Yale University Library 39002002977768 "Igivt thtft JStrtks , [ fertk-fawittoig ef a CoIUgt in. ittf Colo/iy? * iLniaiRAisy • DEPOSITED BY THE LINONIA AND BROTHERS LIBRARY A FRENCH VOLUNTEER OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE (The Chevalier de Poktgibaud) A FRENCH VOLUNTEER OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE (The Chevalier de Pontgibaud) TRANSLATED AND EDITED BY ROBERT B. DOUGLAS AUTHOR OF THE LIFE AND TIMES OF MADAME DU BARRY SOPHIE AKNOULD : ACTRESS AND WIT. ETC. WITH AN ENGRAVED PORTRAIT NEW YORK D. APPLETON AND COMPANY 1898 Authorized Edition. " The story of my life, From year to year, the battles, sieges, fortunes, That I have passed." Othello, Act i, sc. 3 Ci.2£.i^4-vv PREFACE. The Chevalier de Pontgibaud was one of the gallant little band of Frenchmen, who, " sick for breathing and exploit," crossed the Atlantic to aid the American ^olonists to gain their independence. Like most of his companions, he was a mere lad, courageous, adventurous, high-spirited, light-hearted, and cool-headed, but he united to these ordinary attributes of the French gentleman, one which his comrades did not possess, or had no opportunity of developing. He seems to have been a shrewd observer of men and events, and he hadakeen sense of humour. It was not probableT that a youth barely o_ut_ofhis teens and thinking more ot his own liberty than the cause in which he VI PREFACE. was engaged, should have noted his im pressions at the time. They were_written down more than fort}r years lately- but that will not detract from the value of a book which gives vivid pen-portraits of men about whom much has been writ ten but of whom much yet remains to be written. Concerning the author's life, little need be added to what he tells us, but I am in debted to his great-great-nephew, the Comte de Pontgibaud, for some details which are not to be found in the book. The Chevalier de Pontgibaud married — 31 July, 1789 — a daughter of Marechal de Vaux, and the widow of Comte de Fou- gieres, marechal de camp. He was deeply attached to her, and only survived her a few months. She died in 1836 and. he in 1837. From the time of his return to France (181 4) till his wife's death, he re sided at~6, Place Royale, Paris, but after wards removed to the residence of his nephew, Comte de Pontgibaud, 32, Rue des Tournelles, where he died. He was a genial, kind-hearted man, PREFACE. vii and it is related of him that in his later days he never left home without a pocket ful of five-franc pieces, one of which coins he would bestow on each poor person he met. " As I want for nothing myself," he said, " let me do all I can for poor peo ple who do want." Indeed had it not been for his charitable disposition he would never in all likelihood3_iSI_wni3^rj^is book. Hiscousin, Mme. de Lavau, who was interested in many charitable works, said to him one day, " My dear cousin, you have had such an adventurous career that an account of the principal events of your life would make a most interesting book. I would give away the copies as prizes in a lottery, and I warrant we should get a large sum for one of my charities." The proposal was perhaps hardly flatter ing to the author, but he was too kind- hearted to refuse, and the book was duly written. He even permitted a relative to pad out the volume by the addition of some singularly dull letters, which, being devoid of all interest, have been omitted from the present translation. vm PREFACE. The Memoires du Comte de M- (the writer was then known as the Comte de More) has become a rare book, and appears to have been unknown to many of the historians and biographers whose writings relate to the War of Independence and the actors concerned in it. That the book is rare and rather valuable is due to the " book-maniacs," who, have snapped- up every available copy, not on account of any interest in the book or its author, but because of — the printer! A certain young man had persuaded his relatives to set him up in business as a printer, but in a little over a year he contrived to lose more than 150,000 francs. He threw up the business in disgust, and resolved to make his liv ing by the pen. To prove that he was better fitted to compose with the pen than with the " stick," it needs but to cite his name, — Honore de Balzac! Even a book which had the honour of proceeding from the novelist's unprofitable press has ac quired a fictitious value. Both as the Chevalier de Pontgibaud and the Marquis de More, the author had PREFACE. ix the good sense to keep out of politics, and his name occurs but rarely in memoirs and histories of the day. In Vatel's Vie de Madame du Barry he is mentioned as being present at a dinner party to which she was invited. The incident is related in the MS. Memoirs of Comte Dufort de Che- verny. " Seeing that the Chevalier wore the Order of Cincinnatus, she told us the following story. ' When I was at Ver sailles, I had the six tallest and best look ing footmen that could be found, but the noisiest, laziest rascals that ever lived. The ring-leader of them gave me so much trouble that I was obliged to send him away. The war in America was then be ginning, and he asked for letters of recom mendation. I gave them, and he left me with a well filled purse, and I was glad to get rid of him. A year ago he came to see me, and he was wearing the Order of Cincinnatus.' We all laughed at the story, except the Chevalier de Pontgi baud." On the fly leaf of a book in the Library at Clermont Ferrand there are also some x PREFACE. MS. notes — supposed to be written by Comte Thomas d'Espinchal — relating to the Chevalier de Pontgibaud. It is there stated that the Chevalier furnished Talley rand with the means of returning to France by lending him 600 louis. It is not im probable, and as the Ex-Bishop would be absolutely certain to forget the obliga tion, this may account for certain se vere remarks about Talleyrand to be found towards the close of the present volume. In editing the Chevalier's Memoirs I have done little more than identify the per sonages named only by initials, and supply notes concerning them, correct one or two dates, and strike out a passage or two that was not according to modern taste. As a translator I have endeavoured, as I al ways do, to render the original as faithfully as could be, and preserve the style and spirit of the author. The only liberty I have taken with the text is to cut up some of the sentences, for a few of them were of an inordinate length. If it should be found that the style is not always of the PREFACE. XI purest, it should be remembered that the Chevalier was a man of action, _and was fighting for the freedom of America at an age when less adventurous youths are quietly pursuing their studies. Robt. B. Douglas. Paris. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. PAGE Birth — Early days — Education — Out in the world — Sent to the prison of Pierre-en-Cize by order of the King I CHAPTER II. Eighteen months in prison — A plan of escape success fully carried out — Armed resistance — Sheltered by a Lyons merchant — Arrival in Auvergne — A family compact — A compromise effected — Departure to join the, so-called " insurgent army " in America . 18 CHAPTER III. Wrecked in Chesapeake Bay — Williamsburg — Mr. Jefferson — Aspect of the country between Wil liamsburg and the Camp at Valley Forges — De scription of the American Army — Welcomed by Marquis de la Fayette — He appoints me his aide- de-camp — My mission to the Oneida Indians — American ideas of the French — The Camp at Valley Forges — General Howe's dog — Attempted xiv A FRENCH VOLUNTEER PAGE sortie of the British Army from Philadelphia — The passage of the Schuylkill, and return — Our ambu lance surgeon — Evacuation of Philadelphia — De feat at Rareton Rivers — Battle and Victory at Monmouth — New York blockaded — Arnold's trea son — Arrest, trial, and execution of Major Andre' — The Earl of Carlisle and Marquis de la Fayette — Comte d'Estaing before New York — Siege of New port, Rhode Island, by Gen. Sullivan — I am charged with the re-victualling of the French fleet — The siege of Newport raised — Our departure for France on board the frigate Alliance — A storm and its consequences — Mutiny on board — Capture of a British cruiser — Arrival at Brest . . . .46 CHAPTER IV. I visit my father, and am restored to his good graces — Arrival in Paris — Welcomed by all my relatives — Unexpected appointment as deputy-captain — Or dered to Lorient — Paul Jones and Captain Landais — Counter orders — Re-embark on frigate Alliance to rejoin Washington's army — In the absence of Paul Jones, the command of the frigate is given to Landais — He becomes insane during the voyage — Removed from his command by order of the passengers — The campaign of 1781 — Siege of York Town— The Capitulation of Cornwallis— End of the American War on the Continent — I return to France on the Ariel, commanded by Chevalier de Capellis— We fight and capture the British vessel Dublin — We enter Corunna in triumph— Fetes, Balls, etc. — A religious difficulty— We narrowly es cape figuring in an auto-da-fi— The Ariel weighs anchor — Arrival at Lorient I08 OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. xv CHAPTER V. PAGE Proposed expedition to Senegal — A visit to Pierre-en- Cize — The reception I met with there — The repu tation I had left behind me — Institution of the Order of Cincinnatus, which I am one of the first to receive — The pleasures of peace ; mathematics and the violin — Expedition to Cochin-China — An Oriental Young Pretender — Eastern presents — The year 1789 — Physical and political signs of an approaching Revolution — Infatuation of the people at Versailles and Paris — Delille — Nostradamus — Cazotte — La Fayette and my French comrades of the Order of Cincinnatus side with the Revolution ary party — I emigrate with my brother — The cam paign in Champagne — The retreat — We arrive in Switzerland and establish ourselves at Lausanne — An account of the members of our little family — How an important house of business was founded — Unexpected news — I am called to the United States to receive ten thousand dollars, back pay and interest — I embark at Hamburg and go to receive my money 134 CHAPTER VI. My third voyage to the United States — Philadelphia transformed into a new Sidon — The same sim plicity of manners — Mr. MacHenry, Secretary of War — M. Duportail — Moreau de Saint-Mery — I meet my old friends again — A triple partnership with Senator Morris at the head of it — Burke's prophecy — Plans proposed to me — Viscount Noailles — The Bishop of Autun — A mission to the Directory to claim an indemnity — Marino, the xvi A FRENCH VOLUNTEER. PAGE pastry-cook, and M. de Volney — The Princes of Orleans — An elephant with a French driver — A trip to New York — Colonel Hamilton — Past, pres ent, and future of the United States — I meet the Chevalier de la C Our recollections of M. de la Fayette — His escape from the fortress of Olmutz — Dr. Bollman — My return to Europe and arrival at Hamburg i"0 CHAPTER VII. Arrival at Hamburg — Departure for France — I be come a smuggler at Antwerp — Condition of France — My residence in France — Departure for Trieste — Joseph la Brosse, the banker — The Governors Junot, Bertrand, Fouche (Duke of Otranto) — Gus- tavson, King of Sweden — Jer6me Bonaparte . . 218 Biographical Notes 271 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. CHAPTER I. Birth — Early days — Education — Out in the world — Sent to the prison of Pierre-en- Cize by order of the King. My father — Cesar de More Chaliers, Comte de Pontgibaud — has often informed me that I came into the world on_gist Agril1__i75&,* My mother, whose maiden name was Marie Charlotte de Salaberry, was, I believe, at that time a young and pretty woman, but I can recollect very little about her, as she died whilst I was still very young, from a shock caused by being suddenly told some bad news. * See note A, p. 271, as to the actual words employed in the original. 2 1 2 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER I derive my family title from the noble old castle in which my father and mother lived. The chateau possessed battlements, solid walls, towers black with age, and of undoubted historic interest, — but it was not a cheerful residence all the same. My father was lord of the small town of Pontgibaud, and a good number of par ishes round, and united in his own person all the feudal rights of lay and clerical patronage, — for he nominated the cures of most of the neighbouring villages. The Comte and Comtesse de Chaliers lived amongst their vassals, who were all de pendent on their bounty. No one in the district knew anyrhirip- shrmt *k____a£^q. oTman, but all did know, and practise, the duties of gratitude_,.and respept, It is a fact that whenever my mother went out, the women and children fell on their knees, and called for heaven's blessing on their lady, and the men, even the oldest, took off their caps when they saw their master and mistress coming, and set the church bells ringing. What harm was there in OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 3 this interchange of protection on one side, and love on the other? Wer^_J____y..ji,Qt lijcechiklren honouring their ,fa_li__c~-a--d mote? — The huge, old castle overlooked the town, and the fertile valley watered by the Sioule, which stretches far away to the peaks of the Monts d'Or, but like all the valleys in Auvergne, though the view looked so pleasant and peaceful when the elements were at rest, it would sometimes assume in one night a quite different as pect; like the gaves of the Pyrenees, our brooks swell into torrents after a single storm, and the floods render the country not only dreary but dangerous. Custom makes as many victims as im prudence, and the natives of the country really run more risk than travellers, be cause they are less cautious and more dar ing. One of our neighbours, a friend of my parents, Comte de Mont , return ing home one night on horseback, missed the ford, which he thought he knew well, and was drowned in the Sioule, which was then in flood. The news of this accident 4 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER was announced to my mother in too sud den a manner, and gave her a shock from which she never recovered. With the exception of some trifling in cidents, which might have happened to anybody, I can remember nothing that oc curred, that deserves to be recounted, from the time that I was weaned till I was ten years old. I had, however, somewhat of the same character which Plutarch re marked in Alcibiades. I was brought up almost entirely by my maternal grandmother, la Presidente de Salaberry. One day at dinner, she said to me, " My boy, will you have some spin ach? " " I don't like spinach," I replied. " At your age you ought to like every thing, my boy. You will have some spin ach." " I will not eat it." " You will eat it; " and down came my plate with the spinach on it. My own recollection of the event is hazy, but it appears that I took the plate, OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 5 and threw the spinach into my grand mother's face, — much to her grief and as tonishment, and that of everybody else who was present. She said, " Go to your own room," and I went. My grandmother, — a very quiet, pious, and respectable old lady, — was far more troubled by the occurrence than I was, for I could only see that it was wrong to try and make me eat spinach when I had said that I didn't like it. The dear old lady put it all down to God's will and the irre sponsibility of childhood, and said to her old servant, " Lepage, go to my grandchild, and tell him to come and beg my pardon; and here is a louis that you may give him from me." The old servant had no doubt whatever as to the success of his mission, since he had a free pardon and a louis to offer the rebel. He delivered his message, and wound up by saying: " Come, monsieur le chevalier! Here is a louis that your good grandmamma charged me to give you; so come and beg 6 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER her pardon, and eat your spinach like a good boy." The louis met with the same fate as the plate, for I threw it in the old man's face. " Does my grandmother think," I cried, " that I can be bribed into making an apology? " I suppose I was very proud of this re ply, for I often used to think of it after wards, and do still sometimes, though now I estimate it at what it is worth. As for the little domestic drama, it probably fin ished like all others of the same kind; the little chevalier made an apology, ate his spinach, and was pardoned by his grand mother, — but I have disliked spinach from that day to this. But this picture of my youth is only a page from universal history; — an event which might, or does, occur to everybody of the same age and condition. In 1773 I laid_aside the toga praetexta, and put on the toga virile, — or, in other words? 1 aVtame^niiy"slxleen'tTi '"year. ** ¦^BerTTE^stb1rnTs'""oriife began to beat OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 7 upon me, for^almost from the beginning, my life has b^en^adventufOTig: — TE? narra- tion of all that I havFluffered, seen, done, and noticed, from Pierre-en-Cize to New York, from Boston to Coblentz, by sea or by land, in both hemispheres, will not be without interest and profit to my friend the reader, whoever he may be, or what ever his age. Fortune set me adrift in a rudderless boat, but I managed to steer it somehow, and am now safe in port, and not dissatisfied on the whole with my long voyage. My bad luck did not astonish me greatly, or my good luck either for that matter; from whence I conclude, that whoever reads me will be more surprised than I either was, or am. My trials began when I was sixteen years old, and I defy M. Azais to classify them in his system of compensations.* I must here state that my father had two brqthers-in-laWj who .were excellent * Pierre Hyacinthe Azais, b. 1766, d. 1845. The author of a stupid, and now forgotten book, entitled The Com pensations of Destiny, which effectually destroyed what little celebrity the author had ever enjoyed. 8 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER .unde^tome^and, with the best intentions in the world^jdid^me^ajFt^^E^mJjney c^dxT-uiTas their intentions were good, I suppose they will not have to answer to God for their misdeeds. The one was the President de Salaberry, and the other Baron d'A , who, having become a widower, took for his second wife Madame P , a widow with a grown-up daugh ter. Madame P , now my aunt, mar- rj__i____u__dau^htej^^ arid I suppose I interfered with her projects and calculations, but at any rate she certainly was not kindly disposed towards me, and by dint of curtain 'lectures at last per suaded her_easy-going, credulous husband, mx_uncle, to shareTin her dislike of me. My brother, and my •young" sister-in-law, had something to do with the schemes of my aunt (her mother, and his mother-in- law), for I have some idea, — in fact I am almost certain, — that her cordial dislike to me was the effect of her maternal tender ness. I was only a " cadet of Auvergne," and my brother was the elder, and by the simple application of one of the four rules OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. g of arithmetic, — subtraction, — it appeared evident to her, that if I were out of the way, her daughter would be,___irLi_ae_jevent of anything happening to my brother, — soTe heiress to the estate, undiminished by the paymenFbf my~portion. The prospect seemed tempting: I will not say that it was fair and honourable conduct, but it was not her fault that the end did not crown the work, as will be seen. After the death of my mother, my fa ther did not revisit Paris,_b^Jived__in his old castle, and hoarded up the revenues of his vast domains. Ijpassed. I believe, two or three years at Juilly, ujn^jxJJaejttQre or less affectionate care of my uncle, the second husband of a^s^coird^vm^rT^iiCrced up solnelearmrig-^— very much against my will, — under the reverend fathers of the Oratory, but, when I left them, I was not precisely what would be termed a good scholar. If I had shown an inclination to learn anything, it was certainly not Greek or Latin, nor had I much cultivated the flowers of rhetoric. X I then wgnt to college, but resided in IO A FRENCH VOLUNTEER my uncle's house, and he was supposed to watch over me. As a matter of fact no one troubled his head about me. To the out side world I appeared to be in the bosom of my own family, and under the watchful eyes of affectionate relatives, but in reality I was left to mv own devices, and at six- teen_wj3£jmdexjoa^ ""At this critical period of my existence, no one had said what they wanted me to be, nor had I been consulted on the sub- j'ect. For my own part I neither knew, nor cared. I was sixteen _je_U^l_sJdj-ffia__ in T^^^anTmy own, j}Z2£l£X-~Ji™w&&~g£Xltb.- j^~ ^jg0r0US)^ j^^-hjaxte^_J__quiid±_Ke, Imcf Inexperienced, and,.jy^_iat__dT_._Like "everyone_eJsjs*„ta_acqilke^e_sperienc€.At_iny own expense; With. j-0-fcie_i4sy~aiwl_,np one to guide me, it would have been a miracle indeed if idleness and wanF^jrc- cupation""fiad not jfecf me into mischief. "But the watchful eyes of persons who bore me no good-will followed my every move ment. They did not have to wait long to detect me in some act of thoughtlessness, quickly followed by other and graver ones, OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. n and my aunt made it her constant care to spitefi£lyj.xaggerate_all .my faults ariOe- pTcT~"thei_ras crimes to my uncle, and tHroTaglTK'm to my TatKef, "wno walXHun- dred" leagues away from the"*capitai" -"-— tt-was •IM'de'to appear TH^aTaTTtFie laws of nature and the divine order of things had been upset, because a blundering, stupid school-boy of sixteen had commit ted a few trifling excesses. Of course, I had had recourse to the money-lenders. They are ready enough to come to the aid of any extravagant young man, but I had saved them that trouble by going to them. The whole extent of my vice was, that I was acquainted with some young women of easy morals, andjhadjtn^adj_s^me_djbts, which, as I was allowed no pocket-money, and was not a coiner, was hardly a matter for surprise. What they said, or what they did, or what .charges my aunt brought against me, I know _not-_ buMt^JF"certairi that my father^was.Jffll.lQ--xegard.me„b-jaie^~i heard also that the Marquis de la Fayette, who belonged to our province, had, already. ma3eT himself talked about, and itjva^jsugs- gested t)aat!TW3u^TeT^^^^jQ& ffieHroTOTnT_Tm™aIiaT}^^ bjsnrd._>Es__ J .™_iii__M»»0»»<*-ttF-*"^,*^f*.«'^«imHM>i»_i»«J^_..___ ,¦¦„,,,- twenty-five miles distant from my starting pioiiolEr I was sure that, when once I had joined the army, I should run no risk by dying OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 51 of hunger at all events; but it was a long way to the camp, and I did not know with in a trifling matter of a hundred miles or soi_where the head-quarters then were. Besides there were forests to pass through, and I was not sure whether I might not meet with bears, panthers, or rattlesnakes — at least that was what I had to expect if I believed all the books of travel I had read whilst I was in prison. I foresaw that I should often have to sleep under the stars, which, in the month of Novem ber, is neither safe nor pleasant in any country remote from the equator, and I was also doubtful as to whether I should find a dinner every day. With thoughts like these, but with no anxiety as to my baggage. I started off on the road — which was only a worn path — to Williamsburg. There I found some Frenchmen, for they are to be met with everywhere. They provided me with a map_of__the country and I planned out my route. I learned that the army, was camped at Valley Forges, three leagues from THladTeTphTa, and thatlhire.I.,ghai!^^ 52 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER de la Fayette. It was a long journey to make on foot. I related the story of my shipwreck on the coast of Chesapeake Bay, and, as advice costs nothing, every body was ready to give it, and all recom mended me to complain to Mr. Jefferson, then governor of Virginia, of the robbery of my effects. After my experience in the Old World, and more recent vicissitudes in the New, I was not inclined to be too hopeful, but, to ease my mind, I called on the governor. accompanied by an interpreter. I found that Mr. Jefferson had been informed of our misfortunes. He expressed his regret that in sucn""troublous times as we were then in, it was impossihleJi_M:.J-im.