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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

1941

i|OUND MONEY, PROTECTION, PROSPERITY

i860

THE GREAT

1896

Republican Campaigns

THE Pastime SEBIES-Issuod Monthly. $3.00per annum.. No. 43. Aug., 1896.
Entered at Chicago Postofflce as second-class matter-

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THE MARCH TO VICTORY

THE GREAT
Republican Campaigns
OP
1860 AND 1896

BY
OSBORN H. OLDROYD

With Platform, Portraits, Biographies and Speeches of
Mckinley & hobart

''The names of Abraham Lincoln and William McKinley will go
down in history together as inseparably connected with the two-greatest
crises 'of the modern ei'a."

PROFUSELY ILLUSTRATED

CHICAGO:
LAIRD & LEE, Publishers

Copyright, 1896, BT
O. H. OI.DROYD

COFYRIQHT, 1896, BY
LAIRD & LEE,
(All Rights Reserved)

cioi^.snt

CONTENTS

CAMPAIGN OF 1896
McKinley & Hobart - - - - = - I to XXXI

CAMPAIGN OF i860
Historical Introduction  1
I. Early Movements in Illinois for Lincoln - 5
II. The National Democratic Convention and the Seces
sion from its Ranks  10
III. The Constitutional-Union Convention - 23
IV. The National Republican Convention - -26
V. Lincoln Apprized of His Nomination - - 75
VI. Ratification of the Nomination at Lincoln's Home
and the Visit of the Committee from the Conven
tion - ... 78
VII. Endorsing the Nomination of Lincoln and Hamlin 86
VIII. Letters of Acceptance - - - - 94
IX. More Ratifications and Indorsements 97
X. Origin and Splendid Work of the Wide-Awakes
of 1860 - - 104
XI. The Lincoln Demonstration at Springfield, August
8, 1860  - 110
XII. The Adventures of a Lincoln Rail - 113
XIII. Leonard W. Volk's Bust of Lincoln from life — Casts
of Face and Hands - 114
XIV. Two Great Speeches from Seward and Schenck 120
XV. A Pen-Sketch of Abraham Lincoln - 125
XVI. The Fusion Candidates - - 129
XVII. "Old Abe" Receiving the News of His Election 133
XVIII. Charles Sumner's Great Speech on Lincoln's Election 146
XIX. Campaign Songs . - - 150
XX. Campaign Fun and Caricatures - 183

william Mckinley.
The average American is little given to hero wor-"
ship. He knows too much of human nature to believe
that anyone can so escape its weaknesses and limita
tions as to be worthy of being placed in a holy of holies
by himself, or exalted on a pedestal that shall lift him
out of sight. He is suspicious of both the motive and
the object of excessive adulation, and the book which
inflates 'its pages with unqualified panegyrics of any par
ticular personality inspires disgust instead of homage,
distrust instead of loyalty, and is soon consigned to the
limbo of waste paper by the decrees of indifference or
resentment. But the average American is quick to discern and to
appreciate genuine merit, or those acquiring qualities
of mind by which one has risen into notice and has be
come worthy of being confided in as an instructor and
a leader. None will more cordially receive or more
eagerly assimilate the data and the information which
mark the steps by which a leader has advanced into the
foremost rank. The why, the how and the wherefore of
advancement become the stimulus of personal aspiration
and the measure of personal possibility. Thus the man
of national fame has a significance that transcends par
tisanship; he is a representative, not merely of political
principles and measures, but he is a representative also
of both the latent and active forces underlying Amer
ican institutions and American individuality. What
time has produced may be reproduced ; what one has be
come another may attain; and thus every signally con-

II THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
spicuous personage is an encouragement to all that is
highest and best among the common people, who in
•their offspring may again beget his like.
With a unanimity and an enthusiasm unprecedented
in the history of political conventions WILLIAM Mc-
KINLEY, of Canton, Ohio, has become the Republican
nominee for the greatest office in the gift of the people.
The nomination was not secured by his personal pres
ence, backed up by a demagogic speech ending in an
hysterical metaphor elaborately premeditated and the
atrically shrieked; it was the result of a steadily rising
and maturely culminating tide of deliberate conviction
that the nation was face to face with a grave crisis and
that McKinley was the man for the hour. The man for
the hour because of his well-known antecedents and
well-tried qualifications. He has been so long and so
conspicuously before the American public as to make a
sketch of his life and character almost a work of supere
rogation. But superfluous as the work may seem, it may
still be well to link together the principal events of his
life and the principal features of his character for handy
reference. Blood will tell. McKinley descends from a rugged
stock. His ancestors on his father's side came from the
north of Ireland, where wind and wave, and hill and
dale, and training and traditions tend to produce both
brawn and brain. On his mother's side he comes from
the. Scotch as the inheritor of the qualities which have
made that people so celebrated in song and story, and
so potent among the forces which have operated for the
advancement of mankind. His later ancestors on tire

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. Ill
father's side served this country during the stormy times
of the Revolution, and also in the war of 1812.
His father was one of the pioneers of the great iron
industry of Ohio, and in a limited way carried on the
business in Niles, in the northeastern part of the State.
Two sons and four daughters preceded William's birth,
and a son and a daughter followed after.
William was born in the inconspicuous village of
Niles, consisting of three hundred inhabitants. He
first saw the light in a plain and unpretentious dwelling
January 29, 1843. The rudiments of his education were
obtained in the village school. When he was eight
years of age the family moved to Poland, not far ,
from Youngstown, Ohio. Here, among associations
that were essentially of a New England type, he began
a higher educational course by attending the Methodist
Episcopal College, where he studied until he entered
Allegheny College, in Meadville, Pa., in his seventeenth
year. His application was so close that he failed in
health and was compelled to return to his home. When
he recovered he was employed at Boardman, Ohio, near
by, as the teacher of the village school.
* When the Civil war began William McKinley was
eighteen years of age. The inspiration of patriotism
stirred the quiet valley of the Mahoning. Among the
number who hastened to respond to their country's call
was a company called the Poland Guards, enlisted main
ly from among the young men of Poland, Ohio. Mc
Kinley wished to join the company, but was opposed by
his father, not only on account of his youth, but mainly
on account of his uncertain health. Nothing, however,

IV THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
could swerve him from his purpose, and his father finafly
reluctantly allowed him to be mustered into the service
with his young compatriots at Columbus, Ohio, in the
spring of 1861, by General Fremont.
The Guards were incorporated into the Twenty-
third Ohio Regiment, which made a memorable record
during the civil war. General Rosecrans was the first
colonel of the regiment; the late Justice Stanley Mat
thews was the first lieutenant-colonel. The first major
was the late Rutherford PI ayes, President of the United
States. Among the company lieutenants of the regi
ment were such men as General "Bob" Kennedy, Gen
eral Russell Hastings, for many years United States
Marshal of Northern Ohio, and ex-Lieutenant-Governor
Lyons. McKinley shouldered the musket as a common sol
dier until shortly after the memorable battle of Antie-
tam. During that battle he distinguished himself as
acting commissary, and by cooking and conveying
ample rations to the front, where the men had been with
out food for nearly thirty hours. For this service alone
he won the permanently enthusiastic esteem of thou
sands of soldiers.
A few days after the achievement of this efficient
"pots and kettles reinforcement" he was granted a fur
lough, and while on his way home he called on Govern
or Tod, who, greatly to his astonishment, presented him
with a commission accompanied with words of commen
dation that were as inspiring and encouraging as the
commission itself. It is a matter of record that General
Hayes, who was then at home suffering from a serious

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. V
wound received at South Mountain, was the means of
the promotion which was conferred on September 24,
1862. February 7, 1863, he was made first lieutenant;
July 25th he rose to a captaincy; and shortly after was
breveted major by President Lincoln for his brave con
duct on the fields of Opequan, Fisher's Hill and Cedar
Creek. He remained with the celebrated Twenty-third
Ohio through all its hard service, and signally brilliant
career, until mustered out with the regiment in July,
1865. If he has learned to lead, it is because he first
learned to obey; and if he be found speaking seriously
of crucial crises, it is because for years he was face to face
with the .dire deeds that sprung from the ill considered
thoughts, the incendiary words and the rash prompt
ings of men who allowed themselves to be carried away
by the passions of the hour.
The discipline and opportunities of army life were
so congenial to his tastes, and so inspiring to his ambi
tion and patriotism, that he would have joined the reg
ular army but for the advice of his honored sire, who,
thinking he had done his share of military work, de
sired to see him fill a more pacific sphere.
It is worth our while to notice the fact that during
the entire time of his comradeship with the men of his
company and the men of his regiment he had their im
plicit confidence and enduring esteem, not only be
cause he was a brave and faithful soldier, but also be
cause he was even then as affable as he was brave, and
as courteous and kindly as he was faithful. He never
shirked a duty he owed to his country, nor refused a
favor that he could grant to a comrade.

VI THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
At the close of the war Major McKinley studied law
with the Hon. Charles E. Gidden, of Poland, and the
Hon. David M. Wilson, of Youngstown, and subsequent
ly took a course at the Law School of Albany, N. Y. He
was admitted to the bar at Warren, Ohio, in 1867, and
removing to Canton he entered into partnership with
the late Judge Belden, with whom he was associated
until the judge's death in 1870. He was elected Prose
cuting Attorney of Stark County in 1869. His reputa
tion as a lawyer grew rapidly and steadily, and his prac
tice was extensive, until by imperceptible degrees he was
drawn into the sphere of politics. It was while practic
ing as an attorney that he first became acquainted with
M. A. Hanna. Mr. Hanna's interests were represented
in a legal case opposite to that which was defended by
McKinley, but he was so impressed by McKinley's abil
ity, vigor and skill in the management of his side of the
case, and by his fairness and avoidance of all mere legal
tricks and quibbles that he became his ardent admirer
and friend, and was among the first to predict the con
spicuous career he has thus far run. This particular
and notable incident forms a characteristic illustration -of
the manner and means by which Major McKinley has
commanded confidence and won friends. His follow
ing is secured by the intrinsic qualities of the man, and
is retained by the cohesion of. a personal loyalty in
duced by staying qualities that withstand the tooth of
time and survive the illusions of mere enthusiasm.
Hanna has become McKinley's political manager be
cause he is his personal admirer and friend; and in seek
ing to make McKinley's pathway clear he but endeavors

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. VII
to serve the innumerable friends who believe that he is
not only eminently worthy of, but also eminently fitted
for, the highest office in the gift of the American people.
William McKinley was elected to Congress in 1876,
v/here he continued to represent his district until 1891.
He became so influential in national politics that his
political foes conspired to throw him out by gerryman
dering his district three different times. Twice he tri
umphed over these foes by the greatness of his popu
larity, and when at length he was defeated by throwing
out republican and combining democratic counties it
was by the narrow majority of three hundred.
While in Congress he served with ability and distinc
tion upon the Committee on Revision of Laws, the
Judiciary Committee, the Committee on Expenditures
in the Postoffice Department and the Committee on
Rules. Following the nomination of General Harrison
for President, Major McKinley was assigned to the Com
mitte on Ways and Means, and it was while acting as the
chairman of that important committee that he framed
the famous measure now known in history as the Mc
Kinley Bill. In the heat of political controversy, which
is always fruitful of the most bewildering misrepresenta
tions, it is often alleged that the connection of that bill
with McKinley's name and reputation was attributable
only to the fact that he was the chairman who reported
it to Congress, when it is a matter of record that he
framed the bill from beginning to end.'
It has been said of Gladstone that his marvellous
comprehensiveness of foresight and infinite attention to
detail were never so conspicuous as when he was deal-

VIII THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
ing with the imperative necessities of the national rev
enues. Without abatement of the force of terms the
same might be said of McKinley's construction and
management of the McKinley Bill. This great bill in
cluded thousands of details, covering nearly all the ma
terial interests of the country; and it is a signal fact that,
with the exception of two unimportant amendments, it
was passed by the House exactly as it came from the
committee. For the four weeks during which the bill
was discussed by both sides of the House with the great
est particularity, and often times with the greatest hos
tility, the author was almost constantly on his feet an
swering innumerable questions, refuting seemingly in
superable objections, and invincibly conducting it on
ward to its triumphant passage. He was never higher
in the confidence of his colleagues nor more respected
in the estimation of his opponents than when that bill
became the law of the land. His knowledge of both
home and foreign commerce, his apt replies, cogent
arguments, inexhaustible patience, habitual courtesy.un-
sleeping vigilance and invincible determination com
manded universal admiration. At the conclusion of an
ordeal which was severe enough to tax the utmost limits
of physical endurance he stood conspicuously forth as the
representative and champion of a policy which must,
in the nature of the case, through all the fluctuations
of politics, remain a cardinal question in the administra
tion of the National Government and in the develop
ment of the material prosperity of the American people.
Major McKinley was also identified with other Con
gressional enactments, that were closely connected with

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. IX
the welfare of the people. The principal of these was
the act reported from his committee by which the States
that advanced the war tax to the government had that
tax refunded.
At the close of his Congressional career he was nom
inated for Governor of Ohio by acclamation. James E.
Campbell, the Democratic nominee for the same office,
was nominated on a free silver platform. Those who
supposed that Mr. McKinley would be at sea on any
other public question than that of a Protective Tariff
were surprised by -the ability and versatility with which
he grappled with the new issue, and with the scope
and cogency -of his arguments in favor of sound money.
That campaign was one of the hardest ever fought in
Ohio, and was won by McKinley by a plurality of 21,-
511, At the end of his first term as Governor he was
again nominated by acclamation and went into office
with a plurality of over eighty thousand. votes, which,
with one exception, that of Brough over Vallandigham,
was the largest ever given in Ohio.
Th?ee times has Major McKinley been chosen dele
gate at large from Ohio to the National Republican Con
vention. In the first instance he won distinction by act
ing as the leader of the Blaine forces, and as chairman of
the Committee on Resolutions. In the second instance'
he came to the front as a man who put personal honor
before personal preferment. He went to the conven
tion pledged and instructed to work for the nomination
of Senator John Sherman. When several days had been
passed in stubborn and fruitless ballotings, delegates be
gan to cast their votes for McKinley. At each succeed-

X THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
ing ballot his vote rapidly increased. Perceiving that an
effort was really being made to stampede the conven
tion in his favor, he mounted a chair in his delegation
and mid the breathless stillness of the vast and excited
concourse declared in explicit and unmistakable terms
that, being there under instructions to vote for Sher
man, his loyalty to Ohio required that he should be
faithful to his pledge, and he demanded that no one
should throw reflections upon his honor by casting a
vote for him. This was acknowledged to be the most
dramatic scene that had ever been presented at a Na
tional Convention, and those who witnessed it could
never forget it. It settled the fact that McKinley was
proof against temptation to political treachery, and dem
onstrated beyond cavil that his political, like his per
sonal integrity, was above suspicion and above reproach.
In the third instance, while again acting as delegate
at large, he was chosen chairman of the convention, and
when the voting for presidential nominee began it was
discovered that he had received 181 votes. As in the
preceding convention, he insisted that Ohio's vote
should go to the gentleman from whom the State had
instructed them to vote, and his loyalty to General Har
rison was as inflexible as it was to Blaine and Sherman.
This lofty fealty, this high sense of honor, is not con
fined to party instructions or to political obligations; it
is an integral characteristic of the man himself. The
writer well remembers the emphasis with which he said
to him in a conversation that related to a high position
for which he had become, a candidate: "I have never
bonded myself to any man nor any set of men for the

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XI
sake of obtaining support or favor. And I never shall!
I appreciate honor as much as any man, but I can never
make merchandise of myself for the sake of obtaining it.
I am a politician, living and reading, working and study
ing, that I may be an intelligent and useful servant of
the public and of the nation; if I am called to do work
for which I have sought to qualify myself, I rejoice in
being called ; if I am not called, I am still content."
One thing may be taken as absolutely certain in the
present presidential contest: Mr. McKinley has not
bonded himself to any man or any set of men by way
of reciprocating political favor and influence. If he
goes into the White House, he will go there unpledged,
and as a President whose highest obligation will be to
fulfill his duties to the best of his ability for the highest
good of his whole country. He will be loyal to his
party obligations by being loyal to his country, first,
last, and all the time
Major McKinley not only has the courage of his
convictions, but he has implicit confidence in their ulti
mate triumph, notwithstanding any reverses which may
result from the inevitable reactions to which every con
stitutional form of government is more or less subject
in the course of its development.
The Major is in the habit of closing his campaigns
with an address delivered to his own townsmen, who
alwdys gather in great crowds when he is announced to
speak, for he is a prophet who has the greatest honor
and esteem in his own country. The writer presided over
the meeting which closed up his last congressional cam
paign, as well as the campaign for the presidential elec-

XII THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
tion. While the Major was speaking the Democratic
procession intentionally passed the open space where the
assemblage was held. After pausing for it to get by
he resumed by saying: "Torchlights burn themselves
out; drums become silent; brass bands lose their wind;
processions disintegrate; but principles, like Tenny
son's brook, go en forever."
After the meeting we assembled in his office to await
the news of the election. Republicans had become .so
accustomed to victories during the party's long predom
inance in power that not a few supposed that defeat was
impossible. When, therefore, the returns showed that
Cleveland was elected and that the Major was defeated
ir. his own district, many experienced a dismay that was
equivalent to despair. The expressions of disappoint
ment and discouragement were neither few nor temper
ate. The Major, who was the calmest man in the room,
said with philosophic resignation and confidence:
"Principles survive defeat, and reverses only serve to
make them more emphatic and clear as time goes on.
Experience is a dear teacher, but is worth all it costs if
it brings us to a better understanding and a closer ap
plication of a protective tariff as involving the greater
question of national integrity, in the fulfillment of its
financial obligations."
In person Mr. McKinley is of medium height, com
pactly and stockily built, with a large round head, an
intellectual forehead, and a symmetrical, forceful face
that is more noticeable for its strong thoughtfulnesS
than for its emotional mobility. It has been said that
personally he resembles Napoleon, but the slightest com-

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XIII
parison of portraits will show that there is no basis for
such an assumption. There is no more physical or phy
siognomical resemblance between the two men than
there is between the patriotic and moral character of
the great American commoner and the insatiately self-
seeking, unscrupulous and fetid character of the French
man who falsified his consular oath, usurped the throne
of France, robbed kingdoms and slaughtered men by
wholesale for the maintenance of a power that was ob
tained by gigantic deception and habitual knavery.
There is about as much resemblance between the two
men as there is between Paul and Herod Agrippa, or
between light and darkness.
In early life the writer lived where he saw and heard
Daniel Webster quite frequently; he has also lived in
Canton, where he has observed and heard William Mc
Kinley more frequently still. From the first moment of
seeing and hearing the latter he was struck with the
close resemblance between the Ohio and the Massachu
setts statesman, and the more he saw of McKinley the
more was he impressed by the similarity of the two men.
McKinley is not so tall as Webster was, nor has he
the black eyes that Webster possessed; but he has the
same high-rounded brow,' the same cast of feature and
moiith, the same deep.set reflective eyes, the same pose
of person, dignity of manner and sober luminousness of
countenance. He also has the same clear, far-reaching
voice and commanding force and seriousness of manner
and delivery.
The resemblance extends to the treatment ofthe sub
ject-matter of his addresses, as will be seen if one will

XIV THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
be at the trouble to read one of Webster's speeches, and
will then study one of McKinley's more elaborate ad
dresses. The clear statement of fundamental proposi
tions, the comprehensive analysis of vital points, the
lucid arrangements of words, the cumulative gathering
of the arguments, the climacteric focussing of every
thing into the irresistible conclusion is strikingly Web-
sterian. Like Webster, he avoids pedantic allusions, tin
selled rhetoric, and piebald anecdotes that have been
worn out in the service of catchpenny orators. The
same simplicity of diction prevails through all his
speeches. There was nothing theatrical about Webster; he
never tore a passion into tatters, nor went about with a
tin cup asking for the tears of his countrymen to fill it,
as an Italian organ grinder would ask for coppers after
exhibiting his monkey and grinding out his dole of me
chanical music. The same absence of all rhetorical cant
and oratorical sham characterises McKinley's attempts
to inform the mind, convince the reason and secure the
suffrage of his listener. Like Webster, McKinley always
treats his political foe or dissident from the platform
with the same respect that he would use in addressing
him personally. Ever courteous towards antagonists and
oftentimes chivalric in his concessions, McKinley com
mands respect even though he may fail to secure assent.
Like Webster, McKinley always speaks with a dig
nity that comports with the gravity of the issue involved.
Like him, he cherishes the same lofty ideal of American
destiny and American responsibility. The patriot dom
inates the politician, the nation is made paramount to

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XV
party, and the needs of the future as well as those of
the present are kept insistently and conspicuously in the
foreground. McKinley has"spoken in a single campaign in more
than a score of States, not to say anything of hundreds
of addresses delivered in° his own State during the same
campaign. He has spoken to hundreds of thousands
of people, and in this respect has wielded an influence
that Webster never exercised. Nor have his speeches
been confined to political subjects; few men have been
called upon to speak upon a greater variety of themes
or have been able to exhibit a similar versatility of intel
lect or equipment.
McKinley's executive ability is commensurate with
his fame as a practical campaigner, as his two terms as
Governor of Ohio abundantly show. He never used his
gubernatorial prerogatives to humble a political foe,
nor has he prostituted office for the sake of rewarding
political favorites.
Mr. McKinley is far from being wealthy; the com
paratively small amount of property he possesses, and
which represents the modest savings of his life, was for
awhile placed in jeopardy by endorsing the notes of a
friend of his youth, but was happily saved from sacrifice
notwithstanding it was immediately and unreservedly of
fered in liquidation of his liabilities. The incident is
mentioned because political foes have been disingenu
ous enough to distort the facts with the view of injur
ing his reputation, whereas the circumstances through
out illustrated the high honor by which he is governed
in all his affairs.

XVI THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
In January, 1871, at the age of twenty-eight, Mr. Mc
Kinley married Miss Ida Saxton, the daughter of Mr.
James A. Saxton, then a well-known business man of
Canton, Ohio. Miss Saxton was a beautiful woman,
and besides having received a careful education, had
traveled extensively both in this country and in Europe.
They began housekeeping in a comparatively small
cottage. There were two children, daughters, who died
within a short time of each other. This, together with
the loss of her mother, permanently affected Mrs. Mc
Kinley's health, though not to an extent as to exclude
her from sharing in her husband's social privileges and
responsibilities. Having some property of her own, she
immediately and insistently offered it for her husband's
relief when his affairs became complicated through his
indorsements. Their domestic life has been an idyl of beauty and
fragrance, a perpetual honeymoon to themselves, and
an instructive and inspiring example to others, and far
too sacred to be paraded before the public or even to be
spoken of in extended eulogistic terms. In their charm
ing home they live without ostentation, beloved most by
the cititzens of their own city, because these best know
them. Mr. M«Kinley is amiable without being weak, and
affable without being sycophantic. He is accessible of
approach and informal in his manners, but never to the
extent of encouraging vulgarity. He is pure and refined
in all his most intimate comminglings with his most in
timate acquaintances as he is in all his dealings with the
great public.
From his youth he has been a member of the Meth-

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XVII
odist Episcopal Church, and has been as consistent in
that relation as he has been in his political career. Al
though a devout Christian, he is entirely devoid of either
cant or bigotry, and believes that every soul in this great
republic should be left free to work out his highest moral
development according to his own best lights and pref
erences. He would never appoint a man to office be
cause he was a Methodist, nor bar an appointment to
one because he was a Catholic. He believes that the func
tions of the church are entirely distinct from the functions
of the state, and that • therefore their relations to each
other should never be compromised by confounding
them together.
Mr. McKinley, in accepting the nomination of the
Republican Party for the Presidential office, is thereby
placed in the forefront of the greatest contest that has
ever been waged in this century. And it may be vhat
the names of Abraham Lincoln and William McKinley
will go down in history together as inseparably con
nected with the two greatest crises of the modern era.
That McKinley is not unaware of the gravity of the sit
uation is evinced by the words he recently addressed to a
large delegation of the Grand Army of the Republic:
"We have reached a point in our history when all men
who love their country must unite to defeat by their
ballots the forces which now assault the country's hon
or. The future is the sacred trust of us all, South as well
as North. Honesty, like patriotism, can be bound neither
by state nor sectional lines. Financial dishonor is the
threatened danger now, and good men will obliterate old
lines of party in a united effort to uphold American
honor."

XVIII THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.

THE COMPLETE TEXT OF THE REPUBLICAN
PLATFORM, 1896.
The Republicans of the United States, assembled by
tlieir representatives in national convention, appealing
for the popular and historical justification of their claims
to the matchless archievements of thirty years of Repub
lican rule, earnestly and confidently address themselves
to the awakened intelligence, experience and conscience
of their countrymen in the following declaration of facts
and principles :
For the first time since the Civil war the American
people witnessed the calamitous consequences of full
and unrestricted Democratic control of the government.
It has been a record of unparalleled incapacity, dishonor
and disaster. In administrative management it has ruth
lessly sacrificed indispensable revenue, entailed an un
ceasing deficit, eked out ordinary current expenses- with
borrowed money, piled up the public debt by $262,000,-
000 in times of peace, forced an adverse balance of trade,
kept a perpetual menace hanging over the redemption
fund, pawned American credit to alien syndicates and re
versed all the measures and results of successful Repub
lican rule. In the broad effect of its policy it has precip
itated panics, blighted industry and trade with prolonged
depression, closed factories, reduced work and wages,.
halted enterprise and crippled American production, while
stimulating foreign production for the American market.
Every consideration of public safety and individual in
terest demands that the government shall be rescued
from the hands of those who have shown themselves

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XIX
incapable to conduct it without disaster at home and dis
honor abroad, and shall be restored to the party which
for thirty years administered it with unequaled success
and prosperity.

PROTECTION AND PROSPERITY.
We renew and emphasize our allegiance to the
policy of protection as the bulwark of American indus
try and independence and the foundation of American
development and prosperity. This true American policy
taxes foreign products and encourages home industry;
it puts the burden of revenue on foreign goods; it se
cures the American market for the American producer;
it upholds the American standard of wages for the Amer
ican workingman; it puts the factory by the side of the
farm and makes the American farmer less dependent
on foreign demand and price; it diffuses general thrift
and founds the strength of all on the strength of each.
In its reasonable application it is just, fair and impartial,
equally opposed to foreign control and domestic mo
nopoly in sectional discrimination and individual favorit
ism. We denounce the present Democratic tariff as sec
tional, injurious to the public credit and destructive to
business enterprise. We demand such an equitable tariff
on foreign imports which come into competition with
American products as will not only furnish adequate
revenue for the necessary expenses of the government,
but will protect American labor from degradation to the
wage level of other lands. We are not pledged to any

XX THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
particular schedules. The question of rates is a prac
tical question to be governed by the conditions of the
time and of production ; the ruling and uncompromising
principle is protection and development of American
labor and industry. The country demands a right set
tlement and then it wants rest.
RECIPROCITY.
We believe the repeal of the reciprocity arrange
ments negotiated by the last Republican administration
was a national calamity, and we demand their renewal
and extension on such terms as will equalize our trade
with other nations, remove the restrictions which now
obstruct the sale of American products in the ports of
other countries and secure enlarged markets for the
products of our farms, forests and factories. Protection
and reciprocity are twin measures of Republican policy
and go hand in hand. Democratic rule has recklessly
struck down both, and both must be re-established.
Protection for what we produce; free admission for the
necessaries of life which we do not produce; reciprocal
agreements of mutual interest which gain open mar
kets for us in return for our open market to others. Pro
tection builds up domestic industry and trade and se
cures our own market for ourselves; reciprocity builds
up foreign trade and finds an outlet for our surplus.
FOR SUGAR PRODUCERS.
We condemn the present administration for not
keeping faith with the sugar producers of this" country.
The Republican party favors such protection as will

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXI
lead to the production on American soil of all the sugar
which the American people use, and for which they pay
other countries more than $100,000,000 annually.
WOOL AND WOOLENS.
To all our products — to those of the mine and the
field as well as to those of the shop and the factory — to
hemp, to wool, the product of the great industry of sheep
husbandry, as well as to the finished woolens of the mill,
we promise the most ample protection.
MERCHANT MARINE.
We favor restoring the early American policy of
discriminating duties for the upbuilding of our merchant
marine and the protection of our shipping in the foreign
carrying trade, so that American ships — the product of
American labor, employed in American shipyards, sail
ing under the stars and stripes and manned, officered
and owned by Americans — may regain the carrying of
our foreign commerce. FOR THE GOLD STANDARD.
The Republican party is unreservedly for sound
money. It caused the enactment of the law providing
for the resumption of specie payments in 1879; since
then every dollar has been as good as gold.
We are unalterably opposed to every measure calcu
lated to debase our currency or impair the credit of our

XXII THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
country. We are therefore opposed to the free coinage
of silver except by international agreement with the
leading commercial nations of the world, which we
pledge ourselves to promote, and until such agreement
can be obtained the existing gold standard must be pre
served. All our silver and paper currency must be
maintained at parity with gold, and we favor all meas
ures designed to maintain inviolably the obligations of
the United States, and all our money, whether coin or
paper, at the present standard, the standard of the most
enlightened nations of the earth.
PENSIONS FOR VETERANS.
The veterans of the union army deserve and should
receive fair treatment and generous recognition. When
ever practicable they should be given the preference in
the matter of employment, and they are entitled- to the
enactment of such laws as are best calculated to secure
the fulfillment of the pledges made to them in the dark
days of the country's peril. We denounce the prac
tice in the pension bureau, so recklessly " and un
justly carried on by the present administration, of re
ducing pensions and arbitrarily dropping names from
the rolls, as deserving the severest condemnation of the
American people. FOREIGN RELATIONS.
Our foreign policy should be at all times firm, vig
orous and dignified, and all our interests in the western
hemisphere carefully watched and guarded. The Ha-

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXII]
waiian islands should be controlled by the United States,
and no foreign power should be permitted to interfere
with them; the Nicaraguan canal should be built, owned
and operated by the United States, and by the purchase
of the Danish islands we should secure a proper and
much-needed naval station in the West Indies.

ARMENIAN MASSACRES.
The massacres in Armenia have aroused the deep
sympathy and just indignation of the American people
and we believe that the United States should exercise all
the influence it can properly exert to bring these atroci
ties to an end. In Turkey American residents have been
exposed to the gravest dangers and American property
destroyed. There and everywhere American citizens
and American property must be absolutely protected at
all hazards and at any cost.

THE MONROE DOCTRINE.
We reassert the Monroe doctrine in its full extent
and we reaffirm the right of the United States to give
the doctrine effect by responding to the appeals of any
American state for friendly intervention in case of Eu
ropean encroachment. We have not interfered and shall
not interfere with the existing possession of any Eu
ropean power on this hemisphere, but these possessions
must not, on any pretext, be extended. We hopefully
look forward to the eventual withdrawal of the Euro-

XXIV THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
pean powers from this hemisphere and to the ultimate
union of all the English-speaking part of the continent
by the free consent of its inhabitants.

SYMPATHY FOR CUBA.
From the hour of achieving their own independence
the people of the United States have regarded with
sympathy the struggles of other American peoples to
free themselves from European domination. We watch
with deep and abiding interest the heroic battle of the
Cuban patriots against cruelty and oppression, and our
best hopes go out for the full success of their deter
mined contest for liberty.
The government of Spain having lost control of Cuba
and being unable to protect the property or lives of resi
dent American citizens, or to comply with its treaty obli
gations, we believe that the government of the United
States should actually use its influence and good offices
to restore peace and give independence to the island.

ENLARGEMENT OF THE NAVY.
The peace and security of the Republic and the main
tenance of its rightful influence among the nations of the
earth demand a naval power commensurate with its posi
tion and responsibility. We, therefore, favor the con
tinued enlargement of the navy and a complete system of
harbor and seacoast defenses.

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXV
FOREIGN IMMIGRATION.
For the protection of the quality of our American
citizenship and of the wages of our working men against
the fatal competition of low-priced labor, we demand
that the immigration laws be thoroughly enforced, and
so extended as to exclude from entrance to the United
States those who can neither read nor write.
CIVIL SERVICE.
The civil-service law was placed on the statute book
by the Republican party, which has always sustained
it, and we renew our repeated declarations that it shall
be thoroughly and honestly enforced and extended
wherever practicable. FOR A FREE BALLOT.
We demand that every citizen of the United States
shall be allowed to cast one free and unrestricted ballot,
and that such ballot shall be counted and returned as
cast. LYNCHING.
We proclaim our unqualified condemnation of the
uncivilized and barbarous practice well known as lynch
ing or killing of human beings suspected or charged
with crime without process of law.

