below par, immediately com manded a premium. The Confederates almost despaired. It was probable that Memphis, one of their strongholds on the Mississippi, where they had im mense workshops and armories, would confederate head-quarters, island number ten.3 soon share the fate of Columbus. It was probable that the great river would speedily be patrolled from Cairo to New Orleans by the almost invincible armored vessels of the Government, and the rich supply-country west of that stream be separated from the rest of the confederacy. They also appre hended that the great line of railway running almost parallel with the Missis sippi, between Southwestern Tennessee and New Orleans, would be seized MAP OF THE OPERATIONS OF POPE AND FOOTE.2 1 The value of the captured property was estimated at over a million of dollars. The steamers that were sunk were easily raised. 2 The figures on this map refer to the numbers of the islands. 3 In this little picture is seen a representation of one of the "plantation bells " that Beauresard called for THE CONFEDERATES ALARMED. 24 9 by National troops. Panic everywhere prevailed along tho " Father of Waters " below Island Number Ten. Martial law was proclaimed in Mem phis, and the specie of the banks there was removed to places of supposed safety. Many inhabitants fled ; and the troops that " guarded the city," and secessionists that remained, proposed to lay it in ashes if it could not be saved from " northern invaders ;" but the mayor somewhat allayed the panic caused by this proposition by publicly proclaiming (" not as magis trate," he said, "but as John Park"), that "he who attempted to fire his neighbor's house, or even his own, whereby it endangers his neighbor's, regardless of judge, jury, or the benefit of clergy, I will have him hung to the first lamp-post, tree, or awning." The disloyal inhabitants of New Orleans were also filled with the most dreadful apprehensions. The Governor of Louisiana (Moore), who had been chiefly instrumental in that State in bringing on the war, issued a despairing- appeal to the people ;l while in Richmond, the head-quarters of the conspira tors, the most gloomy apprehensions were entertained by them and by the disloyal inhabitants. " The trepidations and murmurings, the croakings and prophesyings of doom that have possessed many of the citizens of Rich mond during the past week," wrote a resident of that city, " would be enough to make us despair of the republic, if we could suppose the masses of the people of the Confederate States were equally timorous and irresolute."2 There were reasons for despondency, for upon every breeze of intelli gence from the West, for several weeks preceding, were borne to Richmond GRAND JUNCTION, MI8SIS8IPPL tidings of disaster to the Confederate cause. There were desperate reasons why the most vigorous efforts should be put forth to stay the southern march of the Nationafs;. and conscriptions and impressments were commenced. 1 " This is not tho hour for vain regrets or despondency," said Moore. " No, not even for hesitation. An insolent and powerful foe is already at the castle gate. The current of the mighty river speaks to us of his fleets advancing for our destruction, and the telegraph wires tremble with the news of his advancing columns. In the nameof all most dear to us, I entreat you to go and meet him." But there was little disposition to comply with the Government's wishes. When a letter from General Beauregard, which he sent by his Surgeon-Gen- oral Dr. Choppin (see note 8, page 23S), making an urgent demand for New Orleans to send 5.000 troops to him at o'nee, " to save the eity," and it was read by the Surgeon to the First and Second City Brigades, who were called out, their reply was, " We decline to go." 2 Richmond correspondent of the Memphis Appeal. 250 NATIONAL TROOPS IN ARKANSAS. Jackson, in Tennessee, and Grand Junction,1 on the southern border of that State ; Corinth, in Mississippi, and Decatur, in Alabama, all of them along the line of the Charleston and Memphis Railway, that stretches from the Mississippi to the Atlantic seaboard — were made places for the rendezvous of troops from Louisiana, Mississippi, and Alabama. And while Johnston was fleeing southward before the followers of the energetic Mitehel, to join his forces to those of Beauregard, the latter was gathering an army at Corinth to confront a most serious movement of the Nationals up the Ten nessee River, already alluded to. While Grant and Foote were pulling down the strongholds of rebellion in Middle Tennessee and Western Kentucky, the National troops, under Generals Curtis, Sigel, and others, were carrying the standard of the Republic, in triumph into Arkansas, in the grand movement down the Mississippi Valley toward the Gulf. We have observed how Price was ex pelled from Missouri and driven into Arkansas. He was closely followed by the National forces under the chief command of General Samuel R. Curtis, of Iowa, who crossed the line on the 18th of February, his troops cheering with, delight as they saw the old flag waving in triumph over the soil of another of the so-called Con federate States. On the same day, General Halleck sent a thrill of joy to every loyal heart, by telegraphing to General McClellan, " The flag of the Union is floating in Arkansas. . . . The army of the Southwest is doing its duty nobly." Curtis pushed on, notwithstanding his effective fighting force was con tinually diminishing, by the planting of guards along his extended line of communication with his sources of supply and re-enforcements. He captured here and there squads of Missouri recruits for Price's army ; fought the halt ing Confederates at the strong positions of Sugar Creek,5 the Cross Hollows, and other places in mountain defiles ; and his cavalry penetrated as far as Fayetteville, the capital of Washington County, near the northwestern border ofthe State. The Confederates fled so hastily from Cross Hollows that they left behind them their sick and wounded, and stores that they could not take away. They burned their extensive barracks there, left poisoned provisions J\ SAMUEL ». CURTIS. 1 Grand Junction was a very important point, being: at the junction of the Charleston and Memphis Kail- wuy and the railway from Now Orleans to Jackson, in Tennessee. It was only about two miles northward of tho State of Mississippi. During all the time that the Confederates held that section ofthe country, Grand Junction was the scene of large gatherings of troops. See page 84S, volume I. 2 Here, on the gOth. of February, some of Curtis's cavalry, under Colonel Ellis, and Majors McConnell, "Wright, and Bolivar, made a desperate chnrge on a brigade of Louisianians, under Colonel Hubert Two regi ments of infantry, under Colonels Phelps and Heron, and Captain Hayden, with his Dubuqne Battery, followed in support ofthe National cavalry. There was a sharp but short fight, and the Confederates were dispersed. T1.K' loss of the Nationals was nineteen, killed and wounded. GATHERING OF CONFEDERATE FORCES. 251 in the pathway of their flight,1 and, setting fire to Confederate stores and buildings at Fayetteville when they left it, went over the range of hills known as the Boston Mountains, in much confusion. This march of the Nationals was one of the most extraordinary of the war. The little army had moved at the rate of twenty miles a day, often fighting, and enduring great privations from inclement weather and insufficient food. General Price, meanwhile, had been joined by Ben McCulloch, with Texas, Louisiana, and Arkansas troops, and. his force had become fully equal in numbers to that of Curtis. The latter, glancing back over his long line of communications, and reflecting on the fact that his troops had been sub sisting mostly upon what had been taken from the Confederates since he had entered Arkansas, considered it prudent to retrace his steps, and take a stronger position nearer the Missouri border. He accordingly fell back from Fayetteville to Sugar Creek, not far from Bentonville, the capital of Benton County, Arkansas. On the 1st of March he issued an address to the inhabi tants of Arkansas, who had fled from their homes on his approach, to remove from their minds the false impressions which the Confederates had given them of the character of his army and the object of its presence in their State. He assured all peaceable citizens of safety and protection in person and property, and he called upon the deluded ones who had taken up arms to lay them down at once and take an oath of allegiance to their common country. Curtis did not wait for a response to his friendly communication. He was aware that his foe was rapidly increasing in numbers, and behind the sheltering hills was preparing to strike a heavy blow. Suddenly came the startling intelligence that Price and McCulloch had been joined by General Earl Van Dorn," one of the most dashing and energetic of the Confederate officers, lately been appointed'' commander of the Trans- Mississippi Department ;' General Albert Pike,3 at of a considerable body of half-civi lized Indians, making the whole Confederate force, including large numbers of Arkansas compulsory recruits, about twenty-five thousand strong.4 These were in and near Boston Mountains at the beginning of March. Van Dorn, the senior officer, was in chief command, and he was " March 2, 1862. who had » Jan. 29. also by the head EARL VAN DORN. 1 They left poisoned provisions at a place called Mud Town, of which forty-two of the officers and soldiers of the Fifth Missouri cavalry partook. Several of them died, and all suffered much. — Halleck's dispatch to McClellan, Feb. 27, 1S62. 2 He had come from Eichmond with instructions from Davis to stop the inarch of the National troops southward. 3 See page 4T5, volume I. • Arkansas. Louisiana, and Texas troops under McCulloch, 13,000, Choctaw, Cherokee. Chickasaw, and other Indians, with two white regiments under Pike, about 4,000; and Missouri troops under Price, about 8.000. 252 VAN DORST IN TIIE CONFEDERATE CAMP. rallying the whole Confederate army in that quarter, to drive Curtis back into Missouri. The forces of the latter, of all arms, did not at that time exceed eleven thousand men, with forty-nine pieces of artillery, including a mountain howitzer. Satisfied that he must soon fight a greatly superior force, he at once prepared for the encounter by so arranging his troops as best to present a strong front to the foe from whatever point he might approach. His head-quarters were near Cross Hollows, on the main road and telegraph line from Fayetteville to Springfield.1 The advent of General VanDorn in the Confederate camp was a cause for great rejoicing. Forty heavy guns thundered a welcome, and the chief harangued his troops in a boastful and grandiloquent style.2 For the pur pose of encouraging the people to take up arms, he caused telegraphic dis patches to be published, falsely proclaiming a great battle at Columbus, in which the Nationals had lost three gun-boats and twenty thousand men ; and he told his dupes that the way was now opened to drive the invaders from the soil of Arkansas, and give a final and successful blow for a Southern Con federacy.3 Van iDorn's preliminaries were followed by vigorous measures. Two days afterward his troops were in motion for offensive action, and ani mated by a full expectation of gaining a victory whenever they should meet the Nationals. 1 The following was the disposition of the National forces on the 4th of March. The First and Second Divisions, under General Sigel and Colonel Asboth, were at Cooper's farm, near Osage Springs, four miles southwest of Bentonville, the capital of Benton County, under general orders to move round to Sugar Creek,. about fourteen miles eastward. The Third Division, under General . Jefferson C. Davis (acting major-general), was at Sugar Creek ; and the Fourth Division, under Colonel E. A. Carr (acting brigadier-general), was near Cross Hollows, about twelve miles from Sugar Creek. Large detachments were out for forage and information, under Colonel Vandever, Major Conrad, and others, and some of them were too distant to engage in the battle that speedily ensued.* 2 "Soldiers," he cried, "behold your leader I He comes to show you the way to glory and immortal renown. He comes to hurl back the minions of the despots at Washington, whose ignorance, licentiousness, and brutality are equaled only by their craven natures. They come to free your slaves, lay waste your planta tions, burn your villages, and abuse your loving wives and beautiful daughters." Van Dorn had sent forth a characteristic address to " the young men of Arkansas, Texas, and Northern Louisiana." " We have voted to be free,11 he said. " We must now fight to be free, or present to the world the humiliating spectacle of a nation of braggarts, more contemptible than the tyrants who seek to enslave us. The flag of our country is waving on tho southern borders of Missouri — planted there by my hands, under authority from our chief magistrate. It repre sents all that is dear to us in life. Shall it wave there in melancholy loneliness, as a fall leaf in our primeval forests, or shall its beautiful field and bright stars flaunt in the breeze over the bright battalions of Arkansas, of Texas, and of Louisiana, as they are marshaling to do battle with Missouri for victory, for honor, and for inde pendence ? Awake, young men of Arkansas, and arm ! Beautiful maidens of Louisiana, smile not upon the craven youth who may linger by your hearth when the rude blast of war is sounding in your ears! Texas chiv alry, to arms ! Hardships and hunger, disease and death are preferable to slavish subjugation; and a nation with a bright page in history and a glorious epitaph is better than a vassaled land with honor lost, and a people sun k in infamy." 3 General Curtis's second report to General Halleck. * The following was the composition of General Curtis's army at this time : — First Division, commanded by Colonel Peter J. Oslerhaus, consisted of the Thirty-sixth Illinois, Twelfth and Seventeenth Missouri, a battalion of the Third Missouri ; the Twenty-fifth nnd Twenty-fourth Illinois, under Colonel Coler , two battalions of Illinois cavalry,. and batteries A and B, twelve guns. There was also a brigade of two regiments under Colonel Greasel, Tlie Second Division, commanded by Colonel (acting Brigadier-General) Asboth, consisted of two brigades, the first commanded by Colonel Schaeffer, and composed of the Second Missouri and Second Ohio Battery, six guns, under Lieutenant Chapman. The Second Brigade, Colonel Joliet, was composed of the Fifteenth Missouri ; the Sixth and a battalion of the Fourth Missouri cavalry ; and a flying battery of six guns, under Captain Elbert. These two divisions were commanded by General Sigel. The Tfrird Division, under Brigadier-General J. C. Davis, consisted of two brigades; the first composed of tbe Eighth, Eighteenth, and Twenty-second Indiana ; and an Indiana battery of six guns wa3 commanded by Colonel Barton. The second, commanded by Colonel White, was composed of the Thirty-seventh Illinois and Ninth Missouri, and the First Missouri cavalry, with a battery of four guns. Tlie Fourth Division, under Colonel Eugene A. Carr, was composed of two brigades. The first, uuder Colonel Dodge, consisting rf the Fourth Iowa, Thirty-fifth Illinois, and an Iowa battery under Captain Jones. The Second Brigade, under Colonei Vandever, was com posed of the Ninth Iowa, Twenty-filth Missouri, Third Illinois Cavalry, nnd a Dubuque battery of six guns under Captain Hayden. There- were also two battalions of the Third Iowa cavalry under Captain Bussey, and a battery of four mountain howitzers under Captain Stevens,. that were not brigaded. There wne also a battalion of cavalry UDder Major Bowen, acting as General Curtis'a body-guard. POSITION OF THE NATIONAL TROOPS. 253 The morning of the 5th" (when Van Dom moved) was blustery, and snow covered the ground. Curtis was unsuspicious of the movements n ¦,. .. , , , . . i . , <• March, 1862. ot nis enemy until two o clock m the afternoon, when scouts and fugitive citizens came hurrying to his tent, in which he was writing, with the startling intelligence that the Confederates were approaching in large force from the direction of Fayetteville, that their artillery had already passed that place, and that their cavalry would he at Elm Springs, not more than twelve- miles from head-quarters, that night. Curtis at once determined to concen trate his forces in Sugar Creek Valley, not far from Mottsville, and a short distance south of Pea Ridge, a portion of a spur of the Ozark Mountains, on the highway between Fayetteville and Springfield, where there was a good point for defense and an abundance of water, and where General Davis had already thrown up intrenchments.1 He gave orders accordingly, and there, on the morning of the 6th of March* the greater portion of his o 7 o l 6 1S62 troops were gathered, excepting those under General Sigel and a few who were vet abroad. Sigel had moved his camp" from Osage * . . . ° March 1. Springs to a point nearer Bentonville, to secure a better position for obtaining forage. He now found his command, and a train of two hun dred wagons, placed in a perilous position by Van Dorn's sudden and unex pected advance ; but, as Ave shall observe presently, he extricated them with small loss. Van Dora had marched rapidly from his camp near the Boston Mountains, in the edge of the Indian Country, about fifty miles from Pea Iiidge, accom panied by Generals Price, McCulloch, Mcintosh, and Pike. Informed of the strength of Curtis's position in front, he left the direct road at Fayetteville, and, marching more westward through Bentonville, struck the highway near the State line, about eight miles north of Sugar Creek, in the rear of the Nationals, thereby, as he thought, cutting off Curtis's supplies and re-enforce ments, and securing him and his army as captives. It was while he was on that march from Fayetteville that his approach was made known/ . . d March 5 He encamped that night at Cross Hollows,8 which Carr had left ; and Sigel, by a skillful movement in sending cavalry to Osage Springs to cover his right flank, safely conducted his train from McKissick's farm, west of Bentonville, to the latter place, and secured it from the grasp of the Con federates. Leaving a rear-guard (Thirty-sixth Illinois and a portion of the Second Missouri) at Bentonville, he sent his train forward toward Sugar Creek. Mistaking an order, Colonel Schaeffer with the Second Missouri also went forward, leaving only about six hundred men and five pieces of light artillery behind. These were surrounded by a battalion of cavalry forming Price's body-guard, and Louisiana infantry. Fortunately, Sigel had remained. with his rear-guard, and he handled his little band so skillfully and bravely that they cut their way through, and, changing front, they fought and fell 1 That valley ia low, and from a quarter to half a mile wide. The hills are high on both sides, nnd the main road from Fayetteville, by Cross Hollows to Keitsville, intercepts the valley nearly at right angles. Tho road from Fayetteville, by Bentonville, to Keitsville is quite a detour, but it also comes up tho Sugar Creek Valley. — General Sturgis's Second Eeport. * This is a place at the head waters of the Osage Creek, and not far from those of Sugar Creek. It was so named because three hollows, or ravines, from 75 to 100 feet wide, there cross each other. It was to this strong position that General Price fled when he left Missouri, and from which Curtis drove him in the march to Fayetteville. 254 FLANK MOVEMENT OF THE CONFEDERATES. « March. 1SG2. back alternately along the cross road leading through Leetown to the Elk- horn Tavern, until they were met by re-enforcements sent out by Curtis, when the pursuit ended. In this gallant affair Sigel lost twenty-eight killed and wounded and about fifty made prisoners.1 The latter Avere chiefly Schaeffer's men, who had fallen into an ambuscade. The remainder joined the forces of Davis and Carr at the Avest end of Pea Ridge, an elevated table-land broken by ravines, and inclosed in a large bend of Sugar Creek. Van Dorn completed his flank movement on the night of the 6th," and proceeded to attack the Nationals early the following morning. He left a small force to make a feint on their front, while Pike, with his Indian followers, took position about two miles to their right, to divert their attention from the main point of attack in their rear. Price occupied the main road not far from the Elkhorn Tavern, north of Curtis's camp, and McCulloch and Mcintosh lay north of Sigel and DaAas, after the ^National army had changed position, as Ave shall obseiwe presently. In the mean time Curtis had been busy in felling trees to block the aA'enues of approach to his camp, and the roads running parallel to the main highway. Breastworks had been speedily constructed at important points, and a bat tery had 'been planted and masked near the passage of the main road across Sugar Creek, under the direction of General Davis. His position Avas strong. On the morning of the 7th, Curtis Avas first informed of Van Dorn's flank movement, which seriously threatened the communication between his camp and his resources. The peril Avas extreme, and prompt action Avas necessary. He at once changed his front to rear, bringing his line of battle across Pea Ridge, and prepared to fight. The number of his foes Avas more than double that of his own, but there Avas no alternative. He must either fight or make a perilous flight. His ample preparations to receive Van Dorn in his front Avere noAV useless, and he Avas compelled to meet the skillful Mississippian on a field of the latter's OAvn choosing. In that change of front, the First and Second divisions, under Sigel and Asboth, Avere on his left, the Third, under Davis, composed his center, and Carr's Fourth diA'ision formed his right. His line of battle stretched between three and four miles, from Sugar Creek to Elkhorn TaA'ern. Confronting this was the Confede rate line, Avith Price and his Mis sourians on their right, Mcintosh in the center, and McCulloch on their left. A broad and deep ravine called Cross Timber Hollow, coArered with fallen trees, intersected the lines of both armies, and made maneiiArering very difficult. At about half-past ten in the ALEXANDER A6BOTII. 1 Congratulating his troops on the loth of March, Sigel said of this affair — "On the retreat from Bentonville- to Sugar Creek, a distance of ten miles, you cut your way through an enemy at least five times stronger than yourselves." - BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE. 255 morning," Colonel Osterhaus was sent out with a detachment of the Third Iowa caAralry and some light artillery (Davidson's Peoria Battery), supported hy the First Missouri cavalry, Colonel Ellis, and Twenty- * M?™j) "' second Indiana, Colonel Hendricks, to fall upon Van Dorn's cen ter before he could fully form in battle order. Just as this movement had commenced, and Curtis was giving instructions to division commanders at Asboth's tent, word came to him that his pickets, under Major "Weston (Twenty-fourth Missouri), on his extreme right, near Elkhorn Tavern, had been heavily attacked. Colonel Carr Avas at once sent to the support of Weston, and a severe battle ensued. Thus opened the fight on that eventful morning. Meanwhile Osterhaus had advanced about a mile beyond Lee- town, and attacked what seemed to be a small body of Confederates in the edge of a wood and shrub-oak thicket. He brought three cannon (Davidson's Battery) to bear upon them, and they were apparently dispersed. Then he moved forAvard AA'ith the IoAva cavalry, to clear the woods of any insurgents that might be left, when he fell into a trap which had been laid for him. The woods swarmed Avith Confederates. The charge of the cavalry Avas- broken, and they were, driven back in disorder upon their supports, hotly pursued by Van Dorn's horse and foot. Two guns were captured by the latter, and a total rout and dispersion of the attacking column seemed inevi table, when General Davis and his division, who had bivouacked on the alert all the night before, came to the rescue, with General Sigel, who appeared on the Confederate flank. Curtis had at first ordered DaAris to tbe relief of Carr on his extreme right, but, deeming the peril to Osterhaus the most imminent, he directed him to hasten to his aid. Davis changed his march skillfully under fire, and advancing through Leetown his Second brigade,1 commanded by Colonel Julius White, he Avas soon fighting heavily with McCulloch and Mcintosh, and Pike's Indians, under himself and Ross. The battle was fierce and destructive. The Confederates were continually re-en forced. Davis and Osterhaus recoiled and recovered alternately; and the line of battle swayed like a pendulum. The issue of the strife seemed doubt ful, when the Eighteenth Indiana, who had been ordered to attack the Con federate flank and rear, performed the duty so vigorously with ball and bayonet that they drove them from that part of the field, strewed it with the dead and Avounded bodies of Texans and Indians, and recaptured the two cannon which, amid the shouts of the victors, were instantly trained upon their foe. That regiment and the Twenty-second (Colonel H. D. Wash burn), from the same State, were conspicuous for their gallantry on the occasion. The latter had engaged a large force of Arkansas troops and Indians, and put them to flight. The Confederates had now become fugitives in turn. In their flight they left their dead and wounded on the field, among whom were Generals McCulloch and Mcintosh, mortally hurt. The insurgents tried to re-form at their former position on the Bentonville road, but the arrival, at about this time, of Sigel with two batteries of heavy artillery (18-pounders) settled the issue of the day. After a brief but sharp artillery duel, the Confederates were driven back, and Sigel's heavy guns, with Osterhaus's command, Avere 1 See sub-note, page 252. 256 BATTLE OF PEA RIDGE. moved toward the right to assist Colonel Carr, if necessary. The day was fast wearing away, and, there being no indications of a disposition on the part of the Confederates to reneAV the fight, Davis's command bivouacked on the field they had so nobly assisted in Avinning.1 While the battle was raging in the center, Curtis's right wing was heavily pressed. Colonel Carr had moved up the main road toward Elkhorn Tavern ; Colonel Dodge's brigade filing off to the road leading from that place to Ben tonville, where Captain Jones, of the Iowa Battery, opened upon the Con federates, and a smart artillery fight ensued, in Avhich infantry Avere engaged. Colonel Vandever's brigade passed about half a mile beyond the tavern, and Captain Hayden's Dubuque battery at about nine o'clock also ojaened upon the Confederates.2 Very soon there was fighting along the whole line of Carr's division, and one of the guns of the Dubuque battery was captured by the foe. So fierce and heavy Avas the Avork of the Confederates, that Carr was •driven back a short distance after an hour's hard fighting. Still hard pressed, he fought on. H3 sent for re-enforcements, but all Curtis could spare Avere a few caAralry, his body-guard, and a little mountain howitzer, under Major Bowen. He told the gallant Colonel to stand firm, and he did so. Again, when Carr thought he could hold out no longer, Curtis sent him word to " persevere " and he should receive succor. He did so at a fearful cost — how fearful, the records of the sad havoc made in the ranks of the Fourth and Ninth Iowa, and Twenty-fourth and TAventy-fifth Missouri, bear witness. A little later, Avhen Curtis Avas satisfied that his left and center Avere safe, he sent first some artillery and a battalion of infantry to Carr's aid. Then he ordered General Asboth to move to the right Avith his division, by the Fayetteville road, and take position at the Elkhorn Tavern, Avhile Sigel should re-enforce Davis, and, if proper, press toward the Elkhorn also. Asboth Avas accom panied by the Commanding General, who arrived at Carr's position at about five o'clock, and found him severely wounded in the arm, but fighting bravely. Many of his officers were disabled, and his dead and maimed, composing nearly one-fourth of his entire command, strewed the ground, OA'er which he had been pushed back about a mile. For seven hours he had contested the field inch by inch, under a continuous fire. The re-enforcements were timely, and prevented more severe disaster. General Asboth planted his cannon in the road and opened a heavy fire at short range, but was soon severely Avounded, while his guns became silenced for want of ammunition. The fight, for a time, Avas Arery fierce. The Second Missouri regiment became hotly engaged ; and the Fourth Iowa, who were falling back in good order, after exhausting their ammunition, quickly obeyed a command to make a bayonet charge, and so recovered the field they had abandoned. One of Curtis's body-guard was shot dead, and an orderly near the General was hit Avith a bullet. The pressure on his line Avas yet heavy 1 This has been called The Battle of Leetown, it having been fought near that village. 2 Colonel Vandever had been to Uuntsville, in Madison County, for the purpose of capturing a regiment of insurgents there. These had left two days before. On receiving a message from General Curtis, announcing the approach of Van Born, Vandever made a forced march of forty-ono miles to the National camp, making only three halts, of fifteen minutes each, during the entire distance. The infantry consisted of the Ninth Iowa and Twenty-fifth Missouri. Vandever arrived on the evening of the 6th, and went into the fight refreshed. Another expedition under Major Conrad, consisting of about six hundred infantry, a section of artillery, and a battalion of cavalry which had been sent toward the borders of the Indian Nation, did not return in time to engage in the battle. IT frU [£ (£[£IKIlEGu&[L©d j,t C- ¦¦;, « ^ GEORGE SYKES, M. G I 4. G. K.WARREN. M. G 1 7 JOHN BUFORD, M. G . W T. H BROOKS. M G 6 ALFRED PLCASONTON, M G: : 0 SILAS CASEY, M. G 3 E D. KEYES, M 6 D. H. BIRNEY, I 10 H. W SLOCUM, M G 11 W. F SMITH, M G .... GEOR.GE STON-EMAN, M. G I 12. JOHN NEWTON, ivj « GEORG-E W '''.BIJ.DS PUB1.I3BF.R. 628 & 630 CHESTNUT St. Phii.adei.vhja BATTLE OP PEA EIDGE. 257 and unabated, and Asboth had directed his now useless cannon to be taken back to a place of safety, when a courier came from Sigel to herald his near approach. Animated by these tidings, the Nationals stood firm until their ammunition was entirely exhausted and night fell. The Confederates fired the last shot, but the Nationals held the field.1 The wearied Union troops slept that night on their arms. Their right had suffered disaster, but their center had driven the Confederates from the battle-ground, and their left was untouched. In such condition (the lacking- being supplied with ammunition) they awaited the dawn to renew the conflict. Their foe, severely smitten and disheartened by the loss of two generals and scores of maimed and slaughtered comrades, were quite willing to have an opportunity for repose. Both armies lay among the dead and dying during that gloomy night. Van Dorn, Avho had been a greater part of the day in command of the troops that fought Carr, noAV concentrated his whole available force on Curtis's right. He lodged at the Elkhorn Tavern that night, and made preparations to open the battle in the morning. Curtis was vigilant, and easily penetrated his enemy's designs ; so, notwithstanding the weariness of his troops, he effected a change of front during the darkness. At two o'clock in the morning he was joined by Sigel and his command, who had been com pelled to make a Avide circuit in order to reach that position, and at a little after ^ sunrise the- Nationals Avere almost ready for battle, the whole four divisions so posted as to fight Van Dorn with vigor. Curtis and his troops were in fine spirits, and felt confident of victory. The silence of the Confederates so late in the morning seemed ominous of weakness, and Avhen a stir was observed among them, the General, fearing they might be moving off, did not wait for Asboth and Sigel to get into position, but ordered Davis, Avho occupied the center in the new line, to open the battle. Davis at once deployed Colonel Pattison's brigade a few hundred yards to the right of the Fayetteville road, to support Klaus's First Indiana battery, Avhich was placed at the edge of an open field, betAveen the hills at Elkhorn Tavern and the National camp. Davidson's battery was placed in a similar position on the left of the road, supported by White's brigade. These batteries opened fire briskly, and were responded to with terrible energy from batteries Avhich the Confederates had planted durinc the night, some of their heavy guns sending raking shot, and compelling the National right to fall back to avoid them. The battle-line was soon perfected, with Asboth and Sigel a little to the rear of the remainder. Curtis well knew the ground and the relative position of his foe. He ordered his right to move forward to a position occupied the night before, while the left was so extended as to command Pea Rido-e and make a flank movement on that wing almost impossible. Upon an eleva tion on the extreme right, which commanded Van Dorn's center and left he planted the Dubuque battery, AArith orders for the right Avin^ to sup port it, and Arery soon its commander, Hayden, opened a galling fire on the Confederates. Captain Davidson, Avith his First Iowa battery, also opened fire on their center, and thus skirmishing was kept up until Sigel's command on the left was in perfect readiness, when the decisive action commenced. 1 This was called by the Confederates the Battle of Elkhorn. VOL. II.— 55 258 NATIONAL VICTORY AT PEA PJDGE. Sigel first ordered Colonel Coler to post his Twenty-fifth Illinois along a fence- in open view of the Confederate batteries, which immediately opened fire on them. At the same time, Sigel placed a battery of six guns on a rise of ground in their rear. Then the TAvelfth Missouri Avheeled into line on the right of Coler's regiment, and another battery of heavy guns Avas planted in a similar position behind these. Then other regiments and other batteries- were brought into line ; and, when all were in readiness, the infantry lay down in front of the heavy guns, and a terrible cannonade was opened. Battery after battery of the Confederates was silenced in the course of two hours, and so horrible was the tempest of iron that fell upon Van Dorn and his followers that they Avere compelled to fly to the shelter of the ravines of Cross-Timber HoIIoav. Sigel's- infantry at the same time crept steadily forward, and the troops- ofthe center and right pressed. onward and joined in the fight. When the Confederates fled,. Sigel's whole division were seen climbing up and occupying the- rugged hills from which the in surgents had been driven.1 The flight of Van Dorn's troops was so sudden, rapid, and scattering, that it Avas dif ficult for Curtis to determine Avhich way to follow them with the best effect.8 General Sigel pushed forward along the main road toward Keitsville, where General Price had been posted. He too had fled, and the Con federate army, so strong and so confident of victory twenty-four hours before, was broken into fragments.3 CONFEDERATE CAMP BATTLE-FIELD OP TEA EIDGE. J" The upward movement of the gallant Thirty-sixth Illinois," said Curtis, iu his report, "with its dark- blue line of men and its gleaming bayonets, steadily rose from base to summit, when it dashed forward into the forest, driving and scattering the rebels from these commanding heights. The Twelfth Missouri, far in advance of others, rushed into tbe enemy's lines, bearing off a flag and two pieces of artillery. Everywhere our line moved forward and the foe as gradually withdrew. The roar of cannon and small arms was continuous, and no force could then withstand the converging line and concentrated cross-m-e of our gallant troops. Our guns continued some time after the rebel fire ceased, and the rebels had gone down into the deep caverns through which 'they had begun their precipitate flight. Finally, our firing ceased. The enemy suddenly vanished." 2 " Following down the main road, which enters a deep canon, I saw some straggling teams and men running in great trepidation through the gorges of the mountain. I directed a battery to move forward, which threw a few shots at them, followed by a pursuit of cavalry, comprised of the Benton Hussars, and my escort from Bowen's battalion, which was all the cavalry convenient at the time. General Sigel also followed in pursuit. toward Keitsville, while I returned, trying to check a movement which led my forces north, where I was confi dent a frightened foe was not likely to go. I soon found the rebel forces had divided and gone in every direc tion, but it was several hours before I learned that the main force, after entering the canon, had turned short to the right, following ravines which led into the Huntsvillo road in a due south direction. General Sigel followed, some miles north, toward Keitsville, firing on the retreating force that ran away ; Colonel Bussy, with cavalry and the little howitzers, followed beyond Bentonville ; I camped on the field, and made provision for burying the- dead and care of the wounded." — General Curtis, in his official report. 3 Reports of General Cujtis and his subordinate officers ; also of Generals Van Dorn and Price. THE RESULT OF THE BATTLE. 259 The hard struggle during those early days of Spring," in the extreme northwestern corner of Arkansas, called by the general name of the Battle of Pea Ridge,1 notwithstanding its magnitude, was a Hai'c^n' T' 8l ' ° & ' 1862. not of very great importance in its bearing upon the results of the war. There was heavy loss incurred by both parties.2 Although victory was awarded to the Nationals, the spoils that fell into their hands were of incon siderable consequence, for Van Dorn managed very skillfully in carrying away nearly all of his artillery and baggage. Indeed, his whole design in giving battle on the morning of the 8th was to blind Curtis to the fact that he was withdrawing his troops and materials of war. His army was not captured, nor was it more than temporarily dispersed. There was great gallantry displayed on both sides, sufficient to receive the highest praise from, and give the greatest satisfaction to, the friends of each,3 but a stain that cannot be effaced tarnishes the glory of all the achievements of the Confederates on that occasion, because of their employment of Indians in that campaign, whose savage atrocities on the field of Pea Ridge are too well authenticated to be denied.4 Both parties tacitly agreed to fight no more in that exhausted section of the State, and both soon disappeared from the scene of this conflict. Van Dorn collected his scattered forces on the road between the Elkhorn Tavern and Bentonville, about eight miles from the battle-field, made an arrange- 1 The Confederates gave it the general title of Battle of Elkhorn. 2 General Curtis reported his loss at 1,351 killed, "wounded, and missing, of whom more than one-half (701i were of Colonel Carr's division. Among the slain was Colonel Hendricks. The loss of the Confederates was never reported. It could not have been less than that of the Nationals. Pollard (i. 277) says Van Dorn esti mated his entire loss at "about 600." 