~te-^paj/ me the compensation to which I was en titled. Tn my presence he ordered his secretary to give me a «c___ii_ica£e. This curious document was in English, which I could neither speak nor read, but later on I was able to peruse the document. The governor terminated his passport by rec ommending me to the charity of all with whom I might meet! OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. S3 What freaks fortune had played with me. At nineteen years of age I had es caped from Pierre-en-Cize, — two months later had been shipwrecked a thousand leagues from home, — had been robbed of all I possessed, on a friendly shore, by the very persons I had come to help to regain their liberty, — and now I was trudging on foot to the head-quarters of the army, the bearer of a licence to beg on the road. Fortunately the little money I had suf ficed, and I was not obliged to take advan tage of the charitable verb " to assist," slipped in for my special benefit at the foot of the passport. From Williamsburg to the camp at Valley Forges, near Philadelphia, is not less than 200 miles, and it must not be supposed that it required any superhuman effort to accomplish that. There was plenty of mud to be found — but that I ex pected; the weather was not always fine, for it rained often — in the months of No vember and December it rains even in France. In the midst of all these discom forts, which I foresaw would have an end, 54 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER the knowledge that I was free sustained me, and comforted me. Moreover, I was young, and had health and strength. It is not astonishing therefore that I found at every step something fresh to drive away sad thoughts. Birds unknown in France enlivened my view, and made me admire the richness and variety of their plumage, and in the almost continuous forest through which I had to pass, I was never tired of watching the thousands of little squirrels which leaped from bough to bough and tree to tree round me. My baggage consisted of a single shirt. I had in my pocket a flask which I filled with gin (whenever I could get it) and in another pocket a hunk of bad maize bread. I had also five louis in my purse and a pass port, signed " Jefferson." Sand and forest, forest and sand, formed the whole way from Williamsburg to the camp at Valley Forges. I do not remember how many days I took to ac complish this difficult journey. Being badly fed, as a natural consequence I OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 55 walked badly, and passed at least six nights under the trees through not meeting with any habitation. Not knowing the lan guage, I often strayed from the right road, which was so much time and labour lost. At last, early in November, I arrived at Valley Forges^ The American army was then en camped three or four leagues from Phila delphia, which city was then occupied by the British, who were rapidly fulfilling the prophecy of Dr. Franklin. That celebrated man — an ambassador who amused himself with science, which he adroitly made to assist him in his diplo matic work — said, when some friends came to Passy to condole with him on the fall of Philadelphia, " You are mistaken; it is not the British army that has taken Phila delphia, but Philadelphia that has taken the British army." The cunning old diplomatist was right. The capital of Pennsylvania had already done for the British what Capua did in a few months for the soldiers of Hannibal. The_Ameri- cans, — the " insurgents'' as they were 56 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER called, — camped at Val.kj_-_-.EQr.g£su the British officers^who were in the city, gave themselves up to nleasure^ there were con tinual baU-L and oth_x.-ajx__i§em;ents; the troops were idle and enervated by inaction, and the generals undertook nothing all the winter. Soon I came in sight of the camp. My imagination had pictured an army with uniforms, the glitter of arms, standards, etc., in short, military pomp of all sorts. Instead of the imposing spectacle I ex pected, I saw, grouped togetner or stand ing alone, a few militia men, poorly clad, and for the most part without shoes; — many~6TT_iem "badly armed, but all well " ™ ' "",aY,*«av__|nMuv__*u-f m«-_-iwi«_-«»'«Mj»,,«»"WB*',,T'*< - ->!j • -' --,-* .. .-.. * . _. supphea with provisions, and I noticed that tea and sugar formed part of their rations. I did not then know that this was not unusual, and I laughed, for it made me think of the recruiting sergeants on the Quai de la Ferraille at Paris, who say to the yokels, " You will want for nothing when you are in the regiment, but if bread should run short you must not mind eat ing cakes." Here the soldiers had tea and OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 57 sugar. In passing through the camp I also noticed soldiers wearing cotton night caps under their hats, and some having for cloaksjOT^eaj^o^^_co^r^^(^nen DTaliT_ells7^xa^ the patients in . our_-Fj^ii^.ho^tals. I learned afterwards that these were the officers and ggnerals, Such, in strict truth, was, — at the time I came amongst them, — the appearance of this armed mob, the leader of whom was the man who has rendered the name of Washington famous; such were the colo nists, — unskilled warriors who learned Tn a" "Tew yearF~how™To^^oT_5^iFf"™fKe""fi"rre_t troops™T_aT"^^gTlTfd""'couTS~ien3 against rt-e-nTHSi^ also, — at the beginning of TEe War of Indeperidence^-was the state of want in the insurgent army, and such was the sc&Mily^STMmuey.^ aiwLihe. poverty of that government, now so,, rich, powerful, andl~pr©spere«s,.-that its notes, called Con tinental Paper Money, were nearly value less, like our own assignats in 1795. Impressed by these sights, which had quite destroyed m_z_ilkts-e--8f» I made my 58 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER way through this singular army to the quarters of Marquis de la Fayettfi. This young general was then, I be lieve, not more than ^o__QJt-»_~years-of-age_ I presented myself to him, and told him frankly my whole story. He listened to my history with attention and kindness, and at my request enrolled me as a volunr. teer. He also wrote to France and before long received a reply confirming the truth of my statements; he then appointed me one of his aides-de-camp, with the^an-?_pf Major... and from that moment never ceased to~Ioa3 me with benefits and marks of confidence. The Marquis de la Fayette presented me as his aide-de-camp to the commander-jn-chief. Washington was in tended by nature for a great position, — his appearance_alone_^y_£..XQJifid£jic_s„, to the timid, and imposed respect on the bold. He possessed also those external advantages which ji man boni jto_command shouTdTTave ; tall stature, a noble f ace^geij- tleness inHfils glance, amenity Jn ..his lan- guTg^'Simpticity in his gestures and ex pressions? A calm, firm 'bearing har- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 59 monized perfectly with these_ attributes. ThiTgeneral, whoTias since become so cele brated for his talents and successes, was just beginning to play that important part in history that he has since so gloriously sustained, in every capacity, military, civil, and political. But I intend here only to speak of the general. He was surrounded by his officers, who for the mpjl_pjrt_wgreJ, like me, on their first-^ajaapaiga. Many of them had been far from imagining, a short time before, that they were intended for a military ca reer. I saw, standing near the Com- mander-in-Chief/tjateJi the victor atjS&ra- toga, a small man, about fifty years of age: two years before that he was merely a rich tarmer, yet^qmeT^nTlimple as he looked he had n^F^ffiSi^ir^TOrafe in histo^.__This_agriculturist turned soldier, who was wearing on his heaHHTlvoolTeif cap surmounted by a farmer's hat, had just received the sword of General Burgoyne, who, dressed in full uniform, and with his breast covered with all the orders England could give, came to him to surrender. 60 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER Near Gates was/Araold,^-Ls brave as he was treacherous; he waslamed for life by a bullet he had received at Saratoga whilst sharing the dangers and glories of Gen eral Gates. A fny months hefo__a- he was a distinguished officer in the army, Gen eral Arnold was nothing more than__a horse-dealer, rfrfneraf LeeJhowever. was. aloldTeTbefore _ the War of _ Independeng£. GeneriaFiStd^_--&Vas ajawy^ and when peace was declared he returned, not .. to hisolough but to his office. Colonejjfcjaigf Mon^he friend of Washington, when the war was over, also became a lawyer, and pleaded at Philadelphia. General Stark was the propriels£^3L,a,.,laxg.e„„an,d well- ¦A i > __ui ii i W""**^ *-* * ™r™ ^"^¦jZ~~_ t_^ managed estate. Brave General CjKnox* who commanded the artillery, had, before the war, kept a book-store. Under him served dBuplessis-Mauduit_\ a brave young officer, only twenty-six years old, and of whom I shall often have occasion to speak in these pages /—he afterwards perished at Saint-Domingo, vilely murdered by his own soldiers. I also saw arrive at the mill which OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 6 1 served our cojm__a_i_ier as his head-quar ters, ColonglArmand^ then commanding a troop of light horse. The life of this young Frenchman, who was then twenty mo ui, had~lJe^fr_n_e™mine, adventurous from the beginning. He was the nephew of the Marquis de la Beliniese, and had been an officer in the Gardes Franchises. Having fallen madly in love with Mile. Beaumesnil, of the Opera, and been refused by her, he retired to the Monastery of La Trappe, which he left to seek danger by the side of General Washington. He had earned some glory and distinction under the name of Colonel Armand, and was to become more celebrated under the name of the Marquis de la Rouarie. Lastly I saw there, for the first time, Monsieur de P ,* who commanded the Engineers, and who was afterwards. Min ister of War to jLouis_XVJ, at the begin ning of the Revolution. Amongst all these officers of different r-_.tiongii>ipg apH hahits I noticed more * See Note B. 62 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER particularly the striking figure of the man before whom all bowed, as much from ad miration and respect as from duty. Gen eral Washington appeared to be about forty. He had served in the British army, and as Major Washington commanded in 175 — Fort Necessity, when M. de Jumon ville, a French officer bearing a flag of truce, was shot by a private soldier, who did not see the white flag, and who fired without orders. According to all reports it is certain that the commander of the fort never gave any order to fire, and the most irrefutable proof of this is the gentle- ness, magnanimity, and goodness of Gen- eral Washington,— a character which he never once belied amidst all the_chances oflvar7;iffid3^fortune. M. Thomas * has deemed it proper and patriotic to paint this unfor tunate occurrence in the worst light, and severely blame the British officer. Had the name of Major Washington remained obscure, it would have been stained with * See Note C. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 63 an undeserved blot which no one would have thought it worth while to remove, but, as it is, any attempt to answer the charge would be an insult to one of the most beautiful and noble characters in his- Jorjr^ "f aT_™to" the gr ound before the name, the virtues, and the glory of General Washington.. The assassin of De^Jmnonville could never have become a great man. When the war broke out, General Washington was the proprietor of a splen- di__JstatginJS_giniav.and he brought with him when he joined the army, a number of fine horses. He dressed in |hf| most simple mame_r___wilh__u_t any of .the, .marks distiru^i¥e--c_La.xam_^^ and he _gave away ^ _laj^g^ams_J^Q^ie"^QMkxs, by.w,whom he was -.adored. But all that, he _gav_Lwas_ _£2ELJ_i_L£w.n purse., for he had refused to receive any emoluments from the Government. I ought to mention to the praise of the Marquis d£JaJEj^et£e> that he followed the example of the commander-in-chief, and incurred greate^cpense^ purchasing 64 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER with his own money all that was neces sary to ^^^^^)^.^3^ISm^as^Jsa&a. ThTwar cost him imm£n_£^_i_ns~and cer tainly no one will suspect him of any other motive than the noble one of glory, for the chances of reimbursement were not very probable. His motives were perfect ly pure, and Jhs~^XUXmdSS^^^^^-^ rnaHe""can onl^^be^accQjaiJte.i for by the love"^crTli6erty..„.and . , the chivalric spirit wTETch will always exist in France; — en- thasiasmjoye of Ja.ftg^^^nd_ajkde jlory Wgre his sole rewiirds,.. The pleasure of commanding, fighting, and distinguishing himself were of some weight in the scale, it is reasonable to conclude, bjiLbj-fiour- and merit were the principal~___©t-iv-@_v»-.The , fctf_^^__r«i^*-^h-atJg»_._r.rt.-a«_.>^^_^-^M*-^'i.i_4T. *.^~"'*~~ A war in America only offered a chance of danger, privations, fatigues, and difficul ties; the Marquis de la Fayette_wa§.„lthe only one of all the young lords of th.e_Court oFFrance who hadjthe, ..c_gurage»_&ad~4e- termination to_ leave the pleasures of the palace, and travel eighteen hundred leagues to obtain glory without profit. Moreover, there was not an oppor- \ OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 65 tunity every day of acquiring even this much, under General Washington. It did not_£atfr into hi. phns tn readily engage with the enemy on every opportunity — Hp watched his time and chance before he struck^ a blow; the principle of "armed, ^tempojizati^L?^ was his daily study, and, as events have proved, he well deserved the title which has been claimed for him of the ^_me^fc«i_-^_JHiS--- The British, occupied in the pleasures which they found in Philadelphia, allowed us to pass the winter in tranquillity; they never spoke of the camp aT^Talley Forges except to joke about it, and we for our part might almost have forgotten that we were in the presence of an enemy if we had not received a chance visitor. We were at table at head-quarters, — that is to say in the mill, which was comfortable enough, — one day, when a fine sporting dog, which was evidently lost, came to ask for some jinn£-U~Qn its collar were the wordH,<_^gyrff.Z Hmiie.Jlt was the British commander's dog. It was sent back under. a flag of truce, and General Howe replied e — — 66 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER by a warm letter_of thanks^ to this act of courtesy on the part of his enemy, our general. When I arrived at the camp I was in a pitiable condition, but the Marquis de la Fayette had the extreme kindness to fur nish me with the means of procuring horses and a suitable equipment. A plan was proposed to effect a di version by attacking Canada, where, we were informed, we should find few troops to oppose us, and towards the middle of January, the Marquis de la Fayette went to take command of the troops in the dis trict round Albany. We made the journey on sledges on the North River, and travelled with great speed, but the weather was " wickedly cold." One of our companions was the brave Duplessis-Mauduit, who was to com mand our artillery. But before undertak ing any measures we thought it prudent to make a treatywithj:h€^avage races)who live on the bordersor^aira^sr'and New England. After resting some days in the town of OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 67 Albany, we went up Mohawk River to the house of Mr. Johnston, whose residence was close to the huts of the various tribes known under the names of Tuscaroros, Oneidas, etc. We were prepared with the usual presents required to conciliate them, and in this case it might be said that little presents cement great friendships. Our gifts, which they thought magnificent, con sisted of woollen blankets, little mirrors, and, above all, plenty of paint, which the salvages esteem highly and use to paint their~_aces. There was also some gun powder, lead, and bullets, and some silver crowns of six francs bearing the effigy of the King of France, who is known to these savages, by tradition, as the " Great Fa ther." About two thousand Indians, men and women, came to the appointed rendezvous, and thanks to our presents and thej^jjre- water" which we distributed, the treaty was easily concluded. I was very anxious to observe the manners and customs of these people, who were a great novelty to me, but at the end of a few days I had 68 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER seen quite enough, for the European beg gar is far less disgusting than the Ameri can savage. Their numbers are diminish ing rapidly from various causes. We found amongst them an old soldier who had belonged to the Marquis de Mont calm's army. This man had become a savage; he had almost entirely forgotten French, and lived like the Indians, ex cept that he had not let them cut his ears, which is the sign of a warrior. We left these tribes equally satisfied on both sides. The projected attack on Canada was post poned, for some reason of which I am ig norant, and we returned to the Camp, at Valley Forges. I remarked, however, that even in treating with these children of nature, there was ajreciprocal distrust and an im- pression that caution was"~"thlT mother" of safety, _L-eji^ejx.-aQw.-.think without j_itjt-.of the young officers of the guards who had lost their limbs. 1 heir colonel, one of the handsomest men I have ever seen, and sixty years of age, died of his wounds after suffering for twenty-four hours. There was no further fighting until the English reached New York. We ar rived before the city at almost the same moment as they entered it, and took up our position. The siege was conducted under cir cumstances of great difficulty; a British squadron was anchored in the port; the town was protected on one side by North River, and on the other by East River, — both much larger than the Seine, or even 80 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER the Loire. We should have needed a hun dred thousand men if we had wanted to attack the place, and we had but fifteen thousand. The American army remained therefore " in observation," and contented itself with preventing the enemy from for aging in the country round about. Whilst we were mutually engaged in watching each other, a plot was brewing which, if it had succeeded, — and it was within a hair's breadth of doing so, — would have been disastrous for our army, and perhaps even affected the fate of the newly-born Republic. I allude to General Arnold's conspiracy to betray the Fort of West Point into the hands of the Eng lish. West Point, some twenty leagues from New York on the right bank of North River, was the chief arsenal of the American government. All the heavy artillery was kept there, and also that captured at the surrender of Saratoga. Congress had taken the precaution to make every approach to the place bristle with fortifications. The heights were surmounted by formidable OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 8 1 batteries which could bring a heavy cross fire to bear upon several parts of the river, and the passage of the river was also barred — like the port of Constantinople in the time of the Greek Emperors — by a chain, every link of which weighed more than four hundredweight. The fortifica tions were erected under the direction of MM. Duportail and de Gouvion, officers sent from France. Amongst the causes which brought about the liberty and independence of the United States, perhaps these impregnable fortifications should count for something. The British could not hope to capture West Point by main force, for their ships could not approach without running the gauntlet — for fully two miles — of a heavy cross fire from the banks and the neigh bouring heights. They resolved to try King Philip's " mule laden with gold." * * Philip of Macedon said " there was no fortress so impregnable that a mule laden with gold could not enter." The figure is a favourite one with French writers, and has been used by Camille Desmoulins, ChSteaubriand, and Heine, ed. 7 82 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER The possession of the fort of West Point would allow the enemy to cut off all our communications with the Northern States, from whence we derived all our provisions, particularly cattle. The loss of this place would have been the heaviest possible misfortune for us, and the conse quences would have been incalculable. General Arnold commanded the fort. Major Andrea young officer of French extraction, and an adjutant in the British affliy, often fer_~"ori^r5TPn — to — pi-sit — the American camp to make arrangements concerning the exchange of prisoners. By chance or design, he had made the ac- quaintance jgf_ArjaQldJU_ This general, a man of rjre. coujagg, had often rendered us signal services, but he had not been rewarded as well as he wished. Major Andre guessed that he was discontented, and could be easily bought over, and a compact was made between them. Arnold was promised a large sum of money, and a position of equal rank in the British army with full pay. On his side he undertook to surrender the fort. The enemy was to OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 83 make a night attack by the river, and it was agreed that Arnold was to allow him self to be surprised. There was still, no doubt, some minor points to be arranged, and it was necessary that the major should meet the general in order to discuss these. Andre came disguised, and was met by three of our militia men who were patrolling outside our lines, who stopped him and asked the usual questions. The major, who was dressed as a countryman, and badly mounted, replied quietly, and with an af fectation of simplicity, that he was a farmer. The three militia men, who by the way were but badly armedLfor the musket of one of them had no hammer, were just deciding tokthimpassrwirenl he imprudently complained of the delay they had caused him, and was stupid enough to offer them money, and this aroused their suspicions. Thereupon he proposed that they should conduct him to West Point, where he said he wished to go, but one of the militia men remarked that they would have five miles to walk, 84 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER whereas by going only a mile or so they would meet General Washington, who ought then to be crossing North River on his return from a council of war held at Hartford. This was agreed, and the three militia men conducted their prisoner, without knowing who he was, to Kings- ferry, where they awaited at the inn the arrival of the commander-in-chief. Arnold, however, being suspicious, had had the major followed by a farmer of the district. Being advised by his messenger that Andre was captured, Arnold at once jumped into a boat manned by English sailors in disguise, and which was waiting for him below the fortifications, and was rowed to the Vulture, a British corvette lying about two cannon shot off, and so the unfortunate major was the only vic tim of Arnold's treason. All this passed at very little distance from our camp. I had gone, out of curi osity, to see the generals arrive, and so was a witness, by accident, of this great drama. The inn-keeper told me that three militia men had arrested a very sus- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 85 picious looking person, who had offered them money to let him go free, and showed me the place where this unknown personage was temporarily confined. I went to see him, and spoke to him, but as I did not know Major Andre by sight, I imagined the man to be nothing more than one of the enemy's spies. I was not the only person astonished a quarter of an hour later. General Washington arrived with his staff, and having been told of the arrest, ordered Colonel Hamilton to go and ex amine the accused and bring back a re port. I followed the colonel. The low room was very dark, and as night was fall ing, a light was brought. The colonel sprang back in astonishment and dismay, on recognizing at the first glance the un fortunate Major Andre. The prisoner wore no military insignia — a regimental jacket under his countryman's coat, might perhaps have saved him. Deeply pained by the recognition, Colonel Hamilton or dered the militia men not to lose sight of their prisoner for a moment, and hurried 86 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER back to the general. " It is Major Andre," he cried in a tone of despair. Washing ton's first words were, " Take fifty horse, and bring me Arnold dead or alive." Then he at once gave orders for all the army to be under arms. His next care was to have the prisoner searched; there was found on him a paper containing all the particu lars of the plan agreed upon — the surprise of the fort at West Point, and a simultane ous attack on our army. God knows what would have become of the American cause if the plot had succeeded. The major was brought into the camp, under a strong escort, to be tried and sen tenced; the least indulgence shown to him, would, in the circumstances in which i we were placed, have been followed by a Imu^mTTn^h^'lTmy. Few culprits in modprn history haw inspired and deserved more general intffl- s*^Kmt!£__H![__!^E7^2H?§i^~* a distin guished, brave, and active officer, hand some, amiable, and only twenty-six years af age. We received quite a -process-Qn of envoys who came to treat for his re- E ¦s. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 87 lease. The English generals came in per son, and offered almost anything to save his life. There was only one .rP^dH^rT we could accept, and that was that Arnold should be delivered into our hands. The T_nglish weresorrowfully obliged to refuse this; they could not accede to the terms. Major^ Atijjrp was tried and condemned to be (flanged • ft ediH not pvpn nhtain thp privilege of being shot. I can certify that when they came out after the court-mar tial the Jaws jaf^alLom^^ marks of the most profound grief; the eyes. The unfortunate young man met his death courageously; he said loudly that he~ttrd not Think iT^sh^nourable toTiave ~acted"a_I_reI3id agafnsT ""Rebels?' The inevitable doom of Major Andre only served to accentuate the scorn and hatred that Arnold obtained and deserved. The traitor received his promised reward from the British government, but care was taken not to employ him as a gen eral, the soldiers, both men and officers, being exasperated against him. 88 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER His wife and children, whom he had left behind, were in our power. He was base enough to suppose that they would be held responsible for his crime, and in solently wrote to General Washington threatening severe reprisals, and the de struction of Washington's beautiful estate in Virginia if any harm happened to his family. The sole reply Washington mad,e Bractnnijpr M^s Arnold and her children to be conducted into the British lines, witlr.