XXVI THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
NATIONAL ARBITRATION.
We favor the creation of a national board of arbi
tration to settle and adjust differences which may arise
between employers and employed engaged in interstate
commerce. HOMESTEADS.
We believe in an immediate return to the free home
stead policy of the Republican party; and urge the pas
sage by Congress of the satisfactory free-homestead
measure wliich has already passed the House and is
now pending in the Senate.
ADMISSION OF TERRITORIES.
We favor the admission of the remaining territories
at the earliest practicable date, having due regard to the
interests of the people of the territories and of the United
States. All the federal officers appointed for the terri
tories should be elected from bona-fide residents thereof
and the right of self-government should be accorded as
far as practicable. ALASKA IN CONGRESS.
We believe the citizens of Alaska should have rep
resentation in the Congress of the United States, to the
end that needful legislation may be intelligently enacted.

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXVII
TEMPERANCE AND MORALITY.
We sympathize with all wise and legitimate efforts
to lessen and prevent the evils of intemperance and pro
mote morality. RIGHTS OF WOMEN.
The Republican party is mindful of the rights and
interests of women. Protection of American industries
includes equal opportunities, equal pay for equal work
and protection to the home. We favor the admission of
women to wider spheres of usefulness and welcome their
co-operation in rescuing the country from Democratic
and Populist mismanagement and misrule.
CONCLUSION.
Such are the principles and policies of the Republic
an party. By these principles we will abide, and these pol
icies we will put into execution. We ask for them the con
siderate judgment of the American people. Confident
alike in the history of our great party and in the justice
of our cause, we present our platform and our candi
dates in the full assurance that the election will bring
victory to the Republican party and prosperity to the
people of the United States.

XXVIII THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.

GOVERNOR McKINLEY'S FIRST CAMPAIGN
SPEECH.
The Republican nominee for President was visited
July n by the Thirty-second Ward Foraker Club of
Cleveland, 300 strong, with their wives and daughters.
They marched at once to Governor McKinley's resi
dence. After President D. H. Lucas had made a presen
tation address, Governor McKinley said:
"Mr. President, Ladies and Gentlemen and my Fel
low Citizens: — It gives me very great pleasure to wel
come you to my home city and to my home, and I ap
preciate more than I can find words to express the honor
and the compliment of this call. I thank you for your con
gratulations and the assurances of support which you
make for the great principles for which this year the Re
publican party stands. (Applause.) I congratulate you
upon having for your name one of the most illustrious
of our statesmen in Ohio, Joseph Benson Foraker. (Ap
plause.) "My fellow citizens, recent events have imposed up
on the patriotic people of this country a responsibility
greater than the Civil war. Then it was a struggle of
preserve the government of the United States, now it is
a struggle to preserve the honor of the government.
(Cries of "Yes" and applause.) Then it was a contest to
save the union. Now it is a contest to save spotless its
credit. (Great applause.)
Then section was arraigned against section. Now

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXIX
men of all sections can unite and will unite to rebuke the
repudiation of our obligations and the debasement of our
currency. (Applause.) PATRIOTISM ABOVE PARTY.
"In this contest patriotism is above party, and na
tional honor is dearer than party name. The currency
and the credit of the government are good now, and
must be kept good forever.
"Our trouble is not with the character of the money
that we have, but with the threat to debase it. We have
the same currency that we had in 1892 — good the world
over and unquestioned by any people. Then, too, we
had unexampled credit and prosperity. Our difficulty
now is to get that money in circulation and invested in
productive enterprises which furnished employment to
American labor. (Great applause.) This is impossible
with the distrust that hangs over the country at the
present time, and every effort to make our dollars or any
one of them worth less than one hundred cents each
only serves to increase the distrust.
"What we want is a sound policy, financial and in
dustrial, which will give courage and confidence to all,
for when that is done the money now unemployed be
cause of fear for the future and lack of confidence in in
vestment will quickly' appear in the channels of trade.
(Cries of "You are right, Major," and applause.)
EMPLOYMENT OF IDLE MONEY NEEDED.
"Gentlemen, the employment of our idle money, the
idle money that we already have, in gainful pursuits will

XXX THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
put every idle man in the country at work; and when
there is work there is wages, and when there are work
and wages there are consumers who constitute the best
market for the products of our soil.
Having destroyed business and confidence by a
free trade policy, it is now proposed to make things still
worse by entering upon an era of depreciated currency.
Not content with the inauguration of the ruinous policy
which has brought down the wages of the laborer and
the price of farm products, its advocates now offer
a new policy which igJLJiminishJhe value of the money
in which wages ancJt^-tHucts are paid. (Applause.)
Against both of these- we stand opposed. Our
creed embraces an honest dollar, an untarnished na
tional credit, adequate revenue for the uses of the gov
ernment, protection to labor and industry, preservation-
of the home market, and reciprocity which will extend
our foreign markets. Upon this platform we stand
and submit its declarations to the sober and considerate
judgment of the American people. (Great applause.)
"I thank you again for this call and greeting, and
it will give me great pleasure, ladies and gentlemen,
to meet you all personally." (Applause.)

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.

XXXI

GARRETT A. HOBART.

The Republican candidate for the Vise-Presidency,
nominated June 18 at the St. Louis Convention, is the
Hon. Garrett A. Hobart, of New Jersey, a man of the
very highest standing in his own State and worthy of the
great confidence reposed in him by the Grand Old
Party.

XXXII THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
His name was presented to the convention by his
New Jersey fellow-citizen and brother reformer, Frank
lin Fort, who spoke as follows:
"I rise to present to this convention the claims of
New Jersey to the Vice-Presidency.
"We come because we feel that we can for the first
time in our history bring to you a promise that our elec
toral vote will be cast for your nominee. If you complj
with our request this promise will surely be redeemed.
For forty years, through the blackness of darkness of a
universally triumphant Democracy, the Republicans of
New Jersey have maintained their organization and
fought as valiantly as if the outcome were to be assured
victory. Only twice through all this long period has the
sun shone in upon us. Yet, through all these weary
years, we have, like 'Goldsmith's Captive,' felt that
" 'Hope, like the gleaming taper's light,
Adorns and cheers our way; t
And still, as darker grows the night,
Emits a brighter ray.'
"We are proud of our public men. Their republic
anism and love of country has been welded in the furnace
of political adversity. That man is a Republican who
adheres tb the party in a State where there is no hope
for the gratification of personal ambitions. There are no
camp-followe»s in the minority party of any State. They
are all true soldiers in the militant army doing valiant
service without reward, gain or the hope thereof, from
principle only.
"A true representative of this class of Republicans
New Jersey will offer you to-day. He is in the prime

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXXIII
of life, a never faltering friend, with qualities of leader
ship unsurpassed, of sterling honor, of broad mind, of
liberal views, of wide public information, of great busi
ness capacity, and, with all, a parliamentarian who would
grace the Presidency of the Senate of the United States.
A native" of our State, the son of a humble farmer, he
was reared to love of country in sight of the historic
field of Monmouth on which the blood of our ancestors
was shed that the Republic might exist. From a poor
boy unaided and alone he has risen to his renown among
us. "In our State we have done for him all that the politi
cal condition would permit. He has been Speaker of
our Assembly and President of our Senate. He has been
the choice for United States Senator of the Republican
minority in the Legislature, and, had it been in our
power to have placed him in the Senate of the United
States he would long ere this have been there.
"His capabilities are such as would grace any position
of honor in the nation. Not for himself, but for our
State, not for his ambition, but to give to the nation the
highest type of public official do we come to this conven
tion by the command of our State and in the name of
the Republican party of New Jersey — unconquered and
unconquerable, undivided and indivisible — with our
united voice speaking for all that counts for good citi
zenship in our State, and nominate to you for the office
of Vice-President of the Republic Garrett A. Hobart, of
New Jersey."
On the first ballot Mr. Hobart was made the choice
of the convention.

XXXIV THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
Garrett A. Hobart was born in Long Branch, New
Jersey, in the year 1844, and is therefore one year young
er than Governor McKinley, being just fifty-two. He
graduated with honors from Rutgers College, a non-sec
tarian institution located at New Brunswick', N. J. He
studied law in the city of Paterson in the office of So
crates Tuttle, one of the greatest of New Jersey lawyers,
and when twenty-two years old was admitted to the bar.
He soon turned his attention to politics, but in the spirit
of the honest, whole-souled, unselfish reformer. In his
own party he always represented its best and purest
element; and in his fight against the supremacy of the
corrupt Democratic machine he never wavered or
flinched. Sent repeatedly to both Houses of the State Legisla
ture he was honored — whenever the Republicans hap
pened to control the body he was elected to — by the high
est positions in their gift. He was Speaker of the House
and President of the Senate of New JerSey.
For thirty years now Mr. Hobart has made Paterson
his home; there he married Miss Tuttle, the daughter
of his honored initiator into the intricacies of law and
equity. There his indefatigable labor has reared him a for
tune. He always interested himself in public improve
ments and has doubtless been one of the most influential
agents of Paterson's present prosperity.
Often before, in Republican as well as Democratic
National Conventions, the Vice-Presidential place on
the ticket has been awarded to a defeated and dis
gruntled faction, as a means of making it more certain
that this faction will not sulk in its tents through the

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXXV
campaign. The consequences of this method of com
pleting the ticket have not always been fortunate for the
country. Indeed, the Vice-President ought tq be one of the
closest of the President's advisers, and he ought to be
upon such terms of good understanding with the ad
ministration that in case of the President's death there
would be no likelihood of any marked change of policy.
An illustration lies near enough at hand. As matters have
stood during the present administration, the death of
President Cleveland might have precipitated the most
overwhelming financial panic this country has ever expe
rienced. For, while Mr. Cleveland has been doing battle
for the gold standard, not hesitating to emit issue after
issue of gold bonds in pursuance of his policy, his whole
cabinet working with him in the most aggressive fashion
for the maintenance of gold payments — nobody has ever
heard that Vice-President Stevenson was in sympathy
with the President. On the contrary, it has been generally
understood that Vice-President Stevenson is in favor of
the free coinage of silver.
Thus if, in any one of several emergencies which
have arisen within the past two years, death had over
taken the President, nobody could have guessed the con
sequences. Vice-President Stevenson would have entered
the White House, and in all likelihood the cabinet would
have been promptly reorganized. Mr. Stevenson might
have felt himself justified in instructing his new Secre
tary of the Treasury that silver dollars are full legal ten
der, and that they are "coin" within the meaning of
those laws which make government notes and securities

XXXVI THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
redeemable in lawful coin of the United States. Gold
would under such circumstances have commanded a
premium, and the situation would have presented many
aspects of the most perplexing if not threatening nature.
Nothing, therefore, could be more ill-advised than the
nomination for Vice-President of a man whose views
of public policy upon the most pressing issues of the
day are not known to be in absolute harmony with those
of the candidate for the Presidency.
In the case of the selection of Garrett A. Hobart it
happens, fortunately, that there is a complete under
standing and agreement between the two men nominated
at St. Louis; and, as regards the money plank and pro
tective tariff in particular, the one candidate will stand
as unequivocally for the maintenance of the existing
gold standard as will the other.
It would have been difficult to secure a better mate
to our unconquerable hero, WILLIAM McKINLEY.

SPEECH OF GARRETT A. HOBART
TO THE
Notification Committee.
Mr. Chairman and Gentlemen of the Committee:, I
beg to extend to you my grateful acknowledgements for
the very kind and flattering terms in which you convey
the formal announcement of my nomination for Vice-
President of the United States by the Republican national
convention at St. Louis. I am profoundly sensible of the

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXXVII
honor which has been done me and through me to the
state in which all my life has been spent, in my selection
as a candidate for this high office. I appreciate it the
more because it associates me, in a contest which in
volves the gravest issues, with one who represents in his
private character and public career the highest intelli
gence and best spirit of his party and with whom my
personal relations are such as to afford a guaranty of
perfect accord in the work of the campaign which is be
fore us.
It is sufficient for me to say at this time that, con
curring without any reserves in all the declarations of
principle and policy embodied in the St. Louis platform, I
accept the nomination tendered to me with a full apprecia
tion of its responsibilities and with an honest purpose, in
the event that the people shall ratify the choices made by
the national convention, to discharge any duties which
may devolve upon me with sole reference to the public
good. Let me add that it will be my earnest effort in the
coming campaign to contribute in every way possible to
the success of the party which we represent and which
to the important issues of the time stands for the best in
terests of the people. Uncertainty and instability as to
the money question involves most serious consequences
to every interest and to every citizen of the country.
The gravity of this question cannot be overestimated.
There can be no financial security, no business stability,
lio real prosperity where the policy of the government
as to that question is at all a matter of doubt. Gold is

XXXVIII THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
the one standard of value among all enlightened com
mercial nations. All financial transactions of whatever
character, all business enterprises, all individual or cor
porate investments are adjusted to it.
An honest dollar, worth 100 cents everywhere, can
not be coined out of 53 cents' worth of silver, plus a
legislative fiat. Such a debasement of our currency
would inevitably produce incalculable loss, appalling dis
aster, and national dishonor. It is a fundamental prin
ciple in coinage, recognized and followed by all the
statesmen of America in the past, and never yet safely de
parted from, that there can be only one basis upon which
gold and silver may .be concurrently coined as money,
and that basis is equality, not in weight, but in the com
mercial value of the metal contained in the respective
coins. This commercial value is fixed by the markets
of the world, with which the great interests of our coun
try are necessarily connected by innumerable business
ties which cannot be severed or ignored. Great and
self-reliant as our country is, it is great not alone within
its own borders and upon its own resources, but because
it also reaches out to the ends of the earth in all mani
fold departments of business, exchange and commerce,
and must maintain with honor its standing and credit
among the nations of the earth.
The question admits of no compromise. It is a vital
principle at stake, but it is in no sense partisan or sec
tional. It concerns all the people. Ours, as one of the fore
most nations, must have a monetary standard equal t®
the best. It is of vital consequence that this question

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XXXIX
should be settled now in such a way as to restore public
confidence here and everywhere in the integrity of our
purpose. A doubt of that integrity among the other
great commercial countries of the world will not only
cost us millions of money, but that which, as patriots, we
should treasure still more highly — our industrial and
commercial supremacy.
My estimate of the value of a protective policy has
been formed by the study of the object lesson of a great
industrial state extending over a period of thirty years.
It is that protection not only builds up important in
dustries from small beginnings, but that those and all
other industries flourish or languish in proportion as
protection is maintained or withdrawn. I have seen it
indisputably proved that the prosperity of the farmer,
merchant, and all other classes of citizens, goes hand in
hand with that of the manufacturer and mechanic. I
am firmly persuaded that what we need most of all to
remove the business paralysis that afflicts this country is
the restoration of a policy which, while affording ample
revenue to meet the expense of the government,, will re
open American workshops on full time and full-handed,
with their operatives paid good wages in honest dollars.
And this can only come under a tariff which will hold
the interests of our own people paramount in our polit
ical and commercial systems.
The opposite policy, which discourages American en
terprises, reduces American labor to idleness, diminishes
the earnings of American workingmen, opens our mar
kets to commodities from abroad which we should pro*

XL THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
duce at home, while closing foreign markets against our
products, and which, at the same time, steadily augments
the public debt, increasing the public burdens, while di
minishing the ability of the people to meet them, is a
policy which must find its chief popularity elsewhere than
among American citizens.
I shall take an early opportunity, gentlemen of the
committee, through you, to communicate to my fellow-
citizens with somewhat more of detail my views concern
ing the dominant questions of the hour and the crisis
which confronts us as a nation.
With this brief expression of my appreciation of the
distinguished honor that has been bestowed upon me,
-and this signification of my acceptance of the trust to
which I have been summoned, I place myself at the
service of the Republican party and of the country.
Crisp Answers
to THE
Main Silver Arguments.

What is the meaning of the phrase Sixteen to One?
Wrhen the present coinage system was adopted one
ounce of gold was worth about sixteen times as much as
an ounce of silver. Now it is worth nearly thirty-two
times as much. The silver dollar contains about sixteen
times as much metal as the gold dollar.
How can you prove that gold Is worth thirty-two times
as much as sliver?
Melt a ten-dollar gold piece into an ingot. Melt ten
silver dollars into an ingot. For the gold ingot you can

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XLI
get $IO.OO, but the silver ingot will sell for only
about $5.30. What do the silver men want?
To compel the government by law to take all the
silver bullion offered, and all the Mexican and other
foreign coin, the old spoons and silverware, melt them
up and coin them into silver dollars free of charge and
deliver to the owners one new dollar for every dollar's
weight of silver in the metal brought to the mint.
Is this what the free and unlimited coinage ef silver at the
ratio of Sixteen to One means?
Precisely this. Is not silver now demonetized ?
To demonetize means to cease using as money. We
use a great deal more silver as money than we ever did
before. Prior to the so-called demonetization act of
1873 we had only about $50,000,000 of silver in circula
tion. We had coined in all $146,570,000, but most of it
had been melted up, because the bullion in a silver coin
used to be worth more than the face value of the coin.
Now we have in silver, and silver certificates based on
silver in the Treasury, $610,000,000.
What did the act of 1873 do?
It was a general coinage act and it failed to provide
for continuing the coinage of silver dollars.
Have any silver dollars been coined since?
Yes, under the Bland-Allison act of 1878 and under
the Sherman act of 1890 there were coined $538,444,467
of silver, of which $431,320,457 was in silver dollars.

XLII THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
Are silver dollars a full legal tender?
Yes; just the same as gold and greenbacks. The
government is pledged by two acts of Congress to main
tain the equality of all forms of money — paper, gold and
silver, consequently silver dollars are worth just as
much as gold to circulate as money.
Is there any scarcity of silver to do the business of the
country ?
On the contrary, there are now in the Treasury about
350,000,000 silver dollars that cannot be kept in circula
tion because when put out they come back to be ex
changed for paper or gold. There are in actual circula
tion only 56,000,000 silver dollars.
What is the existing money standard of the country?
Gold, and it has been for over forty years, and by
means of this standard all the silver and all the paper is
worth one hundred cents to the dollar. The silver men
want to change to a silver standard, stop maintaining an
equality of value between gold, silver and paper and make
all obligations payable in silver dollars containing each
fifty-three cents worth of bullion.
Would not silver rise in value if this were done?
No; the experience of Mexico proves the contrary.
A Mexican dollar contains a little more silver than an
American dollar, but you can buy in Mexico nearly twice
as much of any commodity with Uncle Sam's dollar as
you can with the Mexican coin. That settles the ques
tion as to the government stamp fixing the value of

THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS. XLIII
money. The same is true of Japan, but that country,
through an imperial commission, has recently deter
mined to adopt the standard of civilized nations as soon
as practicable.
What would happen if we should adopt the silver standard ?
All the gold would go out of circulation, just as it
did during the civil war when we had irredeemable green
backs for money. Nobody denies this. There is no
gold in circulation in any silver standard country. In
this way we would lose the $612,000,000 of gold now in
the circulating medium. The $610,000,000 of silver coin
and certificates would lose half their purchasing power.
The $475,000,000 of paper money would be redeemable
only in silver and would fall to one-half its present value.
Figure this up and you will find that the total loss and
shrinkage in the circulating medium of the country
would be $1,154,500,000. We would have the greatest
business panic and collapse the world has ever seen.
Would not the debtor classes gain by having a cheaper
money with which to pay their debts?
A few people would, but most debts are in the form of
short-time notes and store accounts, which would be
pressed for payment before any silver law could be
passed. Most western farm mortgages are payable in
gold. Who would be the chief losers?
All wage-earners; all savings bank depositors, and
other bank depositors; all pensioners, all holders of life
and fire insurance policies, and all business men needing

XLIV THE GREAT REPUBLICAN CAMPAIGNS.
bank credits. Nobody would lend money of gold value
to be paid in money of silver value.
Are not the hard times caused by a scarcity of money ?
Decidedly not. We have more money now than we
had during the flush times from 1880 to 1890.
What, then, are the real causes of the hard times?
The necessary reaction from the period of overpro
duction and speculation ; the loss of capital in unproduct
ive investments; the effects of machinery on the cost of
producing farm products and manufactured articles, and
chief of all, just now, the lack of confidence caused by
the agitation for cheap silver money and the want of an
adequate protective tariff to secure for our industries
our own markets. What is the remedy ?
To cease agitating for a cheap and dishonest kind of
money; to hold fast to our present money standard and
keep every dollar worth 100 cents ; to secure a good pro
tective tariff, and finally for every man to be as indus
trious, saving and cheerful as he can.

THE CHICAGO WIGWAM,
Where the Republican Convention of 1860 was held.

HISTORICAL INTRODUCTION.

The political campaign of i860 will go down in history
as one of intense excitement. It was composed of four
tumultuous and exciting Conventions, each nominating
candidates for President and Vice President of the United
States. The Republican candidates were Lincoln and
Hamlin. The Democratic party was flying with two wings,
Douglas and Johnson representing the North, Breckin
ridge and Lane the South; finally Bell and Everett stood
for the "Constitutional Union Party."
It has been our aim to give a correct and impartial
history of these Conventions, together with their plat
forms. The material has been gathered from the "New
York Herald," "Springfield (Illinois) Journal" and from
other authentic sources of information, and it is confi
dently claimed that the volume will be useful as a book of
reference and of historical worth.
We have reproduced many of the badges, medals,
songs and other emblems that formed so prominent a part
in the great campaign of i860, the second in date, but

2 LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN :
the first in importance in the history of the Republican
party, and hope they will be interesting as an illustra
tion of the make-up of a Presidential Canvass.
The Republican Convention of 1896 will be similar to
that of i860, in respect to the prominent men who will
be candidates. In i860 the men whose names were pre
sented to the Convention were: William H. Seward, of
New York; Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois; Simon Cam
eron, of Pennsylvania; Edward Bates, of Missouri; Wil
liam L. Dayton, of New Jersey; John L. McLean and Sal
mon P. Chase, of Ohio.
The Republican Convention to be held at St. Louis,
June 16, 1896, will have presented for its votes all, or
nearly all, the following names :
William McKinley, of Ohio.
Thomas B. Reed, of Maine.
Levi P. Morton, of New York.
William B. Allison, of Iowa.
Shelby M. Cullom, of Illinois.
Matt S. Quay, of Pennsylvania.
Charles F. Manderson, of Nebraska.
Among the prominent Democrats whose names will
be presented before the Chicago Convention of July, 1896,
are: Grover Cleveland.
John G. Carlisle, of Kentucky.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 3
William C. Whitney, of New York.
David B. Hill, of New York.
William E. Russell, of Massachusetts.
William R. Morrison, of Illinois.
Richard P. Bland.
If a Republican is to be placed at the helm of this
grand union of States, we hope that one will be selected
that will have the welfare of all the people at heart, as did
Abraham Lincoln, the nominee of the Chicago Conven
tion in i860.
Mr. Lincoln called into his first Cabinet four of the
candidates who were before the Convention for the Presi
dency — William H. Seward, Secretary of State; Simon
Cameron, Secretary of War; Salmon P. Chase, Secretary
of the Treasury; and Edward Bates, Attorney General.
Caleb B. Smith, Secretary of the Interior, and Gideon
Welles, Secretary of the Navy, took an active part in the
Convention, and Montgomery Blair, Postmaster Gen
eral, was not present.
Many of the prominent men who were in the Conven
tion were rewarded with good appointments, although
nearly all of them were in opposition to Mr. Lincoln dur
ing the balloting. William L. Dayton was sent as minister
to France, Thomas Corwin to Mexico, N. B. Judd to
Prussia, Cassius M. Clay to Russia, Carl Schurz to Spain,
David K. Cartter to Bolivia, Frederick Hassaurek to
Ecuador.

4 LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN :
Among the men who figured prominently in the Con
vention, and afterward rose to distinction, are William
M. Evarts, of New York; Senator David Davis, of Illi
nois, Senator and Justice of the Supreme Court; George
S. Boutwell, Massachusetts, first Commissioner of Inter
nal Revenue in 1862, and Secretary of the Treasury under
Grant; F. P. Blair, Major General in the Union Army;
Horace Greeley, editor "N, Y. Tribune;" Thaddeus Ste
vens, Penn., member of Congress; William D. Kelly,
Penn., member of Congress; Thomas C. Fletcher, Mo.,.
Governor; C. F. Clarkson, Iowa, member of Congress;
Aaron F. Craigin, N, H., U. S. Senator; Columbus De
lano, Ohio, Secretary of the Interior; Ben Wade, Ohio,
U. S. Senator; Andrew G. Curtin, Penn., Governor; John
A. Andrew, Mass., Governor; Edwin D. Morgan, N. Y.,
Governor; Austin Blair, Mich., Governor; B. Gratz
Brown, Mo., Governor, and candidate for Vice President
with Horace Greeley; Thurlow Weed, N. Y., journalist,
etc., etc.
Abraham Lincoln was called to guide the ship of State
that rocked on the turbulent waves of War, com
mencing soon after his election and lasting until he died
in the fullness of his fame. OSBORN H. 0LDB0TD.
Washington, D. C, 1896.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

CHAPTER I.
Early Movements in Illinois for Lincoln.
The "Central Illinois Gazette," in 1859, hoisted
the name of "Abe Lincoln" for the Presidency, with the
following editorial:
"All men who have the success of the great cause at
heart, and who are able to divest themselves of local feel
ings and personal predilections, seem to see clearly the
force of the element of which his strength consists, and to
recognize in him, in an unsurpassed degree, that availa
bility which will be stronger than all other considerations
in determining the Chicago nominations. With 'Old Abe'
for President, and some sound and strong man from
Pennsylvania or New Jersey for Vice President, the Re
publican party could carry the West in one unbroken
sweep." * "* *
The "Chicago Press and Tribune" advanced the
claims of Mr. Lincoln in the following article, Feb
ruary, i860:
"Illinois claims that Mr. Lincoln, though without the
ripe experience of Seward, the age and maturity of Bates
and McLean, or the fire of Fessenden and Wade, has that

6 Lincoln's campaign :
rare and happy combination of qualities which, as a candi
date, enables him to outrank either. The movement in
his favor is spontaneous. He will enter upon the contest
with no clogs, no embarrassment; and this fact is a guar
antee of a glorious triumph.
"In all the fundamentals of Republicanism he is rad
ical up to the limit to which the party, with due respect
for the rights of the South, proposes to go. But nature
has given him that wise conservatism which has made
his actions and his expressed opinions so conform to the
most mature sentiment of the country on this question of
slavery, that no living man can put his finger on one of
his speeches or any one of his public acts as a state legis
lator or as a member of Congress to which valid objec
tion can be raised. His avoidance of extremes has not
been the result of ambition which measures words or reg
ulates acts, but the natural consequence of an equable na
ture and a mental constitution that is never off its balance.
"Mr. Lincoln is a man of the people. For his position
he is not indebted to family influence, the partiality of
friends, or the acts of the politician. All his early life a
laborer in the field, in the saw-mill, as a boatman on the
Wabash, Ohio and Mississippi, as a farmer in Illinois, he
has that sympathy with the men who toil and vote that
will make him strong. Later a valiant soldier in the Black
Hawk War, a student in the law office, bending his great
powers to overcome the defects of early training; then a
legislator, and at last a brilliant advocate in the highest
courts, and a popular leader of the great movements of the
age, there is enough of romance and poetry in his life to
fire all the land with shouting and song. Honest Old Abe!
Himself an outgrowth of free institutions, he would die
in the effort to preserve to others, unimpaired, the ines
timable blessings by which he has been made a man."

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. J
The Sangamon County Republican Convention met
at Springfield, April 28, i860, and passed the following
resolution :
"Resolved, That our distinguished fellow-citizen, the
tall pioneer of Sangamon County, Abraham Lincoln, is
our first choice for candidate for President of the United
States; that we deem ourselves honored to be permitted
to testify our personal knowledge, in every-day life, as
friends and neighbors, of his inestimable" worth as a pri
vate citizen, his faithful and able discharge of every public
trust committed to his care, and the extraordinary natural
gifts and brilliant attainments which, have not only made
his^name a household word in the Prairie State, but also
placed him among the wisest statesmen and most brilr
liant orators in the Union." & sjs ^e
The Illinois State Republican Convention was held at
Decatur, May 9 and 10, i860. The "Illinois State Jour
nal" of the next day narrates graphically the welcome
given "Old Abe" by his fellow-citizens:
"No feature of the Republican State Convention was
more clearly marked than the unanimity of sentiment
which was manifest there for the Hon. Abraham Lincoln.
The delegates from every part of the State vied with each
other in exhibitions of their unbounded admiration for
him. However they differed about other matters of party
expediency — however they conflicted in their views about
this or that candidate's claim for official honors — in 'glo
rious Old Abe' they found a common rallying point, and
they joined hands and hearts with fervent zeal in award
ing to him their distinguished consideration. In their
speeches, in their conversations and in every act, they sin
gled him out as the greatest popular champion of Repub-

8 Lincoln's campaign :
licanism, as the embodiment of their principles, and the
extinguisher of Douglas doughfaceism in the State.
"Mr. Lincoln's presence in the 'Wigwam' as a spec
tator of the proceedings of the Convention was the occa
sion of a particularly interesting episode. He had, in pur-

%J

Abe Lincoln.
(Engraved from a Photo taken in 1860, and very much used in tlie Campaign.)
suance of the courtesy extended to him, hardly taken his
seat upon the platform, amidst the wildest demonstrations
of enthusiasm, when Mr. Oglesby, of Decatur, announced
to the delegates that an old Democrat of Macon county,
who had grown gray in the service of that party, desired

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. g
to make a contribution to the Convention, and the offer
being accepted, forthwith two old time fence rails, deco
rated with flags and streamers, were borne through the
crowd into the Convention, bearing the inscription :

ABRAHAM LINCOLN
The Rail Candidate
For President in i860.

Two rails from a lot of 3,000 made
in 1830 by Thos. Hanks and Abe Lin
coln — whose father was the first pio
neer of Macon County.
"The effect was electrical. One spontaneous burst of
applause went up from all parts of the 'Wigwam,' which
grew more and more deafening as it was prolonged, and
which did not wholly subside for ten or fifteen minutes
after. The cheers upon cheers which rent the air could
have been heard all over the adjacent country."
In that memorable Convention John M. Palmer (now
U. S. Senator from Illinois) offered the following reso
lution, which was enthusiastically adopted:
"Resolved, That Abraham Lincoln is the choice of
the Republican party of Illinois for the Presidency, and
the delegates from this State are instructed to use all
honorable means to secure his nomination by the Chi
cago Convention, and to vote as a unit for him."