3 Van Dorn wrote to his superiors at Richmond, saying, "During the whole of this engagement I was with the Missourians under Price, and I have never seen better fighters than these Missouri troops, or more gallant leaders than General Price and his ofiicers. From the first to the last shot, they continually rushed on, and never yielded an inch they had won ; and when at last they had orders to fall back, they retired steadily and with cheers." In a stirring address to his troops from " Camp Pea Ridge," a week after the battle, Sigel said : "Tou may look with pride on the few days just passed, during which you have so gloriously defended the flag of the Union. From two o'clock on the morning of the sixth, when you left McKissick's farm, until four o'clock in the afternoon of the ninth, when you arrived from Keitsville in the common encampment, you marched fifty miles, fought three battles, took not only a battery and a flag from the enemy, but more than one hundred and fifty prisoners. . . . Tou have done your duty, and you can justly claim your share in the common glory of this victory. But let us not be partial, unjust, or haughty. Let us not forget that alone we were too weak to perform the great work before us. Let us acknowledge the great services done by all the brave soldiers of the Third\nd Fourth divisions, and always keep in mind that 'united we stand, divided we fall.' Let us hold out and push the work through — not by mere words and great clamor— but by good marches, hy hardships and fatigues, by strict discipline and effective battles. "Columbus has fallen, Memphis will follow, and if you do in future as you have done in these days of trial, the time will soon come when you will pitch your tents on the beautiful shores of the Arkansas River, and there meet our own iron-clad propellers at Little Rock and Fort Smith. Therefore keep alert, my friends, and look forward with confidence." * According to the statement of eye-witnesses, and a correspondence between Generals Curtis and Van Dorn, commenced when the latter asked (March 9th) the privilege of burying his dead, the Indians, under Pike and Ross, tomahawked, scalped, and shamefully mangled the bodies of National soldiers. These Indians, many of whom claimed to be civilized, were maddened with liquor, it is said, before the battle of the 7th, that they might allow the savage nature of their race to have unchecked development. In their fury they respected none ofthe usages of war, but scalped the helpless wounded, and committed atrocities. too horrible to mention. When Curtis made the charge against these allies of the insurgents, Van Dorn did not deny it, but sought tu break its force by accusing the Germans in Curtis's army of murdering prisoners of war. We have already observed (pages 474 to 477, inclusive, volume I.) how the conspirators had tampered with the civilized and half- civilized Indians in the regions bordering on Kansas and Texas, and how in August, 1861, the Cherokees tendered their support to the Confederate cause. That was after the battle of Wilson's Creek, which the emissaries of the Confederates made the Indians believe was an overwhelming defeat to the Union ists, and utter destruction of the National power in Missouri. The battle of Bull's Run was represented as a com plete discomfiture of the Government ; and the flight of the Union army from that field, and the death of Lyon, 260 INDIANS EMPLOYED BY THE CONFEDERATES, ment with Curtis for burying the Confederate dead, and, after accomplishing that humane object, withdrew; Curtis gave his army ample rest on the field of his victory, and finding no foe to fight in that section of Arkansas, he marched in a southeasterly direction to Batesville, the capital of Independ ence County, on the White River, where he arrived on the 6th of May. and the falling back of the Union troops in Missouri after the battle of Wilson's Creek, fixed the impression on the minds ofthe Indians that henceforth the Confederate "Government" would be the only legitimate and powerful one on which they could rely. While Chief Ross and his associates were perplexed by indecision, Ben. McCulloch nnd his Texans, who, as we have seen, abandoned Price in Missouri, marched to the Indian border, and required tho Creeks and Cherokees to decide immediately to which cause they would adhere, on penalty of having their country ravaged by 20,000 Texas and Arkansas troops. This produced the council at Tahlequah on the 20th of August, and the message of Chief Ross, printed on page 476, volume I. A large minority of both nations, led by the Creek Chief Opothleyolo, resisted the Confederates and their Indian adherents. Between these and the Indian insur gents a battle was fought on the 9th of December, 1861, on Bushy Creek, ISO miles west of Fort Smith, when Opothleyolo and his followers, as we have observed, were driven into Kansas. The Indian Territory was then left in the undisputed possession of the Confederates; and there it was that Pike collected about 4,000 warriors, who appeared in the Battle of Pea Ridge. This was the only battle in the war in which any considerable num ber of Indians were engaged ; and it was agreed by the Confederate officers that they damaged their cause more than they aided it. Pike and his Indians soon afterward disappeared from the stage, and were not again sum moned to action. In his official report, General Van Dorn does not mention that any assistance was derived from the plumed Pike and his dusky followers. That degenerate Bostonian (sec note 1, page 475, volume I.) soon took otF his Indian costume and was hidden in the shadows of obscurity until the close of the war, when he re-appeared for a moment as a suppliant for mercy, and was granted a full pardon by President Johnson. GRANT AND HIS ARMY. 261 CHAPTEK X. GENERAL MITCHEL'S INVASION OF ALABAMA— THE BATTLES OP SHILOH. ET us return to Tennessee, and observe what Generals Grant and Buell did immediately after the fall of Fort Donelson, and the flight of the Confederates, civil and military, from Nashville. We left General Grant at the Tennessee capi tal, in consultation with General Buell." His praise was upon every ^j^3'' loyal lip. His sphere of action had just been enlarged. On hearing of his glorious victory at Fort Donelson, General Halleck had assigned6 him to J b Feb 14 the command of the new District of West Tennessee, which em braced the territory from Cairo, between the Mississippi and Cumberland Rivers, to the northern borders of the State of Mississijvpi, with his head quarters in the field. It was a wide and important stage for action, and he did not rest on the laurels he had won on the Tennessee and Cumberland, but at once turned his attention to the business of moving vigorously forward in the execution of his part of the grand scheme for expelling the armed Con federates from the Mississippi valley. For that purpose he made his head quarters temporarily at Fort Henry, where General Lewis Wallace was in command, and began a new organization of his forces for further and impor tant achievements. Foote's flotilla was withdrawn from the Cumberland, and a part of it was sent up the Tennessee River, while its commander, as we have observed, went down the Mississippi with a more powerful naval arma ment to co-operate with the land troops against Columbus, Hickman, Island Number Ten, and New Madrid. An important objective was Corinth, in Northern Mississippi, at the inter section of the Charleston and Memphis and Mobile and Ohio railroads, and the seizure of that point, as a strategic position of vital importance, was Grant's design. It would give the National forces control of the great rail way communications between the Mississippi and the East, and the border slave-labor States and the Gulf of Mexico. It would also facilitate the capture of Memphis by forces about to move down the Mississippi, and would give aid to tbe important movement of General Curtis in Arkansas. Grant was taking vigorous measures to accomplish this desirable end, when an order came from General Halleck," directing him to turn over his forces c M h i to his junior in rank, General C. F. Smith, and to remain himself at Fort Henry. Grant was astonished and mortified. He was unconscious of acts deserving of the displeasure of his superior, and he requested Halleck 262 EXPEDITION UP THE TENNESSEE. n March 10, 1S62. to relieve him entirely from duty. That officer, made satisfied that no fault could justly be found with Grant, wrote a letter to head-quarters that removed all misconception, and on the 14th of March the latter was restored to the chief command.1 This satisfied the loyal people, who were becoming im patient because of seeming injustice toward a successful commander. Meanwhile the troops that gathered at Fort Henry had been sent up the Tennessee in transports. The unarmored gun-boats Tyler and Lexington had gone forward as far as Pittsburg Landing, at the termination of a road from Corinth, and about twenty miles from that place. There they were as sailed by a six-gun battery, which, after a mutual cannonade, was silenced. When the report of this success reached General Smith, sixty-nine transports, with over thirty thousand troops, were moved up the river.2 The advance (Forty-sixth Ohio, Colonel Worthington) landed at Sa vannah," the capital of Har din County, on the eastern bank of the stream, and took military possession of the place. General Smith, whose head quarters were on the steamer Leonora, immediately sent out scouts in the di rection of Corinth, where Beauregard was strainino- every nerve to concentrate an army to oppose this formidable movement. Their reports satisfied him that the Confederates were not then more than ten thousand strong in his front, and that their capture or dis persion would be an easy matter. He hoped to be allowed to move upon them at once, and, as a preparatory measure, he ordered General Lewis Wal lace, with his division, to Crump's Landing on the west side of the river, four miles above Savannah, and thence sixteen miles westward to Purdy, a village on the railway between Humbolt, in Tennessee, and Corinth, to destroy portions of the road and inrportant bridges in that vicinity, and especially one with extended trestle-work at each end, a few miles south of Purely. This was a hazardous undertaking, for General Cheatham, with a large force ofthe Confederates, was lying near, in the direction of Pittsburg Landing. But it was successfully accomplished by a battalion of Ohio cavalry, under Major Hayes, in the midst of a series of heavy thunder- CIIABLKS FERGUSON SMITH.' 1 It seems that some malignant or jealous person had made Grant's consultation with Buell at Nashville seem like an offense against General Halleck, his immediate chief; and the march of General Smith's forces up the Cumberland from Fort Donelson was condemned as a military blunder. Grant's inability, on account of sufficient reasons, to report the exact condition of his forces at that time was also a cause of complaint; and, without inquiry, he was suspended from the chief command for ten days.— See Coppee's Grant and /lis Campaigns. Note on page 81. - "It is difficult to conceive any thing more orderly and beautiful," wrote General Wallace to the author, soon afterward, " than the movement of this army up the river. The transports of each division were assembled together in the order of march. At a signal, they put out in line, loaded to their utmost capacity with soldiers and materials. Cannon flred, regiments cheered, bands played. Looking up the river, after the boats had one by one taken their places, a great dense column of smoke, extending far as the eye could reach, marked the sinuosities of the stream and hung in the air like a pall. It was, indeed, a sight never to bo forgotten." s From a photograph by Brady, taken before the war. EVENTS NEAR PITTSBURG LANDING. 263 showers. A train, crowded with Confederate troops, came down while the bridge and trestle-work were burning, and escaped capture by reversing the engine and fleeing at railway speed. X".':'..Zi. /AV^. a March 14, 1S62. PITTSJ3TJKG LANDING, IN 1866. General Sherman's division was sent farther up the river to Tyler's Land ing," at the mouth of Yellow Creek, just within the borders of Mississippi, to strike the Charleston and Memphis railway at Burnsville, a little east of Corinth. Floods preventediiis reaching the railway, when, by order of General Smith, he turned back and disem barked at Pittsburg Landing, and took post in the vicinity of Shiloh Meeting house, a little log-building in the forest, about two miles from the Tennessee River, that belonged to the Methodists. General Stephen A. Hurlbut took pos session of Pittsburg Landing1 without ojDposition, and held it in quiet until the night of the 20th,6 when a scouting party, composed of detachments of the Fourth Illinois and Fifth Ohio •cavalry, three hundred and fifty strong, and nearly one hundred infantry, all under Lieutenant-Colonel Heath, went out in the direction of the railway, near 6 March. SUIL01I MEETING-IIOUSK. 1 Pittsburg Landing was the projected site of a commercial river-town, to rival Savannah, below it, and Hamburg, above it. The only buildings there were a store-house on a terrace, at the mouth of a ravine near the shore, and a dwelling-house, on the high bank above, which served as a post-office. When the writer visited the Landing, in April, 1866, only a few scattered bricks and some charred wood were to be seen on the site of the buildings. In tho view here given, tho spectator is looking down the Tennessee Iliver from across the ravine and creek, at the mouth of which, as we shall hereafter observe, tlie gun-boats Tyler and Lexington lay on Sun day night, April 6th and 7th. The river had been made brim full by recent rains at the time of the author's visit. 264 NASHVILLE AND JOHN MORGAN. Iuka. These encountered, and, in a skirmish in Black Jack Forest, dispersed, six hundred Confederate horsemen, on their way to surprise and attack Hurl- but's encampment.1 These had come from Beauregard's army at Corinth. While the movement up the Tennessee was going on, General Buell s army was slowly making preparations to march southward overland and join Grant's at Savannah. It was not until the 28th of March, when Grant's position had become a perilous one, as we shall observe, that Buell left Nash ville. A part of his force, under General Mitehel, went in the direction of Huntsville, in northern Alabama, to seize and hold the Memphis and Charles ton railway at that place, while the main body under Buell, composed of the division of Generals Thomas, McCook, Nelson, Crittenden, and T. J. Wood, moved more to the westward by way of Columbia, at which place they left the railway. General James S. Negley was left in command of reserves at Nashville, where he immediately commenced cast ing up strong fortifications on the surrounding heights for its defense. Among these, Fort Negley -was the most formidable and conspicuous. It" was erected on the most commanding hill near the city; and on other emi nences redoubts and block-houses "were soon built. The Confederates under Johnston, as we have observed, hastened from Nash ville to Murfreesboro, twenty-five miles below, on the railway leading to Chat tanooga.2 From that point they went across the country in a southwesterly direction, to form a junction with the 1 This skirmish was maintained by the .advanced company of Illinois cavalry, under Captain George Dodge. 2 It was at about this time that John Morgan, the famous guerrilla chief, first became conspicuous. The Confederate Congress had given its sanction to what the Spaniards call guerrilla warfare, which was carried on in small bands by troops not under any brigade-commanders, roaming at pleasure, with power to tako any thing from foes or neutrals, but generally responsible to the major-general commanding in their department. They became, in many instances, mere roving bands of marauders and phinderers, equally terrible to all parties. Among the most noted of these was Morgan, a young man about thirty-five years of age, six feet in height, well made, strong, agile, and perfect master of himself. He had a keen, bluish-gray eye, a light complexion, sandy hair, and generally wore a moustache. Before the war he was known as a generous and jolljr horse-loving and horse-racing Kentuckian, and he had great influence over his associates. He was an admirable horseman and precise marksman. lie was an inexorable disciplinarian, and demanded implicit obedience. He once ordered one of his troopers to perform some perilous act in battle. The man did not move. "Do you understand my orders?" asked the chief. "Yes, Captain, but I cannot obey," was the answer. l-Thcn good by,'1 said Morgan and shot him dead. Turning to his men, he said, " Such be the fate of every man disobeying orders in the face of an enemy." After that, no man waited for a second order. We shall meet this bold rider frequently westward of tho mountains and in East Tennessee. Here we will notice a single act of his, at about tho time wo are considering, which illustrates his coolness and daring. It is said to have been performed just after Johnston had fled from Nashville, and Morgan was scouting and foragin^ in his rear. He went into the city dressed as a farmer, with a load of meal, which he gave to the National Com missary, saying that there were some Union men out in his region, but they had to be careful to avoid th© rebel cavalry. He dined at the St. Cloud hotel, and, at the table, sat by the side of General McCook, who was bo cruelly murdered afterward, ne was pointed out as the generous Union farmer who had made the °ift to the commissary, and ho was persuaded to take tho value of it in gold. Then he secretly informed the "eneral that a band of Morgan's cavalry was camping near his residence, and that if one or two hundred horsemen would come to his house he would show them how to capture the noted rough-rider. They were sent, and wer* all captured by Morgan. — See Thirteen Montlts in the Rebel Army, by an impressed. Xew Yorker. MITCHEL'S EXTRAORDINARY MARCH. 2QI FOUT NEGLEY.1 forces of Beauregard at Corinth. This was effected on the 1st of April, and the united armies lay upon the line of the Mobile and Ohio railway from Corinth south to Bethel, and on the Memphis and Charles ton railway, from Cor inth east to Iuka. They were joined by several regiments from Louisi ana ; two divisions from Columbus, under Gen eral Polk; and a fine corps from Mobile and Pensacola, commanded by General Bragg. " In numbers, in discipline, in the galaxy of the distinguished names of its commanders, and in every article of merit and display, the Confederate army in the vicinity of Corinth was one of the most magnificent ever assembled by the Soutli on a single battle-field."'2 The whole number of effective troops was about forty-five thousand. It was this army that Grant and Buell were speedily called upon to fight near the banks of the Tennessee. General Mitehel performed his part of the grand movement southward with the most wonderful vigor and success. With the engines and cars captured at Bowling Green, his troops had entered Nashville. He was sent forward, and occupied Murfreesboro' when the Confederates abandoned it in March. After he parted with the more cautious Buell at that place, on the moving of the army southward at the close of March," his own iudsjment was his oM,trfl2S' ¦J » > 1862. guide, and his was practi cally an independent command. Be fore him the insurgents had- destroyed the bridges, and these he was com pelled to rebuild for the passage of his troops and munitions of war. This work was done so promptly, that his army was seldom even halted in waiting. On the 4th of April he was at Shelbyville, the capital of Bedford County, Tennessee, at the terminus of a short railway branching from that which connects Nashville with Chattanooga. This was almost sixty miles from Nashville, and there he made his deposit of supplies. At that point he OBM8BY M. MITCHET.. 1 This is a view of the front of Fort Negley, or the face toward the country, commanding the southern approaches to Nashville, as it appeared when sketched by the author in May, 1S66 2 Pollard's First Year ofthe War, page 295. « April, 1862. 266 CAPTURE OF HUNTSVILLE. struck across the country with a supply-train, sufficient for only two days' provisions, in the direction of Huntsville, making forced marches all the way. On the 10th" he left Fayetteville, in Lincoln County, Tennessee, crossed the State line the same day, and entered Northern Ala bama, somewhat depressed in spirits by a rumor that Grant had been terribly defeated in a battle near Pittsburg Landing. Mitehel had passed through a very hostile region, but now began to perceive some signs of loyalty among the inhabitants,1 and before midnight he was cheered by another rumor that Grant had been victorious and that Beauregard was in flight toward Corinth. Both rumors were true, as we shall observe pres ently. Mitehel had joshed on with his cavalry to within eight miles of Hunts ville, the capture of which and the seizure of the Memphis and Charleston railway there was the chief objective of his rapid march. There he halted for his artillery and infantry to come up, that he might prepare for striking a decisive blow. His entire march had been so rapid and well masked that the Confederate leaders were puzzled. They could obtain no positive infor mation of his whereabouts or his destination. It was only known that he was moving soutliward with, the apparent fleetness of a northern gale, and was spreading consternation among the inhabitants into whose midst his armed hosts suddenly appeared. At this last halting-place no tents were pitched, for work was to be done before the dawn. The weary troops slumbered around their .camp- fires in the evening, and Avhen tlie half-moon went down, at a little past two o'clock in the morning,' they were summoned to their feet by the shrill notes of a bugle. They were soon in motion toward Huntsville, with one hundred and fifty of Kenner' s Ohio cavalry and a section of Captain Simonson's battery, in advance, supported by Turchin's brigade, the whole commanded by Colonel Kenner, who, as we have observed, was the first to enter deserted Nashville. What force might meet them, none could conjecture. Every thing must be developed by action. Two working parties, well supported by troops, were sent with picks and crowbars to tear up the railway at the east and west of the town, while the cavalry moved directly upon the city and the railway station. Never was a surprise more complete. It was accomplished at a little before dawn" while the inhabitants were yet in bed. "The ' April 11. . . , ,, J clattering noise of the cavalry, wrote a spectator, " aroused them from their slumbers in the dawn of the morning, and they flocked to door and window, exclaiming, with blanched cheek and faltering tongue, ' They come ! they come ! the Yankees come !' Men rushed into the streets almost naked, the women fainted, the children screamed, tlie darkies laughed, and for a time a scene of perfect terror reigned." Seventeen locomotives, more than one hundred passenger cars, a large amount of supplies of every kind and about one hundred and sixty prisoners were the spoils of this bloodless victory. l On this day's march, Mitchel's army passed the extensive estate of L. Pope Walker, the Confederate " Secretary of State," which stretched along the road for miles. The mansion had been deserted, and the furni ture removed ; but a host of slaves remained who gave the u Yankees " a cordial welcome. One of the slaves had a heavy iron ring and bolt fastened to one of his legs, which he said he had worn for three months. MEMPHIS AND CHARLESTON RAILWAY SEIZED. 267 General Mitehel did not tarry long at Huntsville. Appointing Colonel Gazeley, of the Thirty-seventh Indiana, Provost-Marshal, and finding him self in possession of an ample supply of rolling stock on the railway, he immediately organized two expeditions to operate along its line each way from Huntsville. One, under Colonel Sill, went eastward as far as Steven son, at the junction of the roads leading to Chattanooga and to Nashville, where five locomotives and a considerable amount of other rolling stock were captured. The other, under Colonel Turchin, went westward to Decatur1 and Tuscumbia, south of Florence, from which an expedition was sent south ward as far as Russellville, the capital of Franklin County, Alabama. Neither of these expeditions encountered any serious opposition, and on a Anril 1S62 the 16th" Mitehel said to his soldiers, "You have struck blow after blow with a rapidity unparalleled. Stevenson fell, sixty miles to the east of Huntsville. Decatur and Tuscumbia have been in like manner seized, and are now occupied. In three days you have extended your front of opera tions more than one hundred miles, and your morning guns at Tuscumbia may now be heard by your comrades on the battle-field made glorious by their victory before Corinth."'2 He had placed his army midway between Corinth and Nashville, opened communication with Buell, and controlled the naviga tion of the Tennessee for more than one hundred miles. For these achieve ments, ' accomplished without the loss of a single life, Mitehel was com missioned a Major-General of Volunteers, and, with orders to report to the War Department directly, his force was constituted an independent corps. Let us turn again to the banks of the Tennessee, and see what was occur ring there. General Grant arrived at Savannah on the 1 7th of March, and made his head-quarters at the house of Mr. Cherry, eight or nine miles below Pitts burg Landing, which General Smith had chosen for his own. The latter had already selected the position of the army in the vicinity of Pittsburg Landing. On its right was Snake Creek, and on its left Lick Creek, streams which formed good natural flank defenses against approach. The whole country for miles around was mostly covered with woods, in some parts filled with undergrowth, and at others presenting a beautiful open forest, composed of large red oak trees. Pittsburg Landing, the post on the river nearest to the Confederates, was protected by the gun-boats Tyler and Lex ington. Sherman's division formed a sort of outlying picket, while those oi McClernand and Prentiss were the real line of battle, with General C. F. Smith's, commanded by W. H. L. Wallace, in support of the right wing, and Hurlbut on the left.3 Lewis Wallace's division was detached and stationed at Crump's Landing, to observe any movements of the Confed erates at Purdy, and to cover the river communications between Pittsburg Landing and Savannah. The latter was made the depot of stores, to which point General Halleck at St. Louis continually forwarded supplies of every kind. 1 Here the railway southward from Nashville connects with the Memphis and Charleston road. 2 General Mitchel's thanks to his soldiers, .Camp Taylor, Huntsville, April 16th, 1SC2. 3 Letter of General Sherman to the Editor of the United States Service Magazine, January, 1S05. "The ground was well chosen," General Sherman wrote: "On any other we surely would have been overwhelmed; as both Lick and Snake Creeks forced the enemy to confine his movements to a direct front attack, which new troops are better qualified to resist than when the flanks arc exposed to real or chimerical danger." 268 POSITION OF GRANT'S ARMY. From the time of Grant's arrival at Savannah" until the first week in April, very little of interest occurred. The commander-in-chief continued his head-quarters at Savannah ; and there seemed to be very little apprehension of any attack from the Confederates. No breast works were thrown up, or abatis formed in front of the National army, at whose rear lay the broad and deep Tennessee River. The greater portion a March 17, 1S62. RUINS OP SHILOH MEETING-HOUSE, of General Sherman's division was then lying just behind Shiloh Meeting house.1 General Prentiss's division was encamped across the direct road to Corinth, and General McClernand's was behind his right. These three divi sions formed the advanced line. In the rear of this, between it and the Landing, lay General Hurlbut's division, and that of General Smith, under General W. H. L. Wallace.2 General David Stuart's brigade, of Sherman's division, lay on the Hamburg road, near its crossing of Lick Creek, on the extreme left. General Lewis Wallace's division was still at Crump's Landing. Such was the disposition of Grant's army on the eventful Sunday morn ing, April 0, 1862. Nearly four miles intervened between parts of Sher- 1 The meeting-house (see page 268) was destroyed after tho battle there, early in April. Near it some ofthe severest of that struggle occurred. The above picture shows the appearance of its site when the author visited it, four years after tho contest. Nothing remained but a few logs of which it was built. Several had been carried away, to be manufactured into canes. * General Smith was then so ill at his head-quarters at Savannah that he could not take the field. In passing from General Lewis Wallace's head-quarters on a steam-boat, two or three weeks before, lie fell from the guard into his yawl, and abraded his leg between his knee and his foot. The hurt disabled him, and it resulted in .1 fever, which, in connection with chronic dysentery, contracted while serving in Mexico, proved fatal. He died at tho house of Mr. Cherry, on the 25th of April, 1S62. THE CONFEDERATE ARMY AT CORINTH. 269 man's division ; and large gaps existed between the divisions of McClernand and Prentiss. The extreme left of the line was commanded by unguarded heights, overlooking Lick Creek, which were easily approached from Corinth. The eleven thousand men at Corinth three weeks before had increased to over forty thousand, and the skillful Johnston and active Beauregard were at their head. Re-enforcements had been continually arriving there, while General Buell was making easy marches across Tennessee, to the assistance of Grant, and great uncertainty existed as to the time when he might be expected. On the first of April, Johnston was informed that Van Dorn and Price were making their way toward Memphis from Central Arkansas, with thirty thousand troops, and would join him within a week. A day or two after ward he heard of the approach of Buell, and at once prepared for an advance upon Grant. His right, under General John C. Breckinridge,1 eleven thou sand strong, rested at Burnsville, ten miles east of Corinth ; his center, more than twenty thousand in number, under Generals Hardee and Bragg, were massed at Corinth ; and his left, under Generals Polk and Hindman, about ten thousand, extended north ward from the Memphis and Charles ton road. His cavalry pickets were continually scouring the country in all directions, and were surprised and gratified by never falling in with a scout or vedette from the National lines, though sometimes approaching within a mile and a half of them. Informed of this fact, and made fully acquainted, by spies and resident in formers, of the position and number of his opponent's army, Johnston was about to move forward on the 5th," to attempt to penetrate its center, divide it, and cut it up in detail, when information reach ed him that the troops from the west would certainly join him the next morning. The Confederate forces were now within four miles of the National camp. They had moved silently forward by separate routes, in a heavy rain-storm, toward Shiloh, as the region around Shiloh Meeting-house was called, and on the morning ofthe 5th these divisions had joined on the range of rugged hills on which stood the little hamlet of Monterey, seven or eight miles from Corinth. Cautiously and silently they had moved still farther on, and halted near the intersection of the roads leading to Hamburg and Pittsburg Landing, and there it was resolved to wait for Van Dorn and Price. Yet there was peril in delay. If Buell should arrive, Johnston's golden opportunity might be lost. Becoming satisfied that evening that his forward movement was unknown to Grant, the chief commander called a council of war at eight BRAXTON BUAGG. » April, 1S62. 1 See page 76. 270 PREPARATIONS FOR BATTLE. o'clock, and, after a deliberation of two hours, it was resolved to strike their enemy a blow before the dawn. Pointing toward the Union camp, at the close of the council, Beauregard said : " Gentlemen, we sleep in the enemy's camp to-morrow night."1 The greatest precautions were now taken by the Confederates to prevent any knowledge of their presence reaching the Nationals. No one was per mitted to leave the camp, and no fires were allowed, excepting in holes in the ground. It was a chilly and cheerless night, and many of the soldiers lay down in the gloom supperless. At three o'clock in the morn- 1S62. ing" tne "whole army was in marching order, in three lines of battle, the first and second extending from Owl Creek on the left to Lick Creek on the right, a distance of about three miles, supported 1 >y the third and a reserve. The first line was commanded by General Hardee, and was composed of his own corps and Gladden's brigade of Bragg's corps, with artillery following by the main road to Pittsburg Landing. The cav alry was in the rear and on the wings. Bragg's corps, composing the second line, followed in the same order, at the distance of five hundred yards. At the distance of about eight hundred yards behind Bragg was Polk's corps, in lines of brigades, deployed with their batteries in rear of each brigade, also moving on the Pittsburg Land ing road, supported by cavalry on the left wing. The reserves, com manded by Breckinridge, closely fol lowed Polk's (third) line, its right wing supported by cavalry. In this order the Confederate- army was slowly advancing to battle early on Sunday morning, the 6th of April,2 over the rolling wooded coun try, while the Nationals were repo sing in fancied security. It was one of the most delightful of those spring mornings, which so often give exquisite pleasure to the dwellers in that region ; and he who in the gray dawn of that eventful day should have stood at the house of the widow Rey, on a branch of the Owl Creek, within the sound of voices of Sherman's camp near the Shiloh Meeting-house, would not have believed a prophecy that within an hour that Sabbath stillness would be broken by the tumult of battle, and those quiet woods just robed in the most delicate green, and enlivened by the songs of birds, would within sixty minutes be filled with sulphureous smoke, and all the hideous sounds W. o. HARDEE. 1 Statement of "An impressed New Yorker" (Thirteen Montlis in the Rebel Army, page 147), who was on Breckinridge's staff, and was present at the council. 2 General JohDSton issued a stirring order to his troops when they were about to move, saying : " I have put you in motion to offer battle to the invaders of your country. "With resolution and disciplined valor, becoming men fighting as you are, for all that is worth living or dying for, you can but march to decisive victory over tbe agrarian mercenaries who have been sent to despoil you of your liberties, your property, and your honor." He told thpm that the eyes and hopes of eight millions of people were resting upon them, and assured them that their generals would lead them to victory. OPENING OF THE BATTLE OF SHILOH. 271 and images of infernal war. So it was. Hardee's advance first touched heavily and destructively Sherman's left,1 and glancing off from that com mander's skillful foil, fell with crushing force upon Prentiss's division.2 The pickets of each and five companies under Colonel Moore, sent out by Prentiss to reconnoiter, were driven in at daylight, and the advancing foe reached tho camp of the Nationals almost as soon as did tho assailed out-lying troops, It was a complete surprise. Many of the officers wero yet slumbering; others were dressing ; others were washing or cooking, and oth ers were eating break fast. Their guns were unloaded, and accouterments were strewn around with out order. Many of the troops were without a sufficient supply of ammuni tion. The first inti mation that the Con federates were close upon them in force, was the wild cry of the flying pickets rushing into the camps, and the scream and crash of shells, and the whistle of bullets as they flew on deadly errands through the tents and the forest. A few minutes afterward, Hardee's eager troops were pouring like a flood into the camps ofthe bewildered Nationals, fighting desperately here, driving half-dressed or half-armed fugitives there, and dealing death and terror on every hand. It was an unexpected assault, followed by the most fearful results. Hildebrancl's brigade of Sherman's corps, which was the first attacked, was lying near Shiloh Meeting-house, at which point Sherman's artillery, under Captain Ezra Taylor, was stationed. Ruggles's division of Bragg's corps, 'with Hodgson's battery, made the direct assault, and Hildebrancl's brigade, composed largely of comparatively raw troops, was driven from its camp almost without a struggle, for a panic seized some of the companies at the first onslaught. Buckland's and McDowell's had just time to fly to arms and form in battle order, when they, too, were attacked by the brigades of Pond and Anderson, of Ruggles's division, with a heavy artillery fire. For a PICKETS ON DUTY.3 1 The troops here attacked were those of the brigade of Colonel Ilildebrand, composed of the Fifty-third, Fifty-ninth, and Seventy-seventh Ohio, and Fifty-third Illinois ; Colonel Buckland's brigade, composed of the Forty-eighth, Seventieth, and Seventy-second Ohio ; and Colonel McDowell's brigade, composed of the Sixth Iowa, Fortieth Illinois, and Forty-sixth Ohio. ! This was composed of the Twelfth Michigan, Sixteenth and Eighteenth Wisconsin, Eighteenth, Twenty- third, and Twenty-fifth Missouri, and Sixty-first Illinois. 3 This is from a sketch by W. Homer, published in Harper's Weekly, Bhowing the manner of watching for an enemy by out-lying pickets in the woods. 272 FIRST DAY OF THE BATTLE. while the conflict raged fiercely along the whole of Sherman's line. That gallant officer was seen in the thickest of the fight, exposing his life to quick destruction every moment, in encouraging his men to resist the tremendous assault, and escaping with only the hurt of a bullet passing through his hand. He tried in vain to rally Hildebrand's brigade, but he kept those of Buck- land and McDowell steady for some time, while Taylor's heavy guns did admirable execution. These, heavily pressed, were soon compelled to fall back to an eminence across a ravine, where they made a gallant stand for a while. In the mean time, McClernand, who lay in the rear of Sherman,1 and at first supposed the firing to be only picket skirmishing, had thrown forward his left to the support of the smitten Hildebrand, and these troops for a while bore the shock of battle. This was at about seven in the morning, and before nine o'clock a greater part of Sherman's division was virtually out of the fight. His flanks had been rolled up by fresh troops under Bragg ; and Polk, with the third Confederate line, was soon moving toward Sherman's rear, endangering his communication with the rest of the army and with the river. He collected and reorganized his broken columns, keeping up a desultory fight until, in the afternoon, he formed a new battle-line on a ridge in advance of a bridge over Snake Creek, by which General Lewis Wallace's division, ordered up from Crump's Landing, had been expected. Turned by the steadiness of a portion of Sherman's division, and the troops of McClernand, the Confederates threw nearly their whole weight upon Prentiss. Only his first brigade, under Colonel Peabody,2 was there to receive them, the second brigade being near the landing. These men, though surprised and bewildered, fought obstinately for a while, but in vain. The foe was in their midst, and a wall of living men, strong with ball and bayonet, was closing around them, ready to crush them out and make an open way for the Confede rates to the river. Prentiss had asked Plurlbut for help. Veatch's brigade was sent, but it was not suf ficient. Then the brigades of Wil liams and Lauman were ordered to his assistance, when back upon these Prentiss was pushed by Wither's divi sion of Bragg's corps. At that perilous moment seeming relief came, but it was only a mockery. McArthur's brigade of W. H. L. Wallace's division had been sent to the aid of Stuart's brigade of Sherman's division on the B. M. PRENTISS. 1 McClernand's division was composed of three brigades. The first, commanded by Colonel Hare, was com posed of the Eighth and Eighteenth Illinois, and Eleventh and Thirteenth Iowa. The second brigade com manded by Colonel C. 0. Marsh, consisted of tho Eleventh, Twentieth, Forty-fifth, and Forty-eighth Illinois The third brigade was led by Colonel Eaith, and was composed of the Seventeenth, Twenty-ninth, Fortv-third' and Forty-ninth Illinois. Attached to this division were the fine batteries of Schwartz, Dresser, McAllister and' Waterhouse. 2 The Twenty-fifth Missouri, Sixteenth Wisconsin, and Twelfth Michigan. FIRST DAY OF THE BATTLE OF SHILOH. 