-evtaji ^jssioii^^^sinsjmr-tr^ms, I bTTl^v^'l!!oTrael'nfIa_mIt"oTr who was charged with this duty, with instructions to spare them every possible inconven ience. No event of importance happened dur ing the next few weeks, but we learned that the British government was sending Commissioners to New York to arrange the terms of peace. One of these repre sentatives was Lord Carlisle,]., a very young man. He was the cause of a scan dal, the odium and ridicule of which af- * See Note D. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 89 fected him alone. He had inserted in the English papers, which were read at New York, a paragraph to the effect that the Marquis de la Fayette had been very well received at the Court of St. James, but a very short time before his departure for America, and therefore it was base ingrati tude on his part to play the Don Quixote, and help the colonists in their rebellion against their sovereign. The Marquis de la Fayette felt personally Tnsnltpd hv rhls7 and deemed himself justified in _ demanding satisfaction." A messenger was sent with a flag of truce to carry the challenge, but though the noble lord could not have thought this opponent beneath him in rank, he contented himself with replying that he would leave the quarrel to be set- tled by Admiral Howe and Comte d'E_s.-_ taing.* My lord was well known in the fashionable circles of London, and we therefore caused to be inserted in the papers, that he was nothing more than a young dandy, who wore rouge and * See Note E. 9o A FRENCH VOLUNTEER patches, and was afraid to fight, and the laugh was on our side. A little later on, Comte d'Estaing ap peared before New York with a fleet of twelve vessels of the line and several frigates. The American army, encouraged by the presence of the French Fleet, ad vanced the lines close to the city. D'Estaing had hoped to be able to at tack the British fleet in the port, with the advantage of superior force. Admiral Howe's squadron consisted only of seven or eight vessels of 50 guns. The French ships, being much larger, drew too much water, and were afraid of venturing too far in, for fear of running aground. The Languedoc, d'Estaing's flag vessel, mount ed no guns. They were therefore obliged to renounce their original plan, and change their tactics. The Marquis de la Fayette gave me a letter of introduction to Comte d'Es taing, which I presented, though I was a trifle nervous at the idea of an interview with such an important personage. He OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 91 received me very well, and asked a good many questions which I was easily able to answer. I was closeted with him fully two hours. I partook of a most excellent din- ner on board the Admiral's vessel, and was therefore — mueh — surprised — to— hear Comte d'Estaing complain that he was in need of many of the necessaries of life; — it certainly did not appear so. I an nounced the speedy arrival of fifty fat oxen; — which caused such universal pleas ure that, before I had finished speaking, the good news was being conveyed by speaking trumpet or signals to all the ves sels of the fleet. All the officers surrounded me. and cross-questioned me closely as to our po sition, forces, etc. I was quite an impor tant personage. Le Bailly de Suffren * — then only in command of a 50-gun ship — sent for me on board his vessel. I was obliged, in order to please him, to drink such a quantity of punch that when I left the ship I was afraid I should fall into the sea. * See Note F. 92 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER I was very happy to meet my cousin, the Chevalier de F , now the Comte de F , Grand Cms^of the Order of St. Louis, and^^Vlce Adnjiral: he "wasthen a trMs^tr^n:Korr^^ar^a Provence. He had heard of my escape from Pierre-en- Cize, and we now met, eighteen hundred leagues from home, in the midst of a cam paign; — the proper place for both of us, however. I was greatly obliged to him for many kindnesses, and more particular ly for a small supply of clothes, with which navalofficers are alwjys^vTeiJ^sTrpplied, and which, as I greatlyneeded them, I took care not to refuse. At last I took leave of Comte d'Es- taing, who entrusted me with dispatches for the commander-in-chief. T~r£meirrtrer that he also gave me some kegs of lemons and pine-apples, which he had found on board a prize he had taken. To regain the camp, I had a voyage of twenty miles to make in a boat. I was so hungry dur ing the night that I devoured several of the pine-apples; and they nearly killed me. The plan of campaign of 1778 was OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 93 ^hanged; a poH-biiigd^attack was to be madeTTiTe French Fleet was to blockade Newport, Rhode Island, between New York and Boston, whilst a part of the army, under the command of General Sul livan, and comprising the division of the Marquis de la Fayette, was to besiege the place by land. We effected our landing on_thjs_ hean- tiful island in the most orderly manner, and wiljiorM^ any Hifnrnltip.s, under the protection of three frigates sent by Comte d'Estaing. Hardly had the troops disembarked before the militia, — to the number, I be- lieve. of about ten thousand mm, horse and foot, — arrived. I have never seen_a_ more laughable spectacle; all the tailors and-apothergrtesTn the country must have beeh " .called but" I should think; — one couTdrecognize themTjy thgir-goSd^wigs. T4-ey-^weTg~~inounted orf^bad nag;s,jand looked like g-flock of dmk, nrcTOSs^belts. The infantry was~iio~5etter than the cav- alry, and appeared to be cut after the same pattern. I guessed that these warriors 94 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER were more an^nntri to fat up "1ir g"pphps than to makeaclose acquaintance with "the enemy, and i w^not_miati_k__--*==ihSr soolTdisappeared.^ "~!TTewTays~after we had disembarked, we opened our trenches before the place, and the works were being pushed on with great activity, when the British fleet ap peared before Newport. Comte d'Estaing at once gave orders to sail; there was little wind, but what there was was favourable. Our fleet de filed majestically in front of the enemy's earthworks; each vessel as she passed gave a broadside of half her guns, amongst them many 24- and 36-pounders, to which the forts replied with their 10- and 12- pounders. Our fleet gave chase to the British, who made all sail. _ Both fleets were soon lost to sight. We awaited the news of a victory, but our fleet was dis- persed by a terrible ,_sj__x_ri, and the ad miral's- vessel, the Languedoc, dismasted by the gale, was very nearly captured by the enemy. The Cesar, a vessel of 74 guns, commanded by M. de Raimondis, OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 95 separated from the rest of the squadron, had a very severe engagement with some of the enemy's vessels. The captain lost his right arm, but managed to save his ship, which we thought had been captured. It was in the midst of this tempest that Admiral Byron's fleet arrived and joined that ot Admiral Howe, ihe enemy then had the advantage in strength. The siege still went on7~But when M. d'Estaing re-appeared before Newport he told us he must withdraw the three fri gates he had left to protect us, and we must raise the siege. D'Estaing took all the fleet to Boston igr repairs. Gener34fSullivan._a--grv at finding him- self no longer supported by the French fleet, went so tar as to insult our nation, and call the French traitors. Our two generals were almost on the 'point of fighting a duel. TheJVtarquis de la Fay- ette complained bitterly, and with good reason, to Wasliihglurrr of the treatment he had received. The retreat was made in good order, and we rejoined the main army. 96 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER In this expedition the commanders, both by land and sea, were dissatisfied with each other and themselves, but for me the siege had been rather pleasant, and on one occasion I received compliments which were as numerous as they were sincere. The occasion was as follows: The Chevalier de Preville, who com manded the three frigates intended to pro tect our _ communications, wrote to me to ask if he could obtain somedupplies^ for his sailors. I handed his letter to the Mar quis de la Fayette, and General Sullivan aujjHjrized me to take a detachment and fforaggjfoetween the two camps. "Tor twenty-four hours I was in chief command, and had to make all the mili tary and gastronomic dispositions re quired. The space between the enemy's forts and our lines was covered with houses and gardens, the owners_of which had desexted them- not caring about liv- ingDetween two fires. My work had to be carried out right under the enemy's nose, and I fully expected there would be some bullets to receive. I had requisi- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 97 tioned all the carts I could find, and filled Tn^nTwtt-rffrmraTfd, — uc-well do%4 heaven protect goooTworks, — not a shot was fired at us. The frigates, being informed by signal, of the success of my expedition, sent off a number of boats, and I protected the convoy down to the beach. You should have seen with what gusto the sailors de voured the apples, and with what alacrity they unloaded the carts of potatoes, car rots, and other vegetables. Their grati tude was all the greater as they had been some time without any fresh vegetables. They hailed me as the good fairy of the fleet, and when I went on board I was en thusiastically welcomed. The French government at last dfddH to recognize the United States as inde pendent, and sent oufM. Gerar3>s French Ambassador to Congress. It was quite time France took a step of this kin^jor the,Jae_p-tfea^she had sent througlQlaron); D£ic de Lauzun * was sent by the two ge__eiife-to~ arrange the terms of surrender. He went alone, waving his white handkerchief in his hand, for the rfuvalric Dnc dp Lan/nn never_a___e5 like anyone else would in the same circum- 'sTaiTcesTT'he British army did not come out with drums beating, colours flying, and all the honours of war, but was forced to defile between a d"1iri1p r™-nf TJYpnrVi anrl _mericans, and lay down their arms, to the shame and confusion of their brave and unfortunate soldiers^ Marquis i Corn waRfe wished to give up his sword to Comte de Rochambeau, but the French general made a sign with his hand to show that the hon- our of receiving it belonged to Washing ton as the conima-i-iet4n-_-hiei The English, now shut in New York State, were no longer in a condition to * See Note I. 124 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER continue the campaign, and there followed a kir^^jatrirTy^rrangecbtruce extending 6"ver~the ^ighteenjmor'th.s which~pjFm_dtfnf TFie~declaration of peace^^The combined •armies of" Washington and Comte de Rochambeau were compelled to remain in active, for the surrender at York Town had settled the question of American In dependence, though the French and Eng lish continued to fight at sea for a few months longer. Being unacquainted with that kind of diplomacy which leads to noth ing more than an exchange of cannon shot between hostile fleets, and finding that not another musket was to be fired in war on the American continent, M^de_Ja_Eayette- left for France,, and, I did the same, for we KadlTothing in common with the little French army which remained in the United States until further orders. Comte de Rochambeau's officers had nothing better to do, I suppose, than travel about the country. When we think of the false ideas of government and philanthropy which these youths acquired in America, and propagated in France with so much OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 125 enthusiasm and such deplorable success, — for this mania of imitation powerfully aided the Revolution, though it was not the sole cause of it, — we are bound to confess that it would have been better, both for them selves and us, if these young philosophers in red-heeled shoes had stayed at the Court. But a truce to these reflections which have nothing to do with my memoirs. In the autumn of 1781, my friend, the Cheva lier de Capellis, was about to sail for France in the frigate Ariel, which he commanded, and he took me on board. The Ariel was a prize captured by Comte d'Estaing's squadron; she was a very fast sailer, but only carried eighteen 9-pounders. We started with a favourable wind, but a few days later were assailed by a tempest, which are frequent in these seas. My friend swore, as all sailors do, that this should be his last voyage; he was rich and would certainly never expose himself again to any of the dangers of this cursed profes sion. I did not believe a word of it, and I was quite right. He related to me the history of his brother, who had perished 126 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER at sea, — this story always occurred to his recollection whenever the weather was bad. The storm, however, was not to be com pared to that which I had encountered on my first return, when on the frigate Alli ance. After a voyage of fifty-five days, we sighted the coasts of Spain. I must not omit to mention that when fifty leagues from land we had the pleasure of meeting the Dublin, armed with twelve 9-pounders. She rightly guessed that our vessel was of English build, and supposed that we were English, but she very soon found out her mistake, greatly to our satisfaction, though not to hers. Both ships having shown their flags, a cannonade ensued, which lasted three quarters of an hour, at the end of which time the Dublin struck, for we were twice her size. She was loaded with merchandise. The vessel and cargo belonged to the Ariel. I could not help laughing at my friend Capellis. During the fight he was everywhere at once, animating the gun ners, swearing, and crying that our fire OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 127 was not fast enough or heavy enough. When the Dublin struck, our gunners be tween decks, being unable to see on ac count of the smoke, or to hear on account of the noise, still went on firing. Capellis then felt that the enemy's vessel was his property, and that every extra bit of dam age done her was a loss to him. He quite changed his tone and cried, " Cease firing! cease firing! " but no one heard him. " Upon my word, that fellow has fired again!" he shouted as he saw one of the gunners let fly another shot. His anger was really comic, and I believe he would have killed the man if he had not been re strained. We entered the port of Corunna in tri umph, withour prize, and moored close to the/Afgonauy a French vessel of 74 guns, CTrnTmanded by M. de Caqueray. He was about to give a fete on board that dayT and we received invitations. Even before we touchecl land, I thus enjoyed the honour and pleasure of seeing the ladies of Corunna, who had been in vited, so to speak, on purpose to meet us, 128 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER but before the ball we were regaled with an unexpected sight which much aston ished us. Before we had even cast our anchor, we were surrounded by a host of small boats containing women bringing fruit, and who climbed up the ship's sides as though they had been sailor boys. Many ofthe women were young and prettv. and did not sell fruit. In spite of orders they stormed our vessel, and, as the sailorsja- 'vo^fedthem, they were_sog_a all over__the ship" — except in the gun-room there were wTJTrre_^"ever^^Kre,• we ,„cou!3ITioF[Te1p laughing at this strange invasion. The fete given by M. de Caqueray was a very grand one, and the ladies appeared to me charming, for it was so long since I had seen any. I was not quite so enthusiastic about the city of Corunna which these beautiful ladies and damsels inhabited. I had just left the United— States, a new country where the towns were all new and where the greatest cleanliness prevailed even in the most humble Habitation; where noth- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 129 ing to excite disgust was ever seen, and there were no rags, and no beggars. At Corunna, I found old houses, mendicity at every corner, an atmosphere infected with smoke, and the smell of fried oil, and in fact all the innate dirtiness of people whose natural element is filth. Add to this the clatter of carts with wooden wheels, rumbling over the most uneven pavement in the world. Jean Jacques would have quitted Corunna an hour after he entered it, for he pretends that he was obliged to leave his lodgings in Paris simply because he heard a water carrier cry A Feau! in an unmusical voice. As I had come from America, you may imagine that I was asked thousands of questions. The Duke of Medina-Celi, the colonel of a regiment then quartered in Corunna, asked as many questions as the Bailli in the Ingenu,* but otherwise he was a very agreeable young man. Span iards and French were then good friends, for the two nations had allied their forces * One of Voltaire's short stories. 10 130 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER against England, and both armies wore a cockade in which the French white was mingled with the Spanish red and black. We were detained by contrary winds, and we profited by this accident to visit the port and arsenal of Ferrol. We were told that it was " a miniature Brest." I noted that, like our great marine arsenal, it was entered by a narrow strait, but I do not otherwise intend to compare the two. All that I will say is, that I have seen Brest and I have seen Ferrol. On our return to Corunna we were in- vited to a-bafl-given specially in our hon our: Madame Teuuria7~T-Te""wife of~the naval commissioner, held a faro bank at her house every night. I remember that I once had a mind to play there, and I lost a hundred louis, — one of the clearest of all my recollections of my wanderings. I saw my pieces of gold disappear with out ever uttering an impatient word, — but the devil lost nothing by my silence. In wardly I was harrowed with grief and rage. My face looked calm, but nevertheless I was just on the point of kicking over the OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 131 cursed gaming-table, when I was restrained by a remark of one of the bystanders. I distinctly heard someone near me say, " What a fine gambler that young officer is; he loses and never says a word/' I felt that I was something of a hero, and TTrart_g6i a cr.1Hipr T h^fl fQ_SUStain the lipn- our of the cloth. I put my hand back on the table, but if anyone could have looked under my coat they would have seen that I had buried the nails of the other hand in my flesh. Nevertheless I left behind me at Corunna, not only all my money, but the reputation of being a first-rate gambler. The experience served me in good stead, however, for since then I have never played again. An incident of another nature happened to us whilst we were at Corunna, — one that might have had serious consequences for us, though we were not to blame. We passed our evenings in one or other of the best houses of the city, returning on board about ten o'clock, at which time the boat was waiting for us. One night, when the weather was very bad, we hap- 132 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER pened to meet a religious procession in a narrow street; the viaticum was being car ried to some great personage, I should im agine by the number of people who fol lowed the dais; there were a great many women in the crowd. We three officers stood on one side respectfully, removed our hats, and as it was pouring with rain, we received all the water from the gutters on our unprotected heads, and were drenched to the skin. When the procession had passed, and was about thirty yards away, we thought we could with decency put on our hats, but the people tore them off again, crying and shouting something we could not understand, as we did not know Spanish. With that we all three drew our swords, whereupon these exceedingly pious. Christians all tumbled over one another to get out of the way, and left us a clear road. We hastened our steps and took the first cross street we could find. The people, not wishing to lose anything of the cere mony, did not pursue us. Not knowing the town well, we probably did not take the shortest road to the boat, but we found OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 133 it at last, and were very glad to take our seats in it. I mentally recounted to myself all that had happened to me since Pierre-en-Cize, and I could not prevent saying to myself, all that is needed is to see myself flogged to slow music through this cursed town, and then figure in an auto-da-fe with a benito on my head. But that would have been too much spite on the part of fortune, to heap so many misfortunes upon a sim ple individual like me. Providence watched over us. Our adventure had, however, created some excitement in the town, and the commandant requested us to give him the true account of the matter. When he had heard it, he recommended us not to set foot on shore for some days, and he promised to come and dine on board with us the following day. He was an Irish man, very kind and very witty, and we agreed together perfectly, but we were disenchanted with Corunna, and a few days later, the wind being favourable, we weighed anchor, and, after a good passage of a few days, landed at Lorient. 134 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER CHAPTER V. Proposed expedition to Senegal — A visit to Pierre-en-Cize — The reception I met with there — The reputation I had left behind me — Institution of the Order of Cin cinnatus, which I am one of the first to receive — The pleasures of peace ; mathematics and the violin — Expe dition to Cochin-China — An Oriental Young Pretender — Eastern presents — The year 1789 — Physical and political signs of an approaching Revolution — Infatua tion of the people at Versailles and Paris — Delille — Nostradamus — Cazotte — La Fayette and my French comrades of the Order of Cincinnatus side with the Revolutionary party — I emigrate with my brother — The campaign in Champagne — The retreat — We arrive in Switzerland and establish ourselves at Lausanne — An account of the members of our little family — How an important house of business was founded — Unex pected news — I am called to the United States to re ceive ten thousand dollars, back pay and interest — I embark at Hamburg and go to receive my money. I, and my friend the Chevalier de Ca pellis at once started for Paris. We went together to Versailles to see Marshal de Castries, who was then Min ister of the Navy; he cross-questioned me OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 135 closely upon the glorious battle of York Town, an event which has become famous. I noticed that, as we were retiring, the Minister took my friend Capellis on one side, and I heard the marshal tell him, for I listened, to come on a certain day at a certain hour, when he would hear some news that would please him. I was not in terested, for the affair seemed no business of mine, but two days later, Capellis came and told me that the marshal intended to send a small expedition to seize the Eng lish factories at Senegal, which, he heard, were but poorly defended, and could easily be taken by 150 men: Capellis was ap pointed to the chief command of the ex pedition, which was to consist of a frigate and a corvette. He had asked and ob tained for me the command of the small body of soldiers which was to take part in this bold adventure. The expectation of figuring as a con queror greatly delighted me. It was not much of an affair, I confess, but everything must have a beginning. The expedition occupied all my thoughts. I already pic- 136 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER tured to myself the Marabouts, the local clergy, paying their homage to the con querors; I shook hands with the King of Dahomey, and replaced Robert D in the affections of the little Queen of Cayor — to say nothing of the elephants' teeth and gold which I was sure to find in the English factories when I had taken them. Whilst I was building these fine castles in the air I wrote off to my father, not doubting for an instant but that he would share the pleasure, I felt at the prospect. I told him I was the happiest man alive, for that I was about to proceed shortly on an expedition in which I should have an opportunity of distinguishing mvself and gaining both " glory and profit." My father, — an old man with very positive ideas on certain subjects, and high-minded and chivalric, — was not impressed by the two words " glory " and " profit." He looked at the matter in a different light, and, — to my great surprise, I confess, — wrote me, by return of post, a short, sharp note, in which he said that as soon as he had finished reading my letter he had put OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 137 it in the fire, in order to destroy all record of sentiments which did me but little hon our. The words " glory " and " profit," he added, should never come together, either in the mouth or under the pen of a French officer, and he begged that I would never write him anything of the same kind again. This paternal rebuke, which was not undeserved, was all that I ever got out of the proposed expedition, which came to nothing. As I had leave of absence, and was not obliged to rejoin my regiment then in gar rison at Auch, I went to Auvergne and visited my father, who, now that he had given me a bit of his mind, was no longer angry with me. Finding myself, after an interval of three years, within a hundred miles of my former political residence, the castle of Pierre-en-Cize, of which I was no longer in fear, I one day proposed to our worthy neighbour M. d'Al , whose friendship had been so useful to me, that we should take a ride over to Lyon. I wanted him to see with his own eyes the scene of the events I had narrated to him, 138 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER that he might not believe my account on hearsay only. We arrived at Lyon. It is customary on visiting the castle to give at the gate your name and that of the hotel at which you are staying. The corporal who came out to question us, looked at me, and rec ognized me, although I was enveloped in the long cloak of the dragoon uniform. " Oh, sir," he said laughingly, " there is no need to ask your name; we are not like ly to forget it." The corporal had belonged to the guard on the day when I had my fight with it. He eagerly asked us where we were lodg ing, and an hour after our arrival we re ceived from M. de Bellecize, the governor of the castle, a pressing invitation to dine with him on the following day. We accepted, and were warmly wel comed. It was not surprising that in the short interval of three years few changes should have taken place in a stationary garrison like that of Pierre-en-Cize, and that there should still be many amongst them who, like the worthy corporal, had OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 139 seen me and known me. During dessert, a deputation came from the soldiers to wel come me, and to recite some verses, which they had made up amongst themselves, in my honour. The intention was good, and I took it as such and duly rewarded it, and the honest fellows were as pleased with my gold as I was with their verses. After dinner, M. de Bellecize ordered the gaoler to show us the room I had oc cupied, but strictly advised him not to allow a prisoner named De Livry to see me. My name was never out of the head of this unfortunate young man. He was always talking about my exploit, and had made several attempts to escape, and com plained bitterly to heaven that one man should always fail where another had suc ceeded. The governor thought it likely that the prisoner might go out of his mind if he saw the person about whom he talked so much, so we did not meet. On 20th January, 1783, England, by a solemn treaty of peace, recognized, in clear and precise terms, the Independence of the United States. 