IO LINCOLN S CAMPAIGN

CHAPTER II.
The National Democratic Convention, and the
Secession from Its Ranks.
The National Democratic party met in Convention
in Institute Hall, at Charleston, South Carolina, April
23, i860. There was a full attendance of delegates from
every State in the Union. Caleb Cushing was made Per
manent President.
From Mr. Cushing's address we extract the following
remarkable passage:
"Ours, gentlemen, is the motto inscribed on that scroll
in the hands of the monumental statue of the great states
man of South Carolina, 'Truth, Justice and Constitu
tion.' Opposed to us are those who labor to overthrow
the Constitution under the false and insidious pretense
of supporting it ; those who are aiming to produce in this
country a permanent sectional conspiracy — a traitorous
sectional conspiracy, of one-half of the States of the Union
against the other half; those who, impelled by the stupid
and half insane spirit of faction and fanaticism, would
hurry our land on to revolution and to civil war. These,
the banded enemies of the Constitution, it is the part,
the high and noble part, of the Democracy of the Union

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION . OF 1 860. II
to withstand, to strike down and to conquer. Aye, that
is our part, and we will do it in the name of our dear
country — with the help of God we will do it; aye, we
will do it; for, gentlemen, we will not distrust ourselves;
we will not despair of the genius of our countiy; we will
continue to repose with undoubting faith in the good
providence of Almighty God."
On the fifth day the Committee on Platform reported
to the Convention. A majority report was made on a
platform which was adopted in committee by the slave-
holding States and Oregon and California, and a minor
ity report was made on a platform adopted by the Com
mittee from the non-slaveholding States with the excep
tion of Massachusetts. Benjamin F. Butler, of Massa
chusetts, presented a platform, besides several independ
ent ones.
On the sixth day the Douglas minority platform was
adopted by a vote of 165 to 138, whereupon the dele
gates from South Carolina, Alabama, Mississippi, Louis
iana, Texas, Arkansas and Florida withdrew from the
Convention. It was pretty generally understood at the
beginning of- the Convention that the Southern dele
gates would vote for no Northern candidate or Northern
platform. Here is the National Democratic (Douglas) platform :
"Resolved, That we, the Democracy of the Union,
in Convention assembled, hereby declare our affirmance
of the resolutions unanimously adopted and declared as a

12 LINCOLN S CAMPAIGN:
platform of principles by the Democratic Convention at
Cincinnati in the year 1856, believing that Democratic
principles are unchangeable in their nature when applied
to the same subject matter, and we recommend as our
only further resolutions the following:
"Inasmuch as differences of opinion exist inthe Dem
ocratic party as to the nature and extent of the powers
of a Territorial legislature, and as to the powers and du
ties of Congress, under the Constitution of the United
States, over the institution of slavery within the Terri
tories; "2. That the Democratic party will abide by the de
cision of the Supreme Court of the United States on the
questions of Constitutional law.
"3. That it is the duty of the United States to afford
ample and complete protection to all its citizens, at home
or abroad, and whether native or foreign born.
"4. That one of the necessities of the age, in a mili
tary, commercial and postal point of view, is speedy com
munication between the Atlantic and Pacific States, and
the Democratic party pledge such constitutional govern
ment aid as will insure the construction of a railroad to
the Pacific coast at the earliest practicable period.
"5. That the Democratic party is in favor qf the
acquisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall
be honorable to ourselves and just to Spain.
"6. That the enactments of State Legislatures to de
feat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law
are hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution
and revolutionary in their effect.
"7. Resolved, That it is in accordance with the true
interpretation of the Cincinnati platform, that, during
the existence of the Territorial Governments, the meas
ure of restriction, whatever it may be, imposed by the
Federal Constitution on the power of the Territorial Leg
islature over the subject of the domestic relations, as the

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF lS6o. 12
same has been, or shall hereafter be, finally determined
by the Supreme Court of the United States, shall be re
spected by all good citizens, and enforced with prompt
ness and fidelity by every branch of the General Govern
ment." For three days the Convention balloted ineffectually
for candidates, Douglas leading by 150 1-2 till the twenty-
third ballot, when he gained two; on the thirty-sixth
ballot he fell to 151 1-2, which he continued to poll until
the fifty-seventh. Failing to nominate him by the neces
sary two-thirds vote the Convention adjourned in despair,
on the 3rd of May and tenth day of the Convention, to
*
meet in Baltimore on the 18th of June.
* * *
The Southern Seceders' Convention.
The Southern Seceders met in Convention at St.
Andrew's Hall, Charleston, May ist, and called John
C. Preston, of South Carolina, to the chair, and he de
livered the following address :
"We only know the imperiled institutions of our coun
try, and we are here to preserve our rights and to re
dress our wrongs. If we had submitted quietly to the
unjust proceedings of the Convention we have left, we
should have done that which would have driven us from
the land our forefathers gave us; we should have had
denied to us the liberty they fought for; and ultimately
we would have been driven from the spot in which their
sacred ashes repose."
Mr. Yancey then took the floor, and gave his views
on the position occupied by the Southern delegates :

14. Lincoln's campaign :
"We appear here simply as citizens of the States in
which we live. We were sent to the National Demo
cratic Convention as delegates; but our mission has
been fulfilled, and we retire as mere citizens from the
late National Convention, for it is a mere sectional gath
ering. A few Southern delegates still remain there; but
it is in the hope of being able to induce the majority to
forego their black Republican purposes that I now pro
pose that we shall take no action at present, but remain
here to watch the proceedings of that body of which we
were recently members. Should they nominate Stephen
Arnold Douglas, it will then become our duty to pre
sent or recommend to the people of the United States
candidates for President and Vice President of the United
States on a fair, just and constitutional basis, and, there
fore, a Southern basis. No action, however, should be
taken by the seceding delegates until the proper time ar
rived." The Convention adjourned to the Military Hall, where
the roll call was answered by delegates from Florida, Al
abama, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas, the entire del
egations from South Carolina and Arkansas with the
exception of one vote. Georgia had twenty-six out oi
thirty-three, Delaware had two, and there were one
each from Virginia and Missouri. James A. Bayard, of
Delaware, was elected permanent Chairman.
On the second day the Convention adopted the fol
lowing platform, which was the one reported by a ma
jority of the Committee on Platform in the regular Con- '
vention :
"Resolved, That the platform adopted by the Dem-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 15
ocratic party at Cincinnati be affirmed, with the following
explanatory resolutions :
"1. That the government of a territory organized by
an act of Congress is provisional and temporary, and
during its existence all citizens of the United States have
an equal right to settle with their property in the terri
tory, without their rights, either of person or property,
being destroyed or impaired by Congressional or terri
torial legislation.
"2. That it is the duty of the Federal Government, in
all its departments, to protect, when necessary, the rights
of persons and property in the territory, and wherever
else its constitutional authority extends.
"3. That when the settlers in a territory, having an
adequate population, form a State constitution, in pur
suance of law, the right of sovereignty commences, and
being consummated by admission into the Union, they
stand on an equal footing with the people of other States,
and a State thus organized ought to be admitted into the
Federal Union, whether its constitution prohibits or rec
ognizes the institution of slavery.
"4. That the Democratic party are in favor of the ac
quisition of the island of Cuba, on such terms as shall be
honorable to ourselves and just to Spain, at the earliest
practicable moment.
"5. 'That the enactments of State Legislatures to de
feat the faithful execution of the Fugitive Slave Law are
hostile in character, subversive of the Constitution and
revolutionary in their effect.
"6. That the Democracy of the United States recog
nize it as the imperative duty of this government to. pro
tect the naturalized citizen in all his rights, whether at
home or in foreign lands, to the same extent as its na
tive-born citizens.
"Whereas, One of the greatest necessities of the age,
in a political, commercial, postal and military point of

16 Lincoln's campaign:
view, is a speedy communication between the Pacific
and Atlantic coasts, therefore be it
"Resolved, That the Democratic party do hereby
pledge themselves to use every means in their power to
secure the passage of some bill, to the extent of the con
stitutional authority of Congress, for the construction of
a Pacific Railroad from the Mississippi River to the Pa
cific Ocean, at the earliest practicable moment."

On the 3rd, the Convention assembled and Mr. Meek,
from Alabama, moved that a committee be appointed
to prepare an address giving the reasons for the course
pursued. He further said that any Southern State that
shall go into the Baltimore convention, goes in it as an
approver of squatter-sovereign doctrines. Quite a pro
longed debate took place upon this subject.
Mr. Bayard left the chair and addressed the Conven
tion. He approved of the platform, but it was not in the
language that he would prefer. He was unwilling to as
sent to the preparation of an address by a committee,
which was to go forth to the country before he could
have an opportunity of examining it. He could not trust
any man or set of men, however able and patriotic they
might be, to speak to the public for him. He desired the
unity of the Democratic party, and was prepared to sup
port their nominee if he should prove to be a truly Na
tional man. But he must ask the permission of the Con
vention to allow him to decline the position in which

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 1J
they had placed him, and to retire from the Conven
tion. Robert Scott, of Alabama, was then chosen Presi
dent. A resolution providing that an address or narra
tive of the grounds on which the Southern States seceded
from the National Convention be prepared and published,
together with the proceedings of this Convention, was
adopted, when the Convention adjourned to meet in Rich
mond, Va., June ii. One hundred guns were fired from
several of the Southern cities, and enthusiastic meetings
held in honor of the final withdrawal of the Southern
States from the National Convention.
* * *
In accordance with the above resolution the seced
ing delegates assembled in the Metropolitan Hall, in
Richmond, Va., on June n. On the second day a son of
John C. Calhoun reported, for permanent President, John
Erwin, of Alabama. The Committee on Credentials re
ported delegates from Arkansas, Alabama, Texas, Louis
iana, Mississippi, North Carolina, Florida, Georgia, the
Second District of Tennessee and the Seventh District
of Virginia. Mr. Baldwin, of New York, made an ap
peal for admission for his delegation, and all efforts to
break him off were unavailing until a, motion was made
and carried to adjourn until the 21st.

i8

Lincoln's campaign :

DOUGLAS AND JOHNSON.
Democratic Candidates for President and Vice President

The adjourned Charleston Democratic Convention
(regular) met at Baltimore June 18 and lasted until the
23rd. The dissensions which marked the Convention at
Charleston were renewed at Baltimore. The breach be
tween the Northern and Southern Democrats was
widened, and the feeling of partisan bitterness was re
newed. When the Convention was about to proceed to
ballot for President, Hon. Caleb Cushing, President of
the Convention, after a brief speech, withdrew from the
Convention. Governor David Todd, of Ohio, one of
the Vice Presidents, then took the chair, amid tremen-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 19
dous applause from the Douglas men. The Convention
then ' proceeded to nominate. On the first ballot Mi.
Douglas received 176 1-2; Guthrie, 19; Dickinson, 1-2;
Breckinridge, 7. The second ballot resulted as follows:
Douglas, 173 1-2; scattering, 17 1-2. Mr. Hodge, of Vir
ginia, asked to have another ballot in order that all might
have another chance of voting, and that then, if any re
fused to vote, depriving the Convention of a two-thirds
vote, he would move to declare Mr. Douglas the nom
inee. The Convention again balloted, resulting as fol
lows: Douglas, 181; Breckinridge, 7 1-2; Guthrie, 5 1-2.
The President of the Convention said: "With heart
felt satisfaction, as presiding officer of this Convention,
I declare Stephen A. Douglas, by unanimous vote, the
candidate of the Democratic party of the Union for Pres
ident of these United States, and may God, in His infi
nite mercy, protect him and the Union he represents."
The Convention rose, the long pent up feelings broke
out in cheers, and the utmost enthusiasm prevailed in
side the building. The band played in the gallery, and
was greeted with great applause. A banner was displayed
in the gallery with the motto "Pennsylvania will hold
the arch firm;" another white banner was displayed on
the floor with the words, "Pennsylvania is good for 40,000
majority for Douglas." (To show how little Convention
enthusiasm can be relied upon, Pennsylvania went 59,000

20 Lincoln's campaign :
for Lincoln!) A letter was read from Mr. Douglas, in
which he said: "Whatever you may do in the premises
will meet my hearty approval. But I conjure you to act
with a single eye to the safety and welfare of the country,
and without the slightest regard to my individual inter
ests or aggrandizement."
Hon. Benjamin Fitzpatrick, of Alabama, was chosen
as a candidate for Vice President, but, in a letter after
wards declined the honor, and on the 26th of June the
National Democratic Committee selected Herschel V.
Johnson, of Georgia, as the nominee in his place. The
Convention adjourned on the 23rd.
The Convention of Southern Delegates seceding from
the National Democratic Convention at Charleston, met
in convention for the third time, in the Maryland Insti
tute at Baltimore, at 11 o'clock, June 23, three-quarters
of an hour after the Douglas Convention had adjourned
sine die. Mr. Walker, of Alabama, made a report, pre
senting the name of Hon. Caleb Cushing (who had with
drawn from the Presidency of the Douglas Convention)
for President of the Convention. The name of Mr. Cush
ing was received with cheers, and his nomination carried
by acclamation. Mr. Loring, of Massachusetts, ad
dressed the Convention, pledging Massachusetts to stand
by the South in her struggle for Constitutional right,

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 21

BRECKINRIDGE AND LANE.
Southern Candidates for President and Vice President,
and placed in nomination John C. Breckinridge, of Ken
tucky, for President of the United States. The other
nominations were: R. M. Hunter, of Virginia; Daniel
S. Dickinson, of New York; Joseph Lane, of Oregon;
Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi. The Mississippi delega
tion withdrew the name of Mr. Davis, and the names of
Mr. Hunter and Mr. Lane were also withdrawn. An
attempt was made to nominate without a ballot, but
failed. When the vote was carried, the whole number of
votes cast was 105, of which Mr. Breckinridge received
81 and Mr. Dickinson 24. The States casting their votes
for Dickinson then withdrew his name, giving the full

22 LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN :
vote of the Convention, 105, for Breckinridge. Joseph
Lane was nominated for Vice President on the first ballot,
receiving 105 votes. Deafening calls were made for Mr.
Yancey, who took the platform amidst cheers. He con
gratulated the Convention on the nomination of a rep
resentative* of the State rights Democracy, who was pre
pared to maintain their rights and the Constitution. Mr.
Cushing returned thanks, and congratulated the Conven
tion both on platform and candidates, after which the
Convention adjourned.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 23

BELL AND EVERETT.
Union Candidates for President and Vice President.

CHAPTER III.
The Constitutional Union Convention.
The Constitutional Union Convention met in the
First Presbyterian Church, corner of Fayette and North
streets, Baltimore, Maryland, May 9, i860, and in the
afternoon of that day chose as its President, Washington
Hunt, of New York, and designated one Vice President
from each State, also eleven secretaries.

24 LINCOLN S CAMPAIGN:
On the second day, the Committee on Business re
ported the following:
"Whereas, Experience has demonstrated that plat
forms adopted by the partisan Conventions of the coun
try have had the effect to mislead and deceive the people,
and at the same time to widen the political divisions of
the country, by the creation and encouragement of geo
graphical and sectional parties; therefore,
"Resolved, That it is both the part of patriotism and
duty to recognize no political principle other than the
Constitution of the country, the Union of the States, and
the enforcement of the laws ; and that, as the representa
tives of the Constitutional Union men of the country in
National Convention assembled, we hereby pledge our
selves to maintain, protect and defend, separately and
unitedly, these great principles of public liberty and na-'
tional safety, against all enemies at home and abroad,
believing that thereby peace may once more be restored
to the country, the rights of the people of the States re
established, and the Government again placed in that
condition of justice, fraternity and equality which, under
the example and Constitution of our fathers, has sol
emnly bound every citizen of the United States -to main
tain a more perfect union, establish justice, insure do
mestic tranquillity, provide for the common defense, pro
mote the general welfare and secure the blessings of lib
erty to ourselves and our posterity."
This platform was adopted by acclamation,' and John
Bell, of Tennessee, was elected on the first ballot for
candidate for President.
Mr. Henry, of Tennessee, a grandson of Patrick
Henry, thanked the Convention in the name of Tennes-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 25
see for the honor conferred on the State by the noimna-
tion of John Bell, whom he announced patriotic and
above all sectionalism. His life has been devoted to the
common good and common weal of all America. If
elected, his administration would be pure, patriotic and
Constitutional. But it was said he was too slow, too cau
tious. That was a merit possessed by the Father of his
country. A cautious man held the helm of reason to
control his conduct. For himself, he could have fought
under no other banner than that which looked to the
honor, glory and perpetuation of the Union. The Revo
lutionary blood that flowed in his veins must be his ex
cuse for dwelling upon the preservation of the Union.
What must be the result of internecine war? To be true
to his section he must rally to the standard of his State,
and his venerable brother in Iowa must in like manner
be true to his section. Thus, brother would have to dye
his hands in the blood of a brother. How horrible the
. idea. Edward Everett, of Massachusetts, was nominated
for Vice President. After a number of speeches were
made endorsing the ticket nominated, the Convention
adjourned.

26

Lincoln's campaign :

Lincoln and Hamlin.
Republican Candidates for President and Vice President,

CHAPTER IV.
The National Republican Convention,
At 12 o'clock noon, on Wednesday, the 16th of May,
i860, the National Republican Convention met in Chi
cago, Illinois.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 27
The Convention was held in a large building on Lake
street, called the "Wigwam," put up for the purpose. As
soon as the doors were opened, the entire body of the
Wigwam was solidly packed with men, the galleries be
ing equally packed with ladies. There were not less than
ten thousand persons in the building, while an immense
crowd were unable to get inside.
Governor E. D. Morgan, of New York, Chairman
of the National Republican Committee, called the Con
vention to order, read the call, and delivered the follow
ing address:
"Usage has made it my duty to take the preliminary
step toward organizing the Convention — a Convention
upon the proceedings of which, permit me to say, the
most momentous results are depending. No body of
men of equal number was ever clothed with greater re
sponsibility than those now within the hearing of my
voice. You do not need me to tell you, gentlemen, what
the responsibility is. While one portion of the adherents
of the National administration are endeavoring to insert
a slave-code into the party platform, another portion ex
hibits its readiness to accomplish the same result through
the action of the Supreme Court of the United States,
willing, by the indication, to do indirectly that which,
if done directly, would bring a blush even to the cheek
of modern Democracy.
"While these and other stupendous wrongs, abso
lutely shocking to the moral sentiment of the country,
are to be fastened upon the people by the party in power,
if its leaders are able to bring the factious elements that
compose it into any degree of unanimity, there seems left

28 Lincoln's campaign:
no ray* of hope except in the good sense of this Conven
tion. "Let me, then, invoke you to act in a spirit of har
mony, that by the dignity, the wisdom and the patriotism
displayed here you may be enabled to enlist the hearts
of the people, and to strengthen them in the faith that
yours is the Constitutional party of the country, and the
only Constitutional party; that you are actuated by prin
ciple, and that you will be guided by the light and by
the example of the fathers of the republic."
Hon. David Wilmot, of Pennsylvania, the Temporary
Chairman, on taking the chair, spoke as follows:
"A great sectional and aristocratic party, or interest,
has for years dominated with a high hand over the po
litical affairs of this country. That interest has wrested,
and is now wresting, all the great powers of this govern
ment to the one object of the extension of slavery. It
is our purpose, gentlemen, it is the mission of the Re
publican party and the basis of its organization, to re
sist this policy of a sectional interest. It is our mission
to restore this government to its original policy, and
place it again in that rank upon which our fathers or
ganized and brought it into existence.
"The Constitution was not ordained and established
for the purpose of extending slavery within the limits of
this country; it was not ordained and established for the
purpose of guaranteeing and securing that institution.
Our fathers regarded slavery as a blot upon our coun
try. They went down into their graves with the earnest
hope and confident belief ihat but a few more years and
that blot would be extinguished from our land. No,
citizens! This republic was established for the purpose
of securing the guarantees of liberty, of justice and
righteousness to the people and to their posterity. That

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 29
was the great object with which the Revolution was
fought; these were the purposes for which the Union
and the Constitution were formed. Slavery is sectional;
liberty national. (Immense' applause.)
"And, fellow-citizens, shall we, in building up this
great Empire of ours, in fulfilling that high and sacred
trust imposed upon us by our fathers — shall we support
this blighting, this demoralizing institution throughout
the vast extent of our border? (Voices, loudly, 'No!')
Or shall we preserve this land as a free land to our pos
terity forever?"
Rev. Z. M. Humphrey, of the First Presbyterian
Church of Chicago, then offered prayer, amid the pro
found silence of the vast audience.
The rules of the House of Representatives were
adopted for the Convention.
The afternoon session was called to order at 5:15
p. m. The Committee on Permanent Organization re
ported the election of Hon. George Ashmun, of Massa
chusetts, as Permanent President. The President was
conducted to the chair amid enthusiastic applause. He
then addressed the Convention :
"Gentlemen of the Convention, Republicans, Ameri
cans: "We have come here to-day at the call of our coun
try, from widely separated homes, to fulfill a great and
important duty. No ordinary call has brought us to
gether; nothing but a momentous question would have
called this vast multitude here to-day — nothing but deep
sense of the danger into which our Government is fast

3°

LINCOLN S CAMPAIGN '.

running could have rallied the people thus in this city
to-day for the purpose of rescuing the Government from
the deep degradation into which it has fallen. (Loud
applause.) We are here in the ordinary capacity as dele
gates of the people, to prepare for the formation and car
rying on of a new administration, and with the help of

GEO. ASHMUN,
President of the Convention.

the people we will do it. (Applause.) No mere con
troversy about miserable abstractions has brought us
here to-day; we have not come here on any idle ques
tion. The sacrifice which most of us have made in the
extended journey, and in the time devoted to it, could

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF 1 860. 31
have been made only upon some solemn call; and the
stern look which I see on every face, and the earnest be
havior which has been manifested "in all the preliminary
discussions, show full well that we will have a true and
deep sense of the solemn obligation which is resting upon
us. Gentlemen, it does not belong to me to make an
extended address, but allow me to say that I think that
I have a right here to-day, in the name of the American
people, to declare that we impeach the Administration
of our General Government of the highest crimes which
can be committed against a Constitutional Government,
against a free people and against humanity. (Prolonged
cheers.) The catalogue of its crimes is not for me to
recite. It is written upon every page of the history of
the present Administration, and I care not how many
paper-protests the President may send to the House of
Representatives. (Laughter and applause.) We here
will find out for him and his confederates not merely
punishment, terrible and sure, but a remedy which shall
be satisfactory." THE OFFICERS OF THE CONVENTION.
* PRESIDENT:
Hon. George Ashmun, of Massachusetts.
VICE PRESIDENTS:
California  A. A. Sargent
Connecticut  C. F. Cleveland
Delaware  John C. Clark
Iowa  H. P. Scholte
Illinois  David Davis
Indiana  John Beard
Kentucky  W. D. Gallagher
Maine  Samuel F. Hersey
Maryland  William L. Marshall

32

Lincoln's campaign :

Massachusetts  Ensign H, Kellogg
Michigan  Thomas White Ferry
Minnesota  Aaron Goodrich
Missouri  Henry T. Blow
New York  William Curtis Noyes
New Jersey  E. Y. Rogers
New Hampshire  William Hoile
Ohio  George D. Burgess
Oregon  Joel Burlingame
Pennsylvania  ..  Thaddeus Stevens
Rhode Island  Rowland G. Hazzard
Texas  William T. Chandler
Vermont  William Hebard
Virginia  R. Crawford
Wisconsin  '  Hans Crocker
Nebraska  ,  A. S. Paddock
Kansas. . ,  W. W. Ross
District of Columbia  George Harrington

sK * *

The Convention assembled in the Wigwam at io
o'clock Thursday morning. Rev. W. W. Patton, of the
First Congregational Church, Chicago, offered, prayer.
The President read a message from outside, asking for
speakers to entertain the twenty thousand Republicans
and their wives who were outside the building. Hon.
Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, from the Committee on Ol
der of Business, made the following report:
REPORT.
"Rule i. Upon all subjects before the Convention,
the States and Territories shall be called in the follow
ing manner: Maine, New Hampshire, Vermont, Massa-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 33
chusetts, Rhode Island, Connecticut, New York, New
Jersey, Pennsylvania, Maryland, Delaware, Virginia,
Kentucky, Ohio, Indiana, Missouri, Texas, Wisconsin,
Iowa, California, Minnesota, Oregon, Kansas, Nebraska,
District of Columbia.
"Rule 2. Four votes' shall be cast by the delegates at
large of each State, and each Congressional District shall
be entitled to two votes. The votes of each delegation
shall be reported by its chairman.
"Rule 3. The report of the Committee on Platform
and Resolutions shall be acted upon before the Conven
tion proceed to ballot for candidates for President and
Vice President.
"Rule 4. Three hundred and four votes, being a ma
jority of the whole number of votes when all the States
of the Union are represented in this Convention, accord
ing to the rates of representation presented in Rule 2,
shall be required to nominate the candidates of this Con
vention for the offices of President and Vice President.
"Rule 5. The rules of this Convention will be the rules
of the House of Representatives, in so far as they are ap
plicable and not inconsistent with the foregoing rules."
Mr. A. B. James, of New York, offered the following
report :
"Before we proceed to act upon those rules, I wish to
say that, when the committee met, there were but seven
teen out of twenty-three members present; that the
fourth rule which has been adopted was only adopted.by
one majority, and, as a member of that committee, I pro
pose to offer a substitute, which I will read as follows:
" 'The minority of the Committee on Business and
Rules propose the following amendment to the Fourth
Rule, as a minority report:
" ' "Fourth. That a majority of the whole number of

34

Lincoln's campaign :

votes represented in this Convention, according to the
votes prescribed by the second rule, shall be required to
nominate a candidate for President and Vice Presi
dent." ' "
Mr. D. K. Cartter, of Ohio, moved that the considera
tion of the Report on Rules be postponed, until the re
port from the Committee on Credentials was made. The
Committee on Credentials reported the following as the
votes of the States in the Convention:
California  8
Connecticut  12
Delaware  6
Iowa  32
Illinois  22
Indiana  26
Kentucky  24
Maine  16
Maryland  10
Massachusetts  26
Michigan  12
Minnesota  -.  8
Missouri  18
New York  70
New Jersey  28
New Hampshire  10
Ohio   48
Oregon  5
Pennsylvania  54
Rhode Island  8
Texas  8
Vermont  10
Virginia  30

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 35
Wisconsin  10
Kansas  6
Nebraska  6
District of Columbia  4
A long discussion followed in regard to the delegates
from some of the States named, and a roll of the States
was called on the motion of Mr. Lowery, of Pennsylva
nia, to recommit the report to the Committee on Cre
dentials. The vote of the States stood: Yes, 275 1-2;
no, 172 1-2. The Convention then adjourned to meet
at 3 o'clock.
The Convention reassembled at 3:15 p. m., and the
President, upon taking the chair, suggested that there
were outside of the building twice as many honest hearts
and wise heads as there were within it, and they had re
quested him to invite Governor Randall to go out and
favor them with his views. Mr. Tracy, of California,
said Mr. Corwin had better go out with Governor Ran
dall. Mr. Benton, of New Hampshire, Chairman of the
Committee on Credentials, reported that the committee
found gentlemen entitled to seats in the following States,
and each State to the following number of delegates:
No. of No. of
States. Delegates. Electors.
Maine  • ¦ • 16 8

g6 Lincoln's campaign :
New Hampshire  io 5
Vermont  10 5
Massachusetts  26 13
Rhode Island  ."  8 4
Connecticut  12 6
New York  70 35
New Jersey  14 7
Pennsylvania  54 27
Maryland  11 8
Delaware  6 3
Virginia  23 15
Kentucky  26 12
Ohio  46 23
Indiana  26 13
Missouri  18 9
Michigan  12 6
Illinois  22 11
Wisconsin  10 5
Iowa  8 11
California  8 4
Minnesota  8 4
-Oregon .*  5 3
Territories.
Kansas  6
Nebraska  6
District of Columbia  2
On motion of Mr. Corwin, the report of the Commit
tee on Rules and the Order of Business was taken from
the table. Rules 1, 2 and 3 were adopted, and the ma
jority report of Rule 4 was amended by the substitution
of the minority report as follows : "That the majority of
the whole number of votes represented in this. Conven
tion, according to the ratio prescribed by the Indiana

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. ' 37
Rule, shall be required to nominate candidates for Pres
ident and Vice President." The vote stood 358 1-2 for
the amendment and 94 1-2 against it.
Mr. William Jessup, of Pennsylvania, from the Com-

WM. H. SEWARD.

mittee on Platform and Resolutions, reported that the
following resolution had been adopted with great
unanimity, there being but one or two dissenting votes
on several of the resolutions. The" Convention then

g8 Lincoln's campaign.
adopted them unanimously after several verbal amend
ments. * * *
PLATFORM OF THE REPUBLICAN PARTY.
Adopted in Convention at Chicago, May 18, i860.
"Resolved, That we, the delegated representatives
of the Republican electors of the United States, in Con
vention assembled in discharge of the duty we owe to.
our constituents, and our country, unite in the following
declarations :
"1. That the history of the Nation during the last
four years has fully established the propriety and neces
sity of the organization and perpetuation of the Repub
lican party; and that the causes which called it into ex
istence are permanent in their nature, and now, more
than ever before, demand its peaceful and Constitutional
triumph. "2. That the maintenance of the principles -promul
gated in the Declaration of Independence and embodied
in the Federal Constitution, 'That all men are created
equal ; that they are endowed by their Creator with cer
tain inalienable rights ; that among these are life, liberty
and the pursuit of happiness; and to secure these rights
Governments are instituted among men, deriving their
just powers from the consent of the governed,' is essen
tial to the preservation of our Republican institutions]
and that the Federal Constitution, the Rights of the
States, and the Union of the States, must and shall be
preserved. "3. That to the Union of the States this nation owes
its unprecedented increase in population, its surprising
development of material resources, its rapid augmenta-.
tion of wealth, its happiness at home and its honor

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 39
abroad ; and: we hold in abhorrence all schemes ior dis
union, come from whatever source they may. And we
congratulate the country that no Republican member
of Congress has uttered or countenanced the threats of
disunion so often made by Democratic members, with
out rebuke, and with applause from their political asso
ciates; and we denounce those threats of disunion, in
case of a popular overthrow of their ascendency, as de
nying the vital principles of a free government, and as
an avowal of contemplated treason, which it is the im
perative duty of an indignant people sternly to rebuke
and forever silence.
"4. That the maintenance inviolate of the Rights of
the States, and especially the right of each State, to order
and control its own domestic institutions according to
its own judgment exclusively, is essential to that balance
of powers on which the perfection and endurance of our
political fabric depend; and we denounce the lawless
invasion by armed force of the soil of any State or Terri
tory, no matter under what pretext, as among the gravest
of crimes. "5. That the present Democratic administration has
far exceeded our worst apprehensions in its measureless
subserviency to the exactions of a sectional interest, as
especially evinced in its desperate exertions to force the
infamous Lecompton Constitution upon the protesting
people of Kansas; in construing the personal relation
between master and servant to involve an unqualified
property in persons; in its attempted enforcement every
where, on land and sea, through the intervention of Con
gress and of the Federal Courts, of the extreme preten
sions of a purely local interest; and in its general and
unvarying abuse of the power intrusted to it by a con
fiding people.
"6. That the^people justly view with alarm the reckless
extravagance which pervades every department of the

4°

Lincoln's campaign:

Federal Government; that a return to rigid economy
and accountability is indispensable to arrest the sys
tematic plunder of the public treasury by favored par
tisans; while the recent startling developments of fraud
and corruptions at the Federal Metropolis, show that an
entire change of administration is imperatively de
manded. "7. That the new dogma that the Constitution, of
its own force, carries slavery into any or all of the Ter
ritories of the United States, is a dangerous political
heresy, at variance with the explicit provisions of that in
strument itself, with contemporaneous exposition, and
with legislative and judicial precedent; is revolutionary
in its tendency, and subversive of the peace and harmony
of the country.
"8. That the normal condition of all the territory of
the United States is that of freedom ; that as our Republi
can fathers, when they had abolished slavery in all our
national territory, ordained that 'no person should be
deprived of life, liberty or property, Without due process
of law,' it becomes our duty, by legislation, whenever
such legislation is necessary, to maintain this provision
of the Constitution against all attempts to violate it; and
we deny the authority of Congress, of a territorial legis
lature, or of any individuals, to give legal existence to
slavery in any Territory of the United States.
"9. That we brand the recent reopening of the Af
rican' slave trade, under the cover of our national flag,
aided by perversions of judicial power, as a crime against
humanity and a burning shame to our country' and age;
and we call upon Congress -to take prompt and efficient
measures for the total and final suppression of that ex
ecrable traffic.
"10. That in the recent vetoes, by the Federal Gov
ernors, of the acts of the Legislatures of Kansas and Ne
braska, prohibiting slavery in those Territories, we find a

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 4 1
practical illustration of the boasted 'Democratic princi
ple of non-intervention and popular sovereignty em
bodied in the Kansas-Nebraska bill, and a demonstration
of the deception and fraud involved therein.
"11. That Kansas should, of right, be immediately
admitted as a State under the Constitution recently
formed and adopted by her people, and accepted by the
House of Representatives.
"12. That, while providing revenue for the support
of the General Government by duties upon imports, sound
policy requires such an adjustment of these imports as
to encourage the development of the industrial interests
of the whole country; and we commend that policy of
national exchanges, which secures to the working men
liberal wages, to agriculture remunerative- prices, to me
chanics and manufacturers an adequate reward for their
skill, labor and enterprise, and to the nation commercial
prosperity and independence.
"13. That we protest, against any sale or alienation
to others of the public lands held by actual settlers, and
against any view of the Homestead policy which regards
the settlers as paupers or suppliants for public bounty;
and we demand the passage by Congress of the complete
and satisfactory Homestead measure which has already
passed the House.
"14. That the Republican party is opposed to any
change in our Naturalization laws, or any State legisla
tion by which the rights of citizenship hitherto accorded
to immigrants from foreign lands shall be abridged or
impaired; and in favor of giving a full and efficient pro
tection to the rights of all classes of citizens, whether
native or naturalized, both- at home and abroad.
"15. The appropriations by Congress for river and
harbor improvements of a national character, required
for the accommodation and security of an existing com
merce, are authorized by the Constitution, and justified

43 Lincoln's campaign.
by the obligation of Government to protect the lives and
property of its citizens.
"16. That a railroad to the Pacific Ocean is imper
atively demanded by the interests of the whole country;.
that the Federal Government ought to render immediate
and efficient aid in its construction; and that, as prelim
inary thereto, a daily overland mail should be promptly
established. "17. Finally, having thus set forth our distinctive
principles and views, we invite the co-operation of all
citizens, however differing on other questions, who sub
stantially agree with us in their affirmance and support."
Upon the adoption of the platform, the delegates and
the whole of the vast audience rose to their feet in a
transport of enthusiasm, the ladies waving their hand
kerchiefs and the gentlemen their hats, while for many
minutes the tremendous cheers and shouts of applause-
continued, and again and again were renewed and re
peated. As soon as order was restored, the President
announced that there would be speaking in the Wig
wam at night. Motions were made to proceed to ballot
for a candidate for the Presidency, but lost, and the Con
vention adjourned until 10 o'clock Friday.