273 •extreme left, which was in danger of being cut off if Prentiss's hard-pressed troops should perish. McArthur took a wrong road, and came directly upon Withers. He engaged him gallantly, and for a time there seemed to be a prospect of salvation for the environed troops. But McArthur was soon compelled to fall back. Prentiss's second division was hurried up, but it was too late. In the struggle, Peabody had been killed, Prentiss had become separated from a greater portion of his division, and it fell into the wildest confusion. By ten o'clock in the morning, it had practically disappeared. Fragments of brigades and regiments continued to fight as opportunity offered, and a large number of the division drifted behind new-formed lines, particularly those of Hurlbut. Prentiss and three of his regiments, over two thousand in number, maintained an unassailed position until late in the afternoon, when they were captured, sent to the rear of the Confederate army, and then marched in triumph to Corinth, as prisoners of war. We have seen how McClernand's left hastened to the support of Hilde brand. As Sherman's line fell back, McClernand was compelled to bring in -the remainder of his brigades to the protection of his left ; for against that the Confederates, elated by their success in demolishing Prentiss, now hurled themselves with great force. McClernand's whole division formed a front along the Corinth and Pittsburg Landing road, with his batteries in good position, and there, until ten o'clock, he foiled every attempt of his foe to gain that road. Very soon a new peril appeared. The falling back of Sher man gave the Confederates a chance to flank McClernand's right, and quickly they seized the advantage. They dashed through the abandoned camps and pressed onward until driven back by Dresser's rifled cannon, which had smitten them fearfully. But reserves and fresh regiments pressing up toward the same point, with great determination and overwhelming numbers, com pelled McClernand to fall back. His batteries were broken up,1 many of his officers were wounded, and a large number of his men lay dead or mutilated on the field. The division fell slowly back, fighting gallantly, and by eleven o'clock it was in a line with Hurlbut's, that covered Pitts burg Landing. We have alluded to the perilous position of the brigade of Stuart, of :Sherman's division, on the extreme left of the National line,2 to whose assist ance General W. H. L. Wallace sent McArthur. It was posted about two miles from Pittsburg Landing on the Hamburg road, near the crossing of Lick Creek. Its position was isolated, and could be easily reached by the foe by a good road from Corinth ; but, as it was intended to land Buell's forces at Hamburg, it was thought the brigade might be safely left there until that event. But the Confederates did not wait for the arrival of Buell ; and now, when they were thundering away at the front of Sherman, McClernand, and Prentiss, his advance was more than half a day's usual march away. The isolated brigade was, therefore, placed in great peril. So isolated was it, that the first intimation its commander had of disaster on 1 Dresser had lost several of his rifled cannon, three caissons, and eighteen horses. Schwartz had lost half of his guns and sixteen horses ; and McAllister had lost half of his 24-pound howitzers. 2 David L. Stuart was a resident of Chicago, and was then, as colonel of a regiment from Illinois, acting brigadier-general, in command of a brigade composed of tho Fifty-fifth Illinois, and Fifty-fourth (Zouaves) and ;Seventy-first Ohio regiments. YOL. n.— 5G 274 G-RANT ON THE BATTLE-FIELD. « April 6, 1862. the right was the cessation of firing in that direction, the scream of a shell in its passage among the branches above him, and in the apparition of a Con federate column of cavalry and infantry bearing down upon him by the forest road from Corinth to Hamburg. That column was mostly composed of F Breckinridge's reserves. He had planted batteries on heights near the ford, and under cover of these his troops rushed to the attack For ten minutes a desperate conflict ensued, when Stuart fell back and sent to Wallace for aid. It was furnished, as we have seen, but missed its aim. McArthur,. however, so vigorously fought the Confederates that Stuart's force was saved from capture, and was enabled to retreat to a place of comparative safety, where its shattered members were brought into order. It was now twelve o'clock at noon." The Confederates had full posses sion of the ground on which lay the first line -of the National army in the morning, and of the camps of Sherman, McClernand, Prentiss, and Stuart. Three of the five divisions of that army on the field had been thoroughly routed, and all were hemmed within a narrow strip of ground between the triumphant Confederate line and the broad and rapid Tennessee River. General Grant, who was at his head-quarters at Cherry's, eight miles away when the battle commenced,1 had hastened to the field at the summons of the cannon's roar. He reached it at about eight o'clock, and at ten was with Sherman, when the battle was hottest. He comprehended the peril. that threatened his whole army, and he took vigorous measures to avert it by re-forming the shattered bri gades, re-establishing batteries and new lines, and ordering General Lewis Wallace, at Crump's Landing,. to hasten to the field of strife with his fresh division. Buell's advance was at Savannah, but could not come in time, perhaps, to assist in must win or lose the battle without UTTSSES S. GRANT. struggle, and he believed that he thethem. The gap made by the demolition of Prentiss's brigade and Stuart's retreat through which the Confederates expected to rush upon Hurlbut and push him into the Tennessee River, was speedily closed by General W. II. L. Wal lace, who marched with his remaining brigades and joined McArthur, taking with him the Missouri batteries of Stone, Richardson, and Webber, which were all under the command of Major Cavender. Hurlbut had been stationed in open fields ; now he fell back to the thick woods between his camp and 1 There was some disposition to censure General Grant for having his head-quarters so far away from the- hulk of his army. It is proper to remember that Savannah was the point toward which his expected re-enforce ments, under Buell, were to join him ; and it was essential for him to be where ho could, at the earliest moment, confer with that commander, after he should reach the Tennessee. Grant spent most of each day with his main army, returning to his quartersun a steamer at evening. DEFEAT OF THE NATIONAL ARMY. 275 the river, and there, from ten o'clock in the morning until between three and four o'clock in the afternoon, he and Wallace held the Confederates in check, fighting a greater part of the time, and hurling back tremendous charges by the massed foe. On both sides death had been reaping a bountiful harvest. The brave General Wallace had fallen, mortally wounded, and been carried on a litter from the field. General Gladden, of the Confederate army, had been killed, and their Commander-in- chief, General A. S. Johnston, who had almost recklessly exposed himself, had also been mortally hurt at about half- past two o'clock.1 The superior force of the Con federates pressed Hurlbut further to ward the river at four o'clock. At that time the gallant Wallace fell, and the command devolved on General McArthur. His division, animated by his words and deeds, had been fighting hopefully, but they too were now com pelled to retreat, to avoid being flanked and surrounded, as Prentiss had been. They took position in a line with Hurlbut's men, about half a mile from the river, having lost only a single heavy gun, which was- afterward re covered. The day was now fairly lost. The victorious Confederates occupied the camps of all the Union divisions on the field excepting Wallace's,3 and just in the rear of that the broken and terribly smitten army had now gathered in a space of not more than four hundred acres on a rolling plateau, very near the high banks at Pittsburg Landing, below which four or five thousand fugitives from the battle-field, chiefly inexperienced troops, were ignobly sheltering themselves from the storm of war. The army could fall back no farther. Its next retrograde movement could only be into the flood of the Tennessee, for there were not transports enough there to carry over it a single division.4 A IIAND-LITTEB.- i -Johnston was hit by a piece of a shell that bnrst near him. It struck his thigh, half way between his hip and knee, cutting a wide path, and severing the femoral artery. Governor Harris, of Tennessee (his brother-in- law), who was his chief of staff, was at his side. Ten minutes after he was lifted from his horse he died. John ston was one of the bravest and most accomplished officers in the Confederate army. His death was concealed from his troops at that time, and it was not publicly made known until the army had returned to Corinth. Johnston's body was left on the field when the Confederates fled the next day, and was buried there. In January, 1S67, his remains were taken to Austin, in Texas, for re-interment. The disloyal mayor and other citizens of Galveston asked permission of General Sheridan, the military commander of that district, to honor tho remains by a public demonstration of respect in that city, to which Sheridan replied, in a note to the mayor: — " Sib : — I respectfully decline to grant your request. I have too much regard for the memory of the bravo men who died to preserve our Government to authorize Confederate demonstrations over the remains of any one who attempted to destroy it. " P. II. Sheridan, "Major-Gen. U. S. A." - This shows the manner of carrying the wounded from the field when unable to walk. These litters are made as portable as proper strength will allow, and so constructed as to fold up. They are composed of two poles with a canvas stretched between, and strap yokes for the bearers. 3 Tho Nationals had lost a division commander (Prentiss), a large number of field officers, and about three thousand men as prisoners, besides many killed and wounded, together with a great portion of their artillery, about twenty flags, colors, and standards, thousands of small arms, and a large supply of forage, subsistence, and munitions of war. 4 It iB related that Buell, when talking with Grant about the peril of giving battle with a deep river so nearly at his back, Inquired, " What would you have done had you been pressed once more on Sunday evening ?" — " Put 27G AN UNFORTUNATE MISUNDERSTANDING. STEPHEN A. HUKLBUT. The only hope of salvation seemed to be in the co-operation of the gun boats, which now might give them aid in fighting, or the help of Buell's vanguard, then on the opposite shore, or the advent of Lewis Wallace with his fine division,1 who had been anxiously expected all the afternoon. As the columns were pushed back from one position to another, Grant anxiously listened for the noise of Wallace's cannon thundering on the flank of the Confederates. Early in the morning he had sent him word to hold his troops in readiness to march at a moment's warning, " certainly not later than eleven o'clock." At half-past eleven Wallace received an order from his chief to move up and take position " on the right of tho army, and form a line of battle at a right angle with the river." Time passed on ; the Confederates were pressing hard ; the disorganized brigades were in great confusion and falling back toward the river's brink. Yet Wallace did not come. Grant sent one of his staff to hurry him up. He did not come. Then he sent his adjutant-general (Captain Rawlins) to urge him forward, and yet he did not appear. Night had fallen, and the discomfited army lay huddled in great peril on the banks of the Tennessee, when the seemingly tardy General arrived. He was afterward censured for the delay, for the impression went abroad that, had he promptly responded to Grant's call, victory for the National army might have been achieved on that day, for he was a skillful commander, and his men, fresh and spirited, had been well tried, and found sufficient in all things. A few words of explanation, after ward given, made the record of that prompt and gallant officer clear to the apprehension of his chief and the people, and showed that the whole delay had occurred in consequence of a blunder of omission committed by Grant's messenger who bore the order for his advance.' • \ my troops across the river,'1 was Grant's reply. "But you had not transportation sufficient," answered Buell. u Plenty." responded Grant, u to take over all that would have been left when we had done fighting.'1 1 Wallace's division was composed of three brigades, stationed on the road from Crump's Landing to Purdy, the first at the Landing, the second two miles out, and the third two miles and a half farther, at Adamsville. Owing to the pushing back of an Ohio brigade, that had been sent out to reconnoiter in the direction of Purdy, his division marched as far as Adamsville in a drenching rain, on Friday night (April 4), and there a brigade was left. The first brigade, commanded by Colonel Morgan L. Smith, was composed of tho Eleventh and Twenty-fourth Indiana and Eighth Missouri. The second, commanded by Colonel John M. Thayer, was com posed of the First Nebraska, Twenty-third Indiana, and the Fifty-sixth and Fifty-eighth Ohio. The third brigade, under Colonel Charles Whittlesy, was composed of the Twentieth, Sixty-eighth, Seventy-sixth, and Seventy- eighth Ohio. To the division were attached Thurber's Missouri and Thompson's Indiana Batteries ; also tho third battalion of the Fifth Ohio, and third battalion of the Eleventh Illinois cavalry. 2 General Grant, as wo have seen, had ordered General Wallace to place his division " on the right of the army." That position in the morning was about four miles from Pittsburg Landing. The messenger who bore the order not only omitted to inform Wallace that the ll right " had been beaten back, and was thus much nearer Pittsburg Landing, but had told him (as he doubtless supposed truly) that the Confederates were being repulsed at all points. Believing it to be yet in its morning position at the right of Shiloh Meoting-house, Wallace promptly put his whole division (excepting two regiments left at Crump's Landing) in motion half an hour after receiving the order, by the nearest route to the supposed 'Tight of the army." When he had proceeded, as rapidly as the miry roads would a^)ow. for about six miles, the roar of battle quickening the steps of his soldiers, PREPARATIONS FOR A NIGHT ATTACK. 277 By the side of a little log house which had lately been the post-office of Pittsburg Landing, and constituted the " village," General Grant and his staff were grouped at sunset on that fearful Sunday evening, while there was a lull in the storm of war. They were in continual expectation of another attack, but Grant felt confident of final victory.1 Buell's vanguard was in sight, and Wallace was expected to appear at every moment. If the assail ants could be kept at bay a few hours, all would be well. Preparations to withstand them were hastily made. The quiet time was improved, and in a semicircle around the army, half a mile back from the bluff, slight earthworks of half-moon form were quickly thrown up, and twenty-two heavy guns were mounted on them, under the direction of Colonel Webster, Grant's chief of staff, and manned by artillerists selected from all the batteries. These guns were scarcely in position, toward the close of twilight, when a lurid glare lighted up the surrounding forests, and shot and shell from Confederate cannon on the left and center of the Nationals came crashing through the trees in the direction of the Landing, but falling short of the intended victims. These were quickly answered by Grant's guns, when the Confederate brigades in full force pressed forward from their new line, that stretched between the positions of Stuart and Hurlbut in the morning, from Lick Creek across the Corinth road, and tried to cross a ravine that sepa rated them from the Nationals, in order to give a final and crushing blow to the latter. This force was large, composed of Chalmers on the right, with Breckinridge in the rear ; and ranging to the left, the reduced brigades of Withers, Cheatham, Ruggles, Anderson, Stuart, Pond, and Stevens were engaged. They were bravely met by the National infantry, composed of portions of all the brigades, and by the well-directed artillery,2 and were kept at bay until a force that had not yet been brought into action was placed in position and commenced work. This was composed of the gun-boats Tyler and Lexington, under the general command of Lieutenant William Gwin. They came up to the mouth of the little creek that traverses a short ravine at Pittsburg Landing, and were soon hurling '7-inch shells and 64-pound shot up that hollow in the bluff, in curves that dropped them in the midst of the Confederates. General Nelson, who led Buell's advance, had crossed the river with Ammon's brigade, and bore an important part in repelling the assailants. The crushing blow which the latter expected to give was foiled, and the palm of victory, which they confidently expected to hold before mid night, eluded their grasp. Three hours before that midnight, the roar of battle, which had been kept up during the evening, had ceased, and Beau- he was overtaken by Captain Rawlins and another, and from them first learned that the National troops had been beaten back toward tbe river. His route would take him to an isolated and dangerous position in the rear of the Confederates, so he retraced his steps, crossed over to the river road near Snake Creek, by the nearest possible route, passed that stream over a bridge, and took his assigned position on the right of the army. Ho had marched and countermarched, in consequence of misinformation and lack of information, about sixteen miles, which had consumed the whole afternoon. 1 A remark made by General Prentiss seems to have been tho cause of 3eauregard not pressing an attack that night. That general asked Prentiss if the Nationals had any fortifications at the river, to which he replied, " Tou must consider us poor soldiers, general, if you suppose we would have neglected so plain a duty." Tho truth was, the Nationals had not a single fortification anywhere on or near that battle-field until after Beaure gard ceased to fight on Sunday evening. Had he pressed forward, he might have captured the entire army. 2 Among these pieces were two long 32-pound siege guns, but there seemed to bo no one to work them, when Dr. Cornyn, surgeon of tho old First Missouri artillery, offered his services for the purpose. They were accepted, and the guns were worked most efficiently. 278 ARRIVAL OF BUELL'S FORCES. regard, who succeeded the slain Johnston in supreme command, ignorant of the arrival of Buell, and feeling confident of victory in the morning, was writing a glowing dispatch to Adjutant-General Cooper from his quarters in Shiloh Meeting-house, announcing a complete victory.1 We have observed that the vanguard of Buell's army,2 composed of Nelson's division, made its appearance, opposite Pittsburg Landing, toward Sunday evening." It had reached the Tennessee River, at Savannah, on " ism ' *he previous day ; and, on the same evening, the commanding General arrived there. On the following morning, hearing the sound of heavy guns up the river, Buell hastened to Grant's head-quarters, at Cherry's, for information. The latter had just started for Pittsburg Land ing in a steamer, having left orders for Nelson's division to be sent up at once. It started early in the afternoon, leaving its cannon to be forwarded by water, on account of bad roads, and arrived opposite the Landing, as we have observed, toward sunset. Buell reached there at about the same time, and requested Grant to send vessels down to bring up Crittenden's division, which had just arrived at Savannah. These, and the remainder of Nelson's division, and Wallace's, from Crump's Landing, had taken positions before midnight, and were preparing, in the midst of a drenching rain, to renew the conflict in the morning. All night long Buell's troops were arriving by land and water ; and, at intervals of ten or fifteen minutes, the gun-boats were hurling a heavy shell into the camps of the Confederates, wearying and worry ing them with watching and unceasing alarm. By these they were com pelled to fall back from their position, from which they intended to spring upon the Nationals during the night, and they lost more than half the ground they had gained by the retreat of the Unionists on Sunday after noon. The morning of the 7th dawned gloomily upon the battle-field, which was overshadowed by heavy clouds, distilling a drizzling rain. Before sunrise the conflict was opened by General Lewis Wallace, whose division had been disposed in battle order at a little past midnight, and formed the extreme right of the newly established line of the army. Captain Thompson's field 1 The following is a copy of the dispatch, dated " Battle-field of Shiloh, April 6, 1862 : We have this morning attacked the enemy in a strong position in front of Pittsburg, and after a severe battle of ten hours, thanks to Almighty God, gained a complete victory, driving the enemy from every position. The loss on both sides is heavy, including our commander-in-chief, General Albert Sidney Johnston, who fell gallantly leading his troops into the thickest of the fight." 2 Buell's forces, that reached the field of action in time to participate in its events, consisted of three divi sions, commanded respectively by Generals William Nelson, Thomas T. Crittenden, and Alexander McDowell McCook. Nelson's division was composed of three brigades : the first, commanded by Colonel Ammon. con sisted of the Sixth and Twenty-fourth Ohio, and Thirty-sixth Indiana; the second, Colonel Bruce, consisted ofthe First, Second, and Twentieth Kentucky; tho third, Colonel Hazen, was composed of the Forty -first Ohio Sixth Kentucky, and Ninth Indiana. General Crittenden's division consisted of three brigades : the first, commanded by General Boyle, was composed of the Nineteenth and Fifty-ninth Ohio, and Ninth and Thirteenth Kentucky; the second, Colonel William L. Smith, consisted of the Thirteenth Ohio, and Eleventh and Twenty-sixth Kentucky, with Menden- hall's regular and Bartlett's Ohio batteries. General McCook's division was composed of three brigades : the first, General Eousseau, consisted of the First Ohio, Sixth Indiana, Third Kentucky (Louisville Legion), and battalions of the Fifteenth, Sixteenth, and Nineteenth regulars ; the second brigade, General Johnson, consisted of the Thirty-second and Thirty-ninth Indiana, and Forty-ninth Ohio; the third brigade, Colonel Kirk, was composed of the Thirty-fourth Illinois Thirteenth and Twenty-ninth Indiana, and Seventy-first Pennsylvania. The division of General T. J. Wood was too far in the rear to Teach the scene of action in time to partici pate in the battle. That of General Thomas was still farther in the rear. OPENING OF THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE. 279 guns first awakened the echoes of the forest and brought both armies to their feet. These shelled the Confederates, who were strongly posted, with artil lery, upon a bluff across a stream and a deep wooded ravine in front of Wallace. The response was vigorous, and Thurber came to Thompson's aid. The conflict was brief. One of the rifled guns of the Confederates was speed ily silenced, and its supporters were falling back. At that moment General Grant ai'rived, and directed Wallace to press forward and attack the Con federate left, commanded by General Bragg in person, and consisting of the division of General Ruggles, and the brigade of Colonel Wobue, of Breck inridge's reserves. This was done with his brigades en 'eehelon, his line at right angles with the river. The Confederates were soon driven from the hill, and their places were occupied by Wallace's victorious troops. There a lialt was made for Sherman's division, which lay to the left, to come up in .support. Wallace was now on the edge of an open field, and a wood and low swampy grounds, along Snake Creek, formed an impassable flank defense. Perceiving this, and that the left flank of the Confederates was exposed by the falling back of the force on the bluff, he attempted to turn it. To do so, it was necessary to change his front. This was skillfully done by a left half- wheel of the whole division, leaving a gap between it and Sherman's right, which was expected to move forward at once. While this movement was in progress, a heavy column of the foe was seen in the woods, across an open field, making rapidly toward their endan gered left,- evidently for the purpose of turning Wallace's right. Buell's vete rans had made Grant's left too strong for Beauregard to hope to win his •expected victory there, and he was now seeking it on the National right. But there he found as determined a foe. Wallace ordered up Thompson's battery, which played upon the moving column with terrible effect until its ammunition was exhausted, when Thurber's was sent forward and continued the work most effectually. The flank movement was checked, and then Con federate cavalry attempted to take the battery. They were driven back by the skirmishers of the Eighth Missouri. Then a heavy column of infantry, with Watson's Louisiana Battery of destructive steel rifled cannon moved .against Wallace's advance, when his first brigade, Colonel M. L. Smith, ¦easily repelled them. For an hour and a half the contest went on, the bulk of Wallace's division all the while enduring a furious cannonade, but well ¦sheltered, as they lay in wooded hollows, waiting for Sherman to come up. While Wallace was holding the Confederates in check, Sherman, who had been waiting to hear the thunders of Buell's cannon advancing along the main Corinth road, moved forward with a resolution to obey Grant's ¦command to retake the camp, lost the day before. At the same time Wallace •ordered his division to advance. The first brigade led the way from the woods into and across an open field, beyond which, on a thickly wooded ridge, not far from Shiloh Meeting-house, the foe was posted. The division moved steadily on under an ordinary fire down into a slight hollow, and up a gentle slope toward their foe, when suddenly the woods were all ablaze with musketry, and the destructive Louisiana Battery hurled its bolts with fearful effect. Sherman's advance recoiled, when Wallace, whose flank was thereby exposed, ordered a halt. 280 THE SECOND DAY'S BATTLE. Let us see what has been doing on the left meanwhile. Buell's forces on the field lay near Pittsburg Landing, and composed the center and left wing of Grant's new line of battle, upon which it was expected the Confederates would fall in the morning. Only the divisions of Nelson and Crittenden were well in hand at dawn. The former had quietly called up his men at four o'clock, and soon afterward he notified his general of his readiness for motion. Crittenden was ready at the same time, and when the booming of Wallace's heavy guns on the right was heard, they both moved forward,. Nelson's division leading, with Amnion's brigade on the extreme left, Bruce's in the center, and Hazen's on the right. Nelson's artillery, which was to- be sent up by water, had not yet arrived, but the battery of Menclenhall,. of the regular service, and Bartlett's Ohio Battery, were on the field. McCook, who had been moving all night, so as to be a participant in the impending battle, had just arrived at Pittsburg Landing with. "^is"' 7' -^8 division when Nelson and Crittenden began their march, at half-past five in the morning." Nelson moved forward through the open woods and some cleared fields over the rolling plateau for about a mile before encountering the Confede rates in force, when, at six o'clock, he was assailed by their artillery, and halted. Mendenhall's battery was brought into action, and Crittenden took a commanding position on the right of Nelson, with Bartlett's battery posted at his center. A contest was maintained for some time, when McCook's division arrived on the ground, accompanied by General Buell,. who assumed the direction of affairs. McCook's forces were formed on Crittenden's right, and some straggling troops that were on the field the day before were placed on McCook's right, making Buell's entire line about a mile in length, extending from a point southeastward of the Ham burg road, and across the Corinth road, so as to touch Hurlbut on the left and at the rear of McClernand. The entire National line formed an irregu lar curve.While Buell's force was getting into position, Mendenhall and Bartlett fought three batteries of the Confederates in front of Nelson and Crittenden. The foe was evidently in strong force. A little to the rear of his left was the high, open wooded ridge on which Sherman and McClernand were encamped on the morning of the 6th, and this was an objective, according to Grant's order already alluded to. Forward Buell's column moved, and Nelson's division first felt the shock of battle, which soon became general along the whole line. Colonel Hazen, with his brigade, made a gallant charge and seized one of the Confederate batteries, but was driven back by superior- numbers thrown into the woods on Crittenden's left, and a cross-fire of artil lery, sustaining a heavy loss. Colonel Smith's brigade of Crittenden's divi sion then advanced into the woods and repulsed the Confederates and at the same time Terrell's Regular Battery of 24-pound howitzers was brought on the field and advanced to Nelson's left, near the Hamburg road, then heavily pressed by great numbers. Its effect was most salutary, for it soon silenced the right battery of the Confederates ; but Terrell was speedily forced back, with Amnion's brigade, when a regiment from Boyle's brigade re-en forced Nelson's left, and it again moved forward and drove the foe. This exposed the Confederates at their second and third batteries, from which BATTLE OF SHILOH. 281 they were soon driven by the concentrated fire of Mendenhall and Terrell,. with a loss of several of their cannon. Meanwhile McCook's division had been fighting the Confederate center,. pushing it back step by step, until it was driven from its position. The action of that division was commenced by General Rousseau's, which was well supported by Generals Kirk and Gibson, Willich's regiment, and two regiments of Hurlbut's division.1 After expending its ammunition, and marching to the rear' for a supply, it was seen moving " in splendid order, and steadily to the front, sweeping every thing before it,"2 smiting the' foe so severely that he was driven from his position, and lost one of his batteries at the first onset.8 It was in front of this division that the Con federates, commanded by Beauregard in person, assisted by Bragg, Polk,. and Breckinridge, made their last decided stand, in the woods beyond Sherman's old camp, near Shiloh Meeting-house, where we left that officer and Wallace confronting them. Two brigades of General T. J. Wood's division had just reached the field, but not in time to participate in the engagement. But they relieved the weary fighters, and sealed the doom of the Confederates, who now abandoned all hope of conquering the National left, and concentrated on their right, as we have observed. It was now long past noon. Wallace had again changed his front for attack, with Sherman on his left as a support. Again his first brigade had moved forward, when a squadron of Confederate cavalry dashed out of the woods toward his temporarily exposed flank. These were repulsed by the Twenty-third Indiana, aided by an oblique fire by the First Nebraska. But a greater peril was menacing Wallace's whole division, at that moment. Sher man's forces, touching his left, had again given way, and were followed by a heavy mass of desperate Confederates, who were eagerly pushing forward to isolate Wallace from the rest of the National army. The situation of the gallant Indianian was extremely critical for a while. He immediately ordered up Colonel Charles R. Woods, of the reserves, with his Seventy- eighth Ohio. These, with a regiment sent by General McClernand, and the Eleventh Indiana, Colonel McGinniss, whose front and flank had been attacked, stoutly held the ground, with the gallant Thurber ready to act with his- artillery if required, until Colonel August Willich, with his splendid Thirty- second Indiana, of McCook's division, dashed against the Confederates, and drove them .back.4 Meanwhile Sherman had recovered his line, and the brigade of the wounded Colonel Stuart (now commanded by the skillful Colonel T. Kilby Smith) and that of Colonel Buckland, supported by two 24-pound howitzers of McAllister's battery, moved forward abreast of Rous seau's Kentucky brigade. Wallace's troops, who had entered the woods, also- i Hnrlbut's shattered division, which had fought on the previous day, was held in reserve much of the time at the rear and left of McClernand. 2 See General Sherman's report. 3 General Rousseau had the honor of retaking General McClernand's head-quarters on Sunday morning. At the outer edge of that encampment the dead body of General A. S. Johnston was found. 4 Speaking of this movement in his report, General Sherman said ; " Here I saw Willich's regiment advance upon a point of water-oaks and thicket, behind which I knew the enemy was in great strength, and enter it in beantiful style. Then arose the severest musketry-fire I ever heard, and lasted twenty minntes, when this splendid regiment had to fall back. This green point of timber is about five hundred yards east of Shiloh Meeting-house, and it was evident here was to be the struggle." 282 BATTLE OF SHILOH. pressed steadily forward, while " step by step, from tree to tree, position to position," said that officer, " the rebel lines went back, never stopping again— infantry, horses, and artillery— all went back. The firing was grand and terrific. Before us was the Crescent regiment of New Orleans ; shelling us on the right was the Washington artillery, of Manassas renown, whose last stand was in front of Colonel Whittlesey's command. To and fro, now in my front, then in Sherman's, rode General Beauregard, inciting his troops, and' fighting for his fading prestige of invincibility. The desperation of the struggle may be POSITION OF THE NATIONAL TROOPS IN THE BATTLES OF SHILOH.1 easily imagined. While this was in progress, far along the lines to the left the contest was raging with equal obstinacy. As indicated by the sounds, however, the enemy seemed retiring everywhere. Cheer after cheer rang through the woods, and each man felt the day was ours."2 And so it was. Heavily pressed on all sides, the Confederates gave way, 1 The general position of the Confederates may be understood, by considering that on both days their lines ¦were parallel to those of the Nationals. 2 Wallace's report. FLIGHT OF THE CONFEDERATES. 283 and flying through the National camps of Sunday morning, they burned their own, and with a powerful rear-guard under Breckinridge,1 they hurried, in a cold, drizzly rain that soon changed to hail, with their sick and wounded in every conceivable conveyance,2 to the heights of Monterey that night, far on the road toward Cor inth, but happily pursued =^JKM by the conquerors only as far as the bluffs and swamps of Lick Creek. They were astonished at the fact that they were not more vigorously follow ed,3 for Breckinridge, it was thought, could easily have been separated from the remainder ofthe Con federate army and cap tured, and Beauregard's whole force might have been dispersed or made prisoners.5 Thus ended The Battle of Shiloh.6 Although the Confederates had utterly failed in their intentions, and were thoroughly vanquished and driven from the field, with an acknowledged loss of nearly eleven thousand men,7 Beauregard telegraphed to Richmond AIULES CAKRYING WOUNDKD MEN.4 1 Breckinridge's command was strengthened by the cavalry regiments of Forest, Adams, and the Texas Hangers, making the effective force ofthe rear-guard about 12,000 men. 2 That retreat must have been a terrible experience for the sick and wounded. " Here,11 wrote an eye-wit ness, "was a long line of wasrons loaded with wounded, piled in like bags of grain, groaning and cursing, while the mules plunged on in mud and water, belly deep, the water sometimes coming into the wagons. Next came iv straggling regiment of infantry, pressing on past the train of wagons ; then a stretcher borne upon the shoulders of four men, carrying a wounded officer ; then soldiers staggering along, with an arm broken and hanging down, or other fearful wounds which were enough to destroy life I passed long wagon-trains, filled with wounded and dying soldiers, without even a blanket to shield them from the driving sleet and hail, which fell in stones as large as partridge-eggs, until it lay on the ground two inches deep. Some three hundred men died during that awful retreat, and their bodies were thrown out to make room, for others, who, although wounded, had struggled on through the storm, hoping to find shelter, rest, and medical care." s Beauregard expected a vigorous, and possibly disastrous pursuit, and said to Breckinridge, " This retreat must not be a rout ! You must hold the enemy back, if it requires the loss of your last man." — u Your orders shall be executed to the letter," was the reported reply.— See Pollard's First Year of the War, page 302. 4 The picture shows the method of carrying sick and wounded on mules, which was in practice at the earlier periods of the war by both parties. The horse-litter, on which men who could not sit up were carried, is shown in the front figure ; and the Cacolet, in which men wounded in the upper extremities were carried sitting, is Been in the figure behind. When good ambulances came into use, these methods were abandoned or became rare exceptions. 6 A rapid and persistent pursuit would have created a complete rout of the now weary, broken, and dispirited rebels. Two hours more of such fighting as Buell's fresh men could have made would have demor alized and destroyed Beauregard's army. — Thirteen Months in the Rebel Army, by an impressed New Yorker, page 169. 6 See reports of Generals Grant and Buell and their subordinate commanders; also of General Beauregard and his division commanders. A very spirited, and, it is said, correct account was given in the Cincinnati Gazette, written by its army correspondent " Agate " (Whitelaw Reid), who was an eye-witness of the battles. The author has been favored with the written and oral statements of participants in the battle on both sides. 7 Beauregard reported his loss at 1,72S killed, 8,012 wounded, and 957 missing ; total, 1 0, 697. General Grant reported his entire loss, including about 4,000 prisoners, 1,735 killed, 7,S82 wounded, and 8,956 prisoners ; total, 13,573. It was probably about 15,000, and there is reason to believe that Beauregard's was not less. Among the killed in the Confederate army, on Monday, was George W. Johnston, " Provisional Governor of Kentucky " (seepage 1S9), who was with the Kentucky troops in the action. His horse was shot under him on Sunday, and on Monday he was in the ranks. General Hindman had a very narrow escape, just before the retreat, on Mon day evening. While leading his men, in a fearful struggle, a small shell entered the breast of his horse and ¦exploded in his body. The horse was blown into fragments, and his rider, with his saddle, was lifted about ten feet in the air. His staff-officers near supposed he was killed, and one of them exclaimed, " General Hind- 284 THE BATTLE-FIELD OF SHILOH. from Corinth, almost twenty miles from the battle-field, twenty-four hours after his flight," " We have gained a great and glorious victory. Eight " ^* 8' to ten" thousand prisoners, and thirty-six pieces of cannon."1 Con scious that his misrepresentations would be exposed by facts in a few days, he added : " Buell re-enforced Grant, and we retired to our in trenchments at Corinth, which we can hold." He had sent a flag of truce that morning from Monterey, where he had a hospital, asking Grant to allow him to send mounted men to the battle-field, to bury his dead. Grant refused. He informed him that, owing to the warmth of the weather, that office of humanity had already been attended to by his own army. " I shall always be glad," wrote Grant in his reply, " to extend any courtesy consist ent with duty, especially so when dictated by humanity."2 There was also a sanitary consideration in this matter. It was important for the health of the National army, which might remain some time in that vici nity, that the bodies of men and horses should be removed from the surface of the ground. The former were buried and the latter were burned. The writer visited the battle-field of Shi loh late in April, 1866. At seven o'clock in the evening of the 23d, he left Meridian in Missis sippi, for a journey of about two hundred miles on the Mobile and , Ohio- railway to Corinth, near the northern borders of the State. It was a cool moonlit night, and the topography of the country through which that railway passed, and over which Grierson had raided and Confederate troops and National prisoners of war had been conveyed, might be easily discerned. At twenty miles from Meridian it was a rolling prairie, with patches of forest here and there, and broad cotton-fields, stretching in every direction as far as the eye could comprehend. That character it maintained all the BURNING HORSES NEAR PITTSBURG LANDING. man is blown to pieces."' At that instant Hiiidman sprang to his feet and shouted, "Shut up there! I'm worth two dead men yet. Get another horse." In a few moments he was again in the saddle, butie was so much shocked that he was unable to take the field the next day. 1 In this number Beauregard evidently ncluded all the cannon he had captured on Sunday, but did not mention the fact that on Monday he had lost nearly as many. 2 Most of the prisoners taken at Shiloh were sent to Camp Douglass at Chicago. They were generally in a most miserable condition when captured. A lady at Chicago, writing to a friend, said : '• But I have not told you how awfully they were dressed. They had old carpets, new carpets, and rag carpets — old bed-qnilts, new bed- quilts, and ladies' quilts, for blankets. They had slouch hats, children's hats, little girls' hats, and not one soldier cap on their heads. One man had two old hats tied to his feet instead of shoes. They were the most ragged, torn and worn, and weary-looking 6et I ever saw. Every one felt sorry for them, and no one was dis posed to speak unkindly to them. Some of them looked careless and happy enough, and some looked very sad. and others would be very good-looking if they were well dressed and in good company. Even the officers- were the most, forsaken looking set of men I ever dreamed of, We have sent them newspapers and books, but we find that very few of them can read." FEOM COEINTH TO PITTSBUEG LANDING. 