m l.i, Y3I6 Unri'ersit;' Libfary 39002003005403 rl. . '%v€- mm:^ ir7« *v?^' ¦ .5,1 ^V.?f*" ^ SKI' "^ M '^iJSI<:fi: ICT»M- ,>,1«i'' :; -' -V f'3&:a-%'wr. l^i£ ^^;:.,:;,):;, ! :..s-.x:.f% ,• -"-•.'•.-r.'li;;. ^ • ¦¦:".SSX^,:' ^ 2i^:ii./l.: ¦ ¦¦'. -ir'if^- Ii ¦ -' .w-j'.i 11 iVAjK ,:",tl. ?ii^5;ii a^sl*" .W, V'At Jr-V ?rrfv-v* ^^F'^ ' YALE UNIVERSITY LIBRARY TRACTS AlVD OTHER PAPERS, KELATINQ PRINCIPALLY TO THE ORIGIN, SETTLEMENT, AND PROGRESS COLONIES IN NORTH AMERICA, FROM THE DISCOVERY OF THE COUNTRY TO THE YEAR 1776. COLLECTED BY PETER FORCE. Vol. IV. WASHINGTON : PRINTEP BY WM. Q. FORCE, 1846. Entered according to act of Congress, in the year 1847, BY PETER FORCE, Iq the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Columbia, CONTENTS OF THE FOURTH VOLUME, I. Virginia richly valued, by the description of the main '¦ land of Florida, her next neighbour : out of the foure yeeres continuall trauell and discotierie, for aboue one thousand miles East and West, of Don Ferdinando de Soto, and sixe hundred able men in his companie. Wherin are truly obserued the riches and fertilitie of those parts, abounding with things necessarie, pleasant, and profitable for the life 0/ man : with the natures and dispositions of the Inhabitants. Written by a Portugal! geritleman of Eluas, emphied in all the action, and trans lated out of Portugese by Richard HacMvyt. At Lon don Printed by Felix Kyngston for Matthew Lownes, and are to be sold at the signe of the Bishops head in Pauls Churchyard. 1609. [132 pages.] II. A Relation 0/ a Discovery lately made on the Coast of Florida, (fromLat. 31. to 33 Deg. 45. Min. North- Lat.) By William Hilton Commander, and Commissioner with Capt. Anthony Long, and Peter Fabian, in the Ship Adventure, which set Sayl from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. and was set forth by several Gentlemen and Mer chants of the Island of Barbadoes. Giving an account oJ the nature and Temperature oj the Soyl, the manners and disposition of the Natives, and whatsoever else is remark- iv CONTENTS. able therein. Together with Proposals made by the Com missioners of the Lords Proprietors, to all such persons as shall become the first Setters on the Rivers, Harbors, and Creeks there. London, Printed by J. C. for Simon Mil ler at the Star neer the West-end of St. Pauls, 1664. [27 pages.] III. New-Englands Jonas Cast up at London: or, A Rela tion of the Proceedings of the Court at Boston in New- England against divers honest and godly persons, for Petitioning for Government in the Common-wealth, ac cording to the Lawes of England, and for admittance of themselves and children to the Sacraments in their Churches; and in case that should not be granted, for leave to have Ministers and Church- government according to the best Reformation of England and Scotland. To gether with a Confutation of some Reports of a fained Miracle upon the foresaid Petition, being thrown over board at Sea; As also a breif Answer to some passages in a late Book (entituled Hypocrisie unmasked) set out by Mr. Winslowe, concerning the Independent Churches holding communion with the Reformed Churches. By Major John Childe. London, Printed for T. R. and E. M. 1647.— [24 pages.] IV. A Narrative of a New and Unusual American Impris onment of Two Presbyterian Ministers: And Prosecu tion of Mr. Francis Makemie One of them, for Preach ing one Sermon at the City of New-York. By a Learner of Law, and Lover of Liberty. Printed for the Publisher. 1707.— [56 pages.] V. An Extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary Von Reck, who Conducted the First Transport of Saltzhur- gers to Georgia: and of the Reverend Mr. Bolzius, One of their Ministers. Giving an Account of their CONTENTS. V Vqyage to, and happy Settlement in that Province. Published by the Direction of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge. London : Printed by M. Down ing, in Bartholomew- Close. M.DCG.XXXIV. [38 pages.] VI. Simplicities Defence against Seven-headed Policy. Or Innocency Vindicated, being unjustly Accused, and sorely Censured, by that Seven-headed Church- Government uni ted in New-England : Or That Servant so Imperious in his Masters Absence Revived, and now thus re-acting in New-England: Or The Combate of the United Colo nies, not onely against some oj the Natives and Subjects, but against the Authority also of the Kingdome of Eng land, with their execution of Laws, in the name and Au thority of the servant, (or of themselves') and not in the Name and Authority of the Lord, or fountain of the Government. Wherein is declared an Act of a great peo ple and Country of the Indians in those parts, both Prin ces and People (unanimously) in their voluntary Submis sion and Subjection unto the Protection and Government of Old England {^from the Fame they hear thereof) to gether with the true manner and forme of it, as it appears under their own hands and seals, being stirred up, and provoked thereto, by the Combate and courses above-said. Throughout which Treatise is secretly intermingled, that great Opposition, which is in the goings forth of those two grand Spirits, that are, and ever have been, extant in the World {through the sons of men) from the beginning and foundation thereof. Imprimatur, Aug. 3d. 1646. Dil igently perused, approved, and Licensed to the Presse, ac cording to Order by publike Authority. London, Print ed by John Macock, and are to be sold by Luke Favvne, at his shop in Pauls Churchyard, at the sign of the Parrot. 1646. [116 pages.] CONTENTS. VII. Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. Warwuk, June30th,\m9. {MSS.] [17 pages.] VIII. Commission of King James the Second to Sir Edmund Andros. June 3, 1686. [MSS.] [14 pages.] IX. The Revolution in New-England Justified and the Peo ple there Vindicated from the Aspersions cast •upon them by Mr. John Palmer, in his pretended Answer to the Declaration published by the Inhabi^ts of Boston, and the Country adjacent, on the Day when they secured their late Oppressors, who acted by an Illegal and Arbitrary Commission from the late King James. To which is added, A Narrative of the Proceedings of Sir Edmond Andr'osse and his Accomplices. Who also acted by an il legal and arbitrary Commission from the late King James, during his Government in New-England. By several Gen tlemen who were of his Council. Printed in the^ Tear 1691 Boston: Re-printed and sold by Isaiah Thomas, near 'the Mill-Bridge. M,DCC,LXXIIL [59 pages.] X An Account of the Late Revolution in New-England. Together with the Declaration of the Gentlemen, Mer chants, and Inhabitants of Boston, and the Country adja cent. April ]8. 1689. Written by Mr. Nathaniel By- Md, a Merchant of Bristol in New-England, to his Friends in London. Licensed, June 27. 1689. J. Eraser. London: Printed for Ric. Chiswell, at the Rose and Crown in St. Paul's Church-Yard. MDCLXXXIX. [13 pages.] XI. A Brief Relation of the State of New England from the Beginning of the Plantation to this Present Year, 1689. In a Letter to a Person of Quality. Licenced, July 30th. 16S9. London, Printed for Richard Baldwine, near the Black Bull in the Old-Baily, 1689. [17 pages.] CONTENTS. vii XII. A Relation of the Colony of the Lord Baron of Balti more, in Maryland near Virginia; A Narrative of the Voy age toiMaryland, by Father Andrew White; and Sundry Reports, from Fathers Andrew White, John Altham, John Brock, and other Jesuit Fathers of the Colony, to the Superior General at Rome. Copied from the archives of the Jesuit's College at Rome, by the late Rev. Wm. McSherry, of Georgetoivn College ; and translated for Force's Historical Tracts, by N. C. Brooks, A. M., Mem ber of the Maryland Historical Society. [48 pages.] VIRGINIA richlj valued, By the, description of the main land of Florida, her next neighbour : Out of the foure yeeres continuall trauell and disco- uerie, for aboue one thousand miles East and West, of Don Ferdinando de Soto, and sixe hundred able men in his companie. Wherin are truly obserued the riches and fertilitie of those parts, abounding with things necessarie, pleasant, and profitable for the life of man : with the natures and dispositions of the Inhabitants. Written by a Portugall gentleman of Eluas, emploied in all the action, and translated out of Por tugese by Richard Hacklvyt. ' AT LONDON Printed by Felix Kyngston for Matthew Lownes, and are to be sold at the signe of the Bishops head in Pauls Churchyard. 16 09. Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol. IV.— No. 1. TO THE RIGHT HONOVRABLE, THE Right Worshipful! Counsellors, and others the cheerefuU aduenturors for the aduancement of that Christian and noble plantation in ViEG IN I A . His worke, right Honourable, right Worshipfull, and the rest, though small in shew, yet great in substance, doth yeeld much light to our enterprise now on foot: whether you desit-e to know the pre sent and future commodities of our countrie; or the qualities and conditions of the Inhabitants, or what course is best to be taken with them. Touching the commodities, besides the generall report of Cabega de Vaca to Charles the Emperour (who first trauelled through a great part of the Inland of Florida, next adioyning vpon our Virginia) That Florida was the richest countrie of the world ; and, that after hee had found clothes made q^^ 35 of cotton wooll, he saw gold and siluer, and stones of great value : I referre you first to the rich mines of gold re ported to be in the prouince of Yupaha, and described in the twelfth Chapter of this Treatise to come within our limits : And againe, to the copper hatchets found in Cutifachiqui, standing vpon the Riuer of Santa Helena, which were said to haue a mixture of gold. It seemeth also that the last Chroni cler of the West Indies, Antonio de Herrera, speaking of the foresaid Riuer q/" Santa Helena, which siandeth in 32. degrees and an halfe,alludeth to the prouince of Yupsiba, in q^j.^^ 3 these words : Y el oro, y plata, que hallaron, no era de lib. 8. cap. aquella tierra, sino de 60. leguas, adentro al norte, de ^¦ Ids pueblos dichos Otapales y Olagatanos, adonde se intiende, que ay minas de oro, plata, y cobre. That is to say, That the gold and siluer which they found, was not of that countrie (of Santa The Epistle Dedicatorie. Santa Helena) but 60. leagues distant toward the North, of the toiones called Otapales and Olagatanos, where we vnderstmd that there are mines of gold, siluer, and copper. Bywincn reckoning these rich mines are in the latitude of 35. degrees and an halfe. I desire you likewise to take knowledge oj tlie famous golden province of Chisca, stretching further to the rv. ^¦^ North, whereof the Cacique of Coste gaue notice to Chap. li,. Yerdmznd^o de Soto in the towne o/Chiaha, affirming, that there were mines of copper, and of another mettall of the same colour, saue that it was finer, and ofafarre more per ject lustre, and farre better in sight, and that they vsed it not so much, because it was softer. And the selfesame thing was be fore told the Goucrnour in Cutifachiqui : who sent two Chris tians from Chiaha with certaine Indians which knew the coun trie of Chisca, and the language thereof, to view it, and to 23 make report of that which they should finde. We '^' ' likewise reade not long after, that the Gouernour set forward to seeke a prouince called Pacaha, which hee was in formed to be neere vnto Chisca, where the Indians told him, 24 that there was gold. And in another place hee saith ; "''¦ ¦ That from Pacaha hee sent thirtie horsemen andfiftie footmen to the prouince of Calu§a, to see if from thence he might trauell to Chisca, where the Indians said, there was a worke of gold and copper. So that here is foure times men tion, and that in sundrie places, of the rich and famous golde mines o/ Chisca, and that they lie beyond the mountaines toward the North, ouer which they were not able to trauell for the roughnes thereof. But ivhat neede I to stand vpon forren tes timonies, since Master Thomas Heriot, a man of much iudge- ment in these causes, signified vnto you all, at your late solemne meeting at the house of the right honourable the Earle of Exe ter, how to the Southwest of our old fort in Virginia, the Indians often informed him, that there was a great melting of red met tall, reporting the manner in working of the same. Besides, our owne Indians haue lately reuealed either this or another rich mine of copper or gold in a towne called Ritanoe, neere certaine mountaines lying West of Roanoac. Another very gainfull commoditie is, the huge quantitie of excellent perles, and little babies and birds made of them, that Chan 14. '"*'"* /<'""'' *'* Cutifachiqui. The abundance whereof is reported to be such, that if they would haue search ed diuers graues in townes thereabout, they might haue laded many of their horses. Neither are the Turkie stones and cot ton wooll found at Guasco to be forgotten, nor passed ouer in silence. But The Epistle Dedicatorie. But that, which I make no small account of, is, the multitude of Oxen, which, from the beginning of the 16. to the end of the 26. Chapter, are nine seuerall times made mention of, and that along from Chiaha, Coste, Pacaha, Coligoa, and Tulla, still toward the North, to wit, toward vs, there was such store of them, that they could keepe no corne for them : and that the Indians lined vpon their jlesh. The haire of these Oxen is likevtise said to be like a soft ivooll, betweene the course and fine wooll of sheepe: and that they vse them for couerlets, be cause they are very soft and woolled like sheep: and not so onely, but they make bootes, shooes, targets, and other things necessarie of the same. Besides the former benefits, their young ones may be framed to the yoke, for carting and tillage of our ground. And I am in good hope, that ere it be long we shall haue notice of their being neerer vs, by that which I reade in the Italian relation o/Cabe§a de Vaca, the first finder of them ; which writeth. That they spread themselues within the countrie aboue foure hundred leagues. Moreouer, Vasques de Coronado, and long after him, Antonio de Espejo (whose voiages are at large in my third volume) trauelled many leagues among these heards of Oxen, and found them from 33. degrees ranging very farre to the North and Northeast. A fourth chiefe commoditie wee may account to be the great number of Mulberrie trees, apt to feede Silke-wormes to make silke : whereof there was such plentie in many places, that, though they j'ound some hempe in the countrie, the Spaniards made ropes of the barks of them for their brigandines, when they were to put to sea for Noua Hispania. A fifth is the excellent and perfect colours, as black, white, greene, yellow, and red, and the materials to dye withall, so often spoken of in this discourse : among which I haue some hope to bring you to the knowledge of the rich graine of Co- chonillio, so much esteemed, and of so great price. I speake nothing of the seuerall sorts of passing good grapes for Wine and Raisons. Neither is it the least benefit, that they found salt Chap. 31. made by the Indians at Cayas, and in two places of the prouince of Aguacay : the manner also how the Inhabitants make it, is very well worth the obseruation. One of the chiefest of all the rest may be the notice of the South Sea, leading vs to lapan and China, which I ^^ finde here twice to be spoken of. Whereof long ^ 3^; since I haue written a discourse, which I thinke not fit to be made ouer common. For The Epistle Dedicatorie. For closing vp this point. The distances of places, the qua lities of the soiles, the situations of the regions, the diuersities and goodnesse of the fruits, the seuerall sorts of beasts, the varietie offowles, the difference betweene the Inhabitants of the mountaines and the plaines, and the riches of the Inland in comparison of the Seacoast, are iudicially set downe m the conclusion of this booke, whereunto for mine owne ease I re ferre you. To come to the second generall head, which in the beginning I proposed, concerning the manners and dispositions oj the In habitants: among other things, I finde them here noted to be very eloquent and well spoken, as the short Orations, interpre ted by lohn Ortiz, which lined twelve yeeres among them, make sufficient proofe. And the author, which was a gentleman of Eluas in Portugall, emploied in all the action, whose name is not set downe, speaking of the Cacique of TuWa, saith, that aswell this Cacique, as the others, and all those which came to the Gouernour on their behalfe, deliuered their message or speech in so good order, that no Oratour could vtter the same more eloquently. But for all their fair e and cunning speeches, they are not ouermuch to be trusted : for they be the greatest traitors of the world, as their manifold most craftie contriued and bloody treasons, here set down at large, doe euidently proue. They be also as vnconstant as the wethercock, and most readie to take all occasions of aduantages to doe mischiefe. They are great liars and dissemblers ; for which faults often times they had their deserued paiments. And many times they gaue good testimonie of their great valour and resolution. To handle them gently, while gentle courses may be found to serue, it will be without comparison the best : but if gentle polishing will not serue, then ive shall not want hammerours and rough masons enow, I meane our old soldiours trained vp in the Ne therlands, to square and prepare them to our Preachers hands. To conclude, I trust by your Honours and M^orships wise in structions to the noble Gouernour, the worthy experimented Lieutenant and Admirall, and other chiefe managers of the bnsinesse, all things shall be so prudently carried, that the painfull Preachers shall be reuerenced and cherished, the va liant and forward soldiour respected, the diligent rewarded, the coward emboldened, the weake and sick relieued, the muti nous suppressed, the reputation of the Christians amons the Saluages preserued, our most holy faith exalted, all Paganisme and Idolatrie by little and little vtterly extinguished. And here reposing and resting my selfe vpon this sweete hope, I cease. The Epistle Dedicatorie. cease, beseeching the Almightie to blesse this good work in your hands to the honour and glorie of his most holy name, to the inlargement of the dominions of his sacred Maies- tie, and to the generall good of all the worthie Ad- uenturers and vndertakers. From my lodging in the Colledge of Westminster this 15. of ApriU, 1609. By one publikely and anciently deuo- ted to Gods seruice, and all yours in this so good action, Richard Hakluyt. A RELATION OF SVCH THINGS, AS Dow Ferdijvajvdo De Soto, the Adelantado of Florida passed in seeking to con quer the said Countrey : wherein is declared who he was, and what some of them were that went with him : and some particulars and diuersities of the Countrie, and whatsoeuer they saw and happened vnto them in the same. Chap. I. Which declareth who Don Ferdinando de Soto was, and how he got the gouernment of Florida. ^Aptai^e Soto was the son of a Squire of Xerez oi Badaioz. He went into the Spanish Indies, when Peter Arias of Auila was Gouernour of the West Indies: And there he was without any thing else of his owne, saue his sword and target: and for his good qualities and valour, Peter Arias made him Captaine of a troope of horsemen, and by his commandement hee went with Fernando Pizarro to the con quest of Peru: where (as many persons of credit reported, which were there present) as well at the taking of AtabaKpa, Lord of Peru, as at the assault of the citie of Cusco, and in all other places where they foand resistance, wheresoeuer hee was present, hee passed all other Captainea and principal! persons. For which cause, besides his part of the treasure of AtabaKpa, he had a good share ; whereby in time he gathered an hundred and foure-score thousand Duckets together, with that which fell to his part : which he brought into Spaine : whereof the Em perour borrowed a certaine part, which he repaied againe with 60000 Rials of plate in the rent of the silkes of Granada, and all 10 The Biscouerie qf Florida, all the rest was deliuered him in the Contractation house of Siuil. He tooke seruants, to wit, a Steward, a Gentleman Vsher, Pages, a Gentleman of the Horse, a Ghamberlaine, Lakies, and al other ofBcers that the house of a Noble ma re- quireth. From Siuil hee went to the Court, and in the Court, there accompanied him lohn Danusco of Siuil, and Lewis Moscoso D'aluarado, Nunno de Touar, and lohn Rodriguez Lobillo. Except lohn Danusco, all the rest came with him from Peru : and euery one of them brought fourteene or fifteene thousand Duckets: all of them went well and costly apparrel- led. And although Soto of his owne nature was not liberall, yet because that was the first time that hee was to shew him- selfe in the Court, he spent frankely, and went accompanied with those which I haue named, and with his seruants, and many other which resorted vnto him. Hee married with Donna Isabella de Bouadilla, daughter of Peter Arias oi Auila, Ekrle of Punno en Rostro. The Emperour made him the Gouernor of the Isle of Cuba, and Adelantado or President of Florida ; with a title of Marques of certaine part of the lands, that he should conquer. Chap. II. Hov; Cabeca de Vaca came to the Court, and gaue relation of the Countrie of Florida : And of the Companie that was assembled in Siuil to goe with Don Ferdinando de Soto. bHen Don Ferdinando had obtained the gouern ment, there came a Gentleman from the Indies to the Court, named Cabeca de Vaca, which had been with the Gouernor Pamphilo de Naruaez which died in Florida, who reported that Naruaez was cast away at sea with all the companie y* went with him. And how he with foure more escaped and arriued in Nueua Espanna: Also he brought a relation in writing of that which hee had seene in Florida; which said in some places: In such a place I haue seene this ; and the rest which here I saw, 1 leaue to conferre of betweene his Maiestie and my selfe. Generally he reported the miserie of the Countrie, and the troubles which hee passed: and hee told some of his kinsfolke, which were desirous to goe into the Indies, and vrged him very much to tell them whether he had seene any rich country in Florida, that he might not tell them, because hee and another, whose name was Orantes, (who remained in Nueua Espanna with purpose to returne into Florida : next adioyning to Virginia. i 1 Florida : for which intent hee came into Spaine to beg the go uernment thereof of the Emperour) had sworne not to discouer some of those things which they had seene, because no man should preuent them in begging the same : And hee informed them, That it was the richest Countrie 0/^'°"''* '^ "*" the ivorld. Don Ferdinando de Soto was very [J.^^ °^*of ""he desirous to haue him with him, and made him a fa- world. uourable offer: and after they were agreed, because Soto gaue him not a summe of money which he demanded lo buy a ship, they broke off againe. Baltasar de Gallegos, and Christopher de Spindola, the kinsemen of Cabeca de Vaca, told him, that for that which hee had imparted to them, they ^vere resolued to passe with Soto into Florida, and therefore ¦they prayed him to aduise them what they were best to doe. Cabeca deVaca told them, that the cause why he went not with Soto was, because hee hoped to beg another gouernment, and that hee was loth to goe vnder the command of another : and that hee came to beg the conquest of Florida : but seeing Don Ferdinando de Soto had gotten it alreadie, for his othes sake hee might tell them nothing of that which they would know : but hee counselled them to sell their goods and goe with him, and that in so doing they should doe well. Assoone as he had opportunitie hee spake with the Emperour, and related vnto him whatsoeuer hee had passed and seene, and come to vnder- stand. Of this relation made by word of mouth to the Empe rour, the Marques oi Astorga had notice, and forthwith deter mined to send with Don Ferdinando de Soto his brother Don Antonio Osorio : St with him two kinsmen of his prepared themselues, to wit, Francis Osorio, and Garcia Osorio. Don Antonio dispossessed himselfe of 60000 Rials of rent which hee held by the Church : and Francis Osorio oi a towne of Vassals, which he had in the Countrie de Campos. And they made their Rendezuous with the Adelantado in Siuil. The like did Nun- nez de Touar, and Leivis de Moscoso, and lohn Rodriguez Lobillo, each of who had brought from Peru fourteene or fif teene thousand Duckets. Lewis de Moscoso carried with him two brethren : there went also Don Carlos, which had married the Gouernours Neece, and tooke her with him. From Badaioz there went Peter Calderan, and three kinsemen of the Adelan tado, to wit, Arias linoco, Alfonso Romo, and Diego Tinoco. And as Lewis de Moscoso passed through * Eluas, Andrew de Vasconcelos spake with him, and re- ;„ POTtuMl'.'"' quested him to speake to Don Ferdinando de Soto concerning him, and deliuered him certaine warrants which he had receiued from the Marques of Villa real, wherein he 12 The Biscouerie of Florida, he gaue him the Captaineship of Ceuta in Barbaric, that he might shew them vnto him. And the Adelantado saw them ; and was informed who hee was, and wrote vnto him, that hee would fauour him in all things, and by al meanes, and would giue him a charge of men in Florida. And from Eluas went Andrew de Vasconcelos, and Fernan Pegado, Antonio Martinez Segurado, Men Roiz Pereira, lohn Cordero, Ste phen Pegado, Benedict Fernandez, and Aluaro Fernandez. And out of Salamanca, and laen, and Valencia, and Albu querque, and from other partes of Spaine, many people of No ble birth assembled at Siuil: insomuch that in saint Lucar many men of good account which had sold their goods remained be hind for want of shipping, wheras for other known and rich Countries, they are wont to want men : and this fell out by oc casion of that which Cabega de Vaca told the Emperour, and informed such persons as hee had conference withall touching the State of that Countrie. Soto made him great offers : and being agreed to goe with him (as I haue said before) because Cabega deVaca ^^ .^ould not giue him monie to pay for a ship, was the Go- which he had bought, they brake off, &; he went uernour of the for Gouemour to the Riuer of Plate. His kinse- luero ae. ,^^^ Christopher de Spindola, and Baltasar de Gallegos went with Soto. Baltasar de Gallegos sold houses and vineyards, and rent corne, and ninetie rankes of Oliue trees in the Xarafe of Siuil: Hee had the office oi Alcalde Mayor, and tooke his wife with him : And there went also many other persons of account with the President, and had the offices fol lowing by great friendship, because they were offices desired of many : to wit, Antonie de Biedma was Factor, lohn Danusco was Auditor, and lohn Gaytan nephew to' the Cardinall of Ciguenza had the office of Treasurer. Chap. III. Hoiv the Portugales went to Siuil, and from thence to S. Lucar : he appointed Captaines ouer the ships, and dis tributed the people which were to goe in them. ^^ll^He Portugales departed from Eluas the 15. of lanua- rie, and came to Siuil the 19. of the same moneth, „ „ ^"'^ ^^°^ ^° ^^^ lodging of the Gouernor, and entred g|| into a court, ouer the which were certaine galleries |4'I^ where hee was, who came downe and receiued them at the staires, whereby they went vp into the galleries : when he was come vp, he commanded chaires to be giuen them to sit on And next adioyning to Virginia. 13 And Andrew de Vasconcelos told him who hee and the other Portugales were, and how they all were come to accompany him, and serue him in his voiage. He gaue him thanks, and made shew of great contentment for his comming and offer. And the table being alreadie laid he inuited them to dinner. And being at dinner he commanded his steward to seeke a lodging for them neere vnto his owne, where they might bee lodged. The Adelantado departed from Siuil to Saint Lucar with al the people which were to goe with him : And he com manded a muster to be made, at the which the Portugales shewed themselues armed in verie bright armour, and the Cas tellans very gallant with silke vpon silke, with many pinkings and cuts. The Gouernour, because these brauaries in such an action did not like him, commanded that they should muster another day, and euery one should come foorth with his armour : at the which the Portugales came as at the first armed with very good armour. The Gouernour placed them in order neere vnto the standard which the ensigne-bearer carried. The Castel- lanes for the most part did weare very bad and rustle shirts of maile, and all of them headpeeces and Steele cappes, and very bad lances. And some of them sought to come among the Portugales. So those passed and were counted and enroled, which Soto liked and accepted of, and did accompanie him into Florida; which were in all sixe hundred men. He gj^^ hundred had alreadie bought seuen ships, and had all ne- men went with cessarie prouision aboord them : He appointed ^oto into Flo- Captaines, and deliuered to euery one his ship, and " *' gaue them in a role what people euery one should carrie with them. Chap. IV. How the Adelantado with his people departed from Spaine, and came to the Canaries, and afterward to the An- tiles. ,N the yeere of our Lord 1538. in the moneth of Aprill, the Adelantado deliuered his shippes to the Captaines which were to goe in them : and tooke for himselfe a new ship, and good of saile, and gaue another to Andrew de Vasconcelos, in which the Portugales went : hee went ouer the barre of S. Lucar on Sunday being S. Lazarus day, in the morn ing, of the moneth and yeere aforesaid, with great ioy, com manding his trumpets to be sounded, and many shots of the ordinance 14 The Biscouerie of Florida^ ordinance to be discharged. Hee sailed foure daies with a pros perous wind ; and suddenly it calmed: the calmes continued eight daies with swelling seas, in such wise, that wee made no way. The 15. day after his departure from S. Lucar, hee came to Gomera, one of the Canaries, on Easter day in the morning. The Earle of that Island was apparralled all in white, cloke, ierkin, hose, shooes, and cappe, so that hee seem ed a Lord of the Gypses. He receiued the Gouernour with much ioy : hee was well lodged, and all the rest had their lodg ings gratis, and gat great store of victuals for their monie, as bread, wine and flesh: and they tooke what vfas needful for their ships : and the Sunday following, eight daies after their arriuall, they departed from the Isle of Gomera. The Earle gaue to Donna Isabella the Adelantados wife a bastard daugh ter that hee had to bee her waiting maid. They arriued at the Antilles, in the Isle of Cuba, at the port of the City of Sant lago vpon Whit-sunday. Assone as they came thither, a Gentleman of the Citie sent to the sea side a very faire roan horse and well furnished for the Gouernour, and a mule for Donna Isabella : and all the horsemen and footemen that were in the towne came to receiue him at the sea-side. The Go uernour was well lodged, visited, and serued of all the inhabi tants of that Citie, and all his companie had their lodgings freely : those which desired to goe into the countrie, were diuided by foure and foure, and sixe and sixe in the farmes or granges, according to the abilitie of the owners of the farmes, and were furnished by them with all things necessary. Chap. V. Of the inhabitants which are in the Citie of S. lago, and in the other townes of the Island: and of the qualitie of the soile, andfruites that it yeeldeth. ^^i|^|^He Citie of S. lago hath fourescore houses which are ,. ^®fe great and well contriued. The most part haue their I T fe^^ walles made of bords, & are couered with thatch ; it |S^I^ hath some houses builded with lime &i stone, and 'i^2t ;Kts,;sfSA couered with tiles. It hath great Orchards and many Great figges. ^^^^^ '" ^hem, differing from those of Spaine : there be figgetrees which beare figges as big as ones fist, yellow within, and of small taste ; and other trees which beare AnaneB ^ '^''"'' "''^'°'^ ^^^^' ^^^^ Ananes, in making and bignes like to a small Pineapple : it is a fruit very sweete in taste: the shel being taken away, the kernel is like a peece next adioyning to Virginia. 15 peece of fresh cheese. In the granges abroad in the countrie there are other great pineapples, which grow on (j^gat Pineap- low trees, and are like the * Aloetree : they are of pies. a very good smell and exceeding good taste. Other *Eruababosa. trees do beare a fruit, which they call Mameis of lyj^^^j^ anex- the bignes of Peaches. This the Islanders do hold cellent fruit. for the best fruit .of the country. There is another fruit which they call Guayabas like Filberds, as "*^* *^" bigge as figges. There are other trees as high as a iaueline, hauing one only stocke without any bough, and the leaues as long as a casting dart : and the fruite is of the bignesse and fashion of a Cucumber, one bunch beareth 20. or 30. and as they ripen, the tree bendeth downeward with them : they are called in this countrie Plantanos ; and are of a good taste, &. ripen after they be gathered ; but those are the better which ripen vpon the tree it selfe ; they beare fruite but once : and the tree being cut downe, there spring vp others out of the but, which beare fruite the next yeere. There is another fruit; whereby many people are sustained, and chiefly the slaues, which are called Batatas. These grow now in the Isle of Terpera, belonging to the King- potatos' " dome oi Portugal, and they grow within the earth, and are like a fruit called Iname, they haue almost y^ taste of a chestnut. The bread of this countrie is also made of rootes which are like the Batatas. And the ^^gi^^ assaui stocke whereon those rootes doe grow is like an Elder tree: they make their ground in little hillocks, and in each of them they thrust 4. or 5. stakes ; and they gather the rootes a yeere and an halfe after they set them. If any one, thinking it is a Batata or Potato roote, chance to eate of it neuer so little, hee is in great danger of death : which was seene by- experience in a souldier, which assone as hee had eaten a very little of one of those rootes, hee died quicklie. They pare these rootes and stampe them, and squese them in a thing like a presse : the iuyce that commeth from them is of an euill smell. The bread is of little taste and lesse substance. Of the fruites of Spaine, there are Figges and Oranges, and they beare fruit all the yeere, because the soile is very ranke and fruitfull. In this countrie are many good horses, and there is greene grasse all the yeere. There be many wild jjofg™" ^°° oxen and hogges, whereby the people of the Island is well furnished with flesh : Without the townes abroad in the Countrie are many fruites. And it happeneth sometimes that a Christian goeth out of the way and is lost 15. or 20. daies, be cause of the many paths in the thicke groues that crosse to and fro 16 The Biscouerie of Florida, fro made by the oxen : and being thus lost, they sustaine them selues with fruites and palmitos: for there bee many great groues of Palme trees through all the Island : they yeeld no other fruite that is of any profit. The Isle of Cuba '^'!fv!^"^iu is 300. leagues long from the East to the West, and and breadth . . ° , °„. . , ..^ i c of Cuba. 's in some places 30. in others 40. leagues irom North to South. It hath 6. townes of Christians: to wit, S. lago, Baracoa, Bayamo, Puerto de Principes, S. jE*- pirito, and Ilauana. Euery one hath betweene 30. and 40. households, except S. lago and Ilauana, which haue about 60. or 80. houses. They haue Churches in each of them, and a Chaplen which confesseth them and saith Masse. In S. lago is a Monasterie of Franciscan Friers : it hath but few Friers, and is well prouided of almes, because the countrie is rich : The Church of S. lago hath honest reuenew, and there is a Curat and Prebends and many Priests, as the Church of that Citie, which is the chiefe of all the Island. There is in this countrie much gold, and few slaues to get it: For many haue made away themselues, because of the Christians euill vsage of them in the mines. A steward of Vasques Por- taelm.'^ ^''^^" '^0'^^°^ which was an inhabitour in that Island, vnder- ; standing that his slaues would make away them- ' selues, staled for them with a cudgill in his hand at the place where they were to meete, and told them, that they could neither doe nor thinke any thing, that hee did not know before : and that hee came thither to kill himselfe with them, to the end, that if hee had vsed them badly in this world, hee might vse them worse in the world to come : And this was a meane that they changed their purpose, and turned home againe to do that which he commanded them. Chap. VI. How the Gouernour sent Donna Isabella with the ships to Hauana, and he with some of his people went thither by land. , He Gouernour sent from S. lago his Nephew Don ' CarZos with the ships in company oi Donna Isabella to tarrie for him at Hauana, which is an hauen in the West part toward the head of the Island, 180. leagues from the Citie of Saint lago. The Go uernour and those which staled with him bought horses and pro- Bavamo ceeded on their iournie. The first towne they came vnto was fiayomo ; they were lodged foure and foure, and next adioyning to Virginia. 17 sixe and sixe, as they went in company, and where they lodged, they tooke nothing for their diet, for nothing cost them ought saue the Maiz or corne for their horses, because the Gouernor went to visit them from towne to towne, and seased them in the tribute and seruice of the Indians. Bayamo is 25. leagues from the Citie of S. lago. Neere vnto the towne passeth a great Riuer, which is called Tanto ; it is greater then Guadiana, and in it be very great Crocodiles, which sometimes hurt the In dians, or the cattell which passeth the Riuer. In all the coun trie are neither Wolfe, Foxe, Beare, Lion, nor Tiger. There are wild dogges which goe from the houses into the woods and feed vpon swine. There be certaine Snakes as bigge as a mans thigh or bigger, they are very slow, they doe no kind of hurt. From Bayamo to Puerto dellos IZlipes. principes ate 50. leagues. In al the Island from towne to towne, the way is made by stubbing vp the vnder- wood : and if it be left but one yeere vndone, the wood groweth so much, that the way cannot be seene, and the paths of the oxen are so many, that none can trauell without an Indian of the Countrie for a guide: for all the rest is very hie and thicke woods. From Puerto dellos principes the Gouernour went to the house of Vasques Porcallo by sea in a bote, (for it was neere the sea) to know there some newes of Donna Isabella, which at that instant (as afterward was knowne) was in great distresse, in so much that the ships lost one another : and two of them fell on the coast of Florida, and all of them endured great want of water and victuals. When the storme was ouer, they met together, without knowing where they were : in the end they descried the Cape of S. Anton, a countrie not in- habited of the Island of Cuba : there they watered ; g Antonio." and at the end of 40. daies, which were passed since their departure from the City of S. lago, they ariued at Hauana. The Gouernour was presently informed thereof, and went to Donna Isabella. And those which went by land, which were one hundred and fiftie horsemen, being diuided into two parts, because they would not oppresse the inhabitants, trauelled by S. Espirito, which is 60. leagues from Puerto del los principes. The food which they carried with ' them was Cagabe bread, which is that whereof I made mention before : and it is of such a qualitie, that if it be wet, it breaketh pre sently, whereby it happened to some to eate flesh without bread for many daies. They carried dogges with them, and a man of the Country, which did hunt ; & by the way, or where they were to lodge that night, they killed as many hogges as they needed. In this iournie they were well prouided of beefe and Vol. IV.— No. 1. 2 18 The Biscouerie of Floiida, and poike : And they were greatly troubled with Muskitos, especially in a lake, which is called the mere of A'a, which they had much adoe to passe from noone till night, the water might be some halfe league ouer, and to be swome about a crossebow shot, the rest came to the waste, and they waded vp to the knees in the mire, and in tbe bottome were cockle shels, which cut their feete very sore; in such sort, that there was neither boote nor shooe sole that was hole at halfe way. Their clothes and saddels were passed in baskets of Palme trees. Passing this lake, stripped out of their clothes, there came many muskitos, vpon whose biting there arose a wheale that smarted very much : they strooke them with their hands, and with the blowe which they gaue they killed so many, that the blood did runne downe the armes and bodies of the men. That night they rested very little for them, and other nights also in the like places and times. They came to Santo Ht"'° '^^'"' Espirito, which is a towne of thirtie houses ; there passeth by it a little Riuer: it is very pleasant and fruitfull, hauing great store of Oranges and citrons, and fruites of the Countrie : One halfe of the companie were lodged here, and the rest passed forward 25. leagues to another towne called . . la Trinidad of 15. or 20. households. Here is an hospitall for the poore, and there is none other in all the Island. And they say, that this towne was the greatest in all the Countrie, and that before the Christians came into this land, as a ship passed along the coast, there came in it a very sicke man, which desired the Captaine to set him on shore: and the Captaine did so, and the ship went her way : The sicke man remained set on shore in that countrie, which vntill then had not been haunted by Christians ; whereupon the Indians found him, carried him home, and looked vnto him till he was whole ; and the Lord of that towne marled him vnto a daugh ter of his, and had svarre with all the inhabitants round about, and by the Industrie and valour of the Christian, he subdued and brought vnder his command all the people of that Island. A great while after, the Gouernour Diego Velasques went to con quer it, and from thence discouered new Spaine: And this Christian which was with the Indians did pacific them, and brought them to the obedience and subiection of the Gouern- Ilauana °^'' ^'°™ *'^'* io^ne della Trinidad vnto Hauana are 80. leagues, without any habitation, which they trauelled. They came to Hauana in the end of March ; where they found the Gouernor, and the rest of the people which came with him from Spaine. The Gouernour sent from Ha uana lohn Dannusco with a carauele h two brigantines with 50. next adioyning to Virginia. 19 50. men to discouer the hauen of Florida ; and from thence hee brought two Indians, which he tooke vpon the coast, whgrewith (aswell because they might be necessarie for guides and for in- terpretours, as because they said by signes that there was much gold in Florida) the Gouernour and all the companie receiiied much contentment, and longed for the houre of their departure, thinking in himselfe that this was the richest Couptrie, that vptp that day had been discouered, Chap. VII, How we departed from Hauana, and ariued in Florida^^aTKi! of such things as happened vnto vs. Efore our departure, the Gouernpur depviued Nunno de Touar of y^ office qf Captaine Generall, and gaue it to Porcallo de Figueroa, an inhabitant of Cuba, which was a meane that the shippes were well furnished with victuals ; for he gaue a great many loads of Casabe bread, and manie hogges. The Gouernour tooke away this office from Nofino de Touar, because hee had fallen in loue with the daughter of ye Earle of Gomera, Donna Isabellas waighting maid, who, though his office were taken from him, (to retgrne againe to the Gouernours fauour) though she were with child by him, yet tooke her to his wife, and went with Soto into Florida, The Gouernour left Donna Isabella in Hauana; and with her remained the wife of Don Carlos, and the wiues of Baltasar de Gallegos, and of Nonno de Touar. And hee left for his Lieutenant a Gentleman oi Hauana, called lohn de Roias, for the gouernment of the Island. On Sunday the 18. of May, in the yeere of our jjayis. 1539. Lord, 1539. the Adelantado or president departed from Hauana in Cuba with his fleefe, which were nine vessels, fiue great ships, two carauels, and two brigantines ; They sailed seuen daies with a prosperous wind. The 25, day of May, the day de Pasca de Spirito Santo, (which we call Whitson Sonday,) they s^w the land of Florida ; J^lf^l^'^Z and because of the shoalds, they came to an anchor spiritoSancto, a league from the shore. Op Friday the 30. of being on the May they landed in Florida, two leagues from a ^^'J^^'';;^ ggf towne of an Indian Lord, called Vcita. They set degrees,' J. on land two hundred and thirteene horses, which they brought with them, to vnburden the shippes, that they Plight draw the less? w-^ter. Hee landed aU his men, and oply the 20 The Biscouerie of Florida, the sea men remained in the shippes, which in eight daies, going vp with the tide euery day a little, brought them vp vnto the towne. Assoone as the people were come on shore, hee pitched his campe on the sea side, hard vpon the Bay which went vp vnto the towne. And presently the Captaine general! Vasques Porcallo with other 7. horsemen foraged The ships the Countrie halfe a league round about, and found towneTf Vcita! ^ixe Indians, which resisted him with their arrowes, which are the weapons which they vse to fight withall : The horsemen killed two of them, and the other foure escaped ; because the countrie is cumbersome with woods and bogs, where the horses stacke fast, and fell with their riders, because they were weake with trauelling vpon the sea. The same night following the Gouernour with an hundred men in the brigantines lighted vpon a towne, which he found without people, because, that assoone as the Christians had sight of land, they were descried, and saw along the coast many smokes, which the Indians had made to giue aduicethe one to the other. The next day Luys de Moscoso, Master of the Campe set the men in order, the horsemen in three squadrons, the Vantgard,the Batallion, and the Rerewarde : and so they marched that day and the day following, compassing great Creekes which came out of the Bay : They came to the towne of Vcita, where The towne (jje Gouemour was, on Sunday the first of June, lune?' ^ being Trinitie Sunday. The towne was of seuen or eight houses. The Lordes house stoode neere the shore vpon a very hie mount, made by hand for strength. At another end of the towne stood the Church, and on the top of it stood a fowle made of wood with gilded eies. fo3. ^^^'¦^ w^i^e fo""'^ some pearles of small valew, spoiled with the fire, which the Indians do pierce and string them like beades, and weare them about their neckes and hand wrists, and they esteeme them very much. The houses were made of timber, and couered with Palme leaues. The Gouernour lodged himselfe in the Lords houses, and with him Vasques Porcallo, and Luys de Moscoso : and in others that were in the middest of the towne, was the chiefe Alcalde or lustice, Baltasar de Gallegos lodged; and in the same houses was set in a place by it selfe, al the prouision that came in the ships : the other houses and the Church were broken down, and euery three or foure souldiers made a little cabin wherein they lodged. The Countrie round afcout was very fen- nie, and encombred with great and hie trees. The Gouernor commanded to fel the woods a crossebow shot round about the towne, that the horses might runne, and the Christians might haue next adioyning to Virginia. Ql haue the aduantage of the Indians, if by chance they should set vpon them by night. In the waies and places conuenient, they had their Centinelles of footemen by two and two in euery stand, which did watch by turnes, and the horsemen did visit them, and were readie to assist them, if there were any alarme. The Gouernour made foure Captaines of the horsemen, and two of the footemen. The Captaines of the horsemen were, one of them Andrew de Vasconcelos, and another Pedro Calderan de Badaoiz: and the other two were his kinsemen, to wit. Arias Timoco, and Alfonso Romo, borne likewise in Badaioz. The Captaines of the footemen, the one was Francisco Maldonado oi Salamanca, and the other luan Rodriguez Lobillo. While wee were in this towne of Vcita, the two Indians, which lohn Danusco had taken on that coast, and the Gouernor caried along with him for guides and interpretours, through carelesse- nes of two men, which had the charge of them, escaped away one night. For which the Gouernour and all the rest were very sorie, for they had alreadie made some roades, and no Indians could bee taken, because the countrie was full of marish grounds, and in many places full of very hie and thicke woods. Chap. VIII. Of some inrodes that were made into the Countrie: and how there was a Christian found, which had bin long time in the power of an Indian Lord. I Rom the towne of Vcita, the Gouernour sent the Al calde Mayor, Baltasar de Gallegos with 40. horse men and 80. footemen into the Countrie to see if they could take any Indians : and the Captaine lohn Ro driguez Lobillo another way with 50. footemen, the most of them were swordmen and targettours, and the rest were shot and crossebowmen. They passed through a countrig full of bogges, where horses could not trauell. Halfe a league from the campe, they lighted vpon certaine cabins of Indians certaine ca- neere a Riuer: The people that were in them leaped bins of In- into the Riuer ; yet they tooke foure Indian women : '^""'=- And twentie Indians charged vs, and so distressed vs, that wee were forced to retire to our campe, being, as they are, exceed ing readie with their weapons. It is a people so warlike and so nimble, 22 The Biscouerie of Florida, nimble, that they care not awhit for tiny footemen. For if thfiir enemies charge them, they runne away, and if they turne their backs, they are presently vpon them. And the thing that they most flecj is the shot of an arrow. They never stand still, bdt are alwaies running and trauersing from one place to another : by reason whereof neither crossebow nor arcubuse can aime at them : and before one crossebowman can make one shot, an In^ dian will discharge three or foure arrowes; and he seldome misseth what hee shooteth at. An arrow, where it findeth no armour, pierceth as deepely as a crossebow. Their bowes are very long, and their arroWes are made of certaine canes like leedes, very heauie, & so strong, that a sharpe cane passeth thorow a target : Some they arme in the point with a sharpe bone of a fish like a chisel, and iu others they fasten certaine stones like points of Diamants. For the most part when they light vpon an armour, they breake in the place where they are bound together. Those of cane do split and pierce a coate ol maile, and are more hurtfull then the other. lohn Rodriguez Lobillo returned to the Campe with sixe men wounded, whereof one died ; and brought the foure Indian women, which Baltasar Gallegos had taken in the cabins or cotages. Two leagues from the towne, comming into the plaine field, he espied ten or eleuen Indians, among whom was a Christian, which was naked, and scorched with the Sunne, and had his armes razed after the manner of the Indians, and differed nothing at all from them. And assoone as the horsemen saw them they ran toward them. The Indians fled, and some of them hid themselues in a wood, and they ouertooke two or three of them, which were wound ed : and the Christian, seeing an horseman runne vpon him with his lance, began to crie out, Sirs, I am Christian, slay me not, nor these Indians, for they haue saued my life. And straight way he called them, and put them out of feare, and they came foorth of the wood vnto them. The horse men tooke both the Christian and the Indians vp behind them ; and toward night came into the Campe with much ioy; which thing being knowqe by the Gouernourj and them that remained in the Campe, they were receiued with the like. hap next adioyning to Virginia. 23 Chap. IX. How this Christian came to the land of Florida, and who he was: and what conference he had with the Gouer nor. His Christians name was lohn Or- I°hn Ortiz, iiz, and he was borne in Siuil, of j"f„„ ' ' . ' yueres, among worshipful parentage. He was 12. the Floridian.s yeeres in the hands of the Indians, "f Vcita and He came into this Countrie with °'=°fi°- Pamphilo de Naruaez, and returned in the ships to the Island of Cuba, where the wife of the Gouernour Pamphilo de Na ruaez was : and by his commandement with 20. or 30. other iu a brigandine returned backe againe to Florida : and comming to the port in the sight of the towne, on the shore they saw a cane sticking in the ground, and riuen at the top, and a letter in it : and they beleeued that the Gouernour had left it there to giue aduertisement of himselfe, when he resolued to goe vp into the land : and they demanded it of foure or fiue Indians, which walked along the sea shore : and they bad them by signes to come on shore for it : which against the will of the rest lohn Ortiz and another did. And assoone as they were on land, from the houses of the towne issued a great number of Indians, which compassed them about, and tooke them in a place where they could npt flee : and the other which sought to defend him selfe, they presentlie killed vpon the place, and tooke lohn Ortiz aliue, and carried him to Vcita their Lord. And those of the brigandine sought not to land, but put themselues to sea, and re turned to the Island of Cuba. Vcita commanded to bind lohn Ortiz hand and foote vpon foure stakes aloft vpon a raft, and to make a fire vnder him, that there he might bee burned: But a daughter of his desired him that he would not put him to death, alleaging, that one only Christian could do him neither hurt nor good, telling him, that it was more for his honour to keepe him as a captiue. And Vdta granted her request, and commanded him to be cured of his wounds: and assoone as he was whole, he gaue him the charge of the keeping of the Temple : because that by night the wolues did cary away the dead corpses out of the same : who commended himselfe to God and tooke vpon him the charge of his temple. One night the wolues gate from him the corpes of a little child, the sonne of a principal In dian ; and going after them he threw a darte at one of the wolues and strooke him that carried away the corps, who feeling himselfe wounded, 24 The Biscouerie of Florida, wounded, left it, and fell downe dead neere the place : and hee not woting what he had done, because it was night, went backe againe to the Temple : the morning being come, and finding not the bodie of the child, he was very sad. Assoone asVata knew thereof, he resolued to put him to death ; and sent by the tract, which he said the wolues went, and found the bodie of the child, and the wolfe dead a little beyond : whereat Vcita was much contented with the Christian, and with the watch which hee kept in the Temple, and from thence forward estee med him much. Three yeeres after hee fell into his hands, ^ , there came another Lord, called Moeogo, who leth^two dai'es dwelleth two dales iourny from the Port, and burn- iournie from ed his towne. Vcita fled to another towne that ''^'='"'- he had in another sea port. Thus lohn Ortiz lost his office and fauour that he had with him. These people being worshippers of the diuell, are wont to offer vp vnto him the hues and blood of their Indians, or of any other people they can come by : and they report, that when he will haue them doe that sacrifice vnto him, he speaketh with them, and telleth them that he is athirst, and willeth them to sacrifice vnto him. lohn Ortiz had notice by the damsell that had deliuered him from y'' fire, how her father was determined to sacrifice him y« day following, who willed him to flee to Moeogo: for shee knew yt he would vse him wel : for she heard say, that he had asked for him, and said hee would bee glad to see him: and because he knew not the way, she went with him halfe a league out of the towne by night, and set him in the way, and returned, be cause she would not be discouered. lohn Ortiz trauailed all A Riuer ^^^^ night, and by y'^ morning came vnto a Riuer, which is in the territorie of Moeogo : and there he saw two Indians fishing ; and because they were in war with the people of Vcita, and their languages were different, and hee knew not the laguage of Moeogo, he was afraid, because he could not tell them who hee was, nor how hee came thither, nor was able to answer any thing for himselfe, that they would kill him, taking him for one of the Indians of Vcita, and before they espied him, he came to the place where they had laid their weapons : Si assoone as they saw him, they fled toward the towne, and although he willed the to stay, because he meant to do the no hurt, yet they ynder- stood him not, and ran away as fast as euer they could. And assone as they came to the towne with great outcries, many In dians came forth against him, and began to compasse him tq' shoote at him: lohn Ortiz seeing himselfe in so great danger; sheilded himselfe with certaine trees, and began to shreeke ouf, ai/d next adioyning to Virginia. 25 and crie very loud, and to tell them that he was a Christian, and that he was fled from from Vcita, and was come to see and serue Moeogo his Lord. It pleased God that at that very in stant there came thither an Indian that could speake the language and vnderstood him ; and pacified the rest ; who told them what hee said. Then ran from thence three or foure Indians to beare the newes to their Lord : who came foorth a quarter of a league from the towne to receiue him ; and was very glad of him. He caused him presently to sweare according to the custome of the Chris tians, that hee would not run away from him to any other Lord : and promised him to entreate him very well ; and that If at any time there came any Christians into that countrie, he would freely let him goe, and giue him leaue to goe to them : and likewise tooke his oth to performe the same according to the Indian custome. About three yeeres after certaine Indians, which were fishing at sea two leagues from the towne, brought newes to jyjococo his Moeogo that they had seene ships : and hee called towne within lohn Ortiz, and gaue him leaue to go his way : 2. leagues of who taking his leaue of him, with all the haste he *¦ ^^^^' could came to the sea, and finding no ships, he thought it to be some deceit, and that the Cacique had done the same to learne his mind. So he dwelt with Moeogo nine yeeres, with small hope of seeing any Christians. Assoone as our Gouernor arriued in Florida, it was knowne to Moeogo, &l straightway he signified to lohn Ortiz, that Christians were lodged in the towne of Vcita: And he thought he had iested with him, as hee had done before, and told him, that by this time he had forgotten the Christians, and thought of nothing else but to serue him. But he assured him that it was so, and gaue him licence to goe vnto them : saying vnto him, that if hee would not doe it, and if the Christians should goe their way, he should not blame him, for hee had fulfilled that which he had promised him. The ioy of lohn Ortiz was so great, that hee could not beleeue that it was true : notwithstanding he gaue him thankes, and tooke his leaue of him: and Moeogo gaue him tenne or eleuen princi- pall Indians to beare him companie : and as they went to the port where the Gouernour was, they met with Baltasar de Gallegos, as I haue declared before. Assoone as he was come to the campe, the Gouernour commanded to giue him a sute of apparrell, and very good armour, and a faire horse ; and enquired of him, whether hee had notice of any countrie, where there was any gold or sil uer ? He answered. No, because he neuer went ten p„acossi 30. leagues compasse from the place where he dwelt : leagues from Bui that 30. leagues from thence dwelt an Indian ^^^'g°^jQ^P'" Lord, which was called Paracossi, to whom Moeogo " ° and 26 T'he Biscouerie of Florida, and Vcita, with al the rest of that coast paied tribute, and that hee peraduenture might haue notice of some good countrie : and that his land was better then that of the sea coast, and more fruitfull and plentifull of maiz. Whereof the Gouernour re ceiued great contentment: and said that he desired no more then to finde victuals, that hee might goe into the raaine land, for the land of Florida, was so large, that in one place or other there could not chuse but bee some rich Countrie. The Ca cique Moeogo came to the Port to visit the Gouernor, and made this speech following. Right hie and mightie Lord, I being lesser in mine oione conceit for to obey you, then any of those which yon have vn der your command; and greater in desire to doe you greater seruices, doe appeare before your Lordship loith so much confi dence of receiuing fauour, as if in effect this my good will were manifested vnto you in workes : not for the small seruice I did vnto you touching the Christian which I had in my power, in giuing him freely his libertie, (For I was bound to doe it to preserue mine honour, and that vjhich I had promised him :) but because it is the part of great men to vse great magnifi cences : And I am perswaded, that as in bodily perfections, and commanding of good people, you doe exceede all men in the world, so likewise you doe in the parts of the minde, in zohich you may boast of the bountie of nature. The fauour which I hope for of your Lordship is, that you would, hold mee for yours, and beihinke your selfe to command me any thing, wherein I may doe you seruice. The Gouernour answered him. That although in freeing and sending him the Christian, he had preserued his honour and promise, yet he thanked him, and held it in such esteeme, as it had no comparison ; and that hee would alwaies hold him as his brother, and would fauour all things to the vtmost of his power. Then he commanded a shirt to be giuen him, and other things, wherewith the Cacique being verie well contented, tooke his leaue of him, and departed to his owne towne. next adioyning to Virginid. 27 Chap. X . How the Gouernour sent the ships to Cuba: and left an hundred men at the Hauen de Spirito Santo, and himself with the rest of his people went into the maine land. ^Rom the Port de Spirito Santo where the Go uernour lay, he sent the Alcalde Mayor Balta.iar de Galle'gos with 50. horsemen, and 30. or 40. footemen to the prouince of Paracossi, to view the disposition of the countrie, and enforme him selfe of the land farther inward, and to send him word of such things as he found. Likewise he sent his shippes backe to the Is land of Cuba, that they might returne within a certaine time with victuals* Vasques Porcallo de figueroa, which went with the Gouernour as Captaine Generall, (whose principall intent Was to send slaues from Florida, to the Island of Cuba, where hf had his goods and mines,) hauing made some inrodes, and see ing no Indians were to be got, because of the great bogs and woods y' were in the Countrie, considering the disposition ot the same, determined to returne to Cuba. And though there was some difference between him Si the Gouernor, whereupon they neither dealt nor conuersed together with good counte nance, yet notwithstanding with louing words he asked him leaue and departed from him. Baltasar de Gal- p^^^^gg^i legos came to the Paracossi : There came to him 30. Indians from the Cacique, which was absent from his towne, and one of them made this speech : Paracossi, the Lord of this prouince, whose vassals we are, sendeth vs vnto your worship, to know what it is that you seeke in this his Countrie, and wherein he may doe you ser uice. Baltasar de Gallegos said vnto him, that hee thanked them Very much for their ofier, willing them to warne their Lord to come to his towne, and that there they would talke and con- firme their peace and friendship, which he much desired. The Indians went their way, and returned the next day, and said, that their Lord was ill at ease, and therefore could not cdme, but that they came on his behalfe to see what he demanded. He asked them if they knew or had notice of any rich Coun trie where there was gold or siluer. They told them, they did : and that toward the West, there was a Prouince which was called Cale; and that others that inhabited other Countries had warre with the people of that Countrie, where the most part 28 The Biscouerie of Florida, part of the yeere was sommer, and that there was much gold: and that when those their enemies came to make warre with them of Cale, these inhabitants of Cale did weare hats of gold, in manner of head peeces. Baltasar de Gallegos, seeing that the Cacique came not, thinking all that they said was fained, with intent that in the meane time they might set themselues in safetie, fearing, that if he did let them goe, they would returne no more, commanded the thirty Indians to be chained, and sent word to the Gouernour, by eight horsemen, what had passed : whereof the Gouernour with al that were with him, at the Port de Spirito Santo receiued great comfort, supposing, that that which the Indians reported, might be true. Hee left Captaine Calderan at the Port, with thirtie horsemen, apd seuentie foote men, with prouision for two yeeres, and himselfe with all the Paracossi. '"®^'' if>arched into the maine land, and came to the Paracossi, at whose towne Baltasar de Gallegos was: and from thence with all his men tooke the way to Cale. He passed by a little towne, called Acela, and Tocaste. '^^™® '° another, called Tocaste : and from thence hee went before with 30. horsemen, and 50. foote- .t™!!!"'' '"6" toward Cale. And passing by a towne, whence the people were fled, they saw Indians a A Lake. J'"le from thence in a lake ; to whom the Interpre- tour spake. They came vnto them and gaue them A swift Riuer. ^^ Indian for a guide : and hee came to a Riuer with a great current, and vpon a tree, which was in the midst of it, was made a bridge, whereon the men passed : the horses swam ouer by a hawser, that they were pulled by from the otherside : for one, which they droue in at the first without it, was drowned. From thence the Gouernour sent two horsemen to his people that were behind, to make haste after him ; because the way grew long, and their victuals short. Cale ^^^ ^^'^^ ^° ^"'^^' ^"'^ ioand the towne without people. Hee tooke three Indians which were spies, and tarried there for his people that came after, which were sore vexed with hunger and euill waies, because the Countries was very barren of Maiz, low, and full of water, bogs, and thicke woods ; and the victuals, which they broucrht with them from the Port de Spirito Santo, were spent. Wheresoeuer any towne was found, there were some beetes, and hee that came first gathered them, and sodden with water and salt, did eate them without any other thing • and such as could not get them, gathered thestalkes of Maiz and eate them which because they were young had no Maiz in them when Ihey came to the Riuer which the Gouernour had passed, they found next adioyning to Virginia. 29 found palmitos vpon low Palmetrees like those of Andaluzia. There they met with the two horsemen which the Gouernour sent vnto them, and they brought newes that in Cale there was plentie of Maiz ; at which newes they all reioyced. Assoone as they came to Cale, the Gouernour commanded them to gather all the Maiz that was ripe in the field, which was suffi cient for three moneths. At the gathering of it the Indians killed three Christians, and one of them which were taken told the Gouernour, that within seuen daies iournie, there was a very great Prouince, and plentifull of Maiz, which was called Apalache. And presently hee departed from Cale with 50. horsemen, and 60. footemen. He left the master of the Campe Luys de Moscoso with all the rest of the people there, with charge that hee should not depart thence vntill he had word from him. And because hitherto none had gotten any slaues, the bread that euery one was to eate, he was faine himselfe to beate in a morter made in a peece of timber with a pestle, and some of them did sift the flower through their shirts of maile. They baked their bread vpon certaine tileshares which they set ouer the fire, in such sort as heretofore I haue said they vse to doe in Cuba. It is so troublesome to grind their Maiz, that there were many that would rather not eate it, then grind it : and did eate .the Maiz parched and sodden. Chap. XI. How the Gouernour came to Caliquen, and carrying from thence the Cacique with him went to Napetuca, where the Indians sought to haue taken him from him, and in an assault many of them were slaine, and taken prisoners. I He II. day of August 1539. the Gouernour depart ed from Cale; hee lodged in a little y* town called Ytara, and the next day in another called Potano, and the Potano. third day at Vtinama, and came to Vtinama. another towne, which they named the towne of The towne of Euil peace; because an Indian came in peace, "' peace. saying. That he was the Cacique, and that he with his people would serue the Gouernour, and that if he would set free 28. persons, men and women, which his men had taken the night before, he would command prouision to be brought him, and would giue him a guide to instruct him in his way : The Go uemour commanded them to be set at libertie, and to keepe him in safegard. The next day in the morning there came many 30 2'he Biscouerie of Florida, many Indians, and set themselues round about the towne neere to a wood. The Indian wished them to carrie him neere them ; and that he would speake vnto them, and assure them, and that they would doe whatsoeuer hee commanded them. And when he saw himselfe neere vnto them he brake from them, and ran away so swiftly from the Christians, that there was none that could ouertake him, and all of them fled into the woods. The Gouernour commanded to loose a grayhound, which was alrea die fleshed on them, which passing hy many other Indians, caught the counterfait Cacique, which had escaped from the Christians, and held him till they came to take him. From thence the Gouernour lodged at a towne called Cho- Cholupaha. lupaha: and because it had store of Maiz in it, they named it Villa farta. Beyond the same A Riuer. there was a Riuer, on which he made a bridge of timber, and trauelled two daies through a desert. Caliquen. rpj^^ j.^_ ^^ August, he came to Caliquen, where he was informed of the Prouince oi Apalftche; They told him that Pamphilo de Naruaez had bin there, and that there hee tooke shipping, because hee could find no way to goe forward; That there was none other towne at al ; but that on both sides was all water. The whole companie were very sad for these newes ; and counselled the Gouernour to goe backe to the Port de Spirito Santo, and to abandon the Countrie of Florida, lest hee should perish as Naruaez had done : declaring, that if he went forward, he could not returne backe when he would, and that the Indians would gather vp that small quantitie of Maiz which was left. Whereunto the Gouernour answered, that he would not go backe, till he had seene with his eies that which they reported : saying, that he could not beleeue it, and that wee should be put out of doubt before it were long. And he sent to Luys de Moscoso to come presently from Cale, and that he tarried for him here. Luys de Moscoso and many others thought, that from Apalache they should returne backe ; and in Cale they buried their yron tooles, and diuers other things. They came to Caliquen with great trouble ; because the Coun trie, which the Gouernor had passed by, was spoiled and desti^ tute of Maiz. After all the people were come together, hee A Riuer. commanded a bridge to bee made ouer a Riuer that passed neere the towne. Hee departed from Cali quen the 10. of September, and carried the Cacique with him. After hee had trauelled three daies, there came Indians pea ceably, to visit their Lord, and euery day met vs on the way playing vpon flutes : which is a token that they vse, that men may know that they come in peace. They said, that in onr way next adioyning to Virginia. 31 way before there was a Cacique, whose name was Vzachil, a kinseman of the Cacique of Caliquen their Lord, waiting for him with many presents, and they desired the Gouernor that he would loose the Cacique. But he would not, fearing that they would rise, and would not giue him any guides, &t sent them away from day to day with good words. He tra uelled fiue daies, he passed by some smal townes, 1°,^^^^"'^ he came to a towne called Napetuca, the 15. day of September. Thither came 14. or 15. Indians, Napetuca. and besought y^ Gouernor to let loose the Cacique of Caliquen their Lord. He answered them that he held him not in prison, but that hee would haue him to accompanie him to Vzachil. The Gouernour had notice by lohn Ortiz, that an Indian told him how they determined to gather themselues together, and come vpon him, and giue him battell, and take away the Ca cique from him. The day that it was agreed vpon, the Go uernour commanded his men to bee in a readines, and that the horsemen should bee readie armed and on horsebacke euery one in his lodging, because the Indians might not see them, and so more confidently come to the towne. There came four hun dred Indians in sight of the campe with their bowes and arrowes, and placed themselues in a wood, and sent two Indians to bid the Gouernour to deliuer them the Cacique. The Gouernour with sixe footemen leading the Cacique by the hand, and talk- with him, to secure the Indians, went toward the place where they were : And seeing a fit time, commanded to sound a trum pet : and presently those that were in the towne in the houses, both horse and foot, set vpon the Indians, which were so sud denly assaulted, that the greatest care they had was which way they should flee : They killed two horses ; one was the Go uernours, and hee was presently horsed againe vpon another. There were 30. or 40. Indians slaine. The rest fled to two very great lakes, that were somewhat g^at lakM. distant the one from the other : There they were swimming, and the Christians round about them. The calieuer- men and crossebowmen shot at them from the banke ; but the distance being great, and shooting afarre off, they did them no hurt. The Gouernour commanded that the same night they should compasse one of the lakes, because they were so great, that there were not me enow to compasse them both ; being beset, assoone as night shut in, the Indians, with determination to runne away, came swimming very softly to the banke ; and to hide themselues, they put a water lillie leafe on their heads. The horsemen assoone as they perceiued it to stirre, ran into the water to the horses breasts, and the Indians fled againe into the 32 The Biscouerie of Florida, the lake. So this night passed with any rest on both sides. lohn Ortiz perswaded them, that seeing they could not escape, they should yeeld themselues to the Gouernour: which they did, enforced thereunto by the coldnes of the water ; and one by one, hee first whom the cold did first ouercome, cried to lohn Ortiz, desiring that they would not kill him, for he came to put himselfe into the hands of the Gouernour. By the morning watch they made an end of yeelding themselues: only 12. principall men, being more honorable and valorous then the rest, resolued rather to die then to come into his hands. And the Indians of Paracossi, which were now loosed out of chaines, went swimming to them, and pulled them out by the haire of their heads, and they were all put in chaines; and the next day were diuided among the Christians for their seruice. Being thus in captiuitie, they determined to rebell ; A now con- ^^^ ^^^^ -^^ charge to an Indian, which was inter- '' " ' pretour, and held to be valiant, that assoone as the Gouernour did come to speake with him, hee should cast his hands about his necke, and choke him: Who, whe he saw op portunitie, laid hands on the Gouernour, and before he cast his hands about his necke, he gaue him such a blow on the nostrils, that hee made them gush out with blood, and presently all the rest did rise. He that could get any weapons at hand, or the handle wherewith he did grind the Maiz, sought to kill his mas ter, or the first hee met before him : and hee that could get a lance or sword at hand, bestirred himselfe in such sort with it, as though he had vsed it all his life time. One Indian in the market place enclosed betweene 15. or 20. footemen, made a way like a bull with a sword in his hand, till certaine halbar- diers of the Gouernour came, which killed him. Another gat vp with a lance to a loft made of canes, which they build to keepe their Maiz in, which they call a Barbacoa, and there hee made such a noise, as though tenne men had been there J, J J defending the doore : they slew him with a partisan. Indians taken. "^^^ Indians were in all about two hundred men. They were all subdued. And some of the young est the Gouernour gaue to them which had good chaines, and were carefull to looke to them that they gat not away. Al the rest he commanded to be put to death, being tied to a stake in the midst of the market place : and the Indians of the Para cossi did shoote them to death. Chap. next adioyning to Virginia. 33 Chap. XII. How the Gouernour came to Apalache, and was informed, that within the land, there was much gold. , He Gouernour departed from Napetuca the 23. of September; he lodged by a Riuer, ^jjjugr where two Indians brought him a buck from the Cacique of Vzachil. The next day he passed by a great towne called Hapaluya; and lodged atVzachil,aad found no peo- Hapaluya a pie in it, because they durst not tarrie for the notice yzTchnr"*^' the India's had of the slaughter of Napetuca. He found in that towne great store of Slaiz, french beanes, and *pompions, which is their foode, and that where- *Aboboras. with the Christians there sustained themselues. The Maiz is like course millet, and the pompions are better and more sauorie then those of Spaine. From thence the Go uernour sent two Captaines each a sundry way to seeke the Indians. They tooke an hundred men and women : of which aswel there as in other places where they made any inrodes, the Captaine chose one or two for the Gouernour, and diuided the rest to himselfe, and those that went with him. They led these Indians in chaines with yron collars about their neckes ; and they serued to carrie their stuffe, and to grind their Maiz, and for other seruices that such captiues could doe. Some times it happened that going for wood or Maiz with them, they killed the Christian that led them, and ran away with the chaine : others filed their chaines by night with a peece of stone, where with they cut them, and vse it in stead of yron. Those that were perceiued paid for themselues, and for the rest, because they should not dare to doe the like another time. The women and young boyes, when they were once an hundred leagues from their Countrie, and had forgotten things, they let goe loose, and so they serued; and in a very short space they vn derstood tbe language of the Christians. From Vzachil the Gouernour departed toward Apalache, and in two ^xjiig_ daies iournie, hee came to a towne called Axille, and from thence forward the Indians were carelesse, because they had as yet no notice of the Christians. The next day in the morning, the first of October, he departed from thence, and commanded a bridge to bee made ouer a Ri- ^ Riuer. uer which hee was to passe. The deepe of the Riuer where the bridge was made, was a stones cast, and forward a crossebow shot the water came to the waste ; and the wood, whereby Vol. IV.— No. 1. 3 34 The Biscouerie of Florida, whereby the Indians came to see if they could defend the pas sage, and disturbe those which made the bridge, was very hie and thicke. The crossebow men so bestirred themselues that they made them giue back : and certain plancks were cast into the Riuer, whereon the men passed, which made good the passage. The Gouernor passed vpo Wednesday, which was Vitachuco ^* Frauds his day, and lodged at a towne which was called Vitachuco, subiect to Apalache: he found it burning ; for the Indians had set it on fire. From thence forward the countrie was much inhabited, and had great October 25. ^'°''^ °^ Maiz. Hee passed by many granges like hamlets. On Sunday the 25. of October, he came Vzela. to a towne, which is called Vzela, and vpon Tues- lacheT ^^' ^^y ^'^ Anaica Apalache, where the Lord of alt that Countrie and Prouince was resident : in which towne the Campemaster, whose office is to quarter out, and lodge men, did lodge all the companie round about within a league, and halfe a league of it. There were other townes, where was great store of Maiz, Pompions, French Beanes,- and Plurames of the Countrie, which are better then those of Spaine, and they grow in the fields without planting. The victuals that were thought necessarie to passe the winter, were ^ aiache gathered from these townes to Anaica Apalache. wlthirTio. '^^^ Gouernour was informed, that the sea was ten leagues of leagues from thence. Hee presently sent a Cap- the sea. taine thither with horsemen and footemen : And sixe Ochete. leagues on the way, he found a towne, which was The sea. named Ochete, and so came to the sea ; and/ound a great tree felled, and cut into peeces, with stakes set vp like mangers, and saw the skulles of horses. Hee returned with this newes. And that was held for certaine, which was re ported oi Pamphilo de Naruaez, that there hee had builded the barkes wherewith he went out of the land of Florida, and was "^•'u^r^^^?' ^^^' ^'¦^^^"tly the Gouernour sent lohn Danusco with 30. horsemen to the port de Spiritu Santo, where Calde ran was, with order, that they should abandon the port, and all of them come to Apalache. He departed on Saturday the 17. of Wouember. In Vzachil and other townes that stood in the way he found great store of people alreadie carelesse. Hee would take none of the Indians, for not hindring himselfe, be cause It behooued him to giue them no leasure to gather them selues together. He passed through the townes by niaht, and The Port de ^'f ^"'\°"' '\^ ^°^-"^^ three or foure'houres. Spiritu Santo ^" tenne daies he came to the Port de Spirito tenne daies iionto. He carried with him 20. Indian women, which next adioyning to Virginiai 35 which he tooke in Ytara, and Potano, neere vnto iournie from Cale, and sent them to Donna Isabella in the two -*-='P^''i='^8- carauels, which hee sent from the Port de Spirito Santo to Cuba. And he carried all the footemen in the brigandines, and coasting along the shore, came to Apalache. And Calderan with the horsemen, and some crossebowmen on foote went by land ; and in some places the Indians set vpon him, and wound ed soine of his men. Assoone as he came to Apalache; pre sently the Gouernour sent sawed plankes and spikes to the sea side, wherewith was made a piragua or barke, wherein were embarked 30. men well armed ; which went out of the Bay to the Sea, looking for the brigandines. Sometimes they fought with the Indians, which passed along the harbour in their ca noes. Vpon Saturday the 29. of Nouember, there ' Uoygm gg came an Indian through the Watch vndiscouered, and set the towne on fire, and with the great wind that blew, two parts of it were consumed in a short time. On Son- pg^g^ ^8 day the 28. of December came lohn Danusco with the brigandines. The Gouernour sent Francisco Maldonado a Captaine of footemen with 50. men to discouer the coast West ward, and to seeke some Port, because he had determined to go by land, and discouer y' part. That day there went out eight horsemen by commandement of the Gouernor into the field, two leagues about the towne to seeke Indians ; for they were now so emboldened, that within two crossebow shot of y^ camp, they came and slew men. They found two men and a woman gathering French Beanes: the men, though they might haue. fled, yet because they would not leaue the woman, which was one of their wiues, they resolued to die fighting ; and be fore they were slaine, they wounded three horses, whereof one died within a few daies after. Calderan going with his men by the Sea-coast, from a wood that was neere the place, the In dians set vpon him, and made him forsake his way, and many of them that went with him forsooke some necessarie victuals, which they carried with them. Three or foure daies after the limited time giuen by the Gouernour to Maldonado for his going and comming, being alreadie determined and resolued, if within eight daies he did not come, to tarrie no longer for him, he came, and brought an Indian from a Prouince, which was called OchUs, sixtie leagues Westward from Apa- lache; where he had found a good Port of good jeaguesWest depth and defense against weather. And because of Apalache. the Gouernor hoped to find a good countrie for ward, he was very well contented,. And he sent Maldonado for victuals to Hauana, with order, that he should tarrie for him at the Port of Ochus, which hee had discouered, for hee would 36 The Biscouerie of Florida, goe seeke it by land : and if he should chance to stay, and not come thither that summer, that then hee should returne to Hauana, and should come againe the next summer after, and tarrie for him at that port ; for hee said hee would doe none other thing but goe to seeke Ochus. Francisco Maldonado Chan 11 departed, and in his place for Captaine of the foote- " men remained lohn de Guzman. Of those Indians " which were taken in Napetuca, the treasurer JoA?i Gaytan had " a young man, which said, that he was not of that Countrie, " but of another farre off toward the Sunrising, and that it was " long since he had trauelled to see Countries ; and that his "Countrie was called Yupaha, and that a woman did gouerne " it : and that the towne where she was resident was of a won- " derfuU bignesse, and that many Lords round about were tribu- " taries to her : and some gaue her clothes, and others of gold!"