140 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER One of the first acts of the young Re public was to found the Order of Cincin natus, and make it^jiereditary. It had a sky blue watered ribbon with a white bor der, below which was an eagle with out stretched wings in enamelled gold. We, in France, did not know what was going on beyond the seas, when suddenly the Marquis de. la Fayette was surprised to re ceive a packet of a dozen eagles to be dis tributed between him and his companions in arms. I was qne_of the fa"^vp hnnnnrprl by this mark of distinction. I have heard thai Comte de Rochambeau received thirty-six eagles of Cincinnatus for himself and the principal officers of his forces. Claims and pretended claims to this honour came from all quarters, indeed there has been quite a mania, in France, for or ders, ever since the days of Louis XIV. The French navy also asked, and with just cause, for some of these orders, and I would not swear that, within a year, Beaumar- chais himself had not received it; — the slightest connection with America was con sidered sufficient basis for a claim to this OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 141 honour. I felt great pleasure in being one of the first to receive the Order of Cin cinnatus. I sincerely believed that that would be all -tile reward we should receive for out campaign m the XNew World. 1 can truly declare that IJiadjney^r_eye^ottereceived the Princes of OrTeansT* but his doors were closed against the Vicomte de Noailles, the Bishop of Autun, and even my friend Duportail. The liberator of his country felt deeply for Louis XVI: th,? TCing'c por trait hung in his room, and he often looked. a.t J^b^-ncver-^trrout-^at'y-tn- his1 -eyes. Whilst on this subject I may relate OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 201 that, during my stay at Philadelphia, an Indian chief was once at dinner in a house where there was a picture of King Louis XVI, after Muller of Stuttgart. Many toasts were proposed, and at last the In dian rose, and standing before the picture, said, to the great astonishment of all the guests, " I drink to the memory of the unfortunate king who was murdered by his subjects." A number of French persons of both sexes, all ranks, and all opinions, "huxhset- tled in Philadelphia and New York. Out side each of these cities, and scattered over the eighty miles or so between them, were many colonists who had escaped from the massacres of Hayti and had found refuge. They were in some instances accompanied by negroes who had remained faithful to them. These refugees rented farms be tween New York and Philadelphia, and having saved their lives, had next to find some means of existence, for living is very dear in this country. The Comtesse de la Tour du Pin had purchased a little farm at Albany, and went to market herself to sell 202 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER her milk, butter, and poultry: she was much respected by all the country folks. I remember also that I met an old sol dier of the Royal body-guards, who had escaped the massacres of the 5 th and 6th October. He had sold a little farm he had in order to buy with the money an ele phant, which he had taken the precaution to insure, for in the United States you can insure anything. I was much amused at this novel industry. This soldier of the King's Guards who had left Versailles to become an elephant-driver in North Ameri ca, had already had the luck to make four teen thousand francs by exhibiting his noble animal, which perhaps was a direct descendant of the elephant of King Porus. Finding myself only some eighty miles from New York, I was curious to revisit the scenes of some of our battles, and also to inspect the city, which I had never seen except from outside, when our army was blockading it. It was with interest and emotion that I revisited Topanah, on the banks of the Akensie River, where the un fortunate Major Andre was executed. I OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 203 recognized with more or less pleasure (ac- ' cording to whether they reminded me of victories or defeats) the different positions which our army had successively occupied. My surprise equalled my curiosity when I entered New York. I admired, — from within this time, — this handsome city, which had then but 25,000 inhabitants (it numbers 120,000 to-day),* and the beauti ful neighbouring island called Long Island. I was enchanted with all I saw, the~eTe- gance and cleanliness of the houses joined to the beauties of virgin nature; then the width and extent of the water ways, which are almost seas ; the giant trees which form the primaeval forests of the New World; in fact all which is not the work of men's hands is so surprising on account of its imposing and gigantic proportions, that when I returned to Europe I seemed to be in another world — the Continent appeared to me like a pretty miniature reduced from a large picture by means of a pantograph. I was glad to meet some of my old * In 1828, when the book was written. 204 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER comrades in arms, both French and Ameri cans; amongst others the brave and wise Colonertlamilton^3he friend of Washing ton, amTwlTrrwas afterwards unfortunately killed in a duel by Colonel Burgh.* Ham ilton, who had quitted the army and re turned to civil life, was a lawyer, and pleaded in the courts and gave consulta tions. We often talked together, — much to my profit.— of the causes of the war, the actual condition of the United States, and the .'probable destiny of t1ie~naTion. Any one who had heard us talking about events which were then a matter of history, would have taken us for two of the speakers in Lucian's or Fenelon's Dialogues of the Dead. " The AmericanJWar," I said, "began in a very singular manner, and was carried on ma way yet more~ singular. It seems to~me, on summingtqTainnyoTjservations, that the English made a mistake in send- * The error is obvious. Perhaps a Frenchman, writing in 1828, can be pardoned for recalling Burr as Burgh, when an Englishman, nearly 70 years later, describes Farragut as " the great Confederate admiral." OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 205 ing troops against you, instead of with drawing those which were already in the country, as you did not submit at once you must have inevitably ended by win ning sooner or later. You gained experi ence and discipline in the indecisive~enr' gagements' which were fought, and the scholars were"Tolmdto finish by becom ing as clever as their mastersT EoTjfcp-fos instance, at the Swedes under Charles XII, and the Russians under Peter the Great." " You are right, no doubt," he replied, " but their second fault was to give the two brothers Howe each a command. The "general undertook scarcely anything by land in order to allow his brother, the ad miral, the chance to distinguish himself at sea. All that the English need have blockade our ports with line. frigates and ten ships of the of thejcgSJl "Thank God, indeed," I said^forJL believe that America would_haye come -to- "tEemother country. I am the more~Tnciined to believe this, as I notice 206 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER there are a great many Tories in your country, and I see that the rich families still cling to thekingjs government." "~"' Yes; and thus it happens," he replied, with a smile, " that though our Republic has only been in existence some ten years, there are already two distinct tender ^the^ oner~tfemocraticJ>the other (Srist cratic^In Europe they alwavs speak of the American Revolution, but our separa- tTOrriTo'nTThe mother country cannot be Called a rev Petition. Therehave been no cliaiigetsin^tne^^ betsfTlnterfered^irii^eya^^ in hisjiacej and all., t hat.is,^lt©F€4-is-tteSthe. seat j^ jjavejamieixL^^ equality exists amongst usjat present^but t^r^^^iS^L\il&-^£Lexea£e. of man ners between the inhabitants of the North ern and Southern States. The negro is free at Philadelphia, but he is a slave in Vir ginia and Carolina. Large fortunes are made in the Southern States, because the country is rich in productions; but it is not the same in the Northern States." " Yes," I said, " those who claim to OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 207 look into the future may see in your nation, -— as~you say,— two diverging tenxienHes.: the one^toward^^mocrac^. the other to- wards <«^toiaacypbjtit if^some separation' of these elements could be made quietly1 and without strife, would the people "Eer any the happier? Territorial possessions are, there is no doubt, but lightly esteemed in your country, which is perhaps owing to the fact that the British or Anglo- Americans of to-day only date back to Penn and his colony, or only a hundred years or so. An estate over here rarely re mains ten or twelve years in the same hands." " That is partly due," answered he, " to the facilities for changing our place of resi dence, and to the fact that land which is relatively dear near the great cities, is much cheaper at some distance from them. Be sides we are essentially business men; with us, agriculture is of small account, com merce is everything." " That is true," I said. " Many persons believe they have but to land in the United States to make a fortune, and the first 208 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER question that is put to you when you ar rive, is : ' Do you come here to sell or to buy? ' " I have given, as nearly as I can re member it, all that passed between the sol dier-lawyer and me at this interview, but I cannot forget the singularly wise reflec tion that I heard him make one day, on the subject of the French interference in the American War. """Considering the question by itself," 'I said to him, " the Cabinet of Versailles would seem to have committed a political fault in having openTy supported the Ameri- cans^inTfie'WaTTrHTid^ particularly for having sent over here all It has been maintained that the proper addojriJfo£_Fj^nce.„was. jt q, j^maitL. nei;traC and take_adjyantage_of the difficulties of r£ngland,jto occupy, an^^usjnake her re store, Canada^jfvhich has always remained French at heart. This double opportunity oTwar, or re-occupation, would have fur- nished an outlet for surplus population, OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 209 which, failing that, has overflowed in the f&lin uf a revolutTonTon'our own~monarchy, "SncT fias~tnen" inundated°Europe." ~TKis~"speech made 'Turn" think of the young nobles, who had overrun America nke-rne sneep of Panurge, without, how ever, reducing the surplus population of France, and Colonel Hamilton could not help laughing as he replied: " You are right. I am speaking in op position to our own interests, for it is~to the .French armsthat we jawe" our inde- pendence, but your Government would perhaps Have dTJnebetter if it had sent us your" lower "orders" instead of your upper.51'" I found at Philadelphia, my friend De la Colombe, who, like me, was aide-de-camp to M. de la Fayette during the American War, but with this difference, that when our civil dissensions broke out, he still re mained with the general. " You were wrong, my friend," he said to me, " not perhaps in not casting in your lot with ours, but in refusing on principle to have any communication with us. I might perhaps have been able to dissipate is 2io A FRENCH VOLUNTEER some of your delusions, and induced you to reconsider the matter, and afterwards you could have done as you thought fit." He told me many things which aston ished me, even after the events which I had seen; — especially when he assured me that at the time when we believed all Eu rope, even including Russia, to be pre paring to take up the King's cause by a general armament, Prussia had, through Ephraim, a Jew of Berlin, proposed an of fensive and defensive alliance with France, the sole condition being that Louis XVI should send the Queen back to Vienna. I do not refuse to believe that this proposal was really made, but it seems strange that the avowed enemies of this unfortunate Princess should intentionally or uninten tionally have tried to save her from the scaffold. My old comrade of the War of Inde pendence, who had thrown himself, along with his old general, into the vortex of the Revolution, had afterwards retired to the United States, where like the wise man OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 211 in the story, he listened to the distant echo of the storm. Of the unlucky M. de la Fayette we both spoke in a befitting manner; he, be cause he had always followed him; I, out of gratitude for past favours, and we often also spoke of his share in the American War, in which we had both been actors, and both under his orders. In the course of conversation, M. de la Colombe related to me the history of one of the adventures of our general — a story which my depart ure for America on my third visit, had pre vented my ever kearing before. " You have heard," he said to me, " how M. de la Fayette quitted, in 1792,. the army whidi lie commanded, and r,ame__to Paris, and how, after having failed to carry out his good~TnlentionsTTie^eturaed to MaiP" beugej__withm the _sad_. ,conyiction_jthat he" would not be able to do any good, orjpre- yent any evil, Jejth^rjn_J^ariv-flr_jffi,ith_ the army^ You know that finding himself in this difficulty he deserted his party, and, with some of his officers, presented himself at the Austrian advanced post, and de- 212 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER manded permission to pass. This permis sion might easily have been refused, but there was no justification for arresting the party, for, as you are of course aware, all that they wished to do was to get to Os- tend and then come over here. To the shame and disgrace of the Prince of Co- bourg, however, or rather to the Court of Vienna^ M. de la Fayette and the officers who accompanied him, were all made pris- oners and closely confined in the citadel ot Ulmutz. You know that I was one of his companions in misfortune, but you do not know, for it is not known in Europe, of the plan, its preparations, and the carry ing out of his escape, which only failed through his own fault, for he did escape, and was, so to speak, wrecked in port. Here is the story. " General Washington, who was still President at that time, made instant ap plications to the Cabinet of Vienna to ob tain his friend's liberty, but met with a formal refusal. ^A_plan of escape was then arranged over here, and Congress devotprj^ a sum of 400,000 francs to its execution. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 213 You have seen almost every day, at Phila delphia, the man who was charged to carry out the scheme; it was a German doctor, named Bollman, a man of ability, who did not need to be taught his lesson. Time was needed to carry out the scheme, and a good deal of audacity had to be concealed under a good deal of skill and prudence. " Having provided himself with excel lent letters of recommendation the doctor arrived at Hamburg, as though to exer cise his profession in Germany. He lived in good style, kept a carriage, visited the sick poor without a fee, and did many charitable acts in a simple and unaffected manner, though he followed in the foot steps of Cagliostro and the famous Count St. Germain. He was as slow as a tortoise in accomplishing his end; stopped in all the principal towns of Germany, and when after a very slow progress, he did arrive at Olmutz, he had already achieved a repu tation for science, kindness, and philan thropy. He did not omit to pay a visit to the governor of the fortress as soon as he arrived, and quickly made the acquaintance 214 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER of that worthy German, who often came to see him, and invited him to dinner. The champagne was not spared on these occa sions, and, at length, one day, over the bottle, the doctor hinted that he had heard in the town that a prisoner of some impor tance, who was under the governor's care, was in a precarious state of health. He remarked that, in his own interest, the governor should see to this, as if the pris oner died, his death would be imputed to neglect or ill-treatment, and the odium of that charge would rest not only on the gaoler, but even on the sovereign. " The guileless governor grew fearful of the consequences that might ensue, and begged the doctor's help and advice, and the other protested that as a good and loyal German he was ready to do every thing he could for the patient. Trusting in the good faith of Dr. Bollman, the gov ernor conducted him into the prisoner's cell. The doctor took advantage of the opportunity, and whilst feeling M. de la Fayette's pulse, slipped into his hand a note which informed him of the plot, and OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 215 raised his hopes of ultimate escape. Boll man gravely informed the governor that the prisoner would inevitably die in a brief space of time if he were not allowed to breathe the fresh air of the country. Owing to the feeble condition of the in valid no fear of his escape need be enter tained, and the doctor concluded by saying that he would take the prisoner for occa sional drives in his own carriage, which should only proceed at a walking pace, and could be escorted by any soldiers the governor thought necessary. That func tionary, — never suspecting a doctor who had such good wine, — gave his consent. " M. de la Fayette, for his part, pre tended to be extremely weak, and even unable to walk, so he was carried to the carriage, which never took him more than a league from Olmutz, and always brought him to the appointed spot when the drive was finished. This went on for some time, and the governor, feeling more secure, gradually diminished the escort, and finally reduced it to a single soldier. " Meanwhile the cunning physician 2i6 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER bought two fine saddle horses, and ar ranged to have them taken to a certain spot at a certain hour on an appointed day. Bollman also provided a couple of pairs of pistols, and plenty of money. When they arrived at the place arranged, they jumped out of the carriage, and the doctor with one hand presented a pistol at the head of the astonished soldier, and with the other offered him a purse of gold. Then the horses appeared, and the two fugitives sprang to the saddle and rode off. After going some distance they sepa rated. M. de la Fayette rode fifty miles on the same horse, which at last dropped dead, and he was imprudent enough to stop to buy another. In Germany it is the custom to fire a cannon when a pris oner has escaped, and the peasants, being therefore on the look-out for any suspected person, arrested M. de la Fayette for the sake of the reward they would get for his capture, and took him back to Olmutz. The doctor, who acted more circumspectly, got away, and returned to America alone." Such was the story told by my friend OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 217 La Colombe. When I afterwards returned to Paris, I met M. de la Fayette, who said to me with a laugh : " Well! I also have been in a fortress, and tried to make my escape." " So I hear," I replied, " but you did not manage it as well as I did, General." Shortly afterwards I left the United Sitates^^this time " for good " I think^ and landed at Hamburg. 2i8 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER CHAPTER VII. Arrival at Hamburg — Departure for France — I become a smuggler at Antwerp — Condition of France — My resi dence in France — Departure for Trieste — Joseph la Brosse, the banker — The Governors Junot, Bertrand, Fouche (Duke of Otranto) — Gustavson, King of Sweden — Jerome Bonaparte. I believe I am not exaggerating when I say that this city, and Altona, which is only separated from it by a fine avenue of trees, then contained seven or eight thou sand French emigres. Hamburg, being a neutral city, did an immense business, and offered even more opportunity than the United States for the industry and activity of our French fatftgrgSy^who were obliged to make a liv ing somehow. Some wrote books, and others sold them. I met there a M. de P , who had a small capital of a hundred louis. He ex changed money, and was obliged to trot OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 219 about the town like a messenger, exchang ing ducats, piastres, sequins, and crowns, according to the requirements of the per sons he met, but he managed to make his ten francs every day. I also found there a young Frenchman, who did not know mathematics, but man aged to teach the Germans all the same. As he spoke the language well, he went every morning to a friend, a German naval officer, to take a lesson, and then carried his newly acquired information to his pupils, who each paid him a mark. If a pupil made any observation, the professor refused to give an explanation, in order, as he said, not to confuse the pupil's mind. When his lesson was finished he received his money, out of which he had to give ten cents to the naval officer. In fact the emigres busied themselves to such an extent in every department of commerce, that the Jews seemed likely at one time to leave the field to them. One Jew, who was a painter, revenged himself by taking a likeness on the quiet of the Frenchman he most disliked, — a certain 220 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER R F , I believe. He represented him as sitting in one pan of a pair of scales, whilst in the other were twenty Jews who were unable to weigh him up. The carica ture was sold in the print shops. I had left my brother and his family established at Lausanne, where they had founded a house of business which prom ised to extend and prosper. I learned in a singular manner that his success had sur passed all his hopes. At Hamburg I heard some talk of a banker, a second " philoso pher without knowing it," another M. Vanderk in fact, who under the name of Joseph la Brosse, had established a solid and flourishing business at Trieste. A draft of 100,000 florins drawn on him was paid at sight. I soon found out that this millionaire was no other than my brother. The invasion of Switzerland by the French had caused him to quit Lausanne, and he had carried his Lares and Penates to Tri este. For some years past he had made that city the head-quarters of his business, and his commercial transactions had in creased to an enormous extent. I formed OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 22I a project to go and visit my brother, but I did not carry it into effect for some time, for chance threw in my way an opportunity of visiting Paris. The circumstances under which this op portunity arrived were amusing, and I might say instructive. I have no compunc tion in mentioning them, for it is not prob able that there will ever be another emi gration from France, and, if there should be, it would be the citizens who had noth ing who would rob the citizens who had property — that is the invariable rule. We of the old nobility would not be the suf ferers, for, heaven knows, few indeed of the fine castles, mansions, and fortunes, have remained in the families of their origi nal owners. But, at any rate, if the so-called liberal ism — which is very different from the old Jacobinism, because it has the red cap in its pocket instead of on its head — if liberal ism, I say, should ever drive the wealth out of France, I thought I should like to know how it came back. I did not look forward with much pleas- 222 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER ure to my visit to France, and had no fam ily ties, for my relations had either been murdered or driven out of the country, but there was danger to be incurred by re turning. Nitimur in vetitum semper cupimusque negata. I meant to preserve my incognito, and hoped that my friends, — if I should meet any, — would also keep it. This mystery, with a spice of danger added, gave promise that my days would not be dull, and be sides I wanted to see France from behind the scenes; — to view the carnival in action. The Directoire was still at the Luxem bourg, and on the walls, the coins, and at the head of decrees, you read the words, Republique Frangaise, and saw the fasces and the cap of liberty. I had heard all this, but I only half believed it, and, at all events, the spectacle seemed worth wit nessing, even at some risk. To revisit France, if a chance occurred, was a fixed resolve with me, and the chance did occur. One morning while I was at Hamburg, I received a letter, addressed to OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 223 me, coming from one of the departments annexed to France, and containing an offi cial intimation that the name of my friend, the Chevalier de la Colombe, had been struck off the list of proscribed emigrants. I turned the letter over and over, and said to myself, " Why, this is a permission to bearer. My friend La Colombe cannot fail sooner or later to hear in the United States, through the newspapers, of the re moval of his name. I will ask the French authorities at Altona for a passport in his name for Paris, and it is sure not to be re fused." I presented myself before M. Dietrick, the Resident of the Republic, " one and in divisible." At the moment I arrived a Gascon soldier of the body-guard was ap plying for a passport, and was passing him self off for a Swiss. The worthy fellow had nothing against him but his accent. " Yes, monsou le Resident," said the ap plicant from the South, " I require a pass port for France." " And so you are a Swiss? " said the Resident. 