285 way to a more hilly country within thirty or forty miles of Corinth. With an interesting traveling companion (John Yerger, of Jackson, Mississippi), the night passed pleasantly away. We arrived at the reviving village of Corinth, which had been nearly destroyed during the war, at about half-past eight o'clock in the morning," where we breakfasted. ° Aljgg|4' The writer spent the time until past noon in sketching the head quarters of officers, National and Confederate, around the village, and then started for Pittsburg Landing, about twenty miles distant, in a light wagon drawn by a powerful horse driven by an intelligent young man, a brother of the owner of the conveyance. He was a native of that region, and had been in the Confederate army. He was acquainted with all the roads in the direction of the Landing, and with most of the localities of interest con nected with the great battle. With his knowledge, and the assistance of an official map of the battle, very little difficulty was found in identifying them. We first visited the principal fortifications around Corinth. About two and a half miles northward of the village, we passed out through the inner line of Confederate works, and were soon beyond the desolated region that had been stripped of its trees by the army, and riding through magnificent red oak forests, whose leaves were yet too tiny to give much, shelter from the sun, then shining with great warmth. Por nearly nine miles the country was gently rolling, and well watered with little streams, when, approaching Pea Ridge, it became hilly and very pic turesque. On that ridge we came to the site of the once pretty little hamlet of Monterey, where the only building that remained was a store-house, which the Confederates had used for a hospi tal. Near it was a ruined house, around which were the remains of what had confederate hospital at monterey. doubtless been a fine flower-garden. From Monterey to some distance beyond Lick Creek the country was hilly, very little cleared, and less cultivated, dotted here and there with miserable log-houses, and mostly covered with 'woods. Half-way between Monterey and Shiloh Meeting-house we crossed the recently overflowed Lick Creek Bottom, partly upon a log causeway built by the National army when moving on Corinth, and partly in the deep mud. Driftwood had been floated into barricades on the causeway in many places, and a more difficult journey oannot well be conceived. A horse less powerful than ours could not have ¦dragged us through the sloughs. It gave us a vivid impression of the diffi culties experienced by the armies in taking their artillery and wagon-trains through that region. Happily, our journey over that wooded and tangled " bottom " did not exceed half a mile in distance, when we forded clear and pebbly Lick Creek, climbed the hills on its opposite side, and, just at sunset, •crossed a little tributary of Owl Creek, and halted in perplexity at the forks of the road, near the ruins of a house in open fields. It was the site of poor 286 A NIGHT ON SHILOH BATTLE-FIELD. widow Rey's, not far from that of Shiloh Meeting-house, near which Hardee formed his forces for assault on the morning of the 6th.1 We were, as we soon ascertained, at the parting of the ways for Hamburg and Pittsburg Landings. While deliberating which to take, and considering seriously where we might obtain supper and lodging, for the gloom of twilight was gathering in the woods, the questions were settled by a woman (Mrs. Sowell) on a gaunt gray horse, with her little boy, about six years of age, striding the animal's back behind her. She kindly con sented to give us such entertainment as she could. " It is but' little I have," she said, in a pleasant, plaintive voice, and we expressed our willingness to be content therewith. So we followed her through the woods and a few open fields for nearly a mile in the direction of Pittsburg Landing, and at dark were at her home, not far from McCler nand's camp on Sunday morning, where the battle raged with so much fury. All around it were the marks of war in scarred, decapitated, and shattered trees, and the remains of clothing and accouter- ments strewing the ground. Our hostess was a widow, with six children. Her husband was dying with consumption when She did not leave him, but remained in the house OUR HOSTESS AT SHILOH the battle commenced. with her children throughout that terrible storm of war. A heavy shell went OUR LODGING-PLACE ON THE FIELD OF SHILOH. through her house, and several trees standing near it were cut off or shat tered by them. " The Lord was with me," she piously said, as we sat at her humble table, lighted by a lamp composed of wick and melted lard in a tin dish, and supping upon hoe-cake without butter, just baked in the ashes, some fried bacon, and coffee without milk or sugar. "My husband died, but my children were spared," she said; "but God only knows what will become of them in this desolated country, without a school or a church." We had just 1 See page 270. THE EFFECTS OF BATTLE. 287 come in from the enjoyment of the bright moonlight, and balmy April air, and the burden of the whippowil, and felt that peace and serenity imparted by nature in repose, that inclines one to forgive as we hope to be forgiven. The sweet spell was broken when, in that dingy and battered cabin, lighted by a few blazing fagots and the primitive lamp, with only one half-bottomed chair and a rude box or two to sit upon, we looked upon that lonely, suffering, educated woman, with her six really pretty and intelligent boys and girls, half clad, but clean, struggling for the right to live — an example of like misery in thousands of households, once pros perous and happy, thus crushed into poverty by the wickedness of a few ambitious men. In that presence, the Rebellion seemed doubly infernal, and the spirit of forgiveness departed. We slept soundly in one of the log houses, with our horse stabled in an adjoining room, nailed up for the night, to keep him from the clutches of prowling bushwhackers, and the pigs grunting under our open floor; and at dawn we went out, while the cuckoo's song was sweetest and the mocking-bird's varied carols were loudest, and rambled far over the battle-field, meet ing here a tree cut down by shot near its base, there a huge one split by a shell that passed through it and plunged deeply into another beyond, and everywhere little hillocks covering the remains of the s^ain. After an early breakfast we rode to Pitts burg Landing, and made the sketch seen on page 263, and then, riding along the greater portion of the lines of battle from Lick Creek to Owl Creek, we visited the site of Shiloh Meeting-house, made a drawing of it, and again striking the Corinth road at the ruins of widow Rey's house, re turned to that village by way of Parming- ton, where Paine and Marmaduke had a skirmish,1 in time to take the after noon train to the scene of another battle, Iuka Springs, twenty miles east ward. rm^j^'- EFFECTS OF A 8HOT NEAR SHILOH MEETING HOUSE.. 1 See page 292. - | , - .^W^fe 288 SITUATION OF THE TWO AEMIES. CHAPTER XI. •OPERATIONS IN SOUTHERN TENNESSEE AND NORTHERN MISSISSIPPI AND ALABAMA. LEWING events in the light of fair analysis and com parison, it seems clear that a prompt and vigorous pursuit of the Confederates from Shiloh would have resulted in their capture or dispersion, and that the campaign in the Mississippi Valley might have ended within thirty days after the battle we have just con sidered. Within a few days afterward, the Lower Mississippi, with the great city of New Orleans on its banks, was in the absolute jiossession of the National forces. Mitehel was holding a line of unbroken communication across Northern Alabama, from Florence to the confines of East Tennessee ; .and the National gun-boats on the Mississippi were preparing, though at points almost a thousand miles apart, to sweep victoriously over its waters, brush away obstructions to navigation, and meet, perhaps, at Vicksburg, the next " Gibraltar " of the Valley. Little was to be feared from troops coming from the East. They could not be spared, for at that time General McClellan was threatening Richmond with an immense force, and the National troops were assailing the _= strongholds ofthe Con federates all along the Atlantic coast and the waters of the Gulf of Mexico. Beauregard's army was terribly smitten and demoralized, and he had sent an imploring •cry to Richmond for immediate help.1 The way seemed wide open for his immediate de struction ; but the judgment of General Halleck, the commander of both BEAUREGARD'S HEAD-QUARTERS AT CORINTH.3 i On the day after his arrival at Corinth, Beauregard forwarded a dispatch, written in cipher, to General Cooper, at Eiehmond, saying he could not then number over 35,000 effective men, but that Van Dorn might join him in a few days with about 15,000. He asked for re-enforcements, for, he said, '• if defeated here, we lose the Mississippi Valley, and probably our cause." This dispatch was intercepted by General Mitehel, at Huntsville, and gave, doubtless, a correct view of Beauregard's extreme weakness thirty-six hours alter he fled from Shiloh! 2 This was the dwelling of Mr. Ford when the writer visited Corinth, late in April, 1SG6. It stood upon tho brow of a gentle slope in the northwestern suburbs of the village. VICTOEY AND ITS FRUITS. 289 ' April. Grant and Buell, counseled against pursuit, and for about three weeks the combined armies of the Tennessee and Ohio, not far from seventy-five thou sand strong, rested among the graves of the. loyal and the disloyal (who fought with equal gallantry) on the field of Shiloh, while Beauregard, encouraged by this inaction, was calling to his standard large re-enforcements, and was casting up around the important post of Corinth a line oi fortifica tions not less than fifteen miles in extent. Meanwhile the people everywhere had become acquainted with the true outline history of the great battle of Shiloh, and began to perceive its sig nificance. Jefferson Davis, who, on the reception of Beauregard's dispatch of Sunday evening," had sent an exultant message to the " ^ ' Confederate "Senate,"1 had reason to change his tone of triumph; while the o'rders that went out from the War and Navy Departments at Washington2 on the 9th,s for demonstrations of thanksgiving and joy throughout the army and navy for the victories gained at Pea Ridge, New Madrid, Island Number Ten, and Shiloh, and the proclamation from the Executive Department recommending the same in the houses of public worship through out the land, were not stripped of their power by the fingers of truth. They were substantial and most important victories for the Govern ment, over which the loyal people had reason to rejoice. Vet the lat ter battle was a victory that carried terrible grief to the hearts of thousands, for in the fields and forests around Shiloh hundreds of loved ones were buried, and the hospital vessels that went down the Tennessee with their human freight, carried scores of sick and wounded soldiers who never reached their homes alive. General Halleck arrived from St. Louis, his head-quarters, on the 12th of April,'' and took command in person of the armies near Pitts burg Landing. He found General Grant busily engaged in prepa- OABIN OF A HOSPITAL STEAMER ON THE TENNESSEE RIYER.. 1 He told them that, from " official dispatches received from official sources," he was able to announce, " with entire confidence," that it had "pleased Almighty G-od to crown the Confederate arms with a glorious and lecislve victory, after a hard-fought battle of ten hours." He spoke in feeling terms of the death of Johnston, ,nd of his loss as "irreparable." a The order from each Department directed that, on the Sunday next after receiving it, chaplains 6honld offer n each behalf a prayer, " giving thanks to the Lord of Hosts for the recent manifestations of His power, in tho overthrow of rebels and traitors," and invoking a continuance of His aid in delivering the nation, " by arms, from /he horrors of treason, rebellion, and civil war." The President recommended (April 10) to the people, at their "next weekly assemblage in their accustomed places of public worship" which should occur after notice of his proclamation should be received, to especially acknowledge and render thanks to " onr Heavenly Father for the Inestimable blessingB He had bestowed, and to implore His continuance ofthe same;" also to implore Him to hasten tho establishment of fraternal relations at dome, and " among all the countries of the earth." Vol. II.— 19 290 A FORWAED MOVEMENT CHECKED. rations for an advance upon Corinth while Beauregard was comparatively weak and disheartened, not doubting that it would be ordered on the arrival of his chief. He had sent Sherman out in that direction with a body of cavalry on the day after the battle, who skirmished some with horsemen of Breckinridge's rear-guard and drove them, and who found a general hospital with nearly three hundred sick and wounded in it. The roads, made miry by the recent rains, were strewn with abandoned articles of every kind, testi fying to the precipitancy of the retreat. Sherman returned the same night, and was sent up the Tennessee, accompanied by the gun-boats as far as East- port, to destroy the Memphis and Charleston railway over Big Bear Creek, between Iuka and Tuscumbia, and cut off Corinth from the latter place, where Colonel Turchin had large supplies. This expedition was arranged before Halleck arrived, and was successfully carried out, after which such demonstra tions ceased for a while. No movement of importance was again made toward Corinth until about the first of May, when Monterey, nine or ten miles in that direction, was occupied by National troops. General Pope " Ais6222' na<^ an"ive,. ^vV''V, V ,.-"-:•¦'#¦-.' '¦ inth, leaving as spoils for the victors r&M i> $0&$ about thirty of his command slam and a hundred wounded; also his camp, ;-v' - ,v '' "C with all its supplies, and two hundred "'' c liifir'-i- ! I ''-'i!1 I ' prisoners. The National loss was two ¦3~yJ& killed and eleven wounded. The cav- •-L A- "5~ _ airy and artillery pushed on to Glen- dale, a little east, of Corinth, and destroyed the railway track and two important trestle-bridges there. In the mean time, General Wallace had sent out" Colonel Morgan L. Smith, with three battalions of cavalry and a brigade of infantry, upon the Mobile and Ohio railway, who fought the Confederates in a wood, and destroyed an important bridge and the track not far from Purdv by which supplies and re-enforcements for Beauregard, at Jackson, Tennessee were cut off.4 FARMINGTON MEETING-HOUSE. i These defenses were mostly along the brows of the first ridges outside of the village of Corinth extending from the Memphis and Charleston railway on tho cast, and sweeping around northward, crossed the Mobile and Ohio railway to the former road, about three miles westward of Corinth. - See map of the battle-field on Da<*e 294. At every road crossing there was a redoubt, or a battery with massive epaulements. Outside of these works on the north wi're deep lines of abatis. 2 These troops were composed of tho Tenth, Sixteenth, Twenty-second, Twenty seventh Fortv-second and Fifty-first Illinois volunteers; the Tenth and Sixteenth Michigan volunteers; Yates's Illinois sharp-shoot ers; noughtailing's Illinois and Hezcock's Ohio batteries; and the Second Michigan cavalry. ' 3 See page 540, volume I. 4 This was a timely movement, for, while the bridge was burning, an engine that had been sent up fro Corinth tohelp through three trains heavily laden with troops from Memphis, and hurrying forward by the long" way of Humbolt and Jackson, because the direct road was of insufficient capacity at that lime, came thundering on. The Nationals, who lay in ambush, captured it, and ran it off at full speed into the ravine under the burn ing bridge. The re-enforcements for Beauregard were thus effectually cut off. EVACUATION' OF CORINTH. 293 Pope left, a brigade to hold Farmington and menace Beauregard's right. Twenty thousand men, under Van Dorn, fell upon them on the 9th," and drove them back. Eight days afterward, Pope re-occu- "^ pied the post with his whole force, and, at the same 'time, Sher man moved forward and menaced the Confederate left. On the 20th, Halleck's whole army was engaged in regular siege-operations, casting up field-work after field-work, so as to invest and approach Corinth, and at the same time engaging in skirmishing with all arms, in force equal to that employed in battles at the beginning of the war. Steadily the army moved on, and, on the 2Sth, it was at an average distance of thirteen hundred yards from Beauregard's works, with heavy siege-guns in position, and reoonnois- sances in great force in operation on flanks and center. In these the Con federates were driven back. On the following day, Pope expelled them from their advance batteries, and Sherman planted heavy guns within a thousand yards of Beauregard's left. - Halleck expected a sanguinary battle the next mornincr,5 and .„ „„ . ! t, . 4 May SO. prepared for it. He felt confident of success, and quite sure of capturing or dispersing the whole Confederate army, for he had a greatly superior force ; had cut Beauregard's railway communications on the north and east of Corinth, and had sent Colonel Elliott on the night of the 27th to strike the Mobile and Ohio railway in his rear. Halleck's expectations were not realized. All night the vigilant ears of his pickets and sentinels heard the continuous roar of moving cars at Corinth, and reported accordingly. At dawn skirmishers were thrown out, but no foe appeared. How strange ! Then the earth was shaken by a series of explosions, and very soon heavy smoke rolled up from Corinth. What did all this mean ? "I cannot explain it," said Plalleck to an inquiry by Sherman ; and then ordered that officer to advance and " feel the enemy if still in his front." This was done, but no enemy was found. Beauregard OOEINTn AFTER TnE EVACUATION. had entirely evacuated Corinth during the night. For two or three days he had been sending toward Mobile his sick and his most valuable stores ; and twenty-four hours before, he had sent away in tho same direction a part of his effective force, with nearly all of his ordnance. The rear-guard had left for the south and west during the night, allowing many pickets, unsus picious of the movement, to be captured. They had blown up the magazines, and fired the town, store-houses, and railway station ; and when the Nationals entered" they found the smoldering ruins of many ' May 80' 294 BEAUREGARD'S FLIGHT. dwellings, and warehouses filled with Confederate stores. Thus ended The Siege op Coeinth ; and thus the boastful Beauregard, whose performances generally fell far short of his promises, was utterly discomfited.1 He ^ staggered at Shiloh and fell at Corinth. The fugitives were pursued by the brave Gordon Granger from Farm- ington to Guntown, on the Mobile and Ohio railway, a little more than forty miles south of Corinth, and there the chase ended. Few captures were made, excepting of . stragglers. The ex pedition of Colonel Elliott, with his Iowa cavalry, had not ma terially intercepted Beauregard in his flight, for he did not strike the road until two o'clock on tho morning of the 30th, when the Confede rates were pressing southward in force. He destroyed much property at Boonville, and produced a panic, but the raid had little to do with the great result, except to ex pedite it.2 Beauregard collect ed his scattered troops at Tupelo, on a tribu tary of the Tombig- bee, in a strong posi tion, and on the 13th of June reported to head-quarters at Richmond that he was "doing all practicable to organize for defensive operations." He soon afterward turned over his army temporarily to General Bragg, and sought TUE SIEGF. OF COEINTn. 1 Beauresrard had issued the following address to his combined army on the Sth of May: '¦ Soldiers of Shiloh and Elkhorn :* We are about to meet once more in the shock of battle the invaders of our soil, tho despoilers of our homes, the disturbers of our family tics, uico to face, hand to hand. We are to di'cido whether we arc freemen, or vilo slai es of those who are only free in name, and ^\ho but yesterday wero vanquished although in largely superior numbers, in their own encampments, on tho ever-memorable field of Shiloh. Let the impending battle decide our fate, and add a moro illustrious page to the history of our revolution — one to which our children will point with noble pride, saying, 'Our fathers were at the battlo of Corinth.' I congratu late you on your timely junction. With our mingled banners, for the first time during the war, we shall meet our foe in strength that should give us victory. Soldiers, can tho result bo doubtful ? Shall we not drive back to Tennessee the presumptuous mercenaries collected tor our subjugation? One more manly effort, and. trust- i.-i" in God and the justness of our cause, wo shall recover moro than we lately lost. Let tho sound of o'ur vic torious guns be re-echoed by those of Virginia on the historic battle-field at Yorktown. vt 2 Colonel Elliott's movement, without doubt, hastened Beauregard's departure. When it became known to that General, a train of box and flat cars, with flying artillery and 5,000 infantry, were kept running up .¦,„,] rtlnvn the road continually, to prevent Elliott's reaching it. Ho struck it at Boonville, at a littlo past midnight on the * Hie Confederates, na we have observed, called the conflict between Curtis nnd Van Dorn, at Te I P.idpe, the Battle of Elhhoi t it 10 happened that the Confederates had fled f on Yorktown, beforo McCleMan, on the dny Ibis address was issued. CHANGE OF COMMANDERS. 295 HAI.LECK'8 HEAD-QUARTERS AT COTtlNTII.8 repose and health for a few days at Bladen Springs, in Alabama. Jef ferson Davis, whose will was law in the Confederacy, on hearing of this, directed Bragg, his favorite, to take permanent command of that army, and he "passionately declared" that Beauregard should not be reinstated, "though all the world should urge him to the measure."1 This was a for tunate circumstance for the National cause. Although the possession of Corinth was of great military importance, and the news of it was hailed with delight by the loyalists, it could not be considered a victory, in its proper sense. The Confederate army had escaped, with its can non and most of its stores, thereby frustra ting and deranging the plans of Halleck ; and it was soon again ready for offensive opera tions. This result was charged to Halleck's tardiness; and experts declared their belief that, if he had remain ed in St. Louis a week longer, Grant,, left free to act, would have captured Beauregard's army, sup plies, and munitions of war. After the evacuation of Corinth, no military operations of importance were undertaken by the Grand Army of the Tennessee while General Halleck was in personal command of it. The Confederate fortifications at Corinth were much weaker than Halleck supposed, and were indeed unworthy of Beauregard, whose skill as an engineer was acknowledged by all. These Halleck proceeded to strengthen for defense, and as the heat of summer would make the Tennessee River too shallow for transportation for his sup plies, the railways leading to Columbus from Corinth were put in order. A portion of the army was picketed along the railway between Iuka and Memphis ; and General Buell was sent with the Army of the Ohio toward Chattanooga, where the active Mitehel was keeping General E. Kirby Smith, the Confederate commander in East Tennessee, in a state of continual alarm for the safety of his department. Mitehel begged Buell to march the combined forces into East Tennessee, but the more cautious General declined to do so.3 80th, destroyed the switch, track, depot, locomotives, twenty-six cars filled with supplies, 10,000 small arms, three pieces of artillery, and a large quantity of clothing and ammunition. Ho also captured and paroled 2,000 sick and convalescent soldiers, whom he found in a very suffering condition. 1 Notes of an interview of a "Congressional Committee " with Davis, who requested tho restoration of Beauregard, cited by General Jordan, in Harper's Magazine, xx\i., C1G. While Beauregard was at Bhiden, ho wrote a letter to the Confederate Genera] Martin, in which he expressed a coincidence of opinion with '• Stono- wall Jackson," that tho time had como for raising the black flag — in other words, giving no quarter— but killing every foe, armed or disarmed, in battle. " I believe,"' ho said, " it is tho only thing that will prevent recruiting at the North."— See The Weekly Register, Lynchburg, Virginia, April 16, 18G4. 2 This was the dwelling of Mr. Symington when tho writer visited Corinth, late in April, 1S66. It was ono ofthe houses in the suburbs of the village that survived the war. * Oral statemert of General Mitehel to the author, in August, 1S62. 296 OPPOSING FLEETS ON THE MISSISSIPPI. McClernand's reserve corps, employed in keeping open communication with the Tennessee River, was now broken up, and General Wallace was sent to preserve and protect the Memphis and Ohio railway between Hum- bolt and the City of Memphis. He made his head-quarters at the latter place ; and very soon afterward Halleck was called to Washington, to occupy the important position of General-in-Chief of all the armies of the Republic in the place of McClellan, leaving General Thomas at Corinth, and General Grant again in command of his old army, and with enlarged powers. We have just observed that Wallace made his head-quarters in Memphis. How came that city, one of the Confederal strongholds, and most impor tant posts, to be in possession of the Nationals ? Let us see. We left Commodore Foote and his fleet, after the capture of Island Number Ten, ready, at New Madrid,1 for an advance down the Mississippi River. This was soon begun, with General Pope's army on transports. Memphis was the main object of the expedition ; but above it were several formidable fortifications to be passed.2 The first of these that was encountered was Fort Wright (then named Fort Pillow), on the first Chickasaw bluff, about eighty miles above Memphis, and then in command of General Ville- pigue, a creole of New Orleans, who was educated at West Point as an engineer. He was regarded as second only to Beauregard. His fort was a very strong one, and the entire works occupied a line of seven miles in cir cumference. There Memphis was to be defended from invasion by the river from above. Jeff. Thompson was there, with about three thousand troops, and Hollins had collected there a considerable flotilla of gun-boats. The siege of Fort Pillow was begun by Foote with his mortar-boats on the 14th of April, and he soon drove Hollins to shelter below the fort. Gen eral Pope, whose troops had landed on the Arkansas shore, was unable to co-operate, because the country was overflowed ; and, being soon called by Halleck to Shiloh, Foote was left to prosecute the work alone. Finally, on the 9th of May, the painfulness of his \ ankle, because of the wound received at Fort Donelson, compelled him to leave duty, and he was succeeded in command by Captain C. H. Davis, whose important services with Dupont at Port Royal we have already observed.3 Hollins, meanwhile, had reformed his flotilla, and early in the morning of the 10th" he swept around Point Craighead, on the Arkansas "May, 1S62. , . . i „ , „ ^, „ , . . shore, with armored steamers, several oi them were fitted with strong bows, plated with iron, for pushing, and were called " rams." Davis's vessels were then tied up at the river banks, three on the eastern and four on the western side of the stream. Hollins's largest gun-boat {McRea), finished with a sharp iron prow started for the mortar-boat No. 16, when its commander, Acting-m aster Gregory, made a gallant fight, firing his single mortar no less than eleven times.4 The gun-boats Cincinnati and Mound City, lying not far off, came 1 See page 24S. 2 Those wero Fort Osceola, on Plum Point, on the Arkansas shore ; Fort Wright, on the first Chickasaw bluff; Fort Harris, nearly opposite Island Number Forty, and Fort Pillow, just above Memphis. Fort Pillow was named in honor of the Confederate General ; Fort Wright in honor of Colonel Wright, of the Tennessee troops, who cast.up fortifications there a year before ; and Fort Harris after the fugitive Governor of Tennessee. 3 See page 117. « The engines of the McRea were protected by railway iron, and other parts were shielded by bales at BATTLE AT FORT WRIGHT. 297 to his assistance. The McRea then turned upon the former with great fury, striking her port quarter, and making a large hole. The Cincinnati gave the ram a broadside, when the latter drew off, struck the gun-boat again on her starboard side, making an ugly wound. The assailed vessel gave its antagonist another broadside, when the ram Van Dorn, that now came up, struck her in the stern. The Mound City hastened to help her companion, and as she bore down she hurled a heavy shot at the McRea, which dis mounted its bow gun, which was about to be discharged at her. Seeing this, another ram (the Sumter) hastened to the support of the McRea, and, in spite of two broadsides from the Mound City, she pressed on and struck the bow of the latter vessel with such force, that a breach was made in her through which the water poured in large streams. The Sumter was about to strike its victim again, when the gun-boat Benton gave her a broadside with telling effect. The Confederate gun-boats were lying on the Tennessee shore, mean while, and firing at the National vessels every few minutes,' while the how itzers of Fort Pillow were throwing shells, but without effect. Finally, the Benton sent a shell that pierced the McRea. Hot steam instantly enveloped the vessel, killing and scalding many of its people, and causing its flag to be struck in token of surrender. The conflict, which had continued for an hour, now ceased. The McRea floated away and escaped; the Cincinnati and Mound City were too much injured to give chase, and the former soon sunk to the bottom of the Mississippi. The Union loss in the engagement was four men wounded. That of the Confederates was said to have been heavy, especially on the McRea, by the steam. Among the wounded was Captain Stembel, of the Cincinnati, very severely, a ball having entered his body at the right shoulder, and passing out at his throat. For more.than three weeks the two ^m^zsss-^ flotillas lay off Fort Pillow, watching each other, and in the mean time that of Davis had been re-enforced by a " ram " squadron under Colonel Charles Ellet, Jr., the eminent civil engineer, who built the Niagara ' Suspension Bridge. He had recom mended the use of such vessels, and had been constructing them under the authority of the Secretary of War.1 But when, with this addition, the National fleet was ready for ' another trial of strength, at the be ginning of June, there was no foe to encounter at Fort Pillow. The flight 3g|§ss. ¦i-2Uj-"'V>ja, C1IAP.LES ELLET. cotton, behind which there was a large number of Jeff. Thompson's sharp-shooters, to pick off tho officers ofthe National vessels. The "rams" proper were protected by cotton and filled with sharp-shooters, yet it was seldom that a man appeared on t.lirir decks. 1 Thc£o vessels were river boats, some with stern wheels and somo with side wheels, whoso bows wero strengthened by the addition of heavy timber, and covered with plates of iron. Their chii-f business was to destroy vessels by powerful collision. Their average cost to tho Government was between $25,000 and $30,000 each. 298 NAVAL BATTLE BEFORE MEMPHIS. of Beauregard from Corinth had filled the garrison with alarm, and on the night ofthe 4th" they evacuated that post in great haste, leaving every thing behind them, blowing up their magazines, and burning their barracks and stores. The National standard was hoisted over the works the next morning. The fugitives went down the river in transports, accom panied by the Confederate fleet. Fort Randolph was also evacuated, and Colonel Ellet, whose ram fleet 'was in advance of the now pursuing flotilla, raised the flag over that stronghold likewise.' The same evening » June 5. t^e flotilla of gun-boats1 anchored at about a mile and a half above Memphis, and the ram fleet2 a little* farther up the river. The Confederate fleet,' now commanded by " Commodore " Montgomery, in place of Hollins, was then lying on the Arkansas shore, opposite Memphis, with steam up, and ready for action. At dawn on the morning of the 6th,* the National vessels, with the Cairo in the advance, moved slowly toward the Con federate fleet, in battle order. When within long range, the Little Rebel hurled a shot from her rifled cannon at the Cairo, to which the latter answered by a broadside. So the conflict was opened in front of the popu lous city of Memphis, whose inhabitants, suddenly aroused from repose, quickly covered the bluffs and roofs as most anxious spectators of what soon became a severe naval battle. This was waged for a time between the gun boats, when two of the Confederate rams {Beauregard and Price) pushed swiftly forward to engage in the affray. The watchful Colonel Ellet saw this movement, and instantly took a position in front of the gun-boats with his flag-vessel, the ram Queen of the West, followed by the ram Monarch, Cap tain Dryden. They both made for the two Confederate rams, when the latter, unwilling to fight, tried to get away. The Queen dashed first at the Beauregard (which opened fire), and missed her, but was more successful in chasing the Price. She struck the wheel-house of that vessel with her iron prow, crushing it, and so damaging the hull that she was compelled to run for the Arkansas shore, to avoid sinking in deep water. The Beauregard now turned furiously upon the Queen, when both vessels rushed toward each other at full speed. The skillful pilot of the former so managed his vessel as to avoid a blow from the latter, but gave one to the Queen so heavily that she was disabled. Her consort, the Monarch, hastened to her relief. Dashing at the Beauregard, she stove in her bow, and caused her to sink in the space of a few minutes, but in water so shallow that her upper works were above it. A white flag waved over the ruined vessel, and the fight of the terrible rams ceased. The Monarch found the Queen in the midst of the smoke, badly wounded, and towed her to a place of safety at the shore. The National gun-boats continued pressing hard upon those of the Con federates, which were steadily falling back. A conquering blow was soon given by the Benton, whose 50-pound rifled Parrott gun. hurled a ball at the 1 Benton, Captain Phelps; Carondelet, Captain Walko; St. Louis, Lieutenant-commanding McGonigle; Louisville, Captain Dove; Cairo, Lieutenant Bryant. ' Theso consisted of tho Monarch Queen of tlie West, Lioness, Switzerland, Mingo, Lancaster No. 8, Fulton, Hornet, and Samson, all under the general command of Colonel Ellet. 3 It consisted of tho General Van Dorn (Hollins's flagship), General Price, General Bragg, General Lovell, Little Rebel, Jeff. Tliompson, Sumter, /and General Beauregard. CAPTURE OF MEMPHIS. 299 i Lovellwith such precision and effect that she was made a wreck in an instant, and began to sink. In less than four minutes she weut to the bottom of the Mississippi, where the water was seventy-five feet in depth. A greater por tion of the officers and crew of the Lovell went down with her, or wero drowned before help could reach them. The battle continued only a short time after this, when the Confederates, having only four vessels afloat {Thompson, Bragg, Sumter, and Van Dorn), and these badly injured, made for the shore, where they abandoned all their craft but one, and fled for life and liberty. The Van Dorn escaped down the river, the sole survivor of the Confederate fleet. Not a man had been killed on board the National gun-boats during the action. What the Confederate loss was, in killed and wounded, is not known. About one hundred of them were made captives. Jeff. Thompson, then in command in Memphis, after providing for the safe flight of his troops, had stood upon the bluff and watched tho strange naval battle. When he saw his friends vanquished, he galloped away and joined his retreating troops. The National fleet was now drawn up in front of Memphis, | and Commodore Davis sent a j] request to the Mayor of the city % to surrender it. That officer [ (John Park1) replied, that, as the ^ civil authorities had no means for defense, the city was in his M hands. The National flag had 9 already been raised there. 3| Colonel Ellet, at the conclusion of the* ram fight, informed that a white flag was waving in the city, approached the shoue on his vessel, and sent his son, Charles R. Ellet, with a message to the Mayor, saying, that the bearer would place the National ensign on the Custom-house and Post-office, " as evidence of the return of the city to the care and protection of the Constitution." The Mayor made a reply to this note, substantially the same as that to Qom- modore Davis ; and young Ellet, with Lieutenant Crankell, of the Fifty- ninth Illinois, and two men of the boat-guard, unfurled the Stripes and Stars over the Post-office, in the midst of an excited and threatening populace. Immediate military possession of Memphis followed the reply of Mayor Park to Commodore Davis, and Colonel Fitch, of the Forty-sixth Indiana, was appointed Provost-marshal. So it was that General Wallace, of Grant's army, was permitted to enter and occupy Memphis without resistance. His advent was hailed with joy by the Indiana regiment there and the Union citizens, for they were not strong enough to repress the secessionists, or guard the city against the incursions of Jeff. Thompson's guerrillas. All Kentucky, Western Tennessee, and Northern Mississippi and Alabama were now in the possession ofthe National authorities, and it was confidently expected that East Tennessee would almost immediately bo in the same 1 Seo page 249. ELLET'S STEKN-WIIEEL BAM. 300 EXPEDITIONS SENT OUT BT MITCHEL. position. When General Buell joined Mitehel, after the close ofthe siege of Corinth, the latter, as we have observed, urged' that officer to march directly into the great valley between the Cumberland and Alleghany Mountains, by way of Chattanooga and Cleveland, for it then seemed an easy matter to do so. Buell would not consent, and again East Tennessee, made confident of speedy liberation by ,so large an army on its borders, was doomed to bitter disappointment, and the endurance of still greater afflictions than it had yet suffered. Although Mitehel had assured the Secretary of War" that his "'isc"1' campaign was ended,1 and that he occupied Huntsville in perfect security, he Was not idle nor less vigilant than before. He not only watched, but worked, and scouts and raiders were continually out on special duties, the chief object being to keep danger from his rear, and the door open into East Tennessee and Northern Georgia. Colonels Turchin and Lytle were sent northward along the line of the Nashville and Decatur rail way, while General Negley was operating in that vicinity, and farther cast- ward, dispersing the Confederate forces at various points. On the 1 3th of May, tho latter went out from Pulaski on that railway, and, supported by Colonel Lytle, at Athens below, drove a gathering force of Confederates from Rogersville, in Alabama, across the Tennessee River.2 Later, Colonel Turchin, who was at Athens, was attacked by Confede- b rates4 and driven away. In the assault and pursuit, many of the citizens of that village joined. With re-enforcements Turchin returned, and drove tho Confederate troops out of the town, when his exas perated soldiers sacked and pillaged the houses of secessionists there, because of their active complicity in the hostile movements. For this Colonel Turchin was tried by a court martial, and acquitted. He was promoted to brigadier- general while the investigation was going on. On the same day ° General Necriey, who, in a forced march of e June 4. . . ° J '. twenty miles, had climbed over an almost impassable mountain, northeastward of Stevenson, surprised a Confederate camp of cavalry under General Adams at its foot, at a place called Sweeden's Cove, on the road between Winchester and Jasper, and drove them from it. After a very severe skirmish near Jasper, in which Colonel Hambright led the Nationals, the Confederates were routed and dispersed, leaving as spoils their ammu nition and commissary wagons with supplies ; also arms scattered alon" the pathway of their flight, and twelve prisoners. Adams escaped without his hat, sword, or horse, borrowing one of the latter from a negro on which to fly. Negley lost two killed and seven wounded.3 But one of the most important of the expeditions sent out by Mitehel and, indeed, one of the most daring of the war, was the secret one already alluded to, sent to break up the railway between Chattanooga and Atlanta This expedition was composed of twenty-two picked men,'1 led by J J Andrews, who had been for several months in the secret service under 1 See page 291. 