The Convention reassembled at 10 o'clock and prayer
was offered by the Rev. M. Green, of Chicago.
Nominations being in order, Mr. William M. Evarts,
of New York, said.: "In the order of business before the
Convention, sir, I take the liberty to name as a candidate

THE POLITICAL- REVOLUTION OF l86o.

43

to be nominated by this Convention for the office of
President of the United States, William H. Seward."
(Prolonged applause.)
Mr. N. B. Judd, of Illinois : "I desire, on behalf of the
delegation from Illinois, to put in nomination, as a can
didate for President of the United States, Abraham Lin
coln, of Illinois." (Immense applause, oft repeated.)
Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania-, nominated Si
mon Cameron, of Pennsylvania; and D. K. Cartter, of
Ohio, placed in nomination Salmon P. Chase. ; Mr.
Thomas H. Dudley, of New Jersey, presented the name
of William L. Dayton.
Mr. Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, seconded the nom
ination of Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois. (Tremendous
applause.) Mr. F. P. Blair, of Missouri, presented to the Con
vention the name of Edward Bates as a candidate for the
Presidency. (Applause.)
Mr. Austin Blair, of Michigan, seconded the nomi
nation for President of the United States of William H.
Seward. (Applause.)
Hon. Thomas Corwin, of Ohio, presented the name
of John McLean. (Applause.)
Mr. Carl Schurz, of Wisconsin, seconded the nom
ination of William H. Seward, of New York. (Applause.)
Mr. North, of Minnesota, seconded the nomination of
William H. Seward. (Applause.)

44 ' LINCOLN'S campaign:
Mr. William A. Phillips, of Kansas, seconded the
name of William H. Seward, of New York.
Mr. Columbus Delano, of Ohio, seconded the nom
ination of "the man who can split rails and maul Dem
ocrats" — Abraham Lincoln. (Great applause.)
Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts, moved that the Con
vention proceed to vote.
. The only names that produced really great applause
were those Lincoln and Seward. Everybody felt that the
fight was between them, and yelled accordingly." Murat
Halstead describes the scene in a thrilling manner:
"The applause when Mr. Evarts named Seward was
enthusiastic. When Mr. Judd named Lincoln the re
sponse was prodigious, rising and rising far above the
Seward shriek. Presently, upon Caleb B. Smith second
ing the nomination of Lincoln, the response was abso
lutely terrific. It now became the Seward men to make
another effort, and, when Blair, of Michigan, seconded
his nomination, the effect was startling. Hundreds of
persons stopped their ears in pain. The shouting was
absolutely frantic, shrill and wild. No Comanche, no
panther ever struck a higher note, or gave screams with
more infernal intensity. Looking from the stage over the
vast amphitheater, nothing was to be seen below but
thousands of hats — a black, mighty swarm of hats — fly
ing with the velocity of hornets over a mass of human

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

45

heads, most of the mouths of which were open. Above,
all around the galleries, hats and handkerchiefs were
flying in the tempest together. The wonder of the thing
was that the Seward outside pressure should, so far from
New York, be so powerful. .
"Now the Lincoln men had to try again, and as De
lano, of Ohio, seconded the nomination of Lincoln, the
uproar was beyond description. . I thought the Seward
yell could not be surpassed; but the Lincoln boys were
clearly ahead, and, feeling their victory, as there was a
lull in the storm, took deep breaths all around, and gave
a concentrated shriek that was positively awful, and ac
companied it with stamping that made every plank and
pillar in the building quiver."
We givfi herein the three ballots that were needed
before the final, and glorious, choice was reached.

46

LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN :

FIRST BALLOT.

STATES.

Maine 
New Hampshire.
Vermont 
Massachusetts. .
Rhode Island . . .
Connecticut 
New York 
New Jersey 
Pennsylvania... Maryland 
Delaware 
Virginia 
Kentucky 
Ohio 
Indiana 
. Missouri 
Michigan 
Illinois 
Texas 
Wisconsin 
Iowa 
California 
Minnesota 
Oregon 
Territories: Kansas  ....
Nebraska 
D. of Columbia.

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70 H3
85

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p
oo

m 1

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14

10

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e= P
- 13

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p

|173* 102

48 49 14 12 10

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

47

SECOND BALLOT.
Mr. Caleb B. Smith in the Chair.

STATES.

3 B

b
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P
Os
O fl
CDEoP

B
O P
,0 B

Maine 
New Hampshire 
Vermont 
Massachusetts 
Rhode Island 
Connecticut 
New York 
New Jersey 
Pennsylvania 
Maryland 
Delaware 
Virginia  , 
Kentucky 
Ohio 
Indiana  = 
Missouri 
Michigan 
Illinois. 
Texas 
Wisconsin 
Iowa 
California 
Minnesota 
Oregon 
Territories:
Kansas 
Nebraska 
District of Columbia

70 424 3

48

22

10

18

24

1844

181

424

35

10

2| 2

48

LINCOLN S CAMPAIGN '.
THIRD BALLOT.

STATES.

Maine 
New Hampshire 
Vermont.. 
Massachusetts 
Rhode Island 
Connecticut 
New York 
New Jersey 
Pennsylvania 
Maryland — 
Delaware 
Virginia 
Kentucky 
Ohio 
Indiana 
Missouri 
Michigan 
Illinois 
Texas...  ^..
.Wisconsin 
Iowa. 
California 
Minnesota 
Oregon  
Territories:
Kansas  ,
Nebraska 
District of Columbia

G
9
10 854
8
52 9 6
14 13
2926
22 54

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OCDEOa

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tiEO -
<< e+ O a

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18

2314 180 244 22

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 49

THE CHOICE OF THE REPUBLICAN CONVENTION OF 1860.

50 Lincoln's campaign :
The most intense interest was manifested as the bal
loting proceeded, especially toward the last, and before
the result was announced, Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, said:
"I arise, Mr. Chairman, to announce the change of four
votes of Ohio from Mr. Chase to Mr. Lincoln."
This change gave Mr. Lincoln a majority of the entire
vote, and Mr. Halstead says : "After a moment's silence,
the nerves of the thousands, which through the hours of
suspense, had been subjected to terrible tension, relaxed,
and, as deep breaths of relief were, taken, there was a
noise in the Wigwam like the rush of a great wind in the
van of a storm — and in another breath, the storm was
there. There were thousands cheering with the energy
of insanity. A man who had been on the roof, and was
engaged in communicating the result of the ballotings
to the mighty mass of outsiders, now demanded, by gest
ures at the skylight over the stage, to know what had
happened; one of the secretaries, with a tally sheet in
his hands, shouted: 'Fire the salute! Abe Lincoln is
nominated.' As the cheering inside the Wigwam sub
sided, we could hear that outside, where the news of the
nomination had just been announced. And the roar that
was heard, like the breaking up of the fountains of the
great deep, gave a new impulse to the enthusiasm inside.
Then the thunder of the salute rose above the din, and
the shouting was repeated with such tremendous fury

THE political revolution of i860. 51
that some discharges of the cannon were absolutely not
heard by those on the stage. Puffs of smoke, drifting
by tfie open doors, and the smell of gunpowder, told
what was going on."
When partial silence had been restored, with many
gentlemen striving to get the floor, Mr. Evarts, of New
York, said: "Mr. Chairman, has the vote been declared?"
The Chairman answered: "No, sir."
Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts, corrected the vote of
his State so as to stand, 18 for Mr. Lincoln, and 8 for Mr.
Seward; other States followed with changes. Half a
dozen men were on their chairs making motions to the
President, changing the votes of their States to Lincoln.
Mr. William H. McCrillis declared Maine unanimous for
Lincoln; Mr. A. H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, announced
53 for Lincoln; Mr. Edward H. Rollins, of New Hamp
shire, 10 votes for Lincoln; Mr. Ames, of Rhode Island,
6 for Lincoln; Mr. Mills, of Connecticut, 8 for Lincoln;
Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, gave the unanimous vote of 46 for
Lincoln. B. Gratz Brown, of Missouri, cast the entire
vote of his State for Abraham Lincoln. Iowa came in
for a unanimous vote for Lincoln. Mr. Gallagher, of
Kentucky, said he came not to obtrude, but to sanction
the expression that was indicated, and cast a full yote for
Lincoln. Mr. F. P. Tracy, of California, made the vote
of that State 5 to 3 for Lincoln. The delegation from

52 Lincoln's campaign :
Virginia made their vote unanimous for Lincoln. The
Lone Star State of Texas wanted to record her full vote
for Lincoln. The District of Columbia, with her two
votes, changed to Lincoln. Mr. S. C. Wilder, of Kansas,
said that he was authorized by the delegation to change
the vote to the "gallant disciple of the irrepressible con
flict, Abraham Lincoln." Nebraska followed with an
entire vote for Lincoln. Oregon changed unanimously
for Lincoln. The Secretary then announced that the whole number
of votes cast were 465 ; necessary to a choice, 234. For
Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, 364.
The Chair announced Abraham Lincoln as the candi
date for President of the United States. This announce
ment brought forth thunders of applause.
Mr. William M. Evarts, Chairman of the New York
delegation, said:
"Mr. President and gentlemen of the National Repub
lican Convention: The State of New York, by a full
delegation, with complete unanimity of purpose at home,
came to this Convention, and presented as its choice one
of its citizens who had served the State from boyhood
up — who had labored for and loved it. We came from a
great State, with, as we thought, a great statesman
(cheers) ; and our love of the great Republic from which
we are all delegates, the great American Union, and our

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

53

love of the great Republican party of the Union, and our
love of our statesman and candidate, made us think that
we did our duty to the country, and the whole country, in
expressing our preference and love for him. But, gentle
men, it was from Governor Seward that most of us learned
to love Republican principles, and the Republican party.
(Renewed cheers.) His fidelity to the country, the Con
stitution and the laws; his fidelity to the party, and the
principle that the majority should govern; his interest in
the advancement of our party to its victory that our coun
try may rise to its true glory, induces me to assume to
speak his sentiments, as I do — indeed the opinion of our
delegation — when I move, as I do, that the nomination of
Abraham Lincoln as the Republican candidate for the
suffrage of the whole country for the office of Chief Mag-,
istrate of the American Union be made unanimous."
(Enthusiastic cheers.)
The floor was accorded to Mr. Andrew, chairman of
the Massachusetts delegation. He said :
"I am deputed, by the united voice of the Massachu
setts delegation, to second the motion just proposed by
the distinguished citizen of New York, that the nomina
tion of Abraham Lincoln be made unanimous. Mr.
President, and gentlemen, as we love the cause, and as
we respect our own Convention, and as we mean to be
faithful to the only organization on earth which is in the

54 Lincoln's campaign :
van of the cause of freedom, so do we, with entire fidelity
of heart, with entire concurrence of judgment, with the
firmest and most fixed purpose of our will, adopt the
opinion of the majority of the Convention of delegates,
to which the American people have assigned the duty of
a selection; and, as Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, is the
choice of the National Republican Convention, Abraham
Lincoln is at this moment the choice of the Republicans
of Massachusetts. (Enthusiastic cheers.) We wheel
into line as one man, and we will roll up our 100,000
majority, and we will give you our 13 electoral votes, and
we will show you that this irrepressible conflict is the
manifest destiny of sthe Democracy."
Mr. Carl Schurz then, took the floor : "Mr. President,
I am commissioned by the delegation of Wisconsin to
second the motion made by the distinguished gentleman
from New York. With the platform we adopted yester
day, and with the candidate who fairly represents it as
Mr. Lincoln does, we defy all the passion and prejudice
that may be enforced against us by our opponents."
Mr. Austin Blair, of Michigan, addressed the Con
vention: "Gentlemen of the Convention: Like my
friend who has just taken his seat, the State of Michigan,
from first to last, has cast her vote for the great statesman
of New York; we shall now stand behind him in the
great column which si vM ;jo out to battle for Abraham

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 55
Lincoln, of Illinois. Mark you, what has been obtained
to-day, we will obtain in November next. Lincoln will
be elected by the people. We say of bur candidate, 'God
bless his magnanimous soul.' (Tremendous cheering.)
I promise you that in the State of Michigan, where the
Republican party, from the day of its organization to this
hour, never suffered a single defeat, we will give you, for
the gallant son of Illinois, and the glorious standard-
bearer of the West, a round twenty-five thousand major-
ity." Mr. O. H. Browning, of Illinois, said : "Mr. President
and gentlemen of the Convention : On behalf of my dele
gation, I have been requested to make some proper
response to the speeches that we have heard from our
friends of the other States. Illinois ought hardly on this
occasion to be expected to make a speech, or be called
upon to do so. We are so much elated at present, that
we are scarcely in condition to collect our own thoughts,
or to express them intelligently to those who may'listen to
us. I desire to say, that, in this contest through which
we have just passed, we have been actuated by no feeling
of hostility to the illustrious statesman from New York,
who was in competition with our own loved and- gallant
son. We were actuated solely by a desire for the certain
advancement of Republicanism. The Republicans of
Illinois, believing the principles of the Republican party

56 Lincoln's campaign :
are the same principles which embalmed the hearts and
nerved the arms of our patriots of the Revolution, that
they are the same principles which were vindicated upon
every battlefield of American freedom, were actuated
solely by the. conviction that the triumph of these prin
ciples was necessary, not only to the salvation of the party,
but to the perpetuation of the free institutions whose
blessings we now enjoy; and we have struggled against
the nomination of the illustrious statesman of New York,
solely because we believe that we could go into battle
here, on the prairies of Illinois, with more hope and more
prospect of success under the leadership of our own noble
son. No Republican who has a love of freedom in his
heart, and who has marked the course of Governor Sew
ard in the councils of our nation, who has witnessed the
many occasions upon which he has risen to the very
height of moral sublimity in his conflicts with the enemies
of free institutions; no heart that has the love of freedom
in it, and has witnessed these great conflicts of his, can do
otherwise than venerate his name. On this occasion, I
desire to say only that the hearts of the people of Illinois
are to-day filled with emotions of gratification for which
they have no utterance. We are not more overcome by
the triumph of our noble Lincoln — loving him as we do;
knowing the purity of his past life, the integrity of his
character, his devotion to the principles of our party,

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 57
and the gallantry with which we will be conducted
through this contest — than we are by the magnanimity
of our friends of the great and glorious State of New York
in moving to make this nomination unanimous. On be
half of the delegation from Illinois, for the Republican
party of this great and growing State, I return to all our
friends, New York included, our heartfelt thanks and
gratitude for the nomination of this Convention."
When at last the President announced the nomination
of Abraham Lincoln, a scene of the wildest excitement
followed. The immense multitude rose, and gave round
after round of applause; ten thousand voices swelled
into a roar so deafening that, for several minutes, every
attempt to restore order was hopelessly vain. The mul
titude outside took up and re-echoed the cheers, making
the scene of enthusiasm and excitement unparalleled in
any similar gathering.
A man appeared in the hall bringing a large painting
of Mr. Lincoln. The scene at this time beggars descrip
tion ; 10,000 people inside, and 20,000 outside, were yell
ing and shouting at once. The cannon sent forth roar
after roar in quick succession. Delegates tore up the
sticks and boards bearing the names of the several States,
and waved them aloft over their heads, and the vast mul
titude before the platform were waving hats and handker-

58 Lincoln's campaign :
chiefs. The whole scene was one of the wildest enthu
siasm. * * *
The Convention adjourned till 5 o'clock p. m., when it
reassembled, and was called to order by the President.
The first business in order was balloting for a candidate
for Vice President. Mr. S. C. Wilder, of Kansas, placed
in nomination John Hickman, of Pennsylvania. Mr.
Cartter, of Ohio, presented the name of Hannibal Ham
lin, of Maine, which was followed by great cheering. Mr.
Lewis, of Pennsylvania, seconded the nomination of John
Hickman. Mr. Boutwell, of Massachusetts, presented
the name of Nathaniel P. Banks, and was received with
great applause. Mr. Caleb B. Smith, of Indiana, pre
sented the name of Kentucky's gallant son, Cassius M.
Clay. Mr. Andrew H. Reeder, of Pennsylvania, was
nominated by Mr. Lowery.
The first ballot resulted in "no choice," the following
votes being recorded :
Hannibal Hamlin  , . 194
Cassius M. Clay  100 1-2
John Hickman  57
Andrew W. Reeder  51
Nathaniel P. Banks  38 1-2
Scattering votes  18
On the second ballot:
Hannibal Hamlin received  367 votes.
Cassius M. Clay "  86 "
John Hickman " ....... 13 "

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 59
'Mr. Andrew withdrew the vote of Massachusetts for
N. P. Banks, and cast it for Mr. Hamlin; Mr. Kelly, of
Pennsylvania, withdrew the name of Andrew H. Reeder.
The President announced the result of the second ballot,
and declared Hannibal Hamlin nominated as the candi
date of the Republican party for Vice President.
Mr. Blakey, of Kentucky, "in behalf of that gallant
son of freedom, Cassius M. Clay," moved that the nomina
tion of Hannibal Hamlin be made unanimous. Caleb B.
Smith, of Indiana, seconded the motion, and said: "I
beg leave to state, that, in the opinion of the Republicans,
there is no one of the many distinguished advocates of the
Republican party, no one of that illustrious band who are
contending for the principles of freedom, who is more
endeared to the great heart of the Republicans of this
country than Cassius M, Clay. It is a very easy matter for
us who live upon soil untainted by slavery, who breathe the
freeair of States where the manacles of the slaves are never
'seen, and their waitings are never heard, to advocate the
principles of the Republican party; but, gentlemen, to
advocate those principles upon the soil of slavery itself,
in the very face, and shadows of their altars and false gods,
requires a degree of moral heroism of which but few of us
can boast. I have an assurance that this cause will tri
umph, and that the flag of freedom will wave in triumph
over the land. Let me assure you, gentlemen, when that

60 Lincoln's campaign :
cause shall be borne aloft in triumph, and its glorious '
folds shall be expanded to the wings of Heaven, you will
see inscribed upon its brightest fold, in characters of living
light, the name of Cassius M. Clay. (Great applause.)
" We have now completed the great work for which
we assembled here. We have presented to this country
a ticket which will command the love and admiration of
Republicans everywhere, and the respect and esteem of
the entire country. (Applause.) With the gallant son
of Illinois as our standard bearer; with the platform which
we have adopted; with the distinguished Senator from
Maine as the second in command, I feel that we stand
upon a rock, and the gates of hell shall'not prevail against
it. "In behalf of my friends of Indiana, I would say, that,
in any efforts which we have made to secure the nomina
tion of Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, we have been ani
mated by no feeling of animosity toward the distinguished
son of New York, for in no single State of the Union- is
the name of William H. Seward more highly honored
than in Indiana. (Applause.) We would not, if we
could, pluck one leaf from the laurel that adorns his brow;
we would not tarnish one letter in the history which will
render his name illustrious in all coming time. It is not
that we have loved Seward lqss, but because we loved the
great Republican cause more. Thirty years ago, on the

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 6l
southern frontier of Indiana, might have been seen a
humble, ragged boy, barefooted, driving his oxen through
the mountains, and he has elevated himself to the pin
nacle which now presents him as the candidate of this Con
vention. It is an illustration of that spirit of enterprise
which characterizes the West, and every Western heart
will throb with joy when the name of Lincoln shall be
presented to them as the candidate of the Republican
party." (Great and long continued applause.)
Mr. Wm. McCrillis, of Maine, then followed with a
few remarks:
"Mr. President and Gentlemen of the Convention: I
will detain you but a single moment. I wish, in the first
place, to make an acknowledgment, in behalf of the peo
ple of Maine, for the honor that this Convention has con
ferred upon them by selecting one of her distinguished
sons for the candidate for the office of Vice President of the
United States. Mr. President, the people of Maine were
the ardent admirers and friends of William H. Seward.
(Applause.) They, believe that the candidate which this
Convention would nominate would surely be the next
President of these United States, and they charged their
delegation, that, above all things, they should select a man
loyal to the spirit of free government, loyal to the prin
ciples upon which our fathers laid deep the foundation of
the great empire, loyal to the Constitution, and loyal to

62 Lincoln's campaign :
tfie Union of these States. And, Mr. Chairman, they
believe, that, in the person of William H. Seward, the great
Senator of New York, all these great qualities com
bined, in addition to his eminent and distinguished ser
vices to the Republican cause, and his exalted states
manship. "Mr. President, and gentlemen of the Convention,
howeVer earnest we may have been in pressing the claims
of our candidates, when the President of the Convention
announced the result, all the partisan feelings and differ
ences subsided, and we stood together as a band of breth
ren, as a united phalanx. And, when the electric spark
shall convey the intelligence of the nomination to the re
motest part of this Republic, every Republican will stand*
by his fellow, forming a united phalanx, and elect the
nominee. "Illinois and Maine are not only sisters under the Con
stitution — sisters-in-law, but they are by kindred and by
blood. Of the people of New England, thousands upon
thousands are our brethren and sisters who have emigrated
to Illinois, and are scattered throughout the Great West.
And here, sir, they are among the living, and here their
bones repose among the dead. In 1856 the man who is
now your candidate for the Vice Presidency of the United
States, resigned his seat as Chairman of the Committee
on Commerce in the United States Senate, and was nom-

THE political revolution of i860. 63
inated for Governor of the State of Maine. Maine led.
the van in the conflict. In September of that year,
Maine electrified the nation by a vote of 20,000 majority.
She was the Star that illuminated the whole Northern
horizon; she was the Star of Hope — like the Star of
Bethlehem. She came over and stood by the cause of
freedom with her young and gallant leader. Mr. Chair
man, I know the people of Maine well. I know that they
will give a cordial and united support to this ticket; I
know that, from every hill, from every valley, and every
mountain — along her rivers, along her rock-bound coast
— the nomination of Abraham Lincoln will be hailed
with one spontaneous, loud, long and continued shout of
enthusiasm and applause; that our people will inscribe
on their banner, 'Lincoln and Hamlin;' 'Union and Vic
tory.' " (Tumultuous applause.)
The motion to make the nomination of Mr. Hamlin
unanimous was carried with the greatest enthusiasm.
Loud calls were made for Tom Corwin ; but Mr. Cartter
informed the audience that he 'was lying ill at a private
residence, but sent his full approbation of all that oc
curred,' and the assurance of his labor throughout the
campaign. Mr. Amos Tuck, of New Hampshire, offered the fol
lowing resolution :
"Resolved, That the President of this Convention and

64 Lincoln's campaign :
the Chairmen of the respective delegations be appointed
a committee to notify Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, and
Hannibal Hamlin, of Maine, of their nomination by this
Convention as candidates of the Republican party, for
the offices, respectively, of President and Vice President
of the United States." An amendment was made insert
ing 'unanimous' before 'nomination.'
Mr. Lane, of Indiana, was received with cheers.
"Freemen of the United States, you have to-day in
augurated a grand work. No event in the history of
the United States, subsequent to the Declaration of In
dependence, is more sublime and impressive than the
event which has this day been inaugurated in this vast
presence of the freemen of the United States of America.
Into your "hands is placed the grand responsibility of
bearing the torch of civilization in the vanguard of free
dom. I ask you to bear it aloft and upward until the
whole world shall glow with the light oi our illumination.
My fellow-citizens, the work commenced to-day shall
go on until complete victory shall await our efforts in
November. "The position of many of the States of the West may
have been misunderstood. We regard, to-day, William
Seward as the grandest representative of the liberty-lov
ing instincts of the human heart who exists in the United
States. In our heart of hearts we love him, and would
make him President to-day if we had the power so to do;
but we regard Abraham Lincoln, of Illinois, as an equally

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 65
orthodox representative of Republican principles, and a
most beautiful illustration of the power of free institu
tions and the doctrine of free labor in the United States.
In the present contest is involved not only the well-being,
but the very existence, of the Government under which
we live^ I ask you by your action to sternly rebuke the
disunion spirit which now disgraces the politics of the
United States, and to turn hissing hot into the brazen
front of Southern Democracy the brand of disunion, as
God marked Cain, the first murderer. (Great applause.)
"My fellow-citizens, some doubts have been expressed
in reference to Indiana. I pledge Indiana by ten thou
sand majority. (Great and enthusiastic applause.) I
pledge my personal honor for the redemption of that
State." The roll was called, and each delegation appointed
a member of the National Committee.
The thanks of the Convention were tendered to the
President, Vice Presidents, and Secretaries, after which
Mr. Sargent, of California, moved that the Convention
adjourn sine die, when the President dismissed the meet
ing in these words:
"Gentlemen of the Convention : It becomes my duty
to put to you the last motion which, in the order of par
liamentary law, the President has the power to propose.
It will probably be the last proposition which he can

66 Lincoln's campaign:
eyer make to most of you in any Convention. But, be
fore doing it, and before making a single other remark,
I beg to tender you, each and all, my cordial thanks for
the kind manner in which you have sustained me in
the performance of the duties of this station. I confess
to you, when I assumed it, I did it with some appre
hension that I might not be able to come up to the ex
pectations which had been formed. It was a bold un
dertaking in every respect, and I know that I could
not have accomplished it half so well as I have done,
but for the extreme generosity manifested on all sides
of the house. There was a solemn purpose here, in
the minds and in the hearts of not merely the Conven
tion, but of the vast assemblage which has surrounded
us, that, before we separated, we would accomplish a
high duty. That duty, gentlemen, we have accom
plished. Your sober judgment, your calm delibera
tions, after a comparison and discussion free, frank,
brotherly and patriotic, have arrived at the conclusion
at which the whole American people will arrive.
"Every symptom, every sign, every indication ac
companying the Convention in all its stages, are a high
assurance of success, and I will not doubt, and none of
us doubt, that it will be a glorious success.
"Allow me to say of the nominees, that, although it
may be of no consequence to the American people or

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 67
to you, they are both personally known to me. It was
my good fortune to have served with Mr. Lincoln in
the Congress of the United States, and I rejoice in the
opportunity to say that there was never elected to the
House of Representatives a purer or a more intelligent
and loyal Representative than Abraham Lincoln.
(Great applause.) The contest through which he
passed during the last two years has tried him as by
fire7, and in that contest in which we are about to go
for him now, I am sure that there is not one man in this
country that will be compelled to hang his head for
anything in the life of Abraham Lincoln. You have a
candidate worthy of the cause; you are pledged to his
success; humanity is pledged to his success; the cause
of free government is pledged to his success. The de
cree has gone forth that he shall succeed. (Tremen
dous applause.)
"I have served also in public life with Hannibal
Hamlin. In the House of Representatives we were
ranged on different sides. He was a firm Democrat of
the old school, while I was as firmly, and perhaps too
much so, a copy of the Webster school. But, as is
known to many of the gentlemen who sit here before
me to-day, there was always a sympathetic chord be
tween him and me upon the question that has brought
us here to-day. (Great applause.) And while the old

68 LINCOLN'S campaign:
division of party has crumbled away, and the force of
circumstances has given rise to new issues, it is not
strange that we are found battling together in the com
mon cause. I say then, gentlemen, that you have got
a ticket worthy of the cause, and worthy of the country.
"Now, gentlemen, that we have completed so well,
so thoroughly, the great work that the people sent us
here to do, let us adjourn to our several constituen
cies; and, thanks to God, who giveth the victory, we
will triumph.
"N,o other motion is now in order, but that solemn
one which must come to us all. Is it your pleasure
that we now separate? As many as are in favor of the
motion that this Convention do now adjourn sine die,
say aye."
The Convention adjourned.

(From the Chicago "Press and Tribune.")
THE REPUBLICAN FLAG.
Tune— "The Star Spangled Banner."
O, say, have you heard from Chicago to-day,
As the news has flashed onward from station to station;
O, what is the name that the winged lightnings say,
The Republican choice for the head of the Nation?
See that rocket's red glare,
Soaring high in the air,
And freemen rejoice
For a victory there!

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 69
Is it Seward or Lincoln whose banner shall wave,
To lead on the hosts of the free and the brave?
Now hear you that sound as it comes on the wind?
Is it thunder, or cannon, that news is proclaiming?
'Tis the honest, the able, the giant of mind,
It is Lincoln, 'tis Lincoln! all hearts are exclaiming.
The first blow is given,
Our fetters unriven;
The Union stands firm
In the free light of Heaven.
And the flag of Republicans proudly may gleam,
For Lincoln and freedom, o'er mountain and stream.
And what is the name on its folds we decry;
Link'd with Lincoln, twin stars of our confederation;
It shines in our flag as it floats on the sky,
As the bright orb that Maine holds in high estimation,
And the Hamlin of Maine,
Without blemish or stain,
With Lincoln, shall lead
On to freedom again;
And the banner of Lincoln and Hamlin shall wave
O'er the land that Republicans rose up to save.
We'll drive back the minions who live on the spoil,
Who barter our birthrights to subserve their ambition;
We, the sons of free labor, free speech and free soil,
We will send them all back to their normal condition,
That the laws of our land
May with Liberty stand;
While the voice of the free
Is the only command.
Then the banner of Lincoln and Hamlin shall shine,
And the South be content with the compromise line.
And thus be it ever when freemen shall stand

7°

Lincoln's campaign.

Between their free soil and a slave institution;
Blest with Union and love may the Heaven rescued land
Praise the Power that upholds the beloved Constitution.
Then conquer we must,
For freedom is just;
On God and our country,
In Union we trust.
And the banner of Lincoln and Hamlin shall wave,
O'er the land that Republicans rose up to save.
— Wm. H. Stickney.