°^ " S°''^ '" abundance : and hee told, how it was taken " out of the mines, and was moulten and refined, as "if hee had seene it done, or the diuel had taught it him. So that all those which knew any thing concerning the same, said that it was impossible to giue so good a relation, without hauing seene it : And all of them, as if they had seene it, by the signes that he gaue, beleeued all that he said to be true. Chap. XIII. How the Gouernour departed from Apalache to seeke Yu paha, and of that which happened vnto him. ,, . , . Mfcv-=^s^\ NWedensday the third of March, of March the 3. ^^^j the yeere 1540. the Gouernor depart- \ ed from Anaica Apalache to seeke I Yupaha. He commanded his men to goe prouided with Maiz for sixtie leagues of desert. The horsemen carried their Maiz on their horses, and th.e footemen at their sides : because the Indians that were for seruice, with their miserable life that they lead that winter, being naked and in chaines, died for the most part. A great Riuer. Within four dales iournie they came to a great Riuer: and they made a piragua or ferrie bote, and because of the great current, they made a cable with chaines, which they fastened on both sides of the Riuer; and the ferrie bote went along by it; and the horses swam Ouer, beina drawne Capachiqui. ""'f Capstans Hauing passed the Riuer,''in a day V J? -A ''"'i^ ,. ;'^^y''^'"^'°^'°^"ecalledCoB«cAz(7MJ. Vpon Fnday, the 11 of March, they found Indians in armes. Ihe next day fiue Christians went to seeke morters, which the Indians haue to beate their Maiz, and they went to certaine houses next adioyning to Virginia. 37 houses on the backside of the Campe enuironed with a wood : And within the wood were many Indians which came to spie vs ; of the which came other fiue and set vpon vs. One of the Christians came running away, giuing an alarme vnto the Campe. Those which were most readie answered the alarme. They found one Christian dead, and three sore wounded. The Indians fled vnto a lake adioyning neere a very thicke wood, where the horses could not enter. The Gouernour departed from Capachiqui, and passed through a desert. On Wednesday the 21 . of the moneth he came to a towne called Toalli : And from thence forward there was a difference in the houses. For those which were behind vs were thatched with t^j^jh straw, and those of Toalli were couered with reeds, in manner of tiles. These houses are verie cleanly. Some of them had walles daubed with clay, which shewed like a mud- wall. In all the cold Countrie the Indians haue euery one a house for the winter daubed with clay within and without, and the doore is very little : they shut it by night, and make fire within ; so that they are in it as warme as in a stoue : and so it continueth all night that they need not clothes : and besides these, they haue others for summer; and their kitchins neere them, where they make fire and bake their bread : and they haue barbacoas wherein they keepe their Maiz ; which is an house set vp iu the aire vpon foure stakes, boorded about lik^ a chamber, and the floore of it is of cane hurdles. The differece which Lords or principal! mens houses haue from the rest, besides they be greater, is, that they haue great galleries in their fronts, and vnder them seates made of canes in manner of benches : and round about them they haue many lofts, wherein they lay vp that which the Indians doe giue them for tribute, which is Maiz, Deeres skins, and mantles of the Countrie, which are like blankets: they make them of the inner rinde of the barkes of trees, and some of a kind of grasse like vnto net tles, which being beaten, is like vnto flaxe. The q.^^q_ women couer themselues with iliese mantles ; they put one about them from the wast downeward ; and another ouer their shoulder, with their right arme out, like vnto the Egyptians. The men weare but one manile vpon their shoul ders after the same manner: and haue their secrets hid with a Deeres skin, made like a linen breech, which was wont to be vsed in Spaine. The skins are well corried, and E.'icellent they giue them what colour they list, so perfect, colours. that if it be red, it seemeth a very fine cloth iii graine, and the blacke is most fine : and of the same leather they make shooes; and they die thsir mantles in the same colours. The Gouernour departed from Toalli the 24. of March : he came on Thursday at 38 The Biscouerie of Florida, at euening to a small Riuer, where a bridge was A smalt made whereon the people passed, and Benit Fer- '""¦ nandez a Portugall fell off from it, and was drown ed. Assoone as the Gouernour had passed the Riuer,a little distance thence he found a towne called Achese. Achese. rpj^g j^dians had no notice of tbe Christians: they leaped into a Riuer : some men and women were taken ; among which was one that vnderstood the youth which guided the Go uernour to Yupaha : whereby that which he had reported was more confirmed. For they had passed through Countries of diuers languages, and some which he vnderstood not. The Gouernour sent by one of the Indians that vpere taken to call the Cacique, which was on the other side of the Riuer. Hee came and made this speech following: Right high, right mightie, and excellent Lord, those things which seldome happen doe cause admiration. What then may the sight of your Lordship, and your people doe to mee and mine, whom we neuer saiv ? especially being mounted on such fierce beasts as your horses are, entring with such violence and furie into my Countrie, without my knowledge of your comming. It was a thing so strange, and caused such feare and terrour in our mindes, that it was not in our power to stay and receiue your Lordship with the solemnitie due to so high and renowned a Prince, as your Lordship is. And tru sting in your greatnesse and singular vertues, I doe not onely hope to be freed from blame, but also to receiue fauors : and the first which 1 demand of your Lordship is, that you will vse me, my Countrie, and subiects as your owne : and the se cond, that you will tell mee who you are, and whence you come, and whither you goe, and what you seeke, that I the better may serue you therein. The Gouernour answered him, that hee thanked him as much for his offer and good will, as if hee had receiued it, and as if hee had offered him a great treasure : and told him that he was the Sonne of the Sun, and came from those parts where he dwelt, and trauelled through that Countrie, and sought the greatest Lord, and richest Prouince that was in.it. The Caci que told him ; that farther forward dwelt a great Lord, and that his dominion was called Ocute. Hee gaue him a guide, and an interpretour for that Prouince. The Gouernour commanded his Indians to bee set free, and trauelled through his Countrie ARiuervery 'vp a Riuer very well inhabited. He departed from well inhabi. his towne the first of Aprill ; and left a very high t""^- crosse of Wood set vp iu the middest. of the mar ket place : and because the time gaue no more leasure, hee declared to him onely, that that crosse was a memorie of y" same next adioyning to Virginia. 39 same, whereon Christ, which was God and man, and created the heauens and the earth, suffered for our saluation : therefore he exhorted them that they should reuerence it : and they made shew as though they would doe so. The fourth of Aprill the Gouernour passed by a towne called Altamaca, and the 10. of the moneth he came to Ocute. The ocut™.^"^" Cacique sent him two thousand Indians with a pre sent, to wit, many conies, and partriges, bread of Conies, Pa- Maiz, two hens, and many dogs ; which among the jjol^ggg. ^°^' Christians were esteemed as if they had been fat wethers, because of the great want of fleshmeate and salt, and hereof in many places, and many times was great need ; and they were so scarse, that if a man fell sicke, there was nothing to cherish him withall : and with a sicknesse, that in another place easilie might haue been remedied, he consumed away till nothing but skinne and bones were left ; and they died of pure weaknes, some of them saying. If I had a slice of rneate, or a few comes of salt, I should not die. The Indians want no fleshmeat: for they kill with their arrowes many deere, hennes, conies, and other wild fowle : for they are very cunning at it : which skill the Christians had not : and though they had it, they had no leasure to vse it : for the most of the time they spent in trauell, and durst not presume to straggle aside. And because they were thus scanted of flesh, when sixe hundred men that went with Soto, came to any towne, and found 30. or 40. dogs, he that could get one and kill it, thought himselfe no small man ; and he that killed it, and gaue not his Captaine one quarter, if he knew it, he frowned on him, and made him feele it, in the watches, or in any other matter of labour that was offered, wherein hee might doe him a displeasure. On Mon day the 12. of Aprill, the Gouernour departed from OcMie ; The Cacique gaue him two hundred Tamenes, to wit, Indians to carrie burdens : hee passed through a towne, the Lord whereof was named Cofaqui, and carne to a patofo.'' prouince of an Indian Lord, called Patofa, who, because he was in peace with the Lord of Ocute, and with the other bordering Lords, had many daies before notice of the Gouernour, and desired to see him: He came to visit him, and, made this speech following. Mightie Lord, now with good reason I will craue of for tune to requite this my so great prosperitie with some small ad- uersitie ; and I will count my selfe verie rich, seeing I haue obtained that, which in this world I most desired, which is, to see, and bee able to doe your Lordship some seruice. And al though the tongue bee the image of that which is in the heart, and that the contentment which 1 feele in my heart I cannot dissemble, 40 The Biscouerie of Florida, dissemble, yet is it not sufficient wholly to manifest the same. Where did this your Countrie, which I doe gouerne, deserue to be visited of so soueraigne, and so excellent a Prince, ivhom all the rest of the world ought to obey and serue 1 And those which inhabit it being so base, what shall bee the issue of such happines, if their memorie doe not represent vnto them some aduersitie that may betide them, according to the order of for tune? If from this day fortvard we may be capable of this be nefit, that your Lordship will hold vs for your owne, we cannot faile to be fauourcd and maintained in true iustice and rea son, and to haue the name of men. For such as are void of reason and iustice, may bee compared to brute beasts. For mine owne part, from my very heart with reuerence due to such a Prince, I offer my selfe vnto your Lordship, Sf beseech you; that in reward of this my true good will, you will vouch safe to make vse of mine owne person, my Countrie, and sub iects. ' The Gouernour answered him, that his offers and good wil declared by the effect, did highly please him, whereof he would alwaies be mindfull to honour and fauour him as his brother.. This Countrie, from the first peaceable Cacique, vnto the Pro uince of Patofa, which were fiftie leagues, is a fat An excellent Countrie, beautifull, and very fruitfull, and very so'.^l'eaguer. ^^'^ vvatered, and full of good Riuers. And from thence to the Port de Spirito Santo, where wee fii-st ariued in the land of Florida, (which may bee 350. leagues, little more or lesse) is a barren land, and the most of it uroues of wild Pinetrees, low and full of lakes, and in some places very hie and thicke groues, whither the Indians that were in armes fled, so that no man could find them, neither couid any horses enter into them. Which was an inc^ r;ienience to the Christians, in regard of the victuals which they found conueied away ; and of the trouble which they had in seeking of Indians to bee their guides. Chap. XIIII. How the Gouernour departed from the Prouince of Patofa a.nd went through a desert, where he and all his men fell into great distresse, and extreme miszrie. IN the towne of Patofa the youth, which the Gouernour car ried with hun for an interpretour and a guide, began to fome at Jae mouth, and tumble on the ground,, as one possessed with the diuell: lliey ssid a Gospell oue. l.i ¦. ; and the fit left him. And ha said, that foure daies iournie from thence toward the next adioyning to Virginia. 41 the Sunne rising, was the prouince that he spake of. The In dians of Patofa said, that toward that part they knew no habi tation ; but that toward the Northwest, they knew a Prouince which was called Coga, a verie plentifull countrie, which had very great townes in it. The Cacique told the Gouernour, that if he would go thither, he would giue him guides and Indians for burdens ; and if he would goe whither the youth spake of, that he would likewise giue him those that he needed: and so with louing words and offers of courtesie, they tooke their leaues the one of the other. He gaue him seuen hundred Indians to beare burdens. Hee tooke Maiz for four daies iournie. Hee trauelled sixe daies by a path which grew narrow more and more, till it was lost altogether: He went where the youth did lead him, and passed two Riuers which were waded : each of them was two crossebowshot ouer : the wa- nJ^ers"' ter came to the stirrops, and had so great a current, that it was needfuU for the horsemen to stand one before another, that the footemen might passe aboue them leaning vnto them. He came to another Riuer of a grea- greaterRiuer ter current and largenes, which was passed with more trouble, because the horses did swim at the comming out about a lances length. Hauing passed this Riuer, the Go uernor came to a groue of pinetrees, and threatned the youth, and made as though hee would haue cast him to the dogges, because he had told him a lie, saying, it was but foure daies iournie, and they had trauelled nine, iou"nie^'^^ and euery day 7. or 8. leagues, and the men by this time were growne wearie and weake, and the horses leane through the great scanting of the Maiz. The youth said, that hee knew not where hee was. It saued him that he was not ci'^it to the dogges, that there was neuer another whom lohn Ortiz did vndeistand. The Gouernour with them tv7o, and with some horsemen and footemen, leaning the Campe in a groue of pinetrees, trauelled that day 5. or 6. leagues to seek a way, and returned at night very comfortlesse, and without find ing any signe of vi^ay or towne. The next day there were sun drie opinions deliuered, whether they should goe backe, or what they should doe : and because backward the Countrie whereby they had passed was greatly spoiled and destitute of ]\laiz, and that which they brought with them was spent, and the men were very weake, and the horses likewise, they doubted much whether they might come to any place where they might helpe themselues. And besides this, they were of opinion, that going in that sort out of order, that any Indians would presume to set vpon them, so that with hunger, or with warre, they could not escape. The Gouernour determined to send horsemen from thence 42 The Biscouerie of Florida, thence euery way to seeke habitation : and the next day he sent foure Captaines, euery one a sundrie way with eight horse men. At night they came againe, leading their horses, or driuing them with a sticke before ; for they were wearie, that they could not lead them ; neither found they any way nor signe of habitation. The next day, the Gouernour sent other foure with as many horsemen that could swim, to passe the Ose and Riuers which they should find, and they had choice horses the best that were in the Campe. The Captaines were Baltasar de Gallegos, which went vp the Riuer; and lohn Danusco, downe the Riuer: Alfonso Romo, and lohn Rodri guez Lobillo went into the inward parts of the land. The Gouernour brought with him into Florida thir- The great in- teene sowes, and had by this time three hundred crease of • tt j j i i , i swine. swine : tie commanded euery man should haue halfe a pound of hogs flesh euery day : and this hee did three or foure daies after the Maiz was all spent. With this small quantitie of flesh, and some sodden hearbs, with much trouble the people were sustained. The Gouernour dismissed y" Indians of Patofa, because hee had no food to giue them ; who desiring to accompanie and serue the Christians in their iiecessitie, making shew that it grieued them very much to re turne, vntill they had left them in a peopled Countrie, returned to their owne home. lohn Danusco came on Sunday late in the euening, and brought newes that he had found a little towne 12. or 13. leagues from thence: he brought a woman aiid a boy that he tooke there. With his comming and with those newes, the Gouernour and all the rest were so glad, that they seemed at that instant to haue returned from death to life. Vpon Monday, the twentie sixe of Aprill, the Gouernour Aymay departed to goe to the towne, which was called Aymay; and the Christians named it the towne of Reliefe. He left where the Camp had lien at the foote of a Pmetree a letter buried, and letters earned in the barke of the pine, the contents whereof was this : Dig here at the foot of this pine, k, you shal find a letter. And this he did, because when the Captaines came, which were sent to seeke some habi tation, they might see the letter, and know what was become of the Gouernour, and which way he was gone. There was no other way to the town, but the markes that lohn Danusco left made vpon the trees. The Gouernour with some of them that had the best horses came to it on the Monday : And all the rest mforcing themselues the best they could, some of them lodged within two leagues of the towne, some within three and foure, euery one as he was able to goe, and his strength serued him. There was found in the towne a storehouse full of the flowre next adioyning to Virginia. 43 flowre of parched Maiz ; and some Maiz, which was distributed by allowance. Here were foure Indians taken, and none of them would confesse any other thing, but that they knew of none other habitation. The Gouernour command ed one of them to be burned ; &; presently another ¦^" Indian confessed, that two daies iournie from thence, there hi'Jfaisehood was a Prouince that was called Cutija-Ghiqui. Vpon Wednesday came the Captaines Baltasar de Gallegos, Alfonso Romo, and lohn Rodriguez Lobillo : for they had found the letter, and followed the way which the Gouernour had taken toward the towne. Two men of lohn Rodriguez companie were lost, because their horses tired ; the Gouernour checked him very sore for leaning them behind, and sent to seeke them : and assoone as they came, he departed toward Culifa- Chiqui. In the way three Indians were taken, which said, that the Ladle of that Countrie had notice alreadie of the Christians, and staled for them in a towne of hers. The Go uernour sent by one of them to offer her his friendship, and to aduertise her how hee was comming thither. The Gouernour came vnto the towne : and presently chiqui^ there came foure canoes to him ; in one of them came a sister of the Ladle, and approching to the Gouernour she said these words ; Excellent Lord, my sister sendeth vnto you by me to kisse your Lordships hands, and to signifie vnto you, that the cause why she come not in person, is, that she thinketh to do you grea ter seruice staying behind, as she doth, giuing order, that with all speed, al her canoes bereadie, that your Lordship may passe the Riuer, and take your rest, ivhich shall bee presentlie per formed. The Gouernour gaue her thankes, and she returned to the other side of the Riuer. Within a little while the Ladie came out of the towne in a Chaire, whereon certaine of the principall Indians brought her to the Riuer. She entered into a barge, which had the sterne tilted ouer, and on the floore her mat rea- .die laied with two cushions vp5 it one vpon another, where she sate her downe ; and with her came her principall Indians in other barges, which did wait .'pon her. She went to the place where the Gouernor was, and at her comming she made this speech following : Excellent Lord, I wish this comming of your Lordship, in to these your Countries, to be most happie : although my power be not answerable to my wil, and my seruices be not according to my desire, nor such as so high a Prince, as your Lordship, deserueth ; yet since the good will is rather to be accepted, then all 44 The Biscouerie of Florida, all the treasures of the world, that without it are offered, with most vnfaileable and manifest affection, 1 offer you my person, lands, and subiects, and this small seruice. And therewithal she presented vnto him great store of clothes of the Countrie, which shee brought in other canoes ; to wit, mantles and skinnes ; and tooke from her owne necke a great cordon of perles, and cast it about the donrf'trL "^cke of the Gouernour, entertaining him with very gracious speeches of loue and courtesie, and commanded canoes to be brought thither, wherein the Go uernour and his people passed the Riuer. As- Uit^Riuei? s°°"<' ^^ ''^^ "-"^^ lodged in the towne, she sent Cutifa.Clii- him another present of many hens. This Coun- q"i- trie was verie pleasant, fat, and hath goodly mea dows by the Riuers. Their woods are thin, and Walnut trees. ^[ ^f ^ai„m t,.ees and Mulberrie trees. They Mulbery trees i • • ¦ r t for silke. said the sea was two daies iournie Irom thence. The sea two Within a league, and halfe a league about this ^aies iournie jQ^y^g, were great townes dispeopled, and ouer- growne with grasse; which shewed, that they had been long without inhabitants. The Indians said,, that two yeere before there was a plague in that Countrie, and that they reinooued to other townes. There was in their barkes of Storehouses great quantitie of clothes, mantles of trees. yarne made of the barkes of trees, and others made Mantles of of feathers, white, greene, red, and yellow, very fine after their vse, and profitable for winter. There were also many Deeres skinnes, with many comparti- ments traced in them, and some of them made into hose, stockings, and shooes. And the Ladie perceiuing, that the Christians esteemed the perles, aduised the Gouernour to send to search certaine graues that were in that towne, and that hee should find many : and that if hee would send to the dispeo pled townes, hee might load all his horses. They sought the Three hun. graues of tliat towne, and there found fourteene dred ninetie rooues of perles, and little babies and birds made two pounds of of ihem. The people were browne, well made, pearles found. j n • , , . .,, , and well proportioned, and more ciutll then any others that were seene in all the Countrie of Florida, and all of them went shod and clothed. The youth told the Go uernour, that hee began now to enter into the land which he spake of: and some credit was giuen him that it was so, be cause hee vnderstood the language of the Indians : and hee requested that he might bee Christened, for he said hee desired to become a Christian : Hee was Christened, and named Peter ; and next adioyning to Virginia. 45 and the Gouernour commanded him to bee loosed from a chaine, in which vntill that time he had gone. This Countrie, as the Indians reported, had been much inhabited, and had the fame of a good Countrie. And, as it seemeth, the youth, which was the Gouernours guide, had heard of it, and that which he knew by heresay, hee affirmed tha0mee had seene, and augmented at his pleasure. In this towne was found a dagger, and beades, that belonged to Christians. The In- ^^alVuTtwo dians reported, that Christians had beene in the dales iournie hauen, which was two daies iournie from this fiomtheha- towne, many yeeres agoe. Hee that carne thither Helen^a^^"'^ was the Gouernour, the Licenciate Lucas Vasquez de Ayllon, which went to conquer this Countrie, and at his comming to the Port hee died ; and there was a diuision, quarrels and slaughters betweene some ] 525 .^ ^''"'^^ principall men which went with him, for the prin cipall gouernment: And without knowing any thing of the Countrie, they returned home to Hispaniola. All the Compa nie thought it good to inhabit that Countrie, be cause it was in a temperat climate: And that if it /eere'es 4. were inhabited, al the shippes of New Spaine, of Peru, Santa Martha, and Tierra firme, in their returne for Spaine, might well touch there : because it was in their way ; and because it was a good Countrie, and sited fit to raise com moditie. The Gouernour, since his intent was to seeke another treasure, like that of Atabalipa Lord of Peru, was not con tented with a good Countrie, nor with pearles, though many of them were worth their weight in gold. And if the Countrie had been diuided among the Christians, those which the In dians had fished for afterward, would haue been of more value : for those which they had, because they burned them in the fire, did leese their colour. The Gouernour answered them, that vrged him to inhabit. That in all the Countrie, there were not victuals to sustaine his men one moneth ; and that it was need- full to resort to the Port of Ocus, where Maldanado was to stay for them : and that if no richer Countrie were, found, they might returne againe to that whensoeuer they would : and in the meane time the Indians would sow their fields, and it would be better furnished with Maiz. He inquired of the Indians, whether they had notice of any great Lord farther into the land. They told him, that 12. daies iournies from thence, chiaha 12. there was a Prouince called Chiaha, subiect to the dales iournie Lord of Coca. Presently the Gouernour deter- f';°™ ^anta 1 I 1 11 « 1 1 • . Helena : and mined to seeke that land. And being a sterne ^Q^jg ^ ^j^j^^ man, and of few words, though he was glad to sift iournie from and 46 The Biscouerie of Florida, Chiaha : at and know the opinion of all men, yet after hee had which towne deliuered his owne, hee would not be contraried, °[Coste^^they ^^^ glwaies did what liked himselfe, and so all men Mdefchap.16 did condescend vnto his will. And though it seemed an erroueOo leaue that Countrie, (for others might haue been sought rSbnd about, where the people might haue been sustained, vntill the haruest had been readie there, and the Maiz gathered) yet there was none that would say any thing against him, after they knew his resolution. Chap. XV. How the Gouernour departed from Cutifa-Chiqui ta seeke the Prouince of Coca ; and what happened vnto him in the way. THe Gouernour departed from Cutifa-Chiqui the third day of May. And because the Indians had reuolted,- and the will of the Ladie was perceiued, that if she could, she would depart without giuing any guides or men for burdens, for the wrongs which the Christians had done to the Indians : (for there neuer want some among many of a base sort, that for a little gaine doe put themselues and others in danger of vndoing.) The Gouernour commanded her to be kept in safegard, and carried with him, not with so good vsage as she deserued for y" good wil she shewed, and good enter- tainement that she had made him. And he verified that old prouerb which saith ; For weldoing I receiue euill. And so he carried her on foot with his bondwomen to looke vnto her. In all the townes where the Gouernour passed, the Ladie com manded the Indians to come and carrie the burdens from one towne to another. We passed through her Countrie an bun-- dred leagues, in which, as we saw, she was much obeyed. For the Indians did all that she commanded them with great effica- cie and diligence. Peter the youth that was our guide, said, that she was not the Ladie her selfe, but a neece of hers, which came to that towne to execute certaine principal men by com mandement of the Ladie, which had withheld her tribute ; which words were not beleeued, because of the lies which they had found in him before : but they bare with all things, because of the need which they had of him, to declare what the In dians said. In seuen daies space the Gouernour came to a Prouince called Chalaque, the poorest Country of uen dai^s °" ^^'^ that was seene in Florida. The Indians fed iournie from vpon rootes and herbes which they seeke in the fields, next adioyning to Virginia. 47 fields, and vpon wild beasts, which they kil with chuiifa.Chi- their bowes and arrowes; and is a verie gentle **"'' people. All of them goe naked, and are very leane. There was a Lord, which for a great present, brought the Gouernour two Deeres skins : and there were in that Countrie many wild hennes. In one towne they made him a present of .^qq Hennes. 700. hennes, and so in other townes they sent him those which they had or could get. From this Prouince to another, which is called Xualla, he spent fiue daies ; here he found very little Maiz ; and for this cause, Xualla 5. da.es though the people were wearied, and the horses very weake, he staied no more but two daies. From Ocute to Cutifa-chiqui, may bee some hundred and thirtie leagues, whereof 80. are wildernesse. From Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla, two hundred and fiftie, and it is an hillie Countrie. The Go uernour departed from Xualla toward Guaxule : he passed very rough and hie hilles. In that iournie, hi°"hilles" the Ladie of Cutifa-chiqui (whom the Gouernour carried with him, as is afore said, with purpose to carrie her to Guaxule, because her territorie reached thither) going on a day with the bondwomen which lead her, went out of the way, and entred into a wood, saying, she went to ease her selfe, and so she deceiued them, and hid her selfe in the wood ; and though they sought her they could not find her. She carried away with her a little chest made of canes in manner of a coffer, which they call Petaca, full of vnbored perles. Some which could iudge of them, said, that they were of great value. An Indian woman that waited on her did carrie them. The Gouernour - not to discontent her altogether, left them with her, making ac count that in Guaxule he would ask them of her, when he gaue her leaue to returne : which coffer she carried away, and went to Xualla with three slaues which fled from the Campe, and one horseman which remained behind, who falling sicke of an ague went out of the way, and was lost. This man, whose name was Alimamos, dealt with the slaues to change their euill purpose, and returne with him to the Christians : which two of them did ; and Alimamos and they ouertooke the Gouernour 50. leagues from thence in a Prouince called Chiaha ; and re ported how the Ladie remained in Xualla with a slaue of An drew de Vas^oncellos, which would not come backe with them, and that of a certaintie they lined as man and wife together, and meant to goe both to Cutifa-chiqui. Within fiue daies the Gouernour came to Guaxule. The ^^j^g ^g-^ Indians there gaue him a present of 300. dogges, because they saw the Christians esteeme them, and sought them to 48 The Biscouerie of Florida, to feed on them : for among them they are not eaten. In Guaxule, and all that way, was very little Maiz. The Go uernour sent from thence an Indian with a message to the Ca cique of Chiaha, to desire him to gather some Maiz thither, that he might rest a few daies in Chiaha. The Gouernour de- Canasagua parted fi'om Guaxule, and in two daies iournie came ?I!,°.n'!!l'!,ff to a towne called Canasagua. There met him on iournie oil. o , , . . i i i Great store of the way 20. Indians euery one loaden with a basket Mulberrie fu] of Mulberries: for there be many, and those lilke.'" ""''' very good, from Cutifa-chiqui thither, and so for ward in other Prouinces, and also nuts and plummes. And the trees grow in the fields without planting or dressing them, and as big and as rancke, as though they grew in gardens digged. and watered. From tbe time that the Gouernour departed from Canasagua, hee iournied fiue daies through a desert; and two leagues before hee came to Chiaha, there met him 15. Indians loaden with Maiz, which the Cacique had sent ; and they told him on his behalfe, that he waited his comming with 20. barnes full of it; and farther, that himselfe, his Countrie, and subiects, lune 5. &; al things els were at his seruice. On the 5. day Chiaha fiue of lune, the Gouernour entred into Chiaha: The off^and'so."' Cacique voided his owne houses, in which he lodged, ' leag-ues from & receiued him with much ioy, saying these words Xualla. following : Mightie and excellent Lord, I hold my selfe for so happie a man, in that it hath pleased your Lordship to vse me, that nothing could haue happened vnto me of more contentment, nor that I would haue esteemed so much. From Guaxule your Lordship sent vnto me, that I should prepare Maiz for you in this towne for two moneths : Here I haue for you 20. barnes full of ihe choicest that in all the Countrie could be found. If your Lordship bee not entertained by me in such sort, as is fit for so hie a Prince, respect my tender age, which excuseth me from blame, and receiue my good wil, which with much loyal- tie,^ truth, and sinceritie, 1 will alwaies shew in any thing, which shall concerne your Lordships seruice. The Gouernor answered him, that he thanked him very much for his seruice and offer, and that he would alwaies account him The fat of ^^ ^}^ brother. There was in this towne much but- beares. ter in gourds melted like oile : they said it was the fat of beares. There was found also great store of Oile of -Wal. O'^^ of walnuts, w'hich was cleare as butter, and of nuts. a good tasie, and a pot full of honie of bees, which Honie of neither before nor afterward was seene in all the OG6S, a~t • rni V^ountrie. i he towne was an Island betweene two armes next adioyning to Virginia. 49 armes of a Riuer, and was sealed nioh oneof them.. Chiaha seated The Riuer diuideth it selfe into those two branches '" "" ''''"'^• two crossebow shot aboue the towne, and meeteth againe a league beneath the same. The plaine betweene both the branches is sometimes one crossebow shot, sometimes two crossebow shot ouer. The branches are very broad, and both of them may be waded ouer. There were along them verie good meadows, and manie fields sowne with Maiz. And because the Indians staled in their towne, the Gouernour only lodged in the houses of the Ca cique, and his people in the fields ; where there was euer a tree, £uerie one tooke one for himselfe. Thus the Camp lay sepa rated one from another, and out of order. The Gouernour winked at it, because the Indians were in peace, and because it was very hot, and the people should haue suffered great ex- tremitie, if it had not bin so. The horses came thither so weake, that for feeblenesse, they were not able to carrie their masters : because that from Cutifa-chiqui, they alwaies trauel led with verie little prouender, and were hunger- starued and tired euer since they came from the The desert of desert of Ocute. And because the most of them j^_" ^' " ^P" were not in case to vse in battell, though need should require, they sent them to feed in the night a quarter of a league from the Camp. The Christians were there in great danger, because that if at this time the Indians had set vpon them, they had been in euill case to haue defended themselues. The Gouernour rested there thirtie daies, in which . time, because the Countrie was very fruitfull, the ' "®""®^ • horses grew fat. At the time of his departure, by the importu- nitie of some, which would haue more then was reason, hee de manded of the Cacique 30. women to make slaues of. Hee answered that he would conferre with his chiefe men. And before hee returned an answere, one night all of them with their wiues and children forsooke the towne, and fled away. The next day the Gouernour purposing to goe to seeke them, the Cacique came vnto him, and at his comming vsed these words vnto the Gouernour: Mightie Lord, ivith shame and feare of your Lordship, because my subiects against my tvill haue done amisse in ab senting themselues, 1 ivent my way without your license ; and knowing the errour ivhich I haue committed, like a loyall sub iect, I come to yeeld my selfe into your power, to dispose of mee at your owne pleasure. For my subiects do not obey mee, nor doe any thing but what an Vncle of mine commandeth, which gouerneth this Countrie for me, vntill I be of a perfect age. If your Lordship will pursue them, and execute on them that, which Vol. IV.— No. 1, 4 50 The Biscouerie of Florida, which for their disobedience they deserue:, I will be your guide, since at this present my fortune will not suffer me to performe any more. Presently the Gouernour with 30. horsemen, and as many footemen, went to seeke the Indians, and passing by some Certaine ¦ townes of the principall Indians which had absent- townes. ed themselues, hee cut and destroyed great fields of Maiz; and went vp the Riuer, where the Indians were in an island, where the horsemen could not come at them. There he sent them word by an Indian to returne to their towne and feare nothing, and that they should giue him men to carrie bur dens, as al those behind had done ; for he would haue no In dian women, seeing they were so loth to part with them. The Indians accepted his request, and came to the Gouernour to ex cuse themselues; and so all of them returned to their towne. A Cacique of a Prouince called Coste, came to this towne to visit the Gouernour. After hee had offered himselfe, and pass ed with him some words of tendring his seruice and curtesie ; the Gouernour asking him whether he had notice of any rich '¦'Countrie? be said, yea: to wit, that toward the North, there " was a Prouince named Chisca : and that there was perand^goW ^ melting of copper, and of another metall of the in Chisca to- same colour, saue that it was finer, and of a farre North"'^ more perfect colour, and farre better to the sight ; and that they vsed it not so much, because it was Hatchets of softer. And the selfe same thing was told the i'n'''"'old"'''' ^°'-'e''"°"'' '" Cutifa-chiqui; where we saw some ing go • ijttie hatchets of copper, which were said to haue Chisca is di- ' a mixture of gold. But in that part the Countrie rectly North vvas not well peopled, and they said there were Irom Lutira- . . i • , , , , , Chiqui, which mountaines, which the horses could not passe ; and is within two for that cause, the Gouernour would not goe from daies of Santa Cutifa-chiqui directly thither: And hee made ac- Helena. . ^r r'^ ,,. , , __ count, that trauelling through a peopled Countrie, when his men and horses should bee in better plight, and hee were better certified of the truth of the thing, he would returne toward it, by mountaines, and a better inhabited Countrie, TwoChristi- whereby hee might haue better passage. He sent ans sent from two Christians from Chiaha with certaine Indians s?elt Ulsca. '"^''^'^ "l"*^^" f"^ C°""^'''e of Chisca, and the lan guage thereof to view it, and to make report of that which they should find; where he told them that he would tar rie for them. Chap. next adioyning to Virginia. .51 Chap. XVI. How the Gouernor departed from Chiaha, and at Coste was in danger to haue beene slaine by the hands of the Indians, and by a stratageme escaped the same : And what more happened vnto him in this iournie, and hou he came to Coga. I Hen the Gouernour was determined to depart from Chiaha to Coste, he sent for the Cacique to come before him, and with gentle words tooke his leaue of him, and gaue him certaine things, wherewith he rested much contented : In seuen daies hee came to Coste. The second of lulie he command- ^^^1^. g^uen ed his Campe to be pitched two crossebow shot dales from from the town : and with eight men of his guard Chiaha, chap. he went where he found the Cacique, which to his thinking receiued him with great loue. As hee was talking with him, there went from the Campe certaine footemen to the towne to seeke some Maiz, and not contented with it, they ran sacked and searched the houses, and tooke what they found. With this despite the Indians began to rise and to take their armes : and some of them with cudgils in their hands, ran vpon fiue or sixe Christians, which had done them wrong, and beat them at their pleasure. The Gouernour seeing them al in an vprore, and himselfe among them with so few Christians, to escape their hands vsed a stratagem, fa;:re against . . ,. "^ J. ... 1 . , r 1 A wise strata. his owne disposition, being, as hee was, very Irancke „,_ and open : and though it grieued him very much- that any Indian should be so bold, as with reason, or without reason to despise the Christians, he tooke vp a cudgel, and tooke their parts against his owne men ; which was a meanes to quiet them : And presently he sent word by a man very secretly to the Campe, that some armed men should come toward the place where he was ; and hee tooke the Cacique by the hand, vsing very mild words vnto him, and with some prin cipall Indians that did accompanie him, he drew them out of the towne into a plaine way, and vnto the sight of the Campe, whither by little and little with good discretion the Christians began to come and to gather about them. Thus the Gouernour led the Cacique, and his chiefe men vntill he entred with them into the Campe: and neere vnto his tent, hee commanded them to be put in safe- custodie : and told them, that they should not depait without giuing him a guide and Indians for burthens, and till certaine sicke Christians were come, which he had 52 The Biscouerie of Florida, had commanded to come downe the Riuer in canoes from Chiaha; and those also which he had sent to the Prouince ol Chisca : (for they were not returned ; and he feared that the Indians had slaine the one, and the other.) Within Those which jj^^.g^ ^.^-.^^^ gj-jgr, those which were sent to Chisca reekVchis'^a returned, and made report, that the Indians had returne. carried them through a Countrie so poore of Maiz, High moun- ^^^ g^ rough, and ouer so high mountaines, that it ^'"""' was impossible for the armie to trauell that way ; and that seeing the way grew very long, and that they lingred much, they consulted to returne from a little poore A little pooro ,o,^,ne, vvhere they saw nothing that was of any An oxe hide profit, and brought an oxe hide, which the Indians with haire like gaue them, as ihinne as a calues skinne, and the ^'Tg""""' a^' *^'*"'^ '''^^ ^ ^°^^ wooll, betweene the course and fine Histor!"Gene- wooU of sheepe. The Cacique gaue a guide, and rai. cap. 215. men for burdens, and departed with the Gouernours Ti'ii'l°'da '^^"^- "^''^ Gouernour departed from Cos^e the from Costef "'mth of kilie, and lodged at a towne called Tali: The Cacique came foorth to receiue him on the way, and made this speech : Excellent Lord and Prince, loorthie to be serued and obey ed of all the Princes in the world; howsoeuer for the most part by the outward physiognomic, the inward vertue may bee iudged, and that who you are, and of what strength, was knowne vnto mee bejore now : I will not inferre hereupon how meane I am in your presence, to hope that my poore seruices will bee gratefull and acceptable : since whereas strength faileth, the ivill doth not cease to be praised and accepted. And for this cause I presume to request your Lordship, that you ivill be pleased onely to respect the same, and consider wherein you will command my seruice in this your Countrie. The Gouernour answered him, that his good will and offer was as acceptable vnto him, as if he had offered him all the trea sures of the world, and that hee would alwaies intreate, fauour, and esteeme him as if he were his owne brother. The Cacique commanded prouision necessarie for two daies, while the Go uernour was there, to be brought thitlier : and at the time of his departure, he gaue him foure women and two men, which hee had need of to beare burthens. The Gouernour trauelled sixe daies through many townes subiect to the Cacique Many townes ^j- f. ^ ^^ j^^ ^^^^^^ . j^. Countrie many of Coga. . .. ' , . , r. , r-. • Indians came vnto him eiiery day from the Cacique, and met him on tbe way with messages, one going, and another comming. Hee came to Coca vpon Friday, the 26. of lulie. The next adioyning to Virginia. 53 The Cacique came foorth to receiue him two crosse bow shot from the towne in a chaire, which his ?,°,^^hR principall men carried on their shoulders, sitting vpon a cushion, and couered with a garment of JVlarterns, of the fashion and bignes of a womans '*^"'«''"=- huke ; hee had on his head a diadem of feathers, and round about him many Indians playing vpon flutes, and singing. Assoone as he came vnto the Gouernour, he did his obeysance, and vttered these words following : Excellent and mightie Lord, aboue all them of the earth ; although I come but 7iow to receiue you, yet I haue receiued you many daies agoe in my heart, to wit, from the day whei-ein I had first notice of your Lordship ; with so great desire to serue you, with so great pleasure and contentment, that this which I make shew of is nothing in regard, of that which is in my heart, neither can it haue any kind of comparison. This you may hold for certaine, that to obtaine the dominion of the whole world, would not haue reioyced me so much, as your sight, neither would I haue held itforsogreatafelicitie. Doe not looke for me to offer you that which is your owne : to wit, my ¦person, my lands and subiects : onely I ivill busie myselje in com manding my men with all diligence and due reuerence to welcome you from hence to the towne with playing and singing, where your Lordship shall be lodged and attended vpon by myselfe and them : and all that Ipossesse, your Lordship shall vse as it were your owne. For your Lordship shall doe me a verie great fauour in so doing. The Gouernour gaue him thankes, and. with great ioy they both went conferring together, till they came to 1 I 1 J J I ¦ I r . -J The towne. the towne: and he commanded his Indians to void their houses, wherein the Gouernour and his men were lodged. There was in the barnes, and in the fields, great store of Maiz and French Beanes : The Country was greatly in- . . . ¦ . I J Many great habited with many great townes, and many sowne to^ngg, fields, which reached from the one to the other. It was pleasant, fat, full of good meadows vpon Riuers. There were in the fields, many Plum trees, aswell of such o. . /¦ 1 /-I . • J -ij Manyplum- as grow in Spaine, as of the Countrie: and wild ireesofdi- tall vines, that runne vp the trees ; and besides nuis sorts. these, there were other low vines with big and Two sorts of • , r <• 1- • J J grapes. sweet grapes; but for want of digging and dress ing, they had great kirnels in thein. The Gouernour vsed to set a guard ouer the Caciques, because they should not abserit themselues, and carried them with him, till became out of their Countries: because that carrying them along with him, he looked 54 The Biscouerie of Floriila, looked to find people in the townes, and they gaue him guides, and men to carrie burdens : and before hee went out of their Countries, he gaue them licence to returne to their houses, and to their porters likewise, assoone as he came to any other Lord ship, where they gaue him others. The men of Coga seeing their Lord detained, tooke it in euil part, and reuolted, and hid themselues in the woods, aswell those of the towne of the Ca cique, as those of the other townes of his principall subiects. The Gouernor sent out foure Captaines, euery one his way to seeke them. They tooke many men and women, which were put into chaines : They seeing the hurt which they receiued, and how little they gained in absenting themselues, came againe, promising to do whatsoeuer they were commanded. Of those which were taken prisoners, some principall men were set at libertie, whom the Cacique demanded : and euery one that had any, carried the rest in chaines like slaues, without letting them goe to their Countrie:, neither did any returne, but some few, whose fortune helped them with the good diligence which they vsed to file off their chaines by night, or such as in their trauelling could slippe aside out of the way, seeing any negli gence in them that kept them : some escaped away with the chaines, and with the burdens, and clothes which they carried. Chap. XVII. How the Gouernour went from Co^a to Tascaluca. , He Gouernour rested in Coga 25. daies. He departed from thence the 20. of 20. of August, (g^ ^|[ August to seeke a Prouince called Tascaluca : hee carried with him the Cacique of Coga. He passed that Tallimuchase, day by a great towne called Tallimuchase, the a great towne. p^^pj^ ^^^^ j^^j . [^^ j^^^^^ j^^jj.^ ^ j^^^^^ ^^^^^^^ neere a brooke. The next day he came to a towne called Ytaua, subiect to Coga. Hee staied there A great Riuer. sixe dales because of a Riuer that passed by it, which at that time was very hie ; and assoone as the Riuer suffered him to passe, he set forward, and lodged at a towne ini u u 1- named Vllibahali. There came to him on the Vllibahali. ., r-i ¦ , , ,r ... r. way, ou the Caciques behalfe of that Prouince, ten or twelue principall Indians to offer him his seruice ; all of them had their plumes of feathers, and bowes and arrowes. The Gouernour comming to the towne with twelue horsemen, and next ailioyning to Virginia. 55 and some footemen of his guard, leauing his peeple a crossebow shot from the towne, entred into it, hee found all the Indians with their v/eapons : and as farre as he could ghesse, they see med to haue some euill meaning. It was knowne after ward, that they were determined to take the Cacique of Coga from the Gouernour, if hee had requested it. The Gouernour commanded all his people to en- called about ter the towne, which was walled about, and neere vnto it passed a small Riuer. The wall, aswell of that, as of others, which afterward wee saw, was of thefr wal'le" " great posts thrust deepe into the ground and very rough, and many long railes as big as ones arme laid acrosse be tween them, and the wall was about the height of a lance, and it was daubed within and without with clay, and had loope holes. On the otherside of the Riuer was a towne, where at that present the Cacique was. The Go- "^ne. uernour sent to call him, and hee came presently. After he had passed with the Gouernour some words of offering his ser uices, he gaue him such men for his cariages as he needed, and thirtie women for felaues. In that place was a Christian lost, called Mangano, borne in Salamanca, of noble parentage, which went astray to seeke for grapes, whereof I • ^ . J .1 J TIU Great store of there is great store, and those very good. Ihe good grapes. day that the Gouernour departed from thence, he lodged at a towne subiect to the Lord "of Vlliba- Atowue. hali: and the next day hee came to another towne called Toasi. The Indians gaue the Gouernour -p^^^j thirtie women, and such men for his cariages as he needed. Hee trauelled ordinarily 5. or 6. leagues He trauelled a day when he trauelled through peopled Coun- or^J^^tagues tries: and going through deserts, he marched as a day. fast as he could, to eschew the want of Maiz. From Toasi, passing through some townes subiect to a Cacique, which was Lord of a prouince called Tallise, hee trauelled fiue daies : He came to Tallise the 18. of September : The ^ „. J . . J . • Tallise, a great towne was great, and situated neere vnto a maine jowne. Riuer. On the other side of the Riuer were other September 18. townes, and many fields sowne with Maiz. On A maine Ri- both sides it was a very plentifull Countrie, and had "'"^" store of Maiz : they had voided the towne. The Gouernour commanded to call the Cacique ; who came, and betweene them pas.sed some words of loue and offer of his seruices, and hee presented vnto him 40. Indians. There came to the Go uernour in this towne a principall Indian in the behalfe of the Cacique of Tascaluca, and made this speech following : Mightie, 56 T'he Biscouerie of Florida, * Mightie, vertuous, and esteemed Lord, the great Cacique oj Tascaluca my Lord, sendeth by me to kisse your Lordships hands, and to let you vndcrstand, that he hath notice, how you iustly' rauish with your perfections and power, all men on the earth ; and that euerie one by whom your Lordship passeth doth serue mid obey you ; which he acknowledgelh to be due vnto you, and desireth, as his life, to see, and to serue your Lordship. For wliich cause by me he offereth himselfe, his lands and sub iects, that when your* Lordship pleaseth to go through his Coun trie, you may be receiued with all peace and loue, serued and obeyed; and that in recompense of the desire he hath to see you, you will doe him the fauor to let him know when you will come : for how much the sooner, so much the greater jauour he shall receiue. The Gouernour receiued and dispatched him graciously, giuing him beades, which among them were not much esteem ed, and some other things to carrie to his Lord. And he gaue licence to the Cacique of Coga to returne home to his owne Countries. The Cacique of Tallise gaue him such men for burthens as he needed. And after he had rested there 20. daies, hee departed thence toward Tascaluca. That day when hee went from Tallise, hee lodged at a great towne Casiste a great called Casiste. And the next day passed by ^""°: another, and came to a small towne of Tascaluca; Tascaluca. , , , , , . j . and the next day hee camped in a wood two leagues from the towne where the Cacique resided, and was at that lime. And he sent the Master of the Camp, Luys de Moscoso, with 15. horsemen, to let him know hee was com ming. The Cacique was in his lodgings vnder a Canopie : and without doores, right against his lodgings, in an high place, they spread a mat for him, &; two cushions one vpon another, where he sat him downe, and his Indians placed themselues round about him, somewhat distant from him, so that they made a place, and a void roome where he sate : and his chiefest men were neerest to him, and one with a shadow of Deeres skinne, which keept the Sunne from him, being round, and of the big nes of a target, quartered with black and white, hauing a run- dell in the middest: a farre off it seeme I to be of taS'ata, be cause y^ colours were very perfect. It was set on a small staffe stretched wide out. This was the deuice which hee carried in his warres. Hee was a man of a very tall stature, of great limmes, and spare, and well proportioned, and was much feared of his neighbours and subiects. He was Lord of many territo ries and much people : In his countenance hee was very graue. After th? Master of the Campe had spoken with him, he and those next adioyning to Virginia. 61 • those that went with him coursed their horses, pransing them to and fro, and now and then toward the place where the Cacique was, who with much grauitie and dissimulation now and then lifted vp his eies, and beheld them as it were with disdaine. At the Gouernours comming, hee made no offer at all to rise. The Gouernour tooke him by the hand, and both of them sat downe together on a seate which was vnder the cloth of estate. The Cacique said these words vnto him; Mighty Lord, I bid your Lordship right hartily ivelcome. I receiue as much pleasure and contentment with your sight, as ij you were my brother whom I dearely loued: vpon this point it is not needfull to vse many reasons ; since it is no discretion to speake that in many wordes, ivhich in few may be vttered. Hotv much the greater the will is, so much more giueth it name to the workes, and the workes giue testimonie of the truth. Now touching my will, by it you shall know, how certain &f manifest it is, and how pure inclination 1 haue to serue you. Concerning the fauour which you did me, in the things ivhich you sent me, I make as much account of them as is reason to esteeme them: and chiefiy because they were yours. Now see what seruice you will command me. The Gouernor satisfied him with sweet words, and with great breuitie. When hee departed from thence he determined to carrie him along with him for some causes, and at two daies iournie hee came to a towne called Piache, by which there passed a great Riuer. The Gouernour de- A'creat Riuer. manded canoes of the Indians: they said, they had them not, but that they would make rafts of canes and drie timber, on which he might passe well enough : And they made them with all diligence and speed, and they gouerned ihem ; and because the water went very slow, the Gouernour and his people passed very well. From the Port de Spinto Santo to Apalache, which is about an hundred leagues, the Gouernour went from East to West : And from Apalache to Cutifa-chiqui, which are 430. leagues, from the Southwest to the Northeast : and from Cutifa-chiqui to Xualla, which are about two hundred and fifty leagues, from the South to the North ; And from Xualla to Tascaluca, which are two hundred and fiftie leagues more, an hundred and nine- tie of them he trauelled from East to West, to wit, to the Pro uince of Coga : and the other 60. from Coga to Tascaluca irom the North to the South. Hauing passed the Riuer of Piache, a Christian went from his companie from thence to seeke a woman slaue that was runne away from him, and the Indians either tooke him captiue, pr 58 The Biscouerie of Florida, or slue him. The Gouernor vrged the Cacique that he should giue account of him, and threatned him, that if he were not found, he would neuer let him loose. The Cacique sent an In dian from thence to Manilla, whither they were trauelling, which was a towne of a principall Indian and his subiect, say ing, that he sent him to aduise them to make readie victuals, and men for carriages. But, (as afterward appeared) hee sent him to assemble all the men of warre thither, that hee had in his Countrie. The Gouernour trauelled three daies ; and the third day he passed all day through a peopled Manilla. Countrie : and he came to Manilla vpon Monday her ° °' ^^^ ^^- °^ October. He went before the Camp with 15. horsemen and 30. footemen. And from the towne came a Christian, whom he had sent to the princi pall man, three or foure daies before, because he should not absent himselfe, and also to learne in what sort the Indians were : who told him that hee thought they were in an euill purpose : for while hee was there, there came manie people „„ .,, into the towne, and many weapons, and that they Mifuilla ¦ . u . . /• 1-c il II r r walled. made great haste to fortifie the wall. Luys de Moscoso told the Gouernour, that it would bee good to lodge in the field, seeing the Indians were of such dis position : and hee answered, that he would lodge in the towne, for hee was wearie of lodging in the field. When hee came neere vnto the towne, the Cacique came foorth to receiue him with many Indians playing vpon flutes and singing : And after hee had offered himselfe, hee presented him with three mantles 3 Mantles of °^ "i^rtems. The Gouernour, with both the Ca- Marternr.' ciques, and seuen or eight men of his guard, and three or foure horsemen, which alighted to accom panie him, entred into the towne, and sat him downe vnder a cloth of estate. The Caciijue of Tascaluca requested him, that hee would let him remaine in ttat towne, and trouble him no more with trauelling : And seeing he would not giue him leaue, in his talke he changed his purpose, and dissemblinglie fained that he would speake with some principall Indians, and rose vp from the place where hee sate with the Gouernour, and entred into a house, where many Indians were with their bowes and arrowes. The Gouernour when he saw he returned not, called him, and he answered, that he would not come out from' thence, neither would he goe any farther then that towne, and that if he would goe his way in peace, hee should presently depart, and should not seeke to carrie him perforce out of his Countrie and territorie. Chap. next ailioyning to Virginia. 59 * Chap. XVIll. Hoiu the Indians rose against the Gouernour, and what en sued thereupon. He Gouernour seeing the determination, and furious answere of the Cacique, went about to pacifie him with faire words; to which he gaue no answere, but rather with much pride and disdaine, with drew himselfe where the Gouernour mi^ht not see him, nor speake with him. As a principall Indian passed that way, the Gouernor called him, to send him word, that hee might remaine at his pleasure in his Countrie, and that it would please him to giue him a guide, and men for carriages, to see if hee could pacifie him with mild words. The Indians anwered with great pride, that hee would not hearken vnto him. Baltasar de Gallegos, which stood by, tooke hold of a gowne of marterns which hee had on; and hee cast it ma^rterns"^ ouer his head, and left it in his hands : and because all of them immediately began to stirre, Baltasar de Gallegos gaue him such a wound with his coutilas, that hee opened him downe the backe, and presently all the Indians with a great crie came out of the houses shooting their arrowes. The Gouernour considering, that if hee tarried there, hee could not escape, and if bee commanded his men to come in, which were without the towne, the Indians within the houses might kill their horses, and doe much hurt, ranne out of the towne, and before hee came out, hee fell twice or thrice, and those that were with him did helpe him vp againe; and he and those that were with him were sore wounded ; and in a moment there were fiue Chris tians slaine in the towne. The Gouernour came running out of the towne, crying out, that euery man should stand farther off, because from the wall they did them much hurt. The Indians seeing that the Christians retired, and some of them, or the most part, more then an ordinary pase, shot with great boldnesse at them, and strooke downe such as they could ouertake. The Indians which the Christians did lead with them in chaines, had laid downe their burthens neere vnto the wall ; and assoone as the Gouernour and his men were retired, the men of Manilla laid them on the Indians backs againe, and tooke them into the towne, and loosed them presently from their chaines, ^j ^i^g clothes and gaue them bowes and arrowes to fight withall. and perios of Thus they possessed themselues of al the clothes 'h« Christians , '^ I ,, • , y-.i . • II u- u were lost. and perles, and all that the Christians had, which their slaues carried. And because the Indians had been alwaies peaceable 60 The Biscouerie of Florida, peaceable vntill wee came to this place, some of our men had their weapons in their fardels and remained vnarmed. And from others that had entred the towne with the Gouernour they had taken swords and halebards, and fought with them. When the Gouernour was gotten into the field, hee called for an horse, and with some that accompanied him, hee returned and slew two or three Indians: All the rest retired themselues to the towne, and shot with their bowes from the wall. And those which presumed of their nimblenes, sallied foorth to fight a stones cast from the wall: And when the Christians charged them, they retired themselues at their leasure into the towne. At the lime that the broile began, there were in the towne a Frier, and a Priest, and a seruant of the Gouernour, with a woman slaue : and they had no time to come out of the towne ; and they tooke an house, and so remained in the towne. The Indians being become Masters of the place, they shut the doore with a field gate : and among them was one sword which the Gouernours seruant had, and with it he set himselfe behind the doore, thrusting at the Indians which sought to come into them ; and the Frier and the Priest stood on the other side, each of them with a barre in their hands to beate him downe that first came in. The Indians seeing they could not get in by the doore, began to vncouer the house top. By this time, all the horsemen and footemen which were behind, were come to Ma nilla. Here there were sundrie opinions, whether they should charge the Indians to enter the towne, or whether they should leaue it, because it was hard to enter; and in the end it was re solued to set vpon them. Chap. XIX. How the Gouernour set his men in order, and entred the towne oj Mauilla. ^Ssoone as the battell and the rereward were come to Mauilla, the Gouernour commanded all those that v;ere best armed to alight, and made foure squadrons of footmen. The Indians, seeing how he was setting his men in order, concluded with . the Cacique, that hee should goe his way, savin" A eonsultali- . u- r. •. i . _ J ) J • o on of Ihe In- '^"'" "™' ^' ^''^'' " ^^^^ knowne by certaine women dians to send that were taken there, that he was but one man, and clef T^" ^°^^^ ^°'^' ^^^ ^°^ °"^ "^^"' ^"^ '''^' ^^^y '^^"^ '''^""^ acique. among them many principall Indians verie valiant and expert in feates of armes, that any one of them was able to order next adioyning to Virginia. 61 order the people there ; and forasmuch as matters of warre were subiect to casualtie, and it was vncertaine which part should ouer come, they wished him to saue himselfe, to the end, that if it fel out that they should end their daies there, as they determined, rather then to be ouercome, there might remaine one to gouerne the Countrie. For all this hee would not haue gon away : but they vrged him so much, that with fifteene or twentie Indians of his owne, hee went out of the towne, and carried away a skarlat cloke, and other things of the Christians goods ; as much as hee was able to carrie, and seemed best vnto him. The Gouernour was informed how there went men out of the towne, and hee commanded the horsemen to beset it, and sent in euery squadron of footemen one souldier with a firebrand to set fire on the houses, that the Indians might haue no defense ; all his men being set in order, hee commanded an harcubuz to bee shot off. The signe being giuen, the foure squadrons, euery one by it selfe with great furie, gaue the onset, and with great hurt on both sides they entred the towne. The Frier and the Priest, and those that were with them in the house were saued, which cost the liues of two men of account, and valiant, which came thither to succour them. The Indians fought with such courage, that many times they draue our men out of the towne. The fight lasted so long, that for wearinesse and great thirst many of the Christians went to a poole that was neere the.wal, to drink, which was all stained with the blood of the dead, and then came againe to fight. The Gouernour seeing this, entred among the footemen into the towne on horseback, with certaine that accompanied them, and was a meane that the Christians came to set fire on the houses, and brake and ouercame the In dians, who running out of the towne from the footemen, the horsemen without draue in at the gates again, where being with out all hope of life, they fought valiantly, & after the Chris tians came among the to handy blowes, seeing themselues in great distresse without any succour, many of them fled into the burning houses, where one vpon another they were smothered and burnt in the fire. The whole num- 250V Indians. ber of the Indians that died in this towne, were two thousand and fiue hundred, little more or lesse. Of the Christians there died eighteene ; of which one was Don Carlos, brother in law to'the Gouernour, and a nephew of his, and one lohn de Gamez, and Men Rodriguez Portugals, and lohn Vaz quez de Villanoua de Barca Rota, all men of honour, and of much valour: the rest were footemen. Besides those that were slaine, there were an hundred and fiftie wounded with 700. wounds of their arrowes ; and it pleased God that of very dan gerous 62 The Biscouerie of Florida, gerous wounds they were quickly healed. Moreouer, there vvere ivvelue horses slaine, and seuentie hurt. All the clothes which the Christians carried with them to clothe themselues withall, and the ornaments to say Masse, and the perles, were all burnt there ; and the Christians did set them on fire themselues; because they held for a greater inconuenience, the hurt which the Indians might doe them from those houses, where they had gathered all those goods together, then the losse of them. Here the Go- The Port of uernour vnderstood, that Francisco Maldonado Ochuse sixe waited for him at the Port of Ochuse, and that it dales iournie yvas sixe daies ioumle from thence ; and he dealt rom am a. ^jjjj /o/^Ti Ortiz to keepe it secret, because he had not accomplished that which he determined to doe ; and because the perles were burnt there, which he meant to haue sent to Cuba for a shew, that the people hearing the newes, might be desirous to come to that Countrie. He feared also, that if they should haue newes of him without seeing from Florida neither gold nor siluer, nor any thing of value, it would get such a name, that no man would seeke to goe thither, when he should haue neede of people. And so he determined to send no newes of himselfe, vntill hee had found some rich Countrie. Chap. XX. How the Gouernour departed from Mauilla toward Chica^a, and what happened vnto him. jRom the time that the Gouernour entred into Flo rida, vntill his departure from Mauilla, there died an hundred and two Christians, some of sicknesse, and others which the Indians slew. He staied in Mauilla, because of the wounded men, eight and twentie dales; all which time he lay in the field. It was a well Great and inhabited and a fat Countrie, there were some great walled townes. *^ walled townes : and many houses scattered all about the fields, to wit, a crossebow shot or two, 18 of Nouem- ^^ °"^ ^^^"^ ^^^ °*'^^''- ^Po" Sonday, the eigh- ber. teenth of Nouember, when the hurt men were knowne to bee healed, the Gouernour departed from Mauilla. Euery one furnished himselfe with Maiz for two daies, and they trauelled fiue daies through a desert • they came Taliepataua. '° ^ j'j^"'."''^ '^^"^'^ Pafallaya, vnto a towne, named laliepataua: and from thence they went Cabusto. to another, called Cabusto : neere vnto it ran a great next adioyning to Virginia. 63 a great Riuer. The Indians on the other side . „„,, r;.,„, • ¦ I • 1 . 1 ..-.1 . . ..... ... A great Kiuer. cried out, threatning the Christians to kill them, if they sought to passe it. Tbe Gouernour commanded his men to make a barge within the towne, because the Indians should not perceiue it : it was finished in foure daies, and being ended, he commanded it to be carried one night vpon sleds halfe a league vp the Riuer. In the morning there entred into it thir tie men well armed. The Indians perceiued what was attempt ed, and those which were neerest, came to defend the passage. They resisted what they could, till the Christians came neere them ; and seeing that the barge came to the shore, they fled away into the groues of canes. The Canauarales. Christians mounted on horsebacke, and went vp the Riuer to make good the passage, whereby the Gouernour and his com panie passed the Riuer. There were along the Riuer some townes well stored with Maiz and ^"""^ '°"'"^'- French Beanes. From thence to Chicaga the Gouernour tra uelled fiue daies through a desert. Hee came to a Riuer, where on the otherside were Indians to de- ""^'^¦ fend the passage. He made another barge in two daies ; and when it was finished, the Gouernour sent an Indian lo request the Cacique to accept of his friendship, and peaceably to ex pect his comming ; whom the Indians that were on the other side the Riuer slew before his face, and presently making a great shout went their way. Hauing passed the Riuer, the next day, being the 17. of December, the December 17. Gouernour came to Chicaga, a small towne of twentie houses. And after they were corne to Chicaga, they were Q^^¦^^g^ a much troubled with cold, because it was now win ter and it snowed, while most of them were lodged Snow and in the field, before they had time to make them- "'"'^cold. selues houses. This Countrie was very well peopled, and the houses scattered like those of Mauilla, fat and plentifull of Maiz, and the most part of it was fielding : they gathered as much as sufficed to passe the winter. Some Indians were taken, among which was one whom the Cacique esteemed greatly. The Gouernour sent an Indian to signifie to the Cacique, that he desired to see him and to haue his friendship. The Cacique came vnto him, to offer him his person, Countrie and subiects, and told him, that he would cause two other Caciques to come to him in peace ; who within few daies after came with him, and with their Indians : The one was called Alimamu, the other Nicalasa. They gaue a present vnto the Governour of an hundred and fiftie conies, and of the Countrie gar- . ments, to wit, of mantles and skinnes. The Ca- '^*- cique 64 The Biscouerie of Florida, cique of Chiaha came to visit him many times ; and sometimes the Gouernour sent to call him, and sent him an horse to goe and come. He complained vnto him, that a subiect of his was risen against him and depriued him of his tribute, requestiiig his aide against him, for hee meant to seeke him in his An Indian Countrie, and to punish him according to his de- sua ageme. ^^^^^ Which was nothing els but a fained plot. For they determined, assoone as the Gouernour was was gone with him, and the Campe was diuided into two parts, the one part of them to set vpon the Gouernour, and the other vpon them that remained in Chicaga. Hee went to the town where he vsed to keepe his residence, and brought with him two hundred Indians with their bowes and arrowes. The Gouernour tooke thirtie horsemen, and eightie footemen, and they Saquechuma. ,^^^^j ^^ Saquechuma (for so was the Prouince cal led of that chiefe man, which he said had rebel- A walled ]gj N rpjj j-^^jjjj ^ ^gjlgj towne, without any towne. / .' .11/-.. men ; and those which went with the Cacique set fire on the houses, to dissemble their treason. But by reason of the great care and heedfulnesse, that was as well in the Go uernours people which hee carried with him, as of those which remained in Chicaga, they durst not assault them at that time. The Gouernour inuited the Cacique, and certaine principall Indians, and gaue them hogges flesh to eate. And though they did not commonly vse it, yet they were so greedie of it, that euery night there came Indians to certaine houses a crossebow shot from the Camp, where the hogges lay, and killed, and car ried away as many as they could. And three Indians were taken in the manner. Two of them the Gouernor commanded to be shot to death with arrowes ; &. and to cut off the hands of the other, & he sent him so handled to the Cacique. Who made as though it grieued him yt they had offended the Go uernor, and that he was glad that he had executed that punish ment on them. He lay in a plaine Countrie halfe a league from the place, where the Christians lodged. Foure horsemen went a stragling thither, to wit, Francisco Osorio, and a seruant of the Marques of ^s^o)-ga, called i?ey?ioso, and two seruants of the Gouernour, the one his page called Ribera, and the other Fuentes.hh Chamberlaine : and these had taken from the In dians some skinnes, and some mantles, wherewith they were offended, and forsooke their houses. The Gouernour knew of it, and commanded them to bee apprehended ; and condemned to death Francisco Osorio, and the Chamberlaine as principals, and al of them to losse of goods. The Friers and Priests and other principall persons were earnest with him to pardon Fran cisco next adioyning to Virginia. 65 cisco Osorio his life, &, to moderate his sentence, which hee would not grant for any of them. While he was readie to com mand them to be drawne to the market place to cut off their heads, there came certaine Indians from the Cacique to com- plaine of them. lohn Ortiz, at the request of Baltasar de Gallegos and other persons, changed their words, and told the Gouernour, that the Cacique said, he had notice how his Lord ship held those Christians in prison for his sake, and that they were in no fault, neither had they done him any wrong, and that if he would do him any fauour, he should set them free. And he told the Indians ; That the Gouernour said, he had them in pri,=!on, and that he would punish them in such sort, that they should bee an example to others. Hereupon the Gouernour commanded the prisoners to be loosed. Assoone as March was come, hee determined to depart from Chicaga, and demanded of the Cacique two hundred men for cariages. He sent him answere, that hee would speake with his principall men. Vpon Twesday the eight, of March, the Gouernour went to the towne where he was, to aske him for the "° ' men ; Hee told him, he would send them the next day. Assoone as the Gouernour was come to Chicaga, he told Luys de Mos coso the Camp-master, that hee misliked the Indians, and that he should keepe a strong watch that night, which hee remern- bred but a little. The Indians came at the second watch in foure squadrons, euery one by it selfe, and assoone as they were descried, they sounded a drum, and gaue the assault with a great cry, and with so great celeritie, that presently they entred with the scoutes, that were somewhat distant from the Campe. And when they were perceiued of them which were in the towne, halfe the houses were on fire, which Chicafaset they had kindled. That night three horsemen j;j „. I • 1 u j . , another neere a Riuer, whither ne caused canoes Another ,,,(.,¦ j -.l i ¦ towne. to be brought lor him to passe ouer, and with bis leaue returned. The Gouernour tooke his iournie Quigante. toward Quigaute. The fourth day of August, he The fourth of ^^^^ jq (he towne, where the Cacique vsed to August. , , . . , . ' , , ' ... keep his residencie : on the way he sent him a present of many mantles and skinnes, and not daring to stay for him in the towne, he absented himselfe. The The greatest towne was the greatest that was seene in Florida. towne seene in rpj^ Gouemour and his people lodged in the one Florida. ¦., ¦ f - J ¦ • .r I halfe of It: and within lew daies, seeing the ln-_ dians became liars, he commanded the other halfe lo be burned, because it should not bee a shelter for them, if they came to assault him by night, nor an hindrance to his horsemen for tbe resisting of them. There came an Indian very well accom panied with many Indians, saying, that hee was the Cacique. He deliuered him ouer to the men of his guard lo look vnto him. There went and came many Indians, and brought man tles and skinnes. The counterfeit Cacique, seeing so little op portunitie lo execute his euill thought, as hee went one day abroad talking with the Gouernour, he shewed him such a paire of heeles, that there was no Christian that could ouertake him, and he leaped into the Riuer, which was a crossebow shot from the towne: and assoone as hee was on the other side, many In dians that were there about making a great crie began to shoote. The Gouernour passed presently ouer to them with horsemen and footemen, but they durst not tarrie for him. Going forward on his way, hee came to a towne vphere the peo- owne. pjg ^gj,g ggj^ ^^j ^ jj^jjg further to a lake, where the horses could not passe, and on the otherside were many women. The footemen passed, and tooke many of them, and much spoile. The Gouernour came to the Camp ; And that night was a spie of the Indians taken by them of the watch. The Gouernour asked him, whether he would bring him where the Cacique was ? he said, he would. And he went presently . to seeke him with twentie horsemen, and fiftie footemen: and after he had sought him a day, and an halfe, hee found him in a strong wood: And a souldiour not knowing him, gaue him a wound on the head ; and he cried out, that he should not kill him, saying, that he was the Cacique; so he was taken, &; an hundred and fortie of his men with him. The Gouernour came againe to Quigaute, and willed him to cause his men to come next adioyning to Virginia. 81 come to serue the Christians : and staying some daies for their comming, and seeing they came not, he sent two Captaines, euery one his way on both sides of the Riuer with horsemen and footemen. They tooke many men and women. Now seeing the hurt which they sustained for their rebellion, they came to see what the Gouernour would command them, and passed to and fro many times, and brought presents of cloth and fish. The Cacique and his two wiues °' ' were in the lodging of the Gouernour loose, and the halbardiers of his guard did keepe them. The Gouernour asked them which way the Countrie was most inhabited ? They said, that toward the South downe the Riuer, were great townes and Ca ciques, which commanded great Countries, and much people : And that toward the Northwest, there was a Pro- coligoa neere uince neere to certaine mountaines, that was called to certaine Coligoa. The Gouernour and all the rest thought mountaines good to goe first to Coligoa: saying, that perad- °" "'^^'' uenture the mountains would make some difference of soile, and that beyond them there might be some gold or siluer; As for Quigaute, Casqui, and Pacaha, they were plaine Countries, fat grounds, and full of good medowes on the Riuers, where the Indians sowed large fields of Maiz. From Tascaluca to Rio grande, or the great Riuer, is about 300. leagues : it is a very low Countrie, and hath many lakes. From Pacaha to Quigaute may be an hundred leagues. The Gouernour left the Cacique of Quigaute in his owne towne : And an Indian, which was his guide, led him through great woods without any way seuen daies iournie through a desert, where, at euery lod ging, they lodged in lakes and pooles in verie shold water : there was such store of "fish, that they killed them with cudgils; and the Indians which they carried in to take ^sh. chaines, with the mud troubled the waters, and the fish being therewith, as it were, astonied, came to the top of the water, and they tooke as much as they listed. The Indians of Coligoa had no knowledge of the Chris- ° '^°^' tians, &; when they came so neere the towne, that the Indians saw them, they fled vp a Riuer, which ^ Riuer. passed neere the towne, and some leaped into it ; hut the Christians went on both sides of the Riuer, and tooke them. There were many men and women taken, and the Ca cique with them. And by his commandement within three da;ies came many Indians with a present of man- ties and Deeres skinnes, and two oxe hides: And hj^g"'^* they reported, that 5. or 6. leagues from thence toward Vol IV.