224 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER " A Swiss of Neuchatel, monsou le Resi dent," replied the Gascon. " Monsou le Resident " could not re frain from saying, with a quiet smile, " Since when was Neuchatel situated on the Garonne? " The imperturbable Gascon was not taken aback, and without moving a muscle, replied, " Ever since the Revolution, mon sou le Resident." The retort was unanswerable, and the passport was issued. In my case, the ap plication seemed only a natural conse quence of the official document of which I was the bearer, and I obtained the pass port without any difficulty. I had bor rowed my friend's name, certainly, but the description in the passport referred to me, and I set out on my journey in perfect se curity. When I was about to leave, I reviewed the state of my finances, and as I know that what does not increase diminishes, I exchanged a fair number of ducats for Eng lish merchandise, which promised me a good profit if I could only succeed in in- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 225 troducing it into French territory, — but how that was to be done I had not cal culated, and trusted to luck to help me at the critical moment; audentes fortuna juvat. I arrived at the gates of Antwerp. I had with me in my carriage, perhaps I should say in our carriage, for It belonged to him as much as to me, — or rather it be longed to neither of us, for it was a hired conveyance, — I had with me as my travel ling companion, an emigre whose name had also been removed from the list of pro scriptions. He also was returning to France, but his papers were all in order. M. de P was a good, careful, prudent man, much esteemed by all who knew him, and by all who knew his daughter, for he was the father of the good and beautiful Madame de M , who has the secret of preserving her beauty, for on my word as a man of honour, and a good judge, though she was beautiful at twenty, she was yet more beautiful twenty years later. I acted as escort and protector to my companion, and would not have suffered a hair on his 16 226 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER head to be touched, and he had plenty of hairs on his head, for though he was middle- aged he was marvellously well preserved, — it runs in the family. M. de P had nothing to fear, but I was not at all easy in my mind when we drove up to the gates of Antwerp. My merchandise, my papers, my name, my per son, were all contraband. The carriage stopped before the lodge of the customs officer, the door was opened, and an officer put his head in and asked the usual ques tion. It was evening, and he carried a lighted candle in his hand. I seized my companion's arm and whispered to him, " Leave everything to me; don't speak, and above all don't laugh." Then having, on the spur of the moment, devised the little comedy I was about to play, I began my part. " Ah, my dear Durand, how are you? " I cried, stretching forth my hand in the most friendly manner to the customs of ficer, — whom I had never seen before. " So they have sent you here now." The man replied, as I had fully ex- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 227 pected he would, " Citizen, I don't know you." With that I jumped out of the carriage, and threw my arms round the neck of my newly-found friend; the candle fell, the cus toms officer swore and pushed me away, and the inspector came out and asked what was the matter. " Lieutenant," I said, " I appeal to you. Here is Durand, my old comrade, who won't recognize his friend Bernard, though he taught me the profession." The inspector listened to what I had to say, the other officers turned out of the guard-house with torches, and the misun derstanding was cleared up, — much to my advantage. The inspector, — to whom I had been careful to apply the title of lieu tenant, though he was only a brigadier, — was already disposed in my favour. That I had been misled by a chance resemblance, and that the customs officer was not my old friend Durand, I was the first to acknowledge, but the inspector and all his assistants, — even the one I had bap tized Durand, — were all very polite to me, 228 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER and attributed the mistake partly to ab- sense of mind, partly to good fellowship. Conversation became general, everyone had something to say; — there were so many posts along the immense frontier, and such transfers and removals almost every day, — and the new post was always so far from the old one, — and a man never knew what it was to have a home, — and, we all agreed, the Revenue Department was very badly managed. " And now, citizens," I said at last, in the bravest possible manner, " duty must be done, and it is not a customs officer who will refuse to obey the laws of the Republic. Lieutenant, will you please search my trunk? Here is the key." The " lieutenant " smiled, the others all cried in chorus, " What! search a com rade's box! " I took my leave of them all, put the key back in my pocket, and got into the carriage again. All wished me a good journey and a short stay in my new quarters, for I fancy, that in order to make them pity me the more, I had mentioned Soubise or Marennes as my destination. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 229 Good M. de P , who had remained in the carriage, still trembled for me. When we had passed the barrier, I laughed and said, " That is the way to smuggle. I could not get out of it as Marshal Saxe did, but you will agree that I managed it pretty well." And thereupon I told him the story of what happened to the con queror of Fontenoy at the gates of some Flemish town. Marshal Saxe was returning into France after the campaign of 1745. At the gates of some city on the French fron tier, a customs officer presented himself at the door of the carriage, and said, " Have you anything contrary to the orders of the King, Marshal? " "No, Monsieur." " But what is that? " asked the officer, pointing to an immense barrel of tobacco on which the marshal's feet were resting, and which took up all the front part of the carriage. " That, Monsieur," replied the marshal calmly, " is my tobacco box." " Oh, indeed!" said the official.. " Well, 230 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER I suppose it is but right that a very great general should have a tobacco box in pro portion," and he closed the door respect fully. Success begets confidence, and confi dence begets fresh successes, and thus one arrives at high position, fortune, and hon ours, — but I only wanted to arrive at Paris. There was, however, one more for mality to fulfil, — the passport issued at Hamburg, must be vise by the authorities of Antwerp. For some months past the chief official there had been called a Pre fect, — the post had been newly created by the ruler, who, under the title of First Consul, was sole master in France, though there were professedly three persons at the head of the so-called Republic. France was still nominally a Republic, and indi viduals who ere long would be called Sire, Monseigneur, Duke, Baron, or Excel lency, were still simple citizens. I went to the Prefecture of Antwerp, and presented myself before the chief mag istrate of the department. I was announced as M. de la Colombe. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 231 " Yes, Citizen Prefect, I am M. de la Colombe, an emigre raye, from Hamburg, and I want my passport vise in order to return to France." "M. de la Colombe," said the prefect, in a marked manner, that I ought to have noticed, and looking at me in a droll sort of way. " Please to take a chair, M. de la Colombe. Have I the honour of addressing M. de la Colombe? It is not long since M. de la Colombe left Hamburg. You only re ceived the intimation of the removal of your name from the list a few days ago, I suppose, M. de la Colombe. We are de lighted, M. de la Colombe, to be able to provide French emigres with the means of returning to their mother country. M. de la Colombe wants his passport vise for Paris. I hope M. de la Colombe will not meet with any unpleasantness during his stay in the capital. I am glad to have had the honour of making your acquaintance, M. de la Colombe. I have the honour to wish you a pleasant and prosperous journey, M. de la Colombe." It was "M. de la Colombe " all the time. 232 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER " The prefect is extremely polite," I said to myself, "but is he afraid that people will forget their own names? " Some time afterwards, however, I learned that the Prefect of Antwerp was the stranger who had forwarded to me at Hamburg, — through a third person, — the notice of the removal of the name of La Colombe, — with whom he had formerly been very in timate. Then I had the key to the enigma, and understood his kindness, discretion, and genial banter, for instead of signing the vise to my passport, he could have told me openly that I was an impostor, and I should have had no right to com plain. I ought to mention, as a matter of his torical accuracy, that I am not quite sure, at this length of time, whether it was the prefect or the secretary-general with whom I had to do, but at this period there were many instances besides mine, in which func tionaries did all they could to modify the rigours of the Osselin law. A certain great personage, whom I will not name, may perhaps remember this incident, which is OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 233 greatly to his honour. An emigre applied to him, in the name of Bouchard. " I can do nothing for Citizen Bouchard," was the reply, " but I will do all in my power for M. de Montmorenci." Anyhow, there I was in France, and when I arrived in Paris, I was as much under the shelter of the law as any in habitant who had never quitted the coun try, or meddled in political events. " His native land is dear to each true heart ! With what delight do I behold this spot." That is what nearly everyone feels, and nearly everyone says, — from Tancred to Potaveri, from the Frenchman to the Hot tentot; — but I said nothing of the kind. The ruling inclination in me, — it has been a slight fault of mine ever since I was twenty years of age, — is to indulge in a private chuckle, and so I admire very little, and I rarely blame, and though I do not laugh outright, I laugh in my beard, for I have seen so much that I have learned to estimate events at their proper value, and I praise no celebrity till after he is 234 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER dead; — I have made so many mistakes in paying my tribute of admiration to a liv ing celebrity. This disposition made me regard France as a very absurd set of magic lantern slides. When I had been forty- eight hours in Paris, it seemed to me that of all the persons I recognized, the pretty women had grown old, and the men had changed. I had always prided myself on the pos session of a well-shaped leg, and had always been in favour of knee breeches and stock ings, and when I saw everyone wearing trousers, I said to myself, " Has the Revo lution made all the young men bow- legged? " Similarly when I saw double or single eye-glasses on the noses of young men of twenty, I said, " This unlucky Revolution has made them all short sighted." I know that, as a general rule, the public cannot see beyond its nose, but when I noticed that it was merely a freak of fashion and that the young men got themselves up as carefully as Antinous, I thought perhaps they wore eye-glasses in order to better resemble the favourite of OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 235 Adrian, and I laughed at those historians who pretend that glasses are a modern in vention. I saw pass along the Boulevards two young men, dressed in the very height of fashion, mounted on fine horses, and trot ting at a rate which made everyone turn to look at them. A middle-aged man, who was leaning on his cane, watching them, cried as they passed him, — in the tone which an uncle or a father would have used — "Very pretty indeed, — but the debts!" They both laughed, and so did I. I knew them, and the reproof was not undeserved, as regards one of them at least. Another time I saw in a fine carriage, — and there were not many such at Paris at that time, — a face that I recognized by its ineptitude. He was a virtuoso whom I remembered as making his debut at a con cert, and with the greatest possible suc cess, when lie was a beardless boy. I had not forgotten that he said to me, as we came out, " Did I not play like an angel? " I must confess that he must have had some talent in his fingers, for this young fool 236 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER became a millionaire in six months, and has managed to keep his money; so if he was a fool he was no ass, — but it is not worth while to mention his name. As for me, I had at once, as a pre cautionary measure, taken up my residence in the quietest quarter of the city I could find, that is to say in the Rue St. Louis in the Marais. I had not been a-week-inJEaEis, — trying the ground to make sure it was safe, — when I unexpectedly encountered an old acquaintance. The meeting made me uneasy at first, but in the end was most fortunate and useful for me. I re member (though now with pleasure and gratitude) that my first feeling at this encounter was one of fear. It was ex actly like the meeting between Almaviva and the Barber of Seville. The good fel low, — whom I took for something quite different, — scanned me so closely, that I said to myself, " I have seen him some where." " I am not mistaken," he said, " it is you, M. le Chevalier." "Ah, it is you, d'O ," I answered OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 237 with a little more confidence, " and what are you doing at Paris." When I left in '91 he was proprietor of a cafe at the Petit Carreau. D'O had been brought up by my grandmother and my uncle, the President. He was a tall, good-looking man, with a frank open face, and, when I knew him, very active, strong, and exceedingly bold, though he carried no weapons, offensive or defensive, except a little stick about a foot and a half long, and no thicker than a switch. He looked a little older, but other wise was externally very much as I had known him. However, I guessed from his character, that he was not likely to have remained neutral during the Revolution ary troubles, and I was doubtful of what he might have become during the ten years which had elapsed since I had lost sight of him. All the difference between us and the characters in Beaumarchais' play was, that I was not a grandee of Spain, that we were on the pavement of Paris, and that honest d'O was, has always been, and is still, the best and worthiest of men; — 238 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER otherwise his story greatly resembled that of Figaro. " Yes," he said to me, " I was, when you left France, proprietor of a cafe. I became what is called ofRcier de paix, and had to guard the Tuileries. You may guess that I showed our unfortunate King and his august family every mark of de votion, and there was no advice likely to be useful for their safety or repose that I failed to give them. They did me the honour to receive me, and confide in me as a servant in whom they could trust. After the terrible day of the 10th of August, I was arrested, and brought to trial. I pleaded my own cause, I defended my head with courage and eloquence, and as I had the advantage of not being noble, but be longing to the people, they were forced to forgive me for having done my duty, and I was acquitted. I wore the livery of the Revolution, but nevertheless I carried in my heart a love of the Bourbons, and of all honest people. I have saved as many as I could from the scaffold ; many know it, but many others do not suspect it, for I OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 239 never told them, fearing lest their indis creet gratitude might compromise me and prevent me from serving others. I was adroit, and feared nothing, though I rarely carried any weapon except the little ' Jacob's staff ' you see here — sometimes I had a pair of pistols in my pockets, but I never had occasion to use them; and I was so honest that they gave me carle blanche for my expenses and paid my accounts without examining them. " The Committee of Public Safety often sent me on missions, with powers exceed ing even those of the Representatives of the people themselves, and thus I was able to do good service by making away with documents which would have destroyed whole families. I often took away papers, when I was sure that the Committee knew nothing of the affairs to which they re lated, and it was in this way that I saved the lives of the Comte and Comtesse de T , who are related to your family. Ah, why was I not able to save your unfor tunate uncle? but I did not know what 240 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER danger he was in, and the scoundrels were too quick for me. " At last I was put in prison myself, but I got out again, and was put in again, — according as the factions which were dis puting for power gained or lost, — every three months; and then the 9th Thermidor arrived. The accomplices of Robespierre themselves felt that divine vengeance of which they had been the instruments. Thus, sometimes in favour, and sometimes in prison, but superior to fortune in either case, praised by some, blamed by others, taking advantage of fair weather, and car ing little for the bad, and thwarting the wicked, I, with all my boldness and activ ity have come at last to be commissary of police in a quarter where everybody goes to bed at nine o'clock, — and am ready to serve you in any way that you may be pleased to command. " Finally I was transported, but in very good company. It was a trick of Fouche, who wanted to be even with me, and I could do nothing. I made the voyage with Pichegru, and a lot of others, but they OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 241 were all bewildered and lost their heads, for what use are great statesmen, famous warriors, and distinguished personages when you remove them from their famil iar surroundings. " It was I who found the boat and pre pared the flight; and brought six besides myself safe and sound to Surinam. I re membered you, Chevalier, and do you know that it is no easier to get away from Cayenne than it is from Pierre-en-Cize; there are difficulties in both cases. At any rate I came back from Cayenne, and though I have been buffeted about by adversity, the wind is in my favour now, and ' I am ready to serve you in any way you may please to command,' as the hero of Beau- marchais' play says, — though, by the way, he had not been through so much as I have. I am as well known as Barabbas, and I know everybody, good or bad. Speak, you have but to command." The meeting, though absurd, was very useful for me. Through my friend d'O , I discovered that I was not on the list of emigres. There had been some intention 17 242 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER of putting my name down, but they had not my Christian names properly, one of them had been forgotten, and my identity was not exact. Such was the ridiculous state of the law at that time, — a letter killed or saved a man, — but when they did have your name properly you were put down as a supposed emigre, even if you had been in prison all the time since 1792. When I found that I was not on the list, I was not satisfied with my good luck, and was bold enough to demand an ac count of property. But my case remained unsettled, perhaps because I had selected for my attorney Jacques Deioges. I passed the 3rd Nivose quietly enough, I only heard the report of the explosion in the Rue Saint Nicaise, and I was not in the secret. My friend d'O assured me that Fouche would visit on the red caps all the wrath of Jupiter, the First Consul. But I saw taken to the Temple only a few days later, some persons who were certainly not " reds " but " whites," and I came to the conclusion that the air of Paris was not good for me, and I might find a purer OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 243 and better atmosphere. I was taken with the reverse of homesickness, and felt as much desire to get out of the country as I had formerly done to get into it. I knew very well that, unless I went to England, I should, out of France, be still under the same rule, visible or invisi ble, but the Temple, Vincennes, and the plain of Grenelle, robbed Paris of all its charms. The occupant of the Tuileries had sworn that the sun should not set on his dominions, and that he would everywhere do as he liked, but it struck me that the rays of his sun would not burn me so much if I were at a distance. I said to myself, "Italiam! Italiam! " for I remembered that on the Adriatic Sea I had a second home, where I should meet a fraternal welcome, for my elder brother, the head of the family, had there gathered together the household gods. D'O had procured for me, in case of accidents, passports made out in a false name, but with my correct description, and it was well for me that I used them at the right moment. The day of my departure, 244 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER poor d'O , my political barometer, re ceived, as a kind attention from Fouche, an "invitation" to retire to M and remain there until further orders. That only made me set off the faster towards Trieste, and as straight as I could go. I never looked behind me till I had passed the frontier of my native land, where, under the rule of the benign Bonaparte, no one was ever sure of sleeping in his bed at night. The word " prison " had always made me prick up my ears like a hare, and I was singularly well-instructed in the topogra phy of France, as regards the dungeons. I wished that the angels could have carried the diligence, as they did the house of the Virgin from Capernaum to Loretto, for I felt quite a nightmare when I saw on my left the castle of Joux, where M. de Suzan- net then was, and, as we skirted the Doubs, the citadel of Besancon above my head to the left. I breathed more freely when, entering Lyon by the faubourg of Vaise, I noticed that Pierre-en-Cize was pulled down, and nobody else could be put there, OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 245 — at least until it was rebuilt, — and I said to myself, " Well, it is certain that poor M. de L , who wanted so much to es cape, is no longer there." And so with my heart full of kindly thoughts, I passed, — either that day or the next, — the bridge of Beauvoism, and so from town to town, traversed the Kingdom of Italy, and the former Republic of Venice, where I did not see the Lion of St. Mark, because I had left it at Paris in front of the Invalides. I did not seek the Bucen- taur, but a little felucca, and with my usual good luck, found one all ready to sail for Trieste. The felucca received me and my baggage, and the sea which the Doge of Venice weds every year, did not seem to notice the light weight I laid on its back, and in due time I landed safely at that city which for some time past had been known as the capital of the Illyrian provinces, and, — speaking without prejudice, — I found the air there better. I saw at once that I was not mistaken in supposing that I should be safe there. The country had been but recently an- 246 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER nexed, and the people had just submitted themselves. The two-legged mules still carried their burden, though the pack was marked with another letter, and it was politic not to make the new load heavier than the old one. Trieste was the most advanced outpost of the French Republic, and it was difficult to believe it would be held for a long term. The adventurer who governed France spent his years in play ing at war, and risked all for all in each battle. Placed thus at the top of the gulf, I had in front of me the Adriatic Sea, which stretched like a long street between the former Republic of Venice, the former Papal States, and the former Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, — for the time being. Be hind me on the north I had the land of the Pandours of Trenk, the Croats of the cele brated Count Serin, of the fortress of Zigeth, semi-savages, whose only claim to civilization was their fidelity to the Rom- ische Kaiser, and the paternal house of Austria. Peace between such neighbours only depended on circumstances. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 247 On the left, in Epirus and Albania, and as far as Ragusa, little trust could be placed in the natives, and behind these strange French citizens were the Pachas of Trawnik, Nicopolis, Widin, and Janina, who are accustomed to keep all their goods, from their cloaks to their money, in cypress wood coffers, which are not fastened to the wall. An uncertainty as to what to-morrow may bring forth is a natural condition of the lives of these Turk ish potentates, who sat day after day smok ing their pipes at no great distance from us. They afforded me a subject for com parison with the precarious condition of the French in the land to which I had come to seek a stone whereon to rest my head. The flag of France was flying every where, and I saw the tricolour of the Re public, One and Indivisible, instead of the yellow and black flag with the Austrian Eagle, but the occupation was very recent, and our power seemed to me like a house of cards, liable to be blown down by the first ill wind, — though whether it would 248 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER blow from the north or the south, I could not guess. Trieste, which is situated at the end of the gulf which bears its name, is built in the form of an amphitheatre on the side of a hill, the foot of which is washed by the sea. A citadel has been constructed on the summit of this hill, and, from its position, commands all the city, which is divided into an upper and a lower town. My brother's house was in the lower part of Trieste, near the port. The Empress Maria Theresa transformed Trieste, which before that was merely a harbour, into a com mercial city, the chief, in fact the only, maritime establishment of the Austrian Empire. From 1750, Trieste had been increasing in size and wealth. In 1767, an Insurance Company, with a capital of 300,000 florins was founded there; and in 1770 it con tained thirty large houses of business. At the period of which I am writing, Trieste had arrived at its highest degree of pros perity. The business which my brother had OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 249 founded, and which he conducted so hon ourably and with such success, was now one of the first firms in Europe. He had gathered round him many of the emigres, former fellow officers of the Dauphine regi ment, and had made them associates with him in his business. I arrived in time to witness an incident which proved in what consideration my brother was held, on account of his up right conduct. But a short time before, a French army had presented itself before Trieste, and the city, being incapable of any resistance, sur rendered. The general laid a heavy tax upon the city, and a great part of this fell upon the merchants. They prepared to pay it, and Joseph la Brosse put his own name down at the head of the list for a large amount. But the conquerors had heard that he was a French emigre, and knew how he had regained his fortune and the noble use that he made of it, and the French general, being willing to oblige a compatriot who had so bravely struggled against adversity, 250 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER declared Joseph la Brosse should be ex empt from the tax, and pay nothing. My brother asked if his share was to be de ducted from the total, and received the reply that though he was personally ex empted from paying, no diminution would be made in the sum demanded, but his share would have to be contributed by the other merchants of Trieste. My brother was noble and disinterested enough to reply that he had received the hospitality of Trieste, and all the merchants of the city were his comrades and friends, and that as he had shared with them in good luck, it was only fair that he should be allied with them in their misfortune. " But," he said to General S , " as you wish to show me a kindness, there is something you can do for me. Diminish the number of soldiers who are lodged in my warehouses, for I have noticed that bales of merchandise do not seem to agree with sabres and moustaches." The general laughed, and removed many of the soldiers who were billeted on my brother. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 251 He easily recouped himself, however, for his share in the contribution levied on Trieste, for he made a contract with the general for supplying the army with all that it needed, charging only a small com mission. The contract was duly carried out to the satisfaction of both parties. My brother had a town house in Tri este, where he carried on his business as a banker and merchant, and he had also a country house, or as it might more prop erly be called, an estate, with a handsome residence to match. His time was thus always occupied either by agriculture or commerce, and each hour of the day had its useful and praiseworthy employment. The management of the internal arrange ments belonged to my sister-in-law, but she had a hand in foreign affairs also, man aged the correspondence in the absence of her husband, and often gave sound advice on business affairs connected with the firm of Joseph la Brosse & Co. The Continental blockade greatly as sisted my brother's speculations. The Le vant cottons could no longer come by sea, 252 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER and had to be brought overland, and he had much to do with the transport, and brought a great part of the best cotton into Europe. He thus became acquainted with some of the chief bankers of Paris. In connection with this I will relate an anecdote showing a comic contrast be tween two different kinds of men. I was alone with my brother in Paris, whither he had returned to see if the waters of the political deluge had really retired from France, and if he could take back, like the dove, a green leaf to his family, who had remained in the ark of safety at Trieste. A confrere, one of the leading commer cial men in Paris, and between whom and my brother there existed a mutual esteem and friendship, came to congratulate him on his arrival. He had exalted notions of the dignity of commerce, and in the course of conversation, he said, " You must own, Monsieur, that you have led quite a different life since you took to business. Now, your signature is worth a hundred thousand crowns, from OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 253 one end of Europe to the other, and you are known everywhere as Joseph la Brosse. Is not that better than being called the Comte de Pontgibaud? At the best you would have been no better off than a couple of thousand others, whilst to-day " The door opened and the Archbishop of Rouen entered. He embraced my brother, and said, " So, my dear Pontgibaud, you have at last come back to us. Well, of course, you will stop with us. Leave behind your counter, and your borrowed name of Joseph la Brosse, and again resume your place as our old friend, Comte de Pontgi baud." You may guess how laughable this con trast sounded, especially to my brother, who did not say a word. It is nevertheless true, that at the time of the Continental blockade, my brother, who was previously a millionaire, possessed a fortune much greater than he had possessed, or ever could have possessed, in France. He was a merchant, banker, and landed proprietor, for he had, near Trieste, a fine house with 254 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER plenty of land. The astute merchant of the city was, in the country, an able agri culturist, for throughout his life he had a taste for farming. He combined theory with practice, and did not, like " parlour farmers," content himself with inventing useless systems, but tried experiments which nearly always succeeded. Being of an observant turn of mind, he found something to do at all hours and in all weathers, when he was on his estate. If rain fell in torrents we would all make for the house, but he would go out again in the heaviest shower to study the direc tion that the water took in different places, and utilize his knowledge in irrigating, or draining, his land. Fortune was bound to come to one who sought her by all roads. His relations with all sorts of people, as a commercial notability, and more re cently as a banker, had rendered his name known throughout Europe. As for me, I had sunk from an actor to become a spectator. My dear brother, the most sen sible, calmest, and most virtuous of men, would have been glad to do for me what OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 255 he had done for many others, if I had been obliged to have recourse to him. His genius, — for so I might call it, — could not be compared to his character, which was one of the most noble I have ever known. In short, his wisdom and intelligence were only equalled by his kindness, his probity, his humanity, and complaisance, and it might be well said of him, "Homo sum, humani nihil a me alienum puto." But it is true that the services he ren dered other people often turned to his own profit, without any intention on his part. Accidents even conspired to increase not only his fortune and reputation, but the esteem, good will, and gratitude which all felt towards him. The justice that was done to his character, the confidence that was shown in him, the protection and shel ter that many came to ask of him, are sat isfactory proofs that the human species does not wholly consist of wolves and sheep, torturers and their victims, tyrants and oppressed; an example to the contrary was to be found every day at Trieste, where 256 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER I have often watched with my own eyes, as in a magic lantern, all the most dra matic personages of Continental Europe pass one after the other. Trieste became a refuge where all the political cripples, of whatever rank they were, discrowned kings and their ministers, came to seek asylum, and found it; my brother received them all under his hos pitable roof. For several years there was an almost daily succession of celebrated refugees, of all sorts and conditions. My brother was all things to all men, and was generally looked upon as the friend of humanity. He resembled Captain Cook, who sailed be tween two hostile fleets of savages, who were preparing to attack each other, and was saluted by both sides. His conduct at Trieste reminded me of that rich and pious citizen of Agrigentum who, it was said, sat at the gates of the city of Agrigen tum in order to be the first to offer hos pitality to the travellers who arrived. He imitated Gellias without knowing it, and his kindness and delicacy were so much OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 257 appreciated that all strangers of distinc tion were either sent or came to him. In fact, Joseph la Brosse of Trieste exactly resembled the colossal figure of St. Chris topher, which is put at the door of some churches in order that it may be seen afar off, and in accordance with the popular belief expressed in the monkish Latin proverb, Christophorum videas postea tutus eas. But it is doubtful whether even the great St. Christopher did as much good as my brother was able to do. Not long after my arrival, General Junot was named " Captain General and Governor of the Illyrian Provinces." He had great confidence in my brother, and treated him with consideration and regard, but the sun of Portugal had had a bad effect on the head of this sabreur, who nat urally was neither sober nor prudent. Though he held a relatively high position in the Empire, General Junot compromised his prospects by giving daily examples of extravagant and absurd conduct. One day when reviewing the troops, he drove in front of the soldiers in a carriage with four 18 258 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER horses, and as he passed along he struck the men with his whip, crying at the same time, "Fall in line! Fall in line!" He committed many other absurdities, and at last orders arrived at Trieste from the Viceroy that he was to be seized and sent back to Paris. The instructions were bound to be obeyed, but the task was not an easy one. Finally a corn sack was thrown over his head, and he was tied up like a bale of tobacco, put in his own car riage, and packed off to Paris. At his departure, his tradespeople and other creditors surrounded his house, and refused to allow his baggage to be removed till their claims were satisfied. My brother, seeing a large crowd at the door squab bling over the cases and trunks, inquired the cause of the disturbance. He was told that the general's property was detained for debts amounting to two thousand crowns. My brother paid all claims upon the spot, without waiting for any instruc tions, and released the goods, which duly arrived safely in Paris. The cases con tained much valuable property, and the OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 259 diamond stars and orders which had been presented to the general. The Duchesse d'Abrantes wrote a letter of thanks to my brother, and added that her first care should be to repay the debt. In fact, as soon as her husband's affairs were settled, a draft for 2000 crowns was sent to Trieste, in repayment of the sum which had been so obligingly advanced. General Bertrand succeeded General Junot as Governor-General of Illyria and the adjacent provinces.* He was honest, just, liberal, and unselfish. He wished to make his new subjects love the rule of his master, — to whom he was himself sincere ly attached. He rendered the imperial yoke as light as possible; no small task, as the people could remember still the pa ternal government of the House of Aus tria, but at least General Bertrand was both just and generous. In order that his charity might not be imposed on, he charged my brother, who had the reputa- * This is an error on the part of the author ; Bertrand preceded Junot. ed. 26o A FRENCH VOLUNTEER tion of being a strictly honest man, to dis tribute the money, etc., given to the poor and needy, and to make all inquiries about the applicants for relief, and thus it hap pened that Joseph la Brosse, a French emigre, found himself accidentally acting as an officer of that Emperor of whom his subordinates used to say, " Our master wishes us to shear his sheep, but not flay them." This noble general, who was called else where, had for a more or less immediate successor a man of quite a different stamp, the celebrated Fouche, Duke of Otranto, — another personage whom Joseph la Brosse saved from misfortune. Bonaparte lost all the ground he had gained, and as his armies were driven back towards France, all the legations packed their papers into wagons and returned to Paris. The Austrians in their turn took the offensive as the French retired before them. The French still occupied Trieste, though the port was blockaded, and on all the heights which commanded the town were Austrian flags, and batteries of artil- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 26 1 lery ready to open fire, if any resistance were shown. The notorious Due d'Otrante, shut up like a wolf in a sheep-fold, was in the greatest trouble. I was present when he came and begged my brother to save him and his children. Joseph la Brosse was quite a refuge of the wicked, and even Fouche did not have to appeal in vain. He soothed and comforted his visitor, and promised not only to save him but to send after him all his property which he was ready to abandon. The former priest of the Oratory was trans formed into a soldier, mounted on a horse amongst fifty gendarmes, and boldly passed through the Austrian lines without being noticed. Thus was the Due d'Otrante taken out of danger by Joseph la Brosse, and got away safe and unhurt, and the Dauphin granted a safeguard to one of the worst scoundrels known to history.* During this political crisis,, my brother went from Trieste, which was still occu- * See Note R. 262 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER pied by the French, to the Austrian camp, and from the Austrian camp to Trieste, as an emissary in the confidence of both par ties. His country house and property were always respected, and regarded indeed as neutral ground. Fouche had hardly left when Count Gottorp, the ex-king of Sweden, descend ed, or rather ascended, — for the Prince lived on the second floor, — at the house of Joseph la Brosse. It could not be said of this monarch at least, that he had no ancestors, and had not been brought up in the Tyrian purple and the royal ermine; he was no Lithuanian gentleman promoted to be King of Poland by the favour of a Muscovite arch-duchess. I had seen, face to face, one kind of sover eign, — a President of the United States, — but it needed another Revolution in an other country to bring before my eyes the spectacle of a legitimate " King by the Grace of God " in the house of a simple citizen. Thrones were slippery at the be ginning of the Nineteenth Century, and hereditary kings were no better off than OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 263 those whom chance had presented with a sceptre. At any rate the royal descendant of Gustavus Adolphus and Charles XII, the son and successor of that Gustavus III who was preparing to lead the chivalry of Eu rope against French Jacobinism at the mo ment when he was so treacherously mur dered by one of his own officers and sub jects, was now our guest at Trieste, and living on the second floor in the same house with us. His generals had turned traitors, and dethroned him, and he was now trav elling about Europe under the name of Count Gottorp. He frequently came down to see us and would converse without any ceremony, but he always seemed to me to prefer the com pany of my brother and my sister-in-law, who never forgot that he had been King of Sweden, though he appeared to forget it himself and to wish that it should be for gotten. My imperturbable sister-in-law, though she joined in the conversation with good-sense and modesty, never neglected, on his account, to see to her household, 264 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER or the business of the firm. The prince talked freely on all subjects, and showed some learning and a good deal of " super ficial knowledge " — but he was a volcano in a state of calm. His opinions upon different persons were in marked contrast to what, — accord ing to general belief, — they were expected to be. Thus, he said of M. Fersen, " His zeal did me a great deal of harm; " and of the Duke of Sudermania his uncle, who be came Charles XIII, " I am under the great est obligations to him." Amongst the singularities which ren dered his private life so strange, I remarked the following traits. He always had three courses brought to table for his dinner, but he would lock up one of them in his bureau to serve for his supper. Beggars in Trieste go from house to house and knock at the doors. The King always had a pocketful of money for them, and as soon as he heard a beggar knock he would run downstairs from the second floor to bestow alms upon the mendicant. Indeed he gave very little trouble to the OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 265 few servants he had, doing much for him self even in his rooms, like Charles XII when he was at Bender. However, his ideas were, in general, sound and sure enough on all subjects, — with one exception. He had one bugbear; and if, unfortunately, the conversation re minded him of the violence which Generals Klingsporr, Adelscreutz, and his Chamber lain, Silvespare, had shown towards him in his own palace, — or of his imprisonment, with his family, in the fortress of Drott- ningholm, and the act of abdication which he was forced to sign in June, 1809, — his feelings would carry him away, and his head, — but, stop! it was a crowned head, and, whatever I recollect, I must not for get that. I remember also that he wished to make a pilgrimage to Jerusalem. When he was on board the ship that he had chartered to convey him to the Holy Land, my brother sent his son, — my nephew, — with some cases of liqueurs, some tea, chocolate, etc., as a farewell gift and token of respect. The prince did the young man the honour 266 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER to ask him to lunch, but he secretly gave orders to have the anchor weighed, and when the lunch was over, my nephew found that the vessel was sailing along, and that Trieste was out of sight. Finding that the King of Sweden wanted to make him a pilgrim in spite of himself, he protested energetically against the abduction, and with a good deal of trouble obtained permission to be put on shore. His ob ject in carrying off the young man, was, apparently, an idea that travel helped greatly to form the mind. Some triv ial circumstance, however, brought the prince back again a very short time after wards.* It was decreed that all sorts of royal ties, the real article and the imitation, should meet at the house of Joseph la Brosse. While the King of Sweden was lodging with us, Jerome, otherwise known as the King of Westphalia, arrived. I thought that the Carnival of Venice had been transported to Trieste, at the sight * See Note S. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 267 of this second King Theodore, more of a Corsican even than his ancestors. My brother's appearance was so simple, his face was so calm, and his bearing so much in harmony with figures, and book keeping by double entry, that on seeing him at his desk, you would have sworn that he had been brought up to the busi ness all his life. He was quietly working one morning, when a young man in a frock coat buttoned up to his chin, entered, and asked if that was the house of the banker, Joseph la Brosse. My brother inclined his head slightly, and looked at the stranger with Teutonic unconcern. The young man took out of his pocket-book a draft for a large sum, on the firm of Joesph la Brosse. My brother quickly noticed that the stranger had a pocketful of these docu ments, and the unknown, not caring to preserve his incognito any longer, stated that he was the King of Westphalia, and undoing his coat displayed a whole row of orders, the indubitable signs of the forced attentions which all the monarchs of Europe were compelled to pay to all 268 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER those who bore the name of Bonaparte. Joseph la Brosse did not move a bit faster or slower, and did not say a word the more, in spite of the dazzling display of a complete assortment of stars, eagles, lions, elephants, and what-not, stuck over the pectoral region of the former King Jerome, but he sent to inform the King of Sweden that His Majesty the King of Westphalia was in the house, asking if he wished to see him.* "The King of the second story," re plied the prince, " is not anxious to meet the King of the ground floor, but the Queen is my cousin, and if she is in Trieste I should be very glad to see her." After such august personages have fig ured in my recollections, I do not care to continue any longer. The year 1814 arrived, when must per ish " that man of fate whom God had ap pointed to punish the human race and tor ture the world. The justice of God had chosen this man to be the minister of its * See Note T. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 269 vengeance. He existed to work out the designs of Providence. He thought that he was actuated by his own wishes and pas sions, and he was really executing the de crees of heaven. Before he fell he had time to ruin peoples and nations, to set fire to the four corners of the earth, to spoil the present and the future by the evils which he did, and by the examples which he left." How could Balzac, who died in 1655, write that about Cromwell? He certainly foresaw the existence of Napoleon the Great, and, — without excepting Bonaparte himself, — it may be said that he was the only person in France or Europe to show that foresight. But my quotation is only inserted to draw attention to a little-known and singular fact in history, for from the great political giant of the Nineteenth Century I have personally received neither benefit nor injury. The year 1814 came, and with it the restoration of the legitimate monarchy nTave called this restoration (miraculous, and I blessed it with all my heart^JwiTK all 270 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER my soul, and with all my strength, — but, alas, since 181 4, I can remember, without any great effort of memory, that I have seen twq__restorationsT and, — but here I wUnajjr_dojffin_mypen. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. BIOGRAPHICAL NOTES. 