The following letter of Leonard Swett, addressed
to Hon. Josiah H. Drummond, of Portland, Maine,
was dated at Bloomington, Illinois, May 27, i860,
shortly after the nomination of Mr. Lincoln at Chicago,
and describes the whole historical scene in graphic ex
pressions worthy of perusal and preservation:
"I made the acquaintance of Mr. Lincoln early in
the year 1849. Since then we have twice a year trav
eled over five counties, spending together most of the
time from September until January, and from March
until June, inclusive. Originally most of the lawyers
did this, but lately' one by one they have abandoned
tfie circuit; and for perhaps five years Lincoln and my
self have been the only ones who have habitually passed
over the whole circuit. It seems to me I have tried 10,000
lawsuits with or against him. I know him as intimately
as I have ever known any man in my life, perhaps more in
timately, if possible, than I knew you when I left
Waterville. "I was with him the week before the Convention.
In speaking of the propriety of his going to it, he said

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 7 1
he was most too much of a candidate to go, and not
quite enough to stay at home.
"Our delegation was instructed for him, but of the
twenty-two votes in it, by incautiously selecting) the
men, there were eight who would gladly have gone
for Seward. * * * The first thing after getting our
headquarters was to have the delegation proper invite
the co-operation of outsiders as though they were del
egates. Thus we began. The first State approached
was Indiana. She was about equally divided between
Bates and McLean. Saturday, Sunday and Monday
were spent upon her, when finally she came to us
unitedly with twenty-six votes, and from that time
acted efficiently with us.
"Seward came there with very nearly strength
enough to nominate him, that is, men who intended to
"vote for him. Bates was the next strongest, but that
element was ana opposition to Seward, because he was
not available in the doubtful States, and would, as we
well knew, come to the winning man in opposition to
him. Pennsylvania wanted Cameron, and insisted
Seward would not carry that State. New Jersey
wanted Dayton, and insisted Seward would not carry
that State. So, the first point was gained, that is, the
united assertion of the four doubtful States, Pennsyl
vania, New Jersey, Indiana and Illinois, that Seward
would be defeated.
"We let Greeley run his Bates machine, but got
most of them for a second choice. Our programme
was to give Lincoln ioo votes on the first ballot, with a
certain increase afterwards, so that in the Convention
our fortunes might seem to be rising, and thus catch
the doubtful. Vermont had agreed to give us her sec
ond vote, so had Delaware, New Hampshire, an in
crease. It all worked to a charm. After the first days

72 Lincoln's campaign :
we were aided by the arrival of at least 10,000 people
from Central Illinois and Indiana.
"It was a part of the Seward plan to carry the Con
vention by outside pressure. Thursday the preliminary
work was done. The friends of all parties Friday morn
ing gathered to the capacious Wigwam. About 12,000
people were then inside and more out. A line of men
were stationed on the roof, the nearest to the speaker's
stand, catching from an open skylight the proceedings
within and reporting to his next man, and so on to the
man on the front of the building, who, with stentorian
lungs, announced to the thousands in the street.' Stores
were closed, and, seemingly, the whole city was there.
"First, opening the war, was the nomination of
Seward. It was greeted with a deafening shout, which,
I confess, appalled us a little. Afterward, Bates, Mc
Lean, Cameron and' Chase came, with moderate ap
plause. Then came Lincoln, and our4 people tested
their lungs. We beat them a little. They manifested
this by seconding the nomination of Seward, which
gave them another chance. It was an improvement
upon the first, and placed us in the background. 'Caleb
B. Smith, of Indiana, then seconded the nomination of
Lincoln, and the West came to the rescue. No mortal
eye before saw such a scene. The idea of our Hoosiers
and Suckers being outscreamed would have been as
bad to them as the loss of their man. Five thousand
people at once leaped to their seats, women not wanting
in the number, and the wild yell made soft whisper
breathing of all that had preceded. No language can
describe it. A thousand steam whistles, ten acres of
hotel gongs, a tribe of Comanches, headed by a choice
vanguard from pandemonium, might have mingled in
the scene unnoticed.
"This was not the most deliberate way of nominat
ing a President, I will confess ; but among other things,

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 73
it had its weight, and I hope convinced the New York
gentlemen that when they came West some other tac
tics must be resorted to.
"Our increase after the first ballot was a little more
than we calculated. On the third the ground swell
was irresistible, and bore our man through, and the
shout from the Wigwam and the shout from the
street, as the man from the top shouted 'Old Abe, halle
lujah!' and the cannon with its mimic thunder, told the
city and surroundings we had won.
"It was a glorious nomination. Seward could not
have carried Illinois or Indiana; nothing is more cer
tain than this. Our people, when they opposed Seward,
did it from no other motive than for the reason that it
lost us our State, our Senator Trumbull his place, and
placed us under the ban of Loco Focoism for twenty
years. We felt as though we could not endure this,
and hence the earnest effort for Lincoln.
' "The nomination saves us. We will sweep the
whole Northwest. The nomination is from the people,
and not the politicians. No pledges have been made,
no mortgages executed, but Lincoln enters the field
a free man. He will continue so until the day of the
election. He is a pure-minded, honest man, whose
ability is second to no one in the nation. In twenty
years he has raised himself from the captaincy of a flat-
boat on the Mississippi to the captaincy of a great party
in this nation, and when he shall be elected he will re
store the government to its pristine purity."

I. N. Walker, of Indianapolis, Indiana, now Com
mander-in-Chief of the Grand Army of the Republic,
attended the Convention at Chicago, and on the even
ing of the day of the nomination, went to McVicker's

74 Lincoln's campaign.
Theater, and witnessed Laura Keene play "Our Amer
ican Cousin." The portrait of Abraham Lincoln was
displayed on canvas as the nominee of the Convention.
On the night of April 14, 1865, Laura Keene was pre
senting the same play for the one thousandth night in
Ford's Theater, Washington, D. C, and Abraham Lin
coln was witnessing it, when John Wilkes Booth fired
the fatal shot that ended this great and good man's life.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 75

CHAPTER V.
Lincoln Apprised of His Nomination.
The news of Mr. Lincoln's nomination was re
ceived at his home (Springfield) at noon on Friday,
May 18, i860, a few minutes after it was made; and
soon after its reception, arrangements were completed
ft>r a ratification meeting. One hundred guns were
fired during the afternoon, the bells of the city rang,
flags were flung to the breeze from many buildings,
and sincere pleasure was pictured on the countenances
of the Republicans over the nomination of their distin
guished townsman, Mr. Lincoln.
' Mr. Lincoln had been up in the telegraph office dur
ing the first and second ballots Friday morning. As
soon as the second ballot was taken, and before it had
been counted and announced by the Secretaries, Mr.
Lincoln walked over to the "State Journal" office, on
Sixth, between Washington and Jefferson streets. He
was sitting there conversing, while the third ballot was
being taken, when Mr. Cartter, of Ohio, announced

76 Lincoln's campaign :
the change of four votes, giving Lincoln a majority;
and, before the great tumult of applause in the Wig
wam was fairly begun, it was telegraphed to Spring- i
field. Mr. Wilson, telegraph superintendent, who was
in the office, instantly wrote on a scrap of paper: "Mr.
Lincoln, you are nominated on the third ballot," and
gave it to a boy, who -ran with it to Mr. Lincoln. He
took the paper in his hand and looked at it long and
silently, not heeding the noisy exultation of all around;
and then rising, and putting the note in his vest pocket,
he quietly remarked: "There's a little woman down
at our house who would like to hear this. Til go down
and tell her." The people of Springfield were delirious
with joy and enthusiasm.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

77

LINCOLN'S HOME IN SPRINGFIELD, ILLINOIS.

HOUSE IN WHICH LINCOLN DIED, WASHINGTON, D. C.

y8 Lincoln's campaign :

CHAPTER VI.
The Ratification of the Nominations at Lincoln's
Home, and the Visit of the Committee
from the Convention.
A large and enthusiastic crowd assembled in the State
House at 8 o'clock on the evening of the nomination.
.Speeches were made by J. C. Conkling and George R.
Weber. Every allusion to Mr. Lincoln was followed by
deafening cheers, and the meeting throughout was the
most enthusiastic that had taken place in the city for a
long time.
The meeting adjourned at 9 o'clock; and the vast
crowd, preceded by the Young America Band, immedi
ately started for Mr. Lincoln's residence. Arriving in
front of the house, the crowd made loud calls, for Mr. Lin
coln, and they were soon gratified by seeing the tall form
in front of them. Mr. Lincoln's appearance was a signal
for renewed applause. When the cheering subsided, Mr.
Lincoln said that he did not suppose the honor of such a
visit was intended particularly for himself, as a private

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

79

citizen, but rather as the representative of a great party;
and in reference to his position on the political questions
of the day he- referred his numerous and enthusiastic
hearers to his previous public letters and speeches. His
speech brought forth loud applause. At the conclusion
of the speech, Mr. Lincoln said he would invite the whole
crowd into his house if it was large enough to hold them
(a voice cried out, "We will give you a larger one on the
4th of next March,") but, as it could not contain more than
a fraction of those who were in front of it, he would
merely invite as many as could find room. The house was
invaded by as many as could squeeze in, and all were given
the right hand of fellowship. The 18th day of May, i860,
was a great day for the Republicans of Springfield.
* * *
The committee appointed by the National Republi
can Convention, consisting of Mr. George Ashmun, Pres
ident, and the Chairmen of the respective delegations, to
notify Mr. Lincoln of his nomination, arrived at Spring
field on the Saturday evening after- the Convention closed.
A large number of delegates accompanied the committee,
with the Pennsylvania Cameron Band. The committee
were met at the depot of the Great Western Railroad by
the "Springfield Lincoln Club," and a large crowd of cit
izens escorted them to the Chenery House. Cannons
boomed, bonfires blazed, and rockets leaped high in the

80 Lincoln's campaign :
air, while many of the houses around the public square
were illuminated. From the hotel the procession marched
to the State House, where an enthusiastic meeting was
held, and addressed by many distinguished gentlemen.
Having partaken of a bountiful supper, the delegates
proceeded to the residence of Mr. Lincoln. Among the
delegates composing the committee were many of the
most distinguished men in the great Convention, such as
William M. Evarts, the eloquent spokesman of the dele
gation from the Empire State; Judge William D. Kelly,
of Pennsylvania, whose tall form and great eloquence ex
cited sojnuch attention; Mr. Andrew, of Massachusetts;
George Ashmun, of Massachusetts, the President of the
Convention, the bosom friend of Daniel Webster; Mr.
Blakey, of Kentucky; the loud-voiced Cartter, of Ohio,
who announced the four votes that gave Lincoln the nom
ination, and others. They reached Mr. Lincoln's house,
a two-story frame dwelling, situated on South Eighth
and Jackson streets, five blocks from the Public Square.
As they were passing up the steps to the gate, two hand
some lads, of seven and ten years, met them with a cour
teous "Good evening, gentlemen." "Are you Mr. Lin
coln's son?" said Mr. Evarts. "Yes, sir," said the boy.
"Then let's shake hands," and they began greeting him
so warmly as to excite the attention of the younger one,

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

8l

* p^«~ ^r-^/,-' —.-.;-/ te-.tt^j^ .

Sj Lincoln's campaign:
who had stood silently by the opposite gate post, and he
sang out, "I'm a Lincoln, too."
Whereupon several delegates, amid much laughter,
saluted the young Lincoln. All the delegates having
finally entered the large double parlors on the north side
of the house, Mr. Lincoln stood at the east end of the
room, while Mr. Ashmun delivered the notification of his
nomination in these words:
"I have, sir, the honor, on behalf of the gentlemen
who are present, a committee appointed by the Repub
lican Convention, recently assembled at Chicago, to dis
charge a most pleasant duty.
"I have come, sir, under a vote of instructions, to
notify you that you have been selected by the Convention
of Republicans, assembled at Chicago, as their candidate
for President of the United States. The committee deem
it not only respectful to yourself, but as appropriate to
the important matter which they had in hand, that they
should come in person and present to you the authentic
evidence of the action of the Convention; and, sir, with
out any phrase which shall either be considered personally
laudatory to yourself, or which shall have any reference
to the principles involved in the questions which are con
nected with your nomination, I desire to present you the
following letter, which has been prepared, and which in
forms you of the nomination; with it you'll find the plat-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 83
form of resolutions and sentiments which the Conven
tion adopted; and, sir, at your convenience, we will be
glad to receive from you such a response as it may be
your pleasure to give us."
Mr. Lincoln, upon being handed the document, re
sponded as follows :
"-Mr. Chairman and gentlemen of the Committee, I
tender you, and through you the Republican National
Convention, and all the people represented in it, my pro-
foundest thanks for the high honor done me, which you
now formally announce.
"Deeply, and even painfully sensible of the great re
sponsibility which is inseparable from that honor — a re
sponsibility which I could almost wish had fallen upon
some one of the far more eminent and experienced states
men whose distinguished names were before the Conven
tion, I shall, by your leave, consider more fully the resolu
tions of the Convention — denominated the Platform — and
without unreasonable delay, respond to you, Mr. Chair
man, in writing — not doubting now, that the platform will
be found satisfactory and the nomination accepted.
"And now, I will not longer defer the pleasure of tak
ing you, and each of you, by the hand."
The various members of the committee were there and
then presented to Mr. Lincoln, who greeted each one cor
dially.

s4 When Mr. Ashmun introduced tall Judge Kelly, of
Pennsylvania, to Mr. Lincoln, they shook hands, each
eying the other's ample proportions with genuine ad
miration, Lincoln, for once, standing erect as an Indian
during the evening, and showing his tall form in its full
dignity. "What's your height?"' inquired Lincoln. "Six feet;
what is yours, Mr. Lincoln?" said Judge Kelly. "Six
feet four," replied Lincoln. "Then," said Judge Kelly,
"Pennsylvania bows to Illinois, my dear man. For years
my heart has been aching for a President that I could look
up to, and I have found him at last in the land where we
thought there were none but little giants."
Mr. Lincoln bore himself during the evening with
dignity and ease. His kindly and sincere manner, frank
and honest expression, unaffected, pleasant conversation,
soon made every one feel at home, and rendered the hour
and a half which they spent with him one of great pleasure
to the delegates.
The committee then retraced their steps to the hotel,
returning to Chicago at midnight on the special train that
brought them. During the evening a mass meeting was
held in the State House, and addressed by Fred Hassau
rek, of Cincinnati, Ohio; Mr. Cartter, of Ohio; Hon.
Amos Tuck, of New Hampshire; Governor Boutwell, of
Massachusetts; Judge William D. Kelly, of Philadel-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 85
phia, and others. The speeches were full of enthusiasm,
and the speakers all gave assurance of the final triumph of
"Old Abe." It was a grand opening of the campaign,
and the enthusiasm which attended this meeting and the
Convention at Chicago, aroused the patriots all over the
Union. SPRINGFIELD ILLINOIS
[From the Daily Journal of tbe 9th/]

A Political Earthquake!
THE PRAIRIES ON FIRE
FOR ^LINCOLN!
THE BIGGEST DEMONSTRATION EVBB
HELD IN THE WEST 1

75,000 REPUBLICANS IN COUNCIL!
IMMENSE PROCESSION !

Sneaking from Five Stands bv Trumbull,
doolittle, "Kellogg, Palmer, Browning,
Gillespie, etc., etc.
MAGNIFICENT TORCHLIGHT PROCESSION AT NIGHT.
OCESTIFQS AT TEE WIGWAM AND^TBB BMP-
BESENTATIYES HALL.

86 Lincoln's campaign :

CHAPTER VII.
Endorsing the Nominations of Lincoln and Hamlin.
The names of Lincoln and Hamlin were inscribed
upon banners and flung to the breeze throughout the loyal"
North. In New York, Pennsylvania and Indiana, as well
as in Illinois, the voice of the people went up in shouts
of joy over the nomination of Lincoln and Hamlin. In
Albany, N. Y., where the friends of Mr. Seward were so
strong, a dispatch was sent on the evening of the day on
which the nominations were made:
"Nine o'clock P. M. — The Republicans of this city are
now fairly waked up, and the wildest excitement prevails
in regard to the nomination of Lincoln. State street is a
perfect sea. of fire from burning tar barrels. The whole
heavens are illuminated with a red glare, cannon are fir
ing, music is playing, and the" people are shouting on
State street and Broadway."
In New York, two six-pounders were brought to the
Park, and fired each a hundred times — one of them by or
der of the Republican General Committee, and the other
under the patronage of private citizens. Besides these,

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 87
the Central Committee ordered one hundred guns to be
fired in Madison and Hamilton Squares respectively. In
Mount Morris. Square, also, a big gun was brought out,
and a hundred rounds announced to the citizens the nom
ination of Lincoln and Hamlin. Great numbers of en
thusiastic Republicans gathered in the squares, and the
excitement was intense.
In Philadelphia, the Republicans opened their cam
paign by an immense mass meeting in Independence
Square. Speeches were made from four stands by Sen
ator Trumbull, of Illinois, and many other distinguished
gentlemen. Ward processions marched to the Square
with bands of music, fireworks, transparencies, rails, etc.
Senator Cameron said in a speech at a ratification meet
ing at Harrisburg, Pennsylvania, that "Lincoln was per
haps less known in public life than others; but who, on
all occasions, when demands have been made upon his
zeal and patriotism, has borne himself more bravely and ~
honorably? In regard to the great interests of Pennsyl
vania, the subject of protection to labor, his record is
clear, emphatic and beyond suspicion. He will require no
endorsement to convince the people of Pennsylvania that
their interests will be perfectly secure in his hands. Him
self a laborer in early life,' he has struggled with adversity
until he has reached the proud position he now occupies,
by the single aid of a strong purpose, secured by an un-

88 Lincoln's campaign :
yielding will; and it is not in the hearts of Pennsylvanians
to doubt such a man,"
At Washington, D. C, an enthusiastic ratification
meeting was held — the first time such a meeting was held
in that city.
The Republican press responded in grand style all
o ^er the country.
.The "New York Evening Post" said:
"Men are thrown upon their own intrinsic manhood
for their reliance, and it belongs to each one to become
the architect of his own fortunes. This unlimited free
dom of action, though it has produced some social evils,
has produced much greater good ; and we do not believe
that there is a nation on the globe in which the masses of
the people are so prosperous, so intelligent, and so con
tented as they are in this nation. What more striking
illustration of its effects could we have, than the rise of Mr.
Lincoln to his present importance in the eyes of the world?
Is he not pre-eminently the child of our free institutions?
A poor orphan without education or friends, by the labor
of his hands, by the energy of his will, the manliness and
probity of his character, he raises himself to fortune and
fame; a powerful party, which contains, to say the least,
as much virtue and intelligence as any other, assigns him,
without intrigues or efforts of his own, -the first place in
its regards, making him the bearer of its standard in a
momentous political conflict, and in a few months we may
see the once friendless boy the occupant of the Presiden
tial chair."
Here is a "New York Tribune" editorial on the same
subject:

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 89
"Probably no attribute of our candidate will, after all,
endear him so much to the popular heart as the convic
tion that he is emphatically one of the people. His man
hood has not bgen compressed into the artificial track of
society; but his great heart and vigorous intellect have
been allowed a generous development amid his solitary
struggles in the forest and the prairie. With vision un-
obscured by the mists of sophistry, he distinguishes at
the first glance between what is true and what is false;
and, with will and courage fortified by his life of hardship,
he is not the man to shirk any responsibility, or to shrink
from any opposition. Moreover, he- is peculiarly one to
win our confidence and affection. To know 'Honest Abe'
is to love him; and his neighbors in the West, although
voting for him to a man, will mourn the victory which is
to deprive them of his presence."

The following report from a special correspondent of
the "New York Herald, who visited Mr. Lincoln at his
home in Springfield, Illinois, in August, i860, will prove
of the highest interest :
"Among all the candidates for the Presidency of the
United States now in the field, Abraham Lincoln, of Illi
nois, seems to be regarded by the people here as the only
one who presents the appearance, emphatically and liter
ally, of the man of the people. Without ostentation, with
out reserve, without any of those exquisitely polite atten
tions one finds in the man of the world, and especially in
the aspiring politician, nurtured in the patrician atmos
phere of Washington, Lincoln both looks the man, acts
the gentleman, and mirrors at once the keenness of the
astute statesman and the firmness of the rigid executive
officer. The people say they have long wanted a Presi-

go Lincoln's campaign :
dent free from the corrupt influences which a long offi
cial residence at the seat of government is calculated to
entail; and, from what I have heard and seen, within the
space of a few months, a majority of the people of the
' North, and not a few at the South, are satisfied that in
Lincoln they have found a man who comes nearer to a
representation of their ideas in this respect than any other
named candidate.
"Lincoln is in the prime of life and vigor — as strong,
as lithe and energetic as almost any public man of his
age, and showing in his features, his movements and man-
- ners, his intellect, his knowledge of law, government and
the organic rules that sway men and found systems, evi
dences that he cannot be easily swerved from a purpose
he conceives just to his countrymen.
"After a pretty thorough investigation, I find that
there is not a man in this region who says a word against
the honesty of Abraham Lincoln. They like his socia
bility and his familiarity. He is universally regarded as
a plain, unassuming man, possessing strong common
sense, wedded to a quickness of perception that detects the
right from the wrong and winnows the chaff from the
wheat, whether the question be one of a legal charactei
or the selection of a true man from an impostor. We have
conversed with many gentlemen in prominent political
positions, but to Abraham Lincoln must we accord the
palm of frankness. He had no disguises. The subject of
Southern slavery was touched upon, and Mr. Lincoln em
phatically declared that it was his principle not to touch
it where it exists, but to prevent its spread into Territories"
now free. He spoke of slavery as an institution that did
not meet the universal sanction of the Southern people.
" 'Public opinion is not always private opinion,' lie
said; and, instancing Lamartine's account of the execu
tion of Louis XVI., wherein it appeared, that, although
the leading revolutionists were publicly obliged to declare

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 91
in favor of that deed, many of them were privately op
posed to it, he said that 'it was the same with many people
in the South; they were obliged to sustain slavery, al
though they secretly abhorred the institution.' He would
protect the South in its institutions as they exist, and said
that Southerners did not comprehend the position of the
Republicans in regard to slavery.
" 'The Southern mind,' he said, 'was laboring under
the delusion that the Republicans were to liberate the
slaves.' He swept this assumption away by a decisive de
nial of its correctness. He said he would like to go South
and talk to the Southerners on this topic, were it not that
the minds of some were so inflamed against him that they
would not listen to his reasoning.
"Mr. Lincoln's personal appearance has so often been
described in the newspaper prints that it is unnecessary
for me to enlarge upon it here; but, as a great deal has
been said about his ugliness, I will say a word or two on
that score. Men of the West may care for personal beauty
in women ; but, in a man, beauty constitutes a very small
claim upon their regard. Lincoln, however, is not an
ugly man. His features may appear rugged to the casual
observer; but, when engaged in earnest and entertaining
conversation, they assume an aspect at once pleasing and
engaging. Many men called handsome by belles lack ex
pression in their features when in conversation, whereas
the man of genius telegraphs his mind to others not only
by his language, but by the masculine charm of facial ex
pression. Mr. Lincoln confesses that he believes he will
be elected."

Here is an excellent extract from the "New York Tri
bune" of those momentous days :
"Some fastidious gentlemen appear to be a good deal

92

Lincoln's campaign :

disturbed at the presentation made of the Republican can
didate for the Presidency, as having once been a rail-split
ter, and at the prominence and significancy given to that
portion of his early life by the exhibition at public meet
ings of rails split by his hand.
"The title of 'rail-splitter' given to Mr. Lincoln is
merely an emphatic way of stating that he rose from the
class of men stigmatized by the slaveholding Senators
as the 'mudsills' of society, and the introduction of such
into public meetings and political processions is but an
emblematical reminder of the same fact, so far as con-'
cerns Mr. Lincoln personally. The point intended to be
made is, that, having risen from rail-splitting to be a
prominent citizen of Illinois, and a candidate for the Pres
idency, there must be talent and capacity enough in him
•to qualify him for the discharge of the duties of that
office. The main object, however, is an appeal, and, as it
seems to us, a perfectly fair one, to the sympathy and the
self-respect of that great body of voters who split rails or
follow similar laborious employments.
"It is a striking presentation of that great principle of
our Democratic system, that the highest offices of the
government are open to all, however humble their origin,
who, by the display of talent, probity, and public spirit,
shall attract the favor and secure the confidence of their
fellow-citizens. It is simply saying to the mass of the
voters, 'Here is a man who can be trusted to uphold the
great interests of ffee labor. He must know and under
stand those interests, he must sympathize with them, for
he once was a laborer himself/ "

The Republicans of Washington, D. C, met on May
19, at the rooms of the Republican Association, and, with
the Marine Band, marched to the residence of Hon. Han-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 93
nibal Hamlin, at his Washington home, and calling him
out, he addressed them as follows :
"You have come to pay a tribute to our standard .
bearer, who has been taken from the great West, where
the Star of Empire is culminating, if it has not already cul
minated ; a man of comprehensive and vigorous intellect,
and fully equal to the position designated. The architect
of his own fame and fortune, he comes to us most emphat
ically a representative man — not only a representative
man as an able and earnest exponent of Republican prin
ciples, but as identified with the laboring and industrial
classes. Having, from early life to the maturity of man
hood, devoted himself to physical labor, he can, as he
does, but feel a keener sense of the rights of labor. He
stands before the country, too, with a high moral charac
ter, upon which even a suspicion has never breathed, and
with a political integrity above reproach."

94

Lincoln's campaign :

Hannibal Hamlin.

CHAPTER VIII.
Letters of Acceptance.
The following are the letters of Abraham Lincoln and
Hannibal Hamlin, accepting the nominations tendered to
them by the Chicago Convention :
Springfield, III, May 23, i860.
"Hon. John Ashmun, President of the Republican
National Convention.
"Sir : I accept the nomination tendered me by the Con-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 95
vention over which you presided, and of which I am for
mally apprised in the letter of yourself and others, acting
as a committee of the Convention for that purpose.
"The declaration of principles and sentiments which
accompanies your letter, meets my approval; and- it shall
be my care not to violate or disregard it in any part.
"Imploring the assistance of Divine Providence, and
with due regard to the views and feelings of all who were
represented in the Convention, to the rights of all the
States and Territories, and the people of the nation, to the
inviolability of the Constitution, and the perpetual union,
harmony and prosperity of all, I am most happy to co
operate for the practical success of the principles declared
by the Convention.
"Your obliged friend and fellow-citizen, "Abraham Lincoln."
"Washington, May 30th, i860.
"Gentlemen: Your official communication of the
1 Sth inst., informing me that the representatives of the
Republican party of the United States, assembled at Chi
cago on that day, had by unanimous vote selected me
as their candidate for the office of Vice President of the
United States, has been received, together .with the reso
lutions adopted by the Convention as its declaration of
principles. Those resolutions enunciate clearly and forci
bly the principles which unite us, and the objects pro
posed to be accomplished. They address themselves to all,
and there is neither necessity nor propriety of my entering
upon a discussion of them. They have the approval of
my judgment, and by action of mine will be faithfully and
cordially' sustained. I am profoundly grateful to those
with whom it is my pride and pleasure politically to oper
ate, for the nomination so unexpectedly conferred; and
I desire to tender, through you, to the members of the
Convention, my sincere thanks for the confidence thus
reposed in me.

96 Lincoln's campaign :
"Should the nomination which I now accept be ratified
by the people, and the duties devolve upon me of presid
ing over the Senate of the United States, it will be my
earnest endeavor faithfully to discharge them, with a just
regard for the rights of all. It is to be observed, in con
nection with the Republican Convention, that a para
mount object with us, is to preserve the normal con
dition of our territorial domain, as homes for freemen.
The able advocate and defender of Republican principles
whom you have nominated for the highest place that can
gratify the ambition of man, comes from a State which has
been made what it is by special action in that respect of
the good and wise men who founded our institutions. The
rights of free labor have there been vindicated and main
tained. The thrift and enterprise which has distinguished
Illinois — one of the most flourishing States of the glori
ous West — we would see secured ti all the Territories cf
the Union, and restore peace and harmony to the whole
country by bringing back the government to what it was
under the wise and patriotic men who created it. If the
Republicans shall succeed in that object, as they hope to,
they will be held in grateful remembrance by the busy and
teeming millions of future ages.
"I am, very truly yours, "H. Hamlin."

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 97

CHAPTER IX.
More Ratifications and Endorsements.
Speech of Carl Schurz at the ratification meeting at
Milwaukee, Wisconsin, on the evening of May 30, i860:
"I had the honor to be a member of that committee
who were to carry to Mr. Lincoln the official announce
ment of his nomination. The enthusiasm with which we
were received at Springfield was boundless. There we
saw Mr. Lincoln's neighbors, and it became at once ap
parent that those who knew him best, loved and esteemed
him most. (Cheers.) And when I saw Mr. Lincoln, for
I had met him before in that memorable Senatorial cam
paign in Illinois, when he, as a man of true and profound
convictions, although discountenanced and discouraged
by many leading Republicans, who thought it good policy
to let Mr. Douglas return to the Senate without opposi
tion, threw himself forward for the imperiled purity of
our principles, grasped with a bold hand the Republican
banner, which was in danger of sinking into the mire of
compromise and unnatural combinations, and held it up
proudly aloft in one of the fiercest struggles the country
ever witnessed. (Great applause.) I met him then, when
he bearded- the lion of demagogism in his den, when the
brilliant sallies of his wit and- sarcasm drew shouts of de-

gS Lincoln's campaign :
light from the multitude, when the thunderbolts of his in
vective rattled triumphantly against the brazen front of
Stephen A. Douglas (applause;; when the lucid, un
answerable logic of his arguments inspired every patriotic
heart with new confidence in the justice of our cause, and
when, under his powerful blows, the large Democratic
majority of Illinois dwindled down to nothing. There I
saw him do what perhaps no other man in the nation
would have done. There I learned to confide in the pa
triot and the defender of profound convictions, to esteem
the statesman and to love the man. (Great applause.)
"And, now, I saw him again, surrounded by the com
mittee of the National Convention, who had come to lay
into hir, hands the highest honor and the greatest trust
that a political party has to bestow — an honor which he
had not craved and had hardly been sanguine enough to
expect. There he stood silently listening to the address
of our Chairman; his eyes downcast; in his soul, per
haps, a feeling of just pride struggling with the overawing
consciousness of responsibility. Then he answered,
thanking them for the honors bestowed upon him, and ac^
cepting the leadership in the great struggle, not with the
exulting tone of one who has achieved a personal tri
umph; not with the pompous airs and artificial dignity
of one who is conscious of standing upon the great stage
of the world, but with that unaffected, modest simplicity
of a man who is strong in the consciousness of his ability
and his honest intention to do right. (Applause.)
"Many of those who now surrounded him had voted
for other candidates in the Convention, and some, still
laboring under a feeling of personal disappointment, had
come there, not without some prejudice unfavorable to
Mr. Lincoln. But when they saw a man who had worked
his way from the humblest station in life to his present
eminence, not by fast speculation or adventurous efforts,
not by the wing of good luck, but by quiet, steady labor,

THE political revolution of i860. 99

LINCOLN CAMPAIGN BADGES.

IOO LINCOLN s campaign :
unswerving fidelity to principle and his private and public
duties, by the vigor of his genius and the energy of his
character — the man who had won the confidence of the
people and was now lifted upon the shield of a great na
tional party, not by ingenious combinations and adroit
management, but by the popular instinct — unfettered by
promises, unpledged to anybody, anything but the people
and the welfare of our country, his hands free to carry
out the honest dictates of his pure conscience, a life be
hind him, not only above reproach, but above suspicion,
a problem before him, for the solution of which he was
eminently fitted by the native virtues of his character, the
high abilities of his mind, and a strong, honest purpose,
they all felt, that with this pure and patriotic statesman,
all those great qualities would return to the White House,
which makes Republican government what it ought to be
— a government founded upon virtue. (Enthusiastic
cheers.) And an Eastern delegates who had voted against
him in the Convention, whispered to me in a tone of the
highest satisfaction: 'Sir, we might have done a more
daring thing, but we certainly could not have done a bet
ter thing.' " (Prolonged applause.)
* * *
From George D. Prentice, in the "Louisville Courier-
Journal :"
"The Republican organs, by common consent, desig
nate their candidate for the Presidency as 'Honest Old
Abe.' We are by no means disposed to deny his right
to the designation. We know him personally, and, how
ever strongly we may condemn some of the doctrines
to which he is committed, we have at no time seen reason
to doubt his honesty. We believe that he has the good of
his country at heart. This much we take the pleasure of
saying in his behalf."