— No. 1. 6 82 The Biscouerie of Florida, Store of oxen toward the North, there were many of these oxen, toward the ^^^^j jj^^^j because the Countrie was cold, it was *'""'¦ euill inhabited : That the best Countrie which they knew, the most plentifull, and most inhabited, was a Prouince m Qui called Cayas, lying toward the south. From guat^ to Co- Quiguate to Coligoa may be 40. leagues. This llgoaare40. towne of Coligoa stood at the foote of an hill, on leagues. ^j^g ^^^^^ pf j^ pneane Riuer, of the bignesse of Cayas, the Riuer that passeth by Estremadura. It was a fat soile and so plentifull of Maiz, that they cast out the old, to bring in the new. There was also great plentie of French beanes and pompions. The French beanes were greater, and better then those of Spaine, and likewise the pompions, and being rosted, they haue almost the taste of chestnuts. The Cacique of Coligoa gaue a guide to Cayas, and staled behind in his owne towne. Wee trauelled fiue daies, and If'^Pa^lisTma!" ^^^^ '° '^^ Prouince of Palisema. The house of the cacique was found couered with Deeres skinnes of diuers colours and works drawne in them, and with the same in manner of carpels was the ground of the house couered. The Cacique left it so, that the Gouernour might lodge in it, in token that he sought peace and his friendship. But hee durst not tarrie his comming. The Gouernour, seeing he had absent ed himselfe, sent a Captaine with horsemen and footemen to seeke him ; Hee found much people, but by reason of the roughnesse of the Countrie, he tooke none saue a few women and children. The towne was little and scattering, and had very little Maiz. For which cause the Gouernour speedilie de- parted from thence. Hee came to another towne Tatahcoya. ^,g„gj Tatalicoya, hee carried with him the Ca cique thereof, which guided hira to Cayas. From Tatalicoya are foure daies iournie to Cayas. When hee came ^^'^^' to Cayas, and saw the towne scattered ; hee thought they had told him a lie, and that it was not the Prouince of Cayas, because they had informed him that it was well inhabi ted : He threatned tbe Cacique, charging him to tell him where hee was: and he and other Indians which were taken neere about that place, affirmed that this was tho towne of Cayas, and the best that was in that Countrie, and that though the houses were distant the one from the other, yet the ground that was inhabited was great, and that there was great store of people, Tanico r"'^ "^^"^ ^^''^^ °*" ^^'^' '^^'^^ t°^°S "'^S '^^"^'^ Tanico : he pitched his Campe in the best part of it neere vnto a Riuer. The same day that the Gouernour came thither, next adioyning to Virginia. 83 thither, he went a league farther with certaine horsemen, and without finding any people, hee found many skinnes in a path way, which the Cacique had left there, that they might bee found, in token of peace. For so is the custome in that'Coun- trie. Chap. XXVI. How the Gouernour discouered the Prouince of Tulla, and what happened vnto him. ?He Gouernour rested a moneth in the Prouince of Cayas. In which lime the horses fattened and thriued more, then in other places in a longer time, with the great plentie of Maiz and the leaues thereof, which I thinke was the best that hath been seene, and they dranke of a lake of very hoi water, and somewhat brackish, and they dranke ^ \^^^ °^ ^°\ , , . II I ¦ I • 1 11. / . i°u somewhat so much, that it swelled in their bellies when they brackish brought them from the watering. Vntill that time water. the Christians wanted salt, and there they made ^'^^ °f salt good store, which they carried along with them, caya^s''' The Indians doe carrie it lo other places to ex- " change it for skinnes and mantles. They make it along the " Riuer, which when it ebbeth, leauelh it vpon the vpper part " of the sand. And because they cannot make it, without " mnch sand mingled with it, they throw it into certaine baskets " which they haue for that purpose, broad at the mouth, and " narrow at the bottom, and set it in the aire vpon a barre, and " throw water into it, and set a small vessell vnder it, wherein " it faileth ; Being strained and set to boile vpon the fire, when " the water is sodden away, the salt remaineth in the bottome " of the pan. On both sides of the Riuer the Countrie was full of sowne fields, and there was store of Maiz. The Indians durst not come ouer where wee were ; &i when some of them shewed themselues, the souldiers that saw them called vnto them ; then the Indians passed the Riuer, and came with them where the Gouernor was. He asked the for the Cacique. They said, that he remained quiet, but that he durst not shew himselfe. The Gouernour presently sent him word, that he should come vnto him, and bring him a guide and an interpre tour for his iournie, if he made account of his friendship : and if he did not so, he would come himselfe to seeke him, and that it would bee the worse for him. Hee waited three daies, and seeing he came not, he went to seeke him, and brought him pri soner with 150. of his men. He asked him, whether hee had notice 84 The Biscouerie of Florida, notice of any great Cacique, 8s which way the Countrie was best inhabited. Hee answered, that the best Countrie there about was a Prouince toward the South, a day and an halfes iournie, which was called Tulla ; and that he could giue him a guide, but no interpretour, because the speech of that Coun trie was different from his, and because he and his ancesters had alwaies warres with the Lords of that Prouince ; therefore they had no commerce, nor vnderstood one anothers language. Im mediately the Gouernour with certaine horsemen, and 50. foote men, departed toward Tulla, to see if the Countrie were such, as hee might passe through it with all his cotnpa- '^"''^- nie ; and assoone as he arriued there, and was espied of the Indians, the Countrie gathered together, and assoone as 15. and 20. Indians could assemble themselues, they set vpon the Christians; and seeing that they did handle them shrewdly, and that the horsemen ouertooke them when they fled, they gat vp into the tops of their houses, and sought to defend themselues with their arrowes : and being beaten downe from one, they gat vp vpon another. And while our men pursued some, others set vpon them another way. Thus the skirmish lasted so long, that the horses were tired, and they could not make them runne. The Indians killed there one horse, and some were hurt. There were 15. Indians slaine there, and 40. women and holes vvere taken prisoners. For whatsoeuer Indian did shoot at them, if they could come by him, they put him to the sword. The Go uernour determined to returne toward Cayas, before the Indians had time to gather a head ; and presently that euening, going part of ye night to leaue Tulla, he lodged by the way, and the next day came to Cayas : and within three daies nor'^commeth ^^'^'^ '^^ departed thece toward Tulla with all his againe to Tul- companie ; He carried the Cacique along with him, la with all his and among all his men, there was not one found companie. ^^^^ could vnderstand the speech of Tulla. He staied three daies by the way, and the day that he came thither, be found the towne abandoned ; for the Indians durst not tarrie his comming. But assoone as they knew that the Gouernour was in Tklla, the first night about y^ morning watch, they came in two squadons two seuerall waies, with their bowes and ar rowes, and long staues like pikes. Assoone as they were descried, both hprse and foot sallied out vpon them, where many of the Indians were slaine : And some Christians and Indians haue ^°pes were hurt: Some of the Indians were taken their right prisoners, whereof the Gouernour sent sixe to the hands and no- Cacique, with their right hands and noses cut off: "^' '" ° ¦ and sent him word, that if he came not to hira to excuse next adioyning to Virginia. 85 excuse and submit himselfe, that hee would come to seeke him, and that hee would doe the like to him, and as many of his as hee could find, as hee had done to those which hee had sent him ; and gaue him three daies respit for to come. And this he gaue them to vnderstand by signes, as well as hee could, for there was no interpretour. At the three daies end, there came an Indian laden with Oxe hides. He °^® ^^^''^^ came weeping with great sobs, -and comming to the Gouernonr cast himselfe downe at his feete : He tooke him vp, and he made a speech, but there was none that vnderstood him. The Gouernour by signes commanded him, to returne to the Ca cique, and to will him, to send him an interpreter, which could vnderstand the men of Cayas. The next day came three In dians laden with oxe hides ; and within three dales after came 20. Indians, and among them one that ^® ^^' vnderstood them of Cayas : Who, after a long oration of excuses of the Cacique, and praises of the Gouernour, concluded with this, that he and the other were come thither on the Caciques behalfe, to see what his Lordship would command him to doe, for he was readie at his commandement. The Gouernour and all his companie were verie glad. For in no wise could they trauell v?ithout an interpretour. The Gouernour commanded him to be kept safe, and bad him tell the men that came with him, that they shuld returne to the Cacique, and signifie vnto him, that he pardoned him for that which was past, and thank ed him much for his presents and interpretour, which he had sent him, and that he would bee glad to see him, and that he should come the next day to talke with him. After . three daies, the Cacique came, and 80. Indians with ^^ ^xulla?°° him; and himselfe and his men came weeping into the Camp, in token of obedience and repentance for tlie errour passed, after the manner of that Countrie: He brought a pre sent of many oxe hides ; which, because the Coun- trie was cold, were verie profitable, and serued for hideJwiur couerlets, because they were very soft, and wolled wooll on like sheepe. Not farre from thence toward the them, as soa North were many oxen. The Christians saw them ^^oolirGoma- not, nor came into the Countrie where they were, ra Histor. Ge- because those parts were euill inhabited, and had "^r. cap. 215, small store of Maiz where they were bred. The ^^^ard the" Cacique of Tulla made an oration to the Go- North. uernour, wherein he excused himselfe, and offered , . , . y-, . 1 . , A 11 The great elo. him his Countrie, subiects, and person. Aswell quenca of the this Cacique as the others, and all those which Indians. came 86 The Biscouerie of Florida, came to the Gouernour on their behalfe, deliuered their mes sage or speech in so good order, that no oratour could vtter the same more eloquentlie. Chap. XXVII. How the Gouernour went from Tulla to Autiamque, ivhcre he passed the ivinter. ^^^v^^^He Gouernour enformed himselfe of all the Coun- ^M lafe "''^ round about; and vnderstood, that toward Sm ^ Wi '''^^ ^^'*^^' ^^^^ ^ scattered dwelling, and that toward ^Xi«?A''^ the Southeast were great townes, especially in a 's&Aa^'ii t & Prouince called Autiamque, tenne daies iournie from Tulla; which might be about 80. leagues; and that it was a plentifull Countrie of Maiz. And because winter came on, and that they could not trauell two or three moneths A winter of Jn the yeere for cold, waters, and snow: and fear- i"° °'',''"^° ing, that if they should stay so long in the scatter- moneths. ," , ,i. , •' , , "^ , • i j i ed dwelling, they could not be susteined ; and also because the Indians said, that neere to Autiamque was a great water, and according to their relation, the Gouernour thought it was some arme of the Sea : And because he now desired to send newes of himselfe to Cuba, that some supplie of men &i horses might be sent vnto him: (for it was aboue three yeeres, since Donna Isabella, which was in Hauana, or any other person in Christendome had heard of hira, and by this time he had lost 250. men, and 150. horses) he determined to winter in Au tiamque, and the next spring, to goe to the sea cost, and make two brigantines, and send one of them to Cuba, and the other to Nueua Espanna, that that which went in safetie, might giue newes of him : Hoping with the goods which he had in Cuba, to furnish himselfe againe, and to attempt the discouery and conquest toward the West : for he had not yet come where Cabega de Vaca had been. Thus hauing sent away the two Caciques of Cayas and Tulla, he tooke his iournie toward Au tiamque : Hee trauelled fiue daies ouer rough raoun- Quipana, fius taines, and came to a towne called Quipana, where from Tul^r "° Indians could be taken for the roughnesse of the Countrie : and the towne being betweene hilles, there was an ambush laid, wherewith they tooke two Indians ; which told them, that Autiamque was sixe daies iournie from thence, and that there was another Prouince toward the South eight next adioyning to Virginia. 87 eight daies iournie off, plentifull of Maiz, and very well peo pled, which was called Guahate. But because Autiamque was neerer, and the most of the Indians '='"^^»''^- agreed of it, the Gouernour made his iournie that way. In three daies he came to a towne called Anoixi. He sent a Captaine before with 30. horsemen, and 50. ^°'''^'- footemen, and tooke the Indians carelesse, hee tooke many men and women prisoners. Within two daies after the Gouernour came to another towne called Catamaya, and lodged in the fields of the towne. Two Indians came Catamaya. with a false message from the Cacique to know his determina tion. Hee bad them tell their Lord, that hee should come and speake with him. The Indians returned and came no more, nor any other message from the Cacique. The next day the Christians went to tbe towne, which was without people : they tooke as much Maiz as they needed. That day they lodged in a wood, and the next day they came to Autiamque. .„,;, ^ rru c J uTir-i^-j- iT-i^i Autiamque ihey found much Maiz laid vp in store, and French sixe daies iour. beanes, and walnuts, and prunes, great store of all "'^ from Qui- sorts. They tooke some Indians which were ga- ''^""' thering together the stuffd which their wiues had hidden. This was a champion Countrie, and well inhabited. The Gouernour lodged in the best part of the towne, and commanded presently to make a fense of timber round about the Campe distant from the houses, that the Indians might not hurt them without by fire. And measuring the ground by pases, hee appointed euery one his part to doe according to the number of Indians which he had : presently the timber was brought by them ; and in three daies there was an inclosure made of very hie and thicke posts thrust into the ground, and many railes laid acrosse. Hard by this towne passed a Riuer, that came out of the Prouince of Cayas; and aboue and beneath it, was '"^'^' very well peopled. Thither came Indians on the Caciques be halfe with a present of mantles and skinnes; and an halting Cacique, subiect to the Lord of Autiamque, Lord . r 11 J rxT J- ,• Tietiquaquo. of a towne called Tietiquaquo, came many limes ^ ^ to visit the Gouernour, and to bring him presents of such as hee had. The Cacique of Autiamque sent to know of the Go uernour, how long time hee meant to stay in his Countrie ? And vnderstanding that he meant to stay aboue three daies, he neuer sent any more Indians, nor any other message, but con spired with the lame Cacique to rebell. Diuers inrodes were made, wherein there were many men and women taken, and the lame Cacique among the rest. The Gouernour respecting the seruices which he had receiued of him, reprehended and admonished 88 The Biscouerie of Florida, admonished him, and set him at libertie, and gaue him two Indians to carrie him in a chaire vpon their shoulders. The Ca cique of Auiiamque desiring to thrust the Gouernour out of his Countrie, set spies ouer him. And an Indian comming one night to the gate of the inclosure, a souldier that watched espied him, and stepping behind the gate, as he carne in, he gaue him such a thrust, that he fell downe ; and so he carried him to the Gouernour; and as hee asked him wherefore he came, not being able to speake, hee fell downe dead. The night following the Gouernor commanded a soul- ^ence ^'°"'" •^'°"'' '° S'"^ '^^ alarme, and to say that he had seene Indians, to see how ready they would be to answere the alarme. And hee did so sometimes as well there, as in other places, when he thought that his men were carelesse, & reprehended such as were slacke. And as well for this cause, as in regard of doing their dutie, when the alarme was giuen, euery one sought to be the first that should answere. Three mo- They Staled in Autiamque three moneths with great "n Autiamque- P'^"''^ °^ ^^'^^' ^^^^^^ beanes. Walnuts, Prunes, ' and Conies ; which vntill that time they knew not how to catch. And in Autiamque the Indians taught them how to take them : which was, with great sprindges, which lifted vp their feete from the ground ; And the snare was made with a strong string, whereunto was fastened a knot of a cane, which which ran close about the neck of the conie, because they should not gnaw the string. They tooke many in the fields of Frost and Maiz, especiallie when it freesed or snowed. The snow. Christians staled there one whole moneth so in- A moneth of closed with snow, that they went not out of the snow. towne: and when they wanted firewood, the Go uernour with his horsemen going and comming many times to the wood, which was two crossebow shot from the towne, made a pathway, whereby the footemen went for wood. In this meane space, some Indians which went loose, killed many conies with their giues, and with arrowes. These Comes of two • r . . i-i ^i e sorts. comes were ol two sorts, some were like those of Spaine, and the other of the same colour and fashion, and as big as great Hares, longer, and hauing greater loines. Chap- next adioyning to Virginia. 89 Chap. XXVIII. How the Gouernour went from Autiamque to Nilco, and from thence to Guyacoya. Pon Monday the sixt of March ] 542, March 6. the Gouernour departed from Au- '^^^• tiamque to seeke Nilco, which the Indians said was neere the Great riuer, with determination to come to the Sea, and procure some succour of men and horses : for hee had now but three hundred men of warre, and fortie horses, and some of them lame, which did nothing but helpe to make vp the number : and for want of iron they had gone aboue a yeere vnshod ; and because they were vsed to it in the plaine countrie, it did them no great harme. lohn Ortiz died in Autiamque; The death of ",.,..,_, ,,^ John Ortiz, which grieued the Gouernor very much ; because and the great that without an Interpretour hee feared to enter "I'^se of him farre into the land, where he might be lost. From tet^r^etour""" thence forward a youth that was taken in Cutifa chiqui did serue for Interpretour, which had by that time learn ed somewhat of the Christians language. The death of lohn Ortiz was so great a mischiefe for the discouering inward, or going out of the land, that to learne of the Indians, that which in foure words hee declared, they needed a whole day with the youth : and most commonly hee vnderstood quite contrarie that which was asked him : whereby it often happened that the way that they went one day, and sometimes two or three daies, they turned backe, and went astray through the wood here and there. The Gouernour spent ten daies in trauelling irom Autiamque to a prouince called Ayays; and came to a towne that stood neere the Riuer that passeth by Cayas and ^-^fuer. Autiamque. There hee commanded a barge to be made, wherewith he passed the Riuer. When he had pas sed the Riuer there fell out such weather, that q^.^j.^ g^„^ foure daies he could not trauell for snow. Assoone about the as it gaue ouer snowing, he went three daies iour- twentieth of ney through a Wildernesse, and a countrie so low, and so full of lakes and euill waies, that hee trauelled one time a whole day in water, sometimes knee deepe, sometimes to the stirrup, and sometimes they swamme. He came to a towne called Tutelpinco, abandoned, and without Tutelpmco. Maiz: there passed by it a lake, that entred into ^ great lake. the riuer, wliich carried a great streame and force of 90 T^e Biscouerie of Florida, of water. Fiue Christians passing ouer it in a periagua, which the Gouernour had sent with a Captaine, the periagua ouerset: some tooke hold on it, some on the trees thqt were in the lake. One Francis Sebastian, an honest man of Villa noua de Barca Rota, was drowned there. The Gouernour went a whole day along the lake seeking passage, and could finde none, nor any way that did passe to the other side. Comming againe at night to the towne hee found tvio peaceable Indians, which shewed him the passage, and which way hee was to goe_. There they made of canes and of the timber of houses thatched wUh^re'v'pas. ^^'^" canes, rafts wherewith they passed the lake. sed the lake. They trauelled three daies, and carae to a towne Tianto °^ ''^^ territorie of Nilco, called Tianto. There they tooke thirtie Indians, and among them two principall men of ihis towne. The Gouernour sent a Captaine with horsemen and footmen before to Nilco, because the Indians might haue no time to carrie away the prouision. Three or They passed through three or foure great townes ; towne^!^^*' and in the towne where the Cacique was resident, which was two leagues from the place where the Gouernour remained, they found many Indians with their bowes and arrowes, in manner as though they would haue staied to fight, which did compasse the towne ; and assoone as they saw the Christians come neere them without misdoubting them, they set the Caciques house on fire, and fled ouer a lake that passed neere the towne, through which the horses could not passe. The next day being Wednesday the 29. of March March 29. .i r^ . tit-; i , i , . , ,, Nilco. '"^ Gouernour Came to Nilco : he lodged with all his men in the Caciques towne, which stood in a plaine field, which was inhabited for the space of a quarter of a league: and within a league and a halfe a league townef ^^^ "'¦^'¦^ °'fi6f vs'7 g'"63t townes, wherein was great store of Maiz, of French beanes, of Walnuts, and The best Prunes. This was the best inhabited countrie, that Countrie of ¦ 171; • 7 1 1 , ^ i. . Florida. "'^^ seene in Honda, and had most store of Maiz, except Coga, and Apalache. There came to the campe an Indian accompanied with others, and in the Caciques Marterns "^™^ S^"^ the Gouemour a mantle of Marterns- skinnes. skinnes, and a cordon of pedes. The Gouernour \r\es°° °^ ^^."^ '^'"^ ^ ^^^ ^'"^" Margarites, which are cer- ^" ^^" taine beades much esteemed in Peru, and other things, wherewith he was very well contented. He promised to returne within two daies, but neuer came againe : but on the contrarie the Indians carae by night in canoes, and carried away all the Maiz they could, and made them cabins on the other side next ailioyning to Virginia. 91 side of the Riuer in the thickest of the wood, because they might flee if wee should goe to seeke them. The Gouernour, seeing hee came not at the time appointed, commanded an am bush to be laid about certaine store-houses neere the lake, whither the Indians came for Maiz: where they tooke two In dians, who told the Gouernour, that hee which came to visit him, was not the Cacique, but was sent by him vnder pretence to spie whether the Christians were carelesse, and whether they determined to settle in that country or to goe forward. Pre sently the Gouernour sent a Captaine with footmen and horse men ouer the riuer; and in their passage they were descried of the Indians, and therefore he could take but tenne or twelue men and women, with whom hee returned to the campe. This Riuer which passed by Nilco, was that which pas sed by Cayas and Autiamque, and fell into Rio A Riuer fa! - grandt, or the Great Riuer, which passed by Pa- ^^"1,^^° ^'° chaha and Aquixo neere vnto the prouince of Guachoya : and the Lord thereof came up the Riuer in canoes to make warre with him oi Nilco. On his behalf there came an Indian lo the Gouernour and said vnto him. That he was his seruant, and prayed hira so to hold him, and that within two daies hee would come to kisse his Lordships hands : and at the time appointed he came with some of his principal Indians, which accompanied him, and with words of great offers and courtesie hee gaue the Gouernour a present of many Mantles and Deeres skinnes. The Gouernour gaue him some other things in recompense, and honoured him much. Hee asked him what townes there were downe the Riuer ? Hee answered that he knew none other but his owne ; and on the other side of the Riuer a prouince of a Cacique called Quigalia. So hee tooke his leaue of the Gouernour and went to his owne towne. Within few daies the Gouernour determined to goe to Guachoya, to learne there whether the Sea were neere, or whether there were any habitation neere, where hee might relieue his compa nie, while the brigantines were making, which he meant to send to the land of the Christians. As he passed the Riuer oi Nilco, there came in canoes Indians of Guachoya vp the streame, and when they saw him, supposing that he came to seeke them to doe them some hurt, they returned downe the Riuer, and in formed the Cacique thereof; who with all his people, spoiling the towne of all that they could carrie away, passed that night ouer to the other side of Rio grande, or the great Riuer. The Gouernour sent a Captaine with fiftie men in sixe canoes downe the Riuer, and went himselfe by land with the rest ; iiee came to Guachoya vpon Sunday the 17. of ' ' Aprill ; 92 The Biscouerie of Florida, Aprill: he lodged in the towne of the Cacique, which was in closed about, and seated a crossebow shot distant from the Riuer. Here the Riuer is called Tamaliseu, and in Nilco TfR^o^vS Tapatu, and in Coga Mico, and in the port or mouth Ri. Chap. XXIX. Of the message which the Gouernour sent to Quigalta, and of the ansivere which he returned : and of the things which happened in this time. ^S soone as the Gouernour came to Guachoya, hee sent lohn Danusco with as many men as could goe in the canoes vp the Riuer. For when they came downe from Nilco, they saw on the other side the Riuer new cabins made. lohn Danusco went and brought the canoes loden with Maiz, Fiench beanes, Prunes, and many loaues made of the substance of Many loaues prunes. That day came an Indian to the Gouernor made of j-^.^^^ ^j^g Caclque of Guachoya, and said, that his Lord would come the next day. The next day they saw many canoes come vp the Riuer, and on the other side of the great Riuer, they assembled together in the space of an houre : they consulted whether they should come or not ; k, at length concluded to come, and crossed the Riuer. In the came the Cacique of Guachoya, and brought with him manie Indians with great store of Fish, Dogges, Deeres skinnes, and Mantles ; And assoone as they landed, they went to the lodging of the Gouernour, and presented him their gifts, and the Cacique vttered these words : Mightie and excellent Lord, I beseech your Lordship to pardon mee the errour which 1 committed in absenting my selfe, and not tarrying in this towne to haue receiued and serued your Lordship ; since, to obtaine this opportunitie of time, was, and is as much as a great viciorie to me. But I feared that, which I needed not to haue feared, and so did that which was not reason to do : But as haste maketh waste, and I remo- ued without deliberation; so, as soone as I thought on it, 1 determined not to follow the opinion of the foolish, which is, to continue in their errour ; but to imitate the wise and discreet, in changing my counsell, and so I came to see what your Lord ship will command me to doe, that I may serue you in all things that are in my power. The next adioyning to Virginia. 93 The Gouernour receiued hira with much ioy, and gaue him thankes for his present and offer. He asked him, whether hee had any notice of the Sea. Hee answered, no, nor of any townes downe the Riuer on that side ; saue that two leagues from thence was one towne of a principall Indian a subiect of his ; and on the other side of the Riuer, three daies iourney from thence downe the Riuer, was the Prouince of Quigalta, which was the greatest Lord that was in that Countrie. The Go uernour thought that the Cacique lied vnto him, to rid him out of his owne townes, and sent lohn Danusco with eight horse men downe the Riuer, to see what habitation there was, and to informe himselfe, if there were any notice of tbe Sea. Hee trauelled eight daies, and at his returne hee said, that in all that time he was not able to go aboue 14 or 15 leagues, because of the great creekes that came out of the Riuer, and groues of canes, and thicke woods that were along the bankes of the Riuer, and that hee had found no habitation. The Gouernour fell into great dumps to see how hard it was to get to the Sea ; and worse, because his men and horses euery day diminished, being with out succour to sustaine themselues in the country ; and with that thought he fell sick. But before he The Gouernor tooke his bed hee sent an Indian to the Cacique of [hou'ght^."''' "^ Quigalta to tell him, that hee was the Childe of the Sunne, and that'all the way that hee came all men obeyed and serued him, that he requested him to accept of his friend ship, and come vnto him ; for he would be very glad to see him ; and in signe of loue and obedience to bring something with him of that which in his countrie was most esteemed. The Cacique answered by the same Indian ; That whereas he said he was the Child of the ^ ^g^j ^^.;j,ig Sunne, if he would drie vp the Riuer he would and stout an- heleeue him : and touching the rest, that hee was ^ere of the wont to visit none; but rather that all those of Quigalta! whom he had notice did visit him, serued, obeyed and paid him tributes willingly or perforce : therefore if hee desired to see him, it were best he should come thither: that if hee came in peace, he would receiue him ivith speciall good will; and if in warre, in like manner hee would attend him in the towne where he was, and that for him or any other hee would not shrinke one foote backe. By that time the Indian returned with this answere, the Go uernour had betaken himselfe to bed, being euill handled with feuers, and was much aggrieued, that he was not in case to passe presently the Riuer and to seeke him, to see if he could abate that pride of his, considering the Riuer went now very strongly in 94 The Biscouerie of Florida, in those parts; for it was neere halfe a league broad, and 16. fathomes deep, and very furious, and ranne with a great cur rent; and on both sides there were many Indians, and, his power was not now so great, but that hee had need to helpe himselfe rather by slights then by force. The Indians of Gua choya carae euery day with fish in such numbers, that the towne was full of them. The Cacique said, that on a certaine night hee of Quigalta would come to giue battell to the Go uernour. Which the Gouernour imagined that he had deuised, to driue him out of his countrey, and commanded hira to bee put in hold : and that night and all the rest, there was good watch kept. Hee asked him wherefore Qu2§-a/^a came not? He said that hee came, but that he saw him prepared, and therefore durst not giue the attempt: and hee was earnest with him to send his Captaines ouer the Riuer, and that he would aide hira with many men to set vpon Quigalta. The Gouernour told him that assoone as he was recouered, himselfe would seeke him out. And seeing how many Indians came daily to the towne, and what store of people was in that countrie, fearing they should al conspire together and plot some treason against him ; and because the towne had some open gaps which were not made an end of inclosing, besides the gates which they went in and out by : because the Indians should not thinke he feared them, he let them all alone vnrepaired ; and commanded the horsemen to be appointed to them, and to the gates: and all night the horsemen went the round ; and two and two of euery squadron rode about, and visited the skouts that were without the towne in their standings by the passages, and the crossebowmen that kept the canoes in the Riuer. And because the Indians should stand in feare of them, hee determined to send a Captaine to Nilco, for those of Guachoya had told him that it was inhabited ; that by vsing them cruelly, neither the one nor the other should presume to assaile hira ; and hee sent Nunnez de Touar with fifteene horsemen, and lohn de Guzman Captaine of the footemen with bis companie in canoes vp the Riuer. The Cacique of Guachoya sent for many canoes and many wariike Indians to goe with the Christians; and the Cap taine of the Christians, called Nunnez de Touar, went by land with his horsemen, and two leagues before he came to Nilco hee staied for lohn de Guzman, and in that place they passed the Riuer by night ; the horsemen came first, and in the morn ing by breake of day in sight of the towne they lighted vpon a spie ; which assoone as he perceiued the Christians, crying out amaine fled to the towne to giue warning. Nunnez de Touar and his companie made such speed, that before the Indians of the next adioyning to Virginia. 95 the towne could fully come out, they were vpon them : it was champion ground that was inhabited, which was about a quarter of a league. There were about fiue or sixe thou sand people in the towne : and, as many people ^'"e or sixe came out of the houses, & fled from one house to 'le^n^Nilco"' another, and many Indians came flocking together from all parts, there was neuer a horseman that was not alone among many. The Captaine had commanded that they should not spare the life of any male, Their disorder was so great, that there was no Indian that shot an arrow at any Christian. The shreekes of women and children were so great, that they made the eares deafe of those that followed them. There were slaine an hundred Indians, little more or lesse: and many were wounded with great wounds, whom they suffered to escape to strike a terror in the rest that were not there. There were some so cruell and butcherlike, that they killed old and young, and all that they met, though they made no resistance : and those which presumed of themselues for their valour, and were taken for such, brake through the Indians, bearing downe many with their stirrops and brests of their horses ; and some they wounded with their lances, and so let them goe : and when they saw any youth or woman they tooke them, and deliuered them to the footmen. These mens sinnes by Gods permission light- " on their own heads : who, because they would seeme valiant, " became cruell ; shewing themselues extreme cowards in the " sight of all men, when as most neede of valour " was required, and * afterward they came to a v- ¦ "shameful death. Of the Indians of Nilco vn ere taken pri soners, fourescore women and children, and much spoile. The Indians of Guachoya kept back before they came at the towne, and staied without, beholding the successe of the Christians with the men of Nilco. And when they saw them put to flight, and the horsemen busie in killing of them, they hastened to the houses to rob, and filled their canoes with the spoile of the goods ; and returned to Guachoya before the Christians ; and wondering much at the sharpe dealing which they had seene them vse toward the Indians oi Nilco, they told their Cacique all that had passed with great astonishment. Chap. 96 The Biscouerie of Florida, Chap. XXX. Of the death oj the Adelantado Fernando de Soto ; And how Luys Moscoso de Aluarado was elected Gouernour in his stead. , He Gouernour felt in himselfe that the houre ap proched, wherein hee was to leaue this present life, and called for the Kings officers, Captaines and principall persons, to whom he made a speech, saying : That now he was to goe to giue an account before the pre sence of God of all his life past ; and since it pleased him to take him in such a time, and that the time was come that he knew his death, that he his most vnworthie seruant did yeeld him many thankes therefore ; and desired all that were present and absent (whom he confessed himselfe to be much beholding vnto for their singular vertues, loue and loyaltie, which him selfe had well tried in the trauels, which they had suffered, which alwaies in his mind he did hope to satisfie and reward, when it should please God to giue him rest, with more prospe ritie of his estate,) that they would pray to God for him, that for his mercie he would forgiue him his sinnes, and receiue Ms soule into eternall glorie: and that they would quit and free him of the charge which hee had ouer them, and ought vnto them all, and that they would pardon him for some wrongs which they might haue receiued of him : And to auoid some diuision, which vpon his death might fall out vpon the choice of his successour, he requested them to elect a principall person, and able to gouerne, of whom all should like well; and when he was elected, they should sweare before him to obey him: and that he would thanke them very much in so doing; because the griefe that he had, would somewhat he asswaged, and the paine that he felt, because he left them in so great confusion, to wit, in leauing them in a strange Countrie, where they knew not where ihey were. Baltasar de Gallegos answered in the name of all the rest: And first of all comforting him, he set before his eies how short the life of this world was, and with how many troubles and miseries it is accompanied, and how God shewed him a singular fauor which soonest left it : telling him many other things fit for such a time. And for tho last point, that since it pleased God to take him to himselfe, although his death did iustly grieue them next adioyning to Virginia. 97 them much, yet as wel he, as al the rest, ought of necessitie to conforme themselues to the will of God. And touching the Gouernour which he commanded they should elect, he besought him, that it would please his Lordship to name him which he thought fit, and him they would obey. And presently he named Luys de Moscoso de Aluarado his Captaine generall. And presently he was sworne by all that were present and ele cted for Gouernour. The next day, being the 21. of May, 1542. departed out of this life, ihe valorous, l^f^ Fenu."*" virtuous, and valiant Captaine, Don Fernando de dando de Soto Soto, Gouernour of Cuba, and Adelantado oi Flo- theSl.ofMay, rida : whom fortune aduanced, as it vseth to doe ^ ^ """ others, that hee might haue the higher fal. He departed in such a place, and at such a time, as in his sicknesse he had but little comfort ; and the danger wherein all his peo ple were of perishing in that Countrie, which appeared before their eies, was cause sufficient, why euery one of them had need of comfort, and why they did not visit nor accompanie him as they ought to haue done. Luys de Moscoso determin ed to conceale his death from the Indians, because Ferdinando de Soto had made them beleeue. That the Christians were im- mortall ; and also because they tooke him to be hardie, wise, and valiant; and if they should know that he was dead, they would bee bold to set vpon the Christians, though they lined peaceablie by them. In regard of their disposition, and be cause they were nothing constant, and beleeued all that was tolde them, the Adelantado made them beleeue, that he knew some things that passed in secret among themselues, without their knowledge, how, or in what manner he came by them : and that the figure which appeared in a glasse, which he shewed them, did tell him whatsoeuer jagTm '^ ^'™' they practised and went about : and therefore neither in word nor deed durst they attempt any thing that might bee preiudiciall vnto him. Assoone as he was dead, Luis de Moscoso commanded to put hira secretly in an house, where hee remained three daies : and remoouing him from thence, comraanded him to bee buried in the night at one of the gates of the towne within the wall. And as the Indians had seene him sick, and missed him, so did they suspect what might bee. And passing by the. place where hee was buried, seeing the earth mooued, they looked and spake one to another. Luys de Moscoso vnderstanding of it, commanded him to be taken vp by night, and to cast a great deale of sand into the mantles, wherein he was wind ed vp, wherein hee was carried in a canoe, and throwne into the Vol. IV.— No. 1, 7 98 The Biscouerie of Florida, the middest of the Riuer. The Cacique of Guachoya in quired for him, demanding what was become of his brother and Lord, the Gouernour : Luys de Moscoso told him, that hee was gon to heauen, as many other times hee did : and because hee was to stay there certaine daies, hee had left him in his place. The Cacique thought with himselfe that he was dead ; and comanded two young and well proportioned Indians is also *° ^^ brought thither ; and said, that y^ vse of that the custome Countrie was, when any Lord died, to kill Indians of the old Tar- to wait vpon hira, and serue him by the way; and '*''^- for that purpose by his commandement were those come thither : and prayed Luys de Moscoso to command them to be beheaded, that they might attend and serue his Lord and brother. Luys de Moscoso told him, that the Gouernour was not dead, but gone to heauen, and that of his owne Christian souldiers, he had taken such as he needed to serue him, & praied him to command those Indians to be loosed, and not to vse any such bad custome frora thencefoorth ; straightway hee coramanded them to be loosed, and to get them home to their houses. And one of them would not goe ; saying, that hee would not serue him, that without desert had iudged hira to death, but that hee would serue him as long as hee liued, which had saued his life. Luys de Moscoso caused all the goods of the Gouernor to be sold at an outcrie ; to wit, two men slaues, 81 two women slaues, and three horses, and 700 hogges. For dred hogges. euery slaue or horse, they gaue two or three thou sand ducats ; which were to be paied at the first melting of gold or siluer, or at the diuision of their portion of inheritance. And they entred into bonds, though in the Coun trie there was not wherewith, to pay it within a yeere after, and put in sureties for the same. Such as in Spaine had no goods to bind, gaue two hundred ducats for an hog, giuing assurance after the same maner. Those which had any goods in Spaine, bought with more feare, and bought the lesse. From that time forward, most of the companie had swine, and brought them vp, and fed vpon them ; and obserued Fridaies and Saturdaies, and the euenings of feasts, which before they did not. For some times in two or three moneths they did eate no flesh, and when soeuer they could come by it, they did eate it. Chap. next adioyning to Virginia. 99 Chap. XXXI. How the Gouernour Luys de Moscoso departed from Gua choya, and went to Chaguate ; and from thence to Agua cay. Ome were glad of the death of Don Ferdinando de Soto, holding for certaine, that Luys de Moscoso (which was giuen to his ease) .would rather desire to be among the Christians at rest, then to con tinue the labours of the warre in subduing and discouering of Countries ; whereof they were alreadie wearie, seeing the small profit that insued thereof. The Gouernour commanded the Captaines and principall persons to meet to consult and determine what they should doe. And being in formed what peopled habitation was round about, he vnder stood that to the West, the Countrie was most inhabited, and that downe the Riuer beyond Quigalta was vninhabited, and had little store of food. He desired them all, that euerie one would giue his opinion in writing, 8s set his hand to it : that they might resolue by generall consent, whether they should goe downe the Riuer, or enter into the maine land. All were of opinion, that it was best to go by land toward the West, because Nueua Espanna was that way ; resolutuHTto* holding the voyage by sea more dangerous, and of trauell by greater hazard, because they could make no ship i'^^d West- of any strength to abide a storme, neither had they ^^' ' Master, nor Pilot, Corapasse, nor Chart, neither knew they how farre the sea was off, nor had any notice of it ; not whether the Riuer did make any great turning into the land, or had any great fall from the rocks, where all of them might be cast away. And some which had seene the sea-chart, did find, that from the place where they were by the sea coast to Noua Espanna, might bee 400. leagues, little more or lesse ; and said, that though they went somewhat about by land in seeking a peopled Countrie, if some great wildernesse which they could not passe did hinder the, by spending that sommer in trauell, finding pro uision to passe the winter in some peopled Countrie, that the next sommer after they might come to sorae Christian land, and that it might fortune in their trauel by land to find .some rich Countrie, where they might doe themselues good. The Go uernour, although he desired to get out of Florida in shorter time, seeing the inconueniences they laid before him, in trauel ling by sea, determined to follow that which seemed good to them iOO The Biscouerie of Florida, The fifth of all. On Monday the fifth of lune, he departed lune. fj,Q(j, Guachoya. The Cacique gaue him a guide to Chaguate, and staled al home in his owne towne. They passed through a Prouince called Catalte; and Catalte. hauing passed a wildernesse of sixe daies iournie, the twentieth day of y" moneth he carae to Cha- ¦ Lhiguato. ^^^^^^^ ,j,^^ Cacique of this Prouince had visited the Gouernour Don Ferdinando de Soto at Autiamque, whither he brought him presents of skinnes, and mantles and salt. And a day before Luys, de Moscoso came to his towne, we lost a Christian that was sicke ; which hee suspected that the Indians had slaine. Hee sent the Cacique word, that he should com mand his people to seeke hira vp, and send him vnto him, and that he would hold him, as he did, for his friend; and if he did not, that neither he, nor his, should escape his hands, and that hee would set his Countrie on fire. Presently the Cacique came vnto him, and brought a great present of mantles and skinnes, and the Christian that was lost, and made this speech following : Right excellent Lord, 1 would not deserue that conceit which you had of me, for all the treasure of the world. What inforced me to goe to visit and serue the excellent Lord Gouernour your father in Autiamque, which you should haue remembred, where I offered my selfe with all loyaltie, faith and loue, during my life to serue and obey him 1 What then could be the cause, 1 hauing receiued fauours of him, and neither you nor he hauing done me any wrong, that should mooue me to doe the thing, which 1 ought not ? Beleeue this of mee, that neither wrong, nor any worldly interest, was able to make me to haue done ii, nor shall be able to blind me. But as in this life it is a naturall course, that after one pleasure, many sorrowes doe follow : so by your indignation, jortune would moderate the ioy, which my heart conceiueih with your presence; and that I should erre, where I thought surest to haue hit the marke ; in harboring this Christian which was lost, and vsing him in such manner, as he may tell himselje, thinking that herein I did you seruice, with purpose to deliuer him vnto you in Chaguate, and to serue you to the vttermosi of my power. If I deserue punishment for this, I will receiue it at your hands, as from my Lord, as if it were a fauour. For the loue ivhich 1 did beare to the excel lent Gouernour, and which 1 beare to you hath no limit. And like as you giue me chastisement, so will you also shew me fauour. And that which now 1 craue of you is this, to declare your will vnto me, and those things, wherein I may bee able to doe you the most and best seruice. The next adioyning to Virginia. 101 The Gouernour answered him, that because he did not find him in that towne, hee was incensed against him, thinking he had absented hiraselfe, as others had done : But seeing he now knew hTs loyaltie and loue, he would alwaies hold him as a brother, and fauour him in all his affaires. The Cacique went with him to the towne where he resided, which was a daies iournie from thence. They passed through a smal town, where there was a lake, where the Indians ¦*¦ smal towne. made salt; a.id the Christians made some one day Salt made of while they rested there, of a brackish water, which salt springs of sprang neere the towne in ponds like fountaines. "''^'e'^- The Gouernour staied in Chaguate sixe daies. There he was informed of the habitation that was toward the West. They told hira, that three daies iournie from thence was a Prouirtce called Aguacay. The day that he departed frora Chaguate, a Christian, called Francisco de Guzman, the base sonne of a Gentleman of Siuill, staied behind, and went to the Indians, with an Indian woman which he kept as his concubine, for feare he should be punished for gaming debts, that he did owe. The Gouernor had trauelled two daies before he missed him ; hee sent the Cacique word lo s.eeke hira vp, and to send hira to Aguacay, whither he trauelled : which hee did not performe. From the Cacique of Aguacay, before they came into the Countrie, there met him on the way 15. Indians with a present of skinnes, fish and rosted venison. The Gouernour came to his towne on Wednesday, the fourth of g"^eay. lulie. He found the towne without people, and lodged in it ; he staied there about a day; during which, he made some roades, and tooke many men and women. There they had knowledge of the South Sea. Here tkTsouthSel. there was great store of salt made of sand, which they gather in a vaine of ground like peeble stones. Store of Salt And it was make as they made salt in Cayas. Chap. XXXII. How the Gouernour went from Aguacay to Naguatex, and what happened vnto him. He same day that the- Gouernour departed from Asuacav he lodged in a small towne 9. ¦' , T I c I • A smal towne. subiect to the Lord of that prouince. The Campe pitched hard by a lake of salt water ; and that euening they made some gait made there. The day following hee lodged be- here. tweene 102 The Biscouerie of Florida, tweene two mountaines in a thinne groue of wood. The next day hee came to a small towne called Pato. The ^'''°- fourth day after bis departure from Aguacay he came to the first habitation of a prouince called Amaye. Amaye. There an Indian was taken, which said that from thence to Naguatex was a day and a halfes iourney ; which they trauelled, finding all the way inhabited places. Hauing passed the peopled countrie oi Amaye, on lulie 20. Saturday the 20. of lulie they pitched their Campe at noone betweene Amaye and Naguatex along the corner of a groue of very faire trees. In the same place cer taine Indians were discouered, which came to view them. The horsemen went out to them, and killed six, and tooke two; whora the Gouernour asked, wherefore they carne ? They said, to know what people hee had, and what order they kept ; and that the Cacique of Naguatex their Lord had sent them, and that he, with other Caciques which carae to aide him, deter mined that day lo bid him battell. While they were occupied in these questions and answeres, there came many Indians by two waies in two squadrons : and when they saw they were descried, giuing a great crie they assaulted the Christians each squadron by it selfe ; but seeing what resistance the Christians made them, they turned their backes and betooke themselues to flight, in which many of them lost their liues; and most of the horsemen following them in chase, carelesse of the Camp, other two squadrons of IndiarjS, which lay in ambush, set vpon the Christians that were in the Campe, which also they resisted, who also had their reward as the first. After the flight of the Indians, and that the Christians were retired, they heard a great noise a crossebow shot from the place where they were. The Gouernour sent twelue horsemen to see what it was. They found sixe Christians, foure footmen and two horsemen, among many Indians ; the horsemen defending the footmen with great labour. These being of them that chased the first two squad rons, had lost themselues, and comraing to recouer the Campe fell among those with whom they were fighting: and so they, and those that came to succour the, slew many of the Indians, and brought one aliue to the Campe ; whom the Gouernour examined, who they were that came to bid him battell. He told him, that they were the Cacique of Naguatex, and of Amaye, and another of a prouince called Haca- nac, a Liord ot great countries and many subiects; and that the Cacique of Naguatex came for Captaine and chiefest of them all. The Gouernour comraanded his right arrae and nose to be cut off, and sent him to the Cacique of Naguatex, next adioyning to Virginia. 103 Naguatex, charging him to tell him, that the next day hee would bee in his countrey to destroy him ; and if hee would withstand his entrance, hee should stay for hira. That night he lodged there ; and the next day hee came to the habitation of Naguatex, which was very scattering: he inquired where the Caciques chiefe towne was? They told ^^S^^^ex. him that it was on the other side of a Riuer, that ^ gj^^^ passed thereby ; hee trauelled thitherward, and came vnto it : and on tho other side hee saw many Indians, that taried for him, making shew as though they would defend the passage. And because hee knew not whether it could bee waded, nor where the passage was ; and that some Christians and horses were hurt ; that they might haue time to recouer, he determined to rest certaine daies in the towne where he was. So hee pitched his campe a quarter of a league from the Riuer, because the weather was very hot, neere vnto the towne, in a thinne groue of very faire and hie trees neere a brookes side : and in that place were certaine Indians taken ; whom hee exam ined, whether the Riuer were wadeable or no? They said, yea, at some times, and in some places. Within ten daies after he sent two Captaines with fifteene horsemen a "^"^ ' peece vpward and downe the Riuer with Indians to shew them where they should goe ouer, to see what habitation was on the other side: And the Indians withstood them both, defending the pas sage of the Riuer as farre as they were able, but they passed in despite of them : and on the other the^RiueT.^ side of the Riuer they saw great habitation, and great store of victuals ; and with these newes returned to the Camp. Chap. XXXIII. How the Cacique of Naguatex came to visite the Gouer nour : and how the Gouernour departed from Naguatex and came to Nondacao. He Gouernour sent an Indian from Naguatex where hee lay, to command the Caciqiie lo come to serue and obey him, and that hee would forgiue him all that was past ; and if he came not, that he would seeke him, and giue hira such punish ment as he had deserued for that which he had done against him. Within two daies the Indian returned, k, said that the Cacique would come the next day : which, the same day when he 104 The. Biscouerie of Florida, he came, sent many Indians before hira, among whom there were sorae principall men ; hee sent them to see what counte nance they found in the Gouernour, lo resolue with himselfe whether hee should goe or not. The Indians let hira vnder stand, that he was comraing, and went away presently : and the Cacique carae within two houres accompanied with raany of his raen : they carne all in a ranke one before another on both sides, leauing a lane in the middest where hee came. They came where the Gouernour was, all of them weep- Tullanotfar jng after the manner of Tulla, which was not farre */Z"^p. ^^™'.q from thence toward the East. The Cacique made tex, h/astward. i • i . i r n • his due obedience, and this speech following : Right high and mightie Lord, whom all the world ought to serue and obey, I was bold to appeare before your Lordship, hauing commilied so heinous and abominabl: an act, as only for me to haue imagined, deserued to be punished ; trusting in your greatnes, that although I deserue to obtaine no pardon, yet for your owne sake only you will vse clemencie toward me, considering hoio small I am in comparison of your Lordship; and not to think upon my weaknesses, which, to my griefe and for my greater good, I haue knowne. And I beleeue that you and yours are immortall; and that your Lordship is Lord of the land of nature, seeing that you subdue all things, and they obey you, euen the very hearts of men. For when I beheld the slaughter and destruction of my men in the battell, which, through mine ignorace, and ihe counsell of a brother of mine, ivhich died in the same, I gaue your Lordship, presently I re pented me in my heart of the error, ivhich I had committed; and desired to serue and obey you : and to this end I come, that your Lordship may chastise and command mee as your owne. The Gouernour answered him, that he forgaue hira all which was past, that frora thenceforth hee should do his dutie, &i that he would hold hira for his friend, and that he would fauour him in all things. Within foure daies hee departed thence, and com- The Riuer ™'°° ^° '''^ Riuer he could not passe, because it growne' v^npas- ^^'^ growne very bigge ; which seemed to him a sable in Au- thing of admiration, being at that time that it was, ^uat'ex' ^'" ^"'^.^'"'=^ '' ^^'^ not rained a moneth before. The gua ex. Indians said, that it increased many times after that Coniectures of manner without raining in all the countrie. It was a Sea to the supposed, that it might bee the tide that came into Northward. •* t. i , , . .. . It. It was learned that the flood came alway from aboue, and that the Indians of all that countrie had no know- Sedge of the Sea. The Gouernour returned vnto the place where next adioyning to Virginia. 105 where he had lodged before ; and vnderstanding within eight daies after that the Riuer was passeable, he departed. He passed ouer and found the towne without people ; he lodged in the field, and sent the Cacique word ^^°'""^- » to come vnto him, and to bring him a guide to goe forward. And some daies being past, seeing the Cacique came not, nor sent any bodie, hee sent two Captaines sundrie waies to burne the townes, and to take such In- |i,y°.Qgd^ dians as they could finde : They burnt great store victuals, and took many Indians. The Cacique seeing the hurt that he receiued in his countrie, sent sixe priacipall Indians with three men for guides, which knew the language of the countrie, through which the Gouernour was to passe. Hee departed pre sently from Naguatex, and within three daies iourney came to a towne of foure or fiue houses, which belonged lo the Cacique of that prouince, which is called Nissoone : it was euill inhabited and had little Maiz. Two daies Nissoone. iourney forward the guides which guided the Gouernour, if they were to goe Westward, guided him to the East ; and sometimes went vp and downe through very great woods out of the way. The Gouernour commanded them to bee hanged vpon a tree : and a woman that they tooke in Nissoone guided him, and went backe againe to seeke the way. In two daies he came to another miserable towne, called Lacane : an Indian was taken in that place, that said, that the countrie jjo^dacko of Nondacao, was a countrie of great habitation, and the houses scattering the one from the other, as they vse to bee in mountains, and had great store of Maiz. The Cacique came with his men weeping, like them oi Naguatex : for this is their- vse in token of obedience : hee made him a present of much fish, and offered to doe what he would command him. Hee tooke his leaue, and gaue him a guide to the prouince of Soacatino. Chap. 106 The Biscouerie of Florida, Chap. XXXIIII. How the Gouernour went from Nondacao to Soacatino and Guasco, and passed through a desert, from ivhence, for want of a guide, and an interpretour, he returned to Nilco. ^i^®^^ He Gouernour departed from Nonda- H^^ ^^nl '^'^'''^° toward Soacatino, and in fiue Wi^ l^jj daies iournie came to a Prouince cal- ^^y^- iYi^!^^8 ^^^ Aays. The Indians which inha- ^"^^^^ bited it, had no notice of the Chris tians : but assoone as they saw that they entred into their coun try, they assembled theraselues: and as they came together 50. or 1 00. they came foorth to fight: while some fought, others came and charged our men another way, and while they followed some, others followed them. The fight lasted the greatest part of the day, till they carae to their towne. Some horses and owne. ^g^ were wounded, but not to any hurt of their trauelling : for there was no wound that was dangerous. There was a great spoile made of the Indians. That day that the Gouernour departed from thence, the Indian that guided him said, that in Nondacao he had heard say, that the Indians of Soacatino had seene other Christians, whereof they all were very glad : thinking it might be true, and that they might haue entred into those parts by Nueua Espanna; and that if it were so, it was in their owne hand to goe out of Florida, if they found nothing of profit : for they feared they should lose thera selues in some wildernes. This Indian led hira two daies out of the way. The Gouernour commanded to torture him. He said, that the Cacique oi Nondacao, his Lord, had comraanded him to guide them so, because they were his enemies, and that hee was to doe as his Lord comraanded him. The Gouernour commanded him to be cast to the dogs : and another guided him to Soacatino, whither hee carae the day following. Soacatino. t^ . /^ . i .. It was a verie poore Countrie ; there was great want of Maiz in that place. Hee asked the Indians, whether they knew of any other Christians. They said, that a little from thence toward the South they heard they ^°l'/"^ard^' ^^¦^^'- ^^ trauelled 20. daies through a Countrie "he sZih. ^"''^ inhabited, where they suffered great scarcitie and trouble. For that little Maiz which the In dians had, they had hidden and buried in the woods, where the Christians, after they were well wearied with their trauell, at the next adioyning to Virginia. 107 the end of their iournie went to seekfe by digging what they should eat. At last, comming to a Prouince that was called Guasco, they found Maiz, wherewith ^ey fou'id"^^ they loaded their horses, and the Indians that they some Turkie had. From thence they went to another towne stones, and called Naquiscoga. The Indians said, they had "'tt'on^wooll. no notice of any other Christians. The Gouernour chap. 35. commanded to torment them. They said, that they Naquiscoga. carne first to another Lordship, which was called Nagacahoz, and from thence returned again to the "S^^^^"^- West, from whence they came. The Gouernour came in two daies to ISagacahoz : Some women were taken there ; among whom there was one, which said, that she had seene Christians, and had been taken by them, and had run away. The Go uernour sent a Captaine with 15. horsemen to the place where the woman said she had seene them, to see if there were any signe of horses, or any token of their being there. After they had gone three or foure leagues, the woman that guided them said, that all that she had told them was vntrue. And so they held all the rest that the Indians had said, of seeing Christians in the land of Florida. And, because the Countrie that way was poore of Maiz, and toward the West, there was no notice of any habitation, they returned to Guasco. The Indians told them there, that 10. daies iournie ^o'^Guasco™"^ from thence toward the West, was a Riuer called Daycao ; whither they went sometiraes a hunting and killing of Deere : and that they had seene people on the other side, but knew not what habitation was there. There the Christians tooke such Maiz as they found and could carrie, and, going 10. daies iournie through a wildernesse, they carae to The Riuer of ihe Riuer which the Indians had told them of Daycao: Ten horsemen, which the Gouernour had sent be- which see- fore, passed ouer the same, and went in a way that Kfojjerwo. led to the Riuer, and lighted vpon a companie of Indians that dwelt in verie little cabins ; who, assoone as they saw them, tooke themselues to flight, leauing that which they had ; all which was nothing but miserie and pouertie. The Countrie was so poore, that among them all there was not found halfe a peck of Maiz. The horsemen tooke two Indians, and returned with them to the Riuer, where the Gouernour staied for them. He sought to learne of them what habitation was toward the West. There was none in the Camp that could vnderstand their language. The Gouernour assembled the Captaines and principall persons, to determine with their aduice what they should doe. And the most part said, that they 108 The Biscouerie of Florida, they thought it best to returne backe to Rio grande, or the Great Riuer of Guachoya; because that in Nilco and there about was store of Maiz ; saying, that they would make pinaces that winter, and the next sommer passe down the Riuer to the seaward in them, and comming to the Sea they would goe along the coast to Nueua Espanna. For though it seemed a'doubt- full thing and difBcult, by that which they had already alleaged, Notrauellina yet it was the last remedie they had. For by land by land with- they could not goe for want of an Interpretour. out an inter- And they held, that the countrie beyond the protour. Riuer of Daycao, where they were, was that which Cabega de Vaca mentioned in his relation that he pas sed of the Indians, which liued like the Alarbes, hauing no setled place, and fed vpon Tunas and rootes of the fields, and wilde beasts that they killed. Which if it were so, if they should enter into it and finde no victuals lo passe the winter, they could not chuse but perish. For they were entred alrea die into the beginning of October: and if they staied any lon ger, they were not able to returne for raine and snowes, nor to sustaine themselues in so poore a countrey. The Gouernour (that desired long to see hiraselfe in a place where hee might sleepe his full sleep, rather then lo conquer and gouerne a coun trie where so many troubles presented themselues) presently returned back that same way that he came. Chap. XXXV. How they returned to Nilco, and came to Minoya, where they agreed to make ships to depart out of the land of Florida. nHbu that which was determined was published in the Campe, there were many that were greatly grieued at it; for they held the Sea voyage as doubtfuU, for the euill meanes they had, and of as great danger, as the trauelling by land : and they hoped to finde some rich countrie before they came to the land of the Christians, by that which Cabega de Vaca had told the Emperour : and that was this ; That after hee had found Gold, siluer clothes made of cotton wooll, hee saw gold and and precious siluer, and stones of great value. And they had stones in Flo. not yet come where hee had been. For vntill that " *- place hee alwaies trauelled by the Sea coast ; and they trauelled farre within the land ; and that going toward the West, next adioyning to Virginia. 109 West, of necessitie they should come where hee had been. For he said. That in a certain place he trauelled many daies, and entred into the land toward the North. And in Guasco they had alreadie found some Turkie stones, and mantles of cotton wooll : which the Indians signi- ^"j mantrer^ fied by signes that they had from the West : and of cotton that holding that course they should draw neere to wooll found in the land of the Christians. But though they were ^""^"o- much discontented with it, and it grieued many to goe back ward, which would rather haue aduentured their liues and haue died in the land oi Florida, then to haue gone poore out of it; yet were they not a sufficient part to hinder that which was de termined, because the principall men agreed with the Gouernour. And afterward there was one that said, hee would put out one of his owne eyes, to put out another of Luis de Moscoso ; be cause it would grieue him much to see hira prosper: because aswell himself as others of his friends had crossed that which hee durst not haue done, seeing that within two daies he should leaue the gouernment. From Daycao, where now they were, to Rio grande, or the Great Riuer, was 150 leagues: which vnto that place they had gone Westward, betweene'the And by the way as they returned backe they had Riuer of Day- much adoe to find Maiz to eate : for where they eao, and Rio had passed, the countrey was destroyed ; and some ^"^^^ ^' little Maiz that was left the Indians had hidden, jjaguatex. The townes which in Naguatex they had burned (whereof it repented them) were repaired againe, and the houses full of Maiz. This countrie is well inhabited and plen tifull. In that place are vessels made of clay, which differ very little from those of Estremoz, or Monte- fine earthen mor. In Chaguate the Indians by commandement cfi^aguate. of the Cacique came peaceably, and said, that the Christian which remained there would not come. The Go uernour wrote vnto him, and sent him inke and paper that he might answere. The substance of the words of the letter was to declare vnto him his determination, which was, to goe out of the land of Florida, and to put hira in reraembrance that he was a Christian, that he was a Christian, that hee would not remaine in the subiection of Infidels, that hee pardoned him the fault which he had done in going away to the Indians, that hee should come vnto him : and if they did stay him, that hee would aduertise him thereof by writing. The Indian went with tbe letter, and came again without any more answere, then, on the backe side, his name and his scale, that they might know he was aliue. The Gouernour sent twelue horsemen to seeke him : 110 The Biscouerie of Florida, him : but he, which had his spies, so hid himselfe, that they could not find him. For want of Maiz the Gouernour could not stay any longer to seeke him. Hee departed from Cha- guete, and passed the Riuer by Aays; going ^^y''- downe by it hee found a towne called Chilano, Cinlano. which as yet they had not seen. They carae lo ^''''°- Nilco, k, found so little Maiz, as could not suffice till they made their ships; because the Christians, being in Guachoya in the seede time, the Indians for feare of them durst not come to sow the grounds of Nilco : and they knew not thereabout any other countrie where any Maiz was: and that was the most fruitfull soile that was thereaway, and where they had most hope to finde it. Euery one was confounded, and the most part thought it bad counsell to corne backe from the Riuer of Daycao, and not to haue followed their fortune, going that way that went ouer land. For by Sea it seemed impossible lo saue themselues, vnlesse God would worke a miracle for them : for there was neither Pilot, nor Sea-chart, neither did they know where the Riuer entred into the Sea, neither bad they notice of it, neither had they any thing wherewith to make sailes, nor any store of Enequem, which is a grasse whereof they make Okam, which grew there : and that which they found they saued to calke the Pinaces withall, neither had they any thing to pitch them withall: neither could they make ships of such substance, but that any storme would put the in great danger; and they feared much it would fall out with them, as it did with Pamphilo de Naruaez, which was cast away vpon that coast; And aboue all other it troubled them most, that they could finde no Maiz : for with out it they could not bee sustained, nor could doe any thing that they had neede of. All of them were put to great con fusion. Their chiefe remedy was to commit themselues to God, and to beseech him that he would direct them the way that they might saue their liues. And it pleased him of his goodnesse, that the Indians of Nilco came peaceablie, and told thera, that two daies iourney frora thence, neere vnto the Great Riuer, were two townes, whereof the Christians had no notice, and that the prouince was called Minoya, and was a fruitfull soile: that, whether at this present there was any Maiz or no, they knew not, because they had warre with them : but that they would be very glad with the fauour of the Christians to goe and spoyle them. The Gouernour sent a Captaine thither with horsemen and footmen, and the Indians of JVt/co with him. Hee came to Minoya, and found two great townes Two°great seated in a plaine and open soile, halfe a league townes. distant, one in sight of another, and in thera he tooke next adioyning lo Virginia. 1 1 1 tooke many Indians, and found great store of Maiz. Presently he lodged in one of them, and sent word to the Gouernour what hee had found : wherewith they were all exceeding glad. They departed from Nilco in the beginning of December ; and all that way, and before from Chilano, they T^« ^^«gj^-_ endured much trouble ; for they passed through cember. many waters, and many times it rained with a ^^^^^ ^it-„ Norihren winde, and was exceeding cold, so that Northren they were in the open field with water ouer and '"}"^ excee- vnderneath them ; and when at the end of their "^'"^ '^° ' daies iourney they found drie ground to rest vpon, they gaue great thanks to God. With this trouble almost all the Indians that serued them died. And after they were in Minoya, many Christians also died : and the most part were sicke of great and dangerous diseases, which had a spice of the lethargic. At this place died Andrew de Vasconcelos, and two Portugals of Eluas, which were very neere him : The death of which were brethren, and by their surname called fo°ncXs7^^' Sotis. The Christians lodged in one of the townes, which they liked best ; which was fensed about, and distant a quarter of a league frora the Great Riuer. The Maiz that was in the other towne was brought thither ; and in all it was esteera- ed to bee 6000. hanegs or bushels. And there was the best tiraber to make ships, that they had seene in all the land of Florida : wherefore all of thera gaue God great thankes for so singular a fauour, and hoped that that which they desired would take effect, which was, that they might safely bee conducted into the land of the Christians. Chap. XXXVI. How there were seuen Brigandines builded, and how they departed from Minoya. ¦ Ssoone as they came to Minoya, the Gouernor coramanded thera to gather all the chaines together, which euerie one had to lead Indians in ; and to gather al the yron which they had for their proui sion, and al the rest that was in the Carap ; and to set vp a forge to make nailes, and commanded them to cut downe timber for the brigandines. And a Portugall of Ceuta, w^o hauing bin a prisoner in Fez, had learned to saw timber with a long saw, which for such purposes they had carried with them, did teach others, which helped him to saw timber. And I a 112 The Biscouerie of Florida, a Genou'is, whom it pleased God to preserue (for without him they had neuer come out of the countrie : for there was neuer another that could make ships but hee) with foure or fiue other Biscaine carpenters, which hewed his plancks and other tim bers, made the brigandines : And two calkers, the one of Genua, the other of Sardinia did calke them with the tow of an hearb like hempe, whereof before I haue made mention, which there Enequen isan '^ named Enequen. And because there was not herbe like enough of It, they calked them with the flaxe of Hempe. the Countrie, and with the mantles, which they Flaxe of the rauelled for that purpose. A cooper which they had among them fell sicke, and was at the point of death : and there was none other that had any skill in that trade : it pleased God lo send him his health : And albeit he was verie weake, and could not labour; yet 15. daies before they depart ed, he made for euery brigandine two halfe hogs heads, which the mariners call quarterets, because foure of them hold a pipe of water. The Indians which dwelt two daies iournie aboue Taguanate ^^^ Riuer in a Prouince called Taguanate, and two dales likewise those of Nilco and Guacoya, and others iourney aboue their neighbours seeing the brigandines in makino, ¦^ ¦ thinking, because their places of refuge are in the water, that they were to goe lo seeke them : and because the Gouernour demanded mantles of them, as necessarie for sailes, came raany tiraes, and brought raany mantles, and great store of fish. And for certaine it seemed that God was willing to fauour thera in so great necessitie, moouing the minds of the Indians to bring them : for lo goe to take them, they v/ere neuer able. ^For in the towne where they were, assoone as winter carae in, they were so inclosed and corapassed with water, y' they could go no farther by land, then a league, k, a league & The great vse ^" ^^^^' '^"'^ '^ ^^^y. ^^"''^ 6° faiher, they could of horses. " carrie no horses, & without the they were not able to fight with the Indians, because they were many : and so many for so many on foote they had the aduantage of thera by water and by land, because they were more apt and lighter, and by reason of the disposition of the Countrie, which was according to their desire for the vse of their warre. They brought also some cords, and those which wanted for cables Mulberrie ^^''^ ™^'^® ^'^'''^ "^^''^^^ of Mulberrie trees. They trees. '^^^^ Stirrops of wood, k. made ankers of their stirrops. In the moneth of March, when it had wSof ™^^^ ^ ™°"f "^ '^^'°''^' f'^P ^'"e'' grew so big, that the Riuer for " ^^^^ ^° Nilco, which was nine leagues off; and two moneths On the Other side, the Indians said, that it reached other next adioyning to Virginia. 113 other nine leagues into the land. In the towne space, to wit, where the Christians were, which was somewhat ^'jjj""'' ^""^ high ground, where they could best goe, the water ''" reached to the stirrops. They made certaine rafts of timber, and laid manie boughes vpon them, whereon they set their hor ses, and in the houses they did the like.. But seeing that nothing preuailed, they went vp to the lofts ; and if they went out of the houses, it was in canoes, or on horseback in those places where the ground was hiest. So they were two moneths, and could doe nothing, during which time the Riuer decreased not. The Indians ceased not to come vnto the brigantines as they were wont, and came in canoes. At that time the Gouernour feared they would set vpon him. Hee commanded his men to take an Indian secretly of those that came to the towne, and to stay him till the rest were gone ; and they tooke one. The Gouernour commanded him to bee put to torture, to make him confesse, whether the Indians did practise any treason or no. r^j^g ^ , Hee confessed that the Caciques of Nilco, Gua- conspiraeie of choya, k Taguanate, and others, which in al were 'he Indians about 20. Caciques, with a great number of people, christian'^^ determined to come vpon him ; and that three daies before, they would send a great present of fish to colour their great treason and malice, and on the verie day they would send some Indians before with another present ; And these with those which were our slaues, which were of their con spiraeie also, should set the houses on fire, and first "" of all possesse themselues of the lances which stood at the doores of the houses ; and the Caciques with all their men should bee neere the towne in ambush in the wood, and when the saw the fire kindled, should come, and make an end of the conquest. The Gouernour commanded the Indian to be kept in a chaine, and the selfe same day that he spake of, there came 30. Indians with fish. Hee commanded their right bands to be cut off, and sent them so backe to the ,„"!:r\i,1'r; „ . r r-i J I u ... ans ot the Ca- Cacrque of Guachoya, whose men they were. He cique of Gua- sent him word, that he and the rest should come ehoya haue when they would, for he desired nothing more, and jianda"mit off. that hee should know, that they thought not any thing which he knew not before they thought of it. Hereupon they all were put in a very great feare ; And the Caciques of Nilco and Taguanate came to excuse themselues ; and a few daies after came he of Guachoya, and a principal Indian and his subiect, said, he knew by certaine information. That the Ca ciques oi Nilco and Taguanate were agreed to come and make warre vpon the Christians. Assoone as y^ Indians came from Nilco, Vol. IV.— No. 1. 8 114 The Biscouerie of Florida, Nilco, the Gouernour examined them, and they confessed it was true. Hee dehuered them presently to the principall man oi Guachoya, which drew them out of the towne and killed them. Another day came some from Taguanate, and confessed it likewise. The Gouernour commanded their right The right^ no ^ands and noses to be cut off, and sent them to the ses of traitours Cacique, wherewith they of Guachoya remained cut off. very well contented ; and they came oftentimes Hogges in with presents of mantles and fish, and hogs, which Florida. ^^^j -^^ ^j^^ Countrie of some swine that were lost by the way the last yeere. Assoone as the waters were slaked, they perswaded the Gouernour to send to Taguanate : They came and brought canoes, wherein the footemen were conueied downe the Riuer, and a Captaine with horsemen went by land; and the Indians of Guachoya, which guided him, taken^°'^'° till they came to Taguanate, assaulted the towne, and took many men and women, and mandes, which with those that they had alreadie were sufficient to sup plie their want. The brigandines being finished in the raoneth of lune, the Indians hauing told vs. That the Ri- The^Riuer in- ^^'^ increased but once a yeere, when the snowes creaseth but did melt, in the time wherein I mentioned it had once a yeere alreadie increased, being now in somraer, and sno'wes doe hauing not rained a long tirae, it pleased God, that melt in March the flood carne vp to the towne to seeke the bri- aud Aprill. gandines, from whence they carried them by water acident!" °"' '° ^^^ Riuer. Which, if they had gone by land, had been in danger of breaking and splitting their keeles, and to bee all vndone; because that for want of iron, the spikes were short, an9 the planckes and tiraber were very weake. The Indians oi Minoya, during the tirae that they were there, came to serue thera (being driuen thereunto by necessity) that of the Maiz which they had taken from them, they would bestow some crummes vpon them. And because the Countrie was feriill, and the people vsed to feed of Maiz, and the Chris tians had gotten all frora them that they had, and the people were raany, they were not able to sustaine theraselues. Those which carae to the towne were so weake and feeble, that they had no fle.sh left on their bones ; and many came and died neere the towne for pure hunger and weaknesse. The Gouernour commanded vpon grieuous punishments to giue thera no Maiz. Yet, when they saw that the hogges wanted it not, and that they had yeelded theraselues to serue them, k considering their miserie and wretchednes, hauing pity of the, they gaue them part of the Maiz which they had. And when the time of their embarkment next adioyning to Virginia. 