2 Reports of Generals Mitehel and Negley, May 14th and 18th 1S62 3 Eeport of General Negley to General Mitehel, June 4, 1802. * Two of these (Andrews and Campbell) were civilians, and citizens of Kentucky; the remainder wer soldiers, selected from the Second, Twenty-first, and Thirty-third Ohio regiments of volunteers, Sill's brigade Their names were as follows: J. J. Andrews, William Campbell, George 1). Wilson, Marion A. Ross Perry g' #¦ RAID ON A GEORGIA RAILWAY. 301 General Buell. He had proposed the expedition to Buell at Nashville, and that officer directed General Mitehel, then at Murfreesboro, to furnish him with the means for carrying it out.1 Mitehel did so with alacrity, for it promised to be of vast service to him in executing his designs against the Confederates beyond the Tennessee River ; and that band of young men -left in detachments on their perilous errand at about the time when that daring general commenced his march for Alabama. They passed within the Con federate lines at Wartrace, on the Nashville and Chattanooga railway, thirteen miles from Murfreesboro, traveling on foot as Confederate citizens making their way from oppression in Kentucky to freedom in Georgia. In this disguise they went over the rugged Cumberland mountains. Most of them met at Chattanooga, on the day that Mitehel took possession of Huntsville." Some, who had arrived sooner, had gone by rail- " ^ ' way to Marietta, in Georgia, the final rendezvous of the party before commencing operations. On the same evening the whole party were at the latter place. The designated point at which to begin their bold raid on the Georgia State road was at Big Shanty, eight miles above Marietta, and a short dis tance from the foot of the Great Kenesaw Mountain, where several regiments of Confederate troops were stationed. With an early train the next morn ing, all but two of the party, who were- accidentally left behind, started for that place. While the conductor and engineer were at breakfast, the raiders uncoupled the engine and three empty box-cars from the passenger cars, and started at full speed up the road,2 leaving behind them wonderers who could scarcely believe the testimony of their own eyes. On they went with the fleetness of the wind, answering all questions satisfactorily, where they were compelled to stop, with the assurance that it was a powder-train for Beaure gard. After going five miles on their journey, they cut the te'legraph wires and picked up about fifty cross-ties. Before reaching Adamsville, at a curve on the summit of a high embankment, they tore up the rails of the road, and placed some ofthe ties in such position on the bank that a passing train was hurled off and down the precipice. At this point Andrews said, exultingly, " Only one more train to pass, boys, and then we will put .our engine to full speed, burn the bridges after us, dash through Chattanooga, and on to Mitehel at Huntsville." But more than one train had to be passed before they could commence their destructive work ; and just as they had begun it, well up toward Cal houn,, they were made to desist and flee by the sound ofthe whistle of a pur suing train. When this came to the break in the road just mentioned, the engineer of the train they had passed, made acquainted with the circum stances, reversed his engine, and it became a pursuer. Then occurred one of the most thrilling races on record. Both engines were put at full speed, and away they went, thundering along, to the amazement of the inhabitants, Shadrack, Samuel Slavens, Samuel Robinson, John Scott, W. W. Brown, William Knight, J. R. Porter, Mark, Wood, J. A. Wilson, M. J. Hawkins, John Wollam, D. A. Dorscy, Jacob Parrott, P.obert Buffum, William Bensinger, William Reddick, E. H. Mason, William Pettinger. 1 Letter of General Buell to the adjutant-general, August, 1S63. 2 Andrews, the leader, W., W. Brown, and William knight, had taken position on the locomotive; Brown being the engineer, while J. A. Wilson, mounted on ono ofthe box-cars, acted as brakesman. 302 CAPTURE AND EXECUTION OF RAIDERS. ¦ April 12, 1862. who had no conception of the urgency of the errand of both. That of the pursued, having the less burden, was fleetest, but its time was consumed by stopping to cut telegraph wires and tear up rails. The latter, and also ties, were cast upon the track ; but very soon the pursuers were too close to allow the pursued to do this, or to allow them to take in a supply of fuel and water. Their lubricating oil became exhausted; and, such was the speed of the machine, that the brass journals on which the axles revolved were melted. Fuel failing, the fugitives despaired ; and, when within fifteen miles of Chat tanooga, Andrews ordered them to leave the train, and every man to seek his own safety. They jumped from the -train while it was in motion, and fled for shelter to the tangled forests of Georgia, around the sinuous Chickamauga Creek." Notice of this chase had been telegraphed to Chattanooga, and produced great consternation. A stupendous man-hunt was at once organized. Re wards were offered; every ford, ferry, cross-road, and mountain pass wag picketed ; and thousands of horsemen and foot soldiers and citizens, and several blood-hounds, scoured the country in all directions. The whole party were finally captured and imprisoned; and thus ended one of the most adventurous incidents in history.1 Twelve of them, after being confined at Chattanooga, were taken to Knoxville for trial, and kept in the iron cages there in which Brownlow and his friends had suffered, in the county jail.2 Andrews, the leader, soon afterward escaped from the prison at Chattanooga, but, after intense suffering on the shores and little islands of the Tennessee River, was re-captured, taken to Atlanta with eight of his comrades, and was, there hanged without trial. Seven of those who were taken to Knoxville had been tried by a court-martial as spies, when the cannon of General Mitehel, thundering near Chattanooga, broke up the court, and the prisoners, against whom there was not a particle of evidence to support the charge, were soon afterward conveyed to At lanta. After a brief confinement, the seven who had been arraigned at Knoxville were taken out and hanged. Eight of those bold and patriotic young men thus gave their lives to their country.3 Eight of their companions afterward escaped from confinement, and six were exchanged as prisoners of war in March, 1863. To each ofthe survivors of that raid, the Secretary of War afterward presented a medal of honor.'1 When the writer visited tiie National cemetery at Chatta- ENTRAKCE TO THE GAVE. 1 The adventure commanded the admiration of both parties. '• It was'the deepest laid scheme, and on the grandest 6cale," said an Atlanta newspaper, on the 15th of April, uthat ever emanated from the brains of any number of Yankees." Judge Holt, in an official report, said : "The expedition, in tho daring of its conception had the wildncss of a romance, while, in the gigantic and overwhelming results it sought, and was likely to accomplish, it was absolutely sublime." 2 See page ST. 3 These were, Andrews, Campbell, G. D. Wilson, Ross, Shadrack, Stevens, Robinson, and Scott 4 This medal was precisely like that presented to naval heroes. Instead of an anchor at the connective between the medal and the ribbon, there was an eagle surmounting crossed cannon, and some balls. BATTLE AT CHATTANOOGA. 303 nooga, in May, 1866, he saw, in the cave that forms the receiving vault,1 seven coffins, containing the remains of the seven young men who were hanged at Atlanta, and which had lately been brought from that city for re-interment.2 Before General Buell's arrival, General Mitehel had made an effort to seize Chattanooga. His force was too small to effect it, for Kirby Smith, com manding the Confederates in East Tennessee, was skillful, active, and watch ful. Mitehel had asked for re-enforcements, but they were not afforded. Finally, General Negley, three days after his successful attack on Adams, near Jasper, having made his way rapidly over the rugged ranges . of the Cumberland Mountains, suddenly appeared opposite Chattanooga. It was on the morning of the 7th of June when he arrived. Toward evening he had heavy guns in position; and for two hours he cannonaded the town and the Confederate works on Cameron's Hill and at its base. The guns of his enemy were silenced ; and that night the inhabitants fled from the town. During the darkness Smith was re-enforced, and some of his infantry took positions to annoy Negley greatly. The latter opened his batteries again at nine o'clock, and before noon the Confederates had all been driven from the town and their works, and had commenced burning railway bridges, east ward of Chattanooga, to impede a pursuit. Considering the inferiority of his numbers, and the approach of re-enforcements for Smith, Negley prudently withdrew. Reporting to the military governor of Tennessee, he said, " The Union people in East Tennessee are wild with joy." Here, it now seems, was- presented a golden moment in which to accom plish great results, but it was not improved. With a few more regiments, Negley might have captured and held Chattanooga ; and Buell and Mitehel could doubtless have marched into East Tennessee with very little resist ance, and so firmly established the National power there that it might not have been broken during the remainder of the war. But General Buell would not consent to such movement, even when the thunder of Negley'-s cannon at Chattanooga made tho Confederates in all that region so fearful, that they were ready to abandon every thing at the first intimation of an advance of their adversary. See how precipitately they fled from Cumberland Gap, their " Gibraltar of the mountains," and the fortified heights around it, when, ten days after the assault on Chattanooga, General George W. Morgan, with a few Ohio and Kentucky troops, inarched against it" from Powell's Valley. Twenty miles his soldiers traveled that day, °Jim8' climbing the Cumberland Mountains, dragging their cannon up the precipices by block and tackle, and skirmishing all the way without losing a man. They were cheered by rumors that the foe had fled. At sunset they were at the main works, and the flags of the Sixteenth Ohio and Twenty-second Kentucky were floating over those fortifications in the twilight. The Confederate rear-guard had departed four hours before ; and the whole force had fled so hastily that they left almost every thing behind them. They had been supplied with food chiefly by plunderers of the Union 1 This cave and the National cemetery will be considered hereafter. 2 For a minute account of the daring adventures of Andrews and his party of young soldiers, see a well- written volume from the pen of one of them (Lieutenant William Pettlnger, of the Second Ohio), entitled, Bar ing and Suffering: A History of the Great Railroad Adventure. 304 CAPTURE' OF CUMBERLAND GAP. people. They saw a prospect of a sudden cessation of that supply, so they fled while a way of escape was yet open. The cautious Buell and the fiery Mitehel did not work well together, and the latter was soon called to Washington City and assigned to the command of the Department of the South, with his head-quarters at Hilton Head, leaving his troops in the West in charge of General Rousseau. For a short OUMnEBLAND GAP AND ITS DEPENDENCIES.1 time afterward there was a lull in the storm of war westward of the Alleghany Mountains, but it was the precursor of a more furious tempest. During that lull, let us observe and consider events on the Atlantic coast, along the northern shores of the Gulf of Mexico, and on the Lower Missis sippi. 1 Cumberland Gap is a cleft in the Cumberland Mountains, five hundred feet in depth, nnd only wide enough at the bottom in some places for a roadway. Itforms the principal door of entrance to southeastern Kentucky from the great valley of East Tennessee, and during the war was a position of great military importance. It was very strongly fortified by the Confederates at tho beginning ofthe contest, and supporting works were con structed on all ofthe neighboring heights. The relative position of these, their names, and a general outline c! the mountains at the Gap, nnd in the vicinity, are seen in the above topographical sketch, by Dr. B. Howard, of the United States Army, f'-om the western side. A small force, well provisioned, might have-held the Gap against an immense army. Explanation.— A, Fort State corner ; B, a fort not named ; C, Tort Colonel Churchill ; D, the Gap ; E, Fort Colonel Rains ; F, Fort Colonel Mallory ; G. G, G, G, stockades and rifle-pits ; I, Lewis's Gap ; L, Fort Colonel Hunter; M, Kentucky road through the Gap; O, Baptists' .Gap ; P, Earthworks then recently constructed. EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW BERNE. 305 CHAPTER XII. OPERATIONS ON THE COASTS OF THE ATLANTIC AND THE GULF OF MEXICO. E left General Burnside in Albemarle Sound, after the cap ture of Roanoke Island and the operations at Elizabeth City, Edenton, and Plymouth,1 preparing for other conquests on the North Carolina coast. For that purpose he con centrated his forces, with the fleet now in command of Commodore Rowan (Goldsborough having been ordered to Hampton Roads), at Hatteras Inlet. New Berne, the capital of Craven County, at the confluence of the rivers Trent and Neuse, was his first object of attack.2 ' The land and naval forces left Hatteras Inlet on the morning ofthe 12th of March," and at sunset the gun-boats and transports anchored off the mouth of Slocum's Creek, about eighteen miles from New Berne, where Burnside had determined to make a landing. His troops numbered about fifteen thousand. The landing was begun at seven o'clock the next morning,6 undef cover of the gun-boats ; and so eager . °' . . . * March 18. were the men to get ashore, that many, too impatient to wait for the boats, leaped into the water, waist deep, and waded to the land. Then they pushed on in the direction of New Berne, in a copious rain, dragging their heavy cannon,3 with great difficulty and fatigue, through the wet clay, into which men often sank knee deep. The head of the column was within a mile and a half of the Confederate works at sunset, when it halted and bivouacked. During the night the remainder of the army came up in detachments hour after hour, meeting no resistance. The gun-boats mean while had moved up the river abreast the army, the flag-ship Delaware lead ing. A shore-battery opened upon her at four o'clock in the afternoon, but was soon quieted by her reply. The main body of the Confederates, under the command of General Branch, consisted of eight regiments of infantry and five hundred cavalry, with three batteries of field-artillery of six guns each. These occupied a line-i of intrenchments extending more than a mile from near the river across the railway, supported by another line, on the inland flank, of rifle-pits and detached intrenchments in the form of curvettes and redans, for more than a mile, and terminating in a two-gun redoubt. On the river-bank and cover- 1 See Chapter VI. pages 170 to 175, inclnsive, 2 New Berne was a point of much military importance. It was near the head of an extensive and navigable arm of the sea, and was connected by railway with Beaufort harbor at Morehead City, and Raleigh, the capital of the State. s Among them were six naval howitzers that Rowan put ashore, under Lieutenant R. S. McCook, to assist In the attack. . Vol. II.— 20 ' a March, 1SG2. 306 BATTLE OF NEW BERNE. ing their left was Fort Thompson, four miles from New Berne, armed with thirteen heavy guns ; and other works and appliances, prepared by good engineering skill, for the defense of the river-channel against the passage of gun-boats, were numerous.1 At daylight on the morning of the 14th," the army moved forward in three columns, under Generals Foster, Reno, and Parke. A heavy fog lay for a short time upon the land and water, but it was soon dissipated. Foster, with the first brigade, marched up the main country road to attack Fort Thompson and the Confederate left. Reno, with the second brigade, follpwed nearer the line of the railway, to fall upon their right ; and Parke, with the third brigade, kept such position that he might attack their front or assist the other two brigades. Foster began battle at eight o'clock.2 At the same time Reno pushed on toward the Confederate right flank, while Parke took position on their front. Foster was supported on his left by the boat-howitzers, manned by Lieuten ants McCook, Hammond, Daniels, and Tillotson, with marines and a detach ment of the Union Coast Guard. Before the Confederate center was placed a 12-pounder steel cannon, under Captain Bennett, of the Cossack, who was assisted in its management by twenty of that ship's crew ; and on the left of the insurgents was Captain Dayton's battery, from the transport Highlander. Foster's brigade bore tho brunt of the battle for about four hours. In response to his first gun, the assailed ran up the Confederate flag with a shout, and opened a brisk fire which soon became most severe. There was a hard struggle for the position where their intrenchments crossed the' railway, and in this the Second Massachusetts and Tenth Connecticut were con spicuous. General Parke gave support to Foster until it was evident that the latter could sustain himself, when the former, with his whole brigade excepting the Eleventh Connecticut, Colonel Mathews, went to the support of Reno in his flank movement, which that officer was carrying on with success. After he had fought about an hour, he ordered the Twenty-first Massachu setts, Colonel Clark, to charge a portion of the Confederate works. It dashed forward at the double-quick, accompanied by General Reno in person, and in a few moments was within the intrenchments, from which it was as speed ily driven by two of Branch's regiments. This was followed by a charge of the Fourth Rhode Island upon a battery of five guns in its front, supported by rifle-pits. The battery was captured, the National flag was unfurled over it, and its occupants and supporters were driven pell-mell far away 1 A little below Fort Thompson was Fort Dixie, four guns. Between Fort Thompson and the city were Forts Brown, Ellis, and Lane, each mounting eight guns; and a mile from Now Berne was Union Point Bat tery, of tw.o guns, manned by a company of publio singers. In the channel of the Neuse were twenty-four sunken vessels, several torpedoes,* and submerged iron-pointed spars, planted so as to pierce the bottoms of ves sels ascending tbe river. On the left bank of the Neuse was a succession of redoubts, over half a mile in extent, in the midst of woods and swamps, for riflemen and field-pieces. ' His troops consisted of tho Twenty-third, Twenty-fourth, Twenty-fifth, and Twenty-seventh Mas sachusetts, commanded respectively by Colonels Kurtz, Stevenson, Upton, and Lee; and the Tenth Connecti cut, Colonel Drake. * These torpedoes consisted of n cylinder of iron, abont ten inches in diameter, into which fitted a heavily loaded bomb-shell restine- on springs. The torpedo was placed on the point of heavy timber, in the form and position of ch*va?ut-de-friae, held firmly at the bottom ¦of the river by stones in a box, and lying at an angle of forty-five degrees In tho direction of an approaching vessel. The shell was so arranged, that when a vessel should strike the cylinder on the point of the timber, a percussion cap would be discharged and the Bhell .exploded. These were very formidable missiles, but the gun-boats did not go near them. CAPTURE OF NEW BERNE. 307 from their lost guns and breast-works. The victory was made com plete by the aid of the Fifth Rhode Island and Eighth and Eleventh Con necticut. All this while, Reno was losing heavily from the effects of another bat tery. So he called up his reserve regiment (the Fifty-first Pennsylvania, Colonel Hartrauft), and ordered it to charge the work. It was done gallantly, and the Fifty-first New York, Twenty-first Massachusetts, and Ninth New Jersey participated in the achievement and the triumph. Foster, meanwhile, hearing - the shouts on the left when the order to charge was given, had directed his brigade to advance along the whole line. Pressed at all points, on front and flank, the Confederates abandoned every thing and fled, pursued by Foster to the verge of the Trent. The fugitives were more fleet than he, and, burning the rail way and turnpike bridges behind them that spanned the Trent (the first by sending a raft of flaming turpentine and cotton against it), they escaped. So ended the Bat tle of New Berne.1 The National squadron, in the mean time, had co-operated with the army in the attack on Fort Thomp* son, and in driving the Confede rates from the other batteries on the shore. When these were evacuated, the gun-boats passed the obstructions and went up to the city. The Confederate troops had fired it in seven places, and then humed to Tuscarora, about ten miles from New Berne, where they halted. Large numbers of the terrified citizens had abandoned their homes and fled to the interior. No less than seven railway trains, crowded to overflowing with men, women, and children, left New Berne for Goldsboro' on the day of the battle. " The town of New Berne," says Pollard, "originally contained twelve hundred people; when occupied by the enemy, it contained one hundred people, male and female, of the old population." Pollard did not count the large number of colored loyalists who remained as " people." General Foster's brigade was taken oyer the Trent and to the city wharves by some of Rowan's boats, and took military possession of New Berne. General Burnside made the fine old mansion of the Stanley family, OPERATIONS NEAR NEW BEKNE. 1 Bee reports of General Burnside and his subordinate officers, and of Commodore Rowan. 308 EFFECT OF TLTE CAPTURE OF NEW BERNE. btjknbxde's head-quarters, new BEENE, in the suburbs of the1 town, his head-quarters, and there, on the. fol- loAving day, he issued an order, appointing General Foster military governor of the city, and directing the places of public worship to be opened on Sunday, the 16th, at a suitable hour, in order that the chap- lams of the different regiments might hold. divine service in them ; the bells to be rung as usual. On the same day Burnside issued an order, congratulating his troops on account of the "brilliant and hard-won victory," and directed each regiment engaged in it to place the name of New Berne on its banner. In his ' report, he spoke in the highest terms of the courage and fidelity of his troops, and gave to the general-in-chief (McClellan) the credit of planning the expedition.1 In this battle the Nationals lost about one hundred in killed and four hundred and ninety-eight in wounded. Among the former were Lieutenant- Colonel Henry Merritt, ofthe Twenty-third Massachusetts, and other gallant officers and men. The loss of the Confederates was much less in killed and wounded, but two hundred of them were made prisoners.2 The spoils "of victory were many and important, ;3 and the possession of the town of New Berne, by which the Wilmington and Weldon Railway, the great line of travel between the North and the South, was exposed, gave to the National cause in that region an almost incalculable advantage. Its moral effect was prodigious, and greatly disheartened the enemies of the Government, who saw in it " a subject of keen mortification to the South."4 In the midst of the horrors of war at New Berne, and almost before the smoke of battle was dissipated, the Christian spirit of the friends of the Government was made conspicuous in acts of benevolence by the generous deeds of Vincent Colyer, a well-known citizen of New York, and the origi nator of the Chkistian Commission of the army, whose holy ministrations, nearly co-extensive with those of the United States Sanitary Commission, in the camp, the field, and the hospital, throughout almost the entire period of the war, will be considered hereafter. Mr. Colyer was with Burnside's 1 "I beg to Gay to the general commanding the army," he wrote, "that I havo endeavored to carry out the very minute instructions given me by him before leaving Annapolis, and thus far events have been singularly coincident with his anticipations." 2 They reported their loss at 64 killed, 101 wounded, and 413 missing. ' 3 These were the important town and harbor of New Berne ; eight batteries mounting forty-six heavy Tins; three batteries of light artillery of six guns each ; two steamboats ; a number of sailing vessels ; wagons, horses, and mules ; a large quantity of ammunition and army supplies ' the entire camp equipage of the Confederates* and much turpentine, rosin, and cotton, 1 Pollard's First Year ofthe War, i. 283. CHRISTIAN WORK AT NEW BERNE. 309 expedition for the two-fold purpose of distributing to the sick and wounded the generous contributions of patriotic and charitable citizens, and to exer cise a fostering care of the poor and ignorant colored people, from whose limbs the hand of the loyal victor had just unloosed the shackles of hopeless slavery. Mr. Colyer began his blessed work on Roanoke Island in February, and now, at the middle of March, he was made busy in the same high vocation at New Berne. When his labors in the hospitals were finished, he was placed in charge of the helpless of that town of every kind, by an order issued by Burnside," which read thus: "Mr. Yincent "^g^30' Colyer is hereby appointed Superintendent of the Poor, and will be obeyed and respected accordingly."1 Mr. Colyer took for his head quarters a respectable dwelling in the town, and at once began the exercise of the most commendable form of benevolence, in finding remunerative employment for the healthy destitute.2 He opened evening schools for the edu cation of the colored people, in which over eight hundred of the most eager jiupils were nightly seen, some of General Foster's New England soldiers acting as teachers. But this promising, benevolent work was suddenly stopped by Edward Stanley, who had been appointed6 by the President military governor of North Carolina, and whose policy was that of a large class of Unionists in border slave-labor States, namchr, to preserve slavery, and, if possible, the Union. The closing of the schools was the first administrative act of the new governor, in conformity with the barbarous laws of North Carolina, which made it, he said, " a criminal offense to teach the blacks to read." He also returned fugitive slaves to their masters ; and the hopes of that down-trodden race in that region, which were so delight fully given in promises, were suddenly extinguished.3 Having taken possession of New Berne, Burnside proceeded at once to further carry out the instructions 'of General McClellan by leading a force 1 On the 24th of April, General Foster issued an order that all passes given to negroes by Mr. Colyer to go out of the lines be respected at the outposts, and that all persons outside, inquiring for him, be sent to him unquestioned. 2 Mr. Colyer gave employment to every able-bodied man that could bo found ; and in the course of the four months that ho administered the duties of his office under Burnside there, colored men built three first-class earthwork forts : one at New Berne,- another on lloanoke Island, and a third at Washington, North Carolina They also performed much labor as carpenters and blacksmiths, and wero made useful in loading and discharging cargoes for about three hundred Government vessels, serving as crews on about twenty steamers, and as gangs of laborers in several departments. More than fifty of them wero employed in the perilous duty of spies, going sometimes three hundred miles within the Confederate lines, and bringing back the most reliable information, because tbe negroes were uniformly loyal to the National cause. During the four months that Mr. Colyer was in New Berne, ho and his assistants cared for and kept from ivant and suffering over eight hundred people. 1 When this fact was told to President Lincoln, he said, with great earnestness, "Well, this I havo always maintained and shall insist on, that no slave who once comes within our lines a fugitive from a rebel Bhall ever be returned to his master. For my part, I have hated slavery from my childhood." This was said at about tho time when he had written a proclamation of emancipation, which, by the advice of the Secretary of State, , ^ b May. colter's head-quarters. o March S 1S62. 310 EXPEDITION AGAINST FORT MACON. against Fort Macon, that commanded the important harbor of Beaufort, North Carolina, and Bogue Sound.1 That fort, with others, it will be remem bered, was seized by Governor Ellis, early in 1861,2 before the so-called seces sion of the State. Its possession by the Government would secure the use of another fine harbor on the Atlantic coast to the National vessels engaged in the blockading and other service, an object of great importance. It stands upon a long spit or ridge of sand, cast up by the waves, called Bogue Island, and separated from the main by Bogue Sound, which is navigable for small vessels. At the. head of the deeper part of Beaufort harbor, and at the terminus of the railway from New Berne, is Morehead City, thirty-six miles from the former ; and on the northern side of the harbor is Beaufort, the capital of Carteret County, and an old and pleasant town, which was a popular place of resort for the North Carolinians in the summer. Into that harbor blockade-runners had for some time been carrying supplies for the Confederates.3 General Burnside intrusted the expedition against Fort Macon to the command of General Parke, at the same time sending General Reno to make further demonstrations in the rear of Norfolk. Parke's forces were trans ferred by water to Slocum's Creek, from which point they marched across the country and invested Morehead City, nine days after the fall of New Berne." The latter place was evacuated. On the 25th, a de tachment, composed of the Fourth Rhode Island and Eighth Connecticut, took possession of Beaufort without opposition, for, there was no military force there. In the mean time a flag had been sent to Fort Macon with a demand for its surrender. It was refused, the commander, Colonel Moses T. White (nephew of Jefferson Davis), declaring that he would not yield until he had eaten his last biscuit and slain his last horse. Vigorous preparations were at once made to capture it, and on the 11th of April General Parke made a reconnoissance in force on Bogue Spit, drove in the Confederate pickets, and selected good points for the planting of siege-guns. At that time regular siege operations commenced, and the garrison was confined within the limits of the fort, closely watched, for it was expected that in their supposed des- withheld for some months, for prudential reasons. — Sec Mr. Colyer's Report of the Christian Mission to the United States Army, from August, 1861, to August, 1S62. In that report may be found most interesting details of work and experience among the freedmen on the Atlantic const. 1 " Havinggained possession of which [New Berne], and the railroad passing through it, you will at once throw a sufficient force upon Beaufort, and take the steps necessary to reduce Fort Macon and open that port." — McClellan's Instructions, January 7th, 18G2. 2 See page 1G1, volume I. ' 3 The Confederates owned a war steamer called the Naslwille, commanded by Captain R. P. Pegram. At the beginning of February, 1S62, she was lying in the harbor of Southampton, England, with a cargo of stores valued at $3,000,000. Near her was the United States gun-boat Tuscarora, Captain Craven, carrying nine heavy guns, which had been sent over for the special purpose of watching the Nashville, and capturing her when she should put to sea. The British authorities, sympathizing with the Confederates, notified Captain Craven that tho Tuscarora would not bo allowed to leave tho port until twenty-four hours after tho NasJwille should depart. The British war-ship Dauntless lay near, ready to enforce the order, and the armored ship Warrior was within call, if necessity should require its presence. The result was, that on the 3d of February the Nashville left Southampton, eluded the chase of tho Tuscarora, that commenced twenty-four hours afterward, and ran the blockade into Beaufort harbor on the 2Sth of the same month, with her valuable cargo. She had coaled on the way at tho friendly English port of Bermuda, where, on the 22d of February, an order was promulgated pro hibiting the use of that port as a coal depot by tho United States. This waB one of many similar exhibitions of tho professed neutrality of Great Britain during the war. The Naslwille remained in Beaufort until the night of the 17th of March, when she again ran the blockade, and went to sea to depredate upon American merchant- vessels. PREPARATIONS TO ASSAIL FORT MACON. 311 perate strait they might make a sudden and fierce sortie, but there was only- some picket skirmishing occasionally. Ordnance and ordnance stores were rafted over from a wooded point near Carolina City by General Parke, and batteries were constructed behind sand dunes on Bogue Spit. Gun-boats VIEW AT THE LANDING AT MOREHEAD 01TT.1 were co-operating with them, and the garrison, composed of about five hundred North Carolinians, was cut off from all communication by sea and land.2 Three siege batteries were erected on Bogue Spit behind sand-hills, the sides and front being formed by sand-bags. The most distant, under Lieu tenant Flagler, of the New York Third Artillery, was in the borders of a marsh, about fourteen hundred yards from the fort, and mounted four ten- 1 This is a view rooking westward of the causeway, on which lies the railway track from tho main at More- head City to the wharf at deep water. Morehead City is seen in the distance, and Bogue Sound and Spit appear on the left, where the vessels are seen. The single bird indicates the place of Morehead City; the two birds, tho site of a fort erected by the Nationals; the three birds, the wooded point at Carolina City from which ordnance and supplies were sent over to the Spit; and the four birds show the position of the hmding-place.on the Spit from which the sicge-gcns were taken to their proper places. The picture is from a sketch made by the writer from the deck of tho Ben Deford, in December, 1S64. 2 Two of the companies in the fort wore young men from Beaufort, and there, in sight of their homes, they were really prisoners. They resorted to various devices to keep up communication with their friends. Among others, they would send out tiny vessels, with sails all set, to drift across the bay, around the marshes, to Beaufort^ carrying letters or other kinds of messages. On a thin board, thus set afloat on the 20th of April, was inscribed .the following message: " To the Lady s of Beaufort, — we are still induring the privations of War, with UDexosted Hopes if this vessil due reach hur port of destiny you will find that we are still well and alive and will notleeve till we sea the ruins of theas old Walls we havo had several seurmish fights with the Yankee Piket Gard, the old topsail gards sends there best Respects to all there Lady friends of Beaufort and surrounding country.'1 Such contrivances for communication wereused else where. While the contending armies were on the Rap pahannock, the pickets of both sides would send news papers backward and forward across the stream in that way. Our little picture shows one in the possession of Lieutenant C. A. Alvord, Jr., of General Caldwell's staff, which he brought from the Rappahannock. It is made of a piece of thin board, about twenty*three inches in length, with a strip of the same for a keel, and a rudder of tin! Two small sticks formed masts, and the sails were made of checked cotton cloth. On it a newspaper was sentover by the insurgents from the Fredericks burg side of the river. NEWSPAPEE-BOAT AT FREDERICKS BUBO. 312 SIEGE AND BOMBARDMENT OF FORT MACON. inch mortars. The second was ahont two hundred yards in front of it, under Captain Morris, of the First Regular Artillery, and mounted three long 30- pound Parrott guns ; and the third was one hundred yards still nearer the fort, composed of four 8-inch mortars, and commanded by Lieutenant Prouty, of the Third New York Artillery. When these batteries were completed, the gun-boats Daylight (flag-ship) ; State of Georgia, Commander Armstrong; and Chippewa, Lieutenant Bryson, and the barque Gemsboh, Lieutenant Cavendish, took position for battle outside the Spit, within range of the fort. Burnside came down from New Berne, and passed over to the batteries ; and at six o'clock, on the morning of the 25th of April,0 Flagler opened fire with his 10-inch mortars, directed by Lieutenant Andrews of the Signal Corps, and his accomplished young assistant, Lieu tenant Wait.1 The other batteries followed, and in the course often minutes the fort replied with a shot from Captain Manney's 24-pounder battery on the terreplein. The heavy columbiads and 32-pounders en barbette joined in the cannonade, and at eight o'clock the fort, belching fire and smoke like an active volcano, was sending a shot every minute. The National batteries were responding with equal vigor, and the war vessels were doing good service, maneuvering in an elliptical course, like Dupont's at Port Royal Entrance, and throwing heavy shot and shell upon the fortress. But the roughness of the sea, caused by a southwest wind, compelled them to with draw after fighting an hour and a quarter. The land batteries kept at work until four o'clock in the afternoon, when a white flag, displayed on Fort Macon, caused their firing to cease. Captain Guion, of the garrison, came out with a proposition from Colonel White to surrender; and before ten o'clock the next morning4 the fort was in the possession of 5 April 26. the National forces, with about five hundred prisoners of war.2 Burnside was present, and had the pleasure of seeing the ensign of the 1 In cases like this, where the mortars and guns were so situated behind obstructions to vision that the range could not be precisely known, nor tho effects of missiles sent determined, the services of the members of the Signal Corps were most important. As an illustrative example, I quote from the report of Lieutenant Andrews on this occasion : " I was the only [Signal] officer on duty on Beaufort station, until Lieutenant Marvin Wait reported for duty. My station was at a right ansle with the line of fire, so that I was enabled to judge with accuracy the distance over or short a shot fell. The 10-inch shell wero falling, almost without exception, more than three hundred yards beyond the fort Lieutenant Wait and myBelf continued to signal to the officer in charge until the correct range was obtained. The S-inch shell were falling short — we signaled to the officer in charge of that battery with the same effect. The same was the case with the battery of TarroLt guns, which was too much elevated. From the position of our batteries, it was impossible for the officers in charge to see how their shots fell, hut owing to the observations made hy Lieutenant Wait and myself, and signaled to them from time to time, an accurate range was obtained by all the batteries, and was not lost during the day. After 12 M., every shot fired from our batteries fell in or on the fort.'''1 Lieutenant Wait (son of John T. Wait, of Norwich, Connecticut) was then only a little moro than nineteen years of age. He had acquired great skill in signaling, and, for his services on this occasion, Major Myer, tho chief of the Signal Department, presented him with a very beautiful battle-ilag. A few months later he gave his young life to his country, while gallantly battling with his regiment (Eighth Connecticut) on the field of Antietam. 