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. IOI
Mr. Andrew, the Chairman of the Massachusetts dele
gation, in a speech at Fanueil Hall, Boston, delivered
after the nomination of Mr. Lincoln, gives the following
as his impression of Mr. Lincoln :
"At Springfield we saw him, all there was of him
(laughter), and it was not a difficult matter t6 catch a
sight of that honest and intellectual face, for he stood like
Saul among his brethren, above every other man. I tell
you, fellow-citizens, that a man six feet four inches high
is found seldom — except on a prairie. It is a way they
have of looking up and peeping over, for they are always
aspiring to look beyond the horizon. Do you ask who is
Abraham Lincoln? No man who- has read his speeches or
perused his debates need ask that question. He is one of
the leading men of all the West, as a counselor and bar
rister; standing first among his peers, as a citizen ad
mired, loved and revered for all the virtues which become
and which adorn a man. He has a countenance which
bespeaks the benignity and beauty of a noble soul. My
eyes were never feasted with the vision of a human face,
in which more transparent honesty and more benignant
kindness were combined with more of the intellect and
firmness which belong to masculine humanity. I would
trust my case with the honesty, and with the intellect, and
with the heart, and with the brain of Abraham Lincoln
as a lawyer, and I would trust my country's cause in the
hands of Abraham Lincoln as its chief magistrate, while
the wind blows and the water runs."
* * *
Hon. William L. Dayton, of New Jersey, said:
"There is something in having the impersonation of
a candidate before us. I recollect about the time of the
Chicago Convention, a stranger complaining of the fact

102 Lincoln's campaign :
that Mr. Lincoln was destitute of the graces ; some neigh
bor, who knew him well, answered, 'You are right, sir;
neither the schoolmaster nor the dancing-master had any
thing to do with making that man; God Almighty made
Abraham Lincoln.' "

Resolution passed at the Republican ratification meet
ing held in Cooper Institute, New York, June 7:
"Resolved, That we with confidence challenge the
closest investigation and scrutiny into the whole public
and private fife of Abraham Lincoln. Born in poverty
and obscurity, he has by his own efforts raised himself
from humble life to an eminence that may justly com
mand the admiration of friend and foe. With ability that
no man can gainsay or deny, with a firmness and decision
of character that nothing can sway, with integrity that
has never been questioned, with a record for freedom that
bears no taint, and with a broad and comprehensive na
tural ability that will guard over and protect the whole
Union, we will rally around him, support him, and tri
umphantly elect him to the high position the people have
designated him to fill."
THE WAE DRUMS ARE BEATING.
Sung by the Glee Club at the ratification held in Cooper
Institute, New York, June 7:
The war drums are beating,
Prepare for the fight;
The people are gathering
In strength and in might.
Fling out your broad banner
Against the blue sky,
With Lincoln and Hamlin
We'll conquer or die.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 103
The clarion is sounding
From inland to shore,
Your sword and your lances
Must slumber no more;
The slave-driving millions,
See. how they fly;
With Lincoln and Hamlin
We'll conquer or die.
March, forth to the battle,
All fearless and calm;
The strength of your spirit
Throw into your arm;
With ballots for bullets,
Let this be your cry,
With Lincoln and Hamlin
We'll conquer or die!

104 Lincoln's campaign.

CHAPTER X.
The Origin and Splendid Work of the Wide-A wakes
of 1860.
The greatest feature of the campaign of i860 was the
great Army of Wide-Awakes, which originated in the city
of Hartford, Connecticut. It was a Republican auxiliary,
semi-military in character, but political in purpose, and
grew to be a vast army of torch-bearers, which brilliantly
illuminated the thoroughfares of the North during the
campaign. The various Clubs marched in fine military
order, each man carrying a swing torch, with a small
American flag attached to the stfck, bearing the names of
Lincoln and Hamlin. The uniform of the privates was
a black enameled circular cape, a glazed military fatigue
cap, varying in colors to suit the various clubs. The
officers carried colored lanterns, and their uni
forms varied in color and style. The measured
tread, steady step and unbroken lines spoke of
attention to drill. Among many of the fantastic

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. I05
movements made while marching was the forma
tion of a rail fence. This was done by marching in single
file from one side of the road to the other in right and left
oblique manner.
On the night of February 25, i860, Hon. Cassius M.
Clay addressed the citizens of Hartford, Connecticut, and
he was escorted by a few enthusiastic young men, who
borrowed torches from a fire company. In order to pro
tect their clothes they procured some glazed oilcloth and
cut it in the shape of capes, and threw it over their shoul
ders, and also covered their caps. The novelty of their
appearance attracted considerable attention and drew
forth the hearty plaudits of the public. On the 3rd of
March following, a meeting of young men was called,
and they there and then resolved to form a 'Wide- Awake"
club gf fifty. Much fun was made of the uniform by the
opposition press; but the movement spread like wildfire,
and on the 27th of March a parade took place with two
thousand in line. The Republicans from all parts of the
North wrote to Hartford asking for information, method
of organization and rules. Circulars and instructions
were sent by the thousands, the Constitution consisting of
fourteen articles, with a light infantry drill, according to
Hardee. There were various clubs that differed a little
from the Wide-Awakes, but they were essentially the
same in their general organization and objects. The clubs

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PROCESSION OF THE WIDE-AWAKE CLUB OF HARTFORD, CONNECTICUT. ON THURSDAY, JULY 26, 1860.
(From "Frank Leslie's Illustrated" Newspaper, Aug. 11, 1860.)

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 107
bore various names. The Republicans were called
"Wide-Awakes," "Lincolnites," "The Rail Splitters,"
"The Rail Maulers," "Ever Ready's," "Young Men's
Union Club," "Union League," "Union Sentinels," "The
Minute Men."
Douglas and Johnson Clubs were known as "Little
Giants" and "The Little Dougs."
"The Bell Ringers," "Clapperites," "Bell-Everetters"
and "Constitutional Union Men" v/ere the Bell and Ever
ett organizations.
The "Chloroformers" were organized for the purpose
of putting the Wide-Awakes to sleep.
* * *
Answers to invitations from the "Rail-Splitter
Wide-Awakes," of Springfield, to various Wide-Awake
Clubs of Illinois to attend the great Republican demon
stration of August 8, i860, from letters in the "Oldroyd
Lincoln Memorial Collection:" Alton, 111., July 31, i860.
"L. Rosette, Secretary Wide-Awakes, Springfield, 111.
"I desire to say that about 280 Wide-Awakes will start
from Alton on the morning of the 8th of August, to join
you in a grand ratification meeting. You will hear from
us again when our arrangements are completed. We ex
pect to ship 800 live Republicans from here by special
train. "T. H. Underwood,
"Captain of Alton L. W. A. Club."

108 Lincoln's campaign :
"Beardstown, 111., August i, i860.
"To the Springfield Wide-Awakes, the Beardstown Wide-
Awakes send greeting.
"Gentlemen: It is the earnest desire of the Republi
cans of Cass County to see such an assembling of the
masses at Springfield on the 8th, as shall strike terror to the
hearts of all opponents of our worthy standard bearer,
'Honest Old Abe,' and rekindle, within the bosom of his
friends, fires of devotion, that shall, in the coming No
vember, sweep from the political arena those twin sisters .
of iniquity, 'Squatter Sovereignty and Disunion.' We
have made arrangements to go to Springfield in full force.
"Edw. E. Foster."
"Indianapolis, Ind., August 23, i860.
"L. Rosette, Springfield, 111.
"Dear Sir: Had I received your note as I should,
we might have arranged to be at your grand rally. Abra
ham Lincoln, who, by his indomitable energy and hon
esty, has hewed out for himself a name and fame that
kings might envy, having come up from the people, it
makes him the Washington of i860, and, as I believe, in
the Providence of God, brought forward at this time to
lead a free people back to the principles of the Fathers
of this once free republic, and carry the flag of freedom
triumphantly over every opposition to complete victory.
"Yours in the cause of free speech and free men, Lin
coln and Hamlin, "W. J. H. Robinson."
"Virginia, 111., August 4, i860.
"L. Rosette, Secretary Springfield Wide-Awake Club.
"Dear Sir: We will be in Springfield between 8 and 9
o'clock on Wednesday A. M. There will be 100 Wide-
Awakes from Beardstown, who will come through this
place, and we will join them. I suppose there will be
1,000 Abe Lincoln Republicans from old Cass County.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF 1 860. IO9
Hoping that you may have a grand time — one that will
do credit to 'Old Abe,' and to the place in which he lives,
I am, sir, "Yours very truly,
"H. Theo. Thomas."
"Bloomington, August 7, i860.
"L. Rosette, Secretary Wide-Awakes, Springfield, 111.
"Sir: We shall be down on the 11 A. M. train to-moi-
row with some 125 torches, with Republican enthusiasm
enough for 1,000. Old McLean will send from 500 to
1,000 delegates.
"Yours in the Republican cause for 'Old Abe,'
"S. B. Brown,
"Captain Bloomington Wide-A wake Club."
"Beardstown, August 3, i860.
"L. Rosette, Esq.
"Dear Sir: Your invitation was accepted by our com
pany. One hundred of them will march to Springfield,
a distance of thirty miles, leaving here Tuesday morning
with a band of martial music, camping at Pleasant Plains
that night, and reach Springfield about 10 o'clock on
Wednesday. • "F. M. Durand,
"Secretary Beardstown Wide-Awakes."

no lincoln?s campaign.

CHAPTER XI.
The Lincoln Demonstration at Springfield, Illinois,
August 8, 1860.
From the "Illinois State Journal:"
"A veritable political earthquake passed over this part
of -the State on yesterday. We have no adequate words to
describe what our eyes beheld. Never, we believe, in the
history of the country was there a larger or more mag
nificent political demonstration than that -which yesterday
took place here at the home of Mr. Lincoln. Certainly
nothing has ever occurred in the West which at all com
pares with it. Heretofore we have been in the habit of re
ferring to the Harrison Convention, which met here in
1840, or to the Tippecanoe mass meeting, which shortly
afterwards assembled at Cincinnati, as large meetings;
but henceforth the Lincoln Rally of i860 will be the stand
ard of reference. For its extent, its numbers and its dis
play, it makes a new era in the matter of political dem
onstrations, while, by its vastness and enthusiasm, it
proves conclusively that the people of Illinois are heart
and strength for Lincoln.
"Thousands upon thousands were here from all the
central counties of the State. Wide-Awake clubs
marched a distance of thirty miles, camping en route.
The day was most favorable for the demonstration, and
the streamers, flags, banners and mottoes, flung to the

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. Ill
breeze in all directions, made a magnificent affair. The
procession was eight miles long, -and it was with great
difficulty that the various delegations were brought into
line. The column was headed with a large rolling ball,
indicating the onward march of the Republican princi
ples. The Springfield Woolen Mills was represented in
the procession by an immense wagon containing a power
loom, driven by a small steam engine. During the pro
gress of the procession they made several yards of sub
stantial jeans cloth, from which a pair of pantaloons for
Mr. Lincoln were cut and made up. Numerous wagons
represented the rail-splitting scenes.
"Christian County delegation consisted of 103 wagons
and 1,200 people. Scott County sent 200 wagons. Taze
well County came in wagons to the number of 500.
Spring Creek delegation consisted of 170 wagons, filled.
Jersey County sent 120 wagons. Cotton Hill Town
ship had a log "wagon on wheels, with an old
settler in front splitting rails. In the Williamsville dele
gation was an immense wagon drawn by twenty- three
yoke of oxen. This wagon was a perfect medley of work
shops — blacksmiths shoeing a horse,_ another making a
shoe, wheelwright making a wheel, a gang of men split
ting rails, carpenters, tinners, shoemakers, weavers, etc.
In addition to the hundreds of delegations in wagons and
on horseback, the railroads entering the city reported
bringing 197 cars loaded with 14,500 persons.
"The procession reached the fair grounds about 2
o'clock p. m. Speeches were made from five stands by
the following speakers: Judge Lyman Trumbull; Sen
ator Doolittle, of Wisconsin; Hon. John Wilson, Com
missioner of the Land Office under Mr. Fillmore; Hon.
Joseph Gillespie, Hon. John M. Palmer, Hon. R. J.
Oglesby, Hon O. H Browning and others.
"Mr. Lincoln was called for as he entered the grounds,

ii2 Lincoln's campaign.
and made the following speech, Iffter being carried from
his carriage upon the shoulders of the people:
" 'My fellow-citizens, I appear among you upon this
occasion with no intention of making a speech. It has
been my purpose, since I have been placed in my present
position, to make no speeches. This assemblage having
been drawn together at the place of my residence, it ap
peared to be the wish of those constituting this vast as
sembly to see me; and it -is certainly my wish to see all
af you. I appear upon the ground here at this time only for
the purpose of affording myself the best opportunity of
seeing you, and enabling you to see me.
" 'I confess with gratitude, be it understood, that I
did not suppose my appearance among you would create
the tumult which I now witness. I am profoundly grate
ful for this manifestation of your feelings. I am grateful,
because it is a tribute such as can be paid to no man as a
man. It is the evidence that four ^ears from this time
you will give a like manifestation to the next man who
is the representative of the truth on the questions that now
agitate the public. And because you will then fight for
this cause as you do now, or with even greater ardor than
now, though I be dead and gone, I must profoundly and
sincerely thank you. Having said this much, allow me
now to say that it is my wish that you will hear this public
discussion by others of our friends, who are present for
the purpose of addressing you, and that you will kindly
let me be silent.'
"At the conclusion of these remarks, Mr. Lincoln de
scended from the platform, and with difficulty made his
way through the vast throng who eagerly pressed around
to <Jfike him by the hand. By an adroit movement he
escaped on horseback, while the crowd were besieging the
carriage in which it was expected he would return to the
city. "In the evening there was a magnificent display of
torchlights and fireworks generally."

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. lie

CHAPTER XII.
The Adventures of a Lincoln Rail.
A Relic with an Interesting History. Presented by Gov
ernor Oglesby to a citizen of Kentucky, and now
back again in Illinois.
"Forrest, Livingston County, III, June i, 1874.
"To the Editor of the Inter-Ocean.
"Sir: Nothing since the days of the Rebellion, has
called out such an expression of patriotism in our.commu-
nity as the exercises conducted in the Methodist Episco
pal Church of this village on Sunday, the 31st ult, pursu
ant to the proclamation of Governor Beveridge, to ob
serve the day in memory of our patriotic dead.
"The church had been Handsomely decorated with
evergreens, flowers, flags, mottoes, etc. After appropriate
services during the day, the audience met in the evening,
and a procession of young ladies filed up the main aisle of
the church, bearing an elegant silk flag. These were fol
lowed by fourscore years, carrying a genuine Lincoln rail.
"The history of this particular rail runs briefly thus:

114 Lincoln's campaign :
It was sent by Governor Oglesby, of Illinois, to the Hon.
Allen A. Burton, of Kentucky, soon after the nomina
tion of Mr. Lincoln by the National Republican Conven
tion at Chicago, of which Convention both Mr. Oglesby
and Mr. Burton were members, and Mr. B. an elector-at-
large for Kentucky.
"It had been planned by a rioted slave dealer to mob
the rail when it should arrive at its destination; and on its
arrival, the mob, headed by its leader, surrounded the ex
press office to do. the deed of fanatic villainy; but a few
determined faces about the express wagon caused the
men to halt, waver and then sneak away. The rail has
stood guard in Mr. Burton's house for fourteen years;
and on its leaving there a few days ago, for his new home,
at Forrest, 111., it was escorted to the railway station by
a large procession of patriotic citizens to bid it good-bye
on its return to its native state. Its adopted county, that
would gladly have seen It mobbed fourteen years ago,
is now Republican in its politics, and mourns the absence
of this rail as the loss of a great apostle of political right
eousness. During the Rebellion, Mr. Burton's house was
alternately taken by the Federals and Rebels as officers'
headquarters; and, although they spared nothing else, it
so happened that the rail was comparatively undisturbed
until the other day, on its leaving Lancaster, Ky., when it
was considerably chipped by some of its more enthusi
astic and less reverent friends, who declared that a piece

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. I15
of it was the next best thing after a splinter from the true
cross. Four years ago, the rail, draped in mourning,
figured conspicuously at meetings held in Kentucky to
- ratify the fifteenth constitutional amendment, , and had
been a prominent object at Republican gatherings held
for various purposes since the war, and now remains here
at Mr. Burton's home, whither he has removed, as a re
minder of what he suffered during the late war in behalf
of the Union. Accompanying this rail is the following
certificate: " 'Decatur, 111., June i, i860.
" T do hereby certify that the rail this day delivered
to Dr. G. W. McMellen, to be by him sent to A. A. Bur
ton, of Lancaster, Ky., is from a lot of 30,000 made by
Abraham Lincoln and myself thirty years ago in this
county, and I have resided in this county ever since that
time. '"His
' "John X Hanks.
" 'Mark.
'"Attest: R. J. Oglesby.'" "Forrest, 111., March 22, 1888.
"0. H. Oldroyd, Esq., Lincoln Homestead, Springfield,
111. "Dear Sir : We send you the Lincoln rail that was sent
to Judge Burton in i860. Its history is given in the ac
companying paper 4ip to 1874. It has stood guard in

n6

LINCOLN s campaign:

Mr. Burton's new home in Illinois since that time till now.
This we send you is the identical rail with John Hanks'
certificate, making it fourteen years since it was sent from
Kentucky, and twenty-eight years in Mr. Burton's family.
"Lydia Burton Hurt.
"Nathan Hurt.
"Attest: Henry B. Watson."

'w^-/^*n*m/^«u0liirt

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. II 7

4 4

CHAPTER XIII.
Leonard W. Volk's Bust of Lincoln, from Life Casts of
Pace and Hands.
The bust of Lincoln by Leonard W. Volk, the well-
known sculptor, of Chicago — a photograph of which will
be found in the front part of this book — was made from sit
tings obtained in i860, and with the assistance of life mask
and casts of the hands also made by Mr. Volk the same
year. : The story of how Mr. Volk obtained the sittings for
this bust and hand casts, is an interesting one, and was re
lated by the artist in an article which appeared in the
"Century Magazine" for December, 1881.
Mr. Volk had obtained sittings for a bust of Stephen
A. Douglas in 1857, during the memorable Senatorial
contest in Illinois between Douglas and Lincoln. He was
accompanying Mr. Douglas on/ a speechmaking tour
when he first met Lincoln at the town of Lincoln, in Lo
gan County. A mutual friend introduced him. "How
do you do? I am glad to see you. I have read of you in
the papers. You are making a statue of Judge Douglas

n8 Lincoln's campaign:
for Governor Matteson's new house/^was Lincoln's greet
ing. "Yes, sir," Mr. Volk replied; "and some time when
you are in Chicago and have time, I should like to have
you sit to me for your bust."
"I will, Mr. Volk," said Lincoln; "I shall be glad to,
the first opportunity I have."
Nearly two years had elapsed when that opportunity
came. Lincoln was in Chicago trying a case in the United
States Court, and Volk, seeing his name in the morning
"Tribune," called there immediately. Mr. Lincoln recog
nized him at once, and came to greet him. He seemed
pleased at being reminded of his promise to sit for a bust,
and asked when he should come to the studio, and how
long he would be wanted at each sitting. It was arranged
that Mr. Lincoln should come early every morning, and
remain until io o'clock, the hour court opened. It was
the first time Mr. Lincoln sat to an artist for his portrait
in sculpture or painting; he had only posed before for
daguerreotypes and photographs. Friday morning he
had his first sitting, and the cast was made of his face.
He came on seven succeeding mornings, while Mr. Volk
made the clay bust, which was the model for the famous
Lincoln beardless bust. On May 18th following, Mr. Lin
coln was nominated for the Presidency by the Republican
Convention in Chicago. Having occasion to go to

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. I19
Springfield the day of the nomination, Mr. Volk called
upon Lincoln at his home, and was the first Chicagoan to
congratulate him upon his nomination. The sculptor
made an engagement for a sitting on the second day fol
lowing (Sunday) to obtain casts of Lincoln's hands. Sat
urday afternoon the committee appointed to inform Lin
coln of his nomination arrived at Springfield, accom
panied by a trainload of enthusiastic citizens. This crowd,
swelled to thousands by the Springfield populace,
marched to Lincoln's home; and, after the committee
had performed its duties, they passed through the house
in single file, each being allowed to shake Lincoln's hand
as the line moved through. The cast of the right hand,
made next morning, shows the effect, in swollen muscles,
of this continued handshaking. When the sculptor was
making the cast of the left hand, Lincoln called his atten
tion to a scar on his thumb. "You have heard me called
the rail splitter, haven't you?" he said. "Well, I used to
split rails when I was a young man, and one day, while
sharpening a wedge on a log, the ax glanced and nearly
took my thumb off, and that is the scar left." The scar
is plainly seen in Mr. Volk's cast.

i2o Lincoln's campaign:

CHAPTER XIV.
Two Great Speeches by Seward and Schenck.
Speech of William H. Seward, at Springfield, Illinois,
October i, i860.
As the train bearing Mr. Seward and party arrived at
Springfield from St. Louis, Missouri, Mr. Lincoln, with
a large crowd of citizens, met them at the depot. A salute
was fired as the train stopped. The correspondent of the
"New York Herald" gives the following description of the
few minutes' stay:
"Mr. Lincoln's portraits bear a sufficient resemblance
to him to make recognition easy, and yet he is not by any
means so hard featured and repulsive looking as they rep
resent him. On the contrary, while no one would call
him a good-looking man, neither would anyone be re
pelled by his aspect. The good-humored expression that
lurks about his clear gray eye, traveling the one long,
deep, curved furrow down his cheek, and making its home
somewhere in the region of his capacious mouth, must
always gain him friends. He dresses in the ordinary

>

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 121

style of Western lawyers, black cloth swallow-tailed coat,
and trousers fitting tightly to his long, bony frame; the
inevitable black satin vest, open low down, and display
ing a broad field of shirt bosom, the collar being turned
down over a black silk neckerchief."
Mr. Seward spoke from the platform as follows: "I
am happy to express, on behalf of the party with whom I
am traveling, our gratitude and acknowledgments for
this kind and generous reception at the home of your
distinguished fellow-citizen, our excellent and honored
candidate for the Chief Magistracy of the United States.
If there is in any part of the country a deeper interest felt
in his election than there is in any other part, it must of
course be here, where he has lived a life of usefulness;
where he is surrounded by the companions of his labors
and of his public services. We are haopy to report to you,
that, although we have traveled over a large part of the
country, we have found no doubtful states. You would
naturally expect that I should say something about the
temper and disposition of the State of New York. The
State of New York will give a generous and cheerful and
effective support to your neighbor — Abraham Lincoln.
I have heard about combinations and coalitions there,
and I have been urged from the beginning to abandon
this journey and turn back on my footsteps. Whenever
I shall find any reason to suspect that the majority which

122 Lincoln's campaign:
the State of New York will give for the Republican
Candidate will be less than 60,000 (cheers) I may do so.
The State of New York never fails — never flinches. She
has been committed from the beginning, as she will be
to the end, under all circumstances, to the great prin
ciples of the Republican party. She voted to establish
this a land of freedom for you in 1787. She sustained
the ordinance of 1787 till you were able to take care of
yourselves. Among the first acts of her government
she abolished slavery for herself; she has known nothing
of compromises, nothing of conditions or qualifications
in this great principle, and she never will. She will
sustain your distinguished neighbor because she knows
that he is true to his great principle; and, when she has
helped to elect him, by giving as large a majority as can
be given by any half dozen other States, then you will
find that she will ask less, expect less, from him, and sup
port him more faithfully than any other State can do.
That is the way she did with John Quincy Adams, that
is the way she sustained General Taylor, and that is the
way she will sustain Lincoln."
Mr. Seward was loudly cheered as the train swept on.
* * *
Speech of.Robert E. Schenck at the Stuyvesant Institute,
New York, September, i860.
"My Fellow-Citizens of New York : I know Mr. Lin
coln — this Western candidate whom we have presented

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

I23

to you, whom you and we have chosen to be our standard
bearer in this battle for freedom, for the Constitution,
and the Union, as they were understood and expressed
by our fathers — this leader of the host, with whom we
would march back and intrench ourselves in the old and
sure strongholds of that sound interpretation of our or
ganic law, and that wholesome and wise practice and
policy which were established and maintained so long by
the great men who have gone before us. I know him. It
was my fortune to sit beside him for two years while he
served in the councils of the nation, and until he had to
decline, out of consideration for his personal duties and
necessities, a longer term in the public service. It has
since been my pride to continue the friendly relations then
formed through the years that have since passed. Mod
est and unobtrusive in his manner, yet in the short period
of that service, and with such opportunity of acquaintance
and observation, it was not possible to fail to see that he
was a man of no ordinary stamp — one that might yet
make his mark higher and more conspicuously; one that,
by his clear, logical intellect, his forceful power of argu
mentation, his fair, straightforward course, and his man
ifest, influencing honesty of purpose, would prove him
self, on trial at any time, if need be, worthy of and compe
tent for any station or trust, however high or responsible,
to which he might be called. And these are the qualities

(24

LINCOLN S CAMPAIGN :

of mind and character peculiarly needed in him who is to
be put at the head of the Nation at this crisis of our public
affairs."

«AtOIEIt HATOTBP «r REUBEN HGUi, LAWBBNSft

Reproduced from silk woven in colors in
switzerland, 1866
COURTESY OF O. D. IRWIN

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF l86o,

CHAPTER XV.
A Pen Picture of Abraham Lincoln.
Correspondence of the Philadelphia "North Amer
ican :'' "Springfield, 111., October 20, i860.
"So much has been written and spoken of Abraham
Lincoln, the next President of the United States, that the
public mind is already reasonably possessed, from various
descriptions, good, bad and indifferent, as well as by the
never-failing popular instinct, of his general character
istics, appearance and bearing. The ordinary likenesses
do his face and features much injustice, while they still
convey that important idea of both which makes recog
nition easy and certain. I had not met him until yester
day in thirteen years, since he left Congress, where his
name was uniformly recorded on the Whig side, and
where he was always recognized as one of our most
staunch and reliable champions. Time has touched him
with a gentle hand, and he is to-day the same open and in
genuous gentleman that he was regarded by a large circle
of admiring friends in that memorable period, and when

126 Lincoln's campaign:
the Senate and the House of Representatives numbered
some of the foremost intellects of the Nation.
"Mr. Lincoln may be regarded as representing what
I will venture to call the highest type of Western civiliza
tion in this country; for the development of manhood
west of the Ohio is essentially different from what
we are accustomed to see east of it. He is,
in other words, a representative of that ener
getic sturdy and progressive people, who have,
by their own strong arms and stout hearts, cleared
the forests, plowed the prairies, constructed the rail
roads and carried the churches and school-houses into
the once wilderness of this mighty region, causing it to
blossom like a garden, and diffusing blessings everywhere.
We have a right to be fond of the West, for there is no
known spot on the habitable globe which to-day exhibits
the same wonderful progress, or gives promise of such
future greatness. And if this feeling of National pride be
proper, as every American must feel it to be, with how
much honorable consciousness can we point to our can
didate, who personates, as it were, those remarkable qual
ities, and claim for him the suffrage of the people.
"However politics may separate partialities in this
State, there is but one opinion among fair-minded men
as to the moral worth, elevated character and purity of
Abraham Lincoln. In Springfield, which has been so

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. i27
long his home, all parties vie with each other in testifying
to his integrity, his uprightness and all the virtues which
adorn and dignify private life.
"In his intercourse he is frank, direct and manly, with
out reservations or quibblings of any kind. While main
taining a decorous and delicate reserve in regard to that
immediate future which is now foreshadowed so unmis
takably, he is entirely free to express his opinions on all
subjects of public policy, and particularly in regard to the
great principles which have of late years so much divided
the parties. Mr. Lincoln stands nearer to the old and
recognized landmarks of the Constitution, which have
been honored of all men, than almost any public man
now before the country. He is eminently and necessarily
conservative in regard to slavery, from conviction, from
long reflection, from all his previous life, and from the
firm persuasion that moderation is the only course by
which this government can be administered wisely and
well. "Opinion in this region is nearly identical with that
entertained in Philadelphia on this exciting question, and
it may be said to extend along the great belt to the At
lantic, including a population of eight or more millions.
"The administration of Mr. Lincoln is destined to be
come historical in this respect, that the President will be
freely assailed before entering office, and will be as freely

128 Lincoln's campaign:
applauded before he leaves it, as one who has been true to
all his Constitutional duties, and false to no obligation or
section. "It may be -ventured as a prediction, upon the knowl
edge of his past career, and of his admitted fidelity to all
he believes, that Mr. Lincoln's inaugural will do more to
restore harmony between the North and South, and to
correct erroneous prejudices, than all the protestations of
all the pretended Union Savers together. He is a Union
man thouroughly, honestly and truly, and not by profes
sion, and he will maintain every right of the South
with as stern and inflexible integrity as of the
North, or the East, or the West. A man born
in Kentucky, bred in the vicissitudes of this giant
West, who has had to carve out his own fortunes,
the son and the grandson of Virginians who sprung from
old Berks, in Pennsylvania, is not apt to have much other
blood in his veins than what is national and American.
"Of simple tastes and habits, Mr. Lincoln lives here
the calm and serene life of a respected and contented cit
izen, without the least pretension or affectation whatever.
A genial companion, a faithful friend, and in all the do
mestic relations an example, he is universally esteemed
as deservedly enjoying a lot which befalls but few."

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. I2Q.

Breckinridge, Douglas, Bell.
the fusion candidates.

CHAPTER XVI.
The Fusion Candidates in New York.
A so-called "Conservative" meeting, held in Cooper
Institute, September 17, i860, was called by and composed

130 Lincoln's campaign:
of citizens, who, though loyal, were opposed to the elec
tion of Abraham Lincoln to the Presidency, claiming him
to be a sectional candidate. The meeting was held under
the auspices of the "Union Electoral Ticket" (or Anti-
Lincoln) party- Every allusion made by the speakers
against the election of Lincoln, was received with great
abplause. A few days later the committee appointed by
this meeting to adopt such electoral ticket "as the crisis
and the country" demanded, issued, the following resolu
tions and the "Fusion list" of Presidential electors. It is
curious enough to be given herein in full:
"Resolved, That this committee recommend to all cit
izens of the State of New York who are opposed to the
election of Lincoln and Hamlin, and who are in favor of
preserving the Union of these States upon the basis of
the Constitution, the following ticket for the election of
President and Vice President of the United States:
UNION ELECTORAL TICKET.
For State Electors, New York.
Herman J. Redfield, Gennessee, Douglas.
Henry S. Randall, Cortland, Breckinridge.
For District Electors:
1. Selah B. Strong, Queen,- Douglas.
2. John H. Brower, Kings, Breckinridge.
3. J. A. Westervelt, New York, Breckinridge.
4. Elijah F. Purdy, New York, Douglas
5. William A. Robbe, New York, Breckinridge.
6. J. Depeyster Ogden, New York, Bell.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 131
7 William B. Duncan, New York, Breckinridge.
8. Stephen P. Russell, New York, Breckinridge.
9. Abram B. Conger, Westchester, Breckinridge.
10. Daniel B. St. John, Orange, Bell.
11. Elisha B. Strong, Green, Douglas.
12. William Kent, Dutchess, Bell.
13. Martin Springer, Ransselaer, Douglas.
14. James Kidd, Albany, Bell.
15. Isaiah Blood, Saratoga, Douglas.
16. Henry H. Ross, Essex, Bell.
17. David C. Judson, St. Lawrence, Douglas.
18. Charles Goodyear, Schoharie, Douglas.
19. George C. Clyde, Otsego, Douglas.
20. Edward Huntington, Oneida, Bell.
21. Ambrose C. Higgins, Cortland, Douglas.
22. Lucius B. Crocker, Oswego, Douglas.
23. Pierson Mundy, Jefferson, Douglas.
24. John M. Strong, Onondaga, Douglas.
25. Edward M. Anderson, Wayne, Douglas.
26. James M. Pulver, Ontario, Bell.
27. Miles H. French, Tompkins, Bell.
28. Charles H Carroll, Steuben, Bell.
29. Addison Gardiner, Monroe, Douglas.
30. John B. Skinner, 2d, Wyoming, Douglas.
31. Lorenzo Burrows, Orleans, Bell.
32. William Williams, Erie, Douglas.
33. Stephen D. Caldwell, Chatauqua, Douglas.
Recapitulation.
Douglas men  18
Bell and Everett men . . . ."  io
Breckinridge men  7
35

132 LINCOLN s campaign:
"THE VOX POPULI.

Monster Mass Meeting of Minute Men.

Tremendous Demonstration at the Cooper Institute and
in the Surrounding Streets.

Ratification of the Union Electoral Ticket

Enthusiastic Turnout of the Masses.

Over Thirty Thousand People on Duty Last Night.

The Country Safe.

Guns, Music, Banners, Torches, Sky Rockets and Songs.

Speeches of John A. Dix, James W. Gerard, Hon. John
Cochrane, Charles O'Conor, General Hiram
Walbridge, Judge Thompson, Theo
dore B. Tomlinson, James
Brooks and
Others.

The Union Electoral Tickets Ratified by Acclamation.

Our Country One and Inseparable.

The Fanatics and Disunionists Rebuked.