115 embarkment came, there was not sufficient to serue their owne turnes. That which there was, they put into the brigandines, and into great canoes tied two and two together. They ship ped 22. of the best horses, that were in the Camp, the rest they naade dried flesh of; and dressed the hogges which they had in like manner. They departed from Minoya the second day of lulie, 1543. Chap. XXXVII. As the Christians went downe the great Riuer on their voy- , age, the Indians of Quigalta did set vpon them, and what was the successe thereof. THe day before they departed frora Minoya, they deter mined to dismisse al the men k women of the Countrie, which they had detained as slaues to serue thera, saue some hundred, little more or lesse, which the Gouernour em barked, and others whom it pleased hira to permit. And because there were many men of qualitie, whom he could not deny that which he granted to others, he vsed a policy, saying, that they might serue them as long as they were in the Riuer, but when they came to the sea, they must send them away for want of water, because they had but few vessels. He told his friends in secret, that they should carrie theirs to Nueua Espanna : And all those whora hee bare no good will vnto (which were the greater number) ignorant of that which was hidden from thera, which afterward time discouered, thinking it inhumanitie for so little time of seruice, in reward of the great seruice that they had done thera, to carrie them with them, to leaue them slaues to other men out of their owne Countries; left fiue hundred raen and woraen ; among whom 500. slaues were many boles and girles, which spake k vnder- countrie stood the Spanish tongue. The most of thera did nothing but weepe : which raooued great corapassion ; seeing that all of them with good will would haue become Christians, and were left in state of perdition. There went They saile from Minoya 322 Spaniards in seuen brigandines, down Rio well ihade, saue that the plankes were thin, because Grande from the nailes were short, and were not pitched, nor jaies^efore had any decks to keep the water from comraing in. they came to In stead of decks they laid planks, whereon the 'he mouth mariners might runne to trim their sailes, and the people might refresh themselues aboue and below. The Go uernour 1 1 6 The Biscouerie of Florida, uernour made bis Captaines, and gaue to euery one his brigan dine, and took their oth and their word, that they would obey him, vntill they came to the land of the Christians. The Go uernour tooke one of the brigandines for himself, which he best liked. The same day that they departed from Minoya, they passed by Guachoya, where the Indians tarried for them in canoes by the Riuer. And on the shore, they had made-a great arbour with boughes : They desired him to come on shore ; but be excused hiraselfe, and so went along ; The Indians in their canoes accompanied hira ; and coraming where an arrae of the Riuer declined on the right hand, they said, that the Pro uince of Quigalta was neere vnto that place, and importuned the Gouernour to set vpon him, and that they would aide him, And because they had said, that he dwelt three daies iournie downe the Riuer, the Gouernour supposed that they had plot ted some treason against hira, and there left them ; and went downe with the greatest force of the water. The current was very strong, and with the helpe of ores, they went very swiftly. The first day they landed in a wood on the left hand of the Ri uer, and at night they withdrew themselues to the The secon brigandines. The next day they came to a towne, where they went on shore, and the people that was in it durst not tarrie. A woman that they tooke there being exarained, said, that that towne belonged to uasene. ^ Cacique named Huasene, subiect to Quigalta, and that Quigalta tarried for thera below in the Riuer with many men. Certaine horsemen went thither, and found some houses, wherein was much Maiz. Iraraediately raore of them went thither and tarried there one day, in which ay. jj^gy, jjj beate out, and tooke as much Maiz as they needed. While they were there, many Indians came from the nether part of the Riuer, and on the other side right against them somewhat carelessely set themselues in order to fight. The Gouernour sent in two canoes the crossebowmen that he had, and as many more as could goe in them. They ran away, and seeing the Spaniards could not ouertake them, they return ed backe, and tooke courage ; and comming neerer, making an outcrie, they threatned them : and assoone as they departed thence, they went after them, some in canoes, and some by land along the Riuer; and getting before, comming to a towne that stood by the Riuers side, they ioyned al together, making a shew that they would tarrie there. Euerie brigandine towed a canoe fastened to their siernes for their particular seruice. Pre- A towne bur- ^^"^'j" ^^^^^ entred men into euerie one of them, ned. which made the Indians to file, and burned the towne. next adioyning to Virginia. 117 towne. The same day they presently landed in a great field, where the Indians durst not tarrie. The next day there were gathered together an hundred canoes, '^''* "'''''^ '^^¦y- among which were some that carried 60. and 70. a fleote of an men, and the principall mens canoes had their hundred faire tilts, and plumes of white and red feathers for their "-""^ ^^^^ "''" J I . 1 ¦ . noes. ensignes : and they carae within two crossebow shot of the brigandines, and sent three Indians in a small canoe with a fained message to view the manner of the brigandines, and what weapons they had. And coraraing to the side of the Go uernours brigandine, one of the Indians entred, and said ; That the Cacique of Quigalta his Lord, sent him his com mendations, and did let him vnderstand, that all that the Indians o/" Guachoya had told him concerning himselfe, was false, and that they had incensed him, because they were his enemies; that he was his seruant, and should find him so. The Gouernour answered hira, that he beleeued all that he said was true, and willed him to tell him, that he esteemed his friendship very much. With this answer they returned lo the place where the rest in their canoes were waiting for them, and from thence all of them fell downe, and came neere tbe Span iards, shouting aloud, and threatning of them. The Gouernour sent lohn de Guzman, which had been a Captaine of footemen in Florida, with 15. armed men in canoes to make them giue way. Assoone as the Indians saw them come towards them, they diuided themselues into two parts, and stood still till the Spaniards came nie them, and when they were come neere them, they ioyned together on both sides, taking lohn de Guz man in the middest, and them that carae first with hira, and with great furie horded them; And as their canoes were bigger, and raany of them leaped into the water to stay thera, and to lay hold on the canoes of the Spaniards, and ouerwhelme them; so presently they ouerwhelraed thera. The Christians fell into the water, and with the weight of their armour sunke downe to the bottome ; and some few, that by swimming or holding by the canoe could haue saued themselues, with oares and staues, which they had, they strooke them on the head and made them sinke. When they of the brigandines saw the ouerlhrow, though they went about to succour them, yet through the current of the Ri uer they could not goe backe. Foure Spaniards fled to the brigandine that was neerest to the canoes ; and only these escaped of those that came among the Indians. They were eleuen that died there ; among whom nia^rdTdrow- lohn de Guzman was one, and a sonne of Don ned. Carlos, called lohn de Vargas : the rest also were The death of persons 118 The Biscouerie of Florida, lohn de Guz- persons of accout and men of great courage. *"*"- Those that escaped by swimming, said, that they saw the Indians enter the canoe .of lohn de Guzman at the sterne of one of their canoes, and whether they carried him away dead or alive they could not certainly tell. Chap. XXXVIII. Which declareth how they were pursued by the Indians. , He Indians, seeing that they had gotten the victo- rie, tooke such courage, that they assaulted them in the brigandines, which they durst not doe be fore. They carae first to that brigandine wherein Calderon went for Captaine, and was in the rere ward ; and at the first volie of arrowes they wounded woundTd"'"'^^ 25 men. There were only foure armed men in this brigandine ; these did stand at the brigandines side to defend it. Those that were vnarmed, seeing how they hurt them, left their oares and went vnder the deck ; whereupon the brigandine began to crosse, and to goe where the current of the streame carried it. One of the armed men seeing this, without the commandement of the Captaine, made a footman to take an oare and stirre the brigandine, hee standing be- The great vse fore him and defending him with his target. The set"^^ '"" Jn'^'^ns came no neerer then a bowshot, from from whence they offended and were not offended, receiuing no hurt: for in euery brigandine was but one crosse bow, and those which wee had were very much out of order. So that the Christians did nothing else but stand for a butte to receiue their arrowes. Hauing left this brigandine they went to another, and fought with it halfe an houre ; and so from one to another they fought with them all. The Christians had mattes to lay vnder thera, which were double, and so close and strong, Strong mats '¦'^^' "° arrow went thorow thera. And assoone as agoodde- the Indians gaue thera leisure, they fensed the bri- fence against gandines with them. And the Indians seeing that arrowes. ^^^^ ^^^jj ^^^ shoote leuell, shot their arrowes at randon vp into the aire, which fell into the brigandines, and hurt sorae of the men ; and not therewith contented, they sought to get to thera which were in the canoes with the horses. Those of the brigandines enuironed them to defend them, and tooke them among thera. Thus seeing themselues much vexed by them, next adioyning to Virginia. 119 them, and so wearied that they could no longer endure it, they determined to trauell all the night following, thinking to get beyond the countrie of Quigalta, and that they would leaue them ; but when they thought least of it, supposing they had now left them, they heard very neere them so great outcries, that they made thera deafe, and so they followed vs all that night, and the next day till noone, by which lime we were come into the countrie of others, whom they desired to vse vs after the same manner ; and so they did. ^JJ°f ^'' ^''°' The men of Quigalta returned home ; and the other in fiftie canoes fought with vs a whole day and a night ; and they entred one of the brigandines, that came in the rere ward by the canoe which she had at her sterne, and tooke away a woman which they found in it, and afterward hurt some of the men of the brigandines. Those which came with the horses in the canoes, being wearie with rowing night and day, lingered behind; and presently the Indians came vpon thera, and they of the brigandines tarried for thera. The Gouernour resolued to goe on shore and to kill the horses, because of the slow way which they made because of them. Assoone as they saw a place conuenient for it, they went thither and killed the horses, and brought the flesh of thera ^esh'fo^r°foo'd to drie it aboord. Foure or fiue of thera reraained on shore aliue; the Indians went vnto thera, after the Spaniards were embarked. The horses v/ere not acquainted with them, and began to neigh, and runne vp and downe, in such sort, that the Indians, for feare of them, leaped into the water : and get ting into their canoes went after the brigandines, shooting cruelly at them. They followed vs that euening and the night follow ing till the next day at tenne of the clocke, and then returned vp the Riuer. Presently frora a small towne that stood vpon the Riuer came seuen canoes, and fol- ^""^ owne. lowed vs a little way downe the Riuer, shooting at vs ; but seeing they were so few that they could doe vs but little harme, they returned to their towne. From thence forward, vntill they carae to the Sea, they had no encounter. They sailed downe the Riuer seuenteene daies: which jy^^jales^ may be two hundred and fifty leagues iourney, lit- downe the Ri- tle more or lesse ; and neere vnto the Sea the Riuer "er, which is is diuided into two armes ; each of them is a league leagues. and an halfe broad. Chaf. 120 The Biscouerie of Florida, Chap. XXXIX. How they came vnto the sea : and what happened vnto them in all their voiage. Alfe a league before they came to the sea, they came to anker to rest themselues there about a day; for they were very weary with rowing and out of heart. For by the space of many daies they had eaten nothing but parched and sodden Maiz ; which they had by allowance euery day an headpeece ful by strike for euery three me. While they rode there at anker seuen canoes of Indians came lo set vpo those, which they brought with them. The Gouernour coraraanded arraed men to go aboord them, and to driue them farther off. They came also against them by land through a thick wood, and a moorish ground, and had staues with very sharp forked heads made of the bones of fishes, and fought verie valiantly with vs, which went out to en counter them. And the other that came in canoes with their arrowes staied for them that came against them, and at their coraming both those that were on land, and those in the canoes wounded sorae of vs : And seeing vs corae neere them, they turned their backs, and like swift horses among footemen gat away from vs ; making some returnes, and reuniting themselues together, going not past a bow shot off: for in so retiring they shot, without receiuing any hurt of the Christians. For though they had some bowes, yet they could not vse them ; and brake their armes with rowing to ouertake them. And the Indians easily in their corapasse went with their canoes, staying and wheeling about as it had been in a skirmish, perceiuing that those that carne against thera could not offend them. And the more they stroue to corae neere them, the more hurt they re ceiued. Assoone as they had driuen them farther off, they returned to the brigandines. They staied two daies there : And departed from thence vnto the .place, where the arme of the Riuer entreth into the sea. They sounded in the Riuer neere vnto the Sea, and found 40. fathoms water. They staied there. And the Gouernour commanded al and singular persons to speake their minds touching their voiage, whether it were best to crosse ouer to Nueua Espanna, committing theselues to the hie sea, or whether they should keepe along the coast. There were sundry opinions touching this matter : wherein lohn Da nusco, which presumed much, and tooke much vpon him in the knowledge next adioyning; to Virginia. 121 knowledge of nauigation, and matters of the sea, although hee had but httle experience, mooued the Gouernour with his talke: and his opinion was seconded by some others. And they affirmed, that it was much better to passe by the hie sea, and crosse the gulfe, which was three of foure parts the lesser tra uell, because in going along y^ coast, they went a great way about, by reason of the compasse, which the land did make. lohn Danusco said, that he had seene the seacard, and that from the place where they were, the coast ran East and West vnto Rio de las Palmas; and from Rio de las Palmas to Nueua Espanna from North to South : and therefore in sailing alwaies in sight of land would bee a great compassing about and spend ing of much tirae ; Si that they would be in great danger to be ouertaken with winter before they should get to the land of the Christians: and that in 10. or 12. daies space, hauing good weather, they might bee there in crossing ouer. The most part were against this opinion, and said, that it was more safe to go along the coast, though they staied the longer ; because their ships were very weake and without decks, so that a very little storme was enough to cast thera away ; and if they should be hindred with calraes, or contrarie weather, through the sraall store of vessels which they had to carrie water in, they should likewise fall into great danger: and that although the ships were such as they might venture in thera, yet hauing neither Pilot nor Seacard to guide themselues, it was no good counsell to crosse the gulfe. This opinion was confirmed by the greatest part: and they agreed to go along the coast. At the time where in they sought to depart from thence, the cable of the anker of the Gouernours brigandine bralie, and the anker remained in the Riuer. And albeit, they were neere the shore, yet it was so deepe, that the Diuers diuing many tiraes could neuer find it : which caused great sadnes in the Gouernour, and in all those that- went with him in his brigandine ; But with a grindstone which they had, and certaine bridles which reraained to some of the Gentlemen, and men of worship which had horses, they made a weight which serued in stead of an anker. The 18. of Inly, they went foorth to sea with faire ^e 3()*"of'^ and prosperous weather for their voiage. And see- May, 15.39. ing that they were gone two or three leagues from Chap. 7. they the shore, the Captaines of the other brigandines ^a^lulyTs.*" ouertooke them, and asked the Gouernour, where- i543. fore he did put off from the shore ? and that if he would leaue the coast, he should say so ; and he should not do it without the consent af all ; and that if hee did otherwise, they would not follow him, but that euery one would doe what seemed 1 22 The Biscouerie of Florida, seemed best vnto hiraselfe. The Gouernour answered, that hee would doe nothing without their counsell, but that hee did beare off from the land to saile the better and safer by night ; and that the next day when time serued, he would returne to the sight of land againe. They sailed with a reasonable good wind that day and the night following, and the next day Fresh water al- III gugning song, alwaies in fresh water; whereat most two daies , ? , ° , ^ i ¦ r sailing in the they wondred much; for they were verie farre Sea. from land. But the force of the current of the The coast Riuer is so great, and the coast there is so shallow shallow. and gentle, that the fresh water entreth farre into the Certaine ^^^- '^^^^ euening on their right hand they saw creekes where certaine creekes, whither they went, and rested they rested a there that night : where lohn Danusco with his "'^'^'' reasons wonne thera at last, that all consented and agreed to commit themselues to the maine Sea, alleaging, as he had done before, that it was a great aduantage, and that their voyage would be much shorter. They sailed two daies, and when they would haue come to sight of land they could not, for the winde blew from the shore. On the fourth day, seeing their fresh water began to fade, fearing necessitie and danger, they all complained of lohn Danusco, and of the Gouernour that fol lowed his counsell ; and euery one of the Captaines said, that they would no more goe from the shore, though the Gouernour went whither he would. It pleased God that the winde changed though but a little ; and at the end of foure daies after they had put to sea, being alreadie destitute of water, by force of rowing they got within sight of land, and with great trou- Roade?" ^'^ recouered it, in an open roade. That euening the winde came to the South, which on that coast is a crosse winde, and draue the brigandines against the shore, because it blew very hard, and the anchors were so weake, that they yeelded and began to bend. The Gouernour commanded all men to leape into the water, and going between them and the shore, and thrusting the brigandines into the Sea assoone as the waue was past, they saued thera till the winde ceased. Chap. next adioyning to Virginia. 123 Chap. XL. How they lost one another by a storme, and afterward came together in a creeke. jN the bay where they rode, after the tempest was past, they went on shore, and with mattockes, which they had, they digged certaine pits, which grew full of fresh water, ^'^'tZr" '' 1^ ' o ) commonlie where they filled all the cask, which found by dig- they had. The next day they departed thence, '"g '" the and sailed two daies, and entred into a creeke like ^''" ^¦?" "^ _ ' „ ^ . sea side. vnto a poole, fenced from the South winde, which then did blow, and was against them ; and there they staied foure daies, not being able to get out; and when the Sea was calme they rowed out ; they sailed that day, and toward euening the winde grew so strong that it draue them on the shore, and they were sorie that they had put foorth frora the former harbour : for as soone as night approached a storme began to rise in the Sea, and the winde still waxed raore and viofent with a tempest. The brigandines lost one another ; two of them, which bare more into the Sea, entred into an arme of the Sea, which pearced into the ^^^ ^J"° ° land two leagues beyond the place where the other were that night. The fiue which staied behinde, being alwaies a league, and halfe a league the one frora the other, met together, without any knowledge the one of the other, in a wilde roade, where the winde and the waues droue ^' roade. thera on shore ; for their anchors did streighten and carae home ; and they could not rule their oares, pulling seuen or eight men to euery oare, which rowed to seaward : and all the rest leaped into the water, and when the waue was past that draue the bri gandine on shore, they thrust it againe into Sea with all the diligence and might that they had. Others, while another waue was in coraraing, with bowles laued out the water that came in ouerboord. While they were in this tempest in great feare of being cast away in that place, frora midnight forward they en dured an intollerable tormet of an infinite swarme of Moskitoes which fell vpon thera, which assoone A swarme of as they had stung the flesh, it so infected it, as |iJoe°"^ though they had bin venomous. In the morning the Sea was asswaged and the wind slaked, but not the Muski- toes ; for y^ sailes which were white seemed blacke with them in the morning. Those which rowed, vnlesse others kept them away 124 The Biscouerie of Florida, away, were not able to row. Hauing passed the feare St dan ger of the storme, beholding the deformities of their faces, and the blowes which they gaue themselues to driue them away, one of them laughed at another. They met all together in the A skumme of ^reek where the two brigandines were, which out- the sea like Went their fellowes. There was found a skumrae, pitch, called which they call Copee, which the Sea casteth vp, Copee. ^^^ j|. jg jjj^g pitch, wherewith in some places, where pitch is wanting, they pitch their ships; there they pitch ed their brigandines. They rested two daies, and then eftsoones proceeded on their voyage. They sailed two daies raore, and landed in a Bay or arrae of the Sea, where they Another deep ^j^j^j ^^^ ^j^jg^^ rpj^^ ^^^^g ^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ ^^^^ from thence sixe men went vp in a canoe toward the head of it, and could not see the end of it. They put out from thence with a South winde, which was against them: but because it was little, and for the great desire they had to shorten their voyage, they put out to sea by force of oares, and for all that made very little way with great labour in two daies, and went vnder the lee of a small Island into an arme sma s an .^j- ^^^^ g^^^ which compassed it about. While they were there, there fell out such weather, that they gaue God many thankes, that they found out such an harbour. There was great store of fish in that place, which they tooke with fis'h?^"™" nets, which they had, and hookes. Heere a man cast an hooke and a line into the Sea, and tied the end of it to his arrae, and a fish caught it, and drew hira into the wa ter vnto the necke : and it pleased God that hee reraembred him selfe of a knife that he had, and cut the line with it. Fourteene There they abode fourteene daies ; and at the end thUplace.^ '" of them it pleased God to send them faire weather, for which with great deuotion they appointed a pro cession, and went in procession along the strand, beseeching God to bring them to a land, where they might serue him in better sort. Chap. next adioyning to Virginia. 125 Chap. XLI. How they came to the Riuer of Panuco in Nueua Espanna. I N all the coast wheresouer they digged they found fresh water ; there they filled their vessels ; and the procession being ended, erabarked themselues, and going alwaies in sight of the shore they sailed sixe daies. lohn Danusco said that it would doe well to beare out to seaward ; for he gaflin^'*^ had seene the Seacard, and reraembred that from Rio de las Palmas forward the coast did runne frora North to South, and thitherto they had runne frora East to West, arid in his opinion, by his reckoning, Rio de las Palmas could not be farre off, from where they were. That sarae night they put to sea, and in the morning they saw Palrae leaues floting, and the coast, which ranne North and pa°m"/i°a^ues South : from midday forward they saw great Moun taines, which vntill then they had not seene; for {^[^e*™°""" from this place to Puerto de Spiritu Santo, where they first landed in Florida, was a very plaine and ^l 'he North- , •' J I r . ¦'i t^ I . , s'ne of the low countrey ; and therefore it cannot be descried, Gulfe of vnlesse a man come very neere it. By that which Mexico is ve- they saw, they thought that they had ouershot Rio saui°7n thit' de Palmas that night, which is 60 leagues from the one place. Riuer of Panuco, which is in Nueua Espanna. They assembled all together, and some said it was not good to saile by night, lest they should ouershoot the Riuer of Panuco : and others said, it was not well to lose time while it was fauour- able, and that it could not be so neere that they should passe it that night : and they agreed to take away halfe the sailes, and so saile all night. Two of the brigandines, which sailed that night with all their sailes, by breake of day had ouershot the Riuer of Panuco without seeing it. Of the fiue that carae be hind, the first that came vnto it was that wherein Calderan was Captaine. A quarter of a league before they came at it, and before they did see it, they saw the water muddle, and knew it to be fresh water : and comming right against the Riuer, they saw, where it entred into the Sea, that the water brake vpon a shold. And because there was no man there that knew it, they were in doubt whether they should goe in, or goe along, and they resolued to goe in : and before they came vnto the current, they 12(5 The Biscouerie of Florida, they went close to the shore, and entred into the port : and assoone as they were come in, they saw Indian raen and women apparelled like Spaniards : whom they asked in what countrey they were ? They answered in Spanish, that it The Riuer of ^^.^^ ^j^^ Yl\aet of Panuco, and that the towne of Panuco: the ,,,,.. ,r i -.u- .u i j towne 15. the Christians was 15 leagues vp within the land. leagues from The ioy that all of them receiued vpon these th*' Rhler' °^ newes cannot sufficiently be- expressed : for it seemed vnto them, that at that instant they were borne again. And many went on shore and kissed the ground, and kneeling on their knees, with lifting vp their hands and eyes to heauen, they all ceased not to giue God thankes. Those which came after, assoone as they saw Calderan come to an anchor with his brigandine in the Riuer, presently went thither, and came into the hauen. The other two brigandines which had' ouershot the place, put to sea to returne backe to seeke the rest, and could not doe it, because the winde was contrarie and the Sea growne ; they were afraid of being cast away, and re- couering the shore they cast anchor. While they rode there a storme arose: and seeing that they could not abide there, much lesse endure at Sea, they resolued to runne on shore ; and as the brigandines were but small, so did they draw but little water ; and where they were it was a sandie coast. By which occasion the force of their sailes draue them on shore, without any hurt of thera that were in them. As those that were in the port of Panuco at this time were in great ioy ; so these felt a double griefe in their hearts; for they knew not what was become of their fellowes, nor in what countrey they were, and feared it was a countrey of Indian eneraies. They landed two leagues below the port ; and when they saw themselues out of the danger of the Sea, euery one tooke of that which he had, as much as he could carrie on his backe ; and they trauelled vp into the coun trey, and found Indians, which told them where, their fellowes were; and gaue thera good entertainment; wherewith their sadnes was turned into ioy, and they thanked God most hum bly for their deliuerance out of so raany dangers. Chap. next adioyning to Virginia. 127 Chap. XLII. How they came to Panuco, and how they ivere receiued of the inhabitants. Rom the tirae that they put out of Rio Grande to the sea, at their departure frora Florida, vntil ©^ they arriued in the Riuer of Panuco were 52. ^ daies. They carae into the Riuer ^ of Panuco the 10. of September, They arriued 1543. They went vp the Riuer with their bri- p^t^f'i^X gandines. They trauelled foure daies ; and because Septem! 10. the wind was but little, and many times it serued them not, because of the raany turnings which the Riuer raaketh, and the great current, drawing them vp by towing, and that in many places ; for this cause they made very little way, and with great labour; and seeing the execution of their desire to be de ferred, which was to come araong Christians, and to see the celebration of diuine seruice, which so long time they had not seene ; they left the brigandines with the mariners, and went by land to Panuco. All of them were apparelled in Deeres skins tanned and died blacke, to wit, cotes, hose, and shooes. When they came to Panuco, presently they went lo the Church to pray and giue God thankes, that so rairaculousely had saued thera. The townesmen which before were aduertised by the Indians, and knew of their arriual, caried sorae of them to their houses, and entertained them, whom they knew, and had ac quaintance of, or because they were their Countrimen. The Alcalde Mayor .tooke the Gouernour horae to his bouse ; and comraanded al the rest, assoone as they came, to be lodged -6. & 6. and 10. k 10. according to the habilitie of euery townes- man. And all of them were prouided for by their hostes of many hennes and bread of Maiz, and fruites of the Countrie, which are such as be in the Isle of Cuba, whereof before I haue spoken. The towne of Panuco may The deserlp- containe aboue 70. farailies ; the most of their houses ^°^° "' are of lime and stone, and some made of timber, and all of them are thatched. It is a poore Countrie, and there is neither gold nor siluer in it ; The inhabitants Hue there in great abundance of victuals and seruants. The richest haue not aboue 500. crownes rent a yeere, and that is in cotten clothes, hennes, and Maiz, which the Indians their seruants doe giue them for tribute. There arriued there of those that came out of 1 28 The Biscouerie of Florida, 311. Christians of Florida, three hundred and eleuen Christians. arriued at Pa. Presently the Alcalde Mayor sent one of the towns- raen in post to aduertise the Viceroy, Don Antbhio de Mendoga, which was resident in Mexico, that of y^ people that went with Don Ferdinando de Soto to discouer and con quer F/onc^a, three hundred and eleuen raen were ariued there, that seeing they were iraploied in his Maiesties seruice, he would take sorae order to prouide for them. Whereat the Viceroy, and all the inhabitants oi Mexico wondred. For they thought they were miscarried, because they had trauelled so farre within the maine land of Florida, and had no newes of them for so long a time : and it seemed a wonderfull thing vnto them, how they could saue themselues so long among Infidels, without any fort, wherein they might fortifie theraselues, and without any other succour at all. Presently the Viceroy sent a warrant, wherein bee commaded, that whilhersoeuer they sent, they should giue them victuals, and as many Indians for their caria ges as they needed: and where they would not furnish them," they might lake those things that were necessarie perforce with out incurring any danger of law. This warrant was so readilie obeyed, that by the way before they came to the townes, they came to receiue them with hennes, and victuals. Of the fauour which they found at the hands of the Vice roy, and of the inhabitants of the Citie of Mexico. iRom Panuco to the great Citie of Temistitan ' Mexico is 60. leagues ; and other 60. frora Pa nuco to the Port de Vera Cruz, where they take take shipping for Spaine, and those that come frora Spaine do land to go for Nueua Espanna, These three townes stand in a triangle ; to wit. Vera Cruz, to the South, Panuco to the North, and Mexico to the West, 60. leagues asunder. The Countrie is so inhabited with Indians, that frora towne to towne, those which are farthest, are but a league, and halfe a league asunder. Some of them that came from Florida staied a raoneth in Panuco to rest theraselues, others fifteene daies, and euery one as long as he listed ; for there was none that shewed a sower countenance to his guests, but rather gaue thera any thing that they had, and seemed to be grieued when they took their leaue. Which was to be be leeued. For the victuals, which the Indians doe pay them for tribute, are more then they can spend : and in that towne is no commerce ; and there dwelt but few Spaniards there, and they were glad of their companie. The Alcalde Mayor diuided all the next adioyning to Virginia. m^ the Emperours clothes which he had (which there they pay him for his tribute) among those that would come to receiue them. Those which had shirts of maile left, were glad men : for they had a horse for one shirt of maile ; Some horsed theraselues : and such as could not (which were the greatest part) tooke their iournie on foote ; in which they were well receiued of the Indians that were in the townes, and better serued, then they could haue' been in their owne houses, though they had been well to liue. For if they asked one hen of an Indian, they brought them foure ; and if they asked any of the Countrie fruit, though it were a league off, they ran presently for it. And if any Christian found himselfe euill at ease, they carried hira in a chaire from one towne to another. In whatsoeuer manner of towne they came, the Cacique, by an Indian which China, to car- carried a rod of lustice in his hand, whom they call "« ""'" '" Tapile, that is to say, a sergeant, commanded them " ^"''^' to prouide victuals for thera, and Indians to beare burdens of such things as they had, and such as were needfull to carrie thera that were sicke. The Viceroy sent a Portugall 20. leagues frora Mexico, with great store of sugar, raisons of the -Sunne, and conserues, and other things fit for sicke folkes, for such as had neede of thera : and had giuen order to cloth thera all at the Emperours charges. And their approch being knowne by the citizens oi Mexico, they went out of the towne to receiue them : and with great courtesie, requesting them in fauour to come to their houses, euery one carried such as hee met home with him, and clothed them euery one tbe best they could : so that he which had the meanest apparell, it cost aboue 30. du cats. As many as were willing to corae to the Viceroyes house he coraraanded to be apparelled, and such as were persons of qualitie sate at his table: and there was a table in his house for as many of the meaner sort as would come to it ; and he was presently informed, who euery one was, lo shew him the cour tesie that he deserued. Some of the Coquerors did set both gentlemen and clownes at their owne table, and raany tiraes raade the seruant sit cheeke by cheeke by his master: and chiefly the officers and men of base condition did so: for those which had better education did enquire who euery one was, and made difference of persons ; but all did what they could with a good will : and euery one told them whom they had in their houses, that they should not trouble themselues, nor thinke themselues the worse, to take that which they gaue them ; for they had bin in the like case, and bad bin relieued of others, and that this was the custorae of that countrey. God reward them all : and God grant, that those which it pleased him to deliuer Vol. IV.— No, 1, 9 130 TTie Biscouerie of Florida, deliver out of Florida, and to bring againe into Christendome, may serue hira ; and vnto those that died into that countrey, and vnto all that beleeue in hira and confesse his holy faith, God for his mercie sake grant the kingdome of heauen. Amen. Chap. XLIV. Which declareth some diuersities and particularities of the land of Florida: and the fruites, and beasts, and fowles that are in that Countrie. Port de Spi- M^^^^flRom the Port de Spiritu Santo, vihexe ritu Santo is p^Tg^^g they landed when they entred into in SB. degrees Jy^pji |i**^ n, ¦ i i r> ¦ r /-i ^ i on the West ^JS »^^ I lorida, to the rrouince of Ucute, side of Flo- ^^„,^^^ which may bee 400. leagues, litde "'^^- W^^^^^^ more or lesse, is a verie plaine Coun trie, and hath many lakes and thicke woods, and in some places they are of wild pinetrees ; and is a weake soile ; There is in it neither Mountaine nor hill. The Countrie of Ocute is more fat and fruitfull ; it hath thinner woods, and very "goodly medows „ vpon the Riuers. Fro Ocute to Cutifachiqui may „' , . . may be 130. leagues: 80. leagues thereof are de- - Cutifachiqui. ¦[ , , ° r -ij -d- . sert, and haue many groues of wild Pine trees. Through the wildernesse great Riuers doe passe. Xuala From Cutifachiqui to Xuala, may be 250. leagues ; it is al an hilly Countrie. Cutifachiqui and Xuala stand both in plaine ground, hie, and haue goodly Chiaha Coca '"S'^o^s on the Riuers. From thence forward to andTaiise. to Chiaha, Coga, and Talise, is plaine ground, dry and fat, and very plentifull of Maiz. From Xuala to Tascaluga may be 250. leagues. From Tasca- Tascaluga. j^^^^ j^ j^-^ Grande, or y^ Great Riuer, may be 300. leagues ; the Countrie is low, and full of lakes. Rio Grande. From Rio Grande forward, the Countrie is hier and more champion, and best peopled of all the land of Florida. And along this Riuer from Aquixo. Aquixo to Pacaha, and Coligoa, are 150. leagues; the Countrie is plaine, and the woods thinne, and Coligoa. '" ^°™^ places champion, very fruitfull and pleasant. From Coligoa to Autiamque are 250. leagues of Autiamque. hillie Countrie. From Auiiamque to Aguacay, Aguacay. ™ay be 230. leagues of plaine ground. Frora Aguacay to the Riuer of Daycao 120. leagues, all hillie Countrie. From next adioyning to Virginia. 131 From the Port de Spiritu Santo vnto Apalache, p^ ^^^ .^g they trauelled from East to West, and Northwest. *^'"* From Cutifachiqui to Xuala from South to North. From Xuala to Coga from East to West. From Coga to Tasculaga, and to Rio Grande, as far as the Prouinces of Quizquiz and Aquixo from East to West. Frdta 'Aquixo to Pacaha to the North. From Pacaha to Tulla from East to West : and from Tulla to Autiamque from North to South, to the Prouince of Guachoya and Daycao. The bpead which they eate in all the- land of ^^-^^ Florida is of Maiz, which is like course millet. And this Maiz is common in all the Islandes and West Indies from the Antiles forward. There are also in Flo- walnuis rida great store of Walnuts, and Plummes, Mul- piummes, berries, and Grapes. They sow and gather their Mulberries, Maiz euery ope their seuerall crop. The fruits ^'^P^^- are common to all : for they grow abroad in the open fields in great abundance, without any neede of planting or dressing. Where there be Mountaines, there be chestnuts : they are somewhat smaller then the chestnuts of Chestnuts. Spaine. Fro iJio Grawrfe Westward, the Walnuts differ from those that grow raore Eastward : for gastJIrd fr"ora they are soft, and like vnto Acornes ; And those Rio Grande. which grow frora Rio Grande to Puerto del Spiritu H"''' Walnuts Santo for the raost part are hard ; and the trees f^.^^ j^^^ and Walnuts in shew like those of Spaine. There Grande. is a fruit through all the Countrie which groweth on a plant like Ligoacan, which the Indians doe plant. The fruit is like vnto Peares Riall : it bath a verie good smell, and an excellent taste. There groweth another earena . plant in the open field, which beareth a fruit like vnto strawberries, close to the ground, vphich hath Strawberries. a verie good taste. The Plummes are of two piu^jneg ^f kindes, red and gray, of the making and bignesse two kinds. of nuts, and haue three or foure stones in them. These are better then all the plummes of Spaine, and they make farre better Prunes of thera. In the Grapes there is onelie want of dressing : for though they bee big, they haue a great kirnell. All other fruits are very perfect, and lesse hurt- full then those of Spaine. There are in Florida raany Beares, and Lyons, Wolues, Deere, Dogges, Caties, Marterns and Co nies. There be many wild Hennes as big as Turkies, powles. Partridges small like those of Africa, Cranes, Duckes, 132 The Biscouerie of Florida. Duckes, Pigeons, Thrushes, and Sparrowes. There are cer taine Blacke birds bigger then Sparrows, and lesser then Stares. There are Gosse Hawkes, Falcons, lerfalcons, and all Fowles of prey that are in Spaine. The Indians are well proportioned. Those of the plaine Countries are taller of bodie, and better shapen, then those of the Mountaines. Those of the Inland haue greater store of Maiz, and commodities of the Countrie, then those that dwell vpon the sea coast. The Countrie along the sea coast is barren and poore : and the people raore warlike. The coast runneth from Puerto del Spiritu Santo to Apalache, East and West; and frora Apalache to Rio de las Palmas irom East to West : frora Rio de las Palmas vnto Nueua Espanna from North to South. It is a gentle coast, but it hath many sholdes, and great shelues of sand. Deo gratias. This Relation of the discouerie of Florida was printed in the house of Andrew D. Burgos, Printer and Gentleman of the house of my Lord Cardinall the Infante. It was finished the tenth of Februarie in the yeere one thousand, fiue hundred, fiftie and seuen, in the noble and most loyall citie of Euora. FINIS. RELATION OF A Discovery lately made on the Coast of FLORIDA, (From Lat. 31. to 33 Deg. 45 Min. North-Lat.) By William, Hilton Commander, and Commissioner with Capt. Jinthony Long, and Peter Fabian, in the Ship Adventure, which set Sayl from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. and was set forth by several Gentlemen and Mer chants of the Island oi BARBADOES. Giving an account of the nature and tempera ture of the Soyl^ the manners and disposition of the Natives, and whatsoever else is remarkable therein. Together with Proposals made by the Commissioners of the Lords Proprietors, to all such per sons as shall become the first Sellers on the Rivers, Harbors, and Creeks there. LONDON, Printed by /. C. for Simon Miller at the Star neer the West-end of St. Pauls, 1664. s>^6S»SX)6e'S\»oa«vM6a««o6e^®«ooa«'£oSa^^ Licensed June 22. 1664. Roger L'Esfrange. 5-8/aoi>s«/»g(»^a«Q( ¦ *S^ ^^^ ^S Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol. IV.— No. 2. A true Relation of a Voyage, upon discovery of part of the Coast of Flori da, from the Lat. of 31 Deg. to 33 Deg. 45 m. North Lat. in the Ship Adventure, William Hilton Commander, and Commis sioner with Captain Anthony Long and Peter Fahian ; set forth hy several Gentlemen and Merchants of the Island of Barbadoes; sailed from Spikes Bay, Aug. 10. 1663. »FTER Sixteen days of fair weather, and pros perous windes, Wednesday the 26 instant, four of the clock in the Afternoon, God be thanked, we espied Land on the Coast of Florida, in the lat. of 32 deg. 30. min. being four Leagues or there abouts to the Northwards of Saint Ellens, having run five hun dred and fifty Leagues ; and to the Westward of the Meridian of Barbadoes., three hundred thirty and one Leagues. This Evening and the Night following we lay off and on ; Thursday the 27th instant, in the morning, we stood in with the Land, and coasted the Shoar to the Southward, Ankering at Nights, and sending our Boat out a Mornings, till we came into the lat. of 31 deg. but found no good harbour that way. On Sun day the 30th instant, we tacked, and stood Northward: and on Wednesday the second of September, we carae to an Anchor in five fathoras at the mouth of a very large opening of three Leagues wide, or thereabouts, in the lat. of 32 deg. 30 min. and sent our Boat to sound the Channel. On Thursday the third, we entered the Harbour, and found that it was the River Jordan, and was but four Leagues or thereabouts N. E. from Port Royal, which by the Spanyards is called St. Ellens : within Land, both Rivers meet in one. We spent some time to sound the Chanels both without and within, and to search the 4 Hilton's Belation. the Rivers in several branches, and to view the Land. On Saturday the fifth of September, two Indians came on Board us from the N. E. shoar, whora we entertained courteously, and afterwards set thera on shoar. On Sunday the sixth, several Indians came on Board us, and said they were of St. Ellens; being very bold and familiar; speaking many Spanish words, as, Cappitan, Commarado, and Adues. They know the use of Guns, and are as little startled at the firing of a Peece of Ordnance, as he that hath been used to them many years : they told us the nearest Spanyards were at St. Augus- tins, and several of them had been there, which as they said was but ten days journey ; and that the Spanyards used to come to them at Saint Ellens, sometiraes in Canoa's within Land, at other times in small Vessels by Sea, which the In dians describe to have but two Masts. They invited us to come to St. Ellens with our Ship, which they told us we might do within Land. Munday the 14 September, our Long-Boat went with twelve hands within Land to St. Ellens. On Wed nesday the 16th, came five Indians on board us; one of them pointing to another, said, he was the Grandy Captain of Edis- tow : whereupon we took especial notice of him, and enter tained him accordingly, giving him several Beads, k other trade that pleased him well : He invited us to bring up our Ship into a branch on the N. E. side, and told us of one Cap tain Francisco, and four more English that were in his custody on shoar; whereupon we shewed him store of all Trade, as Beads, Hoes, Hatchets and Bills, ^c. and said, he should have all those things if he would bring the English on board us ; • w* he promised should be done the next day. Hereupon we wrote a few lines to the said English, fearing it to be a Spanish delusion to entrap us. In the dark of the same Evening carae a Canoa with nine or ten Indians in her with their Bowes and Arrowes, and were close on board before we did discern them : We haled them, but they made us no answer, which increased our jealousie; So we comraanded them on board, and disarmed them, detaining two of them prisoners, and sending away the rest to fetch the English ; which if they brought, they should have theirs again. At length they delivered us a Note written with a coal, which seemed the more to continue our jealousie, because in all this tirae we had no news of our long-boat from St. Ellens, which we feared was surprized by the Indians and Spanyards. But to satisfie us that there were English on shoar, they sent us one man on board about twelve of the clock in the Night who related to us the truth of the matter, and told us Hilton's Melalion. 5 us they were cast away some four or five leagues to the North ward of the place v/e then rode, on the 24th of July past, being thirteen persons that came on shoar, whereof three of them were kill'd by the Indians. On Thursday the 17ih of September the Long-boat returned from St. Ellens, which pre sently we sent on shoar to fetch the other English, the Indians delivering us three more ; and coming aboard themselves, we delivered them their two men. Then we demanded of the chief Commander where the rest of our English were : he an swered, Five were carried to St. Ellens, three were killed by the Stonohs, and the other man we should have within two dayes. We replyed to him again, That we would keep him and two more of his chief men, till we had our English that were yet living ; and promised them their liberty, with satisfac tion for bringing us the English. Now to return to the businesse of our Design ; the entertainment we had at S. Ellens put us in great fear of the Indians treachery ; for we observed their continual gathering together, and at last began with stern-look'd countenances to speak roughly to us, and came to search our mens Bandileers and Pockets ; yet inviting us to stay that night with them : but we made a sudden retreat to our Boat, which caused the Indian King to be in a great rage, speaking loud and angry to his men ; the drift of which discourse we under stood not. That which we noted there, was a fair house build ed in the shape of a Dove-house, round, two hundred foot at least, compleatly covered with Pafoie^a-leaves, the wal-plate being twelve foot high, or thereabouts, k within lodging Rooms and Forms ; two pillars at the entrance of a high Seat above all the rest : Also another house like a Sentinel-house, floored ten foot high with planks, fastned with Spikes and Nayls, standing upon substantial Posts, with several other small houses round about. Also we saw many planks, to the quantity of three thousand foot or thereabouts, with other Timber squared, and a Cross before the great house. Likewise we saw the Ruines of an old Fort, compassing more than half an acre of land within the Trenches, which we supposed to be Charls's Fort, built, and so called by the French in 1562, ^c. On Monday, Sep tember 21. one English youth was brought from St. Ellens aboard us by an Indian, who informed us that there were four more of their company at St. Ellens, but he could not tell whether the Indians would let them come to us : For saith he. Our Men told rae, that they had lately seen a Frier and two Spanyards more at St. Ellens, who told them they would send Soldiers suddenly to fetch them away. This day we sayled up the 6 Hilton's L'elaiion. the River with our Ship to go through to St. Ellens. On Tues day the 22 instant, three Indians came on board ; one of them we sent with a Letter to the English Prisoners there. On Wednesday the 23d. we sent out Boat and Men to sound the Chanel, and finde out the most likely way to St. Ellens with our Ship by Combeheh. In the mean time came many Canoa's aboard us with Corn, Pumpions, and Venison, Deer-skins, and a sort of sweet-wood. One of our men looking into an Indian basket, found a piece of Spanish Rusk ; it being new, we de manded of the Indian where be had it; who said, of the Spaniards. In the interim, while we were talking, came a Canoa with four Indians from St. Ellens, on standing up, and holding a paper in a cleft stick ; they told us they had brought it from the Spanish Captain at St. Ellens. We demanded how many Spaniards were come thither ; who said, Seven, and one English-man: We received their Letter writ m Spanish, hut none of us could read it: We detained two of the chiefest In dians, one of them being the Kings Son of S. Ellens, and that kept one of the English prisoners; the other two we sent away with a Letter to the Spaniard, wherein we gave him to under stand, that we understood not his letter; and told the Indians, when they brought the English, they should have their men again, with satisfaction for their pains. On Thursday, 24 instant, we sayling further up the River to go through, at last came lo a place of fresh water, and Anchored there, sendino- our Boat ashoar with a Guard to get water. Towards niffht carae the first Indian that we sent to St. Ellens with a letter to the English, who brought us another letter from the Spaniards, and an Answer of ours from the English, writ in the Spaniards letter. The Spaniard sent us a quarter of Venison, and a quarter of Pork, with a Complement, That he was sorry he had no more for us at that time. We returned him thanks, and sent him a Jug of Brandy ; and withal, that we were sorry we understood not his letter. This night about twelve of the Clock we had a raost violent gust of winde, but of no long con tinuance. On Friday 25 September, we weighed, and return ed down the River six leagues, or thereabouts, because we per ceived the Indians had gathered themselves in a Body from all parts thereabouts, and moved as the Ship did ; and being in formed by an Indian that the Spaniards would be there the next day; we took in Fire-wood, and continued there that night, at which time one of our Indian Prisoners made his escape by leaping over-board in the dark. On Saturday the 26. we weighed, and stood down to the Harbours mouth, and stayed Hilton's Helation. 7 stayed there till Monday the 28. In all which time came no one to us, though we stay'd in expectation of their coming con tinually ; therefore put out to Sea, concluding their intentions not to be good. Being out of the River Jordan, we directed our course S. W. four leagues or thereabouts for Port-Royal, to sound the Chanel without from the poynts of the Harbour outwards ; for we had sounded the Harbour within from the points inward when our Boat was at St. Ellens: And now be ing athwart the Harbours mouth, we sent our Boat with the Mate and others, who found the N. E. and E. N. E. side of the opening of Port-Royal to be Sholes and Breakers to the mid dle of the opening; and three leagues or thereabouts into the Sea, from the side aforesaid, is unsafe to meddle with : but the S. W. and W. side we found all bold steering in N. N. W. two or three miles from the S. W. shoar, sayling directly with the S. W. head-land of the entrance of Port-Royal : the said head land is bluft, and seems steep, as though the trees hung over the water: But you raust note, that if you keep so far frora the S. W. side, that you stand in N. N. W. with the bluft head aforesaid, you shall go over the Outskirt of the E. N. E. sholing, and shall have but three or four fathora for the space of one league or thereabouts, and then you shall have six and seven fathoms all the way in : But if you borrow more on the S. W. side, till you have brought the S. W. head of the Entry to bear N. N. E. you shall have a fair large Chanel of six, seven, and eight fathoms all the way in, and then five, six, seven and eight fathoms within the Harbour, keeping the Chanel, and standing over to the Northward : we supposed that it flows here as at the River Jordan, because they are but four leagues asunder, and flows S. E. and N. W. seven foot and half, and sometimes eight foot perpendicular : the Mouth of Port-Royal lyes in 32 deg. 20 min. lat. Now as concerning the entrance of the River Jordan, lat. 32 deg. 30. min. or thereabouts, you shall see a range of Breakers right against the opening, two or three leagues off the S. W. Point ; which you must leave to the Northward, and steer in with the said S. W. Point, giving a range of Breakers that runs from the said Point a small birth, and you shall have two, three, and four fathoms at low water ; and when you come one mile from the Point aforesaid, steer over directly to the N. E. Point, and you shall shall have six or seven fathom all the way. Within the N. W. Point is good Anchoring : you shall have five fathoras fair aboard the shoar; and you shall have five, six, seven, and eight fathoms, sayling all along upon the River, ten leagues, and a large turning Chanel : It flows here S. E. and N. W. seven 8 Hilton's Helation. seven foot' and a half, and eight foot at common Tydes. The River Grandy, or as the Indians call it Edistoiv, lyes six leagues or thereabouts from the River Jordan, and seems to be a very fair opening : but because the chief Indian of that Place was on board us, and the Countrey all in Arras, we not know ing how the winde might crosse us, it was not thought fit to stay there : But sorae of those English that had lived there, being Prisoners, say, that it is a very fair and goodly River, branch ing into several branches, and deep, and is fresh water at low Tide within two leagues of the Mouth ; it seeming to us as we passed by, a good entrance large and wide, lat. 32 deg. 40 min. in or thereabouts. Now our understanding of the Land of Port-Royal, River Jordan, River Grandie, or Edistow, is as followeth ; The Lands are laden with large tall Oaks, Walnut and Bayes, except facing on the Sea, it is most Pines tall and good : The Land generally, except where the Pines grow, is a good Soyl, covered with black Mold, in sorae places a foot, in some places half a foot, and in other places lesse, with Clay underneath mixed with Sand ; and we think may produce any thing as well as most part of the Indies that we have seen. The Indians plant in the worst Land, because they cannot cut down the Timber in the best, and yet have plenty of Corn, Pumpions, Water-Mellons, Musk-mellons ; although the Land be over-grown with weeds through their lazinesse, yet they have two or three crops of Corn a year, as the Indians them selves inform us. The Country abounds with Grapes, large Figs, and Peaches ; the Woods with Deer, Conies, Turkeys, Quails, Curiues, Plovers, Telle, Herons; and as the Indians say, in Winter, with Swans, Geese, Cranes, Duck and Mallard, and innumerable of other water-Fowls, whose names we know not, which lie in the Rivers, Marshes, and on the Sands ; Oysters in abundance, with great store of Muscles ; A sort of fair Crabs, and a round Shel-fish called Horse-feet; The Ri vers stored plentifully with Fish that we saw play and leap. There are great Marshes, but most as far as we saw litde worth, except for a Root that grows in them the Indians make good Bread of. The Land we suppose is healthful ; for the English that were cast away on that Coast in July last, were there most part of that time of year that is sickly in Virginia ; and not withstanding hard usage, and lying on the ground naked, yet had their perfect healths all the time. The Natives are very healthful ; we saw many very Aged amongst them. The Ayr is clear and sweet, the Countrey very pleasant and delightful ; And we could wish, that all they that want a happy settlemeiit, of our English Nation, were well transported thither, ^c. FROM Hilton's Relation. 'C'Rom Tuesday the 29th of September, to Friday the second ¦*¦ of October, we ranged along the shoar from the lat. 32 deg. 20 min. to the lat. 33 deg. 11 min. but could discern no En trance for our Ship, after we had passed to the Northwards of 32 deg. 40 min. On Saturday the third instant, a violent storm came up, the winde between the North and the East ; which Easterly windes and fowl weather continued till Monday the 12th. By reason of which storms and fowl weather, we were forced to get off lo Sea to secure our selves and ship, and were horsed by reason of a strong Current, almost to Cape Hatterasse in lat. 35 deg. 30 min. On Monday the 12th aforesaid we came to an Anchor in seven fathom at Cape Fair- Road, and took the Meridian-Altitude of the Sun, and were in the lat. 33 deg. 43 rain, the winde continuing still Easterly, and fowl weather till Thursday the 15th instant; and on Fri day the 16th, the winde being at N. W. we weighed, and sailed up Cape Fair-River, sorae four or five leagues, and carae to an Anchor in six or seven fathora ; at which tirae several Indians carae on Board, and brought us great store of Fresh-fish, large Mullets, young Bass, Shads, and several other sorts of very good well-tasted Fish. On Saturday the 17lh, we went down to the Cape to see the English Cattel, but could not finde them, though we rounded the Cape : And having an Indian Guide with us, here we rode till the 24th instant ; the winde being against us, we could not go up the River v?ith our Ship ; in which time we went on shoar, and viewed the land of those quarters. On Saturday we weighed, and sayled up the River some four leagues or thereabouts. Sunday the 25th, we weighed again, and towed up the River, it being calm, and got up some fourteen leagues from the Harbours mouth, where we mored our Ship. On Monday the 26 October, we went down with the Yoal to Necoes, an Indian Plantation, and viewed the Land there. On Tuesday the 27th, we rowed up the main River with our long-Boat and twelve men, some ten leagues or thereabouts. On Wednesday the 28th, we rowed up about eight or nine leagues more. Thursday the 29th was foul weather, of much rain and winde, which forced us to make Huts, and lye still. Friday the 30th, we proceeded up the main River, seven or eight leagues. Saturday the 31, we got up three or four leagues more, and came to a Tree that lay athwart 10 Hilton's Relation. athwart the River ; but because our Provisions were neer spent, we proceeded no further, but returned downward the remainder of that day ; and on Monday the second of November, we camq aboard our Ship. Tuesday the third, we lay still to refresh ourselves. On Wednesday the 4th, we went five or six leagues up the River to search a branch that ran out of the main River towards the N. W. In which branch we went up five or six leagues; not hking the Land, we returned on board that night about midnight, and called that place Swampy-branch. Thurs day the fifth instant, we staid aboard ; on Friday the 6th we went up Greens River, the raouth of it being against the place we rode with our Ship. On Saturday the 7th, we proceeded up the said River some fourteen or fifteen leagues in all, and found that it ended in several sraall branches ; the Land for the raost part being marshy and swamps, we returned towards our ship, and got aboard in the night: Sunday the 8th instant we lay still, and on Monday the 9lh we went again up the main River, being well provided with Provisions and all things neces sary, and proceeded upwards till Thursday noon 12th instant, at which time we carae to a place where two Islands were in the middle of the River, and by reason of the crookednesse of the River at that place, several Trees lay athwart both branchs, which stopped up the passage of each branch, that we could proceed no further with our Boat; but we went up the River side by land some three or four miles, and found the River to enlarge it self; So we returned, leaving it as far as we could see up a long reach running N. E. we judging our selves from the Rivers mouth North near fifty leagues ; we returned, viewing the Land on both sides the River, and found as good tracts of land, dry, well wooded, pleasant and delightful as we have seen any where in the world, with great Ijurthen of Grasse on it, the land being very level, with steep banks on both sides the River, and in some places very high, the woods stor'd with abundance of Deer and Turkies eveiy where; we never going on shoar, but saw of each also Partridges great store, Cranes abundance. Conies, which we saw in several places ; we heard several Wolves howling in the woods, and saw where they had torn a Deer in pieces. Also in the River we saw great store of Ducks, Telle, Widgeon, and in the woods great flocks of Parrakee- to's ; the Timber that the woods afford for the most part con sisting of Oaks of four or five sorts, all differing in leaves, but all bearing Akorns very good : we measured many of the Oaks in several places, which we found to be in bignesse some two, some three, and others almost four fathoms; in height, before you Hilton's Helation. 11 you come to»boughs or limbs, forty, fifty, sixty foot, and sorae more, and those Oaks very common in the upper parts of both Rivers ; AJso a very tall large Tree of great bignesse, which some do call Cyprus, the right name we know not, growing in Swamps. Likewise Walnut, Birch, Beech, iMaple, Ash, Bay, Willough, Alder and Holly; and in the lowermost parts innum erable of Pines, tall and good for boards or masts, growing for the most part in barren sandy ground, but in some places up the River in good ground, being mixed amongst Oaks and other Timber. We saw several Mulberry-trees, multitudes of Grape vines, and sorae Grapes which we did eat of. We found a very large and good tract of Land on the N. W. side of the River, thin of Timber, except here and there a very great Oak, and full of Grasse, commonly as high as a mans middle, and in many places to his shoulders, where we saw many Deer and Turkies ; also one Deer with very large horns, and great in body, therefore called il Stag-Park : it being a very pleasant and delightful place, we travelled in it several miles, but saw no end thereof. So we returned to our Boat, and proceeded down the River, and came to another place sorae twenty five leagues frora tbe Rivers mouth on the same side, where found a place no lesse delightful than the forraer ; and as far as we could judge, both Tracts carae into one. This lower place we called Rocky-point, because we found many Rocks and Stones of several bignesse upon the Land, which is not comraon. We sent our Boat down the River before us; our selves travelling by Land raany railes, were so much taken with the pleasant- nesse of the Land, that travelling into the woods so far, we could not recover our Boat and company that night. On Sun day the morrow following we got lo our Boat, and on Monday the 16th of November, we proceeded down to a place on the East-side of the River some twenty three leagues frora the Harbours mouth, which we call'd Turkie- Quarters, because we killed several Turkies thereabouts. We viewed the Land there, and found some tracts of good Land, and high, facing upon the River about one mile inward, but backwards some two miles all Pine-land, but good pasture-ground: we returned to our Boat, and proceeded down sorae two or three leagues, where we had formeriy viewed, and found it a tract of as good Land as any we have seen, with as good Timber on it. The banks of the River being high, therefore we called it High- Land Point. Having viewed that, we proceeded down the River, going on shoar in several places on both sides, it being generally large Marshes, and many of them dry, that they may more 12 Hillon's Helation. more fitly be called Medows : the wood-land against them is for the most part Pine, and in sorae places as batren as ever we saw Land, but in other places good Pasture-ground: And on luesday the 17th instant, we got aboard our Ship, riding against the mouth of Green's River, where our men are provi ding wood, and fitting the Ship for the Sea : In the interim, we look some view of the Land on both sides of the River there, finding some good Land, but raore bad, and the best not comparable to that above. Friday the 20th instant v^as foul weather, yet in the Afternoon we weighed, and went down the River some two leagues, and came to Anchor against the raouth of Hilton's River, and took some view of the Land there on both sides, which appeared to us much like unto that at Green's River. Monday 23. we went with our Long-boat well victual led and manned up Hilton's River ; and when we carae three leagues or thereabouts up the said River, we found this and Green's River to corae into one, and so continued for four or five leagues, which causeth a great Island betwixt them. We proceeded still up the River, till they parted again,, keeping up Hilton's River on the Lar-board side, and followed the said River five or six leagues further, where we found another large branch of Green's River to come into Hilton's, which maketh another great Island. On the Star-board side going up, we pro ceeded stil up the River some four leagues, and returned, taking a view of the Land on both sides, and now judge our selves to be from our ship some eighteen leagues W. and by W. One league below this place came four Indians in a Canoa to us, and sold us several baskets of Akorns, which we satisfied for, and so left thera ; but one of them followed us on the shoar some two or three miles, till he came on the top of a high bank, facing on the River, we rowing underneath it, the said Indian shot an Arrow at us, which missed one of our raen very narrowly, and stuck in the upper edge of the Boat, which broke in pieces, leaving the head behind. Hereupon we pre sently made to the shoar, and went all up the bank except four to guide the Boat; we searched for the Indian, but could not finde him : At last we heard sorae sing further in the Woods, which we thought had been as a Chalenge to us to come and fight them. We went towards thera with all speed, but before we came in sight of them, we heard two Guns go off from our Boat, whereupon we retreated with all speed to secure our Boat and Men; when we came to them, we found all well, k de manded the reason of their firing the Guns ; they told us that an Indian came creeping on the Bank as they thought to shoot at Hilton's Helation. 13 at them, therefore shot at him a great distance with Swan- shot, but thought they did him no hurt, for they saw him run way. Presently after our return to the Boat, while we were thus talking, came two Indians to us with their Bows and Arrows, crying Bonny, Bonny : we took their Bows and Arrows from them, and gave them Beads, to their content. Then we led them by the hand to the Boat, and shewed them the Arrow head sticking in her side, and related to them the businesse; which when they understood, both of them manifested much sorrow, and made us understand by signes, that they knew no thing of it : so we let them go, and marked a Tree on the top of the bank, calling the place Mount-Skerry. We looked up the River as far as we could discern, and saw that it widened it self, and came running directly down the Countrey : So we returned, and viewed the Land on both sides the River, finding the banks steep in some places, but very high in others. The banks sides are generally Clay, and as some of our company doth affirm, some Marie. The Land and Timber up this Ri ver is no way inferiour to the best in the other, which we call the main River : So far as we discovered, this seeras as fair, if not fairer than the former, and we think runs further into the Countrey, because there is a strong Current comes down, and a great deal more drift-wood. But to return to the business of the Land and Tiraber ; We saw several plats of Ground cleared by the Indians after their weak raanner, compassed round with great Timber-Trees ; which they are no ways able to fall, and so keep the Sun from their Corn-fields very much ; yet never- thelesse we saw as large Corn-stalks or bigger, than we have seen any where else : So we proceeded down the River, till we found the Canoa the Indian was in who shot at us. In the morninf we went on shoar, and cut the same in pieces ; the Indian's perceiving us coming towards them, run away. We went to his Hut, and pulled it down, brake his pots, platters, and spoons, tore his Deer-skins and Mats in pieces, and took away a basket of Akorns : So we proceeded down the River two leagues, or thereabouts, and came to another place of In dians, bought Akorns and some Corn of them, and went down wards two leagues more: at last we espied an Indian peeping over a high bank : we held up a Gun at him ; and calling to him sa\d° Skerry: presently several Indians appeared to us, making great signes of friendship, saying. Bonny, Bonny, and running before us, endeavouring to perswade us to come on shoar; but we answered them with stern countenances, and said, Skerry, taking up our guns, and threatning to shoot at them ; Vol. IV.— No. 2. 10 14 Hilton's Relation. them ; but they cryed still Bonny, Bonny : And when they saw they could not prevail, nor perswade us to come on shoar, two of them came off to us in a Canoa, one padling with a great Cane, the other with his hand ; they came to us, and laid hold of our Boat, sweating and blowing, and told us it was Bonny on shoar, and at last perswaded us to go ashoar with thera. As soon as we landed, several Indians, to the number of near forty lusty men, came to us, all in a great sweat, and told us Bonny: we shewed them the Arrow-head in the Boats-side, and a piece of tbe Canoa which we had cut in pieces: the chief man of them made a large Speech, and threw Beads into our Boat, which is a signe of great love and friendship ; and made us to un derstand, when he heard of the Affront which we had received, it caused him to cry : and now he and his men were come to make peace with us, making signes to us that they would tye his Arms, and cut off his bead that had done us that abuse; and for a further testimony of their love and good will towards us, they presented to us two very handsom proper young Indian women, the tallest that we have seen in this Countrey; which we supposed to be the Kings Daughters, or persons of some great account amongst thera. These young women were ready to come into our Boat ; one of thera crouding in, was hardly perswaded to go out again. We presented to the King a Hatchet and several Beads, also Beads to the young women and to the chief men, and to the rest of the Indians, as far as our Beads would go : they promised us in four days to come on board our Ship, and so departed frora us. When we left the place, which was presently, we called it Mount-Bonny, because we had there concluded a firm Peace. Proceeding down the River two or three leagues further, we came to a place where were nine or ten Canoa's all together ; we went ashoar there, and found several .Indians, but most of them were the same which had raade Peace with us before ; We made little stay there, but went directly down the River, and carae to our Ship before day. Thursday the 26th oi November, the winde being at South, we could not go down to the Rivers mouth; but on Friday the 27th, we weighed at the mouth of Hiltonh River, and got down one league towards the Harbours mouth. On Sunday the 29th, we got down to Crane-Island, which is four leagues or thereabouts above the Entrance of the Harbours mouth. Now on Tuesday the first of December, we made a purchase of the River and land of Cape-Fair, of Wattcoosa, and such other Indians as appeared to us to be the chief of those parts : they brought us store of Fresh-fish aboard, as Mullets, Shads, Hilton's Relation. 15 Shads, and other very good Fish: this River is all Fresh-water fit to drink. Some eight leagues within the mouth, the Tide runs up about thirty five leagues, but stops and riseth a great deal farther up ; it flowes at the Harbours mouth S. E. and N. W. six foot at Neap-Tides, and eight foot at Spring-Tides : the Chanel ou the Easier-side by the Cape-shoar is the best, and lyes close aboard the Cape-land, being three fathoms at High- water, in the shallowest place in the Chanel just at the Entrance ; but as soon as you are past that place half a Cables length in ward, you shall have six or se*en fathoms, a fair turning Cha nel into the River, and so continuing four or five leagues upwards; afterwards the Chanel is raore difficult in some places six or seven fathoms, four or five, and in other places but nine or ten foot, especially where the River is broad. When the River comes to part, and grows narrow, there is all Chanel from side to side in most places; iu some places you shall have five, six, or seven fathoms, but generally two or three, Sand and Oaze. We viewed the Cape-land, and judged it to be little worth, the Woods of it shrubby and low, the Land sandy and barren ; in sorae places Grass and liushes, and in other places nothing but clear sand : a place filler lo starve Cattel in our judgement, then to keep them alive; yet die Indians, as we understand, keep the English Cattle down there, and suffer them not to go off the said Cape, as we suppose, because the Countrey-inSian^ shall have no part with them, and as wo think, are fallen out about them, who shall have the greatest share. They brought aboard our Ship very good and fat Beef several times, which they could afl'urd very reasonable ; also fat and very large Swine, good cheap penny-worths : but they may thank their friends oi New- England, who brought their Hogs to so fair a Market. Some of the Indians brought very good Salt aboard us, and made signes, pointing to both sides of the Rivers mouth, that there was great store thereabouts. We saw up the River several good places for the setting up of Corn or Saw mills. In that time as our businesse called us up and down the River and Branches, we kill'd of wild-fowl, four Swans, ten Geese, twenty nine Cranes, ten Turkies, forty Duck and Mal lard, three dozen of Parrakeeto's, and six or seven dozen of other small Fowls, as Curiues and Plovers, <^c. Whereas 16 Hillon's Relation. "I/'T/'Hereas there was a Writing left in a Post at the Point of ^ ' Cape Fair River, by those New-England-men that left Cattel with the Indians there, tbe Contents whereof tended not only to the disparagement of the Land about the said River, but also to the great discouragement of all those that should hereafter corae into those Parts to settle : In Answer to that scandalous writing. We whose names are under-written do affirm, That we have seen facing on both sides of the River, and branches of Cape-Fair aforesaid, as good Land, and as well Timbred, as any we have seen in any other part of the worid, sufficient to accoramodate thousands of our English Nation, lying corarnodiously by the said River. On Friday the 4th of December, the winde being fair, we put out to Sea, bound for Barbadoes ; and on the 6th day of January, 166f , we came to Anchor in Carlisle-Bay ; and after several known apparent dangers both by Sea and Land, have now brought us all in safety to our long-wish'd-for and much desired Port, to render an Accorapt of our Discovery, the verity of which we aver. Anthony Long. William Hilton. Peter Fabian. Hilton's Relation. 17 A Copy of the Spanyard's first Letter. "Am corae to this Town of ]niide\- Indians, to seek some English, which my Gouernour and Captain- General, Don Alonso de Arangows, de Colis, Caval- lier, and Knight of the Order of St. James, for his Majesty, had notice that there was a Ship lost in that Port in which you are, that the men might not run any hazard of their lives, as those with me here have. Don Adeleyers, with the Governor of the Garison of S. Augustine, are gone to ransome and free the Subjects of the King your Master, CHARLES the Second: Wherefore I aduise you, that if these Indians (although Infidels and Barbarians) have not killed any of the Christians, and do require as a gift or courtesie for those four men, four Spades, and four Axes, some Knives, and some Beads, and the four Indians which you have there, you deliver them, and that for their sakes that shall sayl on this Coast ; you may send a Boat, who when she comes athwart the Port of St. Ellens, may hoist an Ancient twice or thrice, and 1 will do the same. The shortnesse of the dispatch I desire, for I want provision for my Soldiers, and the way is large. Your Servant desires you would give rae a speedy An swer; and what may be done in your service, I shall do very williugly ; And if you have none that can interpret the Spanish Tongue, you may write in your own, for here are your Coun- trey-men that can understand it; but if you can, let it be in Spanish. From the Capt. Alanso Argucles. From St. Ellens the 22 of Sep- temb. 1663. The 18 Hilton's Relation. The Copies of our Letters sent to the English and Spaniards at St. Ellens, with tlie Answer of Mr. William Bavis, and the Spaniards also, here inclo sed. Loving Friends and Couniry-men, "W T"W" T"Ee are corae up the River with our Ship, and are V/ %/ resolved to come through by Combibeh, to St. ^ ' Ellens, and to get you away by fair means, or otherways. If that will not do, we have five of your company already : and the Captain of Edistow, and one more are Pri soners with us, whom we intend to keep till we have rescued all the English Prisoners out of the hands of the Indians. Send us word by this Bearer what you know concerning the Spanyards; for the youth Morgan tells us, that the Spanyards are come with Soldiers lo fetch you away. Fail not to inform us how things are. Nothing else at present, but remain Your friend and Servant WILL. HILTON. From on Board the Adventure, Septemb. 21. 1663. AN Hilton's Relation. 19 An Answer to the not understood. Spanyards Letter Honoured Sir, WHereas wee received a Letter from you, the Contents whereof we understand not, because none of us could read Spanish : Our businesse is to demand and re ceive the English Prisoners from the hands of the Indians, and then they shall have their Indians which we have detained on Board, with satisfaction for their pains. We understand not at present that we have any businesse with you. Not else at pre sent, but remain Your Friend and Servant in what I may. Will. Hilton. From on Board the Adventure, Septemb. 23. 1663. To his honoured Friend the Spanish Captain at St. Ellens. AN 20 Hilton's Relation. AnAnswertoMr. WilliamBams his Lines written to us in the Spanyard's Let ter, Viz. Mr. William Davis, WEe received your Lines in the Spanish Letter, but hear nothing of your coming to us. Let your Keepers send you, and that without delay ; for you may assure thera. That we will be gone, and carry the Indians away with us, except they send the English suddenly on Board, and then they shall have their Indians upon our receipt of the English. Not else at present, but thank the Spanish Captain for the Pork and Venison he sent us. Reraain Your loving Friend Will. Hilton. From on Board the Adventure, September 24. 1663. To Mr. William Davis at St. Ellens. SIR, Hilton's Relation. 21 SIR, WEe have received your second Letter, and give you no Answer, for tbe Reason raentioned in our former Letter to you. Please to inform the Indians, That if they bring not the English , Prisoners on Board us without further delay, we are resolved to carry their Indians we have on Board away : But if they will bring the English, they shall have theirs, with satisfaction. Also we thank you for your Venison and Pork. Not else at present, but remain SIR, Your Friend and Servant in what I may Will. Hilton. From on Board the Adventure Septemb. 24. 1663. To his Honoured Friend, the Spanish Captain at St. Ellens. 22 Hilton's Relation. A Copy of the Spanyard''s second Lettei MY Governour and Capt. General, as soon as he had News that a Ship, by Nation English, was lost in that Port in which you now are, sent me with Soldiers of the Garison of St. Augustine in Florida, as they have at other times done, to free them from death ; for which cause I came to this Port of St. Ellens, where I found all these Indians in a fright, fearing that you will do them some mischief: So having found four men of those that were lost, I thought good to ad vise you, that you might carry them in your company, giving sorae gifts to those Indians which they desire ; which is, four Spades, four Axes, some Knives, and some Beads. This they desire, not as payment, but onely as an acknowledgment of a kindness for having saved their lives; which they have always done as Naturals who have given their obedience to the King our Master. And they do also desire you to let go those four Indians which are there : You may send a Boat when you dis cover the Points of St. Ellens ; may hoist an Ancient two or three tiraes, and I will do the sarae. I desire your Answer may be sodain ; for I am scarce of Provisions, and the way is somewhat long: and if you have no body who understands Spanish, you may write in English, for here are your Couti- treymen who will interpret it. By the Captain Alanso Arguiles. From St. Ellens, Septemb. 