2 The capitulation was signed by Colonel M. T. White, General J. G. Parke, and Commodore Samuel Lockwood. The troops of the garrison were held as prisoners of war on parole until duly exchanged. The officers were allowed to retain their side-arms; and both officers and men had the privilege of saving their pri vate effects. In this conflict the Nationals lost only one man killed and two wounded. The Confederates lost seven killed and eighteen wounded. The fruits for the victors were — the important fort ; the command of Beaufort Harbor; 20,000 pounds of powder; 15010-inch shells; 250 83-pound shot ; 150 8-inch shot, and 400 stand of arms. — See Eeports of General Burnside and Commodore Lockwood, April 27, 1S62. On the day after the surrender Burnside issued a congratulatory order, in which he said he took particular pleasure "in thanking General Parke and his brave command for the patient labor, fortitude and courage displayed in the investment and reduction of Fort Macon," and declared that the troops had "earned the rWht to wear upon their colors and guidons the words, ' Foet Macon, April 25, 1862.' " FORT MACON AND ITS VICINITY. 313 Republic, and the new colors of the Fifth Rhode Island battalion, which had just been presented to it by the women of Providence, unfurled over the fort.1 The writer visited and sketched Fort Macon in December, 1 864, while accompanying the expedition under General Butler against Fort' Fisher. The transports bearing his troops, and the Ben Deford, his head-quarters ship, had been furnished with water and fuel for only ten days. Having waited three days at the place of rendezvous, twenty-five miles at sea, off Fort Fisher, for the arrival of the war-vessels that were to co-operate with the, soldiers, it was necessary to run up the coast seventy miles to Beaufort for a new supply of fuel and water. This gave the writer a wished for opportunity to visit Beaufort Harbor and its surroundings. We entered it during one of the heaviest gales known on that coast for thirty years, and were detained there four days, during which time we visited the old town of Beaufort, the more modern Morehead City, Carolina City, the Bogue Banks or Spit, and Fort Macon. The latter is at the eastern point of the Spit, upon an elevation above the common level, composed of a huge mound of sand thrown up for the purpose. The fort was built of brick and stone, uU-* FOBT MACON IN 1864.8 and named in honor of Nathaniel Macon, a distinguished statesman of North Carolina. Built for defense against a foreign foe, its principal strength in i The Confederate flag that was displaced by the National banner was mado of tho old United States flag that was over the fort when the insurgents seized it, more than a year before. The red and white stripes had been ripped apart, and then put together so as to form the broad bars of the Confederate flag. Tho superfluous stars had been cut out, and the holes thus made were left. 2 This yiew is from the ramparts, near the sally-port, looking seaward. The lower and the upper terreplein, on which forty-nine heavy guns and some mortars were then mounted, en barbette, are seen, the first being a pint of the outer works, and the second the surmounting of the walls of the citadel (eighteen feet in height), which were casemated, covered with turf, and surrounded a large parade. In tho foreground is seen an iron 82- ponnder. 314 BATTLE OF SOUTH MILLS. masonry and guns was toward the sea, and it perfectly commanded the nar row ship channel at the entrance to the harbor. We found Fort Macon very much in the condition in which Burnside observed it. when he entered it, excepting the absence of fragments of shot and shell and cannon and carriages, made by the National missiles. On its wall, landward (seen in shadow in the engraving), that bore the brunt ofthe bombardment, were the broad wounds made by shot and shell ; and here and there the remains of furrows made by them were seen on the parades, the ramparts, and the glacis. After passing half an hour pleasantly with Cap tain King, the commandant, and other officers of the garrison, and making the sketch on the preceding page, we departed for the Ben Deford in the tug that took us from it and on the following day left the harbor for the waters in front of Fort Fisher. While Parke and Lockwood were operating at Beaufort Harbor, troops under General Reno were quietly taking possession of important places on the waters of Albemarle Sound, and threatening Norfolk in the rear. The movement was partly for the purpose of assisting Parke in his siege of Fort Macon, and partly to gain some substantial advantages on the Sounds. Reno's force consisted of the Twenty-first Massachusetts, Fifty-first Pennsylvania, the Sixth New Hampshire, and a part of the Ninth and Eighty-ninth New York. They advanced in transports up the Pasquotank to within three miles of Elizabeth City, and, landing cautiously " Ajgr62 19' in the night," a part of them under Colonel Hawkins were pushed forward to surprise and intercept a body of Confederates known to be about leaving that place for Norfolk. Hawkins took with him por tions of the Ninth and Eighty-ninth New York, and Sixth New Hampshire ; and a few hours later he was followed by General Reno and the remain der of the troops. Hawkins was misled by a treacherous or incompetent guide, and, march ing ten miles out of his way, lost so much time that in retracing his steps he came in behind General Reno. Meanwhile the Confederates had been apprised ofthe movement, and when the Nationals were within a mile and a half of South Mills, near Camden Court-house, they were assailed with grape and canister shot from the foe, who were in a good position with artil lery, having a dense forest in their rear for a protection and cover, and swamps on their flanks. The attack was bravely met. Reno's superior num bers soon flanked the Confederates, and the latter hastily withdrew. A gun boat under Captain Flusser had, in the mean time, driven the foe out of the woods along the river-banks. Hawkins's Zouaves had made a gallant charge, but were repulsed, and in this the chief loss to the Nationals occurred. They had fifteen killed, ninety-six wounded, and two made prisoners. The loss of the Confederates is not known. They left thirty killed and wounded on the field. This engagement is called The Battle of South Mills. The defeat of the Third Georgia regiment in the fight produced much consternation in Norfolk. General Reno allowed his wearied troops to rest on the battle-field about six hours, when they returned to the boats. For want of transportEttion he was compelled to leave some of his killed and wounded behind. Winton, at the head of the Chowan ; Plymouth, at the mouth of the OPERATIONS IN THE REAR OF NORFOLK. 315 Roanoke ; and Washington, at the head of the Pamlico River, were all quietly occupied by the National forces.1 Thjs occupation so widely dis persed Burnside's troops, <• July 17, 1862. which at no time num bered more than sixteen thousand, that he could no longer make aggres sive movements. The Gov ernment had no troops to spare to re-enforce him ; and matters remained comparatively quiet in his department until the mid dle of July, when he was hastily summoned to Fort ress Monroe" with all the forces he could collect ; for the Army of the Potomac, on the Vir ginia Peninsula, under General McClellan, was then apparently in great danger. General Burnside promptly obeyed the sum mons, leaving'General Fos ter in command of the department. During the four months of his cam paign in that region, Burn side had exhibited those traits of character that marked him as an energetic, sagacious, and judi cious commander, and led to his appointment to more important posts of duty. For the remainder of the year, the coasts of North Carolina were in the possession of the National troops. Its ports were closed, either by actual occupation or by blockading vessels, and its commerce ceased entirely, excepting such as was carried on by British blockade-runners. These, in spite of the greatest vigilance of the blockading squadrons cruising off its entrances, constantly entered the Cape Fear River, with military supplies and necessaries for the Confederates, until the fall of Fort Fisher, at the beginning of 1865. These blockade-runners were steamships, built expressly OPERATIONS IN BUF.NSIDE S DEPARTMENT. 1 At 'abont this time, an expedition under Commodore Rowan was sent to obstruct tho Dismal Swamp Canal, in the rear of Norfolk. Eowan left Elizabeth City on the 28d of April, with the Lockwood, Whitehead, and Putnam, each with an officer and a detachment of troops. In the afternoon ho landed one hundred men (fifty on each bank), and then, with a launch on the canal carrying a heavy 12-pounder, went forward about two miles. They sunk a schooner jn the canal, and filled the 6tream, for about fifty yards above it, with stumps and trunks of trees, brush, vines, and earth. In this work they met with no opposition. In fact, the Confederates themselves had evidently abandoned the use of the canal, for they had obstructed it farther on toward Norfolk. 316 EXPEDITION AGAINST FORT PULASKI. A BLOCKADE-RUNNER. for the purpose, and were remarkable for strength and speed. They drew but little water, and had raking smoke-stacks. Every part of them was painted a gray color, so that they could not be seen even in a very light fog. Their achieve ments in supplying the Confederates with arms, ammunition, and the l necessaries and luxuries t of life, will be consid- 1 ered hereafter. While Burnside and Rowan were operating on the coast of North Carolina, Sherman and Dupont were engaged in movements on the coasts of South Carolina and Georgia, having for their first object the capture of Fort Pulaski, and ulti mately other important points and posts between the Savannah River and St. Augustine in Florida. We have, seen that at the close of 1861 the National authority was supreme along the coast from Wassaw Sound, below the Savannah River, to the North Edisto, well up toward Charleston.1 National troops were stationed as far down as Daufuskie Island; and so early as the close of December, General Sherman had directed General Quincy A. Gillmore, his Chief Engineer, to reconnoiter Fort Pulaski and report upon the feasibility of a bombardment of it. Gillmore's reply was, that it might be reduced by batteries of rifled guns and mortars placed on Big Tybee Island, southeast of Cockspur Island, on which the fort stood, and across the narrower channel of the Savannah ; and that aid might be given from a battery on Venus Point of Jones's Island, two miles from Cock- spur, in the opposite direction. While waiting orders from Washington on the subject, the Forty-sixth New York, Colonel Rosa, was sent to occupy Big Tybee. At about this time" explorations were made by the Nationals for the pur- « j 1862 Pose °f finding some channel by which gun-boats- might get in the rear of Fort Pulaski. Lieutenant J. II. Wilson, of the Topo graphical Engineers, had received information from negro pilots that con vinced him that such channel might be found, connecting Calibogue Sound with the Savannah River. General Sherman directed him to explore in search of it. Taking with him, at about the first of January, 1862, seventy Rhode Island soldiers, in two boats managed by negro crews and pilots, he thridded the intricate passages between the low, oozy islands and mud-banks in that region (always under cover of night, for the Confederates had watchful pickets at every approach to the fort), and found a way into the Savannah River above the fort, partly through an artificial channel called Wall's Cut, which had for several years connected Wright's and New Rivers. He 1 See page 125. OBSTRUCTIONS IN SAVANNAH RIVER. 317 reported accordingly, when Captain John Rogers made another reconnois sance at night, and so satisfied himself that gun-boats could navigate the way, that he offered to command an expedition that might attempt it. Sher man and Dupont at once organized one for the purpose. Tho land troops were placed in charge of General V-iele,1 and tho gun-boats were commanded by Rogers.- Another mixed force, under General H. G. Wright2 and Fleet- ODSTRUCTIONS IN THE SAVANNAH RIVER.8 "Jan. 2 1S62. captain Davis, was sent to pass up to the Savannah River, in rear of Fort Pulaski,^ by way of Wassaw Sound, Wilmington River, and St. Augustine Creek. The latter expedition found obstructions in St. Augustine Creek; but the gunboats were able to co-operate with those of Rogers in an attack" on the little flotilla of five gun-boats of Commodore Tatnall, which attempted to escape down the river from inevi table blockade. Tatnall was driven back with two of his vessels, but the others escaped. Tlie expedition, having accomplished its object of observation, returned to Hilton Head, and the citizens of Savannah believed that designs against that city and Fort Pulaski were abandoned. Yet the Confederates multi plied the obstructions in the river in the form of piles, sunken vessels, and regular chevaux-de-frise ; and upon the oozy islands and the main land on the right bank of the river they built heavy earthworks, and greatly enlarged and strengthened Fort Jackson, about four miles below the city. Among the most formidable of the new earthworks was Fort Lee, built under the direction of Robert E. Lee, after his recall from Western Virginia, in the autumn of 1861. Soon after the heavy reconnoissance of Rogers and Wright, the Nationals made a lodgment on Jones's Island, and proceeded, under the immediate direction of General Viele, to erect an earthwork on Venus Point, which was named Battery Vulcan. This was completed on the 11th of February, after very great labor,4 and with a little battery on Bird Island, opposite OUEVAUX-DE-FRISE. 1 These troops consisted of the Forty-eighth New Tork ; two companies of New Tork volunteer engineers, End two companies of Rhode Island volunteer artillery with twenty heavy guns. 2 Wright's troops consisted of the Fourth New Hampshire, Colonel Whipple; Sixth Connecticut, Colonel ChatfieM ; and Ninety-seventh Pennsylvania, Colonel Guess. 3 This is from asketch made by the author from the deck of a steam-tug, just at sunset in April, 1S60. These were only the remains of the formidable obstructions, those from tho main channel having been remover! The scene is near Fort Jackson. On the right are seen earthworks on a small island, and on the left tho short ofthe main land, while in the distance is the City of Savannah. 4 A causeway was built across the island, chiefly by the Forty -eighth New Tork, over which heavy mort^ 318 BOMBARDMENT OF FORT PULASKI. (Battery Hamilton), effectually closed the Savannah River in the rear of Fort Pulaski. That fortress, as we have already observed,1 was a strong one on Cockspur Island, which is wholly a marsh. Its walls, twenty-five feet in height above high water, pre sented five faces, and were casemated on all sides, and mounted one tier of guns in embrasures and one en barbette. The absolute blockade of Fort Pu laski may be dated from the 22d of February. Preparations were then made on Tybee Island to bombard it. Nearly all of the work had to be done in the night, and it was of the same laborious nature as that per formed on Jones's Island. It took about two hundred and fifty men to move a single heavy gun, with a sling-cart, over the quaking mud jelly of which Tybee Island is com posed ; and it was often with the greatest difficulty that it was kept from going down twelve feet to the bottom of the morass, when, as sometimes it happened, it slipped from the causeway or a plat form.2 Patiently the work was carried on under the super vision of General Gillmore, who was in chief command, and on the 9th of April eleven bat teries, containing an aggregate of thirty- six guns, were in readiness to open fire QUTNCY A. GILLMORE. SIEGE OF FORT PULASKI. on the fort.3 On that day the commanding General were dragged. The islands near the mouth of the Savannah are formed of mud, of jelly consistency, from four to twelve feet in depth, and resting on half liquid clay. The surface is covered with a light turf of matted grass roots. Over this the causeway was built, of poles covered with loose planks ; and upon this road mortars weigh ing more than eight tons were dragged, and placed in buttery on heavy plank platforms. This labor was all per formed at night. . 1 See page 179, volume I. 2 " No one,11 said Gillmore in his report, " can form any but a faint conception of the Herculean labor by which mortars of eight and a half tons weight, and columbiads but a trifle lighter, were moved in the dead of night over a narrow causeway bordered by swamps on each side, and liable at any moment to be overturned, and buried in the mud beyond reach.11 3 These were batteries Stanton and Grant, three 10-inch mortars each ; Lyon and Lincoln, three columbiads each ; Burnside, one heavy mortar ; Sherman, three heavy mortars ; Halleck, two heavy mortars ; Scott, four columbiads; Sigel, five 80-poundcr Parrott, and one 4S-pounder James; McClellan, two 84-pounders and two 64-pounders James; Totten, four 10-inch siege mortars. Totten and McClellan were only 1,650 yards from the fort; Stanton was 8,400 yards distant. Each battery had a service magazine for two days1 supply of ammuni tion, and a depot powder magazine of 3.000 barrels capacity was constructed near the Martello tower, printed on page 125, which was the landing-place for all supplies on Tybee. CAPTURE OF FORT PULASKI. 319 i April 11. issued minute orders for the working of the batteries, which was to com mence at daybreak the next morning.1 General David Hunter, who had just succeeded General Sher man" in the command of the Department, arrived at Tybee on 'M"r8ccb231' the evening of the 8th, accompanied by General Benham as dis trict commander. At sunrise on the morning of the 10th, Hunter sent Lieutenant J. H. Wilson to the fort, with a summons to the commander of the garrison (Colonel Charles H. Olmstead, of the First Georgia Volun teers) to surrender. It was refused, the commander saying, "I am here to defend this fort, not to surrender it," and at a quarter past eight o'clock the batteries opened upon it. They did not, cease firing until night, when five ofthe guns ofthe fortress were silenced, and the responses ofthe others were becoming feeble. All night long, four of Gillmore's guns fired at intervals of fifteen or twenty minutes ; and at sunrise the next morning6 the batteries commenced afresh, and with the greatest vigor. It was soon evident that the fort, at the point on which the missiles from the three breaching batteries (Sigel, Scott, and McClellan) fell, was crumbling. A yawning breach was visible ; and yet the fort kept up the fight gallantly until two o'clock in the I jj^ sji~_=^= afternoon, when pre- j! ^Bfjai =~*_ ^ " : vf^ ig^ parations were made I ¦# g" J: „, V.Wa to storm it. Then a =; s ^ fe £-1 Jt -2"~ white flag displayed from its walls caused the firing to ¦ cease, and the siege to end in its surrender. Ten of its guns were dis mounted ; and so de structive of masonry had been the Parrott projectiles (some of which went through the six or seven feet of brick walls) that there was imminent danger of their pierc ing the magazine and exposing it to explosion.3 The Nationals, who were under the immediate command of General Viele, had only one killed. The Confederates had one killed and several wounded. It was a very hard fought but almost bloodless battle. The spoils of victory were the fort, forty-seven BREACH IN FORT PULASKI.2 1 See the report of General Gillmore, dated April 30, 1862. 2 This is a view of the angle of the fort where the great breach was made. It was copied by permission, from a drawing that accompanied General Gillmore^ report, published by D. Vanostrand, New Tork. It was sketched on the morning after the battle. When the writer visited Fort Pulaski, in April, 1866, this breach was repaired, but the casemates within it were still in ruins. 8 Gillmore^ breaching batteries had been ordered to assail the eastern half of tho pancoupe, covering the south and southeast faces, so as to take in reverse, through the opening formed by them, the powder magazine. These batteries were established at the mean distance of 1,700 yards from tho scarp walls of the fort. 320 EXPEDITION AGAINST FORT CLINCH. heavy guns, a large supply of fixed ammunition, forty thousand pounds of gunpowder, and a large quantity of commissary stores. Three hundred men were made prisoners.1 By this victory, won on the first " Apnn2, anniverSary of the fall of Fort Sumter," the port of Savannah was sealed against blockade-runners. The capture of Fort Jackson above, and ofthe city, would have been of little advantage to the Nationals then, for the forces necessary to hold them were needed in more important work farther down the coast. While Gillmore and Viele were besieging Fort Pulaski, Commodore Dupont and General Wright were making easy conquests on the coast of Florida. Dupont left Port Royal on the 28th of February,6 in 61862' the Wabash, with twenty armed vessels, and six transports bearing land forces, and on the 1st of March arrived in St. Andrew's Sound, north of Cumberland and St. Andrew's Islands. Leaving the Wabash, Du pont raised his flag on the smaller war vessel Mohican, and, at ten o'clock on the 2d, the fleet anchored in Cumberland Sound, between Cumberland Island and the Georgia main. Its destination was Fort Clinch,2 on the FORT CLINCH. northern extremity of Amelia Island, a strong regular work, and prepared by great labor for making a vigorous defense. Outside of it, along the shores, were heavy batteries, well sheltered and concealed behind sand-hills on their front, while on the southern extremity of Cumberland Island was a battery of four guns. These, with the heavy armament of Fort Clinch, per fectly commanded the waters in the vicinity. Dupont had expected vigorous resistance at Fort Clinch, and he was incredulous when told by a fugitive slave, picked up on the waters, that the troops had abandoned it, and were fleeing from Amelia Island. The rumor was confirmed, and Dupont immediately sent forward Commander Drayton, of the Pavmee, with several gun-boats, to save the public property there and prevent outrages. He then returned to the Wabash, and, going outside, went down to the main entrance to Fernandina harbor. There he was detained until the next morning. Meanwhile Drayton had sent Lieutenant White, of the Ottawa, to hoist the National flag over Fort Clinch. This 1 Report of General Hunter, April 13; of General Benham, April 12, and of General Gillmore, April 80, 1S62. 2 So named in honor of Brigadier-General Clinch, who was active in the war of 1812. He was the father-in- law of General Robert Anderson. CAPTURE' OF JACKSONVILLE. ; 321 was the first of the old National forts which was "repossessed" by the Government. The Confederates fled from the village of Fernandina,1 near the fort, and also from the village of St. Mary's, a short distance up the St. Mary's River. These were at once occupied by National forces. Fort Clinch was garrisoned by a few of General Wright's troops, and Commander C. R. P. Rogers, with some launches, captured the Confederate steamer Darlington, lying in the adjacent waters. The insurgent force was utterly broken up. " We captured Port Royal," Dupont wrote to the Secretary of the " ^f 4' Navy," " but Fernandina and Fort Clinch have been given to us." News reached Dupont that the Confederates were abandoning every post along the Florida coast, and he took measures to occupy them or hold them in durance. Commander Gordon was sent with three gun-boats to Bruns wick, the terminus of the Brunswick and Pensacola railway. He took pos session of it on the 9th of March. The next day he held the batteries on the islands of St. Simon and Jekyl, and on the 13th he proceeded with the Potomska and Pocahontas through the inland passage from, St. Simon's Sound to Darien, on the Altamaha River, in Georgia. This place, like Bruns wick, was deserted, and nearly all of the inhabitants on St. Simon's and neighboring islands had fled to the main. In the mean time Dupont sent a small flotilla, under a judicious officer, Lieutenant Thomas Holdup Stevens, consisting of the gun-boats Ottawa, Seneca, Pembina, and Huron, with the transports L P. Smith and Mien, to enter the St. John's River, twenty-five miles farther clown the coast, and push on to Jacksonville, . and even to Pilatka, if possible. Stevens approached Jacksonville on the evening of the 11th of March* and saw larae fires in that direction : and on the ¦ & 1862 following day he appeared before the town, which was abandoned by the Confederate soldiers.2 The fires had been kindled by order of General Trapier, the insurgent commander of that district, who directed the houses, stores, mills, and other property ofj persons suspected of being in favor of the Union, to be burnt. Under that order, eight immense saw-mills and a vast amount of valuable lumber were burned by guerrillas. On the appearance of Stevens's flotilla, the corporate authorities of the townf»with S. L. Burritt at their head, went on board his vessel (the Ottawa) and formally surrendered the place. The Fourth New Hampshire, Colonel Whipple, landed and took possession, and it was hailed with joy by the Union people who remained there. Two days before Jacksonville was surrendered to Stevens, Fort Marion and the ancient city of St. Augustine, still farther down the coast,3 ° March 11. were surrendered to Commander C. R. P. Rogers, who had crossed" 1 Fernandina was the eastern terminus of the Cedar Keys and Fernandina Railway, that crossed from the Island to the main on trestle-work. A train was just starting on the arrival of Drayton. In tho Ottawa he pursued it about two miles, firing several shots at tho locomotive, but without doing much damage. 2 So large a number of Northern people inhabited Jacksonville at the beginning of the war, that it was called by the natives a "Tankee town.11 But many of them were secessionists, and of 400 families who were there when Dupont arrived on the coast, only 70 remained when Stevens appeared. Jacksonville was one of the most beautiful, as well as the most flourishing and important cities in Florida ; but this beginning of misery for the inhabitants did not end until it was nearly all destroyed during the war. 3 St. Auenstine is the capital of St. Joh^s County, Florida, and is sltnnted on an estuary of the Atlantic, called North River, and two miles from the ocean. It is hpon a plain a few feet above the sea. It Is the oldest town Id the United States founded by Europeans. The Spaniards built a fort there in 1565. Vol. II— 21 322 CAPTURE. OF ST. AUGUSTINE. FORT MARION. the bar in the Wabash. With a flag of truce, and accompanied by Mr. Dennis, of the Coast Survey, he landed, and was soon met by the Mayor ofthe town, who conducted him to the City Hall, where he was received by the Common Council. He was informed that two Florida com panies, who had garrisoned the fort, had left the place on the previous evening, and that the city had -a*=K"- -~=~- ;-,-_ 7"^ijF; A a _ 2r=_ no means for resistance, if there was a disposi tion to fight. On as suring the authorities of the kind intentions of his Government toward all peaceful citizens, they formally resigned St. Augustine into his hands. Fort Marion, a decayed castle of heavy walls, built by the Spaniards early in the last century (and which was seized by the insurgents early in 1861'), with its dependencies, passed into the hands of the Nationals. On the top of the broad walls of the fort, huts and tents were soon erected. . The capture of St. Augustine was followed by a visit of National gun boats to Musquito Inlet, fifty miles farther down the Florida coast, into which it was reported light-draft vessels were carrying English arms and other supplies for the Confederates, which had been transhipped from the British port of Nassau. The boats were the Penguin, Lieutenant Budd, who commanded the expedition, and the Henry Andrew, Acting-master Mather. On their arrival, a small boat expedition, composed of forty-three men, under Budd and Mather, was organized for a visit to Musquito Lagoon. While returning, the two commanders, who were in one boat, landed at an abandoned earthwork and dense grove of live oaks. There they were fired upon by the concealed foe. Budd and Mather, and three of the five men composing the boat's crew, were killed, and the remaining two were wounded and made prisoners. The other boats were fired upon when they came up, and their passengers suffered much ; but under the cover of night they escaped. In this expedition the Nationals lost five killed and eleven wounded. Had it been entirely successful, all Florida might have been brought under the control of the National force's for a time, for there was panic everywhere in that region after the fall of Fort Pulaski. Pensacola was soon '^vsvwt afterward evacuated" by the Confederate General, T. N. Jones, who burnt every thing that he could at the navy yard, at the hospital, and in Forts McRee and Barrancas, and retreated toward the interior. But, as events proved, the Nationals could not have held Florida at that time. Because of their weakness in numbers, their conquests resulted, apparently, in more harm than good to the Union cause. At first, the hopes 1 See page 170,' volume L THE ATLANTIC COAST > ABANDONED, 323 they inspired in the breasts of' the Union people developed quite a wide spread loyalty. A Union convention was called to assemble at Jacksonville on the 10th of April, to organize a loyal State Government, when, to the dismay of those engaged in the matter, General Wright prepared to with draw his forces, two days before the time when the convention was to meet. General Trapier would of course return, so the leaders were com pelled to fly for their lives with the National troops, instead of attempting to re-establish a loyal government. In consequence of a sense of insecurity caused by this event, very little Union feeling was manifested in Florida during the remainder of the war. Dupont returned to Port Royal on1 the, 27th of March, leaving a small force at different points to watch the posts recovered He found Skiddaway and Greene Islands abandoned by the Confederates, and the important Wassaw and Ossabaw Sounds and the Vernon and Wilmington Rivers entirely open to the occupation of National forces. So early as the 11th of February, General Sherman, with the Forty-seventh New York, had taken quiet possession of Edisto Island, from which all the white inhabitants had fled, burning their cotton on their departure. By this movement the National flag was carried more than half way to Charleston from Beaufort. And so it was, that on the first anniversary of the attack on Fort Sumter, the entire Atlantic and Gulf coast, from Cape , Hatteras to Perdido Bay, excepting the harbor of Charleston and its immediate surroundings, had been abandoned by the insurgents, and the National power was su preme. To Dupont and the new Commander of the Department of the South (General Hunter) Charleston was now a coveted -.prize, and they made preparations to attempt its capture. That movement we will consider hereafter. Turning again to Hampton Roads,, we see General Butler- and some troops going out upon another expedition, with his purpose a profound secret, but which proved to be one of the mosf important movements of the first year and a half of the war. It was the .expedition against New Orleans. We have seen1 that so early as September, 1861, General Butler was commissioned by the Secretary of War to go to New England and " raise, arm, and uniform a volunteer force for the war," to be composed of six -regiments. Unavoidable collision with the efforts of State ¦ authorities to raise men ensued, and at one time it seemed as' if Butler's mission would be fruitless. To give him more efficiency, the six New England States were constituted a Military Department, and Major-General Butler was made its commander while engaged in recruiting his division. He worked to that end with untiring energy, in the face of opposition ; and it was not long before his six thousand troops and more were ready for the field. The Government had then turned its attention to the posts on the Gulf of Mexico and its tributary waters, and the seizure of Mobile and New Orleans, and the occupation ot Texas, formed parts of its capital plan of operations in that region. Butler was called upon to suggest the best rendezvous for an expe dition against Mobile. He named Ship Island, off the coast of Mississippi, » See page. 108. 324 EXPEDITION AGAINST NEW ORLEANS. between Mobile Bay and Lake Borgne (a low sand-bar, lying just above low water, and averaging seven miles in length and three-fourths of a mile in width), as the most eligible point for operations against any part ofthe Gulf Coast. Thither some of his troops were sent, in the fine steamship Consti tution, under General J. W. Phelps, whom Butler well knew, and bonqred as a commander at Fortress Monroe and vicinity. The Constitution returned, and two thousand more of the six thousand men embarked, when an electro- graph said to Butler, in Boston, "Don't sail. Disembark™ The Government was then trembling because of the seeming imminence of war with Great Britain, on account of the seizure of Mason and Slidell. They were in Fort Warren, and the British Government had demanded their surrender. This made the authorities at Washington pause in their aggressive policy, to wait for the development of events in that connection. But the tremor was only spasmodic, and soon ceased. The work against treason was renewed with increased vigor. Edwin M. Stanton, who was in Mr. Bucha nan's Cabinet during the closing days of his administration' — a man pos sessed of great physical and mental energy, comprehensiveness of intellectual grasp, and great tenacity of will, had superseded Mr. Cameron ° JiS6213' as Secretary of War," and a conference between him and General Butler resulted in a decision to make vigorous efforts to capture New Orleans, and hold the lower Mississippi. When that decision was referred to General McClellan, the latter thought such an expedition was not feasible, for it would take fifty thou sand men to give it a chance- of suc cess, and where were they to come from ? He was unwilling to spare a single man of his more than two hundred thousand men then lying at ease around Washington City. His question was promptly answered. New England was all aglow with enthusiasm, and its sons were eagerly flockino- to the standard of General Butler, who asked for only fifteen thousand men for the expedition. Already more than twelve thousand were ready for the field, under his leadership. Two thousand were at Ship Island ; more than two thousand were on ship-board in Hampton Roads ; and over eight thou sand were ready for embarkation at Boston. President Lincoln gave the project his sanction. The Department of the Gulf was created, and General Butler was placed in command of it. On the 23d of February4 he received minute orders from General McClellan to co-operate with the navy, first in tho capture of New Orleans and its approaches, and then in the reduction of Mobile, Galveston and Baton Rouge, with the ultimate view of occupying Texas. To his New EDWIN M. STANTON. 1 See page 146, volume I. THE NATIONALS AT SHIP ISLAND. 325 England troops were added, thr«e regiments, then at Baltimore, and orders were given for two others at Key West and one at Fort Pickens to join the expedition. On paper, the whole force was about eighteen thousand, but when they were all mustered on Ship Island they amounted to only thirteen thousand seven hundred. Of these, five hundred and eighty were artillery men and two hundred and seventy-five, were cavalry. On the day after receiving his instructions, General Butler left Washington and hastened to Fortress Monroe. To Mr. Lincoln he said, " Good-bye, Mr. President ; we shall take New Orleans or you'll n'ever sec me again ;" and Avith the assurance of Secretary Stanton, that " The man who takes New Orleans is made ar lieutenant-general,"1 Butler embarked at Hampton Roads," accompanied by his wife, his staff, and fourteen "^g^5' hundred troops, in the fine steamship Mississippi. Fearful perils were encountered on the North Carolina coast, and vexatious delay at Port Royal ;"- and it was thirty days after he left the capes of Virginia before he debarked at Ship Island.6 There was no house upon that desolate ; ii i i -iit ti t ¦ , i 'March, 25. sand-bar, and some charred boards were ail the materials that could be had for the erection of a shanty for the accommodation of Mrs. Butler. The furniture for it was taken from a captured vessel.. When the war broke out, there was an unfinished fort on Ship Island, to which, as we have observed, Floyd, the traitorous Secretary of War, had ordered heavy guns.3 The insurgents of that region took possession of it in considerable force," and, durinar their occupation ot it for about c Julv 1S61 two months, they made it strong and available for defense. They constructed eleven bomb-proof casemates, a magazine and barracks, mounted twenty heavy Dahlgren guns, and named it Fort Twiggs. When rumors of a heavy naval force approaching reached the garrison, they abandoned the fort/ burnt their barracks, and, with their cannon, fled to the main. On the following day, a small force was landed from the Natipnal gun-boat Massachusetts, and took possession of the place. They strengthened the fort by building two more casemates, adding Dahlgren and rifled cannon, and piling around its outer walls tiers of sand-bags, six feet m depth. Then they gave it the name of their vessel, and called it Fort Massachusetts.4 The Constitution arrived there with General Phelps and his troops5 on the 3d of December, and on the following day" he issued a proclamation to the loyal inhabitants of the south western States, setting forth his views as to the political status of those 1 Parton's General Butler in New Orleans, page 194. 2 The captain of the Mississippi appears to have been utterly incompetent. On the night after leaving Hampton Eoads, he ran his vessel on a shoal off Hatteras Inlet, and barely eseapefl wrecking. On the following day it struck a sunken rock, live miles fr'¦- '£/* DAVID D. POETEE. For these purposes, the com- voused at Key West ; and when all were in readiness, it was arranged that the forts below New Orleans should be first attacked by Porter's fleet, Far ragut and his larger and stronger ves sels remaining in a reserve just outside ofthe range of the Confederate guns, until they should be silenced by the mortars. Failing in that, Farragut was to attempt to run by the forts. When this should be accomplished, he was to clear the river of the Confede rate vessels and isolate the forts from their supplies and supports, when General Butler should land his troops in the rear of Fort St. Philip, the weaker fortification, and attempt to carry it by assault. If success should crown these efforts, the land and naval forces were to pass on toward New Orleans in such manner as might seem best. bined forces were ready for action at the middle of April. The Confederates had made the most ample provisions, as they thought, for the sure defense of New Orleans. The infamous General Twiggs,1 whom the Louisiana insurgents had called to their command, had been superseded by Mansfield Lovell, formerly a politician and office-holder in the City of New York. He was assisted by General Ruggles, a man of considerable energy. Lovell everywhere saw evidences of Twiggs's imbecility ; and, when he was informed of the gathering of National ships and soldiers in the Gulf, he perceived the necessity of strongly guarding every avenue of approach to New Orleans.2 Lovell' s special efforts for defense were put forth on the banks ofthe Mis sissippi, between the city and its passes or mouths.3 The principal of these were Forts Jackson and St. Philip, the former built by the Government, and the latter was an old Spanish fortress, which had figured somewhat in the war of 1812. These were at a bend of the Mississippi, about seventy-five miles above its passes. They occupied opposite sides of the stream, and were under the immediate command of Lieutenant-Colonel Edward Higgins, a Virginian. The general command of the river defenses was intrusted to General J. K. Duncan, formerly an office-holder in New York, who was regarded as one of the best artillerists in the Confederate service. The armament of the forts, for which they were prepared, was one hundred and fifty guns each. Between Fort Jackson, on the right bank of the river, i See page 265, volume I. 2 This was by far the largest and most important city within the bounds of the Confederacy, it is on the eastern side of the Mississippi Eiver, about one hundred miles above its passes, or mouths, and has two extensive bodies of water lying to the north and east of it, named, respectively. Lake Pontchartrain anil Lake Borgne. Its population was about 170,000 when the war began. Being at the outlet to the sea of the vast products of the region watered by the Mississippi and its tributaries, it had the largest export trade of any city in the world. » The principal passes by which the waters of the Mississippi flow Into the Gulf of Mexico, through vast morasses, are five in number, and named respectively, the Southwest, South, Southeast, and East Pass, and Pass a TOutre. The seaward edge of thesepasses lies almost directly upon the aro of acirole with a radius of fifteen miles. 