The Republicans a One-Eyed Cyclops and Hybrid Mon
strosity, Etc., Etc., Etc."
— New York Herald.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 1 33

CHAPTER XVII.
Old Abe Receiving the News of the Returns of His
Election.
(Correspondence of the "Missouri Democrat.")
Springfield, Illinois, November 7, i860.
There was very little sleeping done in this place last
night. Everybody, by common consent, was voted a
Wide-Awake, and the scenes and noises, between the
closing of the polls yesterday and sunrise to-day, defy
description. About 7 o'clock last evening the fun com
menced. At that hour a large crowd assembled in the
Assembly Chambers in the State House, prepared to hear
the returns. Outside an immense crowd congregated in
front of the Court House, and, when the first report came
that Lincoln was seventy majority on the straight ticket,
a shout went up which in a few moments was echoed all
over town. Mr. Lincoln's room in the Capitol was, how
ever, at that early hour the central point of interest. Dis
patches were expected every few moments, and the crowd
pressed in so fas,t that somebody suggested that they be
requested to withdraw. This proposition instantly met

I34 LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN :
with a protest from Mr. Lincoln. He said he had never
done such a thing in his life, and wouldn't commence now.
But the crowd pressed till the room became absolutely
unbearable. Mr. Lincoln was calm and collected as ever
in his life; but, when a messenger from the telegraph

STATE HOUSE (NOW COURT HOUSE),
Springfield, Illinois, I860.
office entered, there was a nervous twitch on his coun
tenance, that indicated an anxiety within that no coolness
¦ from without could repress. His first dispatch was from
Decatur, Illinois, announcing a handsome Republican
gain. It was received with shouts, and borhe into the As-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 1 35
sembly Hall as a trophy of victory to be read to the crowd.
News came in slowly, but about 8 o'clock O. M. Hatch,
Secretary of State, received a dispatch from Jacksonville,
showing a Republican gain of 210. This dispatch seemed
to gratify Mr. Lincoln exceedingly. Jacksonville was the
home of Dick Yates, who had barely redeemed his prom
ise to give a good account of himself in Morgan. Conver
sation followed upon the prospect in Sangamon, in which
our late candidate expressed a deep interest. His attach
ment to Lyman Trumbull was manifested throughout the
evening by various inquiries as to the Legislative ticket in
this county, where our friends hoped for and have
achieved a gain of two members. Probably a desire for
a home indorsement added to his interest in Sangamon.
The "boys" kept bringing various reports of the progress
of counting, but none of them were satisfactory. About
9 o'clock Mr. Lincoln, accompanied by Auditor DuBois,
Secretary Hatch and three others, left his room and pro
ceeded, by invitation of the superintendent of the tele
graph lines, Mr. Wilson, to the telegraph office. Here the
returns came in more rapidly. Illinois appeared all right.
A return from Decatur, Perry County, gave great satis
faction, as Fremont received in 1856 only half the votes in
the entire county that Lincoln received in a single pre
cinct. This glimmer of light from Egypt was encourag
ing. It was followed by a report from Indianapolis that

Tg6 LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN ;
the Republicans of Indiana had made large gains over the
October vote. Then' came Alton, and it created quite a
sensation. "Alton, 12 majority for Lincoln; county sure."
This was the best news yet. Alton had been expected to
go at least 100 for Douglas. A bad break streak was felt
when a dispatch to the "State Register" announced
a Democratic majority of 600 in Adams, the
county in which Quincy is situated. At first it
was not believed; but still there was the same
authority for that as for the others, and it had to be
stood. A thrill of delight was occasioned by a report that
Joliet had given Douglas only 432 majority, inasmuch as
500 majority was conceded A more joyous thrill was oc
casioned by the news from Chicago — 2,500 majority for
Lincoln, and 4,000 in Cook County. "Send it to the
boys," said Mr. Lincoln, and half a minute after the crowd
in the State House attested its approbation by prolonged
shouts of applause. Bloomington came booming in- with
406 for Lincoln, and then Tolona, in Champaign County,
with a large Republican gain; scattering returns from
Wisconsin came along, mixed in with new dispatches,
indicating Republican gains. Ten o'clock struck, and the
inquiry for New York began to grow impatient. "Why
don't we have something from New York?" and "I wish
we could get word from New York," were the current ex
pressions. At twenty minutes past ten a dispatch came
for Lyman Trumbull, and almost simultaneously Mr.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 1 37

^g Lincoln's campaign.
Trumbull came in at the door_ having worked at Alton till
the polls closed, and' then jumped aboard the cars and
reached Springfield, as stated,. Mr. Trumbull was over
joyed by the report from Madison, and continually ex
claimed, "We've got 'em; we've got 'em." The Alton
news was confirmed, and the jubilance at first caused was
increased by the additional returns from Upper Alton and
Monticello, which made Madison County and a gain of
two Representatives sure. Pretty soon the operator read
off a Missouri dispatch, the vote of Herman: Lincoln,
226; Douglas, 84; Bell, 13; Breckinridge, 16; and, if
there was joy upon the countenance of Mr. Lincoln be
fore, it was then a positive blaze of delight.
"You received 400 votes in St. Joseph, Missouri, Mr.
Lincoln," said the operator, and positively the news
seemed too good to be true. "Hannibal City, 225 votes
for Lincoln." Missouri was then the theme; and, as the
champion of Republicanism warmed in it, he expressed
a desire to hear from St. Louis, and in an instant the ques
tion was asked, "What has Frank Blair's constituency
done?" We were not long in waiting. The ticking was
translated: "St. Louis County, fifteen precincts to hear
from, which gave Barrett 61 majority only, give Lincoln
945 plurality over Douglas, and 9,000 over Breckinridge."
"Good ! good !" said everybody, in one accord. Mr. Trum
bull expressed himself satisfied beyond any expectation.
He had heard that Republicans were going to vote for

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF lBoo. 1 39
Bell, and was afraid that Douglas would have a plurality.
Mr. Lincoln was very much pleased with this report.
Further returns from Missouri were read, by which it
appeared, that, in every precinct and county, the Repub
licans had a few votes— enough, at all events, to form the
nucleus of a great party" hereafter, and the point was com
mented upon by those in the room with* satisfaction. Kan
sas City, with 185 for Lincoln; Cole County, with 53 for
Lincoln, and other places, were read over and over again.
Then, as if the slaveholding States were determined to
rebuke the charges of sectionalism against Lincoln, the
votes of Wheeling, with 6op; Baltimore, with 1,062, and
Alexandria, Virginia, with 10 Republican votes; and little
Delaware, with 200 majority in Wilmington, and a gain
of a Republican Congressman, swelled the glad tidings.
These bits of news from Virginia, Maryland, Missouri
and Delaware were duly communicated to the State
House, and produced a fresh outburst of enthusiasm.
The next news was from Pittsburg, and as it was
read aloud, "Alleghany County 10,000 majority for Lin
coln," the surprise had a marked effect, for, in truth, it was
unexpected. A dispatch from Philadelphia followed —
"15,000 plurality, and 5,000 majority over all." It was
hard to say which feeling was then uppermost — surprise
or pleasure. Mr. Lincoln remarked that this was better
than he expected — far better. It was confirmed by the

I.'Q LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN':
following brief but pertinent dispatch from Senator
Cameron: Phil., Nov. 6, p. m.
"Hon. A. Lincoln: Pennsylvania, 70,000 for you.
New York safe. Glory enough. S. CAMERON."
This was the first from New York, but was too vague
to be satisfactory; and, as it was now nearly midnight,
there was a brisk renewal of the impatience to hear from
New York. Mr. Lincoln, Mayor  , of Springfield,
Senator Trumbell and others were invited to step across
the street and partake of a collation prepared by the
Republican ladies of Springfield for the entertainment
of their friends. All hands accordingly repaired to the
place, and found a long table well spread with eatables.
The hall was pretty well crowded, and as Mr. Lincoln
entered, there was of course a general commotion. The
ladies rushed forward to shake hands, and it was "How
do you do, Mr. President?" from a hundred feminine
voices all at the same' moment The hero of the occa
sion went through with the required handshaking amid
a chorus of singers, who struck up, meanwhile:
"We're the Lincoln boys!
We're the Lincoln boys!
Ain't you glad you joined the Republicans?
Joined the Republicans?
Ain't you glad you joined the Republicans?"
The ladies added their voices to the music of the
merriest, and a more inspiriting scene was seldom wit-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. I4I
nessed. The ladies were soon congratulating each other.
"Oh, I've shaken hands with Lincoln," remarks one
blushing fair one to another. "Have you?" replies the
second; "Well, I've done better than that, for I was at
the head of the table when he came in, and had a shake
there, and then ran around and took my place at the
foot of the line, and shook hands with him again."
While this was in progress a dispatch arrived at the
telegraph office from Simeon Draper announcing that
the city of New York complete gave the Fusionists only
27,600. It was carried to Mr. Lincoln, and a duplicate
sent to the State House.
It is utterly impossible to describe the scene which
ensued." As Mr. Lincoln read it, ladies and gentle
men closed in and overwhelmed him with, congratula
tions. "Oh, you are elected now," said the ladies; and
"It is all safe," said the gentlemen. These remarks, with
variations, poured in for ten minutes ; and, if Mr. Lincoln •
left the telegraph office for the purpose of taking a little
refreshment, he came as near being killed by kindness
as a man can conveniently be without serious results.
At the State House the scene was five times as bad;
men pushed each other — threw up their hats, hurrahed,
cheered for Lincoln, cheered for New York, cheered for
everybody; and actually lay down on the carpeted floor
and rolled over and over. It was some time before order

142 Lincoln's campaign:
could be restored to read the second dispatch from Simeon
Draper: "New York 50,000 majority for Lincoln!" And then
another scene: "Did you hear that?" "Where's Doug
las?" "Hit him again!" "Three cheers for the Empire
State!" These are only samples of the remarks. The ap
plause was tremendous. The Illinois State House never
before heard such a noise, and probably never will again.
It was beyond description; and, as New York was the
culminating point of doubt, groups commenced to leave
— not to go to bed— but to let the town know the result;
Some went one way, and some another, yelling like de
mons: "New York 50,000 majority for Lincoln — whoop,
whoop, hurrah!" And Springfield went off like one im
mense cannon report, with shouting from houses, shout
ing from stores, shouting from house tops and shouting
everywhere. Parties ran through the streets singing,
"Ain't I glad I joined the Republicans?" till they were
too hoarse to speak. This news was a complete squelcher
for the Douglaskes. They closed their headquarters and
sneaked away.
Mr. Lincoln and his friends returned to the telegraph
office, and in a few minutes examined further New York
returns, which confirmed the private dispatch, and made
everything sure by a large majority. The press reports
commenced by claiming 40,000 majority for Fusion; but
step by step it receded to 38,000, 35,000, 30,000, and then

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

r43

to a little over 28,000. Buffalo city vote was selected as
a standard upon which to calculate the effect of Fusion,
and, when it was known that Lincoln had a majority of
nearly 400, the case was considered settled. It was ar
gued, that, as Fillmore and Buchanan together led Fre
mont several thousand in Buffalo, and Lincoln now re
ceived a majority, it was proof that the Americans would
not go Fusion very generally throughout the State. This
test solved all further apprehension about New York.
All night there was howling for Lincoln, cheers for "Old
Abe" kept up, and towards morning some of the boys pro
cured a cannon and fired several rounds. This morning
Mr. Lincoln was received at the State House by a host
of friends, who have warmly congratulated him upon his
election. He is emphatically a man of the people, and
greeted the meanest dressed with equal cordiality as the
best. This is practical Democracy — illustrated.

TO ABRAHAM LINCOLN.
Lincoln, the votes of millions of thy friends
'Have placed thee at the helm, to steer this ship.
This mighty Ship of States, through calm and storm,
And, from its perilous voyage, bring it safe,
To be returned to them who gave it thee.

144 Lincoln's campaign.
Dost know how fearful is the post thou holdst?
Oh! canst thou, with a steady eye and hand,
Stand firmly and swerve not, when comes the shock
Of wave quick meeting wave — for meet they must—
And thy great ship is tossed and torn as when
A leaflet passes on a summer gale?
Canst tutor well thy crew that all obey,
And suffer thee to lead; that when the storm
Shall break in fury on thy noble ship,
They'll look to thee, and see that thou art bold,
That thou art prudent, and that no rash act
Of thine shall jeopardize their precious lives?
And, when the storm is past, and calm, once more,
Shall mirror siinshine and cerulean skies,
Oh! may they say: "Most noble man, to thee
Is due all praise; the storm is o'er, and now
Our ship is safe, the sun shines brightly down,
And everything betokens peace and joy."

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

H5

Result of the Presidential Election of No
vember 6, i860.

Electoral Vote.

Popul

ar Vote.

STATES.

d
0V
3

15

u 3
O
(5

?(*
¦a•E pOJ

5" 0
3

s0
0

3»to
•c
S
•3m

Maine 

1
E
13 4 6E
35 4
27
23 13
11 64
5
443

15 12; 0
39

3
9
12

38
10 8
10 67
9434
72

62,81137.519
106,533 12,214
43,79333,808
362,646 68,324
263,030 3,8152,294
1,929
1,364
231,610139,033172,161 17.028
88,480
70,40986,11039,17322,069 5,270

2,04ti 441
22,331 3,291 1.969
12,776 3.864
41.76074,681
44,990 No
42,886116,058
69.274 12,194
20,204 26,040 5,306
4,918
27.875
58,37220,094 405
5,437
*15,43S 1,763- 161
6,817 62
183

26,698
26,88134,872
*7,70715,522 6.849
*312,510 *62,80I 16,766 1.023
5.966
16,290 2,701
popular 11 590
25,66111,350
187.232 7,62i3,283
115,609 160,215 13,651
68,801 6,227
65,057 367
55,11165,021 88,51611,920 3,951

6,3682,112

5,939
14,641
218
*178,871
7.337
42.482
74,323
48.639
51,889
53,143
64,709
Ohio 
11.405
22,681
40,797
12.296
2,404
48,831
31.317
28.732
805
8,543
47.548
1,048
888
34,334
748
5,006
Totals 
ISO
1,866,452
590.631
1,375,157
847,953
Lincoln over Douglas  491,295
Lincoln over Breckinridge  1,018,499
Lincoln over Bell  1,275,821
Other Candidates over Lincoln  947,289
Fusion.,
146 Lincoln's campaign ;

CHAPTER XVIII.
Charles Sumner's Great Speech on the Election of
Lincoln.
(From the "Boston Journal," November 9, 1865.)
Charles Sumner lectured in Concord, Massachusetts, .
yesterday evening, on the "Life, Character and Public
Services of General Lafayette." After the lecture, the
Concord Wide-Awakes, deeming this a fitting time to call
upon our Senator, formed, and with a drum corps
marched to the residence of Mr. Ralph Waldo Emerson ;
and, after cheers had been given for Hon. Charles Sum
ner, he appeared, and was addressed by Hon. J. S. Keyes,
in behalf of the Wide-Awakes. Mr. Sumner replied :
"Captain and Wide-Awakes: You take me entirely
by surprise. I came here to-night to perform an agree
able service, not of a political character. I had not antici
pated any such opportunity as this with which you now
honor me. Nor did I anticipate any such welcome. Let
me thank you most sincerely for the kind and good words
that have come from your Captain. They are to me a re
ward for what little service I may have been able to ren-

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

H7

der in the past. They will encourage me to what I hope
to do in the future. I join with you in gladness at what
has occurred, at the victory which we are now celebrating.
Victories are sometimes won by the cartridge box, some
times by the ballot box ; but I doubt whether any victory
won by the cartridge box involves higher principles or
¦more important results than that which has now been won
by the ballot box. A poet has said that the shot fired here
was heard round the world; and I doubt not that this
victory which we have achievedjn our country will cause
a reverberation that will be heard throughout the civilized
globe. People, everywhere, who are struggling for rights,
who are vindicating liberal ideas, who are seeking human
improvement, will be encouraged when they hear of yes
terday. It will be good news to Garabaldi, in Italy ; it will
be good news to the French, who are now suffering undei
despotic power; and it will be, my friends, good news to
all of us, for it tells a great change has occurred. ,
"Every four years we choose a new President, but it
very rarely happens that we choose a new government.
But yesterday we not only chose a new President, but a
new Government. A new order of things was inaugu
rated by the vote of yesterday, which will put our country
under a new direction, and lift it up to the platform of
principles on which it was originally placed by our fore
fathers. Several things may be considered to be. fairly

I48 Lincoln's campaign :
established by the vote of yesterday, if we look at it in a
practical light. First, the American people have declared,
according to the very words of Madison, that it was
wrong to admit into the Constitution the idea that there
can be property in men. They have declared that slavery,
if it exists anywhere, is sectional, and must derive all such
life as it has from local laws, not from the Constitution;
in other words, that slavery is sectional, and freedom
national; in opposition to the idea which has been put for
ward so often, that freedom was sectional, and slavery na
tional. In the second place, the American people have de
clared, by this vote, that all the outlying Territories of the
Government, so enormous in extent, and destined to be
inhabited by an immense population, shall be consecrated
to freedom; that the soil shall never be pressed by the
footstep of a slave. In the third place, they have declared
that the old original policy of the fathers of the adminis
tration of the National Government shall be adopted, in
opposition to the slave policy which has been especially
pursued for the last twelve years, and more or less during
the last forty years. They have declared that the slave
trade, which it is now proposed to open with increased ac
tivity, shall be in reality suppressed, and that all the power
of the Government shall be directed in that direction
These things have been declared by that vote solemnly
and in a way from which there can be no appeal. Surely

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 149
this is a great action for our country, and forms a land
mark in its history. Having obtained this great victory,
it now remains that we should know how to use it with
moderation, with prudence, with wisdom. I believe that
Abraham Lincoln has those elements of character that
will enable him to carry us through this crisis; that he is
prudent, wise, discreet, and also brave. I believe that
bravery is necessary in directing the affairs of govern
ment, as much as prudence. I believe he is the man espe
cially called to see to it that we are not in any way checked
or set back by the menaces of disunion which sometimes
come to us from the South, and are repeated in Massachu
setts. To these menaces we deem it necessary to make
no other reply than to proceed with our work in the
spirit of the Constitution, wisely, prudently, answering
their threats with 'The Union shall be preserved,' and it
will be more precious by its consecration to human free
dom."

1 50 Lincoln's campaign:

CHAPTER XIX.
Campaign Songs.
HONEST ABE OP THE WEST.
Air— "Star Spangled Banner."
O, hark! from the pine-crested hills of old Maine,
Where the splendor first falls from the wings of the morning,
And away in the West, over river and plain,
Rings out the grand anthem of Liberty's warning!
From green-rolling prairie it swells to the sea,
For the people have risen, victorious and free
They have chosen their leaders, and bravest and best
Of them all is Old Abe, Honest Abe of the West!
The spirit that fought for the patriots of old
Has swept through the land and aroused us forever;
In the pure air of heaven a standard unfold
Fit to marshal us on to the sacred endeavor!
Proudly the banner of freemen we bear;
Noble the hopes that encircle it there!
And where battle is thickest we follow the crest
Of gallant Old Abe, Honest Abe of the West!
There's a triumph in urging a glorious cause,
Though the hosts of the foe for a while may be stronger,
Pushing on for just rules and holier laws,
Till their lessening columns oppose us no longer.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 151
But ours the loud paean of men who have past
Through the struggles of years, and are victors at last;
So forward the flag! leave to Heaven the rest,
And trust in Old Abe, Honest Abe of the West!
Lo! see the bright scroll of the Future unfold!
Broad farms and fair cities shall crown our devotion-
Free Labor turn even the sand into gold,
And the links of her railway chain ocean to ocean;
Barks that float on the dark river waves
With a wealth never wrung from the sinews of slaves;
And the Chief, in whose rule all the land shall be blest,
Is our noble Old Abe, Honest Abe of the West!
Then on to the holy Republican strife!
And again, for a future as fair as the morning,
For the sake of that freedom more precious than life,
Ring out the grand anthem of Liberty's warning!
Lift the banner on high, while from mountain and plain,
The cheers of the people are sounded again;
Hurrah! for our cause— of all causes the best!
Hurrah! for Old Abe, Honest Abe of the West!
—Edmund C. Stedman.

OLD ABE'S PRELIMINARY VISIT TO THE WHITE
HOUSE.
Air— "Villikins and his Dinab."
One Abr'am there was who lived out in the West,
Esteemed by his neighbors the wisest and best;
And you'll see, on a time, if you follow my ditty,
How he took a straight walk up to Washington city.
Ri tu, etc.
His home was in Springfield, out in Illinois,

152 Lincoln's campaign :
Where he'd long been the pride of the men and "the boys."
But he left the white house with no sign of regret,
For he knew that the people had another to let.
Ri tu, etc.
So Abr'am he trudged on to Washington straight,
And reached the White House through the Avenue gate,
Old Buck and his cronies (some chaps from the South)
Sat round the East room rather down in the mouth.
Ri tu, etc.
Old Abe seized the knocker and gave such a thump,
Buck thought the state ship had run into a stump;
He trembled all over and turned deadly pale,
"That noise," said he, "must have been made with a rail."
Ri tu, etc.
"Run, Lewis, run, Jerry, and open the door"—
And the "functionary" nearly fell down on the floor—
"There's only one man that knocks that way, I'm blessed!
And he is that tarnal old Abe of the West."
Ri tu, etc.
The Cabinet, frightened, sat still in their seats,
While Abr'am impatient the rapping repeats;
"I hope it ain't Abe," said old Buck, pale aud gray.
"If it is, boys, there'll be here the devil to pay." v
Ri tu, etc.
At last, tho' reluctant, Buck opened the door,
And found a chap waiting, six feet three or four;
"I've come, my fine fellows," said Abe to the ring,
"To give you fair notice to vacate next spring."
Ri tu, etc.
"The people have watched you. and made up their mind
That your management's running the country behind;

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. I53
You're badly in debt, and your plan is a bpld one—
To make a new debt to pay off the old one.
Ri tu, etc.
"You and Douglas have so split your party in twain
That Spaulding's best glue can't unite it again;
And both parts are useless, the Country don't need 'em—
For one goes for Slavery and the other 'gainst Freedom.
Ri tu, etc.

LINCOLN AND LIBERTY.
Hail to the chief who in power advances!
Shout for the cause that has tarried so long!
Sing! for the glory of mercy enhances,
And spent is the spell of the fetter and thong!
Hail to the gallant crest
Gleaming above the West!
Hail to the lofty, the blameless and true!
Hark to the people's cry —
Lincoln and Liberty!
Lincoln shall triumph and Liberty too!
Thunder the tocsin! Ho, leap at the warning
Into the lists of a leader so true!
And on the light of a heavenly morning,
The martyrs of Liberty languished to view!
Hail to the gallant crest, etc.
Strike, freemen, strike for the pride of the nation!
Strain every nerve for the hope of the Free!
And, O, soon the dawn of a day of salvation
To millions unborn shall meridian see!
Hail to the gallan't crest
Gleaming above the West!
Hail fo the lofty, the blameless, and true!
Hark to the people's cry-
Lincoln and Liberty!
Lincoln shall triumph and Liberty too!

1 54 Lincoln's campaign:
OLD ABE, THE RAIL SPLITTER.
Tune— "The Star Spangled Banner."
Hark! hear ye the shouts which are shaking the hills,
And filling with gladness our country's green valleys!
'Tis the name of "Old Abe" that has magic which thrills
The hearts of the legions whom Freedom now rallies.
O, that name has a charm, like the tocsin's alarm,
Which causes the freeman for conflict to arm;
No more will they bow, like a bevy of slaves,
To the dotards who rule as the tools of the knaves.
Too long has our country been cursed by the sway
Of men who are living to multiply evil;
It is time to arouse, and to despots cry, Nay.
The spreading of slavery— work of the devil—
At a Democrat's hand may seem ever so grand,
But cannot proceed in this rail-splitting land;
For "Honest Old Abe," uneclipsed at his trade,
Is mauling the rails and the fence will be made.
We freemen have chosen this hard-working man—
¦ The friend of free-labor and honest requital—
To summon us toilers, and keeping the van,
To finish the work to Humanity vital.
No more soil which the brave, who are now in the grave,
Shed their blood from the grasp of Oppression to save,
Must be turned into "commons" for men of black skin;
So the rails of "Old Abe" will the darkies fence in!
—Jesse Clement.
Dubuque, Iowa, May 24, 1860.

HURRAH FOR LINCOLN.
Tune— "Boatman's Dance."
Hurrah! hurrah! did you hear the news!
The Democrats have got the blues;

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. IJ5
They're puzzled now, and all afraid,
Because we've nominated Abe.
Then, shout, freemen, shout!
Shout, freemen, shout!
We'll all unite,
And bravely fight
For the Star of Freedom's dawning.
Hi! ho! we'll put them through,
Split their rails and haul them too;
Hi! ho! we'll put them through,
Split their rails and haul them too!
In all their ranks they cannot find
A candidate to suit their mind;
They kick and squirm, but 'tis no use,
Their game is up, their platform's loose.
Then shout, freemen, shout!
Shout, freemen, shout!
We'll all unite,
And bravely fight
For the Star of Freedom's dawning.
Hi! ho! etc.
They know that they will lose the day
If they take up Stephen A. ;
And so to add to their humbug swell,
I think they'd better take up Bell.
Then shout, freemen, shout! ¦
Shout, freemen, shout!
We'll all unite,
And bravely fight
For the Star of Freedom's dawning.
Hi! ho! etc.
I hear they've bought an old steamtug
On which to place poor Little Dug;
For President too late they've found

156 Lincoln's campaign:
His coat tail comes too near the ground.
Then shout, freemen, shout!
Shout, freemen, shout!
We'll all unite,
And bravely fight
For the Star of Freedom's dawning.
Hi! ho! etc.
We'll give them Ham enough this fall
To satisfy them one and all,
Served up in style quite neat and plain.
Just imported from Old Maine.
Then shout, freemen, shout!
Shout, freemen, shout!
We'll all unite,
And bravely fight
For the Star of Freedom's dawning.
Hi! ho! etc.
Hurrah! hurrah! we are sure to win.
And the way we'll beat will be a sin;
The coming year's impending blast
•Will show that they have crowed their last.
Then shout, freemen, shout!
Shout, freemen, shout!
We'll all unite,
And bravely fight
For the Star of Freedom's dawning.
Hi! ho! we'll put them through,
Split their rails and haul them too,
Hi! ho! we'll put them through,
Split their rails and haul them too,

WE'LL VOTE FOR LINCOLN.
Air— "Wait for the Wagon."
Gome, all ye friends of freedom

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 157
In every noble State,
Gome vote for Abra'm Lincoln,
Our worthy candidate.
A statesman true and honest,
He's proved himself at home,
But now we'll send him from us
For four long years to come.
CHORUS.
We'll all vote for Lincoln,
We'll all vote for Lincoln,
We'll all vote for Lincoln,
Our country's steadfast friend.
The man whom we have chosen
Is one of humble birth;
We love him for his virtues—
His purity and worth.
We know he's firm and faithful,
Undaunted and sincere,
And friends of truth and justice
His honored name revere.
We'll ail vote for Lincoln,
We'll all vote for Lincoln,
We'll all vote for Lincoln,
Our country's faithful friend.
We'll trust the bark of freedom
To Lincoln's watchful care;
He'll pilot us in safety
Through every hidden snare;
We'll fear no furious breakers
While he ia at the helm-
No waves of strife or discord
Our bark can overwhelm.

158 Lincoln's campaign :
We'll dll vote for Lincoln,
We'll all vote for Lincoln,
We'll all vote for Lincoln,
The Union's truest friend.

Of this, our great Republic,
He'll prove a noble son,
And in his country's service,
Another Washington.
So till the contest's ended
His praises we will sing,
And then with shouts of triumph
We'll make the welkin ring.
We'll then shout for Lincoln,
We'll then shout for Lincoln,
We'll then shout for Lincoln,
OUR HONEST PRESIDENT! —Linda Lindon.

COME AND VOTE WITH ME.
Of all the men for President,
In the East or in the West,
We think that honest Abraham
Is the greatest and the best.
O will you, won't you, don't you
Want to come and vote with me?
Some talk of running Douglas,
Some talk of running Bell;
But we think that honest Abraham
Will suit us just as well.
O will you, won't you, etc,
Come, all you landless freemen

LINCOLN MEDALS OF 1860,

j6o Lincoln's campaign :
That want good land to till,
Elect old honest Abraham,
And get the Homestead Bill.
O will you, won't you, etc.
Then you can have a pleasant home
Away, in the far West,
Where the land and the water
Is of the very best.
O will you, won't you, etc.
We have tried him as a soldier,
We know that he will fight;
We have tried him as a statesman,
And know that he is right.
O will you, won't you, etc.
We have tried him as a farmer,
We know he is no shirk,
And when he followed splitting rails
He was not afraid of work.
O will you, won't you, etc.
We have tried him as a lawyer,
And know that he is true;
A.nd none so well for President
As Honest Abe, will do.
O will you, won't you, etc.
The sixth of next November
His opponents will see,
They are so much like Crockett's dog,
They bark up the wrong tree.
O will you, won't you, etc.
If you wish an honest President
For four successive years,

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. l6l
Come with your hearts and voices,
And give old Abe three cheers.
O will you, won't you, etc.

POOR LITTLE DUG.

(A New Nigger Song to an Old Nigger Tune.)
Dere was a little man, and his name was Stevy Dug,
To de White House he longed for>to go;
But he hadn't any votes through de whole of de Souf ,
In de place where votes ought to grow.
CHORUS.
So it ain't no use for to blow—
Dat little game of brag won't go;
He can't get de vote, 'case de tail ob his coat
Is hung just a little too low.
His legs dey was short, but his speeches dey was long,
And nuffin but hisself could he see;
His principles was weak, but his spirits dey was strong,
For a thirsty little soul was he.
CHORUS— So it ain't no use for to blow, etc.
He couldn't sleep nights for de nigger in de fence,
So his health it began for to fail;
And he suffered berry much from de 'fects of a ride
Dat he got on a Lincoln rail.
CHORUS— So it ain't no use for to blow, etc.
He shivered and he shook in de cold North blast,
And de wind from de Souf dat blew;
But de Locofoco ship hove him overboard at last,
So his friends had to all heave-to.
CHORUS.
So it ain't no use for to blow—

162 Lincoln's campaign :

Dat little game of brag won't go;
He can't get de vote, 'case de tail ob his coat
Is hung just a little too low.

LINCOLN AND HAMLIN— GOD BLESS THEM!
Air— "Columbia the Gem of the Ocean."
There's a sound like the surges of ocean,
Or winds sweeping forest and lea;
It comes from a nation in motion—
From the millions who've sworn to be free!
There are thoughts, beyond words, which impress them,
As Hiey shout with enraptured applause —
"Here's to Lincoln and Hamlin! God bless them!
And bless, too, our country and cause!"
CHORUS.
And bless, too, our country and cause!
Aud bless, too, our country and cause!
Here's to Lincoln and Hamlin! God bless them!
And bless, too, our country and cause!
Through the portals of death speak the sires,
Aroused from their haven of rest,
To kindle the slumbering fires,
Till they glow in each patriot's breast!
They stretch out their arms to caress them—
Their children, who honor their laws—
And cry— "Lincoln and Hamlin, God bless them!
And bless, too, our country and cause!"
CHORUS.
And bless, too, our country and cause, etc.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 163
The future speaks out with its voices,
And joins with the rest of all time,
As it smiles with delight, and rejoices
At a scene more than grand— that's sublime!
And vain is the hope to suppress them,
Or to stifle the shouts of applause
Which cry — "Lincoln and Hamlin, God bless them!
And bless, too, our country and cause!"
CHORUS.
And bless, too, our country and cause, etc.

LINCOLN SONG.

Tune — 'Tlighland Laddie."
Oh where, tell me where, was this Abra'm Lincoln born?
Oh where, tell me where, was this Abra'm Lincoln born?
In a cabin down in old Kentuck, one cheerless wintry morn,
And on Hardin county hills he was trained to plowing corn.
In a cabin, etc.
Oh what, tell me what, means this sound that fills the air?
Oh what, tell me what, means this sound that fills the air?
It is the welcome voice that comes from freemen everywhere,
Shouting "Hail to Abe Lincoln, the plowman's son and heir!"
It is the welcome, etc.

Oh why, tell me why, do the loud huzzas begin?
Oh why, tell me why, do the loud huzzas begin?
It is because at mauling rails "Abe's" practiced hand is "in,"
And the people know in Freedom's fight his mauling hand will
win. It is because, etc.

164 Lincoln's campaign :
Oh, who leads the yeomen in battle, tell me who?
Oh, who leads the yeomen in battle, tell me who?
It is "Old Honest Abe," my boys, who stands some six-feet-
two —
And a noble, stalwart warrior, to freedom ever true.
It is "Old Honest Abe," etc.
By whom, tell me whom, will November's fight be won?
By whom, tell me whom, will November's fight be won?
The Democratic spoilsmen horde will soon begin to run,
And our rail-mauling candidate will march to Washington,
The Democratic, etc.
Oh what, tell me what, then will virtuous Jemmy do?
Oh what, tell me what, then will virtuous Jemmy do?
Ha'll "follow in the footsteps" of his office-holding crew,
And with Fowler, down in Cuba, strike for slavery anew.
He'll follow, etc.
' Llew. Curry.