23. 1663. Proposals Hilton'' s Relation. 23 Proposals made to all such Persons as shall undertake to become the first Sellers on Rivers, Harbours, or Creeks, whose Moutli or Entrance is Southwards or Westwards of Cape St. Romana in the Province of Caro lina, and execute the same at their own hazard and charge of Transportation, Am munition, and Provision, as is hereafter ex pressed, &'c. 1. "Mprimis, It is agreed and consented to hy us Thomas Mudyford, and Peter Colleton, Esquires, who are im- powered by the Lords Proprietors to treat in their behalf; That in consideration of the good service which Captain Anthony Long, Captain William Hil ton, and Mr. Peter Fabian have done in making so clear a Discovery on that Coast, They shall each of them enjoy to them and their Heirs for ever one thousand Acres of Land apiece upon the said River, Harbour, or Creeks, on such places as they shall desire, not taken up before. II. Item, To Master Pyam Blowers, and Master John Hancock, five hundred Acres apiece, in manner as aforesaid. III. Item, To all the Sea-men and Adventurers in the said Ship, one hundred Acres apiece in manner as aforesaid. IV. Item, To every person that hath subscribed and paid, or hath subscribed and shall pay within two moneths next after the Date 24 ^Hilton's Relation. Date hereof, unto the Treasurer appointed by the Committee for defraying the Charge of the late Discovery, and towards the publique Stock, five hundred Acres of Land, besides what they are otherwayes to receive and enioy each for every thousand pounds of Sugar, and so for greater or lesser quantity propor- tionably, to possesse and enjoy the same in manner as aforesaid; the said Adventurers having promised, That the severall and respective Persons above-intended, shall within five years next ensuing, have one Person white or black, young or old, trans ported at their Charge as aforesaid, on that or some other par cel of Land in the Province, for every hundred of Acres of Land that is or shall be due to them for their adventures as aforesaid : But when once taken up, to settle the same within one year after it is once taken up, or lose the Land, Item, To every Person that goes, or sends an Agent at hii or their own cost with the first Ship or Fleet, or within six weeks next after the first Ship or Fleet that shall be set out from this Island (none to be accompted as first Setlers but such as do send in the first Fleet) Armed with a good Fire-lock, ten pounds of Powder, and twenty pounds of Bullet, or Lead, and Victualled for six moneths, shall have one hundred Acres of Land, and the like quantity of Acres for every Man-servant that he carrieth so armed and provided, to the person at whose charge they shall be transported as aforesaid. VI. Item, To every person that shall second the first under takers, that is to say, shall go within two months next after those that are accompted as first Setlers, armed and provided as aforesaid, seventy Acres of Land, and seventy Acres for every Man-servant that he or they shall carry or send Armed and pro vided as aforesaid. VII. Item, To every person provided as aforesaid, that shall go within two years after the first undertakers, fifty Acres of Land, and as much to him or them for every Man-servant he or they shall carry or send, armed and provided as afore said. VIII. Hilton's Relation. . 25 VIII. Item, To every Free-woman above the age of twelve years, that shall go, or be carried thither within the first five years, forty Acres of Land. IX. Item, To all Male- Children above the age of fourteen years, the same quantity that is allowed to Free-men, and on the same Conditions. X. Item, The Lords Proprietors will grant unto every Parish one hundred Acres of Land for the Church and other pub.- lique uses. XI. Item, To every person that hath subscribed, and shall pay to the above-mentioned Discovery, who shall go or send an Agent within the first five years next after the first Setlers, forty Acres of Land; and as much to them for every Man servant they shall carry or send within thqt time armed and provided as aforesaid, and the like quantity for all others so transporting themselves or servants within the first three years, who are not Subscribers. XII. Item, To every Man-servant that shall go with the first undertakers, fifty Acres of Land ; and to such as go with the second Adventurers thirty Acres, and for all other servants that shall go within the first five years, twenty Acres, and for ' every Woman-servant ten Acres, to become due at the Expiration of the first Term of their servitude in that Countrey. XIII. . Item, To the Owner of every Negro-Man or Slave, brought thither to settle within the first year, twenty acres; and for every Woman- Negro or Slave, ten acres of Land ; and all Men- Negro's, or slaves after that time, and within the first five years, 26 Hilton's Relation. years, ten acres, and for every Women-Negro or slave, five acres. XIV. Item, That all the before-mentioned parcels of Land given, or to be given, allotted or granted to any person or persons whatsoever, shall be held and enjoyed to them, their Heirs and Assigns for ever, in free and common Soccage, according to the Tenure of East-Greenwich within the County of Kent, within the Kingdom of England (and not in Capiie, or by Knights-service) paying as a fine once for all to the Lords Pro prietors, or their Agents impowered to receive the same, one hnlf- peny per acre for every Acre of Land that is or shall be taken up as aforesaid, or the value of the said half-peny per Acre, when the person who is to receive it shall receive his Deed or Copy of Record for his Land so taken up ; and in lieu of all, and all manner of Rents, Services, Fines, Taxes and Imposi tions whatsoever, one ear o/Inilian Corn for every hundred acres of Land so taken up, at a certain time and place prescribed, if lawfully demanded. XV. Item, It is further agreed. That every person shall or may take up their Land, or any part thereof, where they please, in any place not before taken up : Provided they do therein sub mit to such Method as the Governour and Council for the time being shall judge most safe and convenient. XVI. Item, That the Lords Proprietors shall grant to the Free- Holders the Priviledge of choosing an annual Assembly, wherein by the .consent of ihe said Lords, or their Delegates, they shall be impowered to make Lawes, and them confirm, publish, and abrogate, as in the great Charter is expressed; and that the Assembly may lawfully, without the consent of the Governour, complain to the said Lords of such Grievances as lye upon the People. XVII. Item, That forasmuch as ihe Lords Proprietors or their Delegates may not be and not National churches, and that the sixth person is not of tks Church (meaning amongst thera) which falshood of his he boldly affirms, thinking that raany will believe because he saith it, but the contrary is well known to those that know them; for in Holland they refuse not to baptize any of their Country- rnens children who bring them to be baptized, else would their unbaptized be seen amongst thera as well as ihey are lo be seen in New-England; besides lis well known the Church of Scotland holds themselves a National chui-ch, and hath a National As sembly, and so the Church of Holland and France hold them selves National churches against the Independents. 3. As to the great love he insinuates they of Neiu-England bear to Presbyterian churches, by the example of profering certain Scots a. Plantation amongst them, where they should share with them in their lands, and enjoy their liberty of Presbyte- rial government, p. J 00. I answer, that passage is strange, and I can hardly believe it, that they who denied so many godly Ministers New-Englands Jonas cast up at London. 23 Ministers well known to them, Mr. Ball, Mr. Rathband, &;c. English men, the liberty of enjoying Presbyteriall government, should grant it to strangers of the Scoiish nation. Now that they denied them, is apparent ; besides Mr. Rathband and other Ministers testimonies (now with God) and Mr. Ash of the As sembly and others testifying so much, themselves in Print, in the book intituled Church-government and Church-covenant discussed, in ans. to the 31 quest, p. 83, 84. confesse it, and give reason of their denial. But if it be true there were any such promise to the Scots (which 1 much question) 1 am confi dent they had some design of their own in it, sorae worldly end or other ; as namely. That in those dangerous times, when it was likely that the times in England would soon be so bad that they could not be supplied of necessaries from England, they might then be supplied from Scotland with clothes, leather, k other commodities ; which Plot a very dull States-man might easily have contrived. 4. As for that he says, that Mr. Noyce, Mr. Parker, and Mr. Hubard, have their liberties in New- Eigland, who yet are Presbyterian ; I answer, the Church of the two first was founded the Church way of the Indepen dent manner, which is not anew constituted, though they in their judgments are somewhat different, and still they hold many Independent principles, as may be seen by Mr. Noyse's Book lately printed, though some Presbyterian principles. 5. For Mr. Hubard, dares Mr. Winslow says that Mr. Hubard vias not punished neither directly nor indirectly, for baptizing some children whose parents were not members of their Churches, , and that his sharp fines &z. disgracefuU being bound to the good behaviour, had no influence from the baptism of those children ? 6. Can any man think that the despitefull passages ventfed in Pulpits against the Church of England there, by some of their chief Elders, calling England Egypt k Babylon, and saying, that out of their Church-waies we cannot go lo Heaven, deny ing the Scales of the Covenant to some, because they would not confesse that there was no way of God lawfull to govern the Church by, but the Independent way ; and for no other cause as il is ready to be proved, when ever Mr. Winslow or any other Independents will desire a meeting, in London, before indifferent Judges ; and much more then 1 will here relate) is a sign of love to the Presbyterian brethren, and of keeping comraunion with them. 7. Concerning the offer that Mr. Winslow saith was made not long before he came away, by the Court, to certain discontented persons demanding liberty for Presbyterial 24 New-Englands Jonas cast vp at London. Presbyterial government, that it was freely k openly tendred to them ; this is strange news to us here, for we hear not one word of that offer from those Petitioners, although here are letters from some of them dated since M. Winslows comming from thence, that relates that Dr. Child k others of them remained still in prison, save that D. Child hath the liberty to be confined to M. Leders house upon security of 800.1. bond being given for his abiding there. For a conclusion of this Postscript, I shall desire the Reader by all that hath been said, to observe , how Independents are all of a peece, for subtilitie, desines, fal lacies, both in New-England and in Old. A NARRATIVE Of a New and Unusual AMERICAN Imprisonment Of Two PRESBYTERIAN MINISTERS : And Prosecution of Mr. Francis Makemie One of them, for Preaching one SER MON at the City oiJVEW-YORK. By a Learner of Law, and Lover of Liberty. Printed for the PubHsher. 1707. Force's Coiiection of Historical Tracts. Vol. IV.— No. 4. An Epistle to the REA Ingenuous Reader, OU have here a Specimen of the Cloggs k Fetters with which the Liberty of Dissenters are intangled at New- York and Jersey-Go vernments beyond any places in Her Majes ties Dominions ; And when the Conditions, and Impositions required, are as heavy, and uneasy to be bore ; and as great a Scruple of Conscience, as the grounds of their Separation and Dissent, it is next to no Liberty at all. And what the Consequences of such practices, if persisted in, will prove to such a Place, where Dissenters are above twenty to one, for one Church-man, and where men and money are so much wanting, for the defence of New-York, both by Sea and Land, which not many years, (by deraands of raen and raoney frora the Neighbouring Colonies on the Continent) was repre sented, as their only Barrier and Frontier, I leave to thinking men, and considering Politicians to answer ; besides the diffi culties and discouragements laid in the way of snch as would Import themselves, and the ready and shortest way to promote Deserters ^rom those Provinces. I cannot omit a true, and strange Story, I lately heard-of, that during the Imprisonment of these two Gentle.nen, either to find out a Crime, none being specifyed in the Mittimus, or to aggravate their imaginary fault: An Order was given to Major Sandford oi East- Jersey, to put sundry persons upon Exami nation, and their Oaths, to discover what Discourse they had with sundry of their friends, at the House of Mr. Jasper Crane in New-York-Tovjn \a East- Jersey, where Mr. Samuel Melyen, Mr. Crane, and another, gave their Depositions before Major Sandford, but found nothing to their purpose : Tho the prac tice is not to be outdone, yea, scarce paralelled by Spanish In quisition; for no men are safe in their most private Conversa tions, if most intimate Friends can be compelled upon Oath, to betray one anothers Secrets. If this is agreeable to English Constitution and Priviledges, I confess, we have been hitherto in tbe Dark. Preaching ^n Epistle to the READER. Preaching in a Private House was a Crime, and Preaching since, after being declared Not Guilty by a Legal Tryal, in a Publick Church, allowed by Law to tbe French, is since resent ed as a greater, by that Unchristian Clamour, made soon after, by some High-flown Spark's pretended Sons of the Church, who with a great deal of unbounded fury declared. If such things were allowed, their Church was ruined : Which is a lan guage of the same nature of those High-Flyers in England, who were declared by a Vote of the House of Lords, Enemies to the QUEEN and Government, for suggesting, the Church of England was in danger, from the Liberty, or Toleration of Dissenters. Tho' Preaching a Sermon, and Printing it as the cause of Imprisonment, be reputed a Libel, to justifie opening of Letters, and seizing Books, without restoration or satisfaction. I hope it will be no crime, for Losers to speak, in tellinij! the World, what we have suffered on sundry accounts; not only by Impri- sonnienl, and the exorbitant expensive prosecution ; and besides great loss of time, many dirainitive reproaches upon our Repu tations, by a Set of men, who could reach by their Short Horns to no higher degree of Persecution : And all this for Preaching one Sermon, without obtaining a License, which they could not, in terminis submit to, neither can nor dare in Conscience do to this day. And even for such as have this new moulded License, it is a Crime to Preach in another place then is expressed in said Li cence, or for any to Preach in their Pulpits : if a Pe«ple wants a Minister, they must have a Licence to call one, whither from New-England or Europe, a License to admit Ministers to attend any Ordination, and limited for number, and tyed up from ex ercising their Ministry without Licence, tho' in a transient man ner, which has drove some out of the Governraent, and deter red others from coming thereunto; which informs all, what Liberty of Conscience Dissenters do enjoy. Mr. Makemie since the Tryal, narrowly escaped a second Prosecution, for Preaching another Sermon : as some say, with a new Charge of being tbe Author of the Jersey Paper called, FORGETand FORGIVE; which is so groundless a Charge, in which his accusers cannot believe themselves, while the Au thors sraile at the mistake, and other men are suffering Impri sonment on account of said Paper, and will appear to have been composed before ]\Ir. Makemie came into these Parts. This Narrative consists chiefly of these parts for matter. (1.) Their An Epistle /o ^Ae RE ADER. Their Precepts for their Apprehending, and Commitment. (2.) Sundry Petitions. (3.) Tbe Interlocutory Conference, promoted and extorted from Mr. Makemie. (4.) Copies of Records, attested by Mr. Secretary. (5.) The Pleadings of the Defendant and Lawyers, with some Intermixt Animadver sions, and Glosses upon those as the Text. If the Publisher is mistaken in his sense of things, he is under the Correction of all Judicious, Impartial, and Unprejudiced Persons, whom he rea dily submits unto. If any want Information concerning the Sufferings of other Dissenters, both in their Persons, Estates, and Religious Liber ties ; 1 Recommend to the Body of Inhabitants of Jamaica, and New-Town on Long-Island, and Bedford in West Ches ter ; the former affraid to Petition, tho' one of them has a Min ister by a during-P leasure Licence : And the late Petition of Bedford, for Calling a Minister, is not yet answered, until an Abdicated Scotch Jacobite Parson, obtruded upon them, that insults intollerably over them, is consulted with. And how con sistent such things are even with the Liberty of Conscience, enjoined and commanded to be allowed by the Queens Instruc tions produced in Court, and to be found in this Narrative, 1 leave to every Reader to determine. So I bid you farewel. Makemies Tryal. A Particular JVarr alive of the Impri sonment of two JVon-conformist Min isters; and Prosecution or Tryal of one of them, for Preaching a SER MON in the City of JYew-York. HERE is nothing more common in Europe, then Publishing and Printing most Tryals, especially such as afford any thing remarkable, either frora the Merit of the Cause, or Man ner of Prosecution. And there being some thing Singular and Extraordinary, in sundry respects, in the Cause now before us; we cannot, we dare not, be silent at this juncture, but bound to let both Europe and America know, the first Prosecution of this nature, that ever was in America; which we hope, from the Merit of the Cause, manner of Proceeding, and unsuccessfulness, shall never be drawn into President, in our quiet and peaceable Wilderness. And tho' the?fe.- was a disappointment, in taking an exact Copy of every thing offered at the Tryal, and so no accurate, or strictly Formal Tryal, can be expected, especially from One who is no Lawyer ; but only a brief Narrative and Genuine History of the several steps of suffering, by the Confinement of Francis Makemie, and John Hampton, Presbyterian Ministers, for Preaching two Sermons in the Government of New- York, without Licence being first obtained of Lord Cornbury, for so doing; the ybrmer upon the earnest request of certain persons in the City of York, Preached a Sermon at the House of Wil liam Jackson, in Penr?-street, on the 20tb day of January, 1706, 7. in as publick a manner as possible, with open doors ; which Sermon is since Printed ; which he was necessitated to do, seeing Lord Cornbury opposed his Preaching in the Dutch Church ; and the latter Preached a Sermon on the same day in a Publick Meeting-House, offered to Record by the Inhabitants of New- Town upon Long-Island. And Mr. Makemie remained at York City all Monday, and a part of Tuesday the 22d of January, and Travelled that day to Neto-Town on Long-Island, where according to publick ap pointment 8 J^Iakemiea Tryal. pointment on the Lords-Day, he was designed to Preach on Wednesday following ; And was no sooner arrived there, but both were Apprehended by Tliomas Cardale, High-Sheriff, and Stephen Luff, Under-Sheriff of Queens- County, by a War rant, Signed by Lord Cornbury, as followeth. VXrHEREAS I am informed, that one Mackennan, ' ^ and one Hampton, two Presbyterian Preachers, who lately came to this City, have taken upon them to Preach in a Private House, without having obtained My Licence for so doing, which is directly contrary to the known Laws of England ; and being likewise in formed, that they are gone into Long-Island, /liiiA intent there spread to spread their Pernicious Doctrine and Principles, to the great disturbance of the Church by Law Established, and of the Governraent of this Province. You are therefore hereby Required and Commanded, to take into y&ur Custody the Bodies of the said Mackennan and Hampton, and them to bring with all convenient speed before me, at Fort-Anne in New- York. And for so doing, this shall be your suffi cient Warrant : Given under my Hand, at Fort Anne this 21st day oi January, 1706, 7. ^ . Cornbury. To Thomas Cardale Esqr. High-Sheriff of Queens- County on Long-Island, or his Deputy. A true Copy Examined per Thomas Cardale. A ND being late when Apprehended they were Prisoners -^ upon Parole, at the Houses of two Neighbours for that night, and next day, instead of carrying them to Fort-Anne, according to the directions of said Precept, they were carried by said Sheriffs to Jamaica, .seven or eight miles out of their direct way to York, and there detained all that day k night ; as if they were to be carried about in Triumph to be insulted over, as Exemplary Criminals, and put to further Charge. The 23d day about Noon, they were carried to Fort- Anne in York; and after sundry hours attendance, appeared before Lord Corn bury in the Council-Chamber, about three or 4 of the Clock, who charged them with taking upon them to Preach in his Go vernment without his Licence. And Makemies Tryal. 9 And in regard the Interlocutory Conference upon that Occa sion, which continued for some time, has been misrepresented by sundry bands, and is a seasonable k suitable preliminary to the ensuing Tryal : It is judged expedient to publish as much thereof, as was very soon committed unto Writing, as follow eth. Lord Cornbury. How dare you take upon you to Preach in my Government, without my Licence 1 . Mr. Makemie. We have Liberty from an Act of Parlia ment, made the First Year of the Reign of King William and Queen Mary, which gave us Liberty, with which Law we have complied. Ld. C. None shall Preach in my Government without my Licence 1 F. M. If the Law for Liberty, my Lord, had directed us to any particular persons in Authority for Licence, we would readily have observed the sarae ; but we cannot find any direc tions in said Act of Parliament, therefore could not take notice thereof. Ld. C. That Law does not extend to the American Plan tations, but only to England. F.'M. My Lord, I humbly conceive, it is not a limited nor local Act, and am well assured, it extends to other Plantations of the Queens Dominions, which is evident from Certificates from Courts of Record of Virginia, and Maryland, certifying we have complied with said Law. Both Certificates were produced and read by Lord Cornbury, who was pleased to say, these Certificates extended not to New- York. Ld. C. I know it is local and limited, ybr 1 was at making thereof. F. M. Your Excellency might be at making thereof, but we are well assured, there is no such limiting clause therein, as is in Local Acts, and desire the Law may be produced to determine this point. Ld. C. Turning to Mr. Attorney, Mr. Bekely, who was present, ask'd him, Is it not so, Mr. Attorney ? Mr. Attorney. Yes, it is Local my Lord, and producing an Argument for it, further said, that all the Paenal Laws were Local, and limited, and did not extend to the Plantations, and ihe Act of Toleration being made to take off the edge of the Paenal Laws ; therefore ihe Act of Toleration does not extend to any Plantations 1 F. M. 1 desire the Law may be produced ; for I am morally perswaded Vol. IV.— No. 4. 13 10 JMakemies Tryal. perswaded, there is no limitation or restriction in the Law to England,' Wales, and Berwick on Tweed; for it extends lo sundry Plantations of the Queens Dominions, as Barbadoes, Virginia, and Maryland; which was evident frora the Certifi cates produced, which we could not have obtained, if the Act of Parliaraent had not extended to the Plantations. And Mr. Makemie further said, that he presuraed iVew- Yorfc was a part of Her Majesties Dominions also ; and that sundry Ministers on the East-end of Long-Island, had complied with said Law, and qualifyed themselves at Court, by complying with the directions of said Law, and have no Licence from your Lordship. Ld. C. Yes, New- York is of Her Majesties Dominions; but the Act of Toleration does not extend to the Plantations by its own intrinsick vertue, or any intention of the Legislators, but only by her Majesties Royal Instructions signifyed unto me, and that is from Her Prerogative and Clemency. And the Courts which have qualijyed those men, are in error, and I shall check them for it. F. M. If the Law extends to the Plantations any manner of way, whether by the Queens Prerogative, Clemency, or other wise, our Certificates were a demonstration we had complied therewith. Ld. C. These Certificates only were for Virginia and Ma ryland ; they did not extend to New- York. F. M. We presume my Lord, our Certificates do extend as far as the Law extends ; for we are directed by the Act of Par liament, to qualifie our selves in the places where we live, which we have done ; and the same law directs us to take Certificates of our qualification, which we have accordingly done ; and these Certificates are not to Certify to such as behold us taking our Qualification, being performed in the face of the Country, at a publick Court ; but our Certificates must be to satisfie others abroad in the World, who saw it not, nor heard any thing of it, othervpise it were needless. And that Law which obliges us to take a Certificate, raust allow said Certificate to have a credit and reputation in Her Majesties Dominions, otherwise it is to no purpose. Ld. C. That act of Parliament was made against Strow- ling Preachers, and you are such, and shall not Preach in my Government. F. M. There is not one word, my Lord, mentioned in any part of the Law, against Travelling or Strowling Preachers, as Your Excellency is pleased to call thera ; and we are to judge that Makemies Tryal. II that to be the true end of the Law, which is specifyed in the Preamble thereof, which is for the satisfaction of Scrupulous Consciences, and Uniting the Subjects of England, in interest and affection. And it is well known ray Lord, to all, that Quakers, who also have Liberty by this Law, have few or no fixed Teachers, but chiefly taught by such as Travel; and it is known to all such are sent forth by the Yearly Meeting at Lon don, and Travel and Teach over the Plantations, and are not molested. Ld. C. I have troubled some of them, and will trouble them more. F. M. We hear my Lord, one of thera was Prosecuted at Jamaica, but it was not for Travelling or Teaching, but for par ticulars in Teaching, for which he suffered. Ld. C. You shall not spread your Pernicious Doctrines here ? J^. M. As to our Doctrines, my Lord, we have our Confes sion of Faith, which is known to the Christian World, and I challenge all the Clergy of York to show us any false or perni cious Doctrines therein ; Yea, with those exceptions specifyed in the Law, we are able to raake it appear, they are in aWDoc- trinal Articles of Faith agreeable to the Established Doctrines of the Church of England. Ld. C. There is one thing wanting in your Certificates, and that is Signing the Articles of the Church of England. F. M. That is the Clerks oraission, my Lord, for which we are no way accountable, by not being full and raore particular; but if we had not complyed with the whole Law, in all the parts thereoT, we should not have had Certificates pursuant to said Act of Parliaraent. And Your Lordship raay be assured, we have done nothing in complying with said Law, but what we are still ready to perform, if your Lordship require it, and that ten tiraes over : And as to the Articles of Religion, I have a Copy in my Pocket, and am ready at all times lo Sign, with those exceptions specifyed in the Law. Ld. C. You Preached in a Private House, not certifyed according to Act of Parliament. F. M. There were endeavours used for my Preaching in a more publick place, and (tho' without ray knowledge) your Lordships permission was demanded for my Preaching in the Dutch Church ; and being denied, we were under a necessity, of assembling for Publick Worship in a Private House, which we did, in as publick a manner as possible, with open doors : And we are directed to certify the same to the next Quarter Sesssions, 12 Makemies Tryal. Sessions, which cannot be done, until the Quarter Sessions come in course; for the Law binds no man to impossibilities; and'if we do not certifie to the next Quarter Sessions, we shall be cul pable, but not till then : For it is evident, my Lord, that this Act of Parliament was raade, and passed the Royal Assent, May 2Ath. And it being some time before the Quarter Ses sions came in course, and all Ministers in England continued to Preach, without one days cessation. or forbearance ; and we hope the practice o( England, should be a president for America. Ld. C. None shall Preach in my Government, without my Licence, as the Queen has signifyed to me, by her Royal In structions. F. M. Whatever direction the Queens Instructions may be to Your Lordship, they can be no Rule or Law to us, nor any particular persons who never saw, and perhaps never shall see them : for Promulgation is the life of the Law. Ld. C. You must give Bond and Security for your good Behaviour, and also Bond and Security to Preach no more in my Government ? F. M. As to our Behaviour, tho' we have no way broke it, endeavouring always so to live, as to keep a Conscience void of offence, towards God and Man : Yet if his Lordship required it, we would give Security for our Behaviour ; but to give Bond and Security to Preach no more in Your Excellency's Govern ment, if invited and desired by any people, we neither can, nor dare do. Ld. C. Then you must go to Goall F. M. We are neither ashamed, nor affraid of what we have done ; and we have complied, and are ready still to comply with the Act of Parliament, which we hope will protect us at last: And it will be unaccountable to England, to hear, that Jews, who openly blaspherae the Narae of the Lord Jesus Christ, and disown the whole Christian Religion ; Quakers who disown the Fundaraental Doctrines of the Church of England, and both Sacraments ; Lutherans, and all others, are tolerated in Your Lordships Government : and only we, who have coraplied, and are still ready to comply with the Act of Toleration, and are nearest to, and likest the Church of England of any Dissenters, should be hindered, and that only in the Government of New- York, and the Jersies. This will appear strange indeed. Ld. C. You must blame ihe Queen for that 1 F. M. We do not, neither have we any reason to blame Her Majesty, for She molests none, neither countenances or encour ages any who do; and has given frequent assurances, and of late Makemies Tryal. 13 late in Her Gracious Speech to Her Parliament, That she would inviolably maintain the Toleration. While Lord Cornbury was writing Precepts for discharging us from the custody of Cardale, High Sheriff of Queens County in Long-Island, and another for our Commitment in York; Mr. John Hampton demanded a Licence of Lord Cornbury, but he absolutely denied it. And before finishing of said Mittimus, for their Comraitraent, Mr. Francis Makemie moved, that it was highly necessary be fore their Commitment, the Law should be produced, to deter mine that point, whether it is local and limited, or not : And it is ndt to be doubted, but Mr. Attorney was soon able to produce the Law : And he further offered to pay Mr. Attorney for a Copy of that Paragraph, in which the liraiting Clause is, if any. But every thing relating hereunto was declined and disre garded. Ld. C. You Sir, Know Law. F. M. I do not ray Lord, pretend to know Law, but I pre tend to know this particular Law, having had sundry disputes thereon. The Mittimus being finished, they were committed to the Custody oi Ebenezer Wilson, High Sheriff of York City and County, and carried to his Dwelling-House, as the place of their Confinement; and after sundry demands, they had upon the 25th day, the following Copy of the Precept, for their Com mitment. T7" O V are hereby Required and Commanded to take -*¦" ''into your Custody, the Bodies of Francis Makemie (Seal) and John Hampton, and them safely keep till further Orders; and for so doing, this shall be your Warrant. - Given under my Hand and Seal, this 23d. day of January, 1706, 7. Cornbury. To Ebenezer Wilson, Esqr. High- Sheriff of New -York. A true Copy, Ebenezer Wilson. There are sundry things observable in this Warrant of Com mitment, which is not usual in Warrants granted in England. 1. That it is Granted and Signed by the Supream Authority, and not by any Sworn OfHcers, appointed and authorized by Law, for Commitment of Offenders : And the Supream Autho rity of England, have not put any such power into practice, without 14 Makemies Tryal. without a Special Act of Parliament, irapowring thera so to do; and that only upon necessity and emergent occasions. 2. Here is no mention of the Queens Name, or Authority, which must be acknowledged a novelty not easily understood. 3. There is not the least shadow of a crime, or suspicion of a crime alleaged, which is but a slender cause of Commitment. 4. This Mittimus is erroneous in Conclusion, which should be, un til they are delivered by due course of Law, and not until further Order, which is condemned by Law and Lawyers as in- sufllcienl. And finding themselves Imprisoned, and put under an unlimi ted Confinement, they addressed Lord Cornbury, by the follow ing Humble Petition, presented to his Lordship, by the Hands of Ebenezer Wilson, High Sheriff. To His Excellency Edward Viscount Cornbury, Captain General, and Governour in Chief, of the Province .of iVew- York, New-Jerseys, and all the Tracts of Land depending thereon in America, and Admiral of the same. The Hum ble Petition of Francis Makemie, and John Hampton. Most Humbly Sheweth, t^Hat whereas Your Excellency has been pleased to Commit '¦- us to Prison, by a Precept, wherein there is no crime alleadged; we Your Lordships most humble Petitioners and Prisoners, most humbly pray, we may be admitted to know our Crime. And Your Excellency' s most humble Petitioners ^ Prisoners further pray, as we are Strangers on our Journey to New-England, above four hundred miles from our Habitations, we may be allowed a speedy Tryal, according to Law, which ive humbly conceive, to be the undoubted right and priviledge of every English Subject. And Your Excellency's most humble Petitioners, and affiictfd Prisoners, shall, as in duty bound always pray. Francis Makemie. John Hampton. To which Petition, after sundry days, they received the fol lowing verbal answer, by the Sheriff who presented the former Petition. 1. Ld. Cor'nbury did admire they should Petition to know their Crime, he having so oft told thera. 2. If they take the right way, they may have a Tryal. And tho' they signified their Makemies Tryal. 15 their desire, both to the Sheriff and Mr. Attorney, to knaw what that right way was ; yet could learn nothing ; therefore resolved to arm themselves with patience, until they could obtain a Writ of Habeas Corpus from the Honourable Roger Mompesson Esqr. Chief Justice, who lived in another Government, and could Sign no such Writ, until he came into the Government of New-York; k thereby to bring our selves to a Tryal, or dis charged according to due course of Law. In the mean time, the Quarter Sessions for the City and County oi New-York, coming in course ; and being still absolute strangers to the Con stitution oi New- York; and being ready to manifest their rea diness in complying with the Act of Toleration in all things : They address'd Lord Cornbury by the following Petition. To His Excellency, Edward Viscount Cornbury, Captain General k Governour in Chief, of the Province of JVew- York, New-Jerseys, and all the Tracts of Land depending thereon in America, and Admiral of the same. The Hum ble Petition of Francis Makemie, and John Hampton. Most Humbly Sheweth. Hat whereas Your Lordship is pleased not to allow our Cer tificates from Courts of Record in Virginia and Maryland, to reach to Your Excellency's Government ; Therefore we being Your Lordships Prisoners, must humbly pray we may be admit ted in the Custody of the Sheriff, to apply our selves to the Quarter- Sessions, that we may there offer ourselves to qualifi cation, as the Law directs, which we are again ready to do ; we being resolved to reside in Your Lordships Government : And we Your Excellency's most humble Petitioners, and afflict ed Prisoners, as in duty bound, shall always pray. And this being rejected, with severe threatnings against the Messengers, for presenting a Petition without signing; they re solve to trouble his Excellency with no raore Petitions, and be- ino- called the Petition of Francis Makemie, and John Hamp ton, and writ by the hand of one of them, and not acquainted with that practice of Signing all Petitions ; it was manifest it came from them, and no other person. Next we addressed our selves to the Quarter-Sessions then Sitting the Sth day of Fe bruary, by the following Petition, to the sarae purpose. To T 16 Makemies Tryal. To the Worshipful Justices of the Peace, now Silting in the Quarter-Sessions, for the City and County of i\ie«;- York. The Humble Petition of Francis Makemie, and John Hampton. Humbly Sheweth, rr^Hat whereas your Petitioners, are Protestant Ministers dis- ¦¦- senting from the Church o/ England, who have Certificates from Courts of Record, 0/ Virginia and Maryland ; certifying, we have taken the Oaths, and performed all such qualifications, as are required in an Act of Toleration, made in the first year of the Reign of King William and Queen Mary, for liberty of their Majesties Protestant and Dissenting Subjects ; which Certificates his Excellency Lord Cornbury is not pleased to allow of, to extend -to his Government. We therefore your Worships humble Petitioners pray, we may be admitted to appear in the Custody of the Sheriff, at the Bar of your Court, to qualifie our selves again, according to the particular directions oj said Act of Parliament, which in obedience to the Law, toe are always ready to do : And your Worships humble Petitioners, as in duty bound, shall always pray. Francis Makemie. John Hampton. This Petition being presented, was viewed and handed about, but never allowed a reading in open Court ; and Mr. Attorney laying hold thereon, was putting it into his Pocket, asserting it to be a Libel against Ld. Cornbury, and told the Justices, it was none of their business to administer the Qualifications, or to this effect. At the same time, a Certificate in writing was presented by two Inhabitants, for certifying the Dwelling-House of William Jackson, where Mr. Makemie had Preached, desiring the same to be put upon Record: And tho' the Court had these things under consideration for two days, and put the presenters of those Papers to the trouble of a second appearance, &; to bring with them Law, for the Courts direction, all was rejected ; tho' they had not long before Recorded a Quaker Meeting-House, certifyed by two men, to the same Court, upon the same Act of Parliament. But for the information of all ; whatever offers are inade to any proper Court for qualification, where the Act Toleration takes place, is a legal qualification in the eye of the Law, tho' the Courts reject, and take no notice thereof. And Makemies Tryal. 17 And at length, some days before March Term, soon after the arrival of the Chief Justice, Roger Mompesson Esqr. the Pri soners by their Lawyer, Mr. Reigniere presented to the Chief Justice, the following Petition, at his Chamber. To the Honourable Roger Mompesson Esq. Chief Justice of this Her Majesties Province of New-York. May it please your Honour, \^E the Subscribers being Prisoners detained in the Custody of the Sheriff of the City of New- York, by virtue of a Warrant, whereof a true Copy is hereunto annexed; Do most humbly request your Honour, to award and grant us Her Majes ties Writ of Habeas Corpus, to be directed io the said Sheriff, that we may be thereby brought before your Honour, or some other Judge, in order to our Enlargement, according to Law. We are your Honours most humble Servants. Francis Makemie. John Hampton. And after a due consideration of the Statutes in this case pro vided, the following Writ of Habeas Corpus was granted, and the Prisoners were not without hopes to be discharged without Bail, there being no crime nor suspicion of crime, specifyed in our Warrant of Commitment. ' A NNE, by the Grace of God, Queen of England, ' -^ Scotland, France and Ireland, Defender of the ' Faith, fyc. To the Sheriff of our City of New- York : ' Greeting. We Command you, that the Bodies of ' Francis Makemie and John Hampton, in our Prison, ' under your Custody detained, [as it is said] under safe ' and secure conduct, together with the day, and cause ' of their Caption and detention, by whatsoever names, ' the sarae Francis and John, may be reputed in the ' same, you have before our trusty and well-beloved ' Roger Mompesson Esq. our Chief Justice of our Su- * pream Court of Judicature of our Province of New- ' York, at his Chamber, Situate in Queens-street, in the ' City oi New- York, immediately after the receiving of ' this Writ, to do, and receive all and singular those ' things which our said Chief Justice, of hira, shall then ' and there consider in this behalf; and have you then ' and there this Writ. Witness Roger Mompetsen Esqr. our 18 Makemies Tryal. 'our Chief Justice at New-York, this eighth day of ' March, in the sixth Year of our Reign. Clark, ' Octavo die Martij infra Script. Alio. per me, Roger Mompessen. The Execution of this Writ appears in the Schedule here unto annexed. Ebenezer Wilson, Sheriff. A true Copy. George Clarke. This Writ being put into the Sheriffs Hands on Saturday, was not executed till Monday, in the Afternoon, at which time the Sheriff told them, he had another Mittimus put into his hands, wherein a supposed crime was specifyed, and only to be detained, until discharged by due course of Law ; and so vvere obliged to provide Securities : And as our Confinement was by the former Mittimus, by a new Mittimus, our Imprisonraent was iraplicity adjudged and owned to be false Imprisonraent for six weeks and four days ; k the Sheriff in the presence of Dr. John Johnstone, Mr. Regniere, and Mr. William Jackson, re fused to Execute the foresaid Writ, until they had paid him twelve pieces of Eight, for their Commitment, and as rauch more for the Return of the Writ of Habeas Corpus; denying also Receipts for said raoney when paid. They were conducted the immediate day, before the Supream Court, and upon their new Mittimus, contained in the follow ing Return, were obliged to enter Recognizance, with two Se curities, Doctor John Johnstone, and Mr. William Jackson, for their appearance next day, at the Supream Court, and bound not to depart, without the Courts leave. The Return is as followeth. ' T Ebenezer Wilson Esqr. Sheriff of the City and ' -¦- County aforesaid, to Roger Mompessen Esqr. Chief ' Justice of the Supream Court of Judicature, of the ' Province of New- York, at the time and place in the ' Writ to this Schedule annexed specifyed, do most ' humbly certifie, that before the coming of that Writ ' to rae directed ; the within named Francis Makemie ' and John Hampton, were committed unto the Goal ' and Prison of our Lady the Queen of the City of ' New-York, under my Custody, by virtue of a certain ' Warrant, under the Hand and Seal of Edward Vis- ' count Cornbury, Captain General, and Governour in Chief Makemies Tryal. 19 'Chief of the Province of New- York; bearing date, ' the three and twentieth day of January last past ; the ' tenour of which Warrant followeth in these words, ' viz. You are hereby required and coramanded, to ' take into your Custody, the Bodies of Francis Make- ' mie k John Hampton, and them safely keep, till further ' Orders ; and for so doing, this shall be your sufficient ' Warrant. Given under my Hand and Seal, this three ' and twentieth day of January, 1706, 7. Cornbury. ' To Ebenezer Wilson Esqr. High Sheriff of the City ' and County of New- York. And I do further Certifie, ' that before the coming of said Writ to rae directed, ' that the said Francis Makemie and John Hampton, ' were committed afterwards by another Warrant, under ' the Hand and Seal of his said Excellency, Edward ' Viscount Cornbury, Governour aforesaid; bearing date ' the eighth day of March instant, unto the Goal k Pri- ' son aforesaid, under my Custody; the tenour of which ' Warrant also followeth in these words, (viz.) New- York. ' ss. You are hereby required &; commanded to take into ' your Custody, the Bodies of Francis Makemie k John ' Hampton, pretended dissenting Protestant Ministers, ' for Preaching in this Province, without qualifying ' themselves according to an Act of Parliaraent, made ' at Westminster, in the^first year of the Reign of our ' late Soveraign Lord and Lady, King William, and ' Queen Mary; and also without my Licence first ' obtained ; and them safely to keep, till they shall be ' discharged, by due course of Law ; and for so doing, ' this shall be your sufficient Warrant. Given under my ' Hand and Seal, this eighth day of March, An. Dom. ' 1706. Cornbury. To Ebenezer Wilson Esqr. High ' Sheriff of the City and County oi New- York. And ' this is the cause of the taking and detaining the Bodies ' of the aforesaid Francis Makemie, and John Hamp- ' ton ; yet the Bodies of them the said Francis Make- ' mie, and John Hampton, before the said Roger Mom- ' pessen, Esqr. Chief Justice as aforesaid, at the time ' and place in the Writ aforesaid, specifyed, I have ' ready, as it is in the said Writ comraanded me. A True Copy. George Clarke. It is observable, the second Warrant is still granted, and sign ed by the Supream Authority, and without mentioning the Queens 20 Makemies Tryal. Queens Narae or Authority : And the supposed Crime speci fyed is double; as I. Preaching in Vew- YorA; Government, without complying with the qualifications of an Act of Parlia ment, made the first year of King William k Queen Mary: Whereas Ld. Cornbury bad read in January, their Certificates both from Virginia and Maryland, certifying their qualification according to said Act of Parliaraent. 2. Preaching without Licence being first obtained of Lord Cornbury ; whereby it is plain, that coraplying with the Law, is not sufficient without a Licence : And frora what goes before, it is undeniable, they were qualifyed, and had coraplyed with the Law, even in New- York Government, before the date of this last Warrant, and that was by tendering themselves, not only to his Excellency, but also to the Quarter Sessions, for qualification ; which is all that any Dissenter can do, and all the Law requires of them to be done : And such as had Licence, are not yet quaUfyed ac cording to said Act of Parliament. For taking the Oaths only before Ld. Cornbury, and taking them before a Court, are not the same. But having related all the antecedents to the Tryal, we are now arrived at the Tryal or Prosecution at the Supream Court in March Term. Supream Court, March the first Tuesday, 1706, 7. Province of) New- York. 5 Present Roger Mompesson, Esqr. Chief Justice. Robert Millward } r- t . Thomas Wenham. ^ ^'"i''- ^'''^"'^'^ The Court being called formally, and tbe Docquet called over, Francis Makemie, and John Hampton made, their appear ance, and answered to their Names, according to the tenour of their Recognizance. The Defendants Recognizance ordered to be filed, and the Defendants Appearance Entered. At tbe Attorney Generals motion, it is ordered, that the De fendants be continued on their Recognizance, and that they attend the last day of the Term. I The Pannel of the Grand Jurors. William Merrit. Elias Boudmot. William Anderson. Nathaniel Mastin. Robert Lurting. Francis Vincent. Lawrence Reed. Lewis Carree. Daniel Makemies Tryal. 21 5 Daniel Cromline. Lancaster Symes. } I Richard Socket. Adrian Hogland. \ p Beverle Lathom. Charles Wooley. Johannis Hogland. Peter Ryckman. , . . „ Benjamin Winroop. Paul Drolet. Johannis Burger. Abraham Jeanneau. William Provoost. A true Copy. Geo. Clarke. Mr. Reignere, Attorney for the Defendant, moved, that the Writ of Habeas Corpus, with all proceedings thereon, at the Chief Justice his Chamber, might be Entered upon Record. Mr. Attorney for the Queen, replied, it was not matter of Record being obtained not in open Court, but at the Chief Jus tice his Chamber, and returned to the same place, therefore was not matter of Record ; so was put off for that time. Wednesday the Second Day of the Terra. The Honourable, Roger Mompesson, Chief Justice, finding the Writ of Habeas Corpus, and forraer proceedings thereon, was matter of Record, gave in the following Memorandum to the Court to be Entered. Supream Court. New-York. ss. Memorandum, That at the Supream Court of this Province, held at the City oi New- York, the second Tuesday in March, in the Siith Year of Her Majesties Reign'; Roger Mompesson Esqr. Chief Justice of this Province, delivered unto the said Supream Court, a certain Record, the tenour whereof followeth in these words. New-York. ss. To the Supream Court of the Province of New- York. ' T Roger Mompesson; Chief Justice of the said Court, do ' -*- hereby Certifie, That upon the eighth day of March in- ' stant ; That upon a Petition, Signed by Francis Makemie, and * John Hampton, then delivered unto me : I granted and allow- ' ed the Writ of Habeas Corpus hereunto annexed ; which being ' returned unto me, at my Chamber, in the said City oi New- ' York, by Ebenezer Wilson Esqr. Sheriff of the said City k ' County oi New- York, the tenth day of this instant Month of ' March, with the Bodies of the said Francis Makemie, and ' John Hampton, together with tbe Causes of their Comrait- ' ment hereunto annexed ; whereupon I did at the day and ' place last mentioned, discharge the said Francis Makemie, and 22 Makemies Tiyal. ' and John Hampton, frora their several Imprisonments, taking ' the several Recognizances hereunto annexed. Roger Mompesson. New-Noik. ss. %,| Eraorandura, On the IQthday o/ March, in -^'-"- the Sixth Year of the Reign of our So veraign Lady ANNE, by the Grace of God, of England, Scotland, France and Ireland, Queen, Defender of the Faith, &c. Came before me, Roger Mompesson Esqr. Chief Justice of New- York, Francis Makemie ofkc. John Johnstone, of the Province of New-Jersey, Gent, anrf Wil liam Jackson, of the City of New- York, Cord- wainer, and acknowledged themselves severally to be Indebted to Our Soveraign Lady the Queen, as follows, viz. the said Francis Make mie, in the Sum of Forty Pounds, Currant Money of this Province; and the said John Johnstone 8f William Jackson, in Twenty Pounds like Money each, to be levied on their Goods and Chattels, Lands &f Tenements, if failure be made in the Condition Endorsed. Roger Mompesson. fyHE Condition of the within written Recogniscance is -^ such. That if the said Francis Makemie do personally appear before Her Majesties Justices of the Supream Court of Judicature, to be held for this Province at the City of New- York, on the morrow of this Day, being Tuesday the Eleventh Day of March instant ; there to answer all such matters and things as shall be objected against him, and shall not Depart without leave of the said Court, then the said Recogniscance to be void. Vera Copia. George Clarke. The Grand Jury being called and Sworn the first day of the Terra ; and tho' there was little besides this matter given to thera in Charge, yet after sundry debates, several Meetings and Adjournments, found the following Presentment against FraBcis Makemie ; the Queens Attorney, for Reasons best known lo himself, gave nothing to the Grand Jury against John Hamp ton, who was dropt out of the Prosecution ; tho' both equally guilty of the same Crime, of Preaching a Sermon in the Go vernment of New- York, and suffered equally by Imprisonment ; from which both were Relieved by the former Writ of Habeas Corpus. And Makemies Tryal. 23 And lo such as knew the Grand Jury, when called and sworn, they plainly appeared to be Chosen on purpose to find the Pre sentment, for some of thera had never been upon a Grand Jury, others not for sundry years, and sundry of thera Justices of the Peace, who at the Quarter Sessions had so far prejudged them and their Cause, as they refused to allow their Petition a pub lick reading, or take the least notice of the Certification of a House offered to Record at the sarae time, by two of the Inha bitants, of York, and one of them threatened as to his Trade and Business, as appearing to countenance such a design : Yet with hard strugling, twelve was 'influenced, and the two last who made up the number, were persons of Dissenting Congre gations from the Established Church of England, and their Teachers as liable to be prosecuted, as those Gentlemen, and as guilty of the same, or like Presentment. One Daniel Crom line, a French Refugee, dragoon'd out oi France for the sarae Protestant Religion and Perswasion, and Adrian Hogland, of the Dutch Congregation, whose Minister has yet no Licence, being a new made Lieutenant to a Troop : After four of Mr. Makemie's Hearers, Capt. John Thoobolds, Mr. John Vanhorn, Mr. Anthony Young, and Harris, Coachman to Lord Corn bury. being Subpaena'd, gave Evidence upon Oath, they heard no unsound Doctrine, nor any thing against the Government ; and one of the Evidences delivered to the Jury, the Act of As sembly of New- York, for Liberty of Conscience to all, except Papists, and shewed to them Mr. Makemie's Certificate from a Court of Record from Virginia, of his compliance with the Qualifications of the Act of Toleration ; they notwithstanding at length consented to find the Indictment ; whose Votes were, on Friday in the Afternoon, taken in a new and unusual method, as they came in one by one frora Dinner. Fry day the First Term. The Grand Jury find the following Bill, which is ordered to be filed. Of the Term of March, in the Sixth Year of the Reign of our Soveraign Lady ANNE, over England, 8ic. Queen. City of New- York. ' ^He Jurors for our Soveraign Lady the Queen, upon their « ¦¦¦ Oath do Present, That Francis Makemie, late of the Pro- ' vince of Virginia, Gent, pretending himself to be a Protes- '^ ' tant 24 Makemies Tryal. ' tant Dissenting Minister and Preacher, and contemning and ' endeavouring to subvert the Supreraacy, Jurisdiction and Au- ' thority of our now Lady the Queen, in Ecclesiastical affairs, ' the two and twentieth day of January, in the Fifth Year of * the Reign of our Soveraign Lady ANNE, over England, ' &fc. Queen, at the City of New- York, aforesaid [to wit] at the ' Southward of, the said City, did privately and unlawfully, take ' upon him to Preach and Teach, and did Preach and Teach ' diverse of Her Majesties Liege Subjects, within the said City '[to wil] at the Dwelling-House of one William Jackson, ' situate in the Ward aforesaid, privately and unlawfully, then ' and there meet, and assembled together, to above the number ' of five persons at one tirae, under the pretence of Divine ' Worship, without any leave or Licence by him, the said ' Francis, first had, and obtained, according to Law for the ' same, in great derogation of the Royal Authority and Prero- ' gative of our Lady the Queen, and to the evil Example of all ' others, in the like case offending against the Peace of our Lady, ' the Queen, Her Crown and Dignity. And the Jurors afore- ' said, upon their Oath aforesaid, do further present. That the ' said Francis Makemie afterwards [to vv'it] the aforesaid two ' and twentieth day of January in the year aforesaid, at the ' City and Ward aforesaid, at the aforesaid Dwelling-house of ' the said William Jackson, did privately and unlawfully assem- ' ble, and gather together diverse of Her Majesties Subjects un- ' known, did then, and there voluntarily, and unlawfully, use ' other Rites, Cereraonies, Forra and Manner of Divine Wor- ' ship, then what are contained in a certain Book of Common- • Prayer, and Administration of the Sacraments, and of other ' Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England, against the ' Form of the Statute in that case made and provided, and ' against the Peace of our said Lady the Queen, Her Crown ' and Dignity. And the Jurors aforesaid, do further present, ' that the said Francis Makemie afterwards [to wit] the two ' and twentieth day of January, in the fifth Year aforesaid, be- ' ing then, and now is a person, not qualifyed by Law to Preach, ' Teach and Officiate in any Congregation or Assembly for Re- ' ligioMS Worship at the City aforesaid [to wit] at the Southward ' of the said City, at the aforesaid Dwelling-house, pf the said ' William Jackson, situate in the said Ward, did take upon him ' to Preach, Teach and Officiate, St then and there did Preach, ' Teach and officiate, in a Congregation, Assembly, Con- ' venticle k Meeting not permitted, or allowed by Law, ' under colour or excuse of Religion, in other manner then ac- ' cording Makemies Tryal. 25 ' cording to the Liturgy, and practice of the Church of Eng- ' land, ^c. At which Conventicle, Meeting and Assembly, ' were five persons or more Assembled together, against the ' Form of the Statute, in that case made and provided against ' the Peace of our Lady the Queen, Her Crown and Dig- ' nity, ^c. A true Copy. George Clark, Seer. Here is a Presentment for Preaching a Sermon at York, highly aggravated into a Cumulative Crime, and thereby the Grand-Jury, led into no small mistake, in point of time ; for it is said to be Preached on the two and twentieth day of January ; whereas it was preached on the twentieth of January : for these two Ministers were Lord Cornbury's Prisoners, apprehended on Long-Island, on the two and twentieth day instant, by a War rant, dated the one and twentieth day : Which error was cause enough in point of Law, for overthrowing the whole Present ment, which was so delayed and put off to the last day of the Court, that a Tryal could not be obtained that Court : There fore Mr. Reignere, the Defendants Council made a motion, that the Defendants appearance be put upon Record, and it was ordered the Defendant be continued on his Recognizance, until the next Term : Mr. Makemie being the only person pro secuted, returns for Virginia, and returns again before June Term, the third of said Month. Tuesday, the third day of June, 1707. Province of New- York. Present Roger Mempesson Esqr. Chief Justice. Robert Milward } r^^,^ T„»t;«oc m, n? 7 > JtiSqrs. Justices. Thomas Wenham y ^ The first day of the Term. The Defendants Appearance is entered, and he is ordered to be continued on his Recognizance. The Defendant ordered to plead to morrow. Wednesday, June 4th, The Defendant pleads not Guilty of any Crime, by Preach ing a Sermon at York. The Attorney General for the Queen moves to know, if they would allow a Copy of the Queens Instructions to the Go vernour, Signed by his Excellency, to be brought into Court, Vol. IV.— No. 4. 14 26 Makemies Tryal. in Evidence at the Tryal, seeing his Excellency, who had the Originals, was then in the Jerseys. The Defendant rephed, they could admit of no Copies, see ing there was time enough lo have produced the Original ; or Mr. Attorney might have compared the Copy with the Origi nal, and might have been able to give his Affidavit to the truth of said Copy ; but perceiving if that Copy was not allowed of, the Queens Attorney would put off the Tryal till another time. Therefore Mr. Attorney General for the Queen, k Mr. Wil liam Nicoll for the Defendant, agrees, that tbe Copy of such Instructions frOm Her Majesty to the Governour, as shall be produced by the Attorney General, and Signed by the Govern our, shall be admitted on Tryal, to be the sarae in Evidence, as if the Original Instructions were produced. F. M. Defendant moved, that if allowed in Evidence, he might have a Copy of said Instructions ; and further declared, he could not but wonder, of what Service these Instructions which were no Law, could do to Mr. Attorney, seeing the Presentment run upon Statutes and Acts of Parliament, and they expected to have a Tryal before a Court, who were Judges of Law, and not of private Instructions. Friday, June 6th. 1707. The Petty Jury called, whose names follow according to the Pannill, and twelve of them Sworn to try the matter in issue, and the Defendant told the Court, he was under great disad vantage, being a Stranger, and knew neither names nor faces ; And tho' he knew he had not liberty in that cause, of peremp tory objections against any, without showing sufficient ground of exception ; but he was informed of one, Mr. Elias Neau, who had in discourse to Mr. Anthony Toung, prejudged the Cause, by condemning hira for Preaching a Serraon, and justi- fyed Lord Cornbury's proceedings against hira ; which being proved by the Deposition of said Young, was approved of by the Judge, as a good objection in Law. The Defendant further adds, he was araazed to find one who was so lately dragooned out of France, for his Religion, and delivered out of the Gal leys, so soon prove a Persecuter of tbe sarae Religion, for Preaching a Sermon in this City. The Jurors being Sworn, you raay take their Names follow ing. John Shepherd Foreman Andrew Lauron Thomas Ives Humphrey Perkins Joseph Makemies Tryal. 27 Joseph Wright William Horswell Thomas Woorden Thomas Carrell. Joseph Robinson Thomas Baynex. Bartholomew Larouex Charles Cromline. Mr. Attorney produced a Copy of the Queens Instructions, Signed by Lord Cornbury, and allowed of by both parties in Evidence, as if the Original were present, and tho' a Copy was denied again and again to the Defendant, yet by a Copy of In structions from King William to a former Governour, the same Instructions were found, in the sarae words; and as they were in two Paragraphs in the produced Copy, so they were found at a great distance frora one another in the former Copy, sup posed to be agreeable to the Original, and to be two distinct and vastly different Instructions ; one of them relating to the Dissenters, the other relating to the Ministers of the Church of England, as may plainly appear frora the Instructions them selves in the following words. And you are to permit a Liberty of Conscience to all Per sons (except Papists) so they be contented with a quiet and peaceable enjoyment of it, not giving offence or scandal to the Government. You are not to permit any Minister coming from England, to Preach in your Government, without a Certificate, from the Right Reverend, the Bishop of London : Nor any other Minister, coming from any other part or place, without first obtaining leave from you, our Governour. /' Mr. Attorney Orders four of Mr. Makemies Hearers to be called. Cap. John Thoobolds, Mr. John Vanhorn, Mr. William Jackson, and Mr. Anthony Young, who answered to their Names. The Defendant perceiving they were sumraoned and called, to give their Evidence to the matter of Fact ; told the Court, that the Swearing of these four Gentlemen as Evidences, would but give a needless trouble, and take up the Courts time ; and he would own the matter of fact as to his Preaching, and more than these Gentlemen could declare upon Oath ; for he had done nothing therein, that he was ashamed or afraid of, but would answer and own it, not only before this Bar, but before the Tribunal of Gods Final Judgment. And so Mr. Attorney proposed, and Mr. Makemie answered the following Questions, or to the same purpose. Mr. 28 Makemies Tryal. Mr. Attorney. You own, that you Preached a Sermon, and Baptized a Child at Mr. William Jacksons. F. M. Yes, I did. Mr. Attor. Hoiv many Hearers had youl F. 31. I have other work to do, Mr. Attorney, then to num ber my Auditory, when I am about to Preach to them. Mr. Attor. Was there above five hearing you 1 F. M. Yes, and five to that. Mr. Attor. Did you use the Rites and Ceremonies enjoined by, and prescribed in the Book of Common Prayer, by the Church of England ? F. M. No, 1 never did, nor ever will, until I am better satis fied in my Conscience. Mr. Attor. Did you ask leave, or acquaint my Lord Corn bury with your Preaching at York, when you dined with him at the Fort 1 F. M. I did not know of my Preaching at York, when I dined with his Excellency, no, not for some days after: For when we came to York,\V!e had not the least intention, or de sign of Preaching there ; but stopt at York, purely to pay our respects to the Governour, which we did ; but being afterwards called, and invited to Preach, as I was a Minister of the Gos pel, I durst not deny Preaching, nor I hope ever shall, where it is wanting and desired. Mr. Attor. Did you acquaint my Lord Cornbury with the place of your Preaching 1 F. M. As soon as I determined to Preach, leave was asked, tho' not by rae ; for it was the peoples business, and not mine, to provide a place for me to Preach in : And I would have been admitted to Preach in the Dutch Church, but they were affraid of offending Lord Cornbury ; and Mr. Anthony Young went to the Governour, to have his leave, or permission for my Preach ing in the Dutch Church ; tho' all this was done, without so much as my knowledge : But my Lord opposing and denying it, I was under a necessity of Preaching where I did, in a pri vate House, tho' in a publick manner with open doors. Mr. Attorney in pleading, first read over the Indictment which the Grand Jury found, and endeavoured to prove the several parts thereof, by giving a large and full account of sundry Statutes of K. Henry the Sth, asserting and establishing the Supremacy of the King over all Ecclesiastical Persons and Affairs, in his Do minion of England. And from thence asserted the Queens Supremacy in Ecclesiastical Affairs, and over Ecclesiastick per sons ; which Supremacy was by a Delegation lodged in his Excellency Makemies Tryal. 29 Excellency our Governour, which he is sworn to exercise ; and this is signified to him by Her Majesties Instructions, which were read in Court. Then he proceeded to produce, and read as much as was necessary, of those Statutes of Queen Eliza beth, and King Charles the Second, For Uniformity of Wor ship according to the Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England ; and the Panal Laws against Conventicles : Anci enlarging his pleadings on these points ; he turns to the Gentle men of the Jury, and says, the matter of fact is plainly confess ed by the Defendant, and I have proved it to be repugnant to the Queens Instructions, and sundry Acts of Parliament of England : Therefore did not doubt, but the Jury would find for the Queen, and against the. Defendant. Mr. Ja. Reignere, Attorney for the Defendant, pleads against Mr. Attorney for the Queen, as followeth: Tbe Indictraent charges three distinct and separate facts as Crimes against the Defendant. 1. That he, a pretended Protestant Minister, endeavouring to subvert the Queens Supremacy, Jurisdiction and Authority in Ecclesiastical Affairs ; did privately and unlawfulky Preach and Teach, at William Jacksons House, diverse Subjects, pri vately and unlawfully, to above five in number, without Licence had according to Law, in derogation to the Royal Authority and Prerogative, to the evil example, k cont. Par. 2. That he did assemble diverse unknown, and unvoluntarily, and unlawfully use any other Rites and Forms of Worship, then are in the Comraon-Prayer and Rites and Ceremonies of the Church of England : Cont. Form. Stat. 3. That being not qualifyed by Law to Preach and Teach in a Congregation or Meeting not allowed by Law, in other manner then according to the practice of the Church of Eng land ; at which Meeting were five persons, or more assembled, Cont. Form. Stat. As to the Indictment, ut supra, that the Defendant did not Preach privately, nor the persons assemble privately, i. e. with doors lockt, barr'd or bolted ; nay, it appears by the Evidence, and agreed to the contrary by Mr. Attorney General : that the people met unlawfully, must appear by the violation of some known Law or Statute, in force here, by which such Meeting and Preaching is forbidden; that is to say, the Preaching above five. I take this Colony, as a Dominion of England, to be govern ed by, and subject to these three sorts of Laws: 1. The Com mon 30 Makemies Tryal. mon Law of England. 2. The express Statutes mentioning the Plantations, and such other as are for publick good (as the Chief Justice was pleased to say in this Court, in the Case de pending between Smith and Davis). 3. By the Laws of this Colony, and those are to be as near as raay be agreeable to the Laws and Statutes of England; and the Judges of this Court (I dare say) will exaraine and determine no fact, but according to the mode and rule of some of those Laws. That Preaching without Licence, and assembling above five is a Crime at Common Law, I never read, and it is not alleadged to be against any Statute; it must be an offence against some Law of this Province, which as yet I never saw, and desire I may now see it ; and if such does not appear, then undoubtedly xvhere there is no Law, there can be no transgression. As to what is offered by Mr. Attorney, that the Queen, as Supream Head of tbe Church of England, hath power lo make Ordinances, and punish for breach thereof ; that this power is delegated to the Governour, who is bound by Oath to Execute thera. Supposing and admitting all this ; yet nothing like an Ordir nance appears : for the Instructions produced by Mr. Attorney cannot have the force of a Law or Ordinance, especially against persons to whom they were never coraraunicated ; what they may be to those to whom they were given, who alone hath the Custody of thera, and conceals thera frora publick view. As to the two Articles in the Indictraent ; Cont. Form. Stat, Now there are diverse Statutes raade in England, which en join a due observance of the Rites and Cereraonies of the Church oi England, as the 1st of Eliz. C. 2d. 2. Eliz. C. 1. Twenty pound a month for not going to Church ; 29 Eliz. C. 6. the same 3 James, C. 4, ^ 5. But all these were pointed and levelled at Romish Recusants only, tho' sometiraes niiscoB- strued to extend lo others; also 35 Eliz. C. 1. forbidding all Meeting k Conventrcles, under penalties of abjuration &; pub lick submission, did the 16 Car. 2d. now expired, and the 22 Car. 2. but all restricted to England, Wales, and Berwick on Tweed; but if they had not, as they are positive and additional, they shall be confined strictly to place and words ; then the practice of all the Colonies and Plantations, and the Laws raade in some of thera, for the Establishment of the Church oi England, but .nosuchEstabhshment here; but on the contrary, a Law formerly made in this Province, and in Print, allowing Liberty of Con science, which I here insert in the following words. The Makemies Tryal. 31 The last Clause of an Act of Assembly, made in the Government of New-York, declaring the Rights, and Priviledges of the Subject. That no person or persons, which profess faith in God, by Jesus Christ, his^ only Son, shall at any time be any way molest ed, punished, disturbed, disquieted, or called in question, for any difference in opinion, or matter of Religious Concernment, who do not under that pretence disturb the civil peace of the Province, Sic. And that all and every such person and persons, may from time to time, and at all times hereafter, freely have, and fully enjoy, his or their opinion, perswasion and judgment, in matters of Conscience and Religion, throughout all ihis Pro vince ; and freely meet at convenient places, within this Pro vince; and there Worship according to their respective perswa- sions, without being hindred or molested, they behaving them selves peaceably, quietly, modestly and religiously; and not using their Liberty to licentiousness, nor to the civil injury, or outward disturbance of others. Always provided, that nothing herein mentioned or contained, shall extend or give liberty to any persons of the Romish Religion, io exercise their manner of Worship, contrary to the Laws and Statutes of Their Majes ty's Kingdom of England. And tho' Mr. Attorney endeavouring to invalidate this, by denying this Law to be in force, yet could not prove this Law abolished. And by one of the Instructions, which Mr. Attorney pro duced, in totidem verbis, is the same, that has been given to former Governours of this Province, Liberty of Conscience is directed to be allowed. As to the Third Article in the Indictment, that seems to refer to the first of William and Mary, of Toleration ; but as we say, the Paenal Statutes did not extend hither, so is there no occa sion of Toleration. The Laws and Statutes of England hy their own force, extend equally to all Plantations of England alike ; and if these Paenal Laws did extend to the Plantations, the Crown oi England, would never Tolerate the Governments oi Boston, Rhode-Island, Connecticut, and others; who in their Church-Discipline are so far from Conforming to the Church oi England, that they have Set up and Established another sort of Church-Discipline universally among them ; but notwith standing this, they are allowed the liberty they always used in their Church without molestation, and were so allowed in the very time when these Paenal Laws were in force in England; but now since by the late Act of Tolerationj it was thought by the 32 Makemies Tryal. the wise and experienced Legislators of England, to be for the Publick Good, to repeal these Laws, even there, for which place only they were made, and to allow Liberty of Conscience ; 1 hope it will never be thought, that those Paenal Statutes, so repealed, are, or can be for the Publick Good here, and as such extended hither. Wherefore, forasmuch, as neither by the Common Law of England, nor by any Law of this Province produced, or even alleadged by Mr. Attorney, such Preaching or Meeting, doth appear unlawful (but on the contrary, an ex press Law of this Province doth allow it, as hath been shewen) and that the Psenal Laws and Statutes of England against Dis senters, can by no reasonable construction, be extended hithfr, 1 humbly conceive my Client is not guilty of any offence against Law, and hope the Jury will acquit him accordingly. Mr. William Nicol, Attorney for the Defendant, pleads in the next place, as followeth. Mr. Attorney has been entertaining us with some History from the Reign of K. Henry 8. And it is fit we should entertain him with some History also, more ancient, and from belter Au thors, and that is from the Acts of the Apostles ; for we do find, that Teaching, or Preaching, or Speaking in it self, or by the Common Law, was never found a Crime ; for the Apostle Paul Preached a very new Doctrine to the Athenians, which was an ancient Comraonwealth, and was not Condemned or Imprison ed for it, but they were curious to hear again. Act. 17. concern ing the new Doctrine of the Resurrection ; but we find, when the sarae Apostle began to insist on any Doctrine which tended to infringe the gain of the Silver Smiths, who Act. 18. made Shrines for Diana, the Goddess of the Ephesians, they were enraged, and made an uproar against him, rushing into the Theatre ; but it was no Crime, either in Corinth or Athens, where no man was hurt by the Doctrine itself, neither was ob structed by, nor any offence to the Civil Government. And it is plain, it was no offence at Common Law, but was made so by the old Statutes of 5 Rich. 2. Cap. 5. 2 Hen. 4 Cap. 15. 2 Hen. 5. But all these Statutes being repealed by 1 Ed. 6. and by Acts of Eliz. it was still no transgression, but remains as it was, no crime at Common Law. And the four Statutes against Conventicles in Ch. 2. are all local,- and in express words, limited lo England, Wales, and Berwick on Tweed, so have no relation, to, nor reach to any of the Plantations. And this is further manifest, from the Constitution of the Plantations, Makemies Tryal. 33 Plantations, being as it were settled by National Consent, for those whose thoughts in Religious Affairs could not square with the Publick Establishment in Church Government, Discipline and Ceremonies, as New-England for Independants and Pres byterians, Rhode-Island and New-Jerseys, and we raay add New- York, for the several sorts of Dissenters in general ; Pen- silvania and Maryland, for Quakers k Papists in particular. And this being the first that was prosecuted in this nature in the Plantations, is made the more remarkable, so long after the news of those harsh Statutes of Ch. 2. have been cut by the Statute of 1. William k Mary. And it is already evidently proved, that the Acts of Assem bly of New- York, allow Liberty of Conscience, with freedom of Publick Worship, to all but Papists. What was offered on the other side, by Mr. Attorney, as be ing against the Queens Prerogative in Ecclesiastical Affairs, was foreign, and not at all to the purpose ; for all the Statutes rela ting to that matter, being to assert the Queens Empire, and Jurisdiction over Ecclesiastical Persons, as well as Lay-men, in opposition to the Claim and Usurpation of the See of Rome, to exempt the Clergy, or Church-men, from the Civil and Se cular PoWer. And as to the Queens Instructions, they are not, neither can have the force of a Law ; besides that, these two Instructions produced in Court, are no way against us, but rather for us. Mr. David Jamison, Attorney for the Defendant, appears next to plead in the following manner. Mr. Reignere, and Mr. Nicol, Attorneys on the same side, having offered so many and large Arguments, have left but lit tle room for new matter to be offered, without enumerating what was offered upon the three heads of the Indictment. As to the first, whk:h was Preaching and Teaching without Licence, against the Queens Supremacy and Prerogative in Ecclesiastical Affairs. We did not come here to oppose, or call in question the Queens Prerogative or Supremacy: but were willing to pay all due respect k deference thereunto ; but we cannot see, that these Instructions from the Queen to my Lord Cornbury, oi which Mr. Attorney has produced a Copy, and which he alleadges to be the Law we have broken by Prea ching, contrary to the Queens Instructions, which are not a Law to any body else, but to his Lordship, who is directed by them, and is accountable to the Queen, if he do not observe them. Her Instructions are private directions to himself, and can be no Law to others: Promulgation is that which gives the finishing stroke 34 Makemies Tryal. stroke to a Law. Nor do I see how his Lordship should be come guilty of breach of Oath, as Mr. Attorney was pleased to offer, by not ordering the prosecution of this Gentleman, for Preaching without his Licence ; altho' he be Sworn to obey and observe his Instructions, because the very Instructions pro duced, give Liberty of Conscience to Protestant Dissenters, and are in two distinct Paragraphs ; the first seems to me wholly to agree with our Act of Assembly of this Province, is to the sarae purpose, and very near the same words ; the other Para graph is negative : You are not to permit any Minister coming from England, to Preach in your Government, without a Cer tificate from the Right Reverend, the Bishop q/" London; nor any other Minister coming from any other Part, or Place, with out first obtaining leave from you our Governour. And a Dis senting Minister Preaching here without the Governours know ledge, could be no breach of his Oath, because it was done without his knowledge, and consequently without bis permis sion. To the Second, as to the Statutes of Eliz. and Charles 2. against Conventicles, they were limited and local Acts or Sta tutes, and could not any way reach these Plantations ; for here in New-York we have no Established Religion for the whole Province. On tbe East-end of Nassaw, or Long-Island, were, and always have been Independant Ministers, tbe French had their own way and Ministers, and the Dutch in like manner; the very Jews and Quakers have the free Exercise of their Re ligion ; and there is not one Form of Worship Established for the whole Province. The 16th. as well as 22 of K. Charles 2. are limited to the Kingdom of England, Dominion of Wales, and Town oi Benvick upon Tweed ; and therefore the using of any other Forra of Worship in this Province, then what is con tained in the Common-Prayer, cannot be a Breach of those Statutes. Then again the 16 of Ch. 2. for suppressing Con venticles, makes the third default Banishment, for seven years into the Plantations {New-England and Virginia excepted ;) And how can it be supposed, that the Plantations the places to which the defaulters were to be Banished, can be understood to be comprehended within the meaning and penalty of that Sta tute; that did continue in force, for little more tirae than four years. The other of the 22d. did supply its roora, and had much raore mild penalties. As to the third, which is that he Preached without being qualifyed, that is laid against the Act of Toleration. I did offer, that this Statute likewise was not, nor is in force in the Plantations Makemies Tryal. 35 Plantations generally, especially in this Province, altho' there be no locality expressly mentioned therein, and that for the.se Reasons. The title and whole design of it is Toleration ; now Toleration is an exception frora some restraint ; and since the Paenal Laws are not of force here by consequence, neither is the Act of Toleration of force, here is no Established Church for the whole Province ; from which we should be tolerated. We have had Liberty of Conscience another way, and by an Act of Assembly,' which was raade in the beginning of ihe Reign of K. WiUiam and Q. Mary, during the Governraent of Col. Fletcher, not yet forraally repealed. Then again consider the Preamble of the Act of Toleration, to the end that all our Protestant Subjects, may be united in interest and affection ; the wisdom of the Nation did at that lime combine, to put an end to all Persecution on the score of Religion. Our Assem bly was much of the same mind, designing to prevent it, and so are all good raen : when we did set about erecting a Church of England Congregation in this Town, and obtained a Charter for the sarae, of Governour Fletcher; altho' we were desirous to have the National Worship araongst us, yet was it the care of these Merabers, who promoted it, to get such Clauses insert ed in it, as should secure the Liberty of the Dutch and French Congregations from our Successors ; and in an Act of Assem bly made since, for ils encouragement, the like care and pre caution was had ; which are still to be seen. This Province has not been much more than forty years in the possession of the Crown of England, and is made up chiefly of Foreigners, and Dissenters ; and Persecution would not only tend to the disuniting us all, in interest and affection, but depo pulate and weaken our Strength, and discourage all such Ad venturers for the future. Therefore as this Prosecution is the first of this nature or sort, ever was in this Province, so I hope it will be the last. The Defendant prayed, he might have liberty to speak for himself, which was granted ; and he pleaded in his own de fence, the following Arguments, which I publish in his own words. F. M. I am amazed to find Mr. Attorney so much changed in his opinion ; for when I was before my Lord Cornbury, who told us, the Act of Toleration was limited and local, and ex tended not to the Plantations : And Mr. Attorney being pleased to confirm it, by asserting the same thing, and went a little further, by producing an Argument to strengthen bis opinion, That the Psnal Laws of England, did not extend to the Plan tations, 36 Makemies Tryal. tations, and the Act of Toleration was made to take off the edge of the Paenal Laws ; Therefore the Toleration does not extend hither ; but we find soon after by an Indictment, both the Paenal Laws and Toleration reaches hither, and all their penalties too. The Honourable Chief Justice, Roger Mompesson Esqr. in terrupted the Defendant, by saying: Gentlemen, Do not trou ble the Court with what discourse passed between you, before my Lord, or at any other time, but speak to the point. F. M. May it please your Honour, I hope to make it appear, it is to the point; and what was Mr. Attorneys argument then, is now mine : For whatever opinion I was of, while an absolute Stranger to New- York, and its Constitution ; yet since I have have informed ray self thorowly with the Constitution of this place, I am intirely of Mr. Attorneys opinion, and hope he will be of the same still. And as to the Indictment, to return to the particulars thereof; and first, I am charged with contemning, and endeavouring to Subvert the Supremacy of the Queen in Ecclesiastical Affairs. As to the Queens Supreraacy about Ecclesiastical persons and things, we allow and believe. She has as large a Supremacy, as in the Word of God is allowed to any Christian Kings and Princes in the World ; and our Confession of Faith, which will compare with any in the World, and is universally known to the Christian World, is very full in that matter ; a part whereof is judged necessary to be inserted here, for the information of many. Chapter 23. Concerning the Civil Magistrate. 