271 Note A, page i. The opening passage of the book is the only one which it has been found necessary to change. It runs in the original as follows: — " Je me souviens d'avoir lu qu'en 1637 la reine Anne d'Autriche habitait a Paris: le roi Louis XIII retournant de Vincennes a Saint Germain fut surpris par un violent orage, et coucha aux Tuileries; Louis-le-Grand, naquit le 5 Septembre, 1638. En lisant dans l'histoire de France et cette remarque et ce rapproche ment, je me suis toujours rappele, mais jamais sans rire, que feu mon pere, qui avait des pre ventions contre moi, m'a dit plus d'une fois; " Monsieur, vous ne seriez pas la, si telle nuit, telle annee, je n'avais pas trouve des puces dans mon lit." Le lit conjugal fut naturelle- ment et legitimement le refuge de monsieur mon pere: je suis devenu, le plus honnetement du monde, l'effet de cette cause, et je suis ne sous les auspices des puces, le 21 avril, 1758, etc." 272 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER It may here be remarked that the Cheva lier, though he gives the date of his birth cor rectly, has made a mistake of a year, either in the date of his imprisonment or in the time he was at Pierre-en-Cize. As La Fayette was al ready in America when Pontgibaud joined him, either the lettre de cachet must be post dated by a year or the Chevalier was 30 months, not 18, in prison. Note B, page 61, Comte de la Rouarie — known in the Amer ican army as Colonel Armand — had a strange career. He was born in 1756 at St. Malo, and, when quite a young man, obtained a commis sion in one of the regiments of Royal body guards. Though destined afterward to be come one of the staunchest supporters of roy alty, he was at first almost a republican, before the Republic was thought of, and his free and fearless criticisms on the Court caused him to be regarded with disfavour by the military au thorities. He did not improve his prospects by falling madly in love with Mile. Beaumes- nil,* a pretty but not very clever actress, who * In Michaud's Biographie Universelle, the name of the actress is incorrectly given as Mile. Fleury. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 273 was his uncle's mistress, and proposing to marry her. She refused him, very sensibly re marking that their marriage would create a scandal, involve his social ruin, and ultimately cause him to loathe her. Finding that she was firm in her resolve, he first fought a duel with Comte Bourbon-Brisset, — whom he be lieved to be a favoured rival, — and then retired to the Monastery of La Trappe. When the war broke out in America, he threw aside the monk's cowl, and joined La Fayette. At the termination of the campaign, he returned to France, and when the Revolu tion occurred espoused the royalist cause. For some time he, as leader of the Breton peasants, carried on a not altogether unsuccessful war fare against the Revolutionary troops, but his forces were eventually defeated or dispersed, and he was forced to disguise himself as a beggar. For eighteen months he wandered about Brittany, and at last, 30th January, 1793, died of an illness brought on by exposure, and want of food. His body was buried in a grave dug in the midst of a forest. His " pa pers " were buried with him, in a glass bottle. One of the Revolutionary spies found out the place of his interment, dug up the grave, and secured the papers. The information thus se- *9 274 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER cured led to the execution of fourteen persons, including the proprietor of the chateau where La Rouarie had died. Lebegne Duportail was a very skilful engi neer officer. At the end of the American War he returned to France, and was sent to instruct the Neapolitan army in military engineering. A quarrel with one of the Italian Generals led to his early recall. In 1790, La Fayette, who was all-powerful at that time, caused Duportail to be named Minister of War. He impru dently allowed the soldiers to frequent the po litical clubs. Whilst he was in Lorraine, in 1792, he was " denounced." He at once re turned to Paris and remained in concealment for twenty-two months, but in 1794 a law was passed punishing with death all who concealed a proscribed person, and he made his escape to America, and resided there for eight years. In 1802 he was recalled by Bonaparte, but died whilst on the voyage back to France. Of Duplessis-Mauduit I have been unable to learn any particulars. His name is men tioned in Balch's Les Francais en Amerique, but, as he died young, and all that he did ac complish was performed in the New World, there is no record of him in French histories. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 275 Note C, page 62. The " M. Thomas " here alluded to was Antoine Leonard Thomas " of the Academy," born at Clermont Ferrand, 1 October, 1732, died 17th September, 1785. He was one of a family of seventeen children. A perusal of Ju monville is calculated to induce the reader to believe that there were not brains enough to go round, for though not very long, — the four cantos contain less than a thousand lines in all, — it is hopelessly dull and uninteresting, never rising to pathos, though often sinking to ba thos. The couplet describing the death of Jumonville will serve as an example: Par un plomb homicide indignement perce, Aux pieds de ses boureaux il tombe renverse. There is no mention of Washington in the poem ; — either the poet had never heard of him at the time (1759) or could not make the name fit into his verses. Note D, page 88. The author is not quite fair towards Fred erick Howard, 5th Earl of Carlisle (b. 1748, d. 1825). Though a fop in his early days, — he and Fox were esteemed the two best dressed men in town, — he developed into a fairly good 276 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER statesman, with a cultivated literary taste. He is, perhaps, best known as the guardian of Lord Byron, who dedicated the Hours of Idleness to him, abused him in English Bards and Scotch Reviewers (" The paralytic puling of Carlisle ") and made the amende hon orable in Childe Harold c. iii, 29, 30. His reply to La Fayette's challenge was not quite as given by our author, but was to the effect that " he considered himself solely responsible to his country and king, and not to an indi vidual." It is quite true that the opposition papers in England made sarcastic remarks about him, and no doubt, if he still continued to wear paint and patches, the fact was not forgotten. Horace Walpole said of him, that, " he was very fit to make a treaty that will not be made." Note E, page 89. If Charles Hector, Comte d'Estaing (b. 1729), had been able to do the English half the harm that he wished them, they would have been swept off the face of the earth. The cause of his animosity was not very creditable to him. He was taken prisoner by the Eng lish at the siege of Madras (he was then a sol dier) and released on parole. He broke his OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 277 parole, and at the head of a party of French men " did a good deal of harm to English commerce." He was again captured, and as his word was obviously of no value, he was sent to England, and spent some time in Ports mouth Jail. When he was released he re turned to France, "vowing eternal hatred to the English," though as his French biographer owns, " his not very loyal conduct had pro voked the punishment under which he groaned." He was appointed Admiral in 1763. He did not achieve any very remarkable feat in American waters, against Howe. In the Revolution he tried to " sit on the fence," but there was a short method with mugwumps in those days, and he was brought before the tribunal and condemned to death, 28th April, 1794. Note F, page 91. Pierre Andre de Suffren Saint-Tropez, gen erally called Bailli de Suffren, was one of the best and bravest sailors France ever had. He was born at St. Cannat, in Provence, 13th July, 1726, died 8th December, 1788. He op posed the English in the East, and in 1782 fought five obstinately contested naval battles with Admiral Sir Edward Hughes. Of these 278 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER battles Professor Laughton says (Diet. Nat. Biog.), "There is no other instance in naval history of two fleets thus fighting five battles within little more than a year (four of them within seven months) with no very clear ad vantage on either side. French writers speak of the five battles as ' five glorious victories,' but in reality they were very evenly balanced in point of fighting, whilst as to strategic re sults, the English had a slight advantage from the first three, the French from the last two. The tactical advantage, however, commonly lay with the French, who were prevented from reaping the benefit of it solely by the mutinous or cowardly conduct of the French captains." It is possible that De Suffren would not have fared so well if pitted against Rodney, Hood, or Howe, but at any rate he would have shown himself a fearless fighter and a skilful seaman — a veritable " sea-dog " of a type which, un fortunately for France, has been all too rare in the annals of her navy. Note G, page 98. The letter given is quite characteristic of its writer, and though not included in Lomenie's valuable Life of Beaumarchais, is no doubt OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 279 genuine, being exactly in the sarcastic strain he would be likely to employ. Of his quarrel with Congress this is not the place to speak, but we cannot unreservedly accept the Cheva lier de Pontgibaud's estimation of him. Note H, page 121. Francois Joseph Paul, Comte de Grasse (b. 1753), though a brave man was not a great tactician. He was also unfortunate in being opposed to Hood, whom Nelson called, " the best officer, take him altogether, that England had to boast of." In January, 1782, De Grasse, with 32 ships, allowed Hood, with only 23, to get into the harbour at St. Christophers, take 1300 men who were being besieged there, and get out again unscathed. Three months later, Rodney and Hood inflicted a heavy defeat on De Grasse, sinking his flag ship and taking him prisoner. Anglo-Saxons always respect a brave man, and De Grasse was treated more like a guest than a prisoner whilst in England. On his release he returned to France, but did not again assume the command of a squadron, and died in Paris, 14th January, 1788, in the 65th year of his age. 28o A FRENCH VOLUNTEER Note I, page 123. Armand Louis de Gontaut Biron, Due de Lauzun, born 15th April, 1747, died on the scaffold 31st December, 1793. His youth was passed in dissipation, but in 1777, he startled everybody by bringing out a pamphlet on The State of Defence of England and her Posses sions in all the four quarters of the World, which led to his being entrusted with the com mand of an expedition to destroy the English settlements on the coast of Senegal. This he successfully accomplished (January, 1779), and in 1780 he was fighting in America. He took the Revolutionary side, and received the command of the Army of the Rhine in 1792, and in 1793 was employed against the Ven- deans. As a matter of course he was accused of uncitizenly conduct " and too much mod eration towards the rebels," was deprived of his command, imprisoned, condemned, and executed. Note J, page 141. Philippe Pinel a celebrated doctor, distin guished for his knowledge of mathematics and philosophy, but best known for having intro duced the humane treatment of the insane, who until that time had been treated as dan- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 28 1 gerous animals, and left to rot neglected in noisome dungeons. He was the author of over twenty scientific works. He died 25th October, 1826. Note K, page 145. When Louis XIV was shown the newly- completed palace of Trianon, he asked De Louvois, who was not only Prime Minister, but " Inspector of Royal Buildings," why one of the windows was smaller than the others? De Louvois rudely declared that they were all the same size. The King said nothing, but the next day sent for Le Notre, a celebrated artist and architect, and asked him in the pres ence of De Louvois whether the windows were all the same size? Le Notre declared that one of them was a trifle smaller than the others, and the King turned in triumph to wards De Louvois. The Minister went home in a rage. " I must give this young fool some thing better to think about than the size of windows," he said, and within the next few hours he had declared war against Holland. The story is of doubtful authenticity, but if not true is ben trovato. 282 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER Note L, page 149. Marie Jean Herault de Seychelles, who owing to influence at Court, obtained several good appointments. In the Revolution he be came a Girondin, was a follower of Danton, and perished with his leader and Camille Des moulins on the scaffold. Note M, page 178. In spite of the author's prejudices Moreau de St. Mery must be deemed a good man; — in fact if it may be said that La Fayette was the only man who " kept his head " in the Revolution, it might also be averred that Mo reau de St. Mery was the only man who kept his heart. He was born in the island of Mar tinique, 13th January, 1750. When he was only three years old he lost his father, and his mother would not let him go to France to be educated. His grandfather was a judge or magistrate, and young Moreau de St. Mery was when a boy always interceding for some unfortunate prisoner. At his grandfather's death he inherited a sum of money, destined to defray the cost of his legal education in France, but he used the money to pay the old man's debts. At the age of nineteen he came OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 283 to Paris, and studied hard. He resolved to sleep only one night in three. He acquired in fourteen months such a knowledge of Latin that he wrote a thesis in that language, and could declaim long passages, not only from the works of the poets, but from treatises on law, etc. During the first part of the Revo lution he entered the National Assembly as representative of Martinique, but he was far too moderate or good-hearted. He was at tacked whilst returning home one night, and left for dead on the pavement, with half a dozen sabre cuts on his head and body. He recovered, and retired to the little village of Forges, where he was arrested by the spies of the Terror. One of these bravos, how ever, helped him to escape, and he got to Havre, where hearing that Robespierre had issued fresh orders for his arrest, he sailed for America. He kept a book-store and printing business at Philadelphia. The author's state ment that he had little or no stock in his shop, and failed for a large amount, is not confirmed by the biographical dictionaries, which assert that he lived in some style in Philadelphia, and was often able to help poor French emi grants. He returned to France and was em ployed by Napoleon on several missions, but 284 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER he was too soft-hearted, and having remon strated with Junot for having burned a few villages and slaughtered the inhabitants, he was recalled from Parma, the seat of his last mission. Napoleon did not employ him again, and did not pay him his salary. Moreau de St. Mery sought an interview with the Em peror. " I do not expect you to recompense my honesty," he said, " only to recognize it. Do not be afraid," he added sarcastically, " the disease is not contagious." Napoleon never theless allowed him to nearly starve, but, at the Restoration, Louis XVIII gave him 15,- 000 francs, and this enabled him to pay his few debts and pass the remainder of his days in comfort. He died 28th January, 1819, aged 69. The motto of his life, and to which he al ways acted up, was " // est tou jours I'heure de faire le bien." Note N, page 184. Louis Marie, Vicomte de Noailles (born 1756), fought in the War of Independence. Like many others of the " gilded youth " of France, he imbibed in America revolutionary notions which he carried back to France, and in the Revolution he was one of the most OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 285 " advanced " members of the Convention. At last he found he could not conscientiously fol low the leaders of the people, and in May, 1792, he went to England, expecting a change in affairs to soon take place. Then came the " 10th August,'- and De Noailles was shortly afterwards proscribed as an emigre. His fa ther, mother, and wife were guillotined. To return was impossible, so he went to the United States and settled at Philadelphia, where he became a partner in the banking house of Bingham and Co. He learned to speak English so well that on one occasion he conducted a law-suit that lasted fifteen days. Towards the close of the year 1800 his name was removed from the list of emigres, but his business affairs in the United States were so extensive that he refused to return to France. In 1803 he went to Hayti on business, and there met Rochambeau, who entrusted him with the command of a fort garrisoned by 1800 men, but which was blockaded by a British squadron, whilst " 20,000 blacks " (?) besieged it by land. Rochambeau, who com manded the main army of some 5000 men, was forced to capitulate, but was allowed to transport his troops to Cuba. De Noailles was summoned to surrender, but he replied 286 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER that "a French general who had provisions, ammunition, and devoted soldiers could not surrender without shame." He had been pri vately informed that Rochambeau's convoy would pass near his fort on a certain night, and he cleverly got all his men on board ship, ran out under cover of the darkness and joined Rochambeau without being perceived by any of the British vessels. They got to Cuba, but De Noailles wished to join a French force at Havannah. He and a company of grenadiers who were faithful to him, embarked on board a small French ship, called the Courier, mounting only four small guns. They fell in with a British sloop of war, the Hazard, seven guns. De Noailles displayed the Brit ish flag, and when hailed replied in such excel lent English that the captain of the Hazard was deceived, and asked if they had seen any thing of " General de Noailles " whom the Hazard had been commissioned to capture. De Noailles replied that he was on the same errand, and he would accompany the Hazard. In the middle of the night he ran his vessel into the Hazard and boarded her. The Eng lish though taken by surprise, fought well, and though the Hazard was captured De Noailles was mortally wounded, and many of OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 287 his men killed. De Noailles died of his wounds a week later (9th January, 1804) at Havannah. His heart was inclosed in a silver box, and his grenadiers attached it to their flag and carried it back to France. Note O, page 186. There is not much difficulty in identifying the " Bishop of A " with Charles Maurice de Talleyrand, Bishop of Autun. The partic ulars of his life are so well known that there is no need to recapitulate them here, but a few words may be said about his attempt to " blackmail " the United States Envoys. It is perfectly true that Talleyrand extorted bribes from everybody who was willing to pay him, and that he called the sums he so received douceurs. The " negociators " from the United States — Messrs. Charles Cotesworth Pinckney, John Marshall, and Elbridge Gerry, — had not been long in Paris before they were informed by a Mr. Bellamy (said to be a partner with Talleyrand in this blackmailing business), Ste. Foix, and a lady, who cannot easily be iden tified, that "nothing could be done without money ; the members of the Directory must be paid." According to the popular story, Pinck- 288 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER ney replied, " War be it then. Millions for defence but not a cent for tribute." This does not quite agree with the Chevalier's state ment that he heard one of the Envoys, — prob ably Pinckney, — inform Congress that they had paid Talleyrand 50,000 francs, and only stopped when they found the blackmailers but increased their demands the more they re ceived. I cannot help fancying that the pop ular version is the correct one; it accords more with the dignity of the American people, and is borne out by the undoubted fact that Talleyrand was frightened, and wrote to Mr. Pinckney to ask the names of the persons who had demanded money, who, he alleged, had done so without authority from him. Talley rand did not display his usual cunning in the transaction, for his letter aroused the wrath of Bellamy, who thereupon wrote to Mr. Ger ry, that, " he had done nothing, said nothing, and written nothing about the instructions of Citizen Talleyrand." The " woman of colour " to whom the Chevalier alludes, was doubtless Madame Grand, " an Indian beauty " who was Talley rand's mistress for many years, and whom he would have married if he had not been pre vented by the unalterable formula of the Ro- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 289 man Catholic Church, "once a priest, always a priest" She survived him by a few years, and is buried in the Montparnasse Cemetery, at Paris. Note P, page 198. Constantin Francois Chasseboeuf, Comte de Volney, was a well known philosopher and author. His Ruins was once a popular book. It involved him in a discussion with Dr. Priest ley who called him " an atheist, an ignoramus, a Chinese, and a Hottentot." His theories have long since fallen into desuetude in France and oblivion elsewhere, and it is therefore un necessary to criticise him here. His name still remains familiar to most travelled Americans, as a street in Paris is called after him. Note Q, page 199. The Princes d'Orleans mentioned in these pages were Louis Philippe and his two broth ers. Louis Philippe arrived in America to wards the end of 1796, and was joined by his brothers early in 1797. After spending some time in America they left for England, where they lived on an allowance from the British Government until the Restoration. 290 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER Note R, page 261. The Chevalier, writing many years after the events occurred, has rather mixed up his dates. Of the Duke of Ragusa (Marmont) who was the first governor of Illyria he says nothing. General J. is, of course, Junot. He went out of his mind, and it is most likely he was kidnapped in the manner stated. A very few months later he threw himself out of win dow, fractured his thigh and died of the effects of the consequent amputation, — July, 1813. " General B ," — who preceded, not fol lowed Junot, as the Chevalier states, — was Bertrand. There were several officers of this name. The one mentioned, I believe, was not the Bertrand who accompanied Napoleon to St. Helena, but a skilful engineer, who was removed from his command in Illyria and sent to fortify Antwerp, and render it — " a pistol held at the breast of England." He afterwards resided in the United States where he under took several important engineering works. Joseph Fouche, Duke of Otranto, was such a well-known personage that he will be found mentioned in any good biographical dic tionary. OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 291 Note S, page 266. Gustavus IV was only 14 when he suc ceeded his father. An intense hatred of the French, or rather Napoleon, made him al most a monomaniac, and involved his country in wars with both France and Russia, with defeat and loss of territory in both cases. He was at last deposed and the throne given to his uncle the Duke of Sudermania. Gustavus wandered about Europe under the names of Comte Gottorp, or Duke of Holstein-Eutin, and after 1816 called himself simply " Gus- tafson," or the son of Gustavus. It is possi ble that he was a congenital lunatic, and his misfortunes aggravated the disease. An in stance of his eccentricity is the curious adver tisement which he inserted in all the leading journals of Europe previous to starting for the Holy Land. He advertised for ten travel ling companions, viz., an Englishman, a Dane, a Spaniard, a Frenchman, a Hungarian, a Dutchman, an Italian, a Russian, a Swiss, and an inhabitant of Holstein-Eutin. They were all to have good certificates as to morals and character, and each was to bring 4000 florins, or at least 2000 florins, to be put into a common fund. They were all to dress in black robes, 292 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER to let their beards grow " as a sign of their manly resolution"; and they were to be known as the Black Brotherhood. They were to meet at Trieste on a certain day. Appar ently the people of Europe were disinclined to avail themselves of the privilege of a trip to Palestine in the company of a royal " crank," for no one answered this extraordinary ad vertisement, and Gustavus started off by him self, — but soon returned. He retired to Swit zerland, where he lived in the greatest poverty, for he refused to receive any money from Sweden, and would have starved had not his divorced queen and children contrived without his knowledge to supply his wants. He died in 1837 in such obscurity that there are even doubts as to the place of his death. An Eng lish encyclopaedia says that he died at St. Gall in Switzerland; — a French one that he died in Moravia. Note T, page 268. Jerome Bonaparte, the youngest brother of Napoleon I, was born at Ajaccio, Novem ber, 1784, and died at Villegenis (Seine et Oise), 24th June, i860. He came to France at an early age, and, after a very little school- OF THE WAR OF INDEPENDENCE. 