330 CONFIDENCE OF THE INSURGENTS. and the opposite shore, seven hundred yards distant, a heavy iron chain-cable was stretched upon buoys made of cypress logs^ and covered by a battery at each end. Adjoining Fort Jackson a formidable water-battery was constructed; and under the guns of the forts lay a fleet composed of thirteen gun-boats, a powerful iron clad floating battery called the Louisiana, and the ram Manassas, already men tioned.1 Also numerous fire- rafts, prepared to send down to destroy the invading fleet. In and around New Orleans was a force estimated at about ten thousand men, which the newspapers mag nified, for the purpose of alarming the Nationals and strengthening the faith of the people.2 That faith in the defenses of the city was very strong, for they believed them to be impregnable. Never, doubting that impregnability, the citizens continued their occupations as usual. - One , of the journals boastingly said, " Our only fear is, that the northern invaders may not appear: We have made such exten sive preparations to receive them, that it were vexatious if their invincible armada escapes the fate we have in store for it."3 " The authorities at Rich mond were so well assured of safety, by General Duncan, that they refused even to entertain the possibility of a penetration of the outer line of defenses, even when the mortar-fleet had begun its work."4 All things, were in readiness for assault on the 17th of April. The fleets of Farragut and Porter5 were in the river, and Butler, with about nine thousand troops,4 was ready at the Southwest Pass, just below, to THE LOUISIANA. ' See page 113. B The New Orleans Picayune of April 5 said, t We have 82,000. infantry, and as many more quartered in the neighborhood. In discipline and drill they are far superior to the. .Yankees. We have two very able and active generals, who possess our entire confidence— General Mansfield Lovell and Brigadier-General Buggies. For Commodore, we have old Hollins — a Nelson iu his way." s New Orleans Picaymie, April 5, 1S62. * Pollard's First Year of the War, page 810. 6 These consisted of forty-seven armed vessels, eight of which were large and powerful steam sloops-of-war. Farragut's fleet was composed of the steamers Hartford (the flag-ship), Captain Wainright; sloops Pensacola, Captain Morris, and Brooklyn, Captain Craven, 24 guns each; Richmond, Captain Alden, 26; Mississippi, . Captain M. Smith, 12 ; Iroquois, Commander De Camp*: and Otieida., Commander S. P. Lee, 9 each ; sailing sloop-of-war Portsmouth, 17 ; gun-boats Varuna, Captain Boggs, 12 ; Cayuga, Lieutenant Harrison, 5; Winona, Lieutenant Nichols, 4 ; Katahdin, Lieutenant Preble, 6; Itaska. Lieutenant Caldwell, 5; Kineo, Lieutenant Ransom, 5; Wissahickon, Lieutenant A< N. Smith, 5; Pinola, Lieutenant Crosby; Kennebec, Lieutenant Rus sell, 5; Sciota, Lieutenant Donalson, 6; schooner Kitlatinny, Lieutenant Lamson, 9 ; Miami, Lieutenant Harroll, 6; Clifton, 5; and WestfLeld, Captain Eenshaw, 6. There were twenty mortar-vessels, in three divisions, the first, or Red, of six vessels, under Lieutenant Watson Smith, in the Norfolk Packet; the second, or Blue, of seven vessels, commanded by Lieutenant Queen, in the T. A. Ward; and the third, or White, of seven ves sels, commanded by Lieutenant Breese, in the Horace Beales. , The names of the mortar-vessels were : Norfolk Packet, Oliver II. Lee, Para, C. P. Williams, . Orletta, William Bacon, T. A. Ward, Sidney C. Jones, Mat thew Vassar, Jr., Maria J. Carlton, Orvetta, Adalplie Hugel, George Mangliam, Horace Beales, John Grif fith, Sarah Bruin, Racer, Sea Foam, Henry James, Dan Smith, accompanied by the steamer Harriet Lane, 4 (Porter's flag-shipl, and "the gun-boat Outasco, Lieutenant Guest, 5. Some were only armed tugs, intended for the purpose of towing the mortar-schooners into position. * Butler's troops, borne on five transports, consisted of the. following regiments : On the Mississippi, tho Command! ng..General and the. Twenty-sixth Massachusetts, Colonel Jones,; Thirty-first Massachusetts, Colonel' Gooding, and Everett's Sixth Massachusetts battery. On the Matdnzas, General Phelps, with the Ninth Con- ¦ .NATIONAL VESSELS IN THE MISSISSIPPI. 331 co-operate.' So early as the 2Sth of March, Fleet-captain Henry H. Bell had made a reconnoissance well up toward Fort Jackson, with two gun-boats^ and found a thick wood covering the shores ofthe Mississippi for about four miles below it. This was favorable for the intended operations of the Nationals. On the 8th of April, a detachment of tho coast-survey party made a minute examination of the river-banks „ . — ^-s, under the protection of the Owasco; . __ - g^ ^ and, on the 18th, two divisions (four teen vessels) of Porter's flotilla were moored under cover of the' wood, on the shores just below Fort Jackson. To prevent the discovery of his move ment, Porter had daubed the hulls of his vessels with Mississippi mud, and clothed their masts and rigging with the boughs of trees, irt such a' way 4that they could not, at a distance, be distinguished from the forest. , As MORTAR VESSELS DISGUISED. when "Birnamwood" moved "toward Dunsinane," the strategy was successful, and his vessels were moored at desirable points without being discovered, the nearest one being two thou sand eight hundred and fifty yards from Fort Jackson, and three thousand six hundred and eighty from Fort St. Philip; The remaining division (six vessels) was moored on the opposite, side of the river, at a little greater distance from the forts, the hulls ofthe vessels screened by reeds and willows to conceal their character. The Mississippi was full to the brim. ' It was rising, and gradually submerging the adjacent country.. The chain and its supports at Fort Jackson had been swept away by the flood, and only slight obstructions appeared in its place, composed of eight hulks and some of the cypress logs chained together. The battle was begun before- nine o'clock on the morning of the 18th, by a shot from Fort Jackson. As soon as Porter was ready, the Owasco opened fire, and the bombardment was commenced by the fourteen mortar-vessels, concealed by the woods, and the six in full view of the forts. Porter was in a position on the Harriet Lane to observe the effects of the shells, and he directed their range accordingly ; and by ten o'clock the conflict was very warm. It was continued for several clays with very little intermission, the gun-boats taking part by running up when the mortar-vessels needed , relief, and firing heavy shells upon the forts. ¦ Perceiving little chance for reducing the forts, Farragut prepared to execute another part of his instructions by running by them. On lg62 the 20th" he called a council of captains in the cabin of the ffart- necticut, Colon el, Cahill, and Holcomb's Second Vermont battery. On the Great Republic, General Williams, with the Twenty-first Indiana, Colonel McMillen; Fourth Wisconsin, Colonel Paine, and Sixth Michigan, Colo nel Cortinns. On tho North America, the Thirtieth Massachusetts, Colonel Dudley, and a company each of Eeed's and Dnrivage's cavalry. On the Will Farley, the Twelfth Connecticut, Colonel Deming. 1 On that day the Confederates sent down a " fire-ship " — a fiat-boat .filled with wood saturated with tar and turpentine— to burn the fleet.-. It came swiftly down tho.strong current, freighted with destruction ; but it was quietly stopped iniits career by some men in a small boat .that went, out from the Iroquois, who seized it . Ivith. grappling irons, towed it to the shore, and there let it burn out in perfect harmlessness. 332 BOMBARDMENT OF FORTS JACKSON AND ST. PHILIP. ATTACK ON THE FORTS. ford, when that measure was decided upon. General Butler, who had arrived with his staff, had been up in a tug to take a look at the obstructions, and had reported that they must be opened before any vessels could pass, especially when under fire. So, at ten o'clock that night, under cover of intense darkness, the wind blow ing fiercely from the north, Commander Bell, with the Pinola and Ltdska, supported by the Lroquois, Kenne bec, and Winona, ran up to the boom. The Pinola rqji to the hulk under the guns of Fort Jackson, and an attempt was made to destroy it by a petard, but failed. The Itaska was lashed to the next hulk, when a roeket thrown up from Fort Jackson revealed her presence, and a heavy fire from the fortress was opened upon her. The vigorous application of chisels, sledges, and saws for half an hour parted the boom of chains and logs, and the hulk to which the Ita.ska was lashed swung round and grounded the latter in the mud, in shallow water. The Pinola rescued her. Two hours afterward an immense fire-raft came roaring down the stream like a tornado, and, like its predecessors on similar errands, it was caught, and rendered harmless to the vessels it was intended to destroy. Day after day the bombardment was continued, and night after night the fire-rafts were sent blazing down the stream. Fort Jackson, the principal object of attack, still held out. On the first day of the assault, its citadel was set on fire by Porter's shells and destroyed, with all the clothing and commissary stores, the garrison suffering severely for several hours from the intense heat of the conflagration. On the 19th, the mortar-schooner Maria J. Carleton was sunk by a rifle-shell from Fort Jackson, and, at the same time, the levee having been broken in scores of places by exploding shells, the waters of the Mississippi had flooded the parade-ground and casemates of the fort. For six days the bombardment -continued, with such slight effect that Duncan reported that he had suffered very little, notwithstanding his barbette guns had been disabled at times, and that twenty-five thousand heavy shells had been hurled at him, of which one thousand had fallen within the fort.1 " God is certainly protecting us," he said. '' We are still cheer ful, and have an abiding faith in our ultimate success." « a ri 1S02 "^ sunset on the 2 3d," Farragut was ready for his perilous forward movement. The mortar-boats, keeping their position, . were to cover the advance with their fire. Six gun-boats {Harriet Lane, Westfield, Owasco, CUnton, Miami, and Jackson, the last towing the Ports mouth) were to engage the water-battery below Fort Jackson, but not to make an attempt to pass it. Farragut, with his flag-ship Hartford, and the equally large ships Richmond and Brooklyn, that formed the first division, was to keep near tlie right bank of the river, and fight Fort Jackson, while Captain Theodoras Bailey, with the second division, composed of 1 Duncan was not singular among Confederate officers in making other than tho most exaggerated reports tor the public The number of shells thrown was about five thousand, and the number that entered the fort about three hundred. THE WAR VESSELS PASS THE FORTS. 333 THEOOORU9 BAILEY. the Pensacola, Mississippi, Oneida, Varuna, Katahdin, Kineo, Wissa* hickon, and Portsmouth, was to keep closely to the eastern bank, and fight Fort St. Philip. To Captain Bell was assigned the duty of attack ing the Confederate fleet above the forts. He was to keep in the channel of the river with the Seiota, Winona, Troquois, Pinola, Ltaska, and Ken nebec, and push, right on to his as signed work without regard to the forts. General Butler and his staff went on board the Saxon, and at eleven o'clock at night a signal from the Ltaska, that had run up to the boom, announced the channel clear of obstructions, excepting the hulks, which, with care, might be passed. The night was very dark, owing to a heavy fog ; and the smoke from the steamers settled upon the waters, and ' shrouded every thing in almost impenetrable gloom. At one o'clock in the morning," everybody was called to action. There was an ominous silence at the forts, which the inexperienced thought indicated their evacuation. It was not so. preparations for a more formidable assault were going on there. now in command of Commodore Whittle, was summoned to a rendezvous near the fort ; and other preparations indicated that a knowledge of the movement about to take place below had been communicated to the Con federate commanders. The fleet moved at two o'clock, and at half-past three the divisions of Farragut and Bailey were going abreast up the swift stream, at the rate of four miles an hour. Then the mortars (the vessels still at their moorings), which were prepared for the most rapid firing, opened a terrible storm on Fort Jackson. Not less than half a dozen enormous shells were screaming through the thick night air, with their fiery trails, at the same moment. Steadily the fleet moved on, when the discovery of the Cayuga, Captain Bailey's ship, just as she had passed the opening in the boom, caused the forts to break their long silence, and bring heavy guns to bear upon her. She did not reply until she was close under those of Fort St. Philip, when she gave that work heavy broadsides of grape and canister as she passed by. The Pensa cola, Mississippi, Varuna, and Portsmouth were following close in the wake of the Cayuga, and in all respects imitated her example ; and the whole of Bailey's division passed the forts almost unharmed, excepting the sailing vessel Portsmouth, which^ on firing a single broadside, lost her tow and drifted down the river. Captain Bell was less fortunate. The Seiota, Troquois, and Pinola passed the forts, but the Ltasca was disabled by a storm of shot, one of which pierced her boiler, and she drifted helplessly down the river. From that storm the Winona recoiled, and the Kennebec, becoming entangled hi the a April 24, 1862. Energetic The fleet, 334 SHIPS AND FORTS IN CONFLICT. obstructions, lost her way in the intense- darkness, and. finally returned to her moorings below. The waning moon was now just above the horizon, and the mi?t and smoke had become less dense. Farragut, in the fore-rigging of the Hartford, had been watching the movements of Bailey and Bell through his night- glass with the greatest interest, while the vessels • under his immediate com mand were slowly approaching Fort Jackson. When he was within a mile and a quarter of it, the heavy guns of that fortress opened with a remarkable precision of aim, and the Hartford was struck several times. Farragut had mounted two guns upon the forecastle, and with these he promptly replied, at the same time pushing ahead directly for the fort. When he was within half a mile of it, he sheered off and gave the garrison such broadsides of grape and canister that they were driven from all their barbette guns. But the casemate guns were kept in full play, and the conflict became very severe. The Richmond soon joined in the fight ; but the Brooklyn lagged behind, in consequence of becom ing entangled with one of the hulks that bore up the great chain. As soon as the Brooklyn was extri cated and turned -its bow up the river, the ram Manassas came down upon it furiously, and fired from its trap door, when within about ten feet of the ship, a heavy bolt at the Brook lyn's smoke-stack, which fortunately lodged in some sand-bags that protected her steam-drum. The next moment the ram butted into the ship's starboard gang-way, but the chain armor that had been formed over the sides of the Brooklyn so protected it that the Manassas glanced off and disappeared in the gloom. The Brooklyn had been exposed to a raking fire from Fort Jackson while entangled in the boom and encountering the Manassas. She had just escaped the latter, when a large Confederate steamer assailed her. She gave it a broadside that set it on fire and consigned it to swift destruction. Then pushing slowly on in the dark she sud denly found herself abreast Fort St; Philip, and very close to it. She was in a position to bring all her guns to bear upon it in the course of a few minutes. This was done with powerful effect. " I had the satisfaction," said Captain Craven in his re port, '" of completely silencing that work before I left it, my men in the tops witnessing, in the flashes of the bursting shrap nel,1 the enemy running like sheep for more comfortable-quarters." BAM MANASSAS ATTAOKING THE BROOKLYN. Ho cSPi III i SHRAPNEL SHELL. 1 A Shrapnel shell is sometimes spherical and sometimes conical, like that represented in section in the engraving. They are hollow spheres or cones of iron, filled with musket-balls or grape-shot, with sufficient gun powder to explode them when ignited by a fusei The balls are then scattered and are very destructive. A HEAVY BOMBARDMENT. 335 Commodore Farragut, in the mean time, " was having a rough time of it," as he said. While battling with the forts, a huge fire-raft, pushed by the Manassas, came suddenly upon him, all a-blaze. • In trying to avoid this, the Hartford was run aground, and. the incendiary came crashing alongside of her. " In a moment," said Farragut, " the ship was one blaze all along the port side, half way up to the main and mizzen tops. But thanks to the good organization of the fire department, by Lieutenant Thornton, the flames were extinguished, and at the same time we backed off and got clear of the raft. All this time we were pouring shells into the forts, and they into us, and now and then a rebel steam er would get under our fire and receive our salutation of a broad side." Before the fleet had fairly passed the forts, the Confederate gun boats and rams appear ed and took part in the battle, producing ascene at once awful and grand. The noise of twenty mortars and two hun dred and sixty great guns, afloat and ashore, was terrific. The explosion of shells, sunken deep in the oozy earth in and around the forts, shook land and water like an earth quake ; and the surface of the river was strewn with dead and helpless fishes stunned by the concussions. " Combine," said Major Bell, of Butler's staff, "all that you have ever heard of thunder, and add to it all you have ever seen of lightning, and you have perhaps a conception ofthe scene." And all this noise and destructive energy — the blazing fire-rafts, the floating volcanoes sending forth fire and smoke, and bolts of death, and the thunder-, ing forts, and the ponderous rams, were all crowded, in "the greatest darkness just before the dawn," within the space of a narrow river — " too narrow," said Farragut, "for more than two or three vessels to act to advan tage. My greatest fear was that we should fire into each other ; and Captain Wainwright and myself were hallooing ourselves hoarse at the men not to fire into our ships." We have observed that the fleet had not fairly passed the river obstruc tions before the Confederate rams and gun-boats appeared.1 The Cayuga encountered that flotilla as soon as she passed Fort St. Philip. The ram THE HARTFORD. 1 There were six rams, named Warrior, Stonewall Jackson, Defiance, Resolute; Governor Moore, and General Quitman, commanded respectively by .Captains Stephenson, Fhilips, McCoy, Hooper, Kennon, and Grant. These were river steamers, made shot-proof by cotton bulk-heads, and furnished with iron prows for pushing. The ram Manassas, then commanded by Captain Warley, was an entirely- different affair. She was thus described by an eye-witness: "She is about one hundred feet long and twenty feet beam, and draws- from nine to twelve feet water. Her shape above' water is nearly that of half a sharply pointed egg-shell, so that a shot will glance from her, no matter where it strikes; Her back Is formed of twelve-Inch oak*1 covered with one- and-a-half-inch bar iron. She has two chimneys, so arranged as to slide down in time of action. The pilot- 336 A DESPERATE NAVAL BATTLE. Manassas, the floating battery Louisiana, and sixteen other armed vessels, all under the command of Captain Mitchell of the Louisiana, were, for a, few moments, intent upon her destruction. To stand and fight would have been madness in Captain Bailey, for no supporting friend appeared. So he exer cised his skill in steering his vessel in a manner to escape the butting of the rams, and the attempts to board her. Thus he saved the Cayuga. He did more. In his maneuvers he was offensive as well as defensive, and compelled three of the Confederate gun-boats to surrender to him before the Varuna, Captain Boggs, and the Oneida, Captain Lee, came to his rescue. Then the Cayuga, which had been struck forty-two times during the struggle, and much damaged in spars and rigging, moved up the river pursuant to Far- ragut's orders to Bailey as leader of the fleet. The Varuna was now the chief object of the wrath of the foe, and terribly its vials were poured upon her. Commander Boggs said, in his report, that immediately after passing the forts, he found himself " amid a nest of rebel steamers." His vessel rushed into their midst, and fired broadsides into each as he passed. The first one that received the Varund's fire seemed to be crowded with troops. Her boiler was exploded by a shot, and she drifted ashore. Soon afterward the Varuna drove three other vessels (one a gun-boat) ashore, in flames,- and all of them blew up. She was soon afterward furiously attacked by the ram Gov ernor Moore, commanded by Beverly Kennon, who had abandoned his flag. It raked along the Varund's port gangway, killing four and wounding nine of her crew. Boggs managed, he said, " to get a three-inch shell into her, abaft her armor, and also several shot from the after rifled gun, when she dropped out of action, partially dis abled." Meanwhile another ram, its iron prow under water, struck the Varuna a heavy blow in the port gangway. The Varund's shot in return glanced harmlessly from the armored bow of her antagonist. Backing off a short distance, and then shooting forward, the ram gave the Varuna another blow at the same place, and crushed in her side. The ram, becoming entangled, was drawn around nearly to the side of the Varuna, when Boggs gave her five 8-inch shells abaft her armor from his port guns. " This settled her," said Boggs, " and drove her ashore in flames." Finding his own vessel sink ing, he ran her into the bank, let go her anchor, and tied her bow up to the CHARLES BOGGS. house is in the stern of the boat. She is worked by a powerful propeller, but caunot stem a strong current. She carries only one gun, a 68-pounder, right in her bow. '•There is only one entrance to her, through a trap-door in her back. Her port-hole Is furnished with a heavily plated trap, which springs up when the gun is run out, and falls down when it is run back. How the orew get their light and air, I cannot pretend to say.'' FIGHT IN THE l.'BATEH MAM! BY EXPLOSIGW OF A. MIKE XTNDEJ3. A POTITIUU OF TI3K SEEEt- WORKS CAPTURE OF THE QUARANTINE GROUNDS. 337 trees. All that time her guns were at work crippling the Moore, and they did not cease until the water was over the gun-trucks, when Boggs turned his attention to getting the wounded and crew out of the vessel. Just then, the Oneida, Captain Lee, came to the rescue of the Varuna, but Boggs " waved him on " after the Moore, which was then in flames. The latter was surrendered to the Oneida by her second officer. She had lost fifty of her men, killed and maimed ; and Kennon, her commander, had set her on fire and fled, leaving his wounded to the cruelty of the flames.1 Thus ended one of the most desperate combats recorded in the history of the war. It was " short, sharp, and decisive." Within the space of an hour and a half after the National vessels left their anchorage, the forts were passed, the struggle had occurred, and eleven of the Confede rate vessels, or nearly the whole of their fleet, were destroyed. The. National loss was thirty killed and not more than one hundred and twenty-five wounded. ' When Captain Bailey withdrew with the crippled Cayuga, and left the VIEW AT' THE QUARANTINE GROUNDS.3 Varuna to continue the fight, he moved up the river to the Quarantine Sta tion, a short distance above Fort St. Philip. On the west bank of the river opposite was a battery, in charge of several companies of Confederate sharp shooters of the Chalmette (Louisiana) regiment, commanded by Colonel Szymanski, a Pole. On the approach of the Cayuga they attempted to flee, but a volley of canister-shot from her guns made them halt, and they became 1 Eeport of Captain Charles Boggs to Commodore Farragut, April 29th, 1S62. In his report, Captain Boggs warmly commended a powder-boy named Oscar Pei*k, only thirteen years of age, whose coolness and bravery were remarkable. Seeing him pass quickly, Boggs inquired where he was going in such a huny. "To get a passing-box, Sir," he replied: "the other was smashed by a ball.-' When the Varuna went down, the boy was missed. He had stood by one of the guns, and had been cast Into the water. In a few minutes he was seen swimming toward the wreck. When he got on the part above water, on which Boggs was standing, he gave the r.snal salute and said, " All right, Sir ; I report myself on board." tJ This is a view of the quarantine grounds, its buildings, and a store-house, built of brick, belonging to tho (lovernrnent, and situated on tho east or left bank of the Mississippi, just above the forts. This was the first Government property in Louisiana "repossessed" by the Government. The store-house Is seen on the light. The next building was a hospital, and the small house next to it was General Butler's head-quarters when he took possession of the grounds. VOL. II.— 22 338 THE LAND TROOPS ON THE MISSISSIPPI. prisoners of war. The battle was now over, and all of FarraguPs ships, twelve in number, that had passed the forts joined the Cayuga. Then the dead were carried ashore and buried. While this desperate battle was raging, the land troops, under General Butler, had been preparing for their part in the drama. They were in the transports at the Passes, and had distinctly heard $ie booming of the guns and mortars. The General and his staff, as we have observed, were on the Saxon. She followed close in the rear of Bailey's division, until the plunging of shells from the forts into the water around her warned the commanding General that he had gone far enough. So eager had been his interest in the scenes before him, that he had entered the arena of imminent danger without perceiving it. He ordered the Saxon to drop a little astern, to the great relief of her Captain, to whom a flaming shell would have been specially unwelcome, for his vessel was laden with eight hundred ban-els of gun powder. Almost at the same moment the Manassas, that had been terribly pounded by the Mississippi, and sent adrift in a helpless state, was seen moving down into the midst of Porter's mortar-fleet. Some of these opened fire upon her, but it was soon perceived that she was harmless. Her pipes were all twisted and riddled by shot, and her hull was well battered and pierced. Smoke was issuing from every open ing, for she was on fire. In a few minutes her only gun went off, and the flames burst out from her bow-port and stern trap-door. Giving a plunge, like some huge monster, she went hissing to the bottom of the Mis sissippi. Farragut had now thirteen of his vessels in safety above the forts, and he prepared to move up to New Orleans, while Porter, with his mortar-fleet, was still below them, and they were yet firmly held by the Confederates. The time for Butler to act had arrived. Half an hour after Farragut had reached the Quarantine, he sent Captain Boggs in a small boat, through -shallow bayous in the rear of Fort St. Philip with dispatches for Butler and Porter. The former had already procured the light-draft steamer Miami from Porter, and had hastened to his transports. These were taken to Sable Island, twelve miles in the rear of Fort St. Philip, and from that point the troops made their way in small boats through the narrow and shallow bayous with the greatest fatigue, under the general pilotage of Lieutenant Weitzel. Sometimes the boats were dragged by men waist deep in cold and muddy water ; but the work was soon and well accomplished, and on the night ofthe 27th Butler was at the Quarantine, ready to begin the meditated assault on Fort St. Philip the next day. His troops were landed a short distance above the fort, under cover of the guns of the Mississippi and Kineo. A small force was sent across the river to a position not far above Fort Jackson. THE MANASSAS. CAPTURE OF FORTS JACKSON AND ST. PHILIP. 339 In the mean time Porter had been pounding Fort Jackson terribly with the shells from his mortars. On the 26th, he sent a flag of truce with a demand for its surrender, and saying that he had information that Commo dore Farragut was in possession of New Orleans. On the following morning, Colonel Higgins, the commander of the forts, replied that he had no official information of the surrender of New Orleans, and, until such should be received by him, no proposition for a surrender of the works under his com mand could be entertained for a moment. On the same day, General Duncan, then in Fort Jackson, issued an address to the soldiers, as the commander of the coast defenses, urging them to continue the contest, saying : " The safety of New Orleans and the cause of the Southern Confederacy — our homes, families, and every thing dear to man — yet depend upon our exertions. We are just as capable of repelling the enemy to-day as we were before the bombardment." But the soldiers did not all agree with him in opinion. They saw the blackened fragments of vessels and other property strewing the swift current of the Mississippi, and were satisfied that the rumors of the fall of New Orleans that had reached them were true. They had also heard of Butler's troops in the rear of Fort St. Philip. So that night a large por tion of the garrison mutinied, spiked the guns bearing up the river, and the next day sallied out and surrendered themselves to Butler's pickets on that side of the river, saying they had been impressed, and would fight the Gov ernment no longer. Colonel Higgins now saw that all was lost, and he hastened to accept the generous terms which Porter had offered. While these terms were being reduced to writing in the cabin of the HarrietLane,1 Mitchell towed his battery (the Louisiana), which lay above the forts, out into the strong current, set her on fire, and aban doned her, with her guns all shotted. He expected she would blow up in the midst of the mortar-fleet, but the explosion occurred when she was abreast of Fort St. Philip, when a flying frag ment from her killed one of its garrison. She at once went to the bottom of the PLAN OF FOHT JACKSON. river, and the remaining Confederate steamers surrendered without resist 1 The capitulation was signed on the part of the Nationals by Commanders David D. Porter and W. B Benshaw, and Lieutenant W.' W. Wainright, commander of tho Harriet Lane; and on the part of the Confede rates by General -J. K. Duncan, commander of the coast defenses, and Colonel Edwin Higgins, the commander of the forts. The writer was informed by an officer of the navy who was present at the surrender of Fort Jack son, that when the flag-officer of that work was asked for the garrison flag, which was not to bo seen, he pre tended to be ignorant of its whereabout?. He appeared to be unduly corpulent, and, on a personal examination It was found that his obesity was caused by the flag, which was wrapped around his body. 340 EXCITEMENT IN NEW ORLEANS. ance.1 Commodore Porter turned over the forts and all their contents to General Phelps. Fort Jackson was only injured in its interior works, and Fort St. Philip was as perfeot as when the bombardment began.' No reliable report of the losses of the Confederates in killed and wounded was ever given. The number of prisoners surrendered, including those of the Chal- mette regiment and on board ofthe gun-boats last taken, amounted to nearly one thousand. The entire loss of the Nationals, from the beginning of the contest until New Orleans was taken, was forty killed and one hundred and seventy-seven wounded. Porter told Higgins the truth when he said Farragut was in possession of New Orleans. The city was really lost when the Commodore's thirteen armed vessels were lying in safety and in fair condition at "AiPsl2.24' the Quarantine.- Of this imminent peril of the city General Lovell had been impressed early that morning. He had come down in his steamer Doubloon, and arrived just as the National fleet was passing the forts. He came near being captured in the terrible melee on the river that ensued, and sought safety on shore. Then he hastened to New Orleans as fast as courier horses could take him, traveling chiefly along the levee, for much ofthe country was overflowed. He arrived there early in the afternoon, and confirmed the intelligence of disaster which had already reached the citizens. A fearful panic ensued. Drams were beating ; soldiers were seen hurrying to and fro ; merchants fled from their stores ; women without bonnets and brandishing pistols were seen in the streets, crying, " Burn the city ! NeVer mind us ! Burn the city !" Military officers impressed vehicles into the ser vice of carrying cotton to the levees to be burned. Specie, to the amount of four millions of dollars, was sent out of the city by railway ; the consulates were crowded with foreigners deposit- MANSFIELD LOVELL. TWIGGSS HOUSE.3 1 There seems to havo been no kindly co-operation between the forts and the Confederate fleet, and some very spicy correspondence occurred between General Duncan and Captain Mitchell. The former, in his official report, declared that tho great disaster was •' the sheer result of that lack of cheerful and hearty co-operation from the defenses afloat " which he had a right to expect. 5 Over 1,S00 shells fell inside of Fort Jackson, 170 in the water-battery, and about 8,000 in the ditches around the works. For minute particulars of the battle and its results, see tho reports of Captains Farragut and 1'iu-ti-r, and their subordinate commanders; of General Butler and those under his command; and of General Duncan and Colonel Higgins. ofthe Confederate forces. 3 This was the appearance of Twiggs's residence when the writer visited it, in the spring of 18G6. It was a MILITARY EVACUATION OF NEW ORLEANS. 341 ing their money and other valuables for safety from the impending storm ; and poor old Twiggs, the traitor, like his former master, Floyd, fearing the wrath of his injured Government, fled from his home, leaving in the care of a young woman the two swords which had been awarded him for his services in Mexico, to fall into the hands of the conquerors who speedily came.1 On his way to New Orleans, Lovell had ordered General Smith, who was in command ofthe river defenses below the town, known as the Chalmette bat teries,'2 to make all possible resistance ; and in the city he tried to raise a thou sand volunteers, who should make a desperate attempt to board and capture the National vessels, but he found only one hun dred men who evinced sufficient courage or desperation to under take the perilous task. Lovell was satisfied himself, and he con vinced the city authori ties that the regular and volunteer troops under his immediate command were too few to make resistance, and he could not rely on the mili tia conscripts, nor a regiment of free colored men who had been pressed into the service, in the presence of foes that they might wel come as their friends. These considerations, and the fact that, on account of the height of the river surface at that time of flood, a gun-boat might pass up to Kenner's plantation, ten miles above the city, and command the narrow neck between the river and the swamp, across which the railway passes, and thus prevent the troops and supplies going out, or supplies and re-enforcements going into the town, made it absolutely necessary that they should escape as soon as possible. So Lovell prepared to abandon New Orleans. He disbanded the conscripts, and sent stores, munitions of war, and other valuable property up the country by steamboats and the railroad ; and while a portion of the vol unteers hastened to Camp Moore, on the Jackson and New Orleans NEW ORLEANS AND ITS VICINITY. large brick house, at the junction (if Camp and Mairnzine Streets, and was then used by Geneial Canby, the com mander of the Department, as the quarter-* of his paymaster. 1 Parton's Butler in New Crleans, page 264 2 These were on each side ofthe river. There were Ave 82-pounders on one side and nine on the other. 342 DESTRUCTION OF PROPERTY AT NEW ORLEANS. railway, seventy-eight miles distant, the regiment of colored troops refused to go. With nine vessels Farragut proceeded up the river on the morning ofthe 25th, and when near the English Turn he met evidences of the abandonment of New Orleans by the Confederates in the form of blazing ships, loaded with cotton, that came floating down the stream. Soon afterward, he discovered the Chalmette batteries on both sides of the Mississippi, a few miles below the city, and at once made dispositions to attack them. The river was so full that his vessels completely commanded the Confederate works. Moving in two lines, they proceeded to the business of disabling them. The gallant Bailey, who had not noticed the signal for close order, was far ahead with the Cayuga, and for twenty minutes she sustained a heavy cross fire alone. Farragut pressed forward with the Hartford, and, passing the Cayuga, gave the batteries such destructive broadsides of shell, grape, and shrapnel that at the first discharge the Confederates were driven from their guns. The Pensacola and the Brooklyn, and then the remainder of the fleet, followed the Hartford's example, and in the course of twenty minutes the batteries were silenced and their men were running for their lives. The victors were now in the midst of a terrific scene. The river was strewn with fire rafts, burning steamers, and blazing cotton bales, and over hung by an awful canopy of black smoke, sent up by the great conflagration. As soon as it was known that the National vessels were approaching the city, another great panic prevailed, and the work of destruction of property commenced, by order of the'Governor of Louisiana and General Lovell.1 In a very short time a sheet of flame and pall of smoke, caused by burning cot-> ton, sugar, and other staples of that region, were seen along the levee for the distance of five miles. Foolish ly believing that the cotton which they regarded as king was the chief object of the Nationals, the infatuated people sent it in huge loads to the levee to be destroyed. In front of the va rious presses along the river front it was piled and fired, and in this way no less than fifteen thousand bales, valued at one million five hundred thousand dollars, were consumed. More than a dozen large ships, some of them laden with cotton, and as many magnificent steamboats, with unfinished gun boats and other vessels, were soon wrapped in flames and sent floating down the river, the Confederates hoping they might destroy the approaching TUB LEVEE AT NEW ORLEANS 1 Pollard, i. 816. COMMODORE FARRAGUT AT NEW ORLEANS. 343 vessels.1 But the latter all escaped, and at about one o'clock in the after noon Farragut's squadron was anchored off the city, while a violent thunder storm was raging. New Orleans was now utterly defenseless. Lovell was there, but a greater portion of his troops had been sent away, with the concurrence of the civil authorities, who wished to spare the town the horrors of a bombard ment. Captain Bailey was sent ashore with a flag, bearing a summons from Farragut for the surrender of the city, and a demand that the Confederate flag should be taken down and that of the Republic raised over the public buildings. Bailey made his way through a hooting, cursing crowd to the City Hall, escorted by sensible citizens. To the demand for surrender, Lovell returned an unqualified refusal, but saying, that as he was powerless to hold the city against great odds, and wishing to save it from destruction, he would withdraw his troops and turn it over to the civil authorities. At the same time he advised the Mayor not to surrender the city, nor allow the flags to be taken down by any of its people. Acting upon this foolish advice, the Mayor (John T. Monroe), one of the most unworthy of the public men of the day, refused to surrender the city or take down the Louisiana flag from the City Hall. This refusal was in the form of a most ridiculous letter to Farragut, in which the Mayor declared that, while his people could not prevent the occupation of the city by the National forces, they would not transfer their allegiance to a government they had deliberately repudiated.2 In the mean time a force had landed from the Pensacola, which was lying opposite Esplanade Street, and, unopposed, hoisted the National flag over the Government Mint ; but as soon as they re- .tired it was torn down and dragged in derision through the streets by young men belonging to the Pinckney Battalion, and a gambler named William B. Mumford.3 This act Was hailed with acclamation by the secessionists of New Orleans, and caused paragraphs of praise and exultation to appear in the public journals. It ended in a serious tragedy, as we shall observe presently. In reply to the Mayor's absurd letter, the patient Farragut referred to the pulling down of the flag, the indignities to which it was subjected, and the insults offered to his officers, and said, with a meaning which the most obtuse might understand, " all of which go to show that the fire of this fleet may be drawn upon the city at any moment, and in such an event the levee would, in all probability, be cut by the shells, and an amount of distress ensue to the innocent population which I have heretofore endeavored to assure you that I desire by all means to avoid*" He concluded by saying, " The election, therefore, is with you ; but it becomes my duty to notify you to remove the women and children from the city within forty-eight hours, if I have rightly understood your determination." 