1 . CL^d the Supream Lord and King of all the World, '-^ hath Ordained^Civil Magistrates to be under him, over the People, for his own Glory, and the Publick Good; and to this end hath armed them with the power of the Sword, for the defence and encouragement of them that do well, and for the punishment of evil-doers. 3. The Civil Magistrate may not assume to himself the Administration of Word and Sacraments, or the power of the Keys of the Kingdom of Heaven ; yet he hath Au thority, and it is his duty to take order, that Unity and Peace be preserved in the Church, that the truth of God be kept pure and intire ; that all Blasphemies and Here sies be suppressed, all corruptions and abuses in Worship and Discipline, prevented and reformed ; and all the Or dinances of God may be settled; for the better effecting whereof he hath power to call Synods to be present at them, Makemies Tryal. 37 them, and to provide that whatsoever is transacted in them, be according to ihe Mind of God. 4. It is ihe duty of People to Pray for Magistrates, io honour their Persons, to obey their lawful Commands, and to be subject to their Authority, for Conscience sake : In fidelity or difference in Religion, doth not make void the Magistrates just and legal Authority, nor free the people from their due Obedience io him ; from which Ecclesiasti cal Persons are not exempted : much less hath the Pope any poiver or Jurisdiction over them, in their Dominions, or over any of their people, and least of all to deprive ihem of their Dominions or Lives, if he shall judge them to be Hereticks, or upon any pretence whatsoever. And in all which Mr. Attorney has offered concerning the Queens Supreraacy in Ecclesiastical Affairs, I cannot learn one argument, or one word, from all the quoted Statutes, that Preaching a Sermon, is the least contempt, or overthrow of the Supremacy. And 1 hope it is not now unknown to any, that the Oath of Supremacy, has been abolished by a Law, ever since the Revolution, and consequently the Subject must be delivered from some obligation thereby-: and how far this will- be constructed to extend, I leave to the Judge3»to deterraine. . And as to my Preaching without Licence first obtained from Lord Cornbury, which is asserted to be against Law ; I cannot hear from any Law yet produced, that Ld. Cornbury has any power or directions to grant a Licence to any Dissenters, or that any of them are under any obligation, to take Licence from his Lordship, before they Preach, or after. Mr. Attorney pretends no Law, unless he concludes the Queens Instruc tions to be a Law, or have the force of a Law: That they have no force of a Law, has been abundantly proved already ; neither am I any way culpable even from the Queens Instructions, which are produced in Court ; for they consisting of two parts, or rather two distinct Instructions, not relating at all to the same persons : In ihe first, his Excellency is required to permit a Liberty of Conscience to all persons except Papists. And this is the Liberty is allowed to Dissenters and which we claim, by virtue of this Instruction : and here is no Licence mentioned and required ; for permission is a negative act, and implies no more but this ; you shall so allow it, as not to hinder, molest or disquiet them, but rather protect them in it : And Papists being particularly expressed, it cannot be applied to the Church oi England ; therefore Dissenters are intended by this 38 Makemies Tryal. this Instruction, and no other ; and if this permission is grant ed us, according to the express words thereof, we desire no more. And it cannot be esteemed by any, that imprisoning and punishing of us at such a rate, for Preaching one Sermon, is a permitting us Liberty of Conscience. TAe oiAer distinct Paragraph, or rather, the other Instruction, which tho' joined together in this Copy, are at a considerable distance from one another in the Original ; as we really found it so, in a Copy of Instructions to a former Governour : And as the former con cerns Dissenters, so this is intended for the Clergy of the Church of England; for the words of the Instruction, as you have it above, are these : You are not to permit any Minister coming from England, to Preach in your Government, without a Certificate from the Right Reverend, the Bishop of London, nor any other Minister coming from any other part or place, without first obtaining leave of you, our Governour. Here is another Instruction, which should not be produced or improved against Dissenters ; for all mankind, and those of the meanest capacity must conclude and determine, that this concerns only the Clergy of the Church oi England, who by their Constitu tion, are under strict obligations to take Licence, or Certificate frora their Ordinary, and such as corae to the Plantations, acknowledge the Bishop of London as such ; and no Dissenter, either in England, or any where else in the Queens Dorainion, ever took, or ever was under any obligation to take any Licence from the Queens or Kings of England, or any other Person or Persons whatsoever; until a method k practice has of late been erected, and forced into practice at New- York : For if our Li berty either depended on a Licence or Certificate from the Bishops of England, or the Governours of America, we should soon be deprived of our Liberty of Conscience, secured lo us by Law, and repeated Resolutions of our present Soveraign, and Gracious Queen, inviolably to maintain the Toleration which She is pleased to signifie in Her Royal Instructions to all Her Governours abroad; which we are the more assured of, from the Instructions produced in this Court. So that as the first clause of this latter Instruction, cannot be applied to any other Ministers, but of the Church of England; so the latter clause can be understood of no other but the same sort, or species, as those who carae from England with Certificate from the Bishop of London : And it is well known, there are Ministers of the Church of England, who may come, and do come not directly from England, but frora sorae other place, as from sundry Plan tations oi America; as Mr. Sharp now Chaplain at Fort-Anne, came Makemies Tryal. 39 came not directly from England, but from Maryland: And I must confess, he being a Minister of the Church of England, and enjoyes a considerable Benefice thereby, was obliged to comply with the Constitution of his own Church, and take a Licence from Ld. Cornbury, if none could be produced from the Bishop of London. But all this is foreign to us, and not at all required of any Dissenter in Europe or America. And if there had been any thing in these Instructions requir ing Dissenters to take any Licence, or empowering Governours of the Plantations to grant them, which we do not find; Preaching a Sermon before such Licence, cannot be judged a Crime, deserving such a Confineraent and Prosecution as we have met with ; for it has been already raade appear, that those Instructions cannot have the force of a Law, to bind the Sub ject to Obedience, or render hira culpable for Disobedience, seeing Promulgation, which is the Life of the Law, and ren ders all persons inexcusable, never as yet have accorapanied these Instructions : So if this be Mr. Attorneys Law we have broke, by not obtaining Licence before Preaching, I hope, you Gentleraen of the Jury cannot but find, we are no way culpa ble hereby, being neither inconsistent with the Queens In structions, and not against any Law. And as to the last part of the Indictment, concerning the Paenal Laws, or the sundry Statutes against Conventicles, they never were designed, nor intended by our English Legislators for America, or any of the Plantations thereof; for they are limited k local Acts, all of thera restricted to England, Wales, and Benvick upon Tweed, as is manifest frora the express words of said Law ; neither have been ever put in execution in any of the Plantations, until now ; yea, have not been executetj, even in England, Wales or Berwick upon Tweed, for which they were Calculated, and raade, these twenty years past : And when they were put in the most strict and rigorous Execution in England, which was about the last of the Reign of K. Ch. 2. The Dissenters of America lived very quiet, and even in such Plantations where the Church of England has a full and formal Establishment. But which is more, even Roman Ca- iholicks, who are excluded from all benefit of the Act of Tolera tion in England ; yet cannot be touched in America, by these Paenal Laws; for it is matter of fact known to all, and I appeal to Mr. Reignere if Papists have not liberty, and the exercise of their Religion, without molestation frora Paenal Laws, and even in Maryland, where the Church of England has a formal establishment 40 Makemies Tryal. establishment by Laws made there : And it is manifestly known, the Assembly of Maryland made a late Act against Roman Ca- tholicks; and tho' it was never executed, not being approved of by the Queen, yet it is a plain deraonstration, if the Paenal Laws of England originally and principally designed against Popish Recusants had extended to the Plantations, there would have been no need for such an Act of Assembly to be made against them in Maryland. It is a further argument the Paenal Laws never did extend to the Plantations, because it was a penally in some of them, that persons after sundry and so many convictions, are to be banish ed or transported to the American Plantations, as places removed beyond, and free from the lash of Paenal Laws ; for to what purpose would their banishment be, if after a removal frora their Native Land, they should be lashed, or ruined afresh by the same Pasnal Laws. And if the Paenal Laws of England do not extend to these Plantations, where the Church oi^England has a legal and formal Establishment, it cannot be imagined, they can take place where there is no particular Perswasion established by Law ; and consequently all Perswasions there are upon an equal bottom of Liberty, as I find to be the Case with New- York, v/here there is not one Act of Assembly, wherein the name or manner of Worship as it is in the Church of England is so much as expressed : And where there is no legal Establishment or any penalties or restrictions on the Liberty of any Dissenters, there is no room for, or need of any Toleration ; for where no penalty, what must we be tolerated frora ; but pure nullities, or nothings, which seeras inconsistent with the thing itself: There fore in New-York Governraent all . Perswasions there are upon an equal level, and bottom of liberty ; and this confirmed to all Dissenters, except Papists, and allowed by an Act of Assembly, already read in open Court. And if Jews, who openly blas pheme the Lord Jesus, Quakers and Lutherans, and all other or most perswasions are allowed even in this Government ; it is matter of wonder, and I can know no reason, why we only should not be allowed of, but put to molestation as we now are, by my present prosecution: Is it because we are Protestants? Is it because we are likest the Established Church of England of any Dissenters ? Is it because we are the most considerable Body of Protestants in the Queens Dominions ? Is it because we have now since the Union, a National Establishment in Great Britain, as nighly related and annexed unto the Crown of England, as the Church of England themselves? Sure such Makemies Tryal. 41 such Proceedings, when known, will and must be a prodigy to England. Mr. Attorney replied, it was impossible for any man to an swer all which was offered, there was so much delivered, and by so many. The Defendant told Mr. Attorney, he verily believed it was impossible for Mr. Attorney to answer what was said, and that it was a great truth Mr. Attorney asserted. Mr. Attorney proceeds to answer, and says : These Gentle men on the other side assert all the Paenal Laws of England are local k limited to England, Wales, and Berwick upon Tweed ; but 1 shall produce one that is not so, but extends to all the Queens Dominions ; and that is the Act of Uniformity, made the first of Elizabeth, which is deraonstrated from the very words of said Law, or other place within this Realm of England, Wales, and the Marches of the same, and other ihe QUEENS Dominions: And flies to the Instructions again, and endeavours to assert and vindicate the Supremacy, and says, the Kings and Queens of England, Enjoin and Command their Governours to grant Licences ; and it has always been customary, and an universal practice to take Licences from Go vernours : And those Ministers who come from other places, must be the same' that my Ld. is to allow Liberty of Con science unto. The Defendant begged leave to answer the Attorney as to his last Argument, as to the first of Elizabeth, which is the Act of Uniformity ; we acknowledge it was extensive to the Queens Dominions in general, and not limited to England, and Wales only ; yet I hope to make it appear, this Act does no way affect the Plantations, and far less affect Dissenters ; therefore is alto gether foreign to our present purpose. For 1. That Act of Parliament was made in the first year of the Reign of Eliza beth, and consequently before any Plantation had a being, or was thought of, and so could have no relation to them at all, they being pure non-entities at that time. 2. All over the Act, and in sundry places thereof, it is directed to Ministers, Parsons or Vicars in Cathedrals, Parish-Churches, Private Chappels, or Oratories ; and not a word in the whole Act of Dissenters or Conventicles. For 3. At that time, when this Act was made, there were not strictly and properly speaking, any number of Dissenters in England, who held Separate Meetings frora tbe Publick and Established Worship ; for tho' there were those in the Church oi England, who always from tbe beginning of the Reformation scrupled the use of all the Common Prayer, and omitted Vol. IV.— No. 4. 15 42 Makemies Tryal. omitted some Cereraonies, which was, and is to day, the grounds of the Separation ; and it was to oblige such to an Uniformity iu Publick Worship. And as soon as the Act was made, and put in Execution, with all its penalties, many were discouraged, others Cast out of the Church, for Nonconformity ; and this really made the Separation, and all the mischiefs of the Separation are originally owing to this Act; tho' as soon as the Separation was made, they could not touch Dissenters by the penalties of this Act, therefore were under a necessity of making new Acts of Parliament in the following Reigns, for punishing Separated Dissenters ; all which were limited and local in ex press words ; and never designed to pursue Persecuted Persons to an American Wilderness. 4. 1 am able to make it appear, if this Act of Uniformity were strictly put in Execution, the most of the Clergy of the Church of England, would fall un der its lashes and penalties ; for none of them are to use any other Rite, Ceremony, or open Prayer, but what is mentioned and set forth, in the said Book of Comraon-Prayer. And it is well known, the raost valuable men in that Church use another Publick Prayer, then is in Common Prayer, and all such per sons are so far Dissenters, and being in Communion with the Church oi England, are only liable to be Prosecuted upon this Statute. And as to the Queens Instructions, which Mr. Attorney in sists so puich upon, it was, and is obvious to every man, they were two distinct Instructions; and tho' we have them placed so near in this Copy, they have no affinity one to another; and it is not fair for Mr. Attorney to take the latter clause of one Instruction, and join it to another, which was before; this is a Curtailing the Queens Instructions : whereas those who com posed them, knew better how to join them together, then Mr. Attorney does. And whereas Mr. Attorney affirms, that giving and taking Licence was very common and universal ; I am well assured there never was, neither is to this day any such practice in any Plantation of America ; and there were but few persons, as yet in York Government that had Licences ; for besides the two Dutch Ministers, who differ upon Long-Island, and it is said Licences are the cause of their difference ; there is but one English Nonconformist Minister, in all the Government, who has taken a Licence ; and it is as certain, Mr. Dubois, and sundry others of the Dutch Churches has no Licence, neither will sub mit to any such as are granted. Mr. Attorney perceiving how matters then stood, moves that tbe Makemies Tryal. 43 the Jury should bring in a special Verdict, and the Judges in clined thereunto ; for says Mr. Attorney, the matter of fact is plainly confessed by the Defendant, as you have heard, and you are to bring it in specially, for you are not Judges of Law. F. M. May it please your Honours, I am a Stranger, who live four hundred miles from this place, and it is known to the whole Country, what intollerable trouble I have been put to already, and we cannot consent to a special Verdict, for that is only to encrease my trouble, multiply ray Charge, and give me further delay : And it is a known truth in Law, that Strangers are to be favoured always with expedition in Justice, and does no way approve of delays ; and if this should be allowed of, no mans innocence is able to protect him ; for if I am cleared, I should suffer more in Charges at last, then if I were really guilty of the breach of many Paenal Laws of England: And as to the Juries judging of Law, and confessing the fact, I can not see one point of the Law to be judged ; for that the Pasnal are local and limited, that is owned on all hands, and Paenal Laws are strictly to be taken and interpreted, and not allowed to the ruin of the Subject, to extend, or be interpreted beyond the plain and strict sense of the words. It is also true, we have confessed Preaching a Serraon at the House of Mr. William Jackson, with all its true circurastances ; but we have not own ed this to be a crime, or repugnant to any Law, or inconsistent with any of the Queens Instructions yet produced to us; neither has Mr. Attorney made any thing of this yet appear; for all those ancient Statutes of H. the 8ih tend only to throw off, the Authority, Supremacy and Jurisdiction of the Popes, and See of Rome, and invest the Kings and Queens of England with that usurped Authority of the Popes, and to bring Ecclesiastical persons, under the civil Jurisdiction of England, who in tiraes of Popery were raade only accountable to ihe See of Rome, and that Jurisdiction ; therefore does not touch, neither is any way applicable to this Case. Mr. Attorney, These Gentlemen acknowledge, and say, ihe Ministers of the Church of England are to take Licences, and obliged so to do ; and if so, the Dissenters should also, other wise ihey must expect more favour and liberty then the Minis ters of the Church of England. F. M. I must confess, the Case is very different ; for it is the opinion and consthution of the Church of England, that not withstanding their Ordinatioii, they are not to Preach or Offi ciate as Ministers, until they procure, or have a Licence from their Bishop, or Ordinary, which no Dissenting Minister is con cerned 44 Makemies Tryal. cerned with ; and they voluntarily and freely bring themselves under an Oath of Canonical Obedience, to obey their Ordinary ; and if he require them to take Licences, or any thing else they raust, they are sworn to submit thereunto. But finally. There is a great deal of reason, why Ministers of the Church of £n^- land should submit to Licence, but we are not ; because it is only bare liberty which Dissenters have; but they have not only Liberty, but a considerable Maintainance also; without which, I never knew any of thera value Liberty only; and Dissenters having liberty only without any Maintenance from the Governraent, are not at all under obligations, neither is it required of thera to take Licences of any. After a long debate and fair pleadings. The Honourable Ro ger Mompesson, Chief Justice, applies hiraself to the Jury, to this effect: Gentleraen, You have heard a great deal on both sides, and Mr. Attorney says the fact is confessed by the De fendant, and 1 would have you bring it in specially, for there are some points I am not now prepared to answer; How far Instructions may go, in having the force of a Law, especially when not published, or made known : And there is one objec tion made by Mr. Makeraie, and that is the Oath of Supremacy of England is abolished ; &/¦ how far it will go in this matter, 1 confess 1 am not prepared to answer ; If you will take upon you to judge oJ Law, you may, or bring in the fact specially: This is ihe first Instance 1 can learn, has been of a Tryal or Prosecution of this nature hi America. The Jury desired the Act of Assembly of New-York might be delivered to thera ; and the Defendant desired the Jury might have the Queens Instructions also, which Mr. Attorney opposed and denied. There is a Constable Sworn to attend the Jury, who with draws, and in a very short time returned again. The Jury is called, and finds the Defendant Not Guilty. The Court begun to enquire Reasons for the Jury's Verdict, but tbe Chief Justice lold the Jury, they might give Reasons if they would, k they might choose whether they would or not give any Reasons for their Verdict. The Foreman told tbe Court, the Defendant had not transgressed any Law : Another' person of the Jury told the Court, they believed in their Con-l sciences, they had done the Defendant Justice, k so the Ver dict was confirmed. Mr. Reignere, Attorney for tbe Defendant, moved, that the Defendant might be discharged ; which was by the Chief Jus tice referred till to morrow raornin*'. Saturday, Makemies Tryal. 45 Saturday, June 1th. Ordered that the Defendant be discharged, paying Fees, and that his Recognizance be likewise discharged. A True Copy. Geo. Clarke. The Defendant told the Court, it was an hard case, that an innocent person, and one found so upon Tryal, and by Law, and suffering so much already, and not only innocently, but for do ing of good, should pay so severe Fees at last. At length the Defendant was willing to pay all just and legal Fees to the Court, and Offices thereof, who acted indifferently in their several Offices, as to this matter, but it was unreason able, he should pay his Prosecutors, whatsoever they were pleased to demand; this was nothing less, then hiring our Ene mies to ruin us ; but it being the practice, as they affirmed, no Arguments would be received. The Defendant further told the Court, if he must pay Fees, as he was a Stranger, prayed he might not be left to the Arbi trary Demands of Officers ; but that the Bill of Cost might be produced, and examined in open Court, and taxed by the Judges. But the Chief Justice declining it, as a thing he did not concern himself with : It was referred to Robert Millward Esqr. one of the Assistant Judges, who was to tax the Bill, after notice given to the Defendant or bis Attorney, of the time k place to raake their objections: But the Bill was taxed by said Judge, without any such notice given; and instead of raoderaling any Articles, added two new ones. And their full account was paid, and a Copy of said Account denied the Defendant, and a Receipt upon payment of Money refused, tho' paid in presence of two Witnesses. A POSTSCRIPT. A , S there are Preliminaries to the Tryal Published, to ob- f\ viate those raisrepresentations which have been indus- triously improved, both at New-York, and elsewhere, to vindicate this new and unusual Prosecution ; so it is judged as necessary, to add by way of Postscript or Conclusion, for the Information of America, Copies of these following particulars. 1. The Act of Assembly of New- York, /or Settling a Minis try, and raising a Maintainance for them, only in some parti cular places of that Government. 2. A Copy of the Act of Parliament 46 Makemies Tryal. Parliament 0/ England, /or Punishing Governours of Planta tions in Fnc\and,for Crimes committed by them in the Plan tations. 3. A Copy of such Licences as are granted by Lord Cornbury, to some Ministers. 4. An Account of the Exorbi tant Charge of the Confinement and Prosecution, for Preach ing tivo Sermons in New- York Government. 5. A Copy oj Mr. Makemies Certificate from a Court of Virginia. To which I shall add some illustrating Animadversions, and so con clude this Narrative. 1. An Act passed in a General Assembly, made Sept. 12. 1693. An Act for Sealing a Ministry, and raising a Maintai nance for them in the City of New- York County of Richmond, Westchester, and Queens-County. \1^ Hereas Prophaness and Licentiousness have of late ~' Overspread this Province, for want of a Settled Minis try throughout the same : To the end the same raay be removed, and the Ordinances of God daily Administered. Be it Enacted. by ihe Governour, and Council, and Representatives Convened in General Assembly, and by the Authority of the same. That in each of the respective Cities and Counties hereafter men tioned and expressed ; there shall be called, inducted and estab lished, a good sufficient Protestant Minister, to officiate and have care of Souls, within one year next after the Pubhcation hereof: Thai is to say, in the City of iVeiw-Torfc one, in the County oi Richmond one, in the County of Westchester two, in Queens- County two, one at Jamaica, and the adjacent Towns k Farms: The other to have the care of Hempstead, and the next adjacent Towns and Farras. And for their respective Encouragement ; Be it further En acted by the Authority aforesaid. That there shall be annually, and once every year, Collected and Paid for the Maintainance of each of their respective Ministers, the respective Sums here after mentioned : That is to say, for the City and County of New-York, One hundred Pounds; for the two Precincts of Westchester, one hundred Pounds, to each fifty, to be paid in Country Produce at Mony Price ; for the County of Richmond, Forty Pounds in Country Produce at Mony Price ; And for the two Precincts of Queens-County, one hundred and twenty Pounds, to each Sixty in Country Produce at Mony Price. And for the more orderly raising the respective Maintainances for Makemies Tryal. 47 for the Ministers aforesaid ; Be it further Enacted by the Au thority aforesaid. That the respective Justices of every City and County aforesaid, or any two of them, shall every year issue out their Warrants to the Constable, to Summon the Freeholders of every City, County and Precinct aforesaid together on the second Tuesday in January, for the chusing of ten Vestry Men, and two Church- Wardens ; and the said jus tices and Vestry Men, or major part of them are hereby im- powred within ten days after ihe said day, or any day after as to them shall seem convenient, to lay a reasonable Tax on the said respective Cities, Counties, Parish, or Precinct, for the Main tainance of the Minister and Poor of the respective places; and if they shall neglect to issue their Warrants, so as the Election be not made that day, they shall respectively forfeit Five Pounds, currant Money of this Province ; and in case the said Freeholders duly Summoned as aforesaid, shall not appear, or appearing, do not chuse the said 'ten Vestry Men and two Church-Wardens, that then in their default the said Justices shall within ten days after the second Tuesday, or in any day after as shall seein to them convenient, lay the said reasonable Tax on the said respective Places, for the respective Maintai nances aforesaid ; and if the said Justices and Vestry Men shall neglect their duty herein, they shall respectively forfeit Five Pounds, Currant Money aforesaid. And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid. That such of the Justices and Vestry iMen that shall not be present at the time appointed to make the said Tax, and thereof be Convicted by a Certificate under the hands of such as do appear, and have no sufficient excuse for the same, shall respectively forfeit Five Pounds currant Money aforesaid ; and a Roll of the Tax so made, shall be delivered unto the hands of the respect ive Constables of the said Cities, Counties, Parishes, Precinct, with a Warrant Signed by any two Justices of the Peace, im- powering him or thera to Levy the said Tax, and upon refusal, to distrain and sell by publick Outcry, and pay the sarae into the hands of the Church-Wardens, retaining lo hiraself Twelve pence per Pound for Levying thereof; and if any person shall refuse to pay that he is so assessed, and the said Constable do strain for the same, all his Charges shall be paid hira, with such further allowance for his pains, as the said Justices, or any of them shall judge reasonable. Or if the said Justice or Justices shall neglect to issue the said Warrant, he or they respectively shall forfeit Five Pounds, Currant Money aforesaid. And if tbe said Constable, or any of them fail of their duty herein. 48 Makemies Tryal. herein, they shall respectively forfeit Five Pound, Currant Money aforesaid, and the Church-Wardens so Chosen, shall undertake the said Office, and receive and keep a good account of the Money or Goods levied by virtue of this Act ; and the same issue by Order frora the said Justices and Vestry Men of the respective Cities, Counties, Precincts and Parishes afore said, for the purposes and intents aforesaid, and not otherwise. And the Church-Wardens shall, as often as thereunto required, yield an Account unto the Justices and Vestry Men, of all their Receipts k Disbursements ; and in case the Church- Wardens, or any of them, shall neglect their Duty herein, they shall re spectively forfeit Five Pounds, Currant Money aforesaid, for every refusal. And be it further Enacted by the Authority aforesaid. That the said Church Wardens in their respective Precincts aforesaid, shall by Warrant as aforesaid, pay unto the respective Minis ters, the Maintenance aforesaid, by four equal k Quarterly Payments, under the Penalty of Five Pound, Currant Money aforesaid, for each neglect, refusal or default ; the one half of all such forfeitures shall be disposed of to the use of the Poor in each respective Precinct, where the sarae doth arise ; and the other half to hira or thera that shall prosecute the same. Always Provided, and be it further Enacted by ihe Autho rity aforesaid. That all and every the respective Ministers that shall be Settled in the respective Cities, Counties and Precincts above-said, shall be Called to Officiate in their respective Pre cincts aforesaid, by the respective Vestry Men k Church- War dens aforesaid : And always Provided, that all forraer Agree ments raade with Ministers throughout this Province, shall continue and reraain in their full force and virtue : Any thing contained herein to the contrary hereof in any wise notwith standing. An Act to Punish Governours of Plantations in this Kingdom, for Crimes by them commit ted in the Plantations. 'YI^Hereas a due Punishment is not provided for several " ' Crimes and Offences committed out of this His Majesty's Realm of England ; whereof divers Governours, Lieutenant- Governours, Deputy- Governours or Commanders in Chief of Plantations Makemies Tryal. 49 Plantations and Colonies within his Majesty's Dominions be yond the Seas, Have taken Advantage, and have not been de terred from Oppressing His Majesty's Subjects within their respective Governments and Command, nor from committing several other great Crimes and Offences ; not Deeming them selves Punishable for the same here, nor accountable Jor such their Crimes and Offences, to any Persons within their respec tive Governments and Commands. For Remedy whereof. Be it Enacted by the Kings Most Excellent Majesty, That if any Governour, Lieutenant-Governour, Deputy-Governours or Commanders, shall after the first day oi August, One Thou sand Seven Hundred, be guilty of Oppressing any His Majes ty's Subjects beyond the Seas, within their respective Govern ments or Comraands ; or shall be guilty of any other Crirae or Offence, contrary to the Laws of this Realm, or in force within their respective Governments or Comraands ; such Oppressions, Crimes and Offence shall be Enquired of. Heard and Deter mined in His Majesties Court of Kings Bench here in Eng- gland; or before such Commissioners, and in such County of this Realm, as shall be assigned by his Majesty's Commission, and by good and lawful men of the sarae County ; and that such Punishraent shall be inflicted on such Offender as are usually inflicted for Offences of like Nature committed here in England. A Copy of a Ministers Licence granted by Lord Cornbury. By His Excellency Edward Viscount Cornbury, Captain Gen eral, ^c. To Greeting. I Do hereby Licence and Tolerate you, io be Minister of the Congregation at in County, in the Province of New- York : And to have and exercise the free Liberty and Use of your Religion, pursuant to Her Ma jesty's Pleasure, therein signified to me, iii Her Royal Instruc tions ; for and during so long time, as to me shall seem meet. And all Ministers and others, are hereby required to take notice hereof. Given under my Hand and Seal, at Fort- Anne, in New-York, this day of in the Year of Her Majesties Reign. Annoq ; Dom. Cornbury. A 50 Makemies Tryal. A Copy of a Certificate from the Court of Accomack County in Virginia, read by Lord Cornbury, before Comraitraent of Francis Makemie, for Preaching a Ser raon at York. Accoraack-County ss. rj^ Hese may Certifie to all, to whom these Presents may -*¦ concern, that Mr. Francis Makemie, a Dissenter and Preacher, in the aforesaid County of Accomack, hath at a Court held in the aforesaid County, October the 5th. 1699. performed and answered, by taking the Oaths, fee. Enjoined in a certain Act of Parliament, made the 2ith day of May, Anno Dom. 1689. In the First Year of the Reign of King William and Queen Mary, Entituled, An Act for Exempting Their Majesty's Protestant Subjects, Dissenting from the Church oi England, from the penal ties of sundry Laws. And by his application to the Court by Petition obtained Order in October Court last, that his own House at Accomack- Town-, and his Dwel ling-House at Pocaraock, should be Registred and Re corded to be the first places of his constant and ordinary Preaching: Which is Attested this IQth day o/ October, Anno Dora. 1699. Per me John Washbourn, Cler. Car. Com. Accomack. An account of the Charges of the Imprisonment of Francis Makemie, and John Hampton; and Prosecution of the former, for Preaching a Sermon at New- York City. Item. I. s. d. rpO Tho. Cardale, Sheriff of Queens Coun- ") -'- ty, on Lon^-Js/anii, for apprehending and ! bringing us before Ld. Cornbury, at Fort- f Anne. J To Charges at Jamaica, whether we were ) carried out of the way. C To Expences at White-Hall Tavern, while ') attending Lord Cornbury's leisure, besides ^ 00 02 03 what sundry Friends spent. 04 01 00 00 12 00 To Makemies Tryal. 51 To Ebenezar Wilson High Sheriff for Com- ] milment to his House. I 04 01 00 To Extraordinary Expences, during the time j of our Imprisonraent. J 06 00 00 To Mr. Ja. Reignere for a retaining Fee. 01 13 09 To a Fee at another time. 03 06 00 To Ebe. Wilson, Sher'iW oi York ior \ccom- } ,„ ^^ ^,. modalion. J ^3 05 06 To Ditto for Return, and Habeas Corpus. 04 01 00 To the Chief Justice when we ijave Reco"- > „, .„ ^„ nizance. => J 01 16 00 To Ditto after the first Term. 00 18 00 To Mr. William Nichol for pleading. 02 12 00 To Ditto still due, but now ordered him. 01 10 00 To my Charges in returning with my man frora i Virginia both by Land k Water, to at- > 12 06 06 tend the Tryal at iVejy-Forfc. ) To the Sheriff for a Copy of the Pannil. 00 05 06 To Mr. Attorney for the Queen tho' Cleared 12 12 06 To Mr. Secretary for Fees. 05 12 06 To the High-Sheriff for Fees after Tryal. 01 10 00 To the Judge. 01 00 00 To Judge Willward for taxing the Bill of Cost > on 1 Q no To the Cryer and Under-Sheriff. 00 10 00 To Mr. Reignere for his pains in Writing and Pleading. 05 00 00 Sum 81 04 09 tN this Postscript, there is first. The only Establishing Act of -^ New-York which the Clergy of the Church of England has laid hold upon, k thereby would deceive the World, in im posing upon, not only the American, but Europcean World, that they are Established in New- York Governraent, as in England; but also influence that Noble Corporation or Society for Propo- gating the Gospel, or the Patrons of raost of them, to break the Fifth Commandment, in Stubbs his Scheme : And tho' the foregoing Tryal has opened the eyes, and undeceived most, if not all at New- York, in this matter ; for which they may thank a Prison. So this is to enlighten, not only those abroad in the World, but also influence and direct the Assemblys of New- York for the future; in not giving a handle to any, to pervert their Laws, contrary to the intention of the Legislators, or con firming 52 Makemies Tryal. firming by subsequent Acts, in their unjust possessions; all which they may perceive from the following particulars. 1. This Law is not general for the whole Government, but for four Counties of a Colony, where there are nine Counties ; so that the largest share is yet without the benefits of this Act. 2. It was made upon the motion and application of sundry Dis senters, on Long-Island, yet alive, who expected another bene fit by it, then they have been since treated with. 3. It was made by an Asserably generally Dissenters, and are so to this day ; and let such as are alive declare their design in this Law. 4. There is not any raention of so rauch as the name of the Church of England, or the mode or manner of the Church of England Worship, Government or Ceremonies in all the Law, without which, I cannot iraagine they can have any Establish ment. 5. Every sufficient Protestant Minister, duly called according to directions of said Law, has a right hereunto, and none else ; and that Dissenters for whora this Law was origi nally designed, are deemed and called Ministers, and men in Holy Orders, is plain from the express words of the Act of Toleration. 6. None have a right unto, or should have any benefit by this Act, but he that is called and chosen by twelve raen, chosen by the free Votes of the people of the County which Mr. Urqhart of Jamaica, never had by any Vote of the majority ; therefore has as great a right to the Salary there, as he has to the Meeting-House, with the House k Land he lives upon, of which the Proprietors have been Ousted with violence, without all legal Process or Ejectraent ; and being of 1500 1. value. It is raatter of satisfaction this practice is singular, and not yet made a President of, tho' New-Town is threatned by the sarae Parson. 7. It is observable, a^ the time this Law was made, there was not a Church of England Clergyman in all that Country, and for some time after. 8. As no person had a right by this Law, but such legally called, and chosen ; so con sequently it was no crime for the Vestry to refuse levying or paying money to such as had no right. 9. By English Law, and Practice, no Vestry men were to be fined as culpable, until legally convicted of the crime, or matter of fact. 10. By the last clause of this Law, all former Agreements made between Ministers and People, were confirmed and ratifyed, and all such were then, and are to this day, Dutch, French, and British Dissenters. So rauch concerning New- York Act of Assem bly. As to the English Act of Parliament, I shall say nothing, but leave that to the Queens-Bench, and the Learned Judges there, Makemies 2'ryal. 53 there, when the crimeless Mittimus, and till further order comes to be tryed by them. The next Copy is a New- York Licence, not so common and and general to Dissenters, as Mr. Attorney asserted at the Tryal ; for if they were all called in, they would make but a sraall num ber, and any may have them for half the money they cost; and with sorae not so easily swallowed down, as Conformity, for which we dissent: And for these Reasons. 1. If we are not Ministers before, this Licence can never make us so. 2. No such Instructions from the Queen was produced at the Tryal, as laid Dissenters under any obligations of taking Licences. 3. By this Licence they are only tolerated to exercise their Reli gion in one Congregation, and allows not a liberty to Preach to any People in the whole Governraent, who shall desire it, which no Minister in his right wit for the future, will submit to. 4. It is a most precarious liberty, which is granted, not, Quamdiu bene se gesserit, but during pleasure ; which is inconsistent with that Commission and Authority, which Ministers of the Gos pel, called of God, derive from the Lord Jesus Christ, the Head and King of his Militant Churches : Therefore it is frora a prin ciple of Conscience, and not from any contempt of Government or disrespect to the persons of any in Authority, that they can not, they dare not submit to such a Licence, so inconsistent with the toleration, and that liberty of Conscience allowed in Britain, and practised in all the Queens Dominions, besides New-York, and commanded to be allowed by the Queens In structions. The next thing to be taken notice of in this Postscript, is a Copy of Mr. Makemies Certificate frora a Court of Record in the Dominion of Virginia, which was produced to, and read by Ld. Cornbury, before Confinement, and shown to the Grand Jury, before the Presentment was found : And tho' Mr. Attor ney told the said Jury, while four of the Hearers were examin ing upon Oath concerning the Sermon, this Certificate was writ under a Hedge, which no doubt influenced them to have no re gard thereunto; Yet if tbe Act of Toleration, and consequently this Certificate had come in play at the Tryal, he was armed with an Exemplification from the Government, signed by the Praesident, and the Seal of the Colony annext, to prove the truth and validity of this Certificate, and vindicate it from For gery. The last thing is an account of the Expences, of not only a person who is innocent, but for doing good, as was determined by the Tryal ; and in complying with the most solemn obliga tions 54 Makemies Tryal. tions of duty, both to God, and the Souls of men. To which, besides loss of time, and absence from his Family and Concerns, he might have justly charged Twelve Pounds more Money, by being necessiated to make his Escape, both by Land and Water to New-England, from Officers with new Precepts, whereby a whole Sabbath was prophaned, in seeking to apprehend him; for which some raust be accountable. But it is plain and undeniable, that the Prosecution of the raost innocent person in the world at New-York is more expen sive, then if Mr. Makemie had been guilty of all the Pasnal Laws mustered up, in the Indictment against one Sermon, if prosecuted iu England, even while Psnal Laws were in force, and Executed there. And a fair and legal decision, cannot put an end to a Con troversy, where the same fact is made criminal, and a new Pro cess violently designed, and vigorously aimed at, by such, as nothing but the interposition of the Authority of England will put a stop to. And what legal Authority Mr. Attorney, and a perpetual Sheriff have for their demanded Fees, I leave to the Regulated Table of Fees oi New-York to determine; not lo be paralelled by any Colony in Her Majesty's Dominions. In regard that all Opportunities have been denyed to the abovesaid Mr. Makemie for his own Vindica tion, Hwas thought proper here to Subjoin a Copy of his Letter to the Lord Cornbury, of which no regard was had, nor answer given. Boston, July 28th. 1707. May it please Your Lordship^ I Most humbly beg leave to Represent to Your Excellency my just astonishment at the Information received from sun dry hands since my arrival in these Colonies, and after so long and so expensive a Confinement, so deliberate and fair a Tryal, before Judges of Your Lordships appointment, and by a Jury Chosen by your own Sheriff, on purpose to try that mat ter : I have been legally cleared, and found guilty of no Crirae for Makemies Tryal. 55 for Preaching a Sermon at Neiv- York, though my Innocence protected me not from unspeakable and intollerable Expence. I am informed, may it please your Excellency, there are Or ders and Directions given to sundry Officers in the Jerseys, for apprehending me, and a design of giving me fresh trouble at New- York. If I were assured of the true cause of Your Lordships repeat ed Resentments against me, I doubt not but my Innocence, would not only effectually justify me, but remove those impres sions imposed on Your Lordship by some persons about you. And as to my Preaching, being found at the Tryal, against no Law, nor any ways inconsistent with Her Majesty's Instruc tions produced there ; and considering the solemn Obligations I am under, both to God, and the Souls of men, to embrace all op portunities for exercising those Ministerial Gifts vouchsafed from Heaven ; to whom I do appeal, I have no other end, besides the Glory of God, and the Eternal Good of Precious Souls: I must assure my self Your Lordship insists not on this now as a Crime, especially in New- York Governraent, where all Pro testants are upon an equal level of Liberty, and no legal Esta- blishraent for any particular Perswasion. 1 hear I am Charged with the Jersey Paper, Call'd, Forget and Forgive; tho' the proving a Negative in my just Vindica tion be an hard Task, and not an usual undertaking; yet doubt not but the thing it self, the matter il contains being foreign to me, and no v;ay concerned me : the time of its publication, being so soon spread abroad after my arrival; I am well assur ed,' none dare legally accuse me, while the Authors smile at Your Lordships mistake and imposition, whose Informers de serve to the stigmatized with the severest marks of Your Lord ships Displeasure; and the Authors will find a time to confront my sworn Accusers of Perjury ; and besides that, I never saw it till about the last of February : We have suffered greatly in our Reputations, and particularly by being branded with the Character of Jesuits ; tho' my universal known Reputation in Europe and America, makes me easy under such inviduous im putations : 1 have been represented to Your Lordship as being factious in the Government, both of Virginia and Maryland: I have peaceably lived in Virginia, and 1 brought from Mary land a Certificate of my past Reputation, signed by some of the best Quality on the most Contiguous County, ready to be pro duced at the Tryal, if there had been occasion for it: A Copy of which I presume to Inclose for Your Lordships perusal and satisfaction. I 56 Makemies Tryal. I beg leave to represent to Your Lordship my just concern at the sundry Precepts for apprehending rae, both in York and Jerseys, as one of the greatest Criminals ; whereby I ara pre vented in perforraing ray own Ministerial Duties to many in Your Lordships Government of my own Perswasion, who de sire it. I shall patiently expect Your Lordships Commands ar\A Directions, in giving rae an opportunity for Vindicating of my self in what is charged against me, and being always ready to comply with any Qualification enjoined and required by Law. I beg leave of Your Lordship to Subscribe myself Your Ex cellency's Most Humble and most Obedient Servant. Francis Makemie. FINIS. AN EXTRACT OF THE JOURNALS OF Mr. Commissarj Von Beck, Who Conducted the First Transport of Saltz- BURGERS to Georgia : AND OF THE Reverend Mr. Bolzius^ One of their Ministers. Giving an Account of their Voyage to, and happy Settlement in that PROVINCE. Published by the Direction of The S O C I E T Y /or Promoting Christian Knowledge. LONDON: Printed by M. Downing, in Bartholomew-Close. M.DCC.XXXIV. Vot. IV.— No. 5, 16 Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol. IV.— No. 5. TO THE READER. HE Society for Promoting Chris tian Knovstledge, and the Mem bers chosen by them to he Trustees ' for the poor persecuted Saltzburgers, hav ing some time ago, promised to publish an Extract of the Journals of Mr. Commissary Von Reck, who in the Year 1733-4. conducted the first Trans port 0/ Saltzburgers to Georgia; and of the Reverend Mr. Bolzius, one of their Ministers (recommended to the Society, hy the Reverend Mr. Professor Frank at Hall, as an excellent and pious Person, zealously affected to every good Work) do accordingly publish these Sheets; which being written Originally in the German Language, the Reader will be pleased to dis pense with some Inaccuracies in the English Transkt- tion, which Defect will be made up by the Truth and Faithfulness of the JVdrralive. EXTRACTS O F Mr. FOJV BECK'S JOURNAL FROM Dover to Ebenezer. January 8. O. S. 1733-4. Vi AVING W favourable Wjnd, we left Dover, and again set Saill Ah universal Joy appeared amongst the Saltzburgers, who praised God that he had heard their Prayers. Jan. 9. We discovered at Noon the Isle of Wight. Jan. 10, 11. At Eleven in the Morning, having happily passed through the Channel, we left the Land's End. Thus God was pleased to rejoice us,^ and give us Hopes, that, through the Continuance of his Meity, the rest of our Voyage would be no less prosperous. May the Lord be pleased always to assist us ; we are in his Hands, and to him we entirely trust our Souls and Bodies. Towards Night, the Wind increased so much, that it broke the Stay which held the Main-top-Mast ; and we had been exposed to great Danger, if Divipe Providence had not averted it. ' Jan. 24. The Weather was fine and pleasant. Accord ing to our Reckoning, we passed the Latitude of the Canary Islands, and through the adorable Mercy of the Almighty approached 6 Von Beck's Journal. approached the Trade-Winds, which are reckoned to blow all the Year from the Eastward. Jan. 25. W e sung I'e Deum, and praised the Almighty with our Lips and Hearts. Jan. 26. God was pleased lo give us very fair Weather, with the Continuation of the Trade-Wind. Jan. 28. A n Alarm of Fire caused a great Consternation in the whole Ship, but no ill Accident ensued. For my part, 1 think that God designed by this Alarm, to call us to Re pentance ; and to put us in mind of the Uncertainty of this Life, and the Eternity of the next. In reality, almost all be came serious ; and if they were not thoroughly converted, yet they could not help thinking with terror, how miserable must have been their Condition, had they by so sudden an Accident, been brought before the Tribunal of an offended and just God. Being recovered frora our Fright, we [Saltzburgers] joined in our Praises unto the Lord, singing Hymns and Psalras, proraising before him, never to offend his holy Majesty by any known Sin whatsoever. Jan. 30. This Day we felt a great deal of Heat; and, for Refreshment, washed between the Decks, where the Peo ple lay, with Vinegar. Jan. 31. A great Shower of Rain fell, and the Wind changed to West. Thus God confounds the Opinions of Men, and convinces them, that He is Alraighty and Master of the Winds ; for the Sailors, who had persuaded us, that the Trade- Wind blew constantly frora the same Quarter, found now the contrary. February 6. At Night, a tempestuous Wind arose, but God in his Goodness, held his Almighty Hand over us, and was pleased the next Day to give us a good Wind, which ad vanced us five or six Miles an Hour. Feb. 16. A t Two in the Afternoon, the Wind turned con trary N. by W. but being very gentle, the Sea was calm all that Night. It is remarkable, that hitherto, the contrary Winds have always been gentle, and immediately followed by a Calm, so that v/e never went back. Feb. 17. We bad this Evening at Prayers Psal. 1. 14. Offer unto God Thanksgiving, and pay thy Vows unto the most Highest ; Which we heartily did, for all his loving Mer cies vouchsafed unto us ; and at the sarae tirae, we vowed a Vow, as Jacob did in Gen. xxviii. and the 20th Verse. Feb. 18. At Tvi?o in the Afternoon, the Wind was strong at 5. and soon after, it proved contrary, and extremely violent. Von Beck's Journal. 7 I was very much surprized to see the Sea rise so high ; a Tem pest darkned the Sky ; the Waves swelled and foamed ; and every thing threatned to overwhelm us in the Deep. All the Sails were furled; the Violence of the Wind was so great, that it tore the Main Sail in pieces. Besides which, the Mate cried out, that the Water rose fast in the Hold: but though he spoke Truth, the Ship received no Damage. We sighed, we cried unto God, and prayed him to help us. He heard, and com forted us by some Passages of the Holy Scripture, as Isa. Ii. 15. Psal. xxxix. 7, 8. Job. chap. xiv. and xvii. Feb. 20. We saw a Scotch Ship, bound for Charles-town, and soon lost Sight of her again. Feb. 27. Last Night we had the Wind contrary W. S. W. but God granted us a sweet Repose, and renewed our Strength, the better to undergo a Tempest, which a Wind at W. by certain Man, who lives amongst the Indians, not far from Ebenezer, sent us some Seeds, though he does not know us. Saturday, April 20. Because there is not yet any Malt made here, the Saltzburgers have learnt of the English People, to Brew a sort of Beer of Molosses, with Sassafras, and the Tops of Firr- Tree, instead of Hops, which they boil in a Kettle with Water ; some add Indian Corn : The Inhabitants here reckon this Liquor to be wholesome, and the drinking of Water unwholesome ; but we prefer the Water to this Mixture, and find ourselves well after it ; sometimes we mix it with a little Wine. Yesterday in the Evening, we had much Thunder, with hard Rains, for an Hour ; during that time, we sung some Hymns, and edified our selves out of the 29* Psalm, and 1 Sam. xii. out of which, we considered the great Glory and Mercy of G o d. * Oxen sent up by Captain Mackpherson, pursuant to the Trustees Order, for supplying the Saltzburgers with fresh Provision . t Horses sent by Mr. Oglethorpe, over Land, from Charles-town to Geor gia, being the Gift of his Excellency Governour Johnson to the Trustees. t Pallachoccolas is the Name of a Fort, built upon the Savannah River, about 20 Miles above Ebenezer. §Mr. Augustine, 3. Welch Gentleman, who since Mr. Oglethorpe'a Aiti- val, is settled at Wesihrook, and built a House there, being 8 Miles from Ebenezer. Sunday, Vol. IV,— No. 5, 18 34 Bolzivs's Journal. Sunday, April 21. Towards the Evening, it Thunder'd, with hard Rain, which about ten o'Clock grew very vehement, and continued a long time. We and the Saltzburgers were very much incommoded by the Rain, that pierced thro' the Hut ; however it did none of us any Harm. Monday, April 22. The Weather clearing up, the People began to pack up their Baggage, to carry it to Ebenezer. We all are glad, that G o D at last will help us out of our present inconvenient Cir cumstances al Abercorn, into our Solitude, where we can serve him, and do our Business without hindrance. The Name of our Temporal Country, puts us in Mind of God's Blessings, and incites us to praise Him as often as vve hear it named. We find in the Woods Spinage, Onions, Hyssop, and other useful Herbs, of which we do not know the Names, but are very good for the Pol, or Sallad. At leisure time, we shall apply our selves, together with our Physician Mr. Zwefler, who is a good Botanist, to examine the Herbs, and communicate ihe Know ledge of them to others. The Commissary being desirous to forward the Spiritual as well as the Temporal Welfare of the People, and being better qualified to instruct the * French, because he understands their Language, made this Afternoon, a Trial of his Talents, in a most pathelick Exhortation to a Christian Behaviour; which he performed to Admiration. Tuesday, April 23. Here are Bees, and great Quantities of Honey, in tha Woods, which has as agreeable a Taste as that made in Ger many ; and the Saltzburgers will make Hives, and gather the Bees. Here is also abundance of Fish, Fowl, and Venison. Wednesday, April 24. God hath moved the Hearts of our Benefactors, who have made a Present to our Saltzburgers of 30 Cows, and will send them free hither; 12 of them arrived here last Night; God be praised for this Benefaction. The Way to Ebenezer. is grown deep, by the hard Rain ; which makes it troublesome for the poor People, to carry their Baggage and Provision thither. Having as yet no Waggons, our People make use of a Sledge, till a Waggon is made ; but it will cut very deep in the Ground, and be tiresome, especially, because the Horses that are sent us, are lean, and not used to draw. A Saltzburger, named Mt- lensfeiner, who rode into the Woods, is not yet come back; lie * There are soma French Faiuilies settled at Abercorn. bein^ Bolzivs's Journal. 35 being simple, we fear he is lost; several Men, who know the Woods, are sent to find him ; A Cannon hath likewise been discharged four times for his Direction, but he hath not been seen again yet. God seek this lost Sheep, and hear our Prayers for him. He is a good Christian, and a good Workman. Thursday, April 25. W e edified our selves out of Exodus 19*, and 20^^, and the 18* Psalm. Friday, April 26. The Horse which Miliensieiner rode into the Wood, came back this Afternoon, without his Rider; the Morse would have brought him back, if he had given him the Bridle. Gon have Mercy upon hira, and grant that this Example may make others more circumspect. The Horse coming back without his Bri dle, and the Man being not used to lide, and very simple, makes us fear he is killed with a Fall from the Horse. Sunday, April 28. Part of the Salizburgeis being in Ebenezer, and part of them in Abercorn; one of us performs the Service in Ebene zer, the other in Abercorn. God hath not yet heard our Prayers, which we have made in Publick and Private, for the lost Mittensteiner, we having had no News of him yet. The Lord's Will be done. Tuesday, April 30. All this Afternoon, we have had a warm and fruitful Rain. Wednesday, May 1 . The Carriage of our Baggage and Provision goes on very slow, and troublesome, because of the Rain, and deep Road. Thursday, May 2. Some Days ago, an Indian Man, with his Wife and Chil dren, arrived here in a little Boat, not far from Abercorn; and because we had shewed him some Kindness, he brought us this Morning a Deer, part of which we gave lo our Saltzburgers that are here, and other People; and he carae again towards Evening, and brought us half another Deer. Friday, May 3. To-day arrived a Sloop from Savannah, which brought us ten great Casks of all sorts of Seeds, for our Saltzburgers lo sow their Fields and Gardens with. God be praised for this Blessing. Saturday, May 4. To-day arrived the Cows and young Calves lately promised to our Saltzburgers. The Cattle are very wild ; so that it is troublesome 36 Bolzivs's Journal. troublesome to bring them to Ebenezer, because they are used to run about Night and Day in the Woods. Ebenezer, Tuesday, May 7. M R. Oglethorpe, who on account of some Business of Im portance was not gone from Charles-town, sent a Letter to the Commissary, assuring him of all Care and Affection towards the Saltzburgers ; and that besides the Cattle they had received already. He had ordered Hogs, Turkies, Geese, Ducks and Fowl, to be delivered to the Saltzburgers, as a Gift from the Trustees, and that the Magistrates of Savannah would send us, whatever We, the Ministers and the Coraraissary, should think needful for the Saltzburgers. To-day I had the Happiness of seeing Ebenezer; having been detained, on account of three sick People, in Abercorn, Mr. Gronau be ing in Ebenezer. The good People are already rauch advanced in Tilling the Ground ; and to the End that they may advance better, two and two work together, lo assist one another. The Place they have chosen to build on, is very pleasant and fruit ful. They had liberty to choose a Place where they pleased. Wednesday, May 8. The People in Abercorn, as well as in Ebenezer, are trou bled with Loosnesses. It is thought, that drinking too much in hot Weather, is the Reason of it. They are too bashful to tell il in the Beginning, when the Evil might be prevented. Some have had great Benefit by our Physick. We assist them in their Sickness : we wish we were able to serve them raore. The River-Water will not agree with us nor the Saltzburgers; it being full of Trees and Leaves : wherefore we intended to dig a Well ; but Providence ordered it so, that we found a Brook, which rises out of a little Hill, and hath good and whole- sorae Water, and saves us that trouble. This put us in mind of the Words, Before they call, I will answer. Thursday, May 9. A Tabernacle is to be made of Boards, till a Church can be built. Friday, May 10. The many Benefactions Spiritual and Temporal, which we have received, and daily do receive frora our kind and charita ble Benefactors, oblige us to give God Thanks on a particular Day ; for which purpose we hate chosen next Monday. Saturday, May 11. God sent us this Day a very fruitful Rain for the Benefit of the Fields of the Saltzburgers, who work diligently. They are strengthned in their Belief, seeing they have not been mis taken Bolzivs's Journal. 37 taken in their Hopes ; that they should not want for Rain : tho' some People would prophesy the rainy Time was already past, and the Saltzburgers had done ill in sowing their Seed in a sandy Ground. Monday, May 13. Thi« Day was by the Consent of the Congregation, ap pointed for a Holy-day of Thanksgiving; on which our People met twice in remembratice of G o d's Blessings, and praised him for them in publick. In the Forenoon's Sermon, were ex plained the Words of the travelling Jacob, which during our Voyage, and here in Ebenezer, have been very comfortable to us, out of Gen. xxxii. 10. and thereby shewn, (1.) The Bless ings God hitherto had shewn us ; (2.) Our Duty, accord ing to the Example oi Jacob. Instead of an Introduction, we used the 107th Psalm, out of which we shewed our former Circumstances, and present Duty, which God also hath bless ed. In the Afternoon, we intended to explain the Words 2 Cor. V. 9, 10. but it could not be done, because the Commis sary, who was to go away next Day, would take his Leave of the Saltzburgers, and give them some good Advice before his Departure ; which was very moving on both sides, and caused many Tears. God bless the good Man, and send him the Fruits of our earnest Prayers, and of all his Labour of Love and Faithfulness to us. FIJVTS. 38 Bolzivs's Journal. Advertisement. IF any Persons, moved with the Calaraity of these our perse cuted Protestant Brethren, shall be inclined to contribute towards their Relief, and will please to send their Benefactions to The Reverend Mr. Achdeacon Denne, Rector oi Lambeth; Benjamin Hoare, Esq ; Banker in Fleet-street, Sir John Philips, Bar', in Bartlet' s-Buildings, I r ^ William Tillard, Esq ; in Spital- Square, Bishops- j ' gate-street, James Vernon, Esq; in Grosvenor-street ; The Reverend Mr. Ziegenhagen, (Chaplain to His Majesty, and Preacher in the German Chapel at St. James's) at his House in Kensington- Square. These Gentleraen will take effectual Care that the Sums of Money reraitted to them, shall be faithfully distributed in the most adviseable Manner, for the Relief and Benefit of these distressed Protestants. SIMPLICITIES DEFENCE against SEVEN-HEADED POLICY. OR Innocency Vindicated, being unjustly Ac cused, and sorely Censured, by that Seven-headed Church-Government United in NEW-ENGLAND: OR That Servant so Imperious in his Masters Absence Revived, and now thus re-acting in New-England. OR The Combate of the United Colonies, not onely against some of the Natives and Subjects, but against the Authority also of the Kingdome of England, with their execution of Laws, in the name and Authority of the servant, (or of themselves) and not in the Name and Authority of the Lord, or fountain of the Government. Wherein is declared an Act of a great people and Country of the Indians in those parts, both Princes and People (unanimously) in their voluntary Submission and Subjection unto the Protection and Government of Old England (from tbe Fame they hear thereof) together with the true manner and forme of it, as it appears under their own hands and seals, be. ing stirred up, and provoked thereto, by the Combate and courses above-said. Throughout which Treatise is secretly intermin gled, that great Opposition, which is in the goings forth of those two grand Spirits, that are, and ever have been, ex tant in the World (through the sons of men) from tbe begin ning and foundation thereof. Imprimatur, Aug. 3'". 1646. Diligently perused, approved, and Licensed to the Presse, according to Order by publike Authority. LONDON, Printed by John Macock, and are to be sold by Luke Favvne, at his shop in Pauls Church-yard, at the sign of the Parrot. 16 4 6. Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol. IV.— No. 6. TO THE RIGHT HONOURABLE, the Earl of Warwick, Lord High Admirall ofENGiiAND, and Governour in chiefe of the English Plantations in Jlmerica, and upon the coasts thereof, and to the rest of that Honourable Committee, joyned in Commission with his Excellencie, For ihe wel ordering, government, and safety of For- rain Plantations. Right Honorable, .Ccording to the Fame we have heard of you, so have we found in you, a spirit of tendernesse and compassion towards the oppressed, which ever springs from the courage and fortitude of a heart resolute to suppresse the Oppressor, be his power and poli cie what it may, whilst men unsensible of the cause of the Needy, ever stand in readinesse to side with the strongest partie, and so (as occasion serves) to become one with the cruell, venting the same spirit, which for advantage can easily transform it selfe, so as if power comply with the just mans cause, the vizard of hypocrisie is soon put on by such, ei ther to become dumb & silent, or else to speak so, as may best advantage it selfe, let the cause be what it will. Your wisdom and noble care in those weighty affairs committed to your trust, commands and binds us over to make a more particular and full relation (then formerly we have done) of what hath passed betwixt some other Colonies in N e vv-E n g l a n d, and THE EPISTLE DEDICATORIE. and our selves; that if it be possible to find any lei sure hours in a crowd of so great imployments, your Honours might be pleased to take a more full view of things ; in the mean time we stand humbly in- gaged, as we have done ; and ever shall in any ser vice, that what we are, or have, can tender to the honour and peace of our Native Countrey, or to any true-hearted well-Wisher thereof; and if no other service (we can) may be acceptable, yet of this im ployment none shall prevent us (whilst our God gives us hearts) daily to pray for you. Your Honours most humble Servants, the Inhabitants of Shaw-omet, whose names are often expressed in this Narration. THE EPISTLE TO THE READER, Courteous Reader. Oe not thinke that we delight to lay open the in- frmitie and weaknesse of men (except our weak nesses and infirmities, as the Son of God sus tained them) any further, nor to other end, but ,_„,^.,„ as ihey serve to discover and lay open that one spirit of the God of this world, which now works effectually in the children of disobedience, which spirit in all its severall wayes of operation, may be gathered up, and centred in, that son of perdition, yea, in that seven-headed, and ten horned beast, whose power and policie like unto that deluge in the old world, hath so long overspread the face of the earth, swallow- intr up in death every living thing that hath its motion upon the earth, after or according to the flesh. Nor can any be offended justly with us, (no not our adver saries themselves) for making this true Narration of things that have passed amongst us, of which this Treatice truly speaks; For actions performed wherein men have cause to glory, the further they spread, the more satisfactory to the agents ; nor are actions of such publick nature seldom per formed, but to such end and purpose, for if they be good, they ought not only to be reall and essentiall in them amongst whom they are acted and done, but also presidentiall and exemplary unto others where ever the Fame of them, may come ; and if ihey be evill, then a whorish Fore-head must needs accompany them, being done in the light of the Sun, and then can nowise man be off'ended, that a way-marke is cast up to give notice of such desperate, and dangerous wayes, unlesse himselje be of ihe THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. the same spirit, and is about, or else waits for an opportunity for the like design. Thou art intreated therefore not to looke upon this Trea tise, as simply matter of History, but as matter of mysterie also : For as it was acted to make manifest the operations and workings of a differing spirit, to that end ii is published also : so that if it be narrowly looked into, not only a savour of that mysterie of iniquity ivill appeare (which always works effec tually to the same end and purpose, namely, to extinguish and put out ihe light of divine truth. Wheresoever, or in whom soever it appears) but thou ivilt find some Foot-steps also of that great mysterie of God, whose bright beams of light where ever made manifest, declare the men of the world to sit in the shadow of death. Though the mysterie of iniquity works not always in ihe same manner and forme, nay seldome any long time together, without taking a new face, and using the art of transformation of it selfe into one an other shape, and herein lies the policie of Sathan, that when some time hath been spent (yea it may be an age) in hopes and expectation of glorious times of peace, ease, and exaltation, from the mouths of lying Prophets, who alivayes drive the peace, power, and principality of the Kingdome of God, some certaine time before them, or at ihe least before the common people (as they call them) as though ihey themselves were the onely men, that for the present were admitted into the counsells and secrets of the Kingdome of God, and the people io take it upon their report, where, and when, the appearance of it shall be. But when the world by due proof, finds their prcedictions io fail, and sees troups of its ancestors go down to the grave, not having the possession put into their hand, it then works effec tually for a transformation, to cast its worship of God into another form, wherin it hopes in shorter time for to attain him, in which state ii cannot rest to wait, unlesse it hath the strongest partie, according to the power of the arm of flesh on its side, and therefore must of necessity labour diligently as for life, to borrow a coercive power from the civil Magistrate, io be transferred, turned over, and put into their hands, whereby they may subdue others, and compell ihem io follow their way, and to acknowledge their worship to be onely divine, yea the onely God of the world, for there is but one divinitie, which they have now made and set up unto themselves, or else that the Civil Magistrate will be pleased to detain and keep his own power upon this condition (binding hira unto theraselves) that he THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. he shall not fail, to bind the hands and tongues, yea and hearts also (if they can but search and know what is in ihem) that none shall be permitted to intermeddle, or any way to disturb them : But that they may peaceably worship, every man in his garden, and under such a green tree, as he shal choose unto himself, being fearfull of trouble and disquiet, not knowing better, but that the crosse of Christ is terrible, as though the Sonrifi of God had not taken away ihe terror and angry face of ii, putting no lesse disparagement upon him, but as though the sting were in death still, being ignorant of this, how that by death he overcomes death, even untill now. The reason why the civil Magistrate is so sought after, and (as I may justly say) troubled, if not tortured, in the depopu lation of Kingdoms, and losse of true-hearted Subjects by the church, in her formalities, and perfunctory worships, is ihis, a naturall heart conceives the condition of the Church of Christ, to be like a comraon weal or Kingdome, which cannot be well, unlesse every individuall within such naturall and terrene con fines, agree in one, for the well being and glory of each parti- ailar in the whole, so that the humble submission of every Sub ject becomes one, in that one heart and Spirit of the King, who submhs to the deniall of himself (in any thing) for the preservation of the whole, and that one heart, courage, and magnanimity of the King, is in every individuall of the King- dome, io go forth f6r the honour, peace and preservation, of that their one Lord ; and so it is in the true Church rightly considered in its relation with the King of Saints, truly consi dered in Spirituall, and not in terrene respects ; but that na turall spirit that works in a naturall changeable and vanishing Church, judgeth of its peace according to the consent of all within the compasse of such naturall bounds and terrene con fines as it self resides ^ abides in ; and therefore the false prophet is said io be the Tail, because which way ihe honorable person looks, or the head of the place where he is (according to man) he alwayes steers the body of the people, yea though it be but the body of the beast that way, that he may have strength according to sence on his side, not knowing how to live or walk according to the power of faith ; therefore must either have all (if it be possible) or at least the greatest both for authority and number on his side ; for he sees not the bless ing of the Divine presence that goes with the ark of God though among many adversaries in a wildernesse ; therefore will he take up nothing but the Tabernacle of Molech (or as the word THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. word is) beare the booth of the King, that is, what manner of house soever, authority and civil power erecteth, for worship, he is ready io take up, and bear upon his shoulders, so thai Antichrist hath as many wayes of worship, as there is or hath been forms of Religion in the world, and in that the seed of the serpent crusheth the heel, (or as the word is) the print of the foot-soal of Christ or seed oj the woman, for wherever the foot steps of our Lord have gone, the wisdome of the serpent in reforming its religion casts it into a form, and so denies the power of godlinesse, tying the Lord lesus to appeare in the very same print and character again, whereas the Saints wait for his power in what way or form he pleaseth to make it known and manifest in, and unto ihem; therefore the visions and apparitions of God in the holy Scriptures, are never twice in the same forra (all circumstances considered) yen if our Sa viour appear one time walking upon the Sea, as though all things must of necessity bear up their Lord, he appeares again under the hands 0/ Herod, Pontius Pilate, and the lews, thrust down into the heart of the earth, as Jonah inio the midst of the sea, as though all things conspired together to annihilate &f bring him' to nought, and in the one and the other appeares an aptitude even in the Disciples themselves to mistake, and in this the world is altogether mistaken, in that he walketh upon and raiseth himself up out of wayes they know not how such things can be to make manifest his power and authority to be that of the sonne of God, who rules in the midst of his enemies, and one of Egypt, Babylon * Rahab, Palestina, Tyre Rahab is and Ethiopia, is brought forth, so that it may be Isffsi 9. 10. *"*^ ^^'^ ™^" ^^® '^°''" ihere, even as the truth of the Gospel hath been brought forth in these parts, which our leivish Reformers of religion by putting Christ to death, could never have thought of or apprehended, nor will they (were it never so plainly told unto them) believe it, so that in this Treatise you may plainly see, how the mystery of iniquity already works, even in New England which thought it self the root of Reformation of all the world, even as Babylon alwayes in the entrance of her compulsive contraction, artificiall and self-seeking, conjecturall reformation, sets her self up as a Queen, and thinks never to see widdow-hood or sorrow any more, if she can but with all her art and learning keep the Magistrates conscience in bonds, to use all his power and civil policie for her wealth, to get riches and honour, to Lord it over mens consciences, and peace that she may sit in safety and at rest THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. rest to inlarge her barns and take her pleasure in the things of this life, never dreaming that even in that night of grosse darknesse her soul shall be snatched away from tier, and then whose shall all those things be, whereoj' she hath framed such a service of God io her self, thai must all leave her at death ; even such as for the most part, if not all (by her own acknow ledgement) fail, and never passe along with her into the King dom, and then must she either have a new God, or else find out a new way of submission unlo him, whom she hath seemed so zealously to serve; such is that spirit of the mystery of iniquity, the goings forth wherof hath forced this Treatise to come to the light and vieiv of the world, as a warning to all Christians, to take heed of being beguiled by a voluntary humility iu wor shipping of Angels, messengers or ministers, who labour to make men subject io the rudiments of ihe world in outward observations, as touch not, last not, handle not, rearing up a fabrick of ordinance in Divine worship; of such things which all perish in the use. Neglecting the body which is Christ, by satisfying of the wisdom of the flesh in these things, through which the Spirit of the Serpent multiplies it self into that three fold spirit which comes out of the mouth of the Dragon, and out of the mouth of the beast, and out of the mouth of the false Prophet, imitating that Kingly, Priestly, and Prophelicall spirit that is by lesus Christ, beguiling ihe world with its un- cleannesse in adulterating the word of God by bringing it into carnall copulation with earthly, transitory, momentary, fading and vanishing things ; wo is unto them because thereof, who like unto frogs, will never appear, hold up their heads, nor utter a voyce, but where the heat and lustre of the Civil Magi strate, brings forth a pleasant, fruitfull and prosperous estate and condition, in ihe things that onely concern this present life. Again, if thou look narrowly into this Treatise, there is a possibility to perceive in it, some glimpse of the light of that spirit of that openeth and unfoldeth the mystery of God, espe cially when it taketh up any Scriptures ; look diligently upon what hinge it turneth,' and you shall see a doore open, another way, yea a nearer & shorter cut to the Kingdom of God, then the common ministery of this world driveth at, and think it not strange if lesus appeare in such places, and at such time, where, and when, the doores are not onely shut, but fast bolted unto the world, as a thing impossible, that his real and substantiall (though spirituall) body should come in, such a way, and so unlooked THE EPISTLE TO THE READER. unlooked for, being that in Sodom and Egypt our Lord is cru cified, and put to death ; yet let me advise thee, as once our Lord did, handle them, carefully and skilfully, ponder, poise, and feel the weight of them; taste, try and consider, whether the reality and substantiality of Christ be not there ; sure 1 am that if the ministerie or service of a Christian spirit lay hands on them, and put itself into thera, even as a graft is put into the stock, it shall find a plain proof, argument, and demonstra tion undenyable, of the apparition 81 revelation of the Son of God, returned from death to life, never to die any more, unto whom I leave thee (in the communication of whose Resurrec tion the second death can never exercise power) with my harty wishes for al those that have learned ihe truth as it is in Jesus, &[¦ know that elsewhere no truth (that is Christian) can be found, for that only abideth for ever, and is eternized in all the lineaments and whole proportion of it, and happy is he that hath so learned Christ, Amen. S. G. Vpon an occasional view, of this un expected, and much unwished for Story. THis Story's strange, but altogether true : Old Englands Saints are banisht out of New : Oh Monstrous Art, and cunning of the Devill, "What hidden paths he goes, to spread, his evilll The Man of Sin's the same, his eldest 5on ; Both have more shapes, then be ^oa<«, in the Sun. Hence disappojinted, are the most of men ; When trouble's past (some thinke) they rise agen. Thus it befell these Pilgrims, in that Lanrf, To which they fled, from persecutions hand. This Indians note, with Papists, lews and Turks, For in /Aem a?/, the selfe same .^pmi works : Thus is the Name of Christ, blasphem'd, by these, Who burthen them, to whom they promise ease. Oh Christ arise, and spread thy glorious fame. That all may fenow, the sioeetnesse of thy iVame : As- Affric, Europe, and America Expect 1 and waiVe the dawnings of that rfay. That Papists, Greeks, and we the Protestants Of Cafoins iSec^, those too, the Lutherans, And " ^^e Hoast of the Philisliras, standing in readi- in the c'hal- nesse to come out, to defie the Hoasts of the ever dean tongue jiving God, ('') yea, it is evident, whatsoever is raore h'psal'lOo 9 '^^" y^^ y^^' ^""^ "^y "^y* "°' setting each upon his 10. base, whereon it standeth forever without controule: i Isay 15. 18. but can remove, create, or make void offices and ^Acis 7. 44, ojgcers, at their pleasure, is of that evill one, (') 1 Ads 7. 43. not of Jesus the Salvation of his people, C) but of • Understand Shedim, (b) that Waster and Destroyer of man- Iccord'ng to ^'^^ ^°^ ^^^."