THE RAIL SPLITTERS.

Tune— "Uncle Ned."
We've a noble rail splitter, and his name is Honest Abe,
And he lives in Illinois, as you know;
And he has all the tools there to carry on his trade,
And the way he piles them up isn't slow.
CHORUS.
So lay down your Democratic hoe-o-o,
And hang up your Democratic bow-o-o;
There's no more hard work for poor old Jim,
Kase he's gone where the Locofocos go.
But the people said to Abe, lay your rail splitting by,
For we want to try your muscles on the course;
Here's a Locofoco Giant forty-seven inches high,
Who imagines he can travel like a horse.
CHORUS— So lay down your Democratic hoe-o-o, etc.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 165
But we think the chances slim for this little Giant Doug,
For the rail splitter runs like a hound;
Then he has to paddle through all the Democratic mud,
With his coat-tail so close to the ground.
CHORUS — So lay down your Democratic hoe-o-o, etc.
Then there is Breck from Old Kentucky, who is right on the
track
Where the Little Giant wants to pass along,
And he says he will, never carry Stephen on his back,
For he don't feel himself very strong.
CHORUS— So lay down your Democratic hoe-o-o, etc.
So they had it up and down while the rail splitter run,
Till the White House appeared in Bis view;
Then said old Buck to Abe, why the nation did you come?
Why, said Abe, I had nothing else to do.
CHORUS— So lay down your Democratic hoe-o-o, etc.

LINCOLN IS THE MAN.
The West is bound to have the next President,
Have the next President, have the next President,
The West is bound to have the next President,
And Lincoln is the man.
' Yes, Lincoln is the man— yes, Lincoln is the man,
Yes, Lincoln is the man to send to Washington.
Ain't we glad we joined the Republicans,
Joined the Republicans, joined the Republicans,
Ain't we glad we joined the Republicans,
Down in Illinois?
The Democrats have got a Little Giant,
Have got a Little Giant, have got a Little Giant,
The Democrats have got a Little Giant,
They call him Stephen A.;
But Lincoln is the man, etc.

[56 Lincoln's campaign :
A fig for their giant, for we've got a bigger one,
We've got a bigger one, we've got a bigger one,
A fig for their giant, for we've got a bigger one,
And he is an honest man;
But Lincoln is the man, etc.
Great big nigger come out of the wood-pile,
Out of the wood-pile, out of the wood-pile,
Great big nigger come out of the wood-pile,
And spilled Steve's bowl of milk;
But Lincoln is the man, etc.
The fire-eaters swear they'll blow up the Union,
Blow up the Union, blow up the Union,
The fire-eaters swear they'll blow up the Union,
If we dare to spill their milk;
Oh, Lincoln is the man, etc.
But we'll string them up on a flat-boat cable,
But we'll string them up on a flat-boat cable,
On a flat-boat cable, on a flat-boat cable,
Just fifty cubits high.
Yes, we'll elect Old Abe, the gallant and the true,
The Union, too, we'll save, and traitors "we'll subdue."
Oh, ain't we glad, etc. —Greenhorn.

WHERE, OH, WHERE!
Tune— "Where, oh! where are the Hebrew Children?"
Where, oh! where is the lordly party?
Where, oh! where is the lordly party?
Which so long has ruled the nation,
Worse and worse from year to year?
CHORUS.
Torn asunder by fierce dissensions.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 167
Torn asunder by fierce dissensions,
Torn asunder by fierce dissensions,
Leaders all— "gone to the grass."
Where, oh! where is the valiant Stephen?
Where, oh! where is the valiant Stephen?
He who fights the Administration,
Reckless now of victory? CHORUS.
He "went up" in the row at Charleston,
He "went up" in the row at Charleston,
He "went up" in the row at Charleston,
Chosen there to stay at home.
Where, oh! where is "Jimmy" Buchanan?
Where, oh! where is "Jimmy'' Buchanan?
Who went up to the Fed'ral Mansion,
Placed there as the people's choice?
CHORUS.
He has lost all popular favor,
He has lost all popular favor,
He has lost all popular favor,
Soon he'll go from whence he came.
Here, oh! here are the people's champions;
Here, oh! here are the people's champions,
Leaders bold of the opposition,
In the fall to sweep the land.
CHORUS.
Honest Abe and Hannibal Hamlin,
Honest Abe and Hannibal Hamlin,
Honest Abe and Hannibal Hamlin,
Theirs the lead, we follow on.

168 Lincoln's campaign :
Illinois to Maine sends greeting,
Illinois to Maine sends greeting,
Maine returns the salutation,
East and West the welkin rings.
CHORUS.
Three loud cheers for the people's ticket,
Three loud cheers for the people's ticket,
Three loud cheers for the people's ticket,
HUrrah! hurrah! hip, hip, hurrah!

A FINE OLD GENTLEMAN.
Tune— "The Fine Old English Gentleman."
We have a man in Illinois, a statesman true and tried,
In whom the people of the land most earnestly confide;
He is made from timber of the real genuine stuff,
The grain is good— sound at heart — and known to be quite
tough. He's a fine old trusty gentleman,
One of the olden kind.
He was born in old Kentucky, the home of Henry Clay;
From there he moved to the Sucker State at quite an early day,
Where he found vast prairies, with the richest kind of soil,
And for an honest living he was not afraid to toil;
He's a fine old working gentleman,
One of the people's kind.
He has the spirit of a man— who in this world ne'er falls;
Once a jolly boatman, then a splitter Of good rails,
Whatever work he did, was sure to be well done,
And in every occupation he is always full of fun;
He's a fine old jovial gentleman,
As e'er you'd wish to find.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 169
A good farmer, a good lawyer, and always a good neighbor,
A living representative of the dignity of labor,
By industry and study, has become a statesman learned;
His present high position he most, honorably has earned. •
He's a fine old honest gentleman,
With talents rare combined.
In fifty-eight, by the popular will, the Senatorship he won,
Although the Democratic giant then against him run.
Twas by unjust apportionment that Douglas was elected,
By his boasted popular sovereignty — he surely was rejected.
For our own old favorite gentleman
The people were inclined.
And now this little giant is almost in despair,
For his Democratic brethren his company can spare;
His humbug "squatter sovereignty" has squatted him clear
under,
•Twas by the "nigger question" the party burst asunder.
But our fine old winning gentleman
Will leave them all behind.
Lincoln's not a handsome man, but certain he is tall,
And will be elected President undoubtedly this fall;
We will send him to the "White House" when "Old Buck's"
time is out,
For the Democratic party will be put to utter rout
By our fine old earnest gentleman,
Who suits the public mind.
Unfurl the banners to the breeze, and let them proudly wave,
While Douglas men and Democrats grow mad and fiercely
rave.
Our colors from the Capitol will soon be gayly floating,
While up Salt River, far away, the Locos will be boating,
Sent by our generous gentleman,
Cool comfort there to find.

,jo Lincoln's campaign :
GIVE US ABE AND HAMLIN, TOO.
Air— "A Wet Sheet and a Flowing Sea."
O, hear ye not the wild huzzas
That come from every state,
For honest Uncle Abraham,
The people's candidate?
He is our choice, our nominee,
A self-made man and true;
We'll show the Democrats this fall
What honest Abe can do.
CHORUS.
Then give us Abe and Hamlin too,
To guide our gallant ship;
With stalwart boys to man the decks,
We'll have a merry trip.
Come, granny Buck, you'd better go
While you can see the way,
For I fear your nerves won't stand the shock
¦ On next election day.
So take your hat!— What's that you say?
You are so cold you shiver?
Why, that's the way you'll feel, my dear,
When sailing up Salt River.
CHORUS.
Then give us Abe and Hamlin too,
To guide our gallant ship;
With stalwart boys to man the decks,
We'll have a merry trip.
I hear that Dug is half inclined
To give us all leg-bail,
Preferring exercise on foot

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF lS6o. 17!
To riding on a rail;
For Abe has one already mauled
Upon the White House plan;
If once Dug gets astride of that,
He is a used up man. CHORUS.
Then give us Abe and Hamlin too,
To guide our gallant ship;
With stalwart boys to man the decks,
We'll have a merry trip.
Come rally with us here to-night,
Be "Wide-Awake" for fun,
For we shall surely win the day
Before old sixty-one.
From North to South, from East to West,
Our power shall be felt.
I tell you tight with all your might,
For Abe shall have the belt.
CHORUS.
Then give us Abe and Hamlin too,
To guide our gallant ship;
We'll make the Locos walk the plank,
We'll have a merry trip. — Mrs. L. L. Deming.

WE'RE BOUND TO WORK.
Tune— "Camptown Races."
There's an old plow "hoss" whose name is "Dug,"
Du da, du da;
He's short and thick— a regular "plug,"
Du da, du da day.

1 72 Lincoln's campaign :
CHORUS.
We're bound to work all night,
We're bound to work all day;
I'll bet my money on the "Lincoln hoss;"
Who bets on Stephen A?
The "little plug" has had his day,
Du da, du da;
He's out of the ring by all fair play,
Du da, du da day.
We're bound, etc.
He tried his best on the Charleston track,
Du da, du da;
But couldn't make time with his "Squatter Jack,"
Du da, du da day.
We're bound, etc.
"Old Abraham's" a well bred nag,
Du da, du da;
His wind is sound— he'll never lag,
Du da, du da day.
In '58 he tried his gait,
Du da, du da; '
He trotted Douglas through the Statt,
Du da, du da day.
In '60 now we're going to trot,
So "plank" your money on the spot,
Du da, du da day.
The "Lincoln hoss" will never fail,
Du da, du da;
He will not shy at ditch or "rail,"
Du da, du da day.
The "Little Dug" can never win,
Du da, du da;
That Kansas job's too much for him,
Du da, du da day.

LINCOLN MEDALS OF 1860.

x74 Lincoln's campaign :
His legs are weak, his mind unsound,
Du da, du da;
His "switch tail" is too near the ground,
Du da, du da day.
We're bound, etc.
(The Springfield Glee Club sang the above song at a ratifi
cation meeting, Springfield, 111., June 7, 1860.)

THE RISING TIDE.

Sung at the great Republican gathering at Erie, Pa., Septem
ber, 12, 1860.
They come, they come, a mighty throng,
From mountain and valley, with joyous song;
They sing of the fathers who made us free,
Of Lincoln and Hamlin and Liberty.
They eome, they come, a victorious throng,
Defeating the foes we have fought so long;
As waves of the ocean subdue the sand,
They deluge the enemies of the land.
They come, they come, with armor bright,
The fearless defenders of truth and right;
No deeds of corruption their hands shall stain
While keeping unsullied our fair domain.
They come, they come, with freedom's light,
Dispelling the darkness of slavery's night,
That fain would o'ershadow our virgin soil.
Degrading forever the white man's toil.
And still they come in proud array —
O what is an age to this glorious day?
Humanity's cause let us all proclaim,
And give to the nation undying fame.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 175
LINCOLN BANNER SONG.
Air — "From Greenland's Icy Mountains."
Who feeleth not a rapture,
Who boundeth not in pride,
With Lincoln's banner o'er him,
And Freedom on his side?
For him we seek no triumph,
By whom we strive and stand,
But Liberty and Freedom,
The glory of the land.
The bold and gallant Lincoln
Has worn a golden name,
And now his eountry'll give him,
The pinnacle of fame.
He sought the post of danger
'Mid spirits bold and free;
And now the gallant Lincoln
Our President shall be.
Our watchword now is Freedom,
Our panoply and might;
We prize the people's liberty,
Their every chartered right.
To the breeze we'll throw our banner,
And all the world shall see,
We'll crown the gallant Lincoln
The leader of the free.

OLD ABE AND HIS FIGHTS.
Air— "Sir Roger de Coverly."
Tell us of his fights with Douglas-
How his spirit never quails;
Tell of us of his manly bearing,
Of his skill in splitting rails.

176 Lincoln's campaign:
Tell us he's a second Webster;
Or, if better, Henry Clay;
That he's full of genial humor,
Placid as a summer day.
Call him Abe, or call him Abram—
Abraham— 'tis all the same;
Abe will smell as sweet as either;
We don't care about the name.
Say he's capable and honest,
Loves country's good alone;
Never drank a drop of whisky,
Wouldn't know it from a stone.
Tell us he resembles Jackson,
Save he wears a larger boot,
And is broader 'cross the shoulders,
And is taller by a foot.

CAMPAIGN SONG.
Tune— "Hurrah, Hurrah, Hurrah!"
Old Abe's the man to win the fight,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
He strikes for freedom and the right,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
He'll give old Buck his walking papers,
And make poor Dug cut wondrous capers,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
The hour has brought the people's man,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
His stalwart form shall lead the van,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
And freedom's battle is begun,
We will not rest till victory's won,

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 177
Our leader's true, and tried, and brave,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
His honor will our country save,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
And lo! he comes, his towering form
Stands firm before the rising storm.
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
Shamocracy is not the stuff,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
Of this vile trash we've had enough;
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
Old Abe will cleanse the Augean stable,
He's ready, willing, true and able!
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
Old fossil Buck his things must pack,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
We've got a live man on his track,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!
And Buck and Dug shall go together,
And row their craft way up Salt river,
Hurrah, hurrah, hurrah!

LINCOLN AND LIBERTY.
By F. A. B. Simpkins.

("Honest Abe Lincoln" born in Kentucky, followed the plow
and path of rectitude in Indiana, and mauled rails and Stephen
A. Douglas in Illinois.) Air— "Rosin the Bow."
Hurrah for the choice of the nation!
Our chieftain so brave and so true;
We'll go for the great Reformation,
For Lincoln and Liberty too!

178 Lincoln's campaign:
We'll go for the son of Kentucky,
The hero of Hoosierdom through,
The pride of the suckers so lucky,
For Lincoln and Liberty too!

Our David's good sling is unerring,
For slaveocrats' giant he slew;
Then shout for the Freedom preferring,
For Lincoln and Liberty too!
They'll find what, by feeling and mauling,
Our rail-maker statesman can do;
For the people are everywhere calling
For Lincoln and Liberty too!
Then up with our banner so glorious,
The Star Spangled red, white and blue;
We'll fight till our flag is victorious,
For Lincoln and Liberty too!

"GOD AND THE RIGHT."

Hark! hark! over mountain, through forest and vale,
Borne along on the wings of the swift rushing gale,
Comes the loud battle cry of men in their might,
The watchword of freedom— "God and the right!"
Raise your banners high,
Shout forth the battle cry,
"Lincoln and Hamlin— God and the right!"
From Atlantic's blue waves to the far peaceful ocean
The gathering hosts of the free are in motion,
Marching steadily onward to join in the fight—
The glorious contest for "God and the right!"
Proudly their pennants fly,
Loud rings their battle cry,
"Lincoln and Hamlin— God and the right!"

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 1 79
From the field and workshop the brave sons of toil,
With one common object — Free men and Free soil —
With firm, steady hand, and with eye beaming bright,
Press onward to battle for God and the right!
Onward the victory,
List to their battle cry,
"Lincoln and Hamlin— God and the right!"
Hark! through the night the long tocsin is sounding,
With bright, joyous hope each bosom is bounding;
Soon on us will dawn the millennial light,
The glorious reign of God and the right!
Shout then for Liberty,
Join in the battle cry,
"Lincoln and Hamlin— God and the right!"

ABE LINCOLN'S EXCELSIOR.
The shades of night were falling fast
As through a Western village passed
A man who on his shoulders bore
A RAIL, in length six feet or more,
Abe Lincoln.
Along the crowded streets he walked
While men and women loudly talked;
Old fogies turned first red, then pale,
As to and fro he swung that Rail,
Abe Lincoln.
With rapid strides he neared the spot
By friends of Douglas not forgot,
When years ago the Giant tried
To swallow Kansas, gulped— and died—
Abe Lincoln.
Upon the court house steps he sat
To reset his limbs, perhaps to chat,

180 Lincoln's campaign :
And from his pocket brought the tale
And history of that ancient Rail,
Abe Lincoln.
That history we may not repeat,
For every boy that runs the street
Has heard it told, and preached and sung
Since first "our little Dug" was stung
By Lincoln.
Enough for us to mention here —
That selfsame Rail will prove the bier
To bear the quondam Giant through
The ranks which he could not subdue.
Abe Lincoln.
The foe may storm, and foam and fret;
Truth's stalwart arm shall conquer yet,
And after years repeat the tale
Of Douglas crushed beneath that Rail.
Abe Lincoln. — Lm'n Peel.

THE LINCOLN WEDGE.

Tune — "Maggie Lauder."
Respectfully dedicated to Gen. Clark of the Burlington,
Vermont, Times.
The Democratic log is laid
For Lincoln's wedge to split it;
See how the op'ning rive was made,
The moment Ab'ram hit it.
CHORUS.
(Then drive the wedge, my jolly boys,
We'll split the log, "by thunder;"

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. l8l
Let's cheer "Old Abe" with- heart and voice,
Till Democrats give under.)
See how the Democrats assist
Brave Lincoln in his splitting;
Douglas pulls with giant fist—
Breck does the science hitting.
Petite pulls right, and Breck the left,
And wide the rent is riving;
And now, alas, 'tis fairly reft—
To join 't were useless striving.
We grant the stuff is much decayed
By age and speculations,
But when by Abe in rails 'tis laid,
'T will dry in different stations.
Each Democratic rail can then,
Freed from its rot and harm, boys,
Be safely used by honest men,
To fence the gen'ral farm, boys.
Then let Republicans unite,
With vig'rous blows to drive it;
Democracy's the log in sight, —
Ho! Lincoln's wedge will rive it.

THE WOOD-CHOPPER OF THE WEST.
Far echoing in the dim old woods
Over the prairie lands and floods,
I hear the reverberating strokes
That rive in rails the prostrate oaks.
The woodman stands, sun-covered and tall,
And weilds with giant strength the maul
That drives the wedge at every blow,
Like Thor's huge hammer, sure and slow.

[82 Lincoln's campaign :
And his Herculean arms will hew
The shadowing trees that hide the view
Of the grand White House from the West,
That all may see our eagle's nest.
The woodman is a pioneer,
And he will cut a pathway clear
From Illinois to Washington
Before his noble task is done.
We hear the thunder of his blows
Where the vast Mississippi flows,
And echo unto echo calls
From granite hills and mountain walls.
The monarchs of the 'hills and vales
Are split into protective, rails
To fence within its dark domains
The curse that comes with slaves and chains.
Fence out the wrongs of power and place;
Fence in the rights of all the race;
Fence out the greedy hand that steals;
Fence in the noble heart that feels.
Fence out the tyrant and his sway;
Fence in the hero of the day;
Fence out oppression, vice and crime;
Fence in the truth from Heaven sublime.
— George W. Bungay.

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184

Lincoln's campaign.

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THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 185

CHAPTER XX.
Campaign Pun and Caricature.
ABTEMUS WARD INTERVIEWING LINCOLN.
I hiv no politics. Nary a one. I'm not in the bisness.
If I was I spose I should holler versifTrusly in the streets
at nite and go home to Betsey Jane smellin of coal iie and
gin in the mornin. I should go to the Poles arly. I should
stay there all day. I should see to it that my nabers was
than I should git carriages to take the kripples, the in
firm and the indignant thar. I should be on guard agin
frauds and sich. I should be on the lookout for the infa-
mus lise of the enemy, got up jes be4 elecshun for per-
litical effeck. When all was over and my candydate was
elected I should move heving & arth — so to speak — until
I got orfice, which if I didn't get a orfice I should turn
round and abooze the Administration with all my mite
and maine. But I'm not in the bisness. I'm in a far more
respectful bisness nor what pollertics is. I wouldn't give
two cents to be a Congresser. The wuss insult I ever re-
ceived was when sertain citizens of Baldinsville axed me
to run fur the Legislater. Sez I, "My frends, dostest
think I'd stoop to that there?" They turned as white as

j86 Lincoln's campaign :
a sheet. I spoke in my most orfullest tones, & they knowd
I wasn't to be trifled with. They slunked out of site to
onct. There4, hevin no politics, I made bold to visit Old Abe
at his humsted in Springfield. I found the old feller in
his parler, surrounded by a perfeck sworm of orfice seek
ers. Knowin he had been capting of a flat boat on the
roarin Mississippy I thought I'd address him in sailor
lingo, so sez I, "Old Abe, ahoy! Let out yer main-suls,
reef hum the forecastle & throw yer jib-poop overboard!
Shiver my timbers, my harty!" (N. B. — This is ginuine
mariner langwidge. I know, becawz I've seen sailor
plays acted out by them New York theater fellers.) Old
Abe lookt up quite cross & sez, "Send in yer petition by
& by. I can't possibly look at it now. Indeed, I can't.
It's onpossible, sir!"
"Mr. Linkin, who do you spect I air?" sed I. "A or-
fice-seeker, to be sure," sed he. "Well, sir," sed I, "You's
never more mistaken in your life. You haint got a orfice
I'd take under no circumstances. I'm A. Ward. Wax
Aggers is my perfeshun. I'm the father of Twins, and
they look like me — both of them. I cum to pay a frendly
visit to the President eleck of the United States. If so be
you wants to see me say so — if not, say so, & I'm orf like a
jug handle."
"Mr. Ward, sit down. I am glad to see you, sir."
"Repose in Abraham's Buzzum!" said one ofthe orfice

the political revolution of i860.

187

seekers, his idea being to git orf a goak at my expense.
"Wail," sez I, "ef all you fellers repose in that there
Buzzum there'll be mity poor nussin for sum of you!"

whereupon Old Abe buttoned his weskit clear up and
blusht like a maiding of sweet 16. Jest at this point of the
conversation another swarm of orfice seekers arrove &
cum pilin into the parler. Sum wanted post orfices, sum
wanted collectorships, sum wanted furrin missions, and

xg8 Lincoln's campaign:
all wanted sumthin. I thought Old Abe would go crazy.
He hadn't more than had time to shake hands with 'em,
before another tremenjis crowd cum porein onto his prem
ises. His house and dooryard was perfeckly overflowed
-with orfice seekers, all clameruss for a immejit interview
with Old Abe. One man from Ohio, who had about seven
inches of corn whiskey in him, mistook me fur Old Abe
and addresst me as "The Pra-hayrie Flower of the West!"
Thinks I you want a offis ptitty bad. Another man with
a gold-headed cane and a red nose told Abe he was "a
sekind Washington and the Pride of the Boundless West!"
Sez I, "Square, you wouldn't take a small post-offis if
you could git it, would you?"
Sez he, "A patrit is abuv them things, sir!"
"There's a putty big crop of patrits this season, aint
there, Square?" sez I, when another crowd of ofiis seek
ers pored in. The house, dooryard, barn & woodshed
was now all full, and when another crowd cum I told 'em
not to go away for want of room, as the hog-pen was still
empty. One patrit from a small town in Mishygan went
up on top the house, got into the chimney and slid down
into the parler, where Old Abe was endeverin to keep the
hungry pack of offiss-seekers from chawin him up alive
without benefit of clergy. The minit he reached the fire
place he jumpt up, brusht the soot out of his eyes, and
yelled: "Don't make any pintment of Spunkville Post-
office till you've read my papers. All the respectful men

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

I«9

OTJB GBEA.T IOEBEBG MELTING AWAY.

Lincoln's campaign :

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THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

191

in our town is signers to that there dockyment!"
"Good God!" cride Old Abe, "they cum upon me frum
the skize — down the chimneys, and from the bowels of the
yearth!" He hadn't more'n got them words out of his
delikit mouth before two fat offiss-seekers from Wiscon
sin, in endeaverin to crawl atween his legs for the purpose
of applyin .for the tollgateship of Milwawky, upsot the
President eleck & he would hev gone sprawlin into the
fire place if I hadn't caught him in these arms. But I
hadn't more'n stood him up strate, before another man
cum crashing down the chimney, his head striking me
vilently agin the ihards and prostratin my voluptoous
form onto the floor. "Mr. Linkin," shoutid the infatoo-
ated being, "my papers are signed by every clergyman in
our town, and likewise the schoolmaster!"
Sez I, "You egrejis ass," gitin up & brushin the dust
from my eyes, "I'll sign your papers with this bunch of
bones, if you don't be a little more keerful how you make
my bredbasket a depot in the futer. How do you like that
air perfumery?" sez I, shuving my fist under his nose.
"Them's the kind of papers I give you! Them's the pa
pers you want?"
"But I workt hard for the ticket; I toiled night and
day! The patrit should be rewarded!"
"Virtoo," sed I, holdin the infatooated man by the
coat collar — "virtoo, sir, is its own reward. Look at me !"
He did look at me, and qualed be4 my gase. "The fact

ic)2 Lincoln's campaign :
is," I continued, lookin' round upon the hungry crowd,
"There is scarcely a offiss for evry iie lamp carried round
durin' this campane. I wish there was. I wish there was
furrin missions to be filled on varis lonely islands where
eppydemics rage incessantly, and if I was in Old Abe's
place, I'd send every mother's son of you to them. What
air you here for?" I continnered, warmin up considerable.
"Can't you give Abe a mindt's peace? Don't you see he's
worried most to death? Go home, you miserable men,
go home and till the sile ! Go to peddlin tinware — go to
choppin wood — go to bilin soap — stuff sassengers — black
boots — git a clerkship on some respectable manure cart —
go round as original Swiss Bell Ringers — becum 'original
and only' Campbell Minstrels— go to lecturin at 50 dollars
a nite — imbark in the peanut bisness — write for the Ledger
— saw off your legs and go round givin concerts, with
techin appeals to-a charitable public, printed on your hancf-
bills — anything for a honest livin', but don't cum round
here drivin Old Abe crazy by your outragus cuttings up!
Go home, stand not upon the order of your goin', but go
to onct! If in five minits from this time," sez I, pullin out
my new sixteen dollar huntin cased watch, and brand-
ishin' it before their eyes, "Ef in five minits from this time
a single sole of you remains on these premises I'll go out
to my cage near by, and let my Boy Constructor loose!
& if he gits amung you, you'll think Old Solferino hus
cum again and no mistake !" You ought to hev seen them

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

[93

? WINNER FKOM WAY-BACK.

194

Lincoln's campaign :

"THREE TO ONE YOU DON'T GET IT."
(Variation on the popular interpretation of the
meaning of the Pawnbrokers' sign.)

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 195
scamper, Mr. Fair. They orf as the Satun hisself was
alter them with a red hot ten pronged pitchfork. In five
minits the premises was clear. -
"How kin I ever repay you, Mr. Ward, for your kind
ness?" sed Old Abe, advancin and shakin me warmly by
the hand. "How kin I ever repay you, sir?"
"By givin the whole country a good sound administra
tion. By porein iie upon the troubled waters, North and
South. By persooin' a patriotic, firm and just course,
and then if any State wants to secede, let 'em Sesesh!"
"How 'bout my Cabinet Ministre, Ward?" sed Abe.
"Fill it up with showmen, sir. Showmen is devoid of
politics. They hain't got a durn principle! They know
how to cater to the public. They know what the public
Wafnt's, North & South. Showmen, sir, is honest men.
Ef you doubt their literary ability, look at their posters,
and see1 small bills ! Ef you want a Cabinet as is a Cabinet
fill it up with Showmen, but don't call on me, The moral
wax figger perfeshun mustn't be permitted to go down
while there's a drop of blood in these vains! A. Linkin,
I wish you well ! Ef Powers or Walcutt was to pick out
a model for a beautiful man, I scarcely think they'd sculp
you; but ef you do the fair thing by your country you'll
make as putty a angel as any of us, or any other man!
A. Linkin, use the talents which Nature has put into you
judishusly and firmly, and all will be well! A. Linken,
adoo!"

196 Lincoln's campaign:
He shook me cordyully by the hand — we exchanged
picters, so we could gaze upon each other's liniments when
far away from one another — he at the helium of the ship
of State, and I at the helium of the show bizness — admit
tance only 15 cents. Artemus Ward.
From Vanity Fair, December 8, i860.

STRAY SHOTS.

While the rails of our steam highways rest upon "sleepers,"
Lincoln's political rails are borne up by "Wide-awakes."

An Ill-an'-noisy affair:
The Chicago convention.

One from the Mining Districts:
Pennsylvania, always influenced by its Iron interests, is
sure to go for Lincoln, simply because he is the "Rail
Candidate." * * *
Democratic Matter:
"We Polked them in 1844; we Pierced them in 1852; we
Bucked them in 1856; we're Breck-ing now, and our grave is
Dug!" * * *
Mr. Lincoln was successful because the ladies were in
favor of hy-men.

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I Jtard up, and will even taie three
j cwfj //• wz cont Jet moi*,jtlst to
I ieep tie little Jfjyyer aln/t.

THE GREAT EXHIBITION OF 1860.

198 Lincoln's campaign :
The Long and Short of the Presidential Canvass:
Lincoln and Douglas.

When we put Lincoln in, we shall know what is what;
When we put Douglas in, we shall know how to squat;
When we put Breckinridge in, there'll be powder and smoke;
When we choose Bell and Everett, 'twill be a good joke;
And when Houston first reaches the goal on the rails,
It will doubtless rain larks with salt on their tails.
Now, as knowledge, and squatting, and powder, and jokes,
And as good showers of larks would blessings be to folks,
Whosoever comes in of a gay brotherhood,
You may feel pretty sure he will do us some good.
* * *
It has been noticed by political sign-watchers, that, in the
precise ratio that a candidate comes down, his prospects
come up. * * *
Why is Stephen A. Douglas a greater man than Abe
Lincoln? Because the former split a party, while the latter only
split a rail. * * *
When is a Wide-Awake like a poultry dealer? When he
has a cap(e)-on. * * *
Tribute to the "six feet four:"
"Lincoln sweetness long drawn out."
• * *
Republican delicacy, of the season: Rail birds.
* * *
What the Republicans depend upon for success— Rail-lery.
t * *
The Republicans propose to change the ornithological
symbol of America by withdrawing the Eagle and substituting
the Rail.

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Jair^yenfif ifjta d»jtnHU
tu tiadtr crippUJailom,

THE POLITICAL GYMNASIUM.

200

LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN :

"For President, A. S. Dugass,
For Vice President, H. V. Johnsing, ALL Right.'
* * *
"Douglas forever, never Beet yit."
* * *

DOUGLAS AND HIS MOUNT.
* * *
At St. Joseph, Missouri, before the election, the Douglas
men paraded with such banners as these:
"Old Abe cut his tow so, when he split that last rale, he
kant run fast enough to keep sight of the little Giant."

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TAKING THE STUMP "OE STEPHEN IN SEARCH OF HIS MOTHEB.

202 Lincoln's campaign.
SPLIT VERSUS SPLIT.
"Abe and his rails," O worse than idle tale—
We Democrats can lay you on the shelf.
Boast of a man who's only split a rail?
Our good old party's gone and split itself!

THE NEW GULLIVER;
OR SWALLOWING A "LITTLE GIANT.

"Jones, did you see that splendid half bust of Mr. Douglas,
when you were in New York?" "Yes; but I've seen a finer one
Since in Pennsylvania. It was a full bust."
• » »

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860.

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204

LINCOLN'S CAMPAIGN :

DIED.— At Charleston, South Carolina, on the 3rd instant, the
old and well-known horse Democracy.
The above named horse was sired by Thomas Jeffer
son and dam(n)ed by Stephen A. Douglas.
* * »
Lincoln and Douglas are a great pair of splitters. Lincoln
once followed the business of splitting rails, and Douglas has
now split his party.— Louisville Journal.

DEMOCRAT OR THE FENCE.
"I daren't jump, and I can't dt here. What the deuce shall t do."!.1

Mr. Lincoln is an unselfish man. He has made many rails,
and yet he never was on the fence in his life.— Boston
Traveller.

THE POLITICAL REVOLUTION OF i860. 2\

A "bail" old western gentleman.

206

Lincoln's campaign :

Brown won't vote for Lincoln, because he thinks if he is
elected the presidential office would be probably Abe-used.
* * *

* * *
First Boy— "'S your father goin'
to run for President this year?"
Second Boy— "Guess so; he says
he may as well— everybody else
is doin' it."— Comic Monthly,
1860.

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THE SPLIT IN THE DEMOCRATIC PARTY.

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