1 The shipyard at Algiers, opposite New Orleans, was burned, and with it an immense armored ram called Mississippi, which was considered the most important naval structure which the Confederates had jet undertaken. 2 " As to the hoisting of any flag," he said, " than the flag of our own adoption and allegiance, let me say to yon. Sir, that the man lives not in our midst whose hand and heart would not be palsied at the mero thought of such an act; nor could I find in my entire constituency so wretched and desperate a renegade as would dare to- profane »'ith his hand the sacred emblem of our aspirations." 3 There was no guard left at the Mint to defend the flag, but a watch was set in, the top of the Pensacola, from which a howitzer hurled grape-shot at the men who pulled down the flag, but without effect. 344 FOLLY OF THE CIVIL AUTHORITIES. To this message the absurd Mayor returned a most ridiculous answer — as ridiculous, considering the circumstances, as the mock-heroic babble of a circus harlequin — in which he uttered nonsense about "murdering" women and children,1 and charged Farragut with a desire to "humble and disgrace the people." After solemnly assuring the Commodore that such satisfaction he could not obtain, he said, dramatically, " We will stand your bombard ment, unarmed and undefended as we are. The civilized world, will consign to indelible infamy the heart that will conceive the deed and the hand that will consummate it." The substance of the Mayor's letter was, as has been observed, " ' Come on shore and hoist what flag you please. Don't ask us to do your flag-raising.' Slightly impudent; perhaps ; but men who are talking from behind a bulwark of fifty thousand women and children can be impu dent if they please."2 To the insolence of the Mayor was added the greater impertinence of the commander of a French ship-of-war which had just arrived, who wrote a note to Farragut that his Government had sent him' to protect the persons and property of its thirty thousand subjects in New Orleans, and that he demanded sixty days, instead of forty-eight hours, as the time to be given for the evacuation of the city by the inhabitants. He concluded with a threat, saying, " If it is your resolution to bombard the city, do it ; but I wish to state that you will have to account for the barbarous act to the power which I represent." The veteran commodore was sorely perplexed, and, while revolving in his mind what to do, he was relieved by the intelligence of the surrender of the forts below. He now felt that he could afford to wait, for the speedy possession of New Orleans by General Butler's troops was made an almost absolute' certainty. Up to that moment it was believed by the citizens that the forts below could not be taken, and this was the chief reason for the defiant attitude of the public authorities there. Now their tone was changed, and, to appease Farragut, he was semi-officially informed, in a pri vate manner, that the hauling down of the flag from the Mint was the "unauthorized act ofthe men who performed it."3 On the following day, Captain Bell landed with a hundred marines, put the National flag in the places of the ensigns of rebellion on the Mint and Custom House, loGked the door of the latter, and returned with the key to his vessel. Those flags were undisturbed. The occupation of the " Euro pean Brigade," a military organization in New Orleans, ostensibly for the purpose of aiding the authorities in the protection of the citizens from unruly members, but really in the interests of the Confederates, composed of British, French, and Spanish aliens, was now almost at an end, and the English members of it, who admired the frequent displays of " British neutrality " elsewhere, now imitated it by voting at their armory, that, as they would have no further use for their weapons and accouterments, 1 " Our women and children cannot escape from your shells, if it be your pleasure to murder them on a mere question of etiquette ; but if they could, there are few among them who would consent to desert their families and their homes and tbe graves of their relatives in so awful a moment: they would bravely stand in sight of your shells, rolling over the bones of those who wero dear to them, and would deem that they died not ingloriously by the side of the tombs erected by their piety to tho memory of departed relatives.1' 2 P;irton's Butler in New Orleans, page 274. 3 These were W. B. Mumford (who cut it loose from the flagstaff), Lieutenant Holmes, Sergeant Burns, and fames Heed, all but Mumford members of the Pinckney Battalion of Volunteers. * NATIONAL TROOPS IN NEW ORLEANS. 345 they would send them to Beauregard's army at Corinth, as " a slight token of their affection for the Confederate States." On the 30th," Farragut informed the city authorities that he should hold no further intercourse with a body whose language ' was so offensive, and that, so soon as General Butler should arrive with his forces, he should turn over the charge of the city to him, and resume his naval duties. ~ Let us see what General Butler had been doing for the few preceding days. A few hours after Mumford and his companions had pulled down the National flag, General Butler arrived and joined Farragut on the Hartford; and, in his report to the Secretary of War on the 29th, he foreshadowed his future act by saying : " This outrage will be punished in such manner as in my judgment will caution both the perpetrators and abettors of the act, so that they shall fear the stripes if they do not reverence the stars of our ban ner." He hastened back to his troops, and took measures for their immediate advance up the river. His transports were brought into the Mississippi, and these, bearing two thousand armed men, appeared off the levee in front of New Orleans on the first of May. The General and his staff, his wife, and fourteen hundred troops, were on the same vessel {Mississippi) in which they left Hampton Roads sixty-five clays before. Preparations were made for landing forthwith. In his order for the movement, he forbade the plunder of all property, public or private, in the city ; the absence of officers and soldiers from their stations without arms or alone ; and held the com manders of regiments and companies responsible for the execution of the orders. At four o'clock in the afternoon6 the debarkation of a part of h M . the troops at the city commenced, while others were sent over to- occupy Algiers, opposite New Orleans. A company of the Thirty-first Massachusetts was the first to land. These were followed by the remainder of the regiment ; also by the Fourth Wisconsin, Colonel Paine ; and Everett's battery of heavy field-guns. These formed a procession and acted as an escort for General Butler and his staff, and General Williams and his staff; and to the tune ofthe " Star Spangled Banner" they marched through Poydras and St. Charles Streets to Canal Street, under the guidance of Lieutenant Weigel, of Baltimore, one of Butler's aids, who was familiar with the city. They took possession of the Custom House, whose principal entrance is on Canal Street,, and there the Massachusetts regiment was quartered. Strict directions had been given not to resent any insults that might be offered by the vast crowd that filled the side-walks, without orders ; but if a shot should be fired from a house, to halt, arrest the inmates, and destroy the building. Every moment the crowd became greater and more boisterous, and the patience of the troops was much tried during that short march. Their ears were assailed by the most offensive epithets, vulgar and profane, applied to the General and his troops,1 yet the consciousness of supporting power behind the pacific order caused them to march silently on to their 1 Before the troops landed, voices from the crowd that covered the levee had been heard calling for " Pica yune Butler." and asking him to show himself. Tho General was willing to have a practical joke, well satisfied 346 GENERAL BUTLER IN NEW ORLEANS. destination. Captain Everett posted his cannon around the Custom House, and comparative quiet prevailed in New Orleans that night. Colonel De- ming's Twelfth Connecticut landed, and bivouacked on the levee by the side of Butler's head-quarters ship, the Mississippi, on board of which the com manding general spent tlie night. At an early hour in the evening, he had completed a proclamation to the inhabitants of New Orleans, in which his intentions, as the representative of the Government, were explicitly stated.1 General Butler had resolved to act with strictest justice toward the deluded people, and to be kind and lenient to all who showed a disposition to be peaceable. But his first trial of the temper of those with whom he had to deal was discouraging. He sent his proclamation to the office of the True Delta newspaper, to be printed as a hand-bill. The proprietor flatly refused to use his types in such an act of " submission to Federal rale." Two hours afterward an officer with a file of soldiers (half a dozen of whom were printers) had possession of the True Delta office, and the proclamation was soon issued in printed form. Meanwhile, Colonel Deming had encamped in Lafayette Square, and General Butler had taken possession of General Lovell's recent head-quarters in the St. Charles Hotel, not far distant, established his own there, and invited the city authorities to a conference. The silly Mon roe told the General's messenger that the Mayor's place of business was at the City Hall. It was intimated to him that such a reply would not satisfy the commanding general ; so the Mayor, taking counsel of prudence, waited upon General Butler at the St. Charles, Avith Pierre Soule, formerly a repre sentative in Congress, and some other friends. The interview was instruc tive to both parties. There appeared a wide difference of opinion as to the that the real merriment would be on the side of himself and friends ; so he requested the lively air of " Picayune Butler" to be played when they should debark. But none of the band-masters had the music, and the more appropriate National airs were the first that the citizens of New Orleans heard wheu the troops landed. 1 In that proclamation, General Butler called upon all who had taken up arms against their Government to lay them down, and directed all flags and devices indicative of rebellion to be taken down, and the American flag — the emblem of the Government — to bo treated with the greatest respect. He told them that all well- disposed persons, natives or foreigners, should be protected in person and property, subject only to the laws of the United States ; and he enjoined the inhabitants to continue in their usual avocations. He directed the keepers of all public property whatever, and all manufacturers of arms and munitions of war, to report to head quarters. He directed that shops and places of amusement should be kept open as usual, and the services in the churches and religious houses to be held as in times of profound peace. Martial law was to be the governing power; and to the Provost-Marshal, keepers of public houses and drinking saloons were required to report and obtain license, before they were permitted to do business. He assured tho inhabitants that a sufficient number of soldiers would be kept in the city to preserve order; and that tho killing of any National soldier by a dis orderly mob should be punished as murder. All acts interfering with the forces or laws of the United States were to be referred to a military court for adjudication and punishment Civil causes wero to be referred to the ordinary tribunals. The levy and collection of taxes, excepting those authorized by the United States, were for bidden, jave those for keeping in repair and lighting the streets, for sanitary purposes. The use, in trade of Confederate bonds or other evidences of debt was forbidden, excepting those in form of bank notes, which con stituted the only circulating medium, and the use of the latter was to be allowed only until further orders. No seditious publications were to be allowed ; and communications or editorials in newspapers, which should give accounts of the movements of the National soldiers, were not permitted to be circulated until the same had been submitted to a military censor. The same rule was to be nppVed to telegraphic dispatches. It was requested that any outrages committed by the National soldiers upon the persons or property of tho citizens should be reported to tho provost-guard. Assemblages of persons in the streets were forbidden ; and the munici pal authority was to be continued, so far as the police of the city and its environs were concerned, until sus pended. To assist in keeping order, the " European Brigade," which, as we have observed, had professedly been employed for that purpose, on the evacuation of the city by Lovell and his troops, wero invited to co-operate with Iho military authorities. The General said, in conclusion : " All the requirements of martial law will bo imposed, so long as, in the judgment ofthe United States authorities, it may he necessary; and while it is desired by these authorities to exercise this government mildly, and after the usages of the past, it must not be supposed that it will not bo vigorously and firmly administered, as the occasion calls for it" REBELLION REBUKED AND CHECKED. 347 status of the inhabitants of New Orleans in relation to the General Govern- ment ; and the dividing line was so distinctly seen at this interview, that there could be no question about it thereafter. Butler took the broad national. ground that the inhabitants in general had been in rebellion against their lawful Government ; that the authority of .that Government, being supreme, rightfully demanded the allegiance of the people ; and that no other authority, except that sanctioned by the Government, could be allowed in the manage ment of the public affairs of the city. Soule and his friends persisted in regarding Louisiana as an independent sovereignty, and the object of the primary allegiance of its citizens. They considered the National troops as invaders and intruders, and, as a sequence, the people as doing right in treat ing them with contempt and abhorrence, and fully justified in driving them from the city if they could. An instant reply to this assumption was practically given. An immense mob had collected in the street in front of the St. Charles. They were exas perated by the seizure of that building by General Butler, and threatened violence. Cannon had been planted and a regiment had been posted for the protection of head-quarters, but, while the General and the city authorities had been in conference, the conduct of the populace had become so alarming, that General Williams sent word to Butler that he feared he could not con trol them. The General calmly replied : " Give my compliments to General Williams, and tell him, if he finds he cannot control the1 mob, to open upon them with artillery." The Mayor and his friends sprang to their feet in consternation. " Don't do that, General," exclaimed the terrified Monroe. " Why not, gentlemen ?" said Butler. " The mob must be controlled. We can't have a disturbance in the street." The lunatic Mayor had partially recovered his senses in Butler's presence, and, going out to the balcony, he informed the mob of the General's orders, and advised them to disperse. That evening the inhabitants of New Orleans, who chose to listen, heard " The Star Spangled Banner " and other National airs, to which their ears had long been strangers, played by a band on the balcony ofthe St. Charles.1 Within twenty-four hours after this occurrence, the temper of the people and that, of General Butler were mutually understood; and his proclamation, which was not issued until the 6th of May, was> a rule for all loyal or disloyal citizens. It had been read at the conference at the St. Charles just men tioned, when Soule declared that it would give great offense, and that the people, who were not conquered, and could not be expected to act as a con quered people, would never submit to its demands. " Withdraw your troops, General," said the distinguished and accomplished Frenchman, " and leave the city government to manage its own affairs. If the troops remain, there will certainly be trouble." This threat, though uttered in smooth terms, brought a withering rebuke from the commanding general. " I did not expect to hear from Mr. Soule a threat on this occasion," he said. " I have long been accustomed to hear threats from southern gentlemen in political conventions ; but let me assure the gentlemen present that the time for tactics of that nature has passed, never to return. New Orleans is a conquered city. If not, why are we 1 Parton's Butler in New Orleans, page 285. 348 MARTIAL LAW IN NEW ORLEANS. here? How did we get here? Have you opened your arms and bid us welcome ? Are we here by your consent ? Would you or would you not expel us if you could ? New Orleans has been conquered by the forces of the United States, and, by the laws of all nations, lies subject to the will of the conquerors."1 In accordance with this doctrine General Butler found it necessary to ad minister the affairs in the Department of the Gulf, of which he was the com mander. In his interview with the Mayor and Soule, he had generously offered to leave the municipal government of New Orleans to the free exer cise ot all its powers so long as it should act in consonance with true allegiance to the General Government, and that offer had been answered by a threat. He saw clearly that compromise was out of the question, and that rebellion must be treated as rebellion, and traitors as traitors. He accordingly commenced a most vigorous administration of jrablic affairs. Major Joseph W. Bell was appointed Provost-Judge and Colonel Jonas H. French Provost-Marshal. At the same time an effort was made to remove all causes for unnecessary irritation, and to conciliate the people. The General left the St. Charles Hotel, and made his military head-quarters in the house of General Twiggs, and his private residence in the fine mansion of Dr. Camp bell, on the corner of St. Charles and Julia Streets, which was afterward occupied by General Banks. The Common Council having accepted a generous proposition of the General, the civil city government was allowed to go on as usual. The troops were withdrawn from the vicinity of the City Hall, and camps on public squares were broken up. Quite a large number of the soldiers were sent to Carrolton, under General Phelps, where a permanent camp was formed. Others, under General Williams, went uj> the river with Commodore Farragut, to take possession of and hold Baton Rouge. Others were sent to points in the vicinity of New Orleans, and in the course of a few clays the wish of Soule was literally complied with, for the troops were all withdrawn from the city, excepting a sufficient number retained to act as an efficient provost-guard. These concessions did not necessarily imply any relaxation of all proper authority. They were mistaken as such, however, and the rebellious spirit, which was made quiet only by compulsion, soon began to show itself. That spirit speedily learned that the commander of the Department was a real power within the sphere of his assigned duty, that must not be resisted. Sensible men also perceived that he was a power fraught with much good for the city, which had been ruled for years by vicious politicians of the Monroe school.5 He established the most perfect order, and instituted a GENERAL DUTLEE'S RESIDENCE. 1 Parton's Butler in New Orleans, page 2dj\ 2 "For seven years past" said the True Delta, on the 6th of May, in commenting on Butler's proclamation, 'the world knows that this city, in all its departments— judicial, legislative, and executive— had been at the THE REBELLIOUS SPIRIT IN NEW ORLEANS. 349 system of cleanliness for the promotion of the health of the citizens, before unknown to them, and which is yet in successful operation. On his arrival, ribald voices in the crowd on the levee had cried out, " Wait till Yellow Jack [yellow fever] comes, old Cock-eye ! He'll make you fly L" But " Yellow Jack" was not allowed to come; and that terrible scourge has not appeared in New Orleans since General Butler made it clean, and taught the inhabit ants to keep it so. Residents there declared to the author, when he visited that city in the spring of 1866, that gratitude for incalculable blessings should prompt the inhabitants to erect a statue of General Butler in one of the public squares, in testimony of their appreciation of a real bene factor. General Butler organized plans for the alleviation of the distress among the inhabitants^ and invited the civil authorities to unite with him in the merciful work. But they were deaf to the voice of righteousness. With holding relief from their starving fellow-citizens, they sent provisions to the camps, of the insurgents who had fled from the city.1 In every possible way attempts were made to thwart' the orders and wishes of General Butler while he was feeding the starving poor by thousands, and was working day and night to revive and restore the business of the city, that its wonted pros perity might return. Among his troops there was perfect order. No man had been injured, and no woman had been treated with the least disrespect. But the corrupt Mayor was surly and insolent. The newspapers were barely restrained from seditious teachings. The foreign consuls, and foreign popu lation generally, sympathized with the spirit of resistance ; and many of the women who claimed to be of the better sort, taking advantage of the wide latitude in speech and action allowed to their sex in American society, were particularly offensive in their manifestations of contempt for the General and his troops. When Union officers approached, they would leave the sidewalks, go round them in the middle of the street, and with upturned noses would utter some insulting words, often more vigorous, than elegant. They would draw away their skirts when a private soldier passed them, and leave street cars and church pews when Union officers entered them. They wore seces sion colors on their bonnets ; in feminine schools they kept the pupils sing ing rebel songs ; groups on balconies turned their backs on passing soldiers, and played airs that were used with rebellious words; and in every con ceivable way they insulted the troops. These things were patiently borne, as sensible men endure the acts of imbeciles or lunatics, notwithstanding they were indicative of the hellish spirit that was making war on the Govern ment and the rights of man ; and the follies of these deluded women were the subjects of much merriment among the troops. But ,when, at length, a woman of the " dominant class," with the low manners of the degraded of her sex, deliberately spat in the face of two officers, who were walking peace fully along the street, General Butler determined to arrest the growing evil at once, and on the 15th of May the town was startled by an order that struck the root of the iniquity, by placing such actors in their appropriate social position. absolute disposal, of the most godless, brutal, ignorant, and ruthless ruffianism the world has ever heard o» since the days ofthe great Koman conspirators." 1 See Butler's Order, May 9, 1862. 350" BUTLER'S "WOMAN ORDER." That order1 was intended to work silently, peacefully, and effectually. And so it did. The grave offense was not repeated. Sensible and virtuous women did not indulge in such vulgarities, and were not touched by the order. The foolish women recovered their senses through its operation ; and so did the Mayor and his accomplices in crime, when the power of their out raged Government was felt by the former, by arrest and threatened imprison ment in Fort Jackson; by Soule, the ablest of the instigators of treason in Louisiana, as a prisoner in Fort Warren ; and by one of the- leaders of the mob, when he stood a felon on the scaffold, in the midst of a vast number of his fellow-citizens, because of his overt act of treason in pulling down the National flag from the Government Mint.3 The Mayor had made the publication of the " Woman Order " the occa sion of a most impudent and absurd letter to General Butler, saying, among other things, " Your officers and soldiers are permitted by the terms of this order to place any construction they may please upon the conduct of our wives and daughters, and upon such construction to offer them atrocious insults."'1 This letter was answered by the deposition and arrest of the 1 The following is a copy of the document known as the '• Woman Order," which the General himself framed from a similar one, and for a similar purpose, which he had read long before in a London newspaper : "Head-Quarters, Department of the Gulp, New Orleans, May 15, 1S62. " General Order No. 2S : "As the officers and soldiers ofthe United States have been subject to repeated insults from the women (calling themselves ladies) of New Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non-interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered that hereafter, when any female shall, by word, gesture, or movement, insult or show con tempt for any officer or soldier of the United States, she shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman of the town plying her avocation. " By command of " Major-General Butler. "George C. Strong, Assistant Adjutant- General, Chief of StayV 2 Mr. Parton says that one of the women — " a very fine lady " — who lost her senses and behaved indiscreetly, and who, in sweeping her skirts away from possible contact with passing Union officers^ lost her balance, fell in the gutter, and received the proffered aid of one of them, which she spurned, afterward declared that she really felt grateful to the officer at the time for his politeness, and added, "Order 2S [the 'Woman Order'] served the women right." 3 See page 343. 4 This willful perversion of tho plain letter and spirit of the "Woman Order" was made the key-note of a cry of indignation that was heard in every part of the Confederacy, and was echoed by the friends of the con spirators iu tho North and in Europe. "Do not leave your women to tho merciless foe," appealed "The daugh ters of New Orleans " to " every Southern soldier." . . " P.ather let us die with you, oh, our fathers ! Rather, like Virginias, plunge your swords into our breasts, sayine, 'This is all we can give our daughters.'" Tbe Governor of Louisiana said: "It was reserved for a Federal general to invite his soldiers to the perpetration of outrages, at the mention of which tho blood recoils with horror." A Georgian offered a reward of $10,000 '•for the infamous Butler's head;'' and " A Savannah Woman" suggested a contribution "from every woman in the Confederacy " " to triple tho sum." Paul IS. Hayne, the South Carolina poet, was again inspired to write nonsense (see page 104, volume I.), and said :— " Tes 1 but there's one wlio shall not die In battle harness I One for whom Lurks in the darkness silently Another and a sterner doom I A warrior's end should crown the brave — For him, swift cord I and fV-lon grave 1" Lord Palmcrston, the British premier, in the plenitude of his admiration for the insurgents, and rememb ing "how savages in red coats had been wont to conduct themselves In captured cities" on the Peninsula, "l naturally supposed that "patriots in blue coats would follow their example," made himself appear exceedin" 1 absurd before the world by mentioning the matter in Parliament, and saying, " An Englishman must blush to thf \- that such an act has been committed by one belonging to the Anglo-Saxon raec." Beauregard, whose wife l mother, living in the house of John Slidell, in New Orleans, were there treated in the mostTtender and respectful manner by the commanding general, first applied to that officer, it is said, the vulgar epithet of •¦ Butler th Beast," and it was freely used by every enemy of the Government, South and North, until the end of the strife. TRIAL AND EXECUTION- OF A TRAITOR. 351 Mayor,1 and the appointment of General G. F. Shepley, of Maine, as Mili tary Governor of New Orleans, who at once organized an efficient police force and made the city a model of quiet and good order. This vigor was followed by the arrest of William B. Mumford, his trial and conviction by a military court, and his execution as a traitor in the presence of a vast multitude, who quietly dispersed to their homes, with the salutary reflec tion that the Government had indeed " repossessed " its property, and was exercising its rightful authority in the city of New Orleans.2 Ofthe details of General Butler's administration in the Department of the Gulf, until he was superseded by General Banks, at the middle of December following — how he dealt with representatives of foreign governments; with banks and bankers ; with the holders of Confederate money and other property; and with disloyal men of every kind, from the small offender in the street to the greater offender in public positions and in the pulpit — it is riot our province here to consider.3 Suffice it to say, that it then seemed wise and salutary in the necessary assertion ofthe sovereign authority of his Government; and, to the candid student of events there, it yet seems to have been wise and salutary. Promptness and decision marked every step of his career.4 Measures for the GEORGE F. SHEPLEY. 1 The terrified official hastened to explain his letter, when Butler agreed to release him from the penalty of imprisonment on condition that he should withdraw the letter and make an apology. This he did in the most humble manner. 2 Mumford was a professional gambler, and consequently an enemy of society. He was about forty-two years of age. He was in the crowd in front of the St. Charles on the occasion of the General's conference with the Mayor and his friends, already alluded to, boasting of his exploit with the flag, inciting them to riot, and daring the National officers to arrest him. He continued his attitude of defiance, and became so dangerous to good order, as a leader of the turbulent spirits of New Orleans, that his arrest and punishment was a necessity. His overt act of treason was clear, and his execution had a most salutary effect. Mumford is the only man who, up to this time (18GT), has been tried, condemned, and executed for treason since the foundations of the National Government were laid. 3 In Mr. Parton's work, which has been so frequently referred to, and whose full title is, General Butler in New Orleans/ History of the Administration of the Department of the Gulf in the Year 1S62 ; with an Account of the Capture of New Orleans, may be found full details of that administration. 4 So vigorous and efficient, so uncompromising with treason and rebellion, was Butler's administration of affairs in New Orleans, that the conspirators, nnd particularly the chief of tho Confederacy, who hnd been his political associate a few years before, regarded him as an arch-enemy more to be dreaded than balls or bayonets. Their fears of him and personal hatred led them to tho perpetration of the most foolish acts. At about the time when Butler left New Orleans, Jefferson Davis issued a notable proclama- " Bee. 23, tiun,° for the purpose of " firing the Southern heart," in which he professed to review Butler's 1S62. administration of affairs there. In connection with a recitation of Butler's alleged crimes, he pronounced him M to be a felon, deserving of capital punishment," and ordered that ho should not be " treated simply as a public enemy of the Confederate States of America, bnt as an outlaw and common enemy of man kind; and that, in the event of his capture, tho officer in command of the capturing force do cause him to be immediately executed by hanging.1' He also ordered that the same treatment should be awarded to all com missioned officers serving under Butler. In addition to these instructions, he ordered that all negro slaves cap tured in arms against the Confederacy, and all commissioned officers of the United States serving in company with them, who should be captured, should be delivered to the executive authorities ofthe respective States to which the negroes belonged, " to bo dealt with according to the laws of said States." There is not, probably, any intelligent and candid man in the Union to-day, and especially among the resi dents of New Orleans at that time, who does not agree, in honest opinion, with the verdict of a competent 352 THE LOUISIANA NATIVE GUARD. public good were continually planned and executed, and toward the close of summer he took the first step in the employment of negroes as soldiers, which the enemies of the Government had practised there. When General Banks arrived to take command of the Department, there were three regiments of these soldiers, with two batteries manned by them, well drilled for his use, under the common name ofthe Louisiana Native Guard. The loss of Xew Orleans was the heaviest blow the Confederacy had yet received, and for a while it stag gered under its infliction. " It annihilated us in Louisi ana," said the Confederate historian ofthe war; " dimin ished our resources and supplies, by the loss of one of the greatest grain and cattle countries within the limits of the Confederacy ; gave to the enemy the Mississippi River, with all its means of navigation, for a base of operations, and finally led, by plain and irresistible conclusion, to our virtual abandonment of the great and fruitful valley of the Mississippi."1 Let us now return to a consideration of the Army of the Potomac, which we left in a quiet condition after the little flurry at Drainsville, at near the close of the year. '&;.".' LOUISIANA NATIVE GUARD. historian (Partou), that ll each of the paragraphs of Jefferson Davis's proclamation which relates to General Butler's conduct is the distinct utterance of a lie.'1 A few days after the proclamation was issued, Itichard Teadon, a prominent citizen of Charleston, publicly otfered" a reward of $10,000 " for the capture and delivery of the said Benjamin F. Butler, dead or " Jan. 1, alive, to any proper Confederate authority." And '¦ A Daughter of South Carolina," in a letter 1S63. to the Charleston Courier, said, " I propose to spin the thread to make the cord to execute the order of'Our noble President, Davis, when old Butler is caught, and my daughter asks that she may be allowed to adjustdt around his neck." 1 Pollard's First Year of the War, page 321. IMMOBILITY OF THE ARMY OE THE POTOMAC. 353 CHAPTEK XIV. MOVEMENTS OP THE ARMY OF THE POTOMAC— THE MONITOR AND MERRIMACK. HE Grand Army ot the Potomac had gained strength in numbers and discipline during the months it had been lying in comparatively quiet camps around the National Capital. The battles of Ball's Bluff and Drainsville, already mentioned, had kept it from rusting into absolute immobility ; and the troops were made hopeful at times by promises of an immediate advance upon the Confed erates at Manassas. But at the beginning of the year 1862, when that army numbered full two hundred thousand men, the pros pect of an advance seemed more remote than ever, for the fine weather that had prevailed up to Christmas was succeeded by storms and frost, and the roads in many places soon became almost impassable. Very little prepara tion had been made for winter quarters, and much suffering and discontent was the consequence.1 The people were exceedingly impatient, and were more disposed to censure the Secretary of War than the General-in-Chief, for they had faith in the latter. They were gratified when Mr. Cameron left the office, and they gave to the new incumbent, Mr. Stanton, their entire confi dence.2 The President was much distressed by the inaction of the great army. He could get no satisfaction from the General-in-Chief, when he inquired why that army did not move. Finally, on the 10th of January, he summoned, Generals McDowell and Franklin to a conference with himself and his Cabi net. Never, during the whole war, did he exhibit such despondency as at * Various efforts were made by many officers to break the monotony of the' eanip and keep the soldiers cheerful. With this view, the musical •'Hutchinson Family " were permitted, by Secretary Cameron, to visit the camps and sing their simple and stirring songs. They were dnTusing sunshine through the army by delight- ' ing crowds of soidiers who listened to their voices, when their career of usefulness was suddenly arrested by the following" order : By direction of General McClellan, the permit given to the 'Hutchinson Family' to sing in tbe camp, and their pass to cross the Potomac, are revoked, and they will not be allowed to sing to the troops." Why not ? The answer was in the fact, that they had sung Whittier's stirring song, lately written, to tho tune of Luther's Hymn, "Eln feste burg 1st unser Gott," in which, among eight similar verses, was the "01- lowing : — " What gives the wheat-fleld blades of steel f What points the rebel cannon ? What sets the roaring rabble's heel On th' old star-spangled pennon ? What breaks the oath Of th' men o' th' South f What whets the knife For the Union's life? Hark to the answer : Slavery I " * Edwin M. Stanton succeeded Simon Cameron, as Secretary of War, on the 18th of January, 1362. Vol. II.— 23 354 IMPATIENCE OF THE PBESIDENT AND PEOPLE. that conference. He spoke of the exhausted condition of the treasury; of the loss of public credit ; of the delicate condition of our foreign relations ; the critical situation of National affairs in Missouri and Kentucky since Fre mont left the Western Department ; the lack of co-operation between Gen erals Halleck and Buell, and the illness of the General-in-Chief, which then, it was said, confined him to his house. He said he was in great distress under the burden of responsibility laid upon him. He had" been to the house of the General-in-Chief, who did not ask to see him. He must talk to somebody, and he had sent for McDowell and Franklin to obtain a military opinion as to the probability of an early movement of the army. " If some thing is not soon done," he said in his simple way, "the bottom will be out of the whole affair ; and, if General McClellan docs not want to use the army, I would like to borrow it, provided I can see how it could be made to do something."1 The President, supported by public opinion, had resolved that something must be done by the army of the Potomac immediately, under the direction of General McClellan, or some other officer, and arrangements were:in pro gress to that effect, when the General-in-Chief, who had been too ill to see ¦Jan, 1862. the President on the 10th," was out, and "looking quite well," on the following day. McDowell and Franklin, meanwhile, had been charged by the President with the duty of submitting a plan of a cam paign. The former was decidedly in favor of an advance in heavy force upon the front and flanks of the Confederates at Manassas, whose numbers he was satisfied had been greatly exaggerated.2 Such movement, if success ful, would end the disgraceful blockade of the Potomac, and drive the army that was really besieging the National Capital back upon Richmond. Gen eral Franklin, who had been somewhat informed by General McClellan of his plans, was in favor of moving on Richmond by way of the Lower Che sapeake and the Virginia Peninsula. They consulted with Quartermaster- General Meigs (who agreed with McDowell), Colonel Kingsbury, the Chief of Ordnance of the Army of the Potomac, General Van Vliet, the Chief Quartermaster, and Major Shiras, the Commissary of Sub sistence. The subject was discussed by these military officers and the Presi dent and his Cabinet on the same b Jan. u. evening,6 when McDowell and Franklin, being in general agreement as to the neces- M0NTG0MERY C. MEIOS. 1 Notes by General McDowell of a conference with the President and others, on the subject of tho move ment of the Army,