293 ing had been wasted upon him, was given a commission in the Consular Guards. A quar rel and a duel, with the son of General Davout, caused him to quit the army and join the navy. In 1803 he visited the United States, where he married Miss Patterson, but the marriage was declared null and void by the Emperor. After seeing some naval service, he re turned to France and was eventually received into the favour of his elder brother, given the command of an army corps, and eventually created king of Westphalia and married the Princess Catharine of Wurtemberg. He was a mere " Carnival King," and indulged in every sort of dissipation, took baths of Bor deaux wine, bestowed enormous gifts of money on his male and female favourites, and wasted nearly a quarter of the revenues of his extensive kingdom in vice and debauchery. When the fall of the Empire seemed immi nent, he at first thought of joining his broth er's enemies, but finding that such a step would bring him nothing but disgrace, re tired first to France, and then to Trieste, with his wife, who still refused to leave him. After Napoleon's escape from Elba, Je rome again rejoined his brother, and fought gallantly at Charleroi, Quatre-Bras and Water- 294 A FRENCH VOLUNTEER. loo. Imprisoned along with his wife by the Allies, he was after a few months set free, and went to reside first at Naples, then at Trieste, Rome, and Florence. In 1847 he was per mitted to return to France. He took no part in the Revolution of 1848 beyond giving it his "moral support," but favoured the ambitious views of his nephew, who, in return created him Governor of the Invalides, a Marshal of France, and after the Coup d!Etat, President of the Senate. He took little or no part in politics, however, and was almost forgotten by the public when he died in i860. THE END. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY'S PUBLICATIONS. / W JOYFUL RUSSIA. By John A. Logan, Jr. With 50 Illustrations in color and black and white. i2mo. Cloth, $3.50. "Of extreme interest from beginning to end. Mr. Logan has anima tion of style, good spirits, a gift of agreeable and enlivening expression, and a certain charm which may be called companion ableness. To travel, with him must have been a particular pleasure. He has sense of humor, a way of getting over rough places, and understanding of human nature. There is not a dull chapter in his book." — New York Times. 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" If the book had no more recommendation than the mere fact that Marie Antoinette and Count Fersen are rescued at last from the voluminous and contradictory representations with which the literature of that period abounds, it would be enough compensation to any reader to become ac quainted with the true delineations of two of the most romantically tragic personalities." — Boston Globe. n^HE ROMANCE OF AN EMPRESS. Catharine II ¦* of Russia. By K. Waliszewski. With Portrait. i2mo. Cloth, $2.00. " Of Catharine's marvelous career we have in this volume a sympa thetic, learned, and picturesque narrative. No royal career, not even of some of the Roman or papal ones, has better shown us how truth can be stranger than ficrion," — New York Times. " A striking and able work, deserving of the highest praise." — Phila delphia Ledger. 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By William *~* Harbutt Dawson, author of "German Socialism and Ferdinand Lassalle," " Prince Bismarck and State Social ism," etc. 2 vols,, 8vo. Cloth, $6.00. "This excellent work — a literary monument of intelligent and consci entious labor— deals with every phase and aspect of state and political activity, public and private, in the Fatherland. . . . Teems with enter taining anecdotes and introspective aperpus of character." — London Tele graph. " With Mr. Dawson's two volumes before him, the ordinary reader may well dispense with the perusal of previous authorities. . . . His work, on the whole, is comprehensive, conscientious, and eminently fair." — London Chronicle. "¦ There is scarcely any phase of German national life unnoticed in his comprehensive survey. . . . Mr. Dawson has endeavored to write from the view-point of a sincere yet candid well-wisher, of an unprejudiced observer, who, even when he is unable to approve, speaks his mind in soberness and kindness."— New "York Sun. "There is much in German character to admire; much in Germany's life and institutions from which Americans may learn. William Harbutt Dawson has succeeded in making this fact clearer, and his work will go far to help Americans and Germans to know each other better and to respect each other more. . . . It is a remarkable and a fascinating work." — Chicago Evening Post. *' One of the very best works on this subject which has been published up to date." — New York Herald. A HISTORY OF GERMANY, from the Earliest ¦*¦*¦ Times to the Present Day. By Bayard Taylor. With an Additional Chapter by Marie Hansen-Taylor. With Portrait and Maps. i2mo. Cloth, $1.50. " There is, perhaps, no work of equal size in any language which gives a better view of the tortuous course of German history. Now that the story of a race is to be in good earnest a story of a nation as well, it begins, as every one, whether German or foreign, sees, to furnish unexpected and wonderful lessons. But these can only be understood in the light of the past, Taylor could end his work with the birth of the empire, but the additional narrative merely foreshadows the evenLs of the future. It may be that all the doings of the past ages on German soil are but the introduc tion of what is to come. That is certainly the thought which grows upon one as he peruses this volume." — New York Tribune. '* When one considers the confused, complicated, and sporadic elements of German history, it seems scarcely possible to present a clear, continuous narrative. Yet this is what Bayard Taylor did. He omitted no episode of importance, and yet managed to preserve a main line of connection from century to century throughout the narrative." — Philadelphia Ledger. " Probably the best work of its kind adapted for school purposes that can be had in English."— Boston Herald. New York : D. APPLETON & CO., 72 Fifth Avenue. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY'S PUBLICATIONS. tT&JB PRIVATE LIFE OF THE QUEEN. By -^ a Member of the Royal Household. Illustrated. i2mo. Cloth, $1.50. "The future historian will value 'The Private Life of the Queen ' be cause it is in a sense so intimate. The contemporary reader will find it highly interesting for the same reason. . . . The book is agreeably written, and is certain to interest a very wide circle of readers." — Philadelphia Press. " The author writes pleasantly, and the book is interesting in that it gives the reader a real acquaintance with the personality and private life of a singularly interesting public figure." — New York Sun. " A singularly attractive picture of Queen Victoria. . . . The interests and occupations that make up the Queen's day, and the functions of many of the members of her household, are described in a manner calculated to gratify the natural desire to know what goes on behind closed doors that very few of the world's dignitaries are privileged to pass."— Boston Herald. H~HE LIFE OF HIS ROYAL HIGHNESS THE •*¦ PRINCE CONSORT. By Sir Theodore Martin. In five volumes, each with Portrait. 12010. Cloth, $10.00. " The work bears the impress throughout of the directing mind of the Queen, and it is a very good reflex character — strong, even intense in her domestic affections, and yet with a decided taste and liking for public affairs and the duties of her position." — The Interior. " A full and impartial biography of a noble and enlightened prince. . . . Mr. Martin's work is not gossipy, not light, nor yet dull, guarded in its details of the domestic lives of Albert and Victoria, but sufficiently full and familiar to contribute msch interesting information. . . . Will well repay a careful and earnest reading." — Chicago Tribune. "Although the work was prepared especially for English readers, it pos sesses universal interest, and will find a place in many private libraries on this side of the water." *THE SOVEREIGNS AND COURTS OF EUROPE. -*¦ The Home and Court Life and Characteristics of the Reigning Families. By " Politikos." With many Por traits. i2mo. Cloth, $1.50. " A remarkably able book. ... A great deal of the inner history ot Europe is to be found in the work, and it is illustrated by admirable por traits."— The Atkenmim. " The anonymous author of these sketches of the^ reigning sovereigns ot Europe appears to have gathered a good deal of curious information about their private lives, manners, and customs, and has certainly in several in stances had access to unusual sources. The result is a volume which fur nishes views of the kings and queens concerned, far fuller and more inti mate than can be found elsewhere." — New York Tribune. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY'S PUBLICATIONS. 0~HE RISE AND GROWTH OF THE ENGLISH ¦*¦ NATION. With Special Reference to Epochs and Crises. A History of and for the People. By W. H. S. Aubrey, LL. D. In Three Volumes. i2mo. Cloth, $4.50. " The merit of this work is intrinsic. It rests on the broad intelligence and true philosophy of the method employed, and the coherency and accu racy of the results reached. The scope of the work is marvelous. Never was there more crowded into three small volumes. But the saving of space is not by the sacrifice of substance or of style. The broadest view of the facts and forces embraced by the subject is exhibited with a clearness of arrangement and a definiteness of application that render it perceptible to the simplest apprehension." — New York Mail and Express. " A useful and thorough piece of work. One of the best treatises which the general reader can use." — London Daily Chronicle. " Conceived in a popular spirit, yet with strict regard to the modern standards. The title is fully borne out. No want of color in the descrip tions." — London Daily News. " The plan laid down results in an admirable English history." — London Morning Post. "Dr. Aubrey has supplied a want. His method is undoubtedly the right one." — Pall Mall Gazette. " It is a distinct step forward in history writing; as far ahead of Green as he was of Macaulay, though on a different line. Green gives the picture of England at different times ; Aubrey goes deeper, showing the causes which led to the changes." — New York World. "A work that will commend itself to the student of history, and as a comprehensive and convenient reference book." — The Argonaut. "Up to date in its narration of fact, and in its elucidation of those great principles that underlie all vital and worthy history. . . . The painstaking division, along with the admirably complete index, will make it easy work for any student to get definite views of any era, or any particular feature of it. . . . The work strikes one as being more comprehensive than many that cover far more space." — The Christian Intelligencer. "One of the most elaborate and noteworthy of recent contributions to historical literature." — New Haven Register. " These volumes are a surprise and in their way a marvel. . . . They constitute an almost encyclopaedia of English history^ condensing in a mar velous manner the facts and principles developed in the history of the English nation. . . . The work is one of unsurpassed value to the historical student or even the general reader, and when more widely known will no doubt be appreciated as one of the remarkable contributions to English history pubhshed in the century." — Chicago Universalist. "In every page Dr. Aubrey writes with the far-reaching relation of contemporary incidents to the whole subject. The amount of matter these three volumes contain is marvelous. The style in which they are written is more than satisfactory. . . . The work is one of unusual importance." — Hartford Post. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK. A D. APPLETON & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. N AIDE-DE-CAMP OF NAPOLEON. Memoirs of General Count de Segur, of the French Academy, 1800-1812. Revised by his Grandson, Count Louis de Segur. i2mo. Cloth, $2.00. " We say without hesitation that 'An Aide-de-Camp of Napoleon ' is the book of memoirs above all others that should be read by those who are anxious to see Napoleon through the eyes of one of the many keen judges of character by whom he was surrounded."— < London Literary World. "The Count's personal story of adventure is so thrilling, and his oppor tunities of watching Napoleon were so constant and so ably utilized, that his work deserves honorable mention among works which show us history in the making, and the realities as well as the romance of war." — London Daily Telegraph. " We thank the publishers for this translation of a most absorbing book. The story of Austerlitz is one involving so much genius that it must be read as a whole— all the good things with which the book abounds."' — London Daily Chronicle. " The historical interest is undoubtedly great. De Segur's account of Napoleon's plans for the invasion of England is very interesting." — London Times. " No recent work of which the present fashion for Napoleonic literature has witnessed either in the shape of translations from the French or of original monographs on his famous battles, is likely to interest a larger class of intelligent readers than * An Aide-de-Camp of Napoleon.' " — New York Mail and Express. " * An Aide de-Camp of Napoleon ' is the title of one of the most inter esting of the many works which have been published concerning the career of the great warrior." — New York Press. " The memoirs of Count de Sfigur are distinguished by all the light graces that can polish a recital and impart delicacy to a narrative without depriving it of its strength It is a pleasure to peruse this well-written memo rial of one who was a general of division, peer of France, and Academician, and who lived for the greater part of a century a brilliant figure in war, politics, and letters."— Philadelphia Public Ledger. " It is not only full of personal reminiscence, but of personal adventure, and, as the style is easy and admirable, neither conceited nor tedious, it is needless to say that the result is exceedingly interesting.1' — Boston Com mercial Bulletin. "The book is a delightful one, not only for its clear, flowing style and historical interest, but for the entire absence of anything approaching bom bast or straining for effect . . . This is one of the most interesting publica tions that the Napoleonic revival has given us." — Cleveland World. " Next to the memoirs of the private secretary, the Baron de Meneval, issued by the Appletons a year ago, this volume of Segur's is of greatest in terest." — Rochester Herald. New York : D. APPLETON & CO., 72 Fifth Avenue. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY'S PUBLICATIONS. MEMOIRS OF MARSHAL OUDINOT, Due de Reggio. Compiled from the hitherto unpublished sou venirs of the Duchesse de Reggio by Gaston Stiegler, and now first translated into English by Alexander Teixeira de Mattos. With two Portraits in Heliogravure. i2mo. Cloth, $2.00. "The * Memoirs of Marshal Oudinot' are interesting because they in clude the history of one of the most brilliant periods the world has ever seen." — Chicago Evening Post. " The reading of this charming, vivacious, and accurate book makes it a continual source of wonder that any one, at this day, should be writing a history of the Napoleonic era. . . . The complete unconsciousness and the exquisite naturalness of the style are charming." — New York Com mercial A dvertiser. " This frankly loyal and graphic picturing of a great man's true charac ter, seen from the nearest standpoints by a biographer of wonderful keen ness, is genuinely refreshing. Vivid and explicit without being unduly sentimental, it is a book distinctly invaluable to and actually inseparable from a study of French history." —Boston Globe. " It is for the side lights of the marshal's life that this book is chiefly valuable, and wonderfully illuminating they are. Besides, there is a never- ending charm in the freshness of the narrative. There is nothing that is dull or monotonous." — Chicago Journal. " Full of new and entertaining material, and has a really significant his torical value. . . . These memoirs are noteworthy for their gentleness of tone and their freedom from satire and vituperation. They deal with great events, and their very simplicity and unpretentiousness are evidence 01 their incontestable merit." — Boston Beacon. " The story of this gallant soldier is of strong romantic interest and makes excellent reading, while the side lights thrown on events of a long period marked by many extraordinary changes are vastly interesting and informing. It is an inspiring and thoroughly delightful volume." — Provi dence News. " Few French commanders were more popular, both with rulers and with the people. The eventful story of his life, modestly told, is charming in interest." — Chicago Inter-Ocean. "The pages are filled with illustrious names that arouse pleasant or un pleasant memories, and the reader reads eagerly onward, always enter tained, frequently enlightened, until the last page is reached. ... It will be equally welcomed by the student of history and by the general reader." — Boston Saturday Evening Gazette. " Amid the mass of French memorial writing there is none that will be found more attractive, because there is none more genuine than this record."— Chicago Times-Herald. " An extremely interesting addition to historical biography. . . . These memoirs relate the extraordinary career of an extraordinary man. . , .A complete biography, written in an easy, natural, unpretentious style.' — Detroit Free Press. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK. D. APPLETON & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. MEMOIRS ILL USTRA TING THE HISTOR Y OF ¦**¦* NAPOLEON I, from 1802 to 1815. By Baron Claude- Francois de Meneval, Private Secretary to Napoleon. Edited by his Grandson, Baron Napoleon Joseph de Meneval. With Portraits and Autograph Letters. In three volumes. 8vo. Cloth, $6.00. "The Baron de Meneval knew Napoleon as few knew him. He was his confidential secretary and intimate friend. . . . Students and historians who wish to form a trustworthy estimate of Napoleon can not afford to neg lect this testimony by one of his most intimate associates." — London News. "These Memoirs, by the private secretary of Napoleon, are a valuable and important contribution to the history of the Napoleonic period, and necessarily they throw new and interesting light on the personality and real sentiments of the emperor. If Napoleon anywhere took off the mask, it was in the seclusion of his private cabinet. The Memoirs have been re published almost as they were written, by Baron de MenevaTs grandson, with the addition of some supplementary documents." — London Times. " Meneval has brought the living Napoleon clearly before us in a por trait, flattering, no doubt, but essentially true to nature; and he has shown us what the emperor really was — at the head of his armies, in his Council of State, as the ruler of France, as the lord of the continent — above all, in the round of his daily life and in the circle of family and home." — London Academy. "Neither the editor nor translator of MenevaTs Memoirs has miscalcu lated his deep interest— an interest which does not depend on literary style but on the# substance of what is related. Whoever reads this volume will wait with impatience for the remainder." — New York Tribune. " The work will take rank with the most important of memoirs relating to the period. Its great value arises largely from its author's transparent veracity. Meneval was one of those men who could not consciously tell anything but the truth. He was constitutionally unfitted for lying. . . . The book is extremely interesting, and it is as important as it is interesting." — New York Times. " Few memoirists have given us a more minute account of Napoleon. . . . No lover of Napoleon, no admirer of his wonderful genius, can fail to read these interesting and important volumes which have been waited for for years." — New York World. "The book will be hailed with delight by the collectors of Napoleonic literature, as it covers much ground wholly unexplored by the great major ity of the biographers of Napoleon." — Providence Journal. "Meneval made excellent use of the rare opportunity he enjoyed of studying closely and at close range the personality of the supreme genius in human history." — Philadelphia Press. "Of all the memoirs illustrating the history of the first Napoleon — and their number is almost past counting - there is probably not one which will be found of more value to the judicious historian, or of more interest to the general reader than these. " — New York Independent. New York: D. APPLETON & CO., 72 Fifth Avenue. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY'S PUBLICATIONS. 'THE BEGINNERS OF A NA TION A History of -* the Source and Rise of the Earliest English Settlements in America, with Special Reference to the Life and Character of the People. The first volume in A History of Life in the United States. By Edward Eggleston. Small 8vo. Cloth, gilt top, uncut, with Maps, $1.50. " Few works on the period which it covers can compare with this in point of mere literary attractiveness, and we fancy that many to whom its scholarly value will not appeal will read the volume with interest and delight.— New York Evening Post. " Written with a firm grasp of the theme, inspired by ample knowledge, and made attractive by a vigorous and resonant style, the book will receive much attention. It is a great theme the author has taken up, and he grasps it with the confidence of a master."— New York Times. "Mr. Eggleston's 'Beginners' is unique. No similar historical study has, to our knowledge, tver been done in the same way. Mr. Eggleston is a reliable reporter of facts; but he is also an exceedingly keen critic. He writes history without the effort to merge the critic in the historian. His sense of humor is never dormant He renders some of the dullest passages in colonial annals actually amusing by his witty treatment of them. He finds a laugh for his readers where most of his predecessors have found yawns. And with all this he does not sacrifice the dignity of history for an instant" — Boston Saturday Evening Gazette. "The delightful style, the clear flow of the narrative, the philosophical tone, and the able analysis of men and events will commend Mr. Eggleston's work to earnest students."— Philadelphia Public Ledger. " The work is worthy of careful reading, not only because of the author's ability as a literary artist, but becauseof his conspicuous proficiency^ in interpreting the causes of and changes in American life and character." — Boston Journal. " It is noticeable that Mr. Eggleston has followed no beaten track, but has drawn his own conclusions as to the early period, and they differ from the generally received version not a little. The book is stimulating and will prove of great value to the student of history.*' — Minneapolis Journal. ** A very interesting as well as a valuable book. ... A distinct advance upon most that has been written, particularly of the settlement of New England." — Newark Advertiser. "One of the most important books of the year. It is a work of art as well as of historical science, and its distinctive purpose is to give an insight into the real life and character of people. . . . The author's style is charm ing, and the history is fully as interesting as a novel."— Brooklyn Stand ard-Union. " The value of Mr. Eggleston's work is in that it is really a history of 'life/ not merely a record of events. . . . The comprehensive purpose of his volume has been excellently performed. The book is eminently read able." — Philadelphia Times. D. APPLETON AND COMPANY, NEW YORK. D. APPLETON & CO.'S PUBLICATIONS. ¦ • 3ii COLONIAL COURT-HOUSE. PHILADELPHIA, 1707. "This work marks an epoch in the history- writing of this country."— St. Louis Post' Dispatch. 7 HE HOUSEHOLD HISTO RY OF THE UNITED ST A TES AND ITS PEOPLE. For Young Americans. By Edward Eggles ton. Richly illustrated with 350 - Drawings, 75 Maps, etc. Square ^ 8vo. Cloth, $2.50. FROM THE PREFACE. The present work is meant, in the first instance, for the young — not alone for boys and girls, but for young men and women who have yet to make themselves familiar with the more important features of their country's history. By a book for the young is meant one in which the author studies to make his statements clear and explicit, in which curious and picturesque details are inserted, and in which the writer does not neglect such anecdotes as lend the charm of a human and personal interest to the broader facts of the nation's story. That history is often tiresome to the young is not so much the fault of history as of a false method of writing by which one con trives to relate events without sympathy or imagination, without narrative connection or animation. The attempt to master vague and general records of kiln-dried facts is certain to beget in the ordinary reader a repulsion from the study of history — one of the very most important of all studies for its widening influence on general culture. "Fills a decided gap which has existed for the past twenty years in American historical literature. The work is admirably planned and exe cuted, and will at once take its place as a standard record of the life, growth, and development of the nation. It is profusely and beautifully illustrated." — Boston Transcript. " The book in its new dress makes a much finer appearance than before, and will be welcomed by older readers as gladly as its predecessor was greeted by girls and boys. The lavish use the publishers have made of colored plates, woodcuts, and photographic reproductions gives an un wonted piquancy to the printed page, catching the eye as surely as the text engages the mind." — New York Critic. "The author writes history as a story. It can never be less than that. The book will enlist the interest of young people, enlighten their under standing, and by the glow of its statements fix the great events of the country firmly in the mind." — San Francisco Bulletin. New York: D. APPLETON & CO., 72 Fifth Avc^z. YALE UNIVERSITY a39002 0029777 68b