^ = * "^"""^ therefore, that it is the oath the true in- of God, which confirmes, and makes good his Co- tent, that is, a- venant and promise to a thousand generations, [i,] "ayrs'daime*' and it is the oath of man, that is, the bond and to the things obligation of that league and agreement made with of the King- hell and death for ever: Be ye assured, it is not bHertufof' *^® Tabernacle of witnesse, ['] which you have that, his office amongst you, brought in by Jesus into the posses- in that sence sion of the Gentiles, [''] but it is Siccuth your theV/tWng^ King, or the Tabernacle of Molech, the Star of stand firme your God Remphan, figures that you have made to and good, and your selves, ['] which you have taken up, and are or disallow"^ bearing so stoutly upon your shoulders. Now to any humane tell what an oath, according to God is, that the ordinance of Scriptures are delivered upon no other ground or worldM'iae }^^'^^^. °^ Certaintie, where ever they are divulged, kept in its '^ ^ thing out of your jurisdiction, you cannot dis- boundsand ceme or judge of il; therefore according to our for he'thaTi's ^°''^ ^^°^^' ""^^ '^^^^ '^ ^^ » Parable to you, as a°Captaineof all the holy Word of our God is, as your conver- the Temple, sation in all points, as in this, daily declareth ; in a ris^'thVrc"of ^"''^ ^^^" ^^^ ^^^^ ^° *^°^ '" y°^^ jurisdiction, aimes, fo7the "'^^ ^^°^ ^^at it is to Submit to the wise dispen- helpe of the pensations of our God ; when you have to doe house of God, will ever with the Priests and souldiers, lay hands on Peter and John, to put them in hold, at tho least if they preach Christ. But Cornelius is no Cap tain of that kind or kindred, for he is a Gentile of Casarea, and of the band called the Italian Band . amongst Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy, 39 amongst us, in the liberties he hath given to us, wee doubt not but you shall find him Judge amongst us, beyond and above any cause, or thing you can propose unto us ; and let that suffice you, and know, that you cannot maintaine a jurisdiction, but you must reject all inroads upon other mens priviledges, and so doe wee ; in the mean time wee shall as wee thinke good be calling over, againe some matters you have had up, and had tbe handling of amongst you, to see what justice or equity we find hath beene exercised in them, and redresse them accordingly, for wee professe right unto all men, and doe no violence at all, as you in your prescript threaten to doe to us, for we have lear ned how to discipline our children or servants without offering violence unto them ; even so doe wee know how to deale with our deboist, rude, yea, inhumane neighbours (or if you will Nabals) without doing violence ; but rather ren- dring unto them that which is their due : Nor shall ^eMas7achu- we deprive a witnesse of his modest testimony, for sets had lately the out-cryes and clamours of such a one, as ill- ^°"^< to con- bred apostatized Arnald, that fellonious Hogge- ^°„""„°^ "^d '"• Xit7/er, being the partie to be testified against, or justifie such for the oath of any interested in the cause, [™] nor who otherwise shall we be forward to come so farre to find you ^"^ guu"y of°' work ["] upon your request, till we know you to felonious acts, beare another mind, then others of your Neigh- oven these hours doe, with whom we have had to doe in this made'eubjects, Countrey, whose pretended and devised Lawes, whose shame ' we have stooped under to the robbing and spoyl- they would not ing of our goods, the lively-hood of oUr wives and P^™'' but ra- children, thinking they had laboured, though groap- ther deprive ing in great darknesse, lo bring forth the truth in sufiicient wit- the rights and equitie of things: But finding them "eatimony, a?" to be a company of grosse and dissembling hypo- the guilty per- crites, that under the pretence of Law, and Reli- sons request. gion, have done nothing else but gone about to "^gj^^^yj^gj^ establish themselves in wayes to maintaine their the Massachu- owne vicious lusts, we renounce their diabolicall »«'»> to imploy practice, being such as have denied in their pub- ^„y"^^j°"jg of licke Courts, that the Lawes of our native Coun- ours living trey should bee named amongst them ; yea, those peaceably to- . r., T .• • . 1 I. ~ sether so farra ancient Statute Lawes, casting us into most base, "g^^te from hasty, and insufferable places of imprisonment, for them, out of speaking according to the language of them, in the ^IJ.j'^^g'-'""^" meane while breaking open our houses in a violent way 40 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. way of Hostility, abusing our wives, and our little ones, tc take from us the volumes wherein they are preserved, thinking thereby to keep us ignorant of the courses they are resolved to runne, that so the visiosity of their owne wils might be a Law unto them ; yea, they have indeavoured, and that in publicke expressions; that a man being accused by thera, should not have liberty to answer for himselfe in open Court : dealings of like nature wee find, in the place whereof you stile us your Neighbours, on whose unbridled malice, we find a higher then you putting a curbe, and yet in your account and reckoning we are the parties that are still doing the wrong, and must beare the guilt in your most mature sentence, in whomsoever the spot ariseth, and abideth; but the God of vengeance, unto-whom our cause is referred, never having our Protector, and Judge lo seeke, will shew himselfe in our deliverance out of the hands of you all; yea, all the house of that Ishbosheth, [o] 1 That is, man and Merib-bosheth, p nor will he fayle us to utter P Mouth of ^""^ make knowne his strength wherein vve stand, shame. to serve in our age, and to minister in our course, qLukeiS. 31, ^° '^^Y ^^^ 'o raorrow, and on the third day can 32, 33, 34. ' none deprive us of perfection, [^] for hee hath taught us lo know what it is to walke to day, and to morrow, and the day following also, when a perishin" estate cannot rise out of lerusalem, though she be the only one, yea none but she, that kils the Prophets, and stones thera that are sent unto her : Behold ye that are looking after, and foretelling so rauch of the coraming of Christ, driving the day before you still for certaine years ; which some, you say, shall attaine unto, and unto the day of death for the rest, ye blind Guids, as your Fathers have ever done, so doe ye : Behold, we say, when he appeareth, your house which you so glory in, shall be left unto you desolate, it shall be turned into nothing but desolation, and confusion, for Babel is ils name, pj nor shall you r That is, as see him to your comfort, in the glory of his King- the word si?- j •„ /, , ° , .¦' , , ° nifies Confu- oome, untill you can say (blessed is he that cora- sion. meth in the name of the Lord) ['] when the au- « Mat. 21. 5. to thority and power of man, appeareth to be the Matt.ZZ. 37. building of Babel unto you, and the name and 38, 39. authority of God only to be that wherein the bless ing consists, and that in such wise also, as is nothing but a way reproach in the eyes of all the world ; that a King should ride into his chiefe Citie, so strangly furnished upon an Asse, borrowed, her furniture old over-worne Garments, and accorapanied Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 41 accompanied with none but poore, meane, excommunicate per sons, such as your Elders, Scribes, Pharisees, Lawyers, and all your credible persons among you make full account they are not only accursed, by, but also destitute and void of all Law, when you can find Hosanna in the highest, arising out of such con tempt, and shame, then, and then only shall you sing unto him with comfort; in the meane time acknowledge your portion, which is to trust and stay your selves on the name of man, and in his beauty to delight and glory, which shall fade as a Leafe, and like the grasse, shall wither when it is filling it selfe for the Oven ; (') such is raan whose breath is in his Nos trils, ["] and the sonne of sorry man, in whom you t/say 40. 7. 8. have delight to trust, his power and policie brings p^J qq' g g forth nothing else, but as you shall see and beare, u Isay 2. 22. in the Countrey frora whence we are brought ; we are not ignorant of these shamefull lies, and falsities gone out against us, and the daily wresting of our words, to cast con tempt upon us, f"l thinking to bow downe our „ . ,„ , u \ A ¦ ¦ A 1 -.u <.wPmZ. 56. 5. backs under ignominy, and reproach, neither ol the straits, and difficulties, they have cast us upon in the things that concernes this present life, to the taking away of the lives of many, if our God had not been seene beyond and above what their thoughts could reach unto, (as their owne confession hath witnessed) doing it in such a way, of painted hypocrisie, and false glosse, unto the eye of the world, that we might seem unto it, selfe executioners; we resolve therefore to follow our imployments, & to carry and behave our selves as formerly we have done, and no other wise ; for we have wronged no man, unlesse with hard labour, to provide for our families, and suffer- of grosse, idle, and Idoll drones, to take our labours out of the mouths, and from off the backs of our ^ Knowing ,. , , , ' . .1 . r I. 11 our selves to little ones, to lordane it over us : so that il any shall ^^ ^^^^ ^yj,. goe about to disturb, or annoy us, hence-forth in iects to the our imployments, and liberties, which God hath, or ^-aws and go. , , ' ."^ iji 1- •. . vernment ot shal put into our hands, that can claim no interest ^^^ j^^jj^g in us but by these courses, (") what their business countrey, and is, we know by proof sufficient, to be nothing else "ot ""'^^^"J? but that ancient errand oi Nimrod, that rebellious ^°J'g^j^''"„t Hunter after the precious life, p] which errand ofof its bounds his shall be no more delivered unto' us, in that co- j^'^^J""'^'"' vert cruelty, and dissembling way of hypocrisie ; y g,j„io, 8, 9. but in direct and open lerraes of lyrannie, we will jer. 16. 16. not be dealt with as before (we speake in the narae of 42 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. oi our God) we will not, for if any shall disturbe us, as above, secret Hypocrites shall becorae open Tyrants, and their Laws appeare to be nothing else but meer lusts in the eyes of all the world: And wherefore doe you raurmure araong your selves at this saying, thinking it is not a Christian expres sion ? it is because you are ignorant of the Crosse of our Lord Jesus, not knowing what it is ; therefore it is, while you inveigh against such as set up a Statue of wood and stone to bow downe unlo it, and are so vaine as to crosse the ayre (lo use your owne expression) upon the faces of Infants, when they sprinkle thera with water, to as great purpose, and in the raean time you preach, and set up Seighnirim, for your Crosse, whora you fall downe unto so willingly, and lest you let the word passe without expression of it unto all, it signifies Horrour and Feare, which is the Crosse you hold and teach, and by and through which you thinke to be saved, which name is given by our Lord to the Devill himselfe, (as our English translate it, and the Lord never gives a name as an empty title, but according to the na- ture of the thing named, so that if hee speake, I 7 *" ¦ ¦ ' have said ye are gods, (^) of any besides himselfe it is to declare, that they have not only the name, but the very nature of the god of this world, and therefore he saith, they shall dye even as Adam, which aspired ^n^n'' ^^' ^' ^""^ usurped the place of God, and fall also as one b Ce„jjj-j 3. 5. of the Princes, even as one of those Princes of For he that Midian, whose carkesses became dung for the assumoth a earth, (^) and he that gives that title unto any but selfe,"wi°ho'uT' '^6 ti'ue God, that made heaven and earth, in any respect unto Other scnsc, but as it declareth a flat opposition Chf'st, in against God, is Reacting that ancient spirit of the whol" glory Serpent ; if you eat you shall be as gods, [•>] lo thereof con- judge of good and evill, for which all men are set sists such mind up ju that kind; even so while you tell the peo- prosecuted'&" P'^' '^at by sorrow, compunction, and anxielie of followed to its spirit, and trouble of mind, they communicate in height, accor- the sufferings of Christ ; out of which condition rise^horeof, ^^^" Comfort is to flow, it is nothing else but to sets it selfe 'in couclude, the Sonne of God to be Belial; yea to direct terraes affirme hira to be Seighnirim himselie ; this doth agamst'chri^t, ^® receive at your hands in your Ministries, for all and hath that' your fawning upon him with a kisse, (') so that if spirit of the you will know how farre you are from communica- worfdf ""'' ^"'"g '" ^''^ ^^^^^ °f ^'""'st' take it in this Parable, <3 J»fa(.26.4.9. verily as farre as the weaknesse of God is stronger then Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 43 then man (f) ; countrey men, for wee cannot but ^^^.^^ j 35 call you so, though we find your carriage to be so farre worse then these Indians, we advise you to take things together, and what God hath joyned, let none dare to put asun der, (f) so that if you be asharaed of the Crosse in ^ j^^^j^ jg 9 Baptisme, be ashamed of the Baptisme also, for * such as the Crosse is, such is the Baptisme : Therefore your Ancestors goe beyond you, in that they joyne crossing of the ayre, and sprinkling with the Element of water together : But wherever Baptisme according to the word of Christ is, there is the Crosse of Christ also, \^'\ they can no more be separated then his Scepter and Kingdom can, for ^g^''^-^"- 22, where the one is, there is the other also ; for as iJie 12. 50. they are coincident, so are they coaparant : So that if ever you see the Baptisme of Christ, truly in use, and exer cised upon any, you doe as truly see that party partaking in, and communicating with the Crosse and Sufferings of the Lord Jesus Christ, and to see persons in such estate, and conclude afterward they are worthy of sensure, yea possibly to an Athema, Maranatha, is nothing else but to conclude a totall and finall falling away from the grace of God, as your Fathers have done before you, for no grace greater then the Crosse of our Lord Jesus ; Behold therefore you Despisers the vanity and abomi nation of all your Baptismes, how prejudiciall they are to the Cross of Christ, be ashamed, and return in time, or be shal be a swift witness against you for ever, when your Repentance shal come too late ; but you think the Crosse of Christ is not but in bowing the back under every burden, and cringing, and crouching to the lust of every man otherwise his . Shebet; [s] is not fit, nor suteth it with your Regi- fcepter/^RoT ment at all, unlesse so servile, that every one may Staffe, or tribe. serve their lusts of him, to Wealth and Honour, Friends and Allies, by setting bounds and limits to the holy Word of God; some in the way of one devise, some in the way of another, and he that will not walke as a dumbe beast, worse then Balams Asse, and say nothing, or else give a sense of the holy Writings to maintaine that devised Plat-forme, if mercy must be used, not to hang and burne, yet banishment is ready wayting for them : Therefore shall you know, by the Rod of his power that comes out of Sion, p] that y^pggi no. 2 he will be Ruler even in the midst of his Ene- 2. mies. „ By Vol. IV.— No. 6. 21 44 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. i the word yE/cm signifies dumbnesse, so that the Phrase is, doe ye in deed, do dumb Justice, o Con gregation? and so describes such persons what they are that speake not a word of Righ teousnesse in their acts and executions, which Psalme shewed unto us the spirit, practice and successe of our Adversaries.* These being the Purchasers of Shawo-met the Sachim, Myantonomy, as he sold it to 12. men, so his^ price was that every man should pay 12, Fatham of Wamppura peage, that is, 144. Fatham, as our deed, By US whom you stile your Neighbours of' Providence, you have said it , Providence is our hold, the Neighbour-hood of the Samaritanwe professe, and for the lookings on, and turnino-s aside of your Priests and Levites, without either Unction, or Compassion, all your slaine and wounded in soule finding no reraedy, doe plainely testifie the nature of your travels, and Neighbour-hood what it is ; your speech to us in generall, not using our naraes, when as we know, it is particulars you ayme at, gives us plainely to see the word AElern, ['] Revived and Living in you, as it stands with its Coherence, in Psalme 58. Verse the first, &c. 'i 'lohn Wickes. Randall Houlden. lohn Warner.. Robert Potter. Richard Waterman. William Waddle. Samuel Gorton. Richard Carder. lohn Greene. Nicholas Powar. Francis Weston. ^Sampson Shatton. which he made unto us being extant, witnesseth to be paid unto him. _ This Writing sent to the Massachusets we have related verba tim; only what is in the margent is added for explanation, and more ease to the Reader to understand our meaning which we sent at the time when their general Court sat ; desiring that all the Country might take notice of it, doubting they were not well informed how the Magistrates and Ministers had carryed them selves towards us, nor upon what ground they had, or did pro ceed against us : But the chief of them taking the matter into consideration, thought good lo call an Assembly of Magistrates and Ministers to consult, in way of a Synod, what course to take uniting themselves together that what was done by any of thera might be the act of them ull : and they perusing of our writings, Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 45 writings, framed out of them 26 particulars, or thereabouts, which they said were blasphemous, changing of phrases, alter ing of words and sense, not in any one of them taking the true intent of our writings; but if they spake our own words, it was to such purpose as this ; as though a man would write the words of the Psalme, and affirm (there is no God) such words he may find written therein ; but if he leave out this, That the fool hath said in his heart so, he spoils the sense, and" in such manner did they deal with our writings, and those things they were free to divulge and make known amongst the people : These things concluded to be heresies and blasphemies before ever they heard a word of what interpretation we could give of our meaning therein : The Ministers did zealously preach unto the people the great danger of such things, and the guilt such lay under that held them, stirring the people up to labour to find such persons out and to execute death upon them, making persons so execrable in the eyes of the people, whom they in timated should hold such things, yea some of them naming some of us in their Pulpits '', that the peo- ^ ¦*= ^¦¦- ^°*' pie that had not seen us thought us to be woise by outrg°ins7^ far in any respect then those barbarous Indians are Gorton that in the Country, which some of the Ministers have ^^o'^ hereiick, rendred unto the people as Hittites, Cananites, and ^ould have al Peresites, urging it as a duty unto the English to men to be put them to death ; whereupon we heard a rumor P''^^'^'?^"- that the Massachusets was sending out an Army of j^^^gj j^is men to cut us off: but when they perceived we speech against were removed further into the Countrey, and had J*^"'^*' ^^o left our Lands, Houses, and Labours, vvhere their ^^^ l^j.^^ ^^g_ pretended subjects, by meanes of whom they sought pie were pro- ior some temporall occasions against us, lived, ihey phets, he had , ,. ^ r • !¦ far more thought It not sate to corae out against us, havmg plainly expres- show of nothing against us, but only our Religion ; sed the bent therefore seeing themselves disappointed in that of his spirit, & designe, wherein their Coadjutors, had wrought to ^f ^eai he had. bring them in, to make an inroad upon us, they then wrought by these their Agents, who traded for them with the Indians, to insinuate theraselves into two, or three Indians amongst us, to becorae' subiects to the government of VWassa- chusets, hereby with-drawing thera frora their lawfull and na turall Prince, Myantonomy ; and the narae of these his subjects, who now became subjects to the Massachusets, were Pum- hom, and Soccononocco ; and when this was accomplished, then they 46 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. they againe sent forth their warrants unto us, as formerly to comraand our appearance at their Courts, in the Massachusets, and that without any consideration or delay, at the first tirae of their sending unlo us after our removall, the Court being then siting at Boston in the Massachusets. Here followeth a true Copie of the first Warrant sent unto us, by ihe Generall Court assembled at Boston, in the Massachusets, ajier our removeall unto, and planting upon our Land at Shaw-oraet, verbatim, the Warrant under their hand being still extant. To our Neighbours, Master Samuel GortoUj lohn Wickes, Ran dall Houlden, Robert Potter, Francis Weston, Richard Carder, lohn Warner, Snd William Waddle. X¥7'Hereas we have received upon good ground, into our Ju risdiction, and Protection, two Indian Sachims, whose naraes are Pumham, and Soccononoco, who have lately com plained unto us of some injurious and unjust dealing, towards them by your selves ; and because we desire to doe t^T^bey ha.ving equall right and justice to all, and that all parties of us fiTO^o™* might be heard, we have therefore thought good to six years be- write unto you, to give you notice hereof, that so fore, and you might make present answer in the Generall thaTif some Court now assembled at Boston to their com- of us were plaints, who are now here with us, to attend your amongst them comming : And because some of vou have been we should j j .1 i-u . r . j •. hardly see the denyed the liberty ol comming amongst us, and it place of our may be, others are not willing in other respects, aboad any personally to appeare, ['] we doe therefore hereby give and grant safe conduct for your free egresse & regresse unto us, whereby there may be no just excuse, for with-holding you to give satisfaction in this particular. Dated ihe 12*. 7* M->. 1643. Per cur. general. Incr. Nowell Secret. This Warrant being delivered unto us, by some of their fore- named Agents, the English, we presently returned thera tbjs answer by word of mouth, by their Messenger, telling them, that we being so far out of their jurisdictions, could not, neither would we acknowledge subjection unto any in the place where we Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 47 we were ; but only the state and government of old England, who only had right unto us, and from whom we doubted not but iu due season we should receive direction, for the well ordering of us in all civill respects; and in tlie meane tirae we lived peaceably together, desiring and indevouring to doe wrong to no man, neither English nor Indian, ending all our dif ferences in a neighbourly and loving way of Arbitrators, mutually chosen amongst us : They receiving our answer, tooke it dis dainfully, as their intent was to take any we sent, without our personall appearance, being resolved what course to runne con cerning us; whereupon they sent us another Writing imme diately from the Court, to informe us, that they were resolved to come downe amongst us, to exercise Justice there. Here followeth a true Copie of the Writing which they sent unto us, verbatim, being still extant. To Samuel Gorton, lohn Wickes, lohn Warner, lohn Green, Randall Houlden, Froficis Weston, Robert Potter, Ri chard Waterman, Richard Carder, Sampson Shotton, Ni cholas Power, and William Waddle. U^Hereas upon occasion of divers injuries, offered by you ' ^ to us, and the people under our jurisdiction, both English and Indians, we have sent to you to come to our Court, and there make answer to the particulars charged upon you, and safe conduct to that end : To which you have returned us no other but contemptuous and disdainfull answers ; and now at the last, that if we would send to your selves, that the cause raight be exarained, and heard among your owne Neighbours, we should then have justice and satisfaction : We have therefore, that our moderation and justice may appeare lo all men, agreed to condescend herein to your owne desire; and therefore intend shortly to send Commissioners into your parts to lay open the charges against you, and to beare your Reasons and Allegations, and thereupon to receive such satisfaction from you, as shall appeare in justice to be due. We give you also to understand, that vve shall send a sufficient Guard, with our Commissioners, for their safety against any violence, or injury ; for seeing you will not trust your selves with us, upon our safe conduct, we have no reason to trust ours with you, upon your bare courte sie : But this you may rest assured of, that if you will make good your owne offer to us, of doing us right, our people shall returne, 48 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. returne, and leave you in peace; otherwise we must right our selves, and our people, by force of Armes. Dated ihe 19*. of the 7*. M. 1643. Per cur. Increase Nowell, Secret. The next newes wee had, immediatly upon the receipt of this Writing, (being about our necessary imployments, in pro vision for our families) was this ; that one Captaine George Cooke, with a company of armed souldiers, accompanied with many Indians, having Commission from the Titassachusets, either to bring us away by force of Armes, or else to put us to the sword; which when we heard, we partly beleeved, in regard they had given order by publicke Court, long before, that no Gun-powder should be sold into those parts where we lived, but only to such as would become subjects to them, whereby the place was not only hindred of means of defence frora a for- raine Enemy, but also to furnish their families with such provi sions as the countrey affords : we hearing of their approach, immediately sent a Letter to those ^hich we heard they stiled Commissioners, which proved to be the Captaine, together with his officers, desiring to know their intent, and what their Com mission was to doe in those parts, signifying, that if they came to visit us in way of neighbour-hood, and friendship, to cleare any matter or cause, they should be welcome to us ; but if otherwise, we wished them not to set foot upon our Lands, in any hostile way. A true Copie of our Letter verbatim, sent to the Com missioners, as they were upon the way comming from the Massachusets towards Shaw-omet. Shaw-omet the 28*. of September, 1643. To certaine men stiled Commissioners, sent from ihe Massa chusets, now upon the way towards Shaw-omet, whose names we know not. mThat,is their "S^^Hcreas you are sent by the government of the wh'ich they so Massachusets, under pretence of having things much delight, ordered amongst us, in way of justice, and equity, and glory in, to be distributed unto themselves, (consisting as Zrowne'con-they say) of English and Indians [«¦] and thkt fession of such upon this ground, that we have given thera an in- mixture of Members, as that part are Heathens by their owne report. vitation Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 49 vitation to that purpose ; Know therefore our whole intent, and ° meaning therein, which may not beare any other interpretation in a rationall mind ; that as they invited us unto them, as Clients to have our causes tryed by them, and not as Warriors to fight with them, so did we, and no otherwise invite them : Mistake us not therefore, neither deceive your selves through their or your owne pretences; for if you come to treate with us, *in ways of equity and peace (together therewith, shaking a Rod over our heads, in a Band of souldiers :) Be you assured, we have passed our Child-hood and nonnage in that point, and are under Commission of the great God, not to be children in un derstanding, neither in courage ; but to quit our selves as men ; we straitly charge you therefore, hereby, that you set not a foot upon our Land in any hostile way, but upon your perill ; and that if any blood be shed, upon your owne heads shall it be ; and know, that if you set an Array of raen upon any part of our Land, contrary to our just prohibition herein, we are under command, and have our Commission sealed already, to resist you unto death ; for this is the Law of our God, by whom we stand, written in all mens hearts, that if you spread a table be fore us as friends, we sit not as men invective, envious, or male- content, not touching a morsell, nor looking tor you to point us unto our dish, but we eat with you, by vertue of the unfained Law of relations, not only lo satisfie our stomaeks, but to in crease friendship and love, the end of feasting .. So also if you visit us, as Combatants, or Warriors, by the same Law of rela tions, we as freely and chearfuUy answer you unto death ; not to kill, and take away the lives of men, but to increase wrath and horrour, the end of warre, in the soules of all men that seeke after it, where the peace of our God appeares not ; and they that worke otherwise, and answer not unto this Law, they are not men of truth, but base dissembhng Hypocrites; sha- dowes, and abominable Idols, set up in the forme of men. By us owners, and Inhabitants of Shaw-omet. This Letter being sent unto these Commissioners so stiled by them, though as yet unknowne unto us, by the hand of one lohn Peise, who lived amongst them them in the Massachusets, who having a Father in Law amongst us, was willing to come and declare unto his Father, out of his tendernesse towards him, of the nearnesse of the souldiers approach, and as neare as he could, the end of their comming, to perswade his said Father to escape for his life. And 50 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. And when the Captaine, and the rest of the Commissioners had read our Letter, they returned us this answer (by the same Messenger) namely that they desired to speak with us, to see if they could convert us to be of their minds, (bringing a Minister with thera, to accomplish their ends in such designs) which if they could not, then they would account of us, as men fitted for the slaughter, and with all convenient speed, would addresse themselves for our dispatch into the ruine of us, and of our families. Here followeth a true Copie of the answer made by the Com missioners, unto our Letter, verbatim, under their hands, which is still extant. To our friend John Peise. Having considered of the Writing you brought to us the last night, our thoughts concerning it, are as followeth. n This Letter IC'Irst it is our great desire, that we raight speake doth pla'"'y -"- with them, concerning the particulars, which we proper intent ^^^e sent to them about ; [°J certainly perswading of tho Massa- our selves, that we shall be able through the Lords cftuseis in sen- [jgjpg jg convince some of them, at least of the O'nF out this -ir r I • ^ , i- r . bai.dofsoul- ^^'h 01 their way, and cause them to divert their diers against course, that SO doing they may preserve their lives th' fY^f^ '" ^""^ liberties, which otherwise must necessarily of our faith to '^ade to eternall ruine of them and theirs ; for God, to sub- however, through an evill spirit, that hath possessed ject our selves gome one, or two of them, others are drawne into unto them, . , ., . ' , . , ,. (who never ^"ch desperate evils, as is monstrous to thinke oi; named the yet having better counsell, we hope they will be least word un. brought to see their weaknesse, and repent of it, to US, 3.S .1 •• 111 1 though they 'nat SO we might returne, and leave thera and came against theirs in peace, which is our great desire, and the Ud in the name contrary most grievous; but if there be no way of ot the King, . ¦ .i ° , , „ , , , ^ and State of tum'ng them, we then shall looke upon thera, as old England, men prepared for slaughter, and accordingly shall bnt in the name of (he Government of the Massadasets) or else to pay the tribute of our Li¥£3 unto them, in the utter ruine of our wives and children, which these men having received in Commission, together with instruction how to accomplish and effect the same, from those that sent them, count it their glory to reveal, and make manifest the same, which the Massachusets had so long gone about to hide, under the colour of some civil miscarriage in out course of walking towards raen, in regard themselves had professed, to remove into those parts meerly for the liberty of conscience, which now they so zealously deny unto their neighbours. addresse Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 51 addresse our selves, with all convenient speed, not doubting of the Lords presence with us, being cleare in the way we are in : This being our minds, we intreate you to acquaint them with it speedily ; and if they shall, who have set their names to their book, doe come to us, and speake with us, we shall give them leave to returne without hurt. Your Friends and Commissioners sent by the government of the Massachusets-Bay into these parts. George Cooke. Edward lohnson. Humphrey Atharton. The returne of this answer from the Coramis- » A^^ ^r^r'as sioners, as above, affrighted our wives &t children, "j^g "he wife of forcing them to betake themselves, some into the Robert Potter, Woods among the Indians, suffering such hard-ship, °^''J^^'J:°?^"' as occasioned the death of divers of them, ["] and t"'?hoYoss"^of others going to take water, to depart to other plan- their children. tations for succour, the souldiers approached before j^^^^V'™^^ they could take boat, who presented their Muskets ^^""thTough' at women great with child, forcing them and cold and hard- their children to runne deep into the ^^t^r, ^h^PJ^ prison, to get into the boat for feare of them [p] ; sumption, and we betaking our selves to one of our houses, for in short time our defence, they presently appeared in sight ;^. f^'^^'jl^ff^^ Gorton being out of the house to convey his Wile § Gorton, and (who was great with child) towards the water-side some of her for her escape, espied them about Musket-shot oWdren.^he^ from the house, the way which they came being n^ j^„„^ ^ full of wood ; they were not sooner discerned but child bed, was he called unto them, to keepe without the «^'stance so dealt wito^ of Musket-shot, calling to his friends in the house J^^ ji,g boat also to stand to their Armes, for a band of souldiers hasting off for consisting of English and Indians were in sight ; so ^^^^^^fj^^^^g committing his Wife to some of Providence, which ^^^^^ „ot have came along with them to convey her to the boat, swimmed, had betooke himselfe to the house with the rest. These ^f^^her. so our loving neighbours, inhabiting neere unto us in ,^^^ gi^j to betake himselfe to the water, though young to recover the Boat. that 52 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. q They had so that Tovvne where Master Williams sate downe, L°crrSd\"he being deeply affected with the proceedings of the souldiers, yea, Massdchusets, comming downe unto us along with 80 incensed them, to be eye and eare witnesses how things thauhey wore*'"'^''^ '^^'''''®'^ ^' our meeting; who instantly urged loth to enter- the Captaine, and officers for a parley, who denyed taine speech or to yeeld or grant any such thing, but professed thelTsiy "in"^'' ''^^^ ^0"!^ ^^H "po" "s presently, unlesse it raight their last wri- be private betwixt themselves and us, and none ting they carae else to heare it, professing to make dispatch of us cas^es^of'r^ht '" °"^ quarter of an hours worke, [i] which we 'and wrong understanding refused to enter into parley, unlesse which could our said neighbours of Providence might be pre- witho'S^par- ^^"' ^° witnesse the passages of it ; but at the last ley, nay some after much affectionate urging, they yeelded to a of their soul- parley ; and foure of Providence raen to be chosen oiut'obe'at out as witnesses, which we freely consented unto the parley, pro- the mutuall choyce of them, and accordingly we fessed to some met together ; and we demanding of them the end thev^csraie to '^^ ''^^''" comraing, they pretended we had done visit us as we some wrong unto certaine of their subjects, as also lay in bolts and that WO held blasphemous errours, which we raust them ^^m-^^* either repent of, or goe downe to the Massachusets ming'in the to be tryed at their Courts, or else they had Cora- night, not dar- mission to put us to the sword, and to pay them- inthe*dTv pro selves out of our goods, for their charges in com- fessed in 'these ming thither ; to which we made answer, we could words ; When not yeeld thereunto, that they that were our pro- to^thoTround f^^sed adversaries should be our Judges, we being we were madd SO farre Out of all their jurisdictions ; but freely to fight, and tendred our appeale to the honourable State of you'^lXout England, in any thing that could be objected speech or par. against us, which they peremptorily refused: We ley, but after then offered to put our case to arbitration, by in- rnVh^afd you '^'^®''^°' '"^"' t"utually chosen in the countrey, speake, many ingaging our goods, our lands, & our persons, to of us had ra ther have been on your side, then for the cause we came, and the Captaine seeing some of us discouraged to fight, would not permit us to discourse with any of Providence raen, lest they should speake on your behalfe; and this wo know, that some that did signifie unto them any small thing concerning the equity of our cause the Captaino seized on them for prisoners, and kept them in bonds, during the time of their aboad there, and much adoe to re lease thera, that they had not taken them downe into the Massachusets, to undprgoe further punishments. make Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 53 make full satisfaction for any thing that could be brought in, or appeare against us ; which Propositions seemed so reasonable, not only in the eyes of the witnesses, but also to the Captain and the rest, that there was a truce agreed upon, untill such time as a Messenger being dispatcht into the Massachusets, might returne with the answer of the Governour, and Assistants, during the time of which truce, they broke open our houses, and our desks, taking away our Writings, killed our Cattle for themselves and the Indians, whom they brought with them, to live upon taking the bedding, with other necessaries in our houses, for the souldiers to lie upon, and make use of, not only at that time, but afterwards in their trenches, during the tirae of their league, assaulting sorae of our friends, both raen, women, and children, who only came to see us, in that sad time of ex- tremitie, hearing there was a truce concluded for a season, indea- vouring to cut them off, upon the water, (being in a small ves sell) by shooting halfe a score or a dozin Muskets at them, be fore they could get out of their reach, which they very narrowly escaped; during the time of this truce, the men oi Providence (unknowne unto us) sent a Letter to the Government of the Massachusets, to informe them how things had been carried at our meeting, whereof they were eye and eare witnesses. ¦ A true Copie of the Letter sent by the men of Providence, chosen to be witnesses, of all passages in way of our par ley, to the Governour of ihe Massachusets, in way of me diation for peace, to prevent Countrey-men from spilling one an others blood, it is here set downe verbatim, accord ing to the originall Copie still extant. Providence the 2. of the 8'. M". 1643. so called. TlTOrthy Sir, let it not seeme absurd, that we whose nannes ^^ are here under written, present you with these insuing lines ; we lately hearing read a Copie of your writing, directed to Samuel Gorton, and that company, as also some of us being requested by our neighbour Cole (your subject) and (all re quested by Samuel Gorton, and his company, to heare and see) the truth of proceedings on both sides, our consciences perswa- , ding us, that these desires were reasonable, and for ought we know, mit^ht be a meanes (if God so wrought) to prevent the sheddino of blood ; these things we say considered, may (as before) cause our boldnesse. We therefore being filled vyith ' onete 54 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. griefe at such a spectacle, that the English should shed English blood, doe desire to acquaint you with what we did observe, during that respite, that was condescended to, for a treatie; therefore to proceed, after your Commission read, S. G. his company did desire to know in what particulars, you did de mand satisfaction ; the propositions being declared were foure. Frst to get them off the Indians ground, which your Com missioners said, they had but intruded. Secondly, for satisfaction about a Booke, wherein your Com missioners said, were grosse things penned. Thirdly, for satisfaction for wrong done, bolh to English and Indians, under your subjection. Fourthly, for charges, which your Commissioners said, they had caused by forcing this Army. Vnto the first they answered, that the ground was theirs, and they were the true owners, and that by the sarae right that you did clayme it, it being long before subjected lo the Nan hyganset Sachim, and purchased by thera of Myantonomy, and (to take away all colour of clairae) of Pumham also, and they having quiet possession of the sarae, untill this trouble ; and therefore did conceive you had wronged thera, by bringing an Army, to force them frora their ground ; your Coraraissioners pleaded, it was your right, by the Indians subjecting to you, and thereupon were very resolute to take thera off by force ; which they questioned not but immediatly to performe; the other as resolute, considering, they said they had bought il, and vowed to stand upon their lawfull defence, though to the last drop of their blood, the resolution on bolh sides being so hot, that we thought immediatly the Battle would have began; they did then appeale to the highest Court in old England, ior the tryall of their right, which when your Coraraissioners refused, they did againe offer to put it to the tryall of indiffe rent Judges in this Countrey, which were parties of neither side, and counted it unreasonable, that force should be offered before the cause were tryed, which they judged you could not doe, being parties in the cause, and promised to stand to the determination of those Judges, to the utmost of their estates and persons. Secondly, being demanded by your Commissioners, satisfa ction for the Book, wherein they declared grosse things were penned, they answered, that they would put it, as the former, to be judged by indifferent Judges, both the terras, h satisfaction. To the third, for satisfaction for wrong done, both to Indians and Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 55 and English; they answered, they would give full satisfac tion. Concerning the fourth, wherein was great expence and charges required ; they answered likewise, as in the former, that they would pay and give to the utmost satisfaction, if the Arbitrators judged, that they were the cause of raysing it, and would as fully and freely submit, as to eat and drinke : These being in short the heads, we leave the more ample relation to your Commissioners; Sir so faire Propositions offered, we hope will worke your affections to the utmost end, of preven ting blood-spilling : Nay, we hope, if it be but upon the point of honour, rather that you will be losers, then take the utmost ; the case we cannot but be sadly affected with, know ing it will be dishonourable to the Lord, if those who professe themselves Christians, should not take the best means for peace ; we hope you will not in the least measure take it unkindly for any hint unto you ; neither that you will despise Abigals coun sell, for Nabals churlishnesse ; let the Lord smite them, and his hand be upon them, if they sinne against hira ; If one man sinne against another, the Iudge shall judge him, but if a man sinne against ihe Lord, who shall intreat for him ? 1 Sam. 2. 25. Now their Proposition is for man to judge, as that first part of the alleadged Scripture doth declare ; some of their wives and children (if a mornfull Spectacle raight move you) doe begge for a serious consideration of their husbands, and fathers Propositions ; which if not hearkned unto, were like in mans eye to be left miserable ; we would they were able to write their owne griefe, which now in pitie we have respect unto : Oh, how grievous would it be (we hope to you) if one man should be slaine, considering the greatest Monarch in the world cannot make a man ; especially grievous, seeing they offer termes of peace : Sir, vve know not how to end, nor what to say, vve must abruptly leave desiring your wisdoms to cover our defects with love, and answer for us, if any shall challenge us, 2 Tim. 2. 7. Chad. Browne. Thomas Olney. William Field, William Wickenden. Here 56 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. Here followeth a true Copie of a Letter written by the Go vernour of the Massachusets, in answer to the men of Providence, of their Letter written unto him, in way of mediation for peace, which is here set downe verbatim, the Letter being extant under his owne hand. Neighbours of Providence, T Have received a Letter subscribed by four of you, whom 1 -*-hear are not of the confederacie with Gorton, Holden, and the rest of that company, wherin as Mediators you intercede between them h us, in the differences now between us ; the return of the Messenger is so hasty, that I cannot raake a full answer to every thing you have mentioned in your Letter; only you may rest satisfied with this, that the Commission, and in structions given to the Commissioners now at Providence, was not rashly and inconsiderately drawn up ; but by the mature advise of the wisest and godliest amongst us, assembled in a ge nerall Court, which I have not power to reverse or alter; and for the justnesse of the Courts proceedings therein, you may doe well to take further notice, that besides the Title of Land, between the Indians, and the English there, there are twelve of the English, that have subscribed their names, to horrible and detestable blasphemies, against God, and all Magistracie, who are rather to be judged as Blasphemers, (especially if they persist therein) rather then that they should delude us, by winning time, under the pretence of Arbitration ; I doubt not, but you well know, that we have often sent to ihem, to plead their title to the Land, and to make answer for their Blasphemies, and that we lately sent thera safe only woid^''^ Conducts for their comming, and returning, ['] ior expressed in all which we have received from them, nothing but their paper scorns, contempt, and revilings in the worst ex- ^to^uJ. ^^"^^ 'pressions they could cast them into ; so that the pro mise of protection made by us, to Pumham, ifc. the vindication of Gods honour, and many reasons concerning our safety, have necessarily put us upon this course with them; notwithstanding which, if any of them will in peaceable man ner, repaire unto- us, under the conduct of our Commissioners, no violence shall be offered to them, by our souldiers there, and our justice here ; but if they refuse, and offer violence, let the hurt they receive be upon their owne heads ; further (which I had forgotten) where you say their offer of arbitration is faire, you may doe well to be better informed, and to know that the botome Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 57 botome of it is easily sounded, which is to win time, s Fearing lest to discourage the Indians, ["] under our subjection, the true and and to give them time, and opportunity, to stir up ^f "^es!.^"";^'' (as much as in them lieth) the other Indians against Indian sub- ['] us; fqr to whom would they referre their mat- J«^ts should ters ? to your selves whom we know not, but have ^^™^ foiirin just cause to feare, in respect of your vicinitie unto this their sub- them, and your now mediation for them ; and to jeption, and to those of i?oarf-Iland, divers of whom we know too ga"„ u^nt^ him- well, to referre any matters unto ; ["] the best office selfe, and you can performe unto them, is to perswade them thereby leave to attend their owne safety, by yeelding to the [hf^coTour""' lawfull demand of our Commissioners, from which and pretence as I said before I cannot vary. So I rest to worke out XT- I ¦ XT • 1 u their own ends Your loving Neighbour, „p„„ „3_ Boston 8. 3, 1643. Io: Winthrope. t Behold here their guilt, in that they had unjustly drawn by insinuation tho Indians from their lawfull Prince, as also that subtill wrong they did to us, suggesting secretly unto the people, as though there wero fearo of some combination between the Indians and us, to stir up souldiers by that means lo come out against us. u Behold how these men can evade all fairo Propositions to prosecute, and bring forth their own spirit; yea, even to the death of their countrey men, if it be but by casting aspersions upon those that hold not just length and breadth in re ligion with them. Now after the enterchange of these Letters, between tbe men of Providence, and the Governour of the Massachusets, which we at the present were ignorant of, when certaine dayes were expired, the Messengers sent by the Commissioners unto the Massachusets to acquaint them with our Propositions, returned, which we perceived by their shooting off of Guns at his com ming : And the first thing we discerned in them, they sent out and gathered all our Cattle together, and tooke them into their owne custody, sending two souldiers unto us to give us notice, that the time of truce was expired, and that our Propositions could in no cause be accepted or imlDraced by the Massachusets; we then desiring to speake with the Captain and the officers, they utterly denyed to have any speech with us; but imme diatly intrenched themselves, and the same day gave fire upon us ; whereupon to shew our allegeance to the State of old England, we hung out the English colours, which they per ceiving shot the more violently against us, shooting the colours many times, through and through : Now when the Messenger from the Massachusets returned, comming through the Towne of 58 Simplicities Dejence, against seven-headed Policy. of Providence, two of the men of Providence came along to Shaw-omet, to see how things were carried, and what the newes was at his returne ; and however the Commissioners would not speake with us ; yet the men oi Providence went unto them, & had speech with them, whom they warned to come no more unto us, upon their perill, for they were resolved of their course ; therefore who ever came neer unto us, they would take them for their enemies : For when the Governour and Assistants of the Massachusets perceived that the Coraraissioners had declar ed their errand unlo us in plainer termes then, then they intend ed it should have beene ; they thought to make the house we were in our grave, was the best way to vindicate the modera tion of their equall Justice towards us, as plainly appeared by their practise, and course held concerning us. Here followeth a true Copy of the testimony of the two men q/" Providence who came to Shaw-omet at ihe return of the Messenger out of the Massachu sets verbatim, extant under their own hands. ¦^^^E testifie that upon the return of the Answer, from the ' ' Bay, the Captain refused the forraer offer of appeale to England, or Arbitration 'in the Country, with the saitl Samuel Gorton and his company, but immediately dissolved the truce, and the same day proceeded to give fire upon them. Richard Scot William Harrisse. And so continued for divers days together in their fierce assail, the Sabbath approaching, we imagining they would not have continued their assail upon that day, and were very con fident that they would go about no such work upon the night before the Sabbath ; being we knew well that they held the Sabbath begins in the evening going before, and that they had no lesse ground for it then Master Cottons judgment ; as also that it was one of their laws that the breach of the Sabbath is to be punished with death. Now what they may judge the killing of their Countrymen causlesly upon that day is, whe ther to keep or break the Sabbath, we leave to all men to judge. * But contrary to our expectation, early in the morning, having prepared their fire-works, they attempted to burn the house wherein we were, seconding their fire with the discharge of above Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 59 above four hundred shot against us, according to the Souldiers account, who afterwards told us how many shots they had made that morning, according to the emptying of their banda- leers ; all which time they told us Captain Cook stood behind such a great white oak tree, whom we heard incouraging his souldiers to come on with courage, thinking himself in safely, and so he was, for we discharged not a Gun that morning, nor of al the time of their siege, but. only two in the nighttime at random, to scar them from working their trenches neer unto us ; for we had concluded to take away the lives of none of our Countrymen, unlesse they offered to enter violently upon us, which we only fitted our selves- to prevent such assalt, or else that we were forced out upon them by the firing of our house ; only we perceived our words to be shot good enough to keep them aloof. For we called cheerfully upon the Captain to come on and bring up his men ; for he should find vs very cheerfull spirits to deal with, and that we would make him as good a Sabbath days breakfast as ever he had in his life ; our care was only to quench the fire which they had laid lo the wall before we were aware ; But we saw the wind look the flame so from the wal that it kindled not upon the house ; when the day began to break Captain Cook called lo the souldiers to go on with a fresh assalt ; but we heard some of his Souldiers deny to come on again, being the fire took not; and the day beginning to be light they thought we might shoot from the house at some certainty; we called on the Captain to animate his soldiers, for we understood (we told him) his charret wheels began to drive very heavy, and vvere in danger to fall off, and that was all the violence we offered to our Countrymen in this their so eager an assalt, though we heard the Captain in the beginning of it, give strict charge to the souldiers that they should not let one escape alive, but to put all to the sword, thinking the fire would have taken, and so we have been a prey for them : But however we discharged not a peece against them, being loth to spill the blood of our Countrymen, though to the hazard of our own lives, yet were we well provided and could easily have done them much hurt ; only stood upon our defence so, as they durst not make entry upon us; after which assalt they sent back into the Massachusets ior more ayd : But in the mean time another parley was procured wherein we con sented to go down into the Massachusets upon Composition to prevent the spilling of blood, which we could no longer refrain in the defence of our selves, they having approached so neer unlo Vol. IV.— No. 6, 22 60 Simpliciiies Defence, against seven-headed Policy, unto us ; The condition whereof was this, that we should goe along with them, as free men, and neighbours, as though such passages had never been betwixt us, which the Captain and his Company consenting unto, beat up the Drum, and gathered his souldiers together, seeming joyfull that things were so conclu ded ; whereupon the Captaine desired to see our house, which request we lovingly imbraced, thinking he intended lo refresh himselfe- and his souldiers with such provisions as we had, be fore we set upon our journey towards the Massachusets ; but no sooner was he come into the house, but contrary to the Articles of our agreement, he seized upon our Armes, using us as cap tives, and presently carried us away, not suffering us to dispose of any of our goods, that were in or about our houses, having not so rauch as a servant left behind, and so left thera all as pillage to the Indians, [''] the Captain giving had^proniL^Y charge unto the souldiers, that if any of us spake a to do as they word in our journey, to give any of thera discon- came on the tent, that they should presently knock us downe, wav towards j*/*.!, r -i (., ustoincour- ^"" '' ^"^.Y ^^"' ^"X °' "^ Step aside, out of the age the In- place designed unto us, that they should run us dians to come through, and he would beare them out, in that Tg'a^nl't^i^, ;n '^^''" action : And withall they drove away our the hearing of Cattle into the Massachusets, dividing and disposing some of our of them amongst themselves ; only sorae of them rien s. jj^g^, ^^^ disposed of to such of their subjects, as lived near unto us, who had been instruments and assistants unto them, to bring about and effect this worke. The number of cattle which they took from us was foure-score head, or there abouts, besides Swine and'Goats, which they, and the Indians, lived upon during the time of their siege, also breaking violently into our houses, taking away our corne with other provisions provided for our Families to live upon. Here Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 61 Here followeth an other Testimony, of divers of the men of Providence, given under their hands, set downe here ver batim, for the clearing of these matters, which writing is extant. Providence this present lanuary the 30. "•. 1644. We whose names are here under written. Inhabitants of the town of Providence in the Nanhyganset-fJai/ in New-England, being requested by Samuel Gorton, Randal Houlden, John Wickes, and John Warner, with divers others of our coun trey men, to testifie what we know concerning their late sufferings, from the Bay of the Massachusets, we take our selves bound in conscience, to answer their request, and in a word of truth, impartially to witnesse. Xf Irst, that our Countrey-men aforesaid, were peaceably pos- *- sessed of a Plantation, at Shaw-omet, amongst the Natives, some ten or a dozen miles beyond this Towne of Providence. Secondly, that the Bay of Massachusets, sent up through this Towne of Providence, one Captain Cooke, and his company, in warlike manner, who actually assauhed, and besieged our foresaid Countrey-men, who stood upon their own defence. Thirdly, that the wives and children, of our fore-said Coun trey-men upon these hostile courses were affrighted and scatter ed in great extremities, and divers since are dead. Fourthly, the said Captaine Cooke and his corapany, carried captive our fore-said Countrey-raen through this Towne of Pro vidence, lo the Bay of Massachusets. Fifthly, Their goods, cattle, houses, and plantations were seized upon, by the fore-said Captain, and his corapany ; their cattle were part killed by the souldiers, and the rest by Agents from the Bay disposed of, and driven away to the said Bay of Massachusets Richard Scot. William Harris. William Field. Stutley Wastcote. Hugh Beivit. Thomas Harris. William Barrowes. loshua Winssor. lohn Field. Thomas Angel. WiUiam Reighnalds. Adam Goodwin. Now 62 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. X A great tri- Now as vve passed along on the way to the Massa- umph for a chusets, whicb was about three-score, or three-score whole conn- g^j ^gj^ p^ijes in the common account of men. trey, to carry „ -ni ¦ ci . r < iiway eleven Irom our riantalion at ibfiaw-omet, alter they were men (and that come into the Townes within their own jurisdic- Hpon fairs lions, in some Townes their Minister which the eomposition i i- i , i • t i * . also, if they souldiei's brought along with them against us, ga- had kept touch thered the people together, in the open street went with us; for to prayers, that the people might talie notice, what ie Sampson th^y ^^^^ done, was done in a holy manner, and in Shotton, was the name of the Lord ; and when they carae to h^'^.j ^.^°™ ^y Dorchester, there being many people gathered which some of together, with divers of their Ministers, as Master their spirit had Cotton, and Master MafAer, &c. there they placed put him upon) ^g gt their pleasure, as they thought fit lo have us and but ten of , ,' , i,. ,; , , , . OS that handled Stand ; and made vollies ot shot over our heads m arms. signe of victory, [^] and when we were come to y We thought Boston, and brought before the Governours doore, be did It to . ... , =•. , , , , ' imitate Mel. "'e souldiers placmg themselves and us, as they chisedeck, thought fit, and orderly ; the Governour coraming tobUs'e^i'r '°"''' ^^"^'"g throughout, all the company of soul- ham, when he" '^'^''^ blessed them ; the word which he used as he came from the Still passed along was this, God blesse you, and tv,''"^'^'^^' °f prosper you : God blesse and prosper you ; p] the rescue of when this was done, we were brought into the Go- L6t, he did it vemors Hall, before the Governor, Mr. lohn Win- Bo gravely and thrope, unto whom WO Complained, how the Cap- solemnly, only . • . J J , ' A • 1 1.1 the Captain ^^'" "^" "^ed us, contrary to our Articles; but he wanted the told US, what ever the Captain might expresse unto spirit of .^ Ara. us, his intent was to have us as captives, and their nam Tor all his .. , "^ , good successe, captives now we were; and unto the coramon yet we thought Goale we must goe^ without either Baile or Main- he was not un- prize, where we continued untill the Court sate. capable to a .\ r^ . • ¦ -j .' communicate ^"" '0 L/Ountrey comming in on every side, to in that prayer understand the cause, why they had so proceeded or blessing of against US ; and they labourine to give the coun- the Governour; ° .¦/•.• i i • i /• i for his errand ""^^ satislaction, rehearsed in the ears of the peo- to US was, to pie, divers grosse opinions, which they had complied "."<"¦ ^"^ ''.^.'^''- together, out of our writing, which we abhorred: of the govern. -^^ ^'^^' ^^ should deny the humane nature of ment in his Christ, which they gathered from this, that we Commission professed his death to be effectual to the Fathers, ma eraani es . \^^q^^ jjjg {;,^g ^f j^j^ incarnation in the wombe of the Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 63 the Virgin ; also that we denyed all the Churches of Jesus Christ, because we could not joyne with them in that way of Church order which they had established amongst them ; Againe, that we denyed all the holy Ordinances of Christ, because we could not joyn with them in their way of administration ; as also, that we denyed all civill Magistracie, because we could not yeeld to their authority, to be exercised in those parts where we lived, (that place being above foure and twenty miles out of their bounds) which we should not once have questioned, if we had beene within the compasse of their jurisdictionsi as it well ap peared by our carriage,, all the time we were amongst them, as also by our sundry appeals unto this slate, which have been de nyed unto us; yea, and since that great favour granted, and given unto that people of Providence plantations, in a late Charter of civill government, from this State, our humble re spects unto al such authority, hath been made manifest to all men : not only in our unanimous and joyfull imbracing of it, but also some of us by the generall vote of the wifcle Colonic, have been chosen into the place of Judicature, for the orderly execution of the authority of the Charter; yea, some of us that are now here present, at the publication hereof: Now when we desired liberty to speak in the Court, to answer to such things as were alleaged, and read in the ears of the peo ple, such as is above, with divers more to the number of about six and twenty, all drawn from our writing formerly mentioned in this Treatise, we denyed that we either held, or had writ any such thing, and desired .our writing might be read in open Court, that it might appear what was in it, which was denyed unto us ; only their charges must appeare, by the affirmation of the Bench; for no other man nor woman appeared to testifie a word against us ; and when wee continued to deny the con structions they had given of our writings, and abstracted from them, denying them to be ours, we were commanded silence; Master Thomas Dudley, one of the Bench, standing up, char ging us to be silent, and told us if we were not, they would lay irons upon our legs, and upon our hands, and also upon our necks ; whereupon the Court for that time was dissolved, no raan objecting against us in the least, in any wrong or injury betwixt man and man; neither at that time, nor in any time of all our tryall amongst them. After which they brought us forth divers time before their Court, which then sate more privately io a Chamber, the door being kept very carefully, that none should enter, but only whom they thought fit to permit, their Court 64 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. xO\i M.Ward Court then consisting of about a dozin Magistrates, once Lecturer gnd about fortie Deputies chosen out of severall in ComeMU, Towns, as were thought fit, and many of their London, cim'e Ministers usually present with them to assist in to the prison tlie worke ; they then questioned, and exarained called To him "^ apart, 10 the uttermost they could, to get some one of our matter against us from our owne mouths, and also society, name, usually sending iheir Agents as Elders, [^] and Gorier who Members of their Churches, ["] unto us in prison, had once lived frequently putting questions unto us to get occa- near together gjon against US, thus continuing for the space of Wii'rd^saemsd ^wo or three weeks together, during which time to be much Master Wilson ordinarily in bis Sermons, pressed .'.ffected, being (hg Magistrates and the people to lake away our ho'wTo puC^ lives, from that text of the King of Israel letting himselfe into Benliadad goe, applying it unto thera ; that if passion, dcsi- they let us escape with life, their life should then "mchard'^lh^i^HP?. fo"" o""" li^e, and their people for our people, if he had done urging thera from that of Samuel and Agag, to or said any hew and cut US in peeces; Master Cotton also in could with ^ ^^^ Sermons, incouraged the people in the lawful- good con- nesse of their dealings with us, from that in the science re- Revelations, where it is said, the Kingdoms of this sired'hi'm to ^' ^orld are the Kingdoms of the Lord, and his recant it, and Christs, whence he observed, that they being the he hoped the Kingdom of Christ, they were bound to goe out be'veiiTmerci- ^S^'"^^ ^1' people, to subdue all such unto them- fuU; and saith selves as are weaker then they; otherwise they he, it shal be might Stay at home within themselves, and serve menrunto^^' ^^'^ ^''^ ''" '^'^s''' ''^^"^ > ^^^ they could not serve you, for here him with all their might, unlesse they went out to is our Rever- subdue Others, and so would be guilty of the breach 1?o/ion vvho orl °^ '^^'- command, vis. Thou shall serve the Lord dinarily preacheth that publickly one year, that tlie next year he pnblickly repents of, and shews himselfe very sorrowful for it to the Congregation, so that (saith he) it will be no disgrace for you to rfcanl in such a case, (a) Vsually comming to us into Ihe prison, raany of them together; As also, when we -were put apart in the time of our examination, one of the Mem bers of the Chiu-ch of Breton, telling some of, us in his own house, that he was perswaded, that we did not worship the true God; for, saith he then, he ¦would not have permitted you to be brought down from your own Plantation amongst us ; for (saith he) I am perswaded, that our Churches shal not be over-come by any people that should coma out against them ; his wife stand ing by, being an ingenuous woman, made answei' to our content, bpfore we could speak ; Husband (saith she) pray doe not boast before the victory be known, il may be the Btttle is'iiotyet ended. thy Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 65 thy God with all thy strength. Now alter our many consulta tions, and debating of matters with the Magistrates and Minis ters, not only in the Court, sometimes one of us answering and declaring of his mind, only in matters of Religion a whole day together, yea part by Candle-light, besides all their more pri vate conferences in the prison, and al other houses, where we vvere put apart, in custody one from another in the time of our examination ; at the last the Court sent for S. Gorton, out of prison, to appeare before them ; and when he carae before them, the Governour told him, he heard there was exception taken, that there should be a rumour, that it was for some civill things they had so proceeded against us, and yet no man appear ed to object the least against us, in any civill respect ; unto which the Governour himselfe gave answer (not expecting an answer from Gorton) that they had set their subjects the In dians in their own Land, and that was all they looked after in that respect, but they never questioned in publicke, whether it was right or wrong, to take it from us, only had privately called one otus, which was one of the Interpreters, at the buying of it, and the Indians their subjects together, to see what could be said in it, and found the Indians by their own confession, to make things so clear on our behalfe, ihat they thought it not fit to bring it into publick scanning of the matter. The Governour then told Gorton, he was now to ansvyer some things that should be propounded unto him upon his life, for it was upon his life that now he was to answer; unto which Gorton made answer, that he was to shew unto them all duti- full subjection that might be, being under the government of their jurisdiction, as he had done since his comming amongst them, to give them their due honour and respect to the utmost, which he could not doe but as he looked upon them with rela tion unto the State of old England ; by vertue of which power, they sale there, as executioners of justice, unlesse he looked at them, and carried himselfe towards them, as they had respect unto that State, (from whom what power they had was derived) else he could not give them their due honour and respect; for it could no wav appeare to be such, but as it was derived from that noble State oi o\d England ; and therefore, however he had according to what they had demanded, for the clearing ol any thing, been free to answer unlo them : So now if it was^his life that they would now put him upon, he did as freely, and in the presence of them all, appeale to the State of old England lor his tryall in that point, by vertue of which State only he conceived 66 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. conceived they sate there as Ministers of justice ; and there fore might not deny unto him his just appeale (understanding that the deniall of an appeale, must either presuppose a supe riority in them that deny it, or an equality at the least, with the State appealed unto) unto which the Governour macje an swer, as also Master lohn Indicate, deputy Governour, and bad Gorton never dream, or think of any such thing, for no appeale should be granted unto him. Now the Ministers and Magistrates, having weighed better our Writings, our Examinations in Court, answers to questions more privately, with any thing, spoken in the prison araongst our selves, vfbich daily ear was lent unlo, or our carriage and demeanure in any respect ; they had now summed up, and drawn all into four questions, which were now to be answered in case of of life and death. The Questions were these that follow, not a word varying in any one of them, 1. Q. Whether the Fathers, who dyed before Christ was born of the Virgin Mary, were justified and saved only by the blood which he shed, and the death which he suffered after his incarnation. 2. Q. Whether the only price of our Redemption, were not the death of Christ upon the Crosse, with the rest of his suf ferings, and obediences in the time of his life here after he was borne of the Virgin Mary. 3. Q. Who is that God whom he thinks we serve. 4. Q. What he means, when he saith. We worship the Star of our God Rempham, Chion, Molech. To these four questions the Court told Gorton he raust an swer speedily upon life and death, and that under his hand writing ; he told them he was not willing to answer in any thing but as before he had done ; they lold him he must give in speedy answer under his hand writing; he asked what time he must have for the answer of them ; they told him a quarter of an houre; he told them he could answer them in so short a time, but he knew not whether it could give them satisfaction; for it was as much as for a man to describe lesus Christ what he is, and the way of Antichrist also, which might be done in few words ; but not to be clear to every man ; for a man may describe the whole world in these words ; in the beginning God created Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 67 created heaven and earth, and the earth ivas ivithout forme and void, and darknesse was upon ihe face of the deep, and ihe spi rit of God moved upon the face of the ivaters; all the whole worke of creation is in this masse or heape ; but to set out the glory and beauty that comes out of this, needs many Phrases to expresse it ; even so it is in the description of the Son of God, lesus Christ, borne of the Virgin, it may be done in few words ; but to lay out the nature, benefit, and glory of it, no smal speech, or time can serve to expresse : and therefore de sired in word (as before he had manifested his mind unto them) so he might give that present answer which God gave unto him in this point also ; but they told him it must be done in writing, . and so commanded the Goaler to convey him to an other room to dispatch the same ; but as he was going out from them, they called unto hira, and told him he should have the liberty of halfe an hours time to performe it in ; when he was come into an other room, pen, inke and paper being brought unto him, as he was going to write, word was sent from the Court, that if it was brought in, on the second day in the morning, it should suffice, for the Court considering of it, that many of them had farre home, and it being the day of Preparation for the Sabbath (for it was now Saturday in the afternoon) and they thought not fit to sit any longer; so Gorton was conveyed againe into the Prison to the rest of his friends ; who continued cheerfully together, all the Sabbath day, as they had done before in the Prison ; only some part of those dayes, they brought us forth unto their Congregations, to hear their Sermons, of occido and ocddio, which was meat not to be digested, but only by the heart or stomacke of an Ostrich : But upon the Munday morn ing, Gorton tooke pen and inke, and writ in answer to every one of the four questions given unto him, as here followeth. This 68 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. This is a true Copie of answers, gioen to ihe Court of the Massachusets to the four questions, which they required to be answered in writing upon life, and death, in case of Blasphemy, which ive were charged with, and sentence so farre passed, as to take away our lives by ihe sword, in case of not disclayming of our Religion, or erroneous opinions, as they were pleased to call them ; the answers are truly set down, verbatim. t'l'^O the first question we answere affirmatively (only assuming the liberty of our explanation) namely, The Fathers who dyed before Christ was borne of the Virgin Mary, in this'answer '"^'"^ justified, and saved, only by the blood which tiiere is a word he shed, and the death which he suffered, [""j in added to their question, which was done of purpose (knowing how they looked) to regulate them, if it were possible, as it was declared unto them, in the first reading of the answer, how they fell short in it, which they yeelded unto; they say, the death which he suffered (after) his incarnation, the answer saith (In) and after his incarnation. For to speake of the sufferings of Christ, after his incarnation, without respect unto that which was before, we may aswell speake ol his sufferings before his incarnation, without respect to that which is after ; for the Crosse of Christ is not, but with respect, both to humane nature and divine, and we cannot know the two natures in Christ, what they are distinctly in themselves, to give each its proper due, and what they are joyntly united in one, no otherwise, but as they are considered in the very act of Incarnation, in which appears the Sufferer, and that which is suffered, the Sufferer is the Son of God raade man, the creator becoms a creature ; the thing suffered, is to be made a curse, that is to be made such a thing as is in it selte, by nature accursed, and so Christ was made a curse ; ths sufferings of Christ then, and the shedding of his blood (as he is known after the spirit) are properly in that one act of his incarnation, which is the proper act of the humiliation of the Son of God, so that to speak of his sufferings after his incarnation, you may as well speake of his sufferings be fore his incarnation, for it is no suffering of Christ, but with respect, both to the one, and the other, and only in the act of incarnation they are raade one ; and to speake of the sufferings of Christ visibly, in his humane nature, in the dayes of Herod, to be the proper sufferings of the Son of God, any further, but as a true doctrine (as in all other holy Writ) to teach what that suffering is, in the act of his incarnation, you may as well speak of sufferings of Christ in visibly, before that act of his incarnation, for the Crosse of Christ is not, but with respect, both to divine and humane nature ; nor can it be said to be in tirae, no raore then it may be said to be before al time ; for the humilia tion of the Son of God, admits not of any bounds or limits, for then were it not of infinit value ; and if not of infinit value and vertue, then not the hu miliation of the Son of God, nor could it be said to be the blood of God, as the Apostle cats it ; so that as he himselfe is not, but as the first and the last become one, even so his sufferings are not, but in that one act, of the curse and blessing, being made one. This being premised which was siguifiod unlo them by word of raouth, the answer runs clear, to understand Christ according Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 69 according to the spirit, otherwise a man may carnalize the answer unto him selfe as he knows Christ after the flesh, as the world doth the whole word of God, so also the seed of Abraham, is to be understood as Abraham himselfe is; Abraham is the Father of Christ, as in the Genealogy it appears; so saith David in the person of Christ, our Fathers trusted in thee, meaning Abraham for one, and Christ also the Father of Abraham, therefore hee is called the everlasting father; and Christ himselfe saith, before Abraham was I ara, such also is the seed of Abraham, it produoeth and brings forth tho Son of God, and the Son of God producoth and brings forth it ; so is it with the Virgin, she is the mother that gives form, and being to Jesus Christ, he also gives form and being unto her; therefore she cats him her Lord and Saviour; the woraan brings forth the man, a Virgin conceives and bears a Son ; the mm brings forth the woman, raade of a rib, out of his innocent side ; so that the man is not without the woraan, nor the woman without the man in the Lord ; these two being separated, the Contract is broken, tlie Davorce is raade, und not being rightly united, the word is adulteratud, we are in our sin. The mysterie of this answer thou lies in tliis, (which Pharasies understand not) if Christ be the Virgin Maries Son, conceived in her womb, and born of her, how doth the Virgin Mary in spirit call him her Lord God, and Saviour? and after his Incarnation (that is on this wise; that the guilt and stain of man is not, but with respect unto the holy word of God, the disobedience whereof, by eating the forbidden fruit, breeds an infinit distance, between God and his owne worke,. without the least defect or blame to be found or imputed unto ihe Word of God, but the sole defect and blame is in the creature, even in man himselfe, yet could he in no case be so miserable, but with respect unto the holy Word ; even so the justification and salvation of the Fathers, was by the holy word of God, not but wiih respect and relation unto the seed of Abraham, and the Son of David, (conceived and borne oj the Virgin Mary) in whom they were justified and saved, and yet no vertue nor power, arising out of any thing that is humane ; man therefore is a sinner of infinit guilt, with respect unto that word, which was before all time, and no fault to be found in the Word at all ; the word of God is a Saviour of infinit value, with respect unto the seed of the Virgin Mary, borne, suffering, dying, and rising againe in the fulnesse of lime, and yet no vertue in that seed at all, unto whom all the Prophets bear witnesse, having an eye unto him in all their holy Writings, and the faith of the Fathers comprehending Christ, both in the one, and in the other respect, were justified and saved by him alone, his death being reall and actuall unto faith, God having the same coex- istance with the creature in all ages, though the creature cannot have the same with him but in time. To the seconS, Question depending upon, or rather involved in the former xvc answer, , •' Mans 70 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. Mans rejection of the Word of God, being his sinne and separation from God, is the only forfeiture of himselfe, which could not be, but with respect unto the word of eternity ; even so Gods Righteousnesse revealed by taking man into unitie with himselfe, is the only price of our Redemption, with respect unlo the death of Christ upon the Crosse, with the rest of his sufferings, and obedience, from the time of his Incarnation, in the womb of the Virgin Mary, to his ascention into Heaven, without which there is no price of our Redemption. To the third Question, who we thinke that God is, that raen serve, that are not of the faith above-said : we answer that all mens hearts are awed (by the true God) to bow in worship : therefore when the Apostle looking upon the inscription upon the Altar at Athens, it is said, he beheld their devotion (or as the word is) the God which they worshipped, though ignorantly, yet it was he only that he declared unto them : So the Apostle lames, thou beleevest, that there is one God, thou doest well, the Devils also beleeve and tremble. The fourth Question therefore is the explanation of the third, namely what we raean by Molech, and the Star of that God Remphan: to which we answer, that the Scripture alluded unto, * raakes difference between those Gain-sayers Act. 7. 4 . ^f j[^g Fathers which fell in the Wildernesse, and those of the true seed, that gave faithfull Testimony unto the Oracle of God ; the Rebels of the sons of Levy, would not take up, nor beare the Arke of God, as their duty was, nor give the light and lustre of a Star in the Tabernacle, when it was pitched (for the seven Stars are the seven Angels:) But as they had tbe power of a worldly Ruler, or Governour to de fend them in their worke, and to subdue all that were not of their mind under them : therefore they tooke up the Tabernacle of Molech, or bore the Booth of ihe King, and gave the light of Remphan (alluding unto Rapha, who in Davids dayes had four sonnes, were mighty Gyanls, warring only by the strength of the Arme of flesh) so that they would not give Testiraony unto the holy way of God ; but as they had a King set over them, besides Moses, to defend them, when as a greater then Moses was there : And in this they turned backe in their hearts, unto jEgypt, looking unto the way of Pharaoh, that would sub due all that were not of his own way, and be a defence unto his wise men in what ever they wrought ; but the faithfull seed oi Abraham, had the Tabernacle of ivitnesse, or witnessed unto the Tabernacle, even in the Wildernesse, where there was no worldly Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 71 worldly Governour lo defend them, but all came out against them, Amman and Amaleck, Balack, Ogg, and Sihon, and the rest ; in the which condition Stephen perceived himselfe, when he witnessed unto the word of truth, in alleadging that place of the Prophet * . Samuel Gorton. j^^^^ 5 gg Upon the finishing of these answers on the Munday morning, the Court sent for S. Gorton to come before them ; and when he was come, the Governor asked him, whether he had brought in his answer to the questions propounded unto him (at their last sitting) in writing, he answered he had brought them ; then the Governor asked him, whether he had put his hand unto them, he answered he had not, not thinking it would be re quired, else he had done it ; the Governour called for pen and inke, and caused him to put his hand unto them, and then de manded them of him, Gorton desired he might have liberty to read them first in the Court, that he might pronounce the Phrases and words according to the true meaning, and intent, having had experience of wrong done, in reading (in way pronuncia tion of things not plainly) before, to the giving of true intelli gence to the hearers, when the answers were read in the audience of the Court, the Court paused, and no man said any thing unto them, only bade Gordon with-draw, which being done, they hade some consultation among themselvs, and shortly after called for Gorton to be brought in again : Master Saltingstone found fault, that it was written in the answer, what is the Star of (that) God Remphan, whereas it was in the jvri- ting (your, God Remphan) Gorton answered, the Phrase was only changed for modesty ; for ' indeed (saith he) it is the phrase of the Apostle, your God Remphan, and so it rested to clear that scruple. The Governour told Gorton, that they were one with him, in those answers; for they held as he did; Gorton answered he was very glad of it, for he loved not dif ferences and divisions amongst men : the Governour then asked him whether he would retract the writing that was formerly written unto them ; Gorton answered, that nothing was written before, but would suit and agree, with these answers ; so that if there was cause to retract one, there was cause to retract all ; the Governour said, no, these answers they could agree with him in; but not in the former writing; whereupon Master Dudley stood up, seeming to be much moved, and said he would never consent to it whilst he lived, that they were one with him in those answers ; the Governour then asked Gorton iphat 72 Simplicities Dejence, against seven-headed Policy. what Faith was ; to which he answered, that was nothing that concerned what they had formerly written, and that he and the rest had only undertaken lo answer to any thing that was in their writing: the Governour told him, he was bound, and ought to be ready to give an answer lo any that should aske him a question of the hope that is in him ; Gorton made an swer, that the difinition which the Apostle gives of faith, was sufficient, as he thought to give any man satisfaction ; he asked him what that was, he told him il was this ; that faith is ihe hypostasis or substance of things that are hoped for, and- the evidence (or argument demonstrative) of things that are not seen, nor demonstrated at all ; the Governour lold him that was true, but he could say more of faith then so; Gorton told him, it gave him satisfaction, and being an other point then they had to deale about, since their comming amongst thera, and be ing no question produced from forraer writings, desired to be spared fronci any further answer then the plain words of the Aposile; whereupon Master Broadstreet made answer, that he thought it was not fit to put him upon any new questions, un lesse he were free to speake unto them, and so they dismissed him from the Court lo the Prison againe. Shortly after this, there was a day appointed, wherein wee Were to receive our sentence from the Court, which was to be given in the afternoon, and in the forenoon Master Cotton preached, having gathered up the minds of the people, in what they had observed, and perceiving the people look notice, that in .what we dissented from them, was out of tendernesse of conscience, and were ready to render a reason and ground for what we held and practised, &, divers such like things ; lo which he answered, that if we had done it out of ignorance, then there had been hopes of regaining us ; but if out of tendernesse of conscience, and able lo render reason for what wee did (and other things of like nature) ihen were we ripened for death, ur ging them to agree together, and consent in one thing, that so it might be, else would not ihe Angels carry their soules to hea ven; for he was then speaking of the office of the Angels in that point ; and when by all their examinations in Court, Iniur- gatories put upon us in Prison, and publicke preaching, ihey could find nothing against us, for the transgressing of any of their Lawes, they then proceeded to cast a lot for our lives, putting it to the major vote of the Court, whether we should live or die, which was so ordered by the providence of God, ihat the number of two votes carried it on our side ; and whereas both Simplicities Dejence, against seven-headed Policy. 73 bolh by Law, Equitie, and act of Providence, they ought lo have set us forthwith at liberty, yet notwithstanding they pro ceeded further to censure ; namely, confined us to severall Towns, and to vjear bolts and irons, and to worke jor our livings, though it was in the extremity of the winter, and not to speake of any of those things which they had dealt wiih us about, and all this during ihe pleasure of ihe Court, and that upon pain of death. Here followeth a true Copie of the censure, and of the charg as it was given unto ns in writing by the Court, being extant, and here set down verbatim, as it was given to Samuel Gorton, the rest being the same, but onely the change of ihe names. For Samuel Gorton. "IT is ordered that Samuel Gorton shal be con- '^Whereas they -* fined lo Charlstowne, there to be set on worke, ^^^^ n^iuen and to wear such bolls or irons, as may hinder his unto them, escape, and so to continue during the pleasure ofthorewasan the Court ; provided, that if he shall break his said "'Ijt urtoXm confinement, or shall in the meane time, either by by us, but it speech or writing, publish, declare, or maintaine "^^ no ground any of the blasphemous or abominable heresies, pvo'ceedhigs^" wherewith he hath been charged by the generall against us. Court, contained in either of the two ["=] books sent therefore we unto us by him, or by Randall Houlden : or shall gt°to^briri2"it reproach, or reprove the Churches of our Lord into this trea- Jesus Christ in these united Colonies, or the civill tise; for they government, or the publicke Ordinances of God upon''°^hat ^ therein (unlesse it be by answer to some question they would propounded to him, or conference with any Elder, ^°^ "°to "s- or with any other licensed to speak with him pri- outforexecu- vately, under the hand of one of the Assistants) before that that immediatly upon accusation of any such wri- writing came ting, or speech, he shall by such Assistant, to whom i't"one\v^met°' such accusation shall be brought, be committed to the souldiers prison, till the next Court of Assistants, then and on the way to- ' wards us, with Commission to put us to the sword ; we shall desire to publish it by it solfe ; for we are willing to have it known, and we made answer to any thing in it, they could seem to object, when wee were araongst them. The Massachu. sets promised the people, that however they might not hear our writings read then among them, yet they should see them shortly in print, but Ihey put us to the labour and cost of it; else they cannot be content to have thera lie buried, but render them, and their dealings with us, in all places wher they come, to be other things then indeed they are. there 74 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. there to be tryed by a Jury, whether he hath so spoken or writ ten, and upon his conviction thereof, shall be condemned to death, and executed. 'Dated the 3°. of the 9°. Moneth, 1643. Per. cur. Increase Nowell, Secret. A Copie of the Charge. ^Amiicl Gorton, being convict as a blasphemous enemy lo *^the true Religion of our Lord Jesus Christ, and all his holy Ordinances, and also to all civill authority among the people of God, and particularly in this jurisdiction, as appeareth by wri tings and speeches. This charge being laid upon us, at the Barre before we heard of the censure (though they came as above in writing to us :) the Governour asked us, whether we bowed under it, and whe ther we would retract ; we answered and told thera (as in the presence of God) that the charge neither bowed no touched us at all, ior we were free, and farre frora being guilty of any such things, and for our retractation, we told them we came not there io deny our Religion, in any point of it, but to testifie and bear witnesse unto it ; then did they reade our censure, for our confineraent, as is above said ; and when the bolts and chains were made ready, they put them upon us, in the prison at Bos ton, that so we might travell in them to the severall Towns to which we were confined, some of us having fifteen miles, and some thirty to goe from Boston; only we were to stay till Master Cotten his Lecture day, and then were all brought to the Congregation in that our iron furniture, for the credit of the Sanctuary, which had set the sword on work to such good pur pose, and after that were with all speed sent away ; yea, some of us among the people that went from the Lecture, that so we might be a spectacle unto them. In which condition we continued a whole winter season ; in which time their Ministers stirred up the people in their pub lick Sermons to famish us to death, out of that place of the Prophet Zephany, 2. 10. 11. This shall they have for their pride, because they have reproached , and magnified themselves against the people of the Lord of Hosts ; the Lord will be ter rible unto them, for he will famish all ihe Gods of the earth, and men shall worship him, every one from his place, even all the Isles of the Heathen. Samuel Gorton having intelligence, from Boston, to Charles-Tov/n, to which he was confined ; that Master Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 75 Master Cotton preached from that text in the pro- ^ ^^ ^^^ ji_ phecie of Zephany, and how he applyed the doc- berty to speak trine from it to have all necessaries with-held from °i" write to El- him, telling some eminent members of the Church, ^a7he°Mrgi"- that if they either went unto us, to visit us, or sent strates lyoen- unto us, to minister to our wants, the curse of God se offence, or lay not any stumbling block 27. before our brethren (">) ; we villifie not that sacrifice once offered up for all (>=). That our ministery g Ze?A '12 ¦ 8 ¦ ^"^ ""^ *^ reprehended (f). Or that our our min- h Psal. 276.' '^'^'T ^6 not blemished, ior so the word is (momos) i Psal. 78. that is we can acknowledge no sacrifice, but onely k°a slmhs ^^^^^ ^^*^^ ** without either superfluity or defect; 3. ' ' and in that day the feeblest in lerusalem, is as I Sam. 18. 7. David s; A King •¦, a leader ', a valiant ivarrier^, a Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 79 a sweet singer in Israel ', and ihe house of David j ^^^^^ 33 j as God, or as the mighiies (for the word is plurall) yea as the angel of the Lord before them; " every m Zech. 12.8. one is as the angel or messenger of the Lord, be fore the rest of the congregation, or as the angel of the Lord before (him) as the word will also beare, that is to say, as the messenger of the Lord, like unto his servant lohn, io prepare or make ready his way before him ' for the mes senger of the Lord, and he onely knows how to ' ^"^- 3- 1- bring down the highest mountain, and how to lift "*' up the lowest valley, and that only is a high way ^ j^.^j^_ j _ i.^ for the Royalty of our King to passe upon " in Luk. 3. 5. 6. the wildernesse. And this is a glory that the world cannot receive, neither can it give it ° : and it is " -'o*" !¦*• our rejoycing that we borrow nothing frpm the j^j^ ig_ gg world, nor stand in need of any thing it hath, to make the Gospel of God glorious, for it were better for us to die, then that any man should make our rejoycing vain, or emptie °- For it were not full in Christ, 0 1 Cor. 9. 15. if we borrowed any thing of the world, which were death to us to think of; what is our rejoycing then, or our re ward, when as the whole world affordeth nothing at all unto us ? verily this that when we preach the Gospel, we make it free, p which could not be, if it laid claim pi Cor. 9. 18. to any thing ihe world hath in ihe publication of it self; for then by the Law of relations, the world might lay unto, and challange something from (it) which were to bring the Gospel into bondage. But as the Lord Jesus wrought that great work of reconciliation freely, so as the world could chal lenge nothing of it at his hands at all, so is that word of reconciliation, to whomsoever it is commit- q ^^'"'•^- ^^• ted '^, published freely, so as ihe V}orld can chal- q^^' lenge nothing of them at all"; So that the servant r'Mat. 10. 8. of the Lord is free from all men, though he makes himself servant unto all, that he might gain the ^^„^°''- ^gg^' more. ° Thence it is that he abuseth not his au- j p°J!' g' ig ' thority in ihe Gospel but keeps his power unspot ted '; vihea the world can require nothing at his 1 1 Cor. 9. 18. hands ; hereby shewing also the transcendencie of that kingdome, wherein his authority is exercised, beyond the kingdoms of' this world which must borrow one of another, else cannot be glorious in the height of glory concerning the things of this life ; therefore had Solomon himself Gold, Silver, Ivory apes, and 80 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. u 1 Kin. 10. and peacocks, brought from other nations to aug- 2 GAr 9 21 nient his glory''. But he that is greater then Solo- X Mat. 12. 22. mon " beauiifieth himself with none of the things y Mat. 8. 20. of this life i", t.hough he had right to them all, ^ that z*Rom 4 13 ^° '^^ might make it manifest that his Kingdome is 14. not of ihis world, " therefore gives charge unlo his Gal. 4. 7. disciples, that as they had freely received, so ihey b Mat. 10. 8! ^1^°^^^ freely give: ^ ior by how much we injoyn people lo contribute unto us for preaching the Gos pell, by so rauch we proclaim, that we have given v; lob. 35. 7. 8. unto God for what we have received of him, ° and d Mat. 5. 19. teach others : so to do, ^ namely to bring sorae pre parations, operation, orfitnesse to receive his grace, which is as far frora man to attain unto, as it was to prepare and fit himself for his creation at the first, ^ so e Gen. 2. 7. that the benevolence of the Saints in coraraunica- ting of the things of this life, is no part of ihe glory or beautifying of the house of God; for then a wicked man might adde somewhat thereunto, nor shall the glory in the least measure be diminished, when these things shall have an end. But it is a declaration of their vilification of the things of this present life, as things of no account or reckoning, when they come into competition with the well being of the Saints; and as these things are consumed, and turned into fieri/. 9. 24. ashes. Upon that golden altar, ^ so doth there ascend up a perfumatory sacrifice of sweet savour nnto the Lord, ^ for according io our vilification ^ ' • ¦ ' of the things of this life, so is our valuation of h Col. 3. 11. '^* Lord lesus, who is either all or none at all in Ephes. 1. 23. our estimation and account, and if he be all ^, then he that gathereth much of the things according ,i 2 Cor. 8.15. unto man hath nothing over, • or above him that hath the least, and he that gathereth little hath no k 2 Cor. 8. 15. lack ^ or falls short of hira that hath the raost, for the one, and the other consume them in the act of the present supply of their necessity, knowing that if they keep thera, in making any account or reckoning of them, for the time to corae, they presently putrifie and corrupt '. if 2(f ' ^^' ^^"''^ ''^'^ parable therefore, that there is that in ¦ ¦ the heavenly Manna that the rebells may eat in mJohn 6. 5.8. the wilderness and die eternally ™, as wel as that which whosoever eateth shal never die, but live for n John 6. 58. ever ", yea there is a seed to be sown in giving away Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy, 81 away to another, as well as food to receive for the nourishing of our selves ; and he that sows sparingly in that shall reap sparingly °, yea he that knows not how to minister carnall things, cannot have spirituall things minis- o2 Cor. 9. 56. tred unto him p, no more then a man can keep his j^^.^^ ig 37. sinne, and have the righteousnesse of Christ also, "^ q 2 Cor. 14. These onely therefore that in giving and receiving 1^. 16. know how to perform all in the sarae act, as the ^ , „, „ .. 7 , •. • J .,1 J ,. rZiuA. 21.2. woman m casting her two mites into the treasury, 3^ ^_ and out of deep povertie can see the abounding of the riches of liberality ' ; Such can perform an ac- s 2. Cor. 8. 2. ceptable service to 'the Lord; but such as onely exercise theraselves in piece mealing of the things of God, and the things of man, to serve at times and turns, for advantage, and reserve the rest, this is as the cutting off of a dogs head, or the offering of swines blood in the house of God * how ever else where they may be done with- t Isa. 66. 3. out any such abomination, the Saints therefore de pend not upon neither desire the worlds benevolence, knowing wel what their mercies are in the winding up, " nor can they expect from them ought else, bufaFrov.\0.\% 7 7 • • > •, J 7- ^ "e was gon, with the Captain and Nanhyganset. Master Wylbour, upon Benedicks refusall ; I stayed their return, and their agreement was to have Pes secus (^) go into the Bay, and Master Williams was necessitated to put himself Hostage till his return ; this news coming into the Bay did so vex the Ministers, that Mas ter Cotton preached upon it, that it being so wicked an act to take Master Williams with them, being one cast out of the Church, It was all one as to ask counsell of a witch, and that those that did it, were worthy to die; upon which Master Wylbour was ready to die, for feare he should be hanged ; so then the Indians went down, and they compelled ihem to cease warres with Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 101 with Unkas '' and to pay them five hundred pounds *> That is, the for charges of Court, and provision for Soul- '^^to^le^^their diers ", and to leave foure of the chief Sachims Sachim My. children, till the money be paid, and to leave foure antonomy, of his chief men till the children came, and to pro- '''"'° ^? ^'^^ • ., „ 77.,.." received a mise. ifiem not io sell any land without their con- ransom for his sent : •• this being done they came home again, and life- sent a man to tell me what was done, telling me l^^^l Z°c^a- that if the Lords in England help them not, they suit how to are like to suffer at present, but still they say they <="t them off, are not afraid of them, but onely give them their I'J"' Sou'diers J J 1 1 iriT,, they had rai- demands, rather then to war, before the Lords hear sed up for that of it, that all may see they mean no hurt to English, purpose. but will submit to the Lawes of England, conclu- ^ Thus to get ing it IS but lent, it will corae home with advan- their land, ei- tage both to their wisdome and profit. Pessecus ther to people hath been often with me to desire me lo inform you l^'"'''! "'''°'" /. 1 , . . , , . •' . they please, or or these things with great desire to see you again, else to get oc- Thus in haste 1 rest, casion to go Your ever-loving friend °"' "S^inst This 20* of November 1645. J W. "''" "'^""- Thus have we given a true report, and made a faithfull rela tion, as briefly as we could, of what passages have fallen out betwixt the people of Providence plantations, and the rest of our countreymen inhabiting about them, which we have sensi bly felt, and our families are now pressed under, laying it unto heart, and seriously taking it into consideration, hath not onely occasioned, but necessitated some of us to be here at this pre sent with the consent of many others, according to our bounden duty, and allegeance, to present the truth hereof to this State. LONDON the 14'" oi lanuary 1645. Here coraeth a letter to hand, was written in the time of our confinement, Sz lying in bolts, &l irons in the Massachusets, oc casioned by one of our wives, she hearing doctrine delivered (in that part of the countrey where she was driven with her chil dren) questioning the truth of it, writ to her husband to desire his thoughts of it; it was gathered from Mat. 24. 29. & allu ding also to Heb. 12. 26. 27. for the explication of it, the sub stance of the doctrine was, that such a time of reforraation, & restauralion of the church of God, here on earth, was coming, the 102 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 1 _. ^_ the glory whereof should darken the Sun and Moon, & cause the stars to fall from heaven, that is, saith he, make the Apostles doctrine &; order of the Churches in those dayes to appeare as darknes in coraparison of that light vvhich should now appeare, shewing also, that the ministery of the Apostles vvas that vvhich might & should be removed, that a more excellent glory might be brought in, and remain, concluding that the ministery of the Apostles, was but a ministery of witnesse, but one should here after appeare having the presence and reality of that which they but onely witnessed, and gave testimony unto. Here followeth a true copy of the answer given unto ihe things propounded as above, in way of satisfaction, how we are to think of such kind of doctrine', which the world is so taken up with, and seems to stand in such expecta tion and hopes of. ^Oncerning that point you writ from Mat. the 24 29. as also ^Heb. the 12. 26, 27. Namely, that the Apostles ministery, was a ministery of witnesse, we readily grant ; but that it was on more then a ministery of witnesse, we utterly deny, for it had not onely witnesse, but judgement also of condemnation and ab solution in it, therefore the Apostle saith, God shall judge you according to my Gospel; for the Apostles are not, but through the Spirit of the iSonne, who is that faithfull and true wit nesse, yea, and the judge of all, also; and higher then his min istration (who comes out of the bosome of the Father) we look not nor ever desire to go, Therefore we onely confesse him, who is, and ivho was, and who is to come, and therefore reject such a Gospell as professeth such persons, times, and ministra tions past, as never shall corae again, and such persons, times and ministrations to come as yet never were, as a cunning de vice and sleight of Sathan to beguile the soules of raen, either to stand in expectation of things io come, or else in admiration of things^ past, whiles in the mean time they are kept void of faith, which gives being unto the things, yea even at ihe present time ; otherwise it is but to know persons and things after the flesh, but hencejorth know we no man after the flesh, no though we haye known Christ lesus after the flesh, yet henceforth know we him no more. And for the Sun being darkened, to be the ministery of the Apostles becoming dark in respect of a greater light appear- Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 103 ing, ive may in no case allow ; for the Sunne there spoken of, is that Sunne of righteousnesse, a greater then which shall ne ver appear, but when the crosse of Christ (spoken of in that Chapter) is evidently set forth, and declared to be that which indeed it is ; then is that sunne of Righteousnesse, that is light in itself, turned into darknesse, in all the men of ihe world, even as the Saints, which are darknesse in themselves, become light in the Lord; for as the wicked turn the truth of God into a lie, which is truth in it self, and ever will be, so they transform light of the Lord into darknesse, which in it self is light and can never be darknesse : the Moon also, whose time is to appeare, and her place to have dominion in the night, shall not give her light, she shall fail in her oflice to shine, waxe, waine, and to set bounds to times and seasons, that is, the wicked shall see themselves deprived of all hope to attain to a change, time or season, which shall alter their wofull con dition, or remove the wrath of the Lord from ihem, yea in their looking back to the changes of their life before, wherein they have thought themselves so well exercised, the Moon in that respect shall be turned into blood (as loel speaks in the same case) all tiraes shall afford them nothing else but to see how they have been practising the shedding of that innocent blood, even jrom the blood of Abel, whom his brother slew in the field, where they were exercised in ordinary imployments, in the things of this life, unto the blood of Zacharias slaine (between) or in the middle of the temple and the altar, even in the very height of their worship and ordinances, so much stood for at this day. Nothing but such manner of light, or such a "time or season (shall that light of heaven) the times and changes which they have passed through afford unto them, yea the Starr es shall fall from heaven, even cease to afford their various glories and lights, yea that day starre shall never give notice of that day springing from on high to visit them, or ihe rise of that Sunne of righteousnesse, with healing under his wings, nor shall their severall operations, and vertues yield any refresh ment unto these terrene h sublunary things, that is, all those severall glories, and various vertues and operations that are in that bright morning star the Lord lesus, and in those seven starres which he holds in his right hand, they shall all fall off, and lose their lustre, light, and influence, in and towards the earthly sonnes of Adam, as though they had never been ; for as the rejoycing of the lamp of the righteous is a putting out and cessation of all sinne and sorrow, even so the putting out of 104 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy, of the candle of the wicked, is a cessation, and utter demolish ing of all the vertues and excellencies of Christ unio them, as though they were not at all, nay more then so, for as the sinne and miseries which men are by nature subject unio, are made through the wisdome of God, a meanes whereby we see the height and depth, yea all the dimensions of ihe love of God do appear unto us, so are the excellencies that are in lesus Christ, made (through the wisdom of that serpent) means of torture &f torment to the wicked for ever, even as the excellencies of these visible heavens ivould be a greater torture to man to lose them then if he had never seen or enjoyed them; and thence it is, that the powers of heaven are shaken or the dominions of heaven ; for every thing in the heavens hath its Lordship, the Sunne hath dominion of ihe day, the Moone and the starres; the do minion of the night; the Sunne hath Lordship in shining, when the Moon bides her face; but not in setting bounds to times and seasons ; for the Moon hath Lordship in that, but not in affording vertue and influence to herbs fy plants, for the stars have power and dominion in that, yea every starre hath its particular power and vertue, yet can they not water the earth. The clouds have their dominion in that, yet cannot they serve man to breathe in ; the aire hath dominion in that ; so it is in the heavenly powers oj our Lord. Christ, whatsoever is in him hath its dominion, so as all the rest have not their glo rie without it, so that whatsoever is declared in the Kingdome of heaven it is the first and the chief and all the rest do serve to make up all its power or chieftie, so as all the Elders cast down their crownes before it; all the excellencies that are in Christ Jesus, as love, wisdom, righteousnes, holines power fy glory, all things in him have dominion and power, &, all these heavenly powers whatsoever are shaken, that is removed out of their places, not to appeare in them any more, for the plaCe wherein God declared his image at the first, in the beginning was man; but when the crosse of Christ is truly declared, then are all these heavenly powers shaken out of man, yea, removed out of that proper place given unto them in the beginning; therfore it is said, immediately after these tribulations, or immediately with these tribulations, (as the word wil also beare) that is, the preaching of the crosse and these things are inseparable ; no marvell therefore, that whenever the crosse is preached, the champions of that man of sinne come out against it, striving to retain their god; ior as it would be to nature in things of this life lo see all chief powers and heavenly bodies so shaken, as io remove Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 105 remove them out of their place for ever ; the very thoughts whereof are dismal to the mind of man ; so, & infinitely raore is it to the soul of a man lo have the excellencies &f noble powers and dominions of God removed out of his heart where he placed them in the act of his first creation, are so that the ex cellencies of Christ, are ever shaking and ever removing out of iheir place in the wicked, that the height of their torment may ever appear and reraain : for these things are shaken and re moved in them, through the wisdom of the Serpent, that those things that cannot be shaken, naraely, the wrath and vengeance of God may remain; even so it is in the godly, their sins and miseries are ever shaking and removing out of their proper place, that those things that cannot be shaken, namely, the grace and righteousnesse of Christ may remain for ever ; there fore the voice of the Gospel shakes both heaven and earth, in that place alluded unto in your letter Hebr, 12. 26, 27. allu ding both to Mount Sinai, and Mount Sion, so that the word yet once more declares a double removall, yea, and that of things that are made ; for man ivas made in the image of God, yet the wisdome of the Serpent removed this iraage, that mans righteousnesse which is nothing but abomination in ihe sight of God, might ever remain. So also Christ was made sin, but the wisdome of God removed this sin in the very act of his being made so that the righteousnesse of God might remain and abide for ever; and then, and then onely shall or doth appear the signe, or the miracle or wonder of the sonne of man in heaven, in those clouds of, witnesse, or in that cloud of witnesses ivith power and great glory, so as all earthly kindreds shall mourn and wail before him. Even so Amen. Now the signe or won der of the Son of man is this, that God made hira a world of life at the first, for he breathed inio his face, ihe breath of lives, (as the word is) for the life of all the world was in him ; and yet this world of life is become nothing else but a world of death in the wicked, and no life of God j'ound in them at all; so is that son of man in the second Ad.am made a world of sinne and death, and yet this world of sinne and death is be come a world of righteousnesse and life unto the godly, and no sin nor unrighteousnesse of man found in them., for never was guile found in his mouth. Even so. Amen, and this is the signe or miracle of the Son of man, which the world knowes not of, and therefore hath so many empty conjectures what it may be thought to be, gazing up into Heaven after it : when as it is come down unto us, and they know it not, Rom. 10. 7. 8. Thus 106 Simplicities Defense, against seven-headed Policy. Thus have I given you ray thoughts as brief as I could con cerning what you propounded unto rae, and blesse the Lord that you rainistred occasion to look into the text. However we are set apart as a forlorn people in the eyes of, ^ by the world, yet doubt I not, but our God hath singled us out for other ends and uses, who hath put us into the Lie of Palmos, or among the nation of the dead, or deadly, (as the word signifies) to re veal unto us the great mysteries of his Kingdome, that we may declare unto those ihat now be here, how to have their hope in God, ^ that it may be told unto our childrens children that no ble work that he hath vjrought Jor us in our Lord Christ, who is over all, God blessed for ever Amen. Your loving husband in bonds, and yet free, Samuel Gorton. J 107 A Post-script. Divers Letters were written to friends in answer to questions, and resolution of Scriptures, which now are not at band; otherwise we are very free to publish them to be seen of all, that the wise hearted might iudge of what our spirits and practises rellished, and how they were iraployed in the tirae of our durance araongst these meoy that were so eagerly minded to make us blasphemers, that so they might take away our lives, as a part of the glory, and beautification of their Religion. Only we desire the Readers pains to take a view of one other Letter, in answer to a friend, who seemed to be troubled about that Scripture, in lohn 6. 53, verse, what the meaning of it might be, desiring resolution therein, since we arrived in Eng land. The words are these. Then lesus said \into them, verily, verily, I say unto you, ex cept ye eat the flesh of the sonne of man, and drinke his blood, ye have no life in you. tN these words consider, first the occasion of thera. Se- -¦-condly, the summe of them, and thirdly the parts. First for the summe, it is a divine sentence exclusive, of all men, from the life and spirit of God, save only such as doe eat ihe flesh of the sonne of man, and drinke his blood. Secondly, the parts of them for order sake are foure. First tbe occasion of this sentence, in these words, then Jesus said unto them; secondly, the confirmation of this sentence, laid down in these words, verily, verily ; thirdly, the manner of the sentence, contained in these words, 1 say unio you, fourth ly, the sentence it selfe, excluding all from the life of God, such only excepted as doe eat the flesh of the sonne of man, and drinke his blood. For tbe first, which is the occasion of this divine sentence ; that Vol. IV.— No. 6. 25 108 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. that is, the reasonings within themselves, which the Jewes had in the operations of their naturall hearts, upon the delivering of this manner of doctrine unto them, even by the sonne of God himselfe, implyed in this word (Then) looking back upon the verse immediately going before, from which Christ takes occa sion lo utter this sentence ; whence we observe. That the word of God takes occasion, to utter and make it selfe manifest, even from the naturall reasonings, and argumentations framed in mens minds; though they are not the cause, yet they are the occasion of the manifestation of it, even as the truth, righteous nesse, power, and authority that is in God, breedeth occa sionally, feare, terrour, jealousie, and wrath, in mens hearts and minds, though these excellencies that are in God, are no proper cause hereof, but onely an occasion, without which they would not be ; For if there were no Iudge, ihe Malefactor would not have terrour ; even so, the very naturall reasonings of mens hearts, are the occasions of the manifestation of the word of God in us, but no proper cause of it, for the cause is only in God himselfe ; but without such reasonings, and Char- acteristicall impressions in mans mind, the word of God could never have been implanted, written, or translated in us, whereby we come to have the argumentations, and conclusions oj sonnes of God, and not simply, or meerly of creatures in our minds, being once enlightned by him who is God, and the Father oj lights, where ever it appeareth : So that the soule of man is of farre greater subliraiiie, and naturall excellencie in its creation, then any other creature under heaven ever .had vouchsafed unto it ; So that there is an utter impossibility that any creature should receive the impressions of God, but man alone. This is a large field to walk in, for according to the variety of the reasonings of the mind of man by nature, which is set forth in all those wayes, wherein men have walked, and mani fested themselves in this present world, such is that wonderfull Epistle of lesus Christ, in the various writing and expression ef it in the souls, hearts, and lives of the Saints that are in light through lesus Christ; instance in one for all, the spirit of a naturall father reasons thus, if my child ask bread (to supply matwre in the suppressing of hunger) I cannot put a stone into his mouth, (that were cruelty) but bread; if so be that I have it or can procure it; if the child ask fish, the father cannot put a serpent into his bosome to bite and sting him, but somewhat to cure and refresh hira, if he have it. Now do but change this argument into the way of Christ, and let God be thefa- ther^ Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 109 iher, and my self the child, and then is God, not man, the fa ther ; the bread heavenly and not from the earth ; the writing, reasoning or argument, divine and eternall, not huraane and lertiporary ; and so the reasonings and dictates of our spirits are translated into the arguments and dictates of the Spirit of God, and the arguments and dictates of the Spirit of God are trans lated into a mind and spirit that speaks the very same things naturally in it self, though onely in a way of death, through its naturall ignorance, that now it speaketh in that way of life, through that light and knowledge that is in the Lord ; and thus, Christ by sinne condemnes sin in the flesh : for by those rea sonings wherewith we justifie our selves naturally, through that ignorance that naturally is in us, by the very same arguments and reasonings we condemn our selves, and justifie the Lord, through that light and knowledge we have in him by lesus Christ. 2 The second thing to be observed, is the certainty of this sentence laid down in the form of an oath, verily, verily, that is, so it is or so it shall be, as if he should say Amen, Amen, so it is and so it shall be without alteration or change, and in that the word is doubled, it is for the certainty of the thing, as loseph said of Pharaohs dreame, and of no lesse certainty is all true exposition and interpretation of holy Scripture, whatever meri may dream as Pharaoh did and knew not the meaning of if, and speak at uncertainties not being resolved whether things raay come to passe now or then, or fall out to be thus, or so in the things of God ; for the same spirit of truth and certainty, that gives the Prophesie, Proverbe, Parable, and advise, that records the History, or gives sentence divine, must also inter pret, expound, and declare the meaning thereof; else is the Booke shut and sealed up unto us ; great folly therefore to con clude of certaintie of Scripture, and of no infallibility in the in terpretation thereof; For no more then we know the truth of an interpretation, no more doe we know the truth and certainty of any History, Prophesie, Proverbe, or Parable, which is pro pounded unto us, but take things upon report, as we doe other Chronologies of this world, having only the traditions of men for ihe ground of our worship of God. The third thing, is the manner of pronunciation of the seti- tence, 7 say unto you, or as the word is, I say (in) you ; the word used here, translated (i say) signifies such a saying as a iudge speaks upon the Bench, when he gives sentence in a ¦cemse, upon due proofe and evidence, which stands fast in Law,being 110 Simpliciiies Defence, against seven-headed Policy. being irrevocable ; such is the saying and speech of Christ, the truth tvhereof can never be altered; and whereas he saith, / say unto you, or as the word is, / say (in) you, it signifies that what ever the Saints utter in point of Religion, it is, and raust be, the voice of the Sonne of God, and not of themselves; so that as he suffereth in thera, else can hee have no death at all, and then no Saviour ; even so he speaks in them, or else hath no voice, nor language at all ; and therefore without thera, no Revealer of the will of his Father ; for where Christ is silent, there can be no Revelation ; therefore is he the word, or ex pression of the Father ; and what he saith of hira, he saith it in them : therefore he saith, I say in you, as in that very Epis tle, or writing, wherein I expresse my self in the Father unto the world, for my Father and I are one. The fourth thing to be observed, is the sentence it selfe, ex cluding all from the life of God, such only excepted as doe eat the flesh of the sonne of man, and drinke his blood; wherein observe five things briefly, first why he is called the 2. Sonne of man, secondly, what is meant by his 3- flesh and blood in this place ; thirdly, what we are 4. to understand by eating and drinking; fourthly, 5. what is meant by life in this place ; and fifthly how we are to understand, that exception or liraitationr seeing That of our selves we are not able to thinke a good thought, how can we then performe such a weighty worthy, and unknown action, that is no lesse ihen life it selfe, in the doing of it. For the first, viz. why he is called the Sonne of man 1 Answ. Not only, nor properly, because he had a soule and a body as all men have, which indeed was good in the creation, and so man is called the sonne of God : But he is called the son of man, because he is so pro duced and brought forth, as none can be, but such as proceed of man alone : Nor can he be a Saviour, but in way of such production and son-ship, for Christ in respect of his death (without which no Saviour) is brought forth and produced no other way, but only in, and by man; for there is no death to be heard of in God, nor can he bring forth or produce of hiraselfe, any thing that is deadly, for he is that Fountaine of life ; yea, lije it selfe, in the abstract ; nor can it be proper, or corapeti- ble to the Sonne of God, to be brought forth in his death, in any. No, nor in all other creatures in the world, but only in man ; for as no other creature in the creation was made in the Iraage Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 1 1 1 Image of God, but man alone, so no other creature in regard of degeneration, can beare the Iraage of death and hell but man alone : Therefore it is that Christ is said, io descend into the lower-most parts of the earth for our redemption, which is wrought in us, or in our nature only ; Therefore he saith, thou wilt not leave my soule in hell, neither wilt thou suffer thine holy one to see corruption; therefore of necessitie must he be brought forth, in respect of his death by man alone. The second thing to be observed, is, What is g meant by flesh and blood 1 Answ. By flesh in Scripture, sometimes is meant, that which our Lord, or any of his were never nourished, nor in the least refreshed by ; and that is the Arrae of flesh, which is a curse to all them that strengthen themselves by it in the things of God ; for in that sense, shall flesh and blood never inherit the Kingdome of God ; nay adde further, in that sence it is true. That if you live after the flesh, it is death, which is to live according to the wisdome, skill, strength, study, and fore-cast, about the things of God, that a creature (raeerly as be is a creature) is able to produce and bring forth, which is to live according to the wealth, power, and honour of the creature, whose goodlinesse is as the flower of grasse that withereth, consumeth, and is brought to nought ; for the best thing that is in it (which is his wisdom) is enmitie with God, for it is not subject to the Law of God, neither indeed can be. But second ly, we are to understand by flesh, that weaknesse, frailty, and imbecillity of man, when he is deprived, and laid waste in him selfe, of all created glory, which is only then, when the spirit of the Lord blowes, or breathes upon him ; and so becoms nothing in himselfe but weaknesse and infirmity : And in this sense the Prophet saith ; Now the ^Egyptians are men, and not God, iheir Horses flesh, and not spirit : So saith the Psal mist in the same sence, my flesh also resteih in hope, that is my weaknesse, and tired out condition, hath rest, and strength in an other, though not in my selfe ; for hope that is seen is no hope, so that my nature affords no such thing, but only that na ture to which I am united : And in an other place. Thou art a God that heareth prayers, and unto thee shall all flesh come, that is, thou art strength, and able to supply abundantly in all things, for thou art God, and we bring nothing but weaknesse and infirmitie unto thee, for unto thee nothing but flesh comes ; and so the Sonne of God is truly said, to be made flesh, that is weak 112 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. weak and frayle, in regard of our nature which he tooke, or (as a continued act) takes upon hiraselfe. Againe, by blood is here meant the life, spirit, and power of the Sonne of God, as he descends from the Father, even as the vigour, life and spirit of the creature runs in the blood, in the heat thereof: such is the life, spirit, power, vertue, and vi gor of the sonne of man, as he is of the life, descent, and power of the Father frora above, and so is God blessed for ever Amen ; and in this sence is blood taken by our Apostle, where he saith. This is he that came by tvaier and blood, that is, by weaknesse and strength, not by water only, but by water and blood ; that is, not by weaknesse only, but by weaknesse and strength, that is, weaknesse in us, or in our nature, but power in God, or in that nature divine; so is he said in the like sense, to be crucified in the flesh, but quickned in ihe spirit ; and so is it also said. That what the Law could not doe, in that it was weake concerning the flesh, yet the Sonne of God taking upon him that similitude, and by sinne condemned sinne in the flesh, that the righteousnesse of the Law might be- fulfilled in us, that is, even as he became flesh in us, so doe we becorae spirit, and life in hira, which is the fulfilling and perfection of the Law. The third thing observed is, what it is io eat this jlesh, and to drinke this blood! Answ. Is that as it is in the body of a man naturally in that respect, even so also it is in that mysticall body of Christ spiritually ; for if a man should eat, or communicate in (as the meaning is) only in food for the body, and not take in moysture, or drinke, for the digestion thereof, it is the destruction of the body, because moysture, as well as heat, must be maintained, those being the two Radicall humours ; else doth the Lampe goe out, and-^ is extinct ; yea, meate without moysture doth suffocate, and choak the spirits, to the surfetting of the body, and so becoraes the over-throw of it, which otherwise would maintaine and uphold it. Againe, if wee should take in only drinke, without meat, upon which it operateth, and worketh, then doth the moysture presently overflow to the quenching of the heat, and so breedeth either some dropsie in the body, to the sinking and overthrow of it in that way, or else it fumetb up into the head, and breeds raadnesse, and giddinesse in the brain, unto all foolish, wanton, and lascivious wickednesse: Even so it is in that mysticall body of Christ: And hence it is said Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 113 said (by an elegant allusion) to eating and drinking naturally) that we eat the flesh of the sonne of man, and drinke his blood; that is, if we eat or comraunicate with that weaknesse and frailty which is naturally in man, and which the Sonne of God assumed and tooke into unity with hiraselfe, without alike drinking in, or communication with, that spirit and life ivherein he visits us, and comes into our nature from on high {even out of the bosome of the Father) then doe we surfeit, &; suffocate the spirit, and die in our selves, and in our sinnes, and so also, if we neglect that weaknesse that is in us (as though no such thing were) and dream of a high and spirituall estate, which doth not arise out of, and is the result, (through the wisdom of God) of that weaknesse that is in us, then doe we either sinke in our folly, and become sottish in the things of God, being drunke up only with the things of this naturall life, else are we puffed up, and become giddy in our selves, thinking we know something, when as indeed we know nothing as we ought to know, but are meerly, and vainly puft up in a carnall, aspiring, proud, vaine-glorious, and fleshly mind. So that to eat the flesh, and drinke the blood of the Son of raan, is to comraunicate in the things that are of Jesus Christ, both as he is God, and as he is man, and to hold the unity of strength and weaknesse ; that is, how he is made weak in taking our nature, and so car ries and bears our infiraities away for ever (he being that scape- Goat, whose office it is so to doe :) And also, how our nature is, thereby made strong and mighty, through that strength of the Sonne of God, in whom we find no infirmity, but are fur nished with his power everlastingly, so that death which is na turally in us (as we are the sonnes of men) is swallowed up of ihat victory and life, which is in him, as he is that victorious, and eternall Sonne of God, and without a sutable correspon dent, and hermonious feeding of these two, as in one indivi duall subsistance, we cannot have life in us, no more then our bodies can be sustained by meat without drinke, or by drinke only without meat : and that is the fourth particu- 4 lar, else we cannot have life in us, that is, we can have no life, spirit, or breathings of the Sonne of that living God in us : For as the body without the soule is dead, so also ihe soule without the life, and spirit of the Lord lesus is dead, and as the body lives not without meat and drink, beate and moysture, so the soule lives not without communicating alike, in this strength and weaknesse, or in this life and death, which is in the Sonne of God, who dies concerning the flesh, but is quickned 114 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. quickned in the spirit, and the spirit of God proceeds ever from these two, when ever it utlereth it selfe, in ihat lively Oracle or speech, from off ihe covering Mercy-seat, ii is ever from between these two Cherubims, and never speaks evidently, what perillous times are in the last dayes, but only as it pro ceeds from these twain, that is, from a dying unto the flesh, and a being quickned in, and living unto the spirit, by which life, spirit, or breath it ever preacheth, from the dayes of Noah. tven untill now, both in our selves, and by our selves to others ; lor as it is a Maxim, that the spirit proceedelh both frora the Faiher and the Son, so is it here, for the flesh, or infirmity of Christ is the Faiher, &. the spirit or power is the Son, as he is brought forth in that way of his death, without which he had never been a Saviour, and the Spirit or power is the Faiher, and the flesh is the Son, in as much as he brings forth life in this death, without which he had never been as he is man, in respect of that life, by which hee liveth ihe life of God, never to dye any more, so have we eating and drinking raade one in that way of the jaith of the Son of God, without which we cannot live the life of that Saint or holy one of Israel. 5 The fifth particular in this point is, how it can be said, that we eat this flesh of the Son of man, and drink his blood; in which consider two things, first who are meant in that he speaks plurally, except ye eat, &c. Secondly, '' how we can be said to eat and drink in such a high nature, see ing thai we of our selves cannot thinke a good thought, much lesse performe such an act as this. For the first, who are meant in that he speaks in the second person plurall. Ye. Answ. It is not properly to be understood, as being meant of man and man, no not as of Saint and Saint, but of one Saint as he consists of a two-fold nature, according to that faith of the Sonne of God ; so is it, Yee, that is, every one that is in Christ, and so through those precious promises, or gracious Covenant, is made partaker of that nature divine ; yea, who ever is one of those children that have flesh and blood, of which the Sonne of God also tooke part with them, namely, they that are partakers of those two natures by faith, that are in Jesus Christ, lo every one of those this is spoken, as to such as are eaters, and drinkers in this case ; for Christ as he is God, feeds upon nothing but our infirraities; that is, strengthens him selfe in point of our salvation, with nothing but our frailties and jojperfections, and so of weak becoms strong, yea of an abject, the Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. 115 the Lord of all. For he in no case taketh hold on Angels, that is, of any power or excellency in the creature to deliver us thereby, but only on the seed of Abraham (a Pilgrim and stranger in the Land) he taketh hold; that is, on our weak nesses, and imperfections, and out of ihem he brings his owne power and strength and other food the Sonne of God never tooke into unitie, nor digested, to gather strength unto himselfe by. Againe, as he is man he drinketh the blood, that is, takes in, or receives that blood, life, spirit, and power of God, whereby he is inabled to doe all things, according to the pur pose of his will, and other drinke he never drunke, as he is man ; for our poor nature is of that vast emptinesse, that nothing but the fulnesse and power of an infinit and al-sufficient God, can possibly supply and perfect it, and so there is a compleat eating and drinking, which is that full satisfaction and nourish ment, that can be found in none, save only in the Sonne of God himselfe, for it is a weaknesse of that nature and latitude, that nothing can supply and make up but God hiraselfe; and it is a power of that fulnesse and perfection that can take nothing into unitie with it selfe that may be thought to adde any thing (no not in the least) unto that strength and vigour that is in God ; for then it were not an Almighty power of God that saves us. And so it is ( We) that eat and drinke, that is. We, humane nature and divine ; for in eating, the word eats up, and con sumes our infirmities, and so there is a plurality in the act, not only of natures in that one act, but of eating also in sundry kinds and wayes ; for as our infirmities are multiplyed, and that aptitude that is in us to fall, such is the multiplication of that restoration which is in that good word of God ; it is ( We) also in drinking, that is, our vast emptinesse, drinks and takes in that fulnesse, power, and spirit that is in the word of God, in which we are expressed and made manifest to be the sonnes and daughters of God, and in that mutuall eating and drinking our life, strength, and comfort doth consist. The fifth particular, how it is said (that we doe eat) that are not able to doe any thing ; alike answer is to be given to this as to the former, when he saith, Yee, he means not only divers men, but he meaneth every one as considered, in him, who is not only of man, but also of God ; so that if we speak of man separated from the Word of God (which hath sufficient power in it selfe) we misse of the meaning, and of the mind of God, and so of that communion or eating that is in the faith of Jesus Christ ; 1 16 Simplicities Defence, against seven-headed Policy. Christ; and if we speak of God divided and separated from man, we comrait the like errour, and are in the sarae default ; but we must hold and maintain the unity of them both, in that way of faith in the Sonne of man, then is there power and ability, both to eat and to drink, even as there is power and ability in the Heavens and the earth, united in their operations, to bring forth fruit plentifully, which worke cannot be done, if either of them were set apart, and separated one from the other : So that the word of God is made strong through our weaknesse, that so it may appeare and make manifest it selfe : and our weaknesse appears, and is acknowledged through that word of God, that so all may be given unto God, and he raay be all in all ; so that it is (Yee) as raan considered, in and with the power and spirit of God, in which he is inabled to doe all things, and not ( Yee) as considered one man, in and with an other, for so all flesh is grasse, surely in that respect the people is vanity. o. G. FINIS. SAMUEL GORTON'S LETTER TO JVJtTHAJSriEL MORTOJV. WARWICK, June ZOth, 1669. [MSS.] Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol. IV.— No. 7. Nathaniel Morion I Vnderstand that you haue latly put forth a Booke of re cords, whether of Church, or State I know not, perticuler or vniuersall, but this I know that I am vniuslly inrouled be cause I was neuer free nor member incorporate in your body or any of your territories, Therfore I may not refraine to make a short returne only as it concernes my selfe ; And first concerning your peremtory iudging of one you know not, for I am a stranger to you. Besides that, your vn derstanding reacheth not, the things wherin God excerciseth his people, * with wishes of better things in you and all men, I must giue you a true description of *l ^°^- your vnderstanding from the apostle Jude verse 10 ; therfore I have no railing speech to returne, or ludgment of blasphemy (as the wordes are) either to seeke any revenge of my selfe, or to comply with any such spirit I dare not ; but I dare not but 'comply with the spirit of the apostle in this his saying The Lord rebuke thee, " Jude ; " J"<'e Know that all our contention is about the body of ^^^' Moses, as Moses hath respect vnto all Israel being King in Jesburun Moses as a deliuerer out of bondage, Moses as a con ductor of Israel through the wildernesse, Moses as imbodied in the law, and the law in Moses, in and about this body stands all our strife ; Whether this body is to be vnderstood carnally or spiritually, whether Pharisaically or apostolically, whether according to Antichrist which is the law of workes, the misterie of iniquitie, or according to Christ which is the law of the spirit the mistery of God, in this easel contend concerning the whole body of the holy scriptures against the Deuill in the whole body of Anti christ, which takes the word and law of God humanly and not spiritually, hipocritically to make merchandise of the word and not apostollically to spend themselues and be spent for the flock of God; Antichristianly to multiply and make themselues strong to persecute & kill the poore weakling and such as haue no of man at all, and not Christianly that plentifully feeds the hungry refresheth the weary without any respect of persons either 4 Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. either iu the vppermost seates in the synagogues gold ring on' the hand, or gold in [the] bagge, of which carnall Anticliris- tian and Diabollicall spirit I say with the prophet the Lord re- proue thee, O Sathan, euen the lord that bath * Zech. 3:2 chosen Jerusalem reproue thee* and such as are plucked as brandsout of that Satanicall fire though " 1 John they be branded by a whole world that are of that s : 15 wicked one " as the apostle himselfe was siigma- t Gal 6 : 17 tized f yet we know that God standeth at the right hand of the poore and skillfully performes all their " Psalm 109, workes in them & for them, " It is also most apa- ^'^ ¦ ^^ rant and plaine that Sathan himselfe standeth at Isay : 26 the right hand of cruell and dissembling hipocrites whether Doeg or Judas by whose craft and power , p^^, . jQg they prosecute all their desighnes and enter- 6 ; prisesf , My second word concernes your eminencie in assuming au thoriiie to Canonize and put into the ranke and number of Saints such men when they are dead which in their life lime were persecutors especially you hauing acknowledged thera lo be such your selfe,. As also to thrust downe under your feet and make as bruit ueastes hauing only hope in this present life, such as are knowne to be fearers' of God worshiping him in stantly day and night, Though they be not acknowledged to be such by some perticuler sectaries as your selfe, for you are no Orthodox Christian because you deny the whole and compleat word of God to be concerned in the present state of the Church of Christ, but haue chosen a part of it only to concern your present profession therfore a seclarie and no Catholique Chris tian, for such as hold a teraporary word, they hold a teraporary worship, and such as hold a teraporarie worship they hold a tJohn 1 1- temporary God, for god and his word areone,t and if you worship a temporary God my portion is not with you, for if you chuse but sorae part of the word to be your rule then you chuse but a part of Christ for a Saviour, for the whole word of god is nothing else but a description of Christ, and if you diuide Christ you make anullity of him, but this your teachers cannot know though it be " Hah : 1. 5 told them " Therfore that which you charge upon me returnes into your owne bosome, and raore if more may be, for you hold not only a temporary state of raan- kind, but a temporary word also, which made man and all things, yea a temporary god which is the greatest Athisme that Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. 5 I know, and of such sectaries I passe little to be iudged or by man's day f But for these things you + 1 Cor : 4. 3 : seeke to besmeare [ me ] with which returne iustly upon your selfe, mine aduersaries shall be my iudges where any sparke of hmanitie remaines ; I haue often wondered in my younger dayes how the Pope came to such a height of arogancie, but since I carae to New England I haue perceiued the height of that tripple crowne, and also the depth of that Sea, together with the multitudes that flock together through the one and the other under the vizard of the ascention and descenlion of Christ whence such things arise, and not from the personall presence of Peter, but from corrupting the apostoUicall Doctrine, bending and bowing it to comply with corrupt Auarice, pride superstition and vaine imaginations of the minds of men, setting vp their gods at Dan and Bersheba (if you understand the etimologie of the words) and the glory apearing there is no other but that which the leuiticall priests carue below the mount of God, forming it of the eare and heart iewels of the egiptians, adorning carnall Israel who turne back in their hearts into tbe house of hondage, whence they were deliuered ; yea I see and feele that Idolatry hath an illirahted originall, and that Antichrist that did work doth now worke and shall worke so long as men are inhabitants vpon the earth without intermission, yea that carnall and Popish interpretation of the fifth monarchic shall not hinder him but incourageth the men to play the part of the Deuill, that being a maine piller to set him vp, kindling his rage against the Saints of god that cannot conforme to his tyranie ; of like effect is your carnall opinion of the calling of the naturall Jewes, and bringing in a certaine fullnesse of the gentiles ; A third word I haue to say concernes your office of record, mistake me not, I medle not with your records further then they concerne my selfe, do not wrest my words as once they were in a letter taken in pieces, and what was plainly exprest to be spoken of the Clergie, was aplied to the magistracie to make me obnoxiouse among men, and when the truth apeared it was professed that it was done by a reuerend Diuine, before the State of England, who got no honour there by that ; who euer he was ; deale fairly with me as I shall do with you and all men, I then affirme that your record is fetched further then Cape Cod, namly from him who is a Iyer from the beginning and a murtberer also; and truth he aboad not in, nor can he abide it, ind I take it to be the highest point of murther, to strike Vol. IV.— No. 7. 26 Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. strike at the life of the Soule, which life is the Spirit of Christ, which I professe to liue by, and account all other I Gal. 2: 20 life nQt worthy the name of life with respect unto that,! ' Your record therfore comes from farre with an intent to kill Abell that Cain's offering may be in your highest esteeme, yea your Record ariseth out of the bottoralesse pit, the sraoake whereof is as a stifling fog of darknesse in your booke. It is vn- iruly recorded concerning Pliraouth's government dealing with my selfe, for it is a false record that conceales many passages that were acted, and falsifies things expressed, A difference be tweene Mr Ralph Smith and ray selfe was not the ocation of Pliraouths dealing with rae, I say Mr Ralph Smith as you please to call hira, but why is not your Canonization not exer cised upon him, he was your ancient pastor and of my knowledge as pure and precise in your religion as any of you all. What was he not rich enough, or was be not honourable enough, or had neither himselfe nor his poets made verses enough to bring him into the ranke. What a wofull neglect was that, yet I neuer knew it before that without poetrie we cannot be esteemed holy and honourable ; neither gray haires nor pastorall charge will bring vs into holy order no not so much as to be numbred among the Chemariras Qf you had recorded truly you should haue made report of Plimouths dealing with me had bin their threatning of a widow one Ellin Aldridge whom they said they would send out of the CoUony as a vacabond by sorae of your inferiour officers, when as nothing was laid to her charge, only it was whispered priuatly that she had smiled in your congrega tion, whervpon it may be the Church grew iealous that she did not well like your Doctrine and graue pollished Church order. And she hauing bin a woman of good report in England and newly corae ouer, being carefull of her credit she fled into the woods to escape the shame which was threatened to be put upon her, there remaining seuerall dayes and nights, at the least part of the nights and absented her selfe againe before people stirred in the morning ; my speaking on her behalfe (she being then my wiues servant) was the ocation that Plimouths governraent tooke to deale with rae, whervpon they called rae to a Court more priuatly held to examine me, and one of them inlarging vpon a point agravating the matter more then it deserued, I said he spake hyperbollically whervpon they asked your Elder then present, what was the meaning of that word, and he was pleased to expound it that I told the magistrate that he lyed ; and Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. 7 and this was the dealing with me, and accordingly they gaue their owne constructions of what I spake afterwards, only iu your Court raore publique the foreman of the jury (your Elders son Jonathan Brewster) befriended me so much as to moue the Court that I should not speake in my owne behalfe at all, and there was no Atourney to be had in those dayes that I knew of; But if all the figures that the Rhetoricians haue invented should be so interpreted as the Hyperbole was the comraon ministry might be ashamed of their exposition of the numerous places of Scripture, and if they lay these figures aside they know not how to bring the Scriptures into a gramaticall sence as God's proper intent therin, I wonder what language they will vtter in heauen when humane sense failes, for I am sure the deuice of grammer is not part of the holy tongue for it neuer entred into the heart of humane g. jq reasonf In the time of these agitations Mr Smith tooke offence at me whether of himselfe or instigated I know not, neither know I any ocation I gaue him, vnlesse it was because his ancient wife and others of his faraily frequented mine vsually morning and euening in the time of family exercises, and so did a religious maid liuing then with your teacher Mr Reyner, mistriss Sraith often expressing her selfe how glad she was that she could come into a family where her spirit was refreshed in the ordinances of god as in former dayes which she said was much decayed and allmost worne out of religion since she came to Plimouth ; In this offence taken by Mr Sraith he applied himselfe to the go uernment of Phmouth for help to breake his couenant made with my selfe, 1 hauing hired one part of his house for the terme of foure whole yeares, Whervpon I was perswaded to put the matter to arbitterment the men were apointed, my writings deliuered, as I Remember, John Cooke was one an eminent member of your Church ; who shortly after said the writings were comanded out of their hands by the Gouernour, insomuch that they could doe nothing to issue the matter, neither could I procure my writings againe vnto this day, least the iustice of my cause should apeare to any, but the Court proceeded to fine and banishment, together with sentence giuen that my faraily should depart out of my owne hired house, f within the space of fourteene dayes vpon the pe- gs " 30 nalty of another great summe of money (besides my fine paid) and their further wrath and displeasure, which time 8 Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. time to depart fell lo be in a mighty storme of snow, as I haue seene in the country, my wife being turned out of doore in the said storme with a young child sucking at her breast (the in fant hauing at that very time the disease called the measles breaking out upon it, which the cold forced in againe causing sicknesse neere vnto death) who had bin as tenderly brought vp as any man's wife then in that towne. And my selfe to tra uell in the wildernesse I knew not whither, the people comfort ing rny wife and children when I was gone with this, that it was impossible for rae to corae aliue to any plantation ; I say no raore of this now, though I can say rauch raore, with the testi monie of raens consciences, but I haue bin silent to couer other mens shame and not my owne, for I could wish to be a bond man (so long as I haue to liue vpon the face of the earth) in humane respects that all the agitations and transactions that haue passed betweene the men of New England and ray selfe were in print without diminution or extenuation without couert false dealing or painted hipocrisie ; It should be my crowne yea a diadem upon my graue, if the truth in more publique or raore priuate agitations were but in Prose though not in Poetrie, as it was acted in all the places wherein you seeke to l9-°23 bleraish rae, f I perceiue what manner of honour 24 & you put vpon rae in Rhode Island, which the ac- 31. 35 ters raay be ashamed of. and you to be their He- ' rauld to proclaime it, ' ciaue bin silent of things done at Pliraouth, Rhode Island and elsewhere, and ara still in many respects, but haue not forgotten them, for then I should forget the Sumpioms of the crosse of Jesus Christ, and I haue heard that sorae of Pliraouth then in place were instigators of the Island, I could name the parties of both places, being raetl together at Cohannet ; I caried my selfe obeidiently to the Go uernment of Plimouth, so farre as it became rae at the least, to the great wrong of my family more then is abouesaid as can be made to apeare if need require ; ffor I vnderstood that they had Coraission wherin authoritie was deriued, which authoriiie I reuerenced ; but Rhode Island at that time had none, therfore no authoritie legally deriued to deale with me Neither had they the choice of the people, but set vp themselues, I know not any more tha[t] was present in their Creation but a Clergie man who blessed them in their inauguration, and I thought my selfe as fitt and able to gouerne my selfe and family, and performe the office of neighbourhood, as any that then was vpon Rhode Island^ But such fellowes as you can bring men to the whipping post Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. 9 post at their pleasure, either in person or name, without fault committed or they invested with any authoritie ; Some of the men are liuing on Rhode Island still, tell them in print what I say and belye me not, my ancestors haue not bin so vsed, as the records in the Herauldry of England can testi fie f And I would haue you know that I had rather ^ ^"^l ^^' suffer among some people then be a ruler together with them, according to their principles and manner of manage ment of their authoritie ; Againe I affirme you to be a deceiifull recorder (remember my abouesaid word viz as it concernes my selfe, for I know whom I haue to deale with, to whom I will not giue place no not for an houre ¦(¦ In that you de- 245 dare that I have spoken words (or to that efect) that there is no state nor con[dilion] of mankind after this pre sent life ; I do verily beleeue that there is not a man woman or childe vpon the face of the earth that will come forth and say that euer they heard any such word come out of my mouth ; And I apeale vnto God the iudge of all secrets that there was neuer such a thought entertained in my heart, Therfore I do verily beleeue that it was hatched in the bosome of the proper author of that scrole ; I perceiue in this scandall yourendeauour is to make me apeare in the world as a bruit beast and not a man, by pulling vpon me the opinion of generall saluation (as it is called) which thing I hale,f la- ^"j king it to be no better then a beasliall opinion ; Yet I know what the apostle saith and I beleeue il namly, that Christ is tbe propitiation, or couer for our sins, and not for ours only but also for the sins of the whole world,f which word I shall neuer decline according to the ° " sense of the apostle ; but I am farre from vnderstanding it in the sense of the generallisls, who for ought I know by their Doctrine in the intent of it do exterpale and roote out all name and memoriall of Jesus Christ, and hold no more eminent Di uine or eternall nature then is in the elements or beginnings of all earthly and transitory things, which Elements or beginings the divine power hath Created and giuen a being vnto them, yet is not he or his nature the proper begining of thera, as Christ is the begining or head of the Creation of God, f for his headship stands not in any tempo- " ' rary or transient thing whatsoeuer, but in the eternall power manifest in that which in it selfe is temporary, naraly in our na ture ; and such as by doctrine seeme to strike strongly at sin, at 10 Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. at errours and adversaries of Christ, If they know not how to make that which they contend against to be the headship of Sathan whervpon all sin depends or is involued, either as he is the serpent a Dragon the heast or false prophet to bruise or crush that spawne or seed and giue Christ headship in euery perticuler in which all vertue consisteth as the seed of the woman, otherwise men may seeme to striue and contend against sin as things crosse their education, which is but a beating of the aire, and aplying phisick of no value, though they would be docters of the law yet know not what they speake nor wherof ihey affirme ; lam farre from that opinion you slander me with, ior I hold and shall through god maintaine, that he who takes vpon him lo be an interpreter of the word of God and brings not eternity into the thing or matter wherof he speakes, that man is a false prophet or interpreter of the word of God, and hides and couers Christ that he apeares not in the Church ; This is -Enigma to schoole diuinitie and carnall diciples, therfore it is like you will forbeare either to speake or thinke of il, yet it is as necessary to be opened as it is lo shut vp and inclose the whole law of God in one word,f you could not ^ ' ' haue clothed me wiih any piece of Sauls Armor that would haue fitted me worse then this scandall, and 1 know you haue many pieces therof among you, and of Goliah's also, therfore ioyne your terme of Athisme with this and take them both together to your selfe, for I know where one is the other is not absent ; Wheras you charge me with passion, I know not your meaning in that word, it is an ambiguous phrase, but through god's goodnesse 1 know the passion of Christ, and the aposdes ^ saying, that he fullfiUs the rest of his passion in his flesh,* and his being in a multitude of passions f ^foPnV ^'^^ '¦ know that Eliiah was a man of passions yet he was strong in prayer ; And here you extort a word frora me which I thought would haue gone in secret to the graue with me, for I neuer vttered it with my to any though my heart hath Recented it many a time, the 33 yeare is vpon expiration since I ariued first in new England, in which tract of tirae I have washed my face with teares day and night, in the ordinances of Jesus Christ ; as often, this word ouerslips me not I say as often, and oftener, then there are perticuler dayes according to mans account in so many yeares, vnder the scan- dalls, reproaches, Calumniations and wrongs, that the sons of Beliall haue put vpon mc, for no other thing in the truth of the matter Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. 11 matter (though couered with other vizards) but for my profes sion of Jesus Christ, yet haue not these passions bin in any im- bittered sowernesse of spirit, but from inlarged desires, when the thing desired hath bin presented, as in Joseph when he saw his brethren, and in Jacob when Rachel apeared vnto him &c f ) and I know they are reserued in a 5^. g " bottle of transparent glasse, and written not on the black lines of the oldnesse of the letter, but in the lines of the light of life, or newnesse of the spirit, and I well know that -God hath turned mens dealings with me into Schooles of learning (ouershooting them in their owne bow) as God did in that car nall and cruell act of Joseph's brethren that the glory might be in themselues and not in hira,t I ^"^. say learning farre better then your ministers haue bin educated in if they were well exarained ; What their vni- uersities haue bin thought of concerning any Nursaries of reli gion by such godly men as haue liued in former times, without whose labours the comraon ministry of the world would soone corae to nought, but such points as abate the glory of the world in way of religion they can bury in obliuion because they can not indure the crosse of Christ; I haue told you in this point a sraall part of ray passion, yet more then was my purpose to haue done. Scandalize me for it, and tell the world of it againe, and also of what I haue lost by it, and whilst you are calculating and summing vp the number of dayes contained in so raany yeares I will apeale vnto God the searcher of hearts as a wit nesse of the truth which I now write. Let me tell you thus much more that I write now in passion, for it dravves teares from mine eyes to see the nature of raan (which I my selfe by nature am) so euidently and perspicuously apeare in you, [fo]r he that writes or speakes of the word of god and cannot aply vnto him selfe (in a true sence) whatsoeuer is contained therin, he is no true minister of saluation but of condemnation, f But let this stand as a parable to you and your 26°' 27 • teachers, whilst you in the meane tirae vent your corrupting and Contagious poison beyond that they write of the basselisk which they say conveys it by his eye, but you con vey yours vnto that which you neuer saw, nor heard, neither can you vnderstand what it is if you be told f And wheras you say in your Records that I ara become a j .' Sordid man in my life, I tell you what I say of that and do you hide it from none, That I dare be so bold as to lay my conversation among men to the rules of humanity wilb any 12 Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. any minister araong you ; in all the passages of my life which God hath brought me through from my youth vnto this day, that it hath bin as comly and inocent as his ; according to pre sent ocations, so that nothing shall be couered nor painted ouer with hipocrisie, whose oxe or whose asse haue I taken, or when or where haue I liued vpon other mens labours and not wrought with my owne hands for things honest in the sight of men, to eat my owne bread. But these things are beneath my spirit either to speake or write, but you force me to Apollogize, ffor would any men thinke that the spirit of one man should be so audaciously impudent as to bring forth such lies and falsities, vnlesse he assume the name of legion as taking himselfe lo be many through his Canonizations ; 1 would say sorathing of the foundation of your Church at Plimouth if I thought it were not a matter too low to talke of, for when suit was made lo the Church in Holland, out of which your Church carae, to procure a disraission of a sister there to the Church of Pliraouth, though the Gentlewoman vpon ocation had bin in New England diuers yeares ; yet a dismission would not be granted, their preaching minister then with thera, I knew to be a godly man and was familiarly acquainted with him now aboue halfe a hundred yeares agoe, in Gorton where I was born and bred and the fathers of my body for many generations, who I hope neuer followed hipocrites to be brought into heauen, that only lead downe into Sheoll ; The ruling Elders when this disraission was earnestly sought for, as I take il were frenchmen zealously affected, the Church vnanimously being against a dismission, the Elders gave this ground and reason that they could not dis misse their sister to the Church of Pliraouth in New England, Because it consisted of an Apostatized people fallen frora the faith of the Gospell, and when through rauch iraportunitie a writing was procured properly of advice lo their Sister how lo carry her selfe araong them being already raarried there her husband being the Solicitor, whora you know I need not to narae. And I thinke you know after what manner the writing was read in your Church, by your ancient Elder part concealed and part expounded to the best, If you know not I doe, for I was then present. Now to haue this testimony or Assertion concerning the foundation of your Church by the raother out of whose belly you carae, raay be concidered, I thinke you can say little raore or lesse of the Church of Rome ; A fourth word I haue to say to your Pamphlet, concernes ihe Stuffe as you Sottishly and contemptuously call it, you raay Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. 13 may be ashamed to put pen to paper to publish anything lo the world in shew of religion not acknowledging the letter of the Scriptures but deriding it rather. What hath not the lord affirmed that he hath giuen Christ for a couenant of the people, and for a light of the gentiles ; Deny him then lo be the Coue nant, and deny him to be the light, what Blas phemies are these f And doth not the aposde ^"Jg • 8 • affirrae that we were kept vnder the law before faith carae ; What was that coraraing of faith but the comming of Christ,f therfore he saith in the ^ g . 5 . next words the law was our Schoolmasterlo Christ to convince such ignorant malignant Cauellers,f tGal:3; And what doth the Spirit of God make faith to 23.24: be in his description of it, f But that Hypostasis ^^ jj^br 11- i or Subsistance of things ; Which is that inseparable unity that is in Christ ; And for your derision of Sin to be the death of Christ, we beleeue the apostle (who affirmes vpon the solemne testimony of the Spirit of God,) that Christ was made Sin in vs, for so the word ought to be read, as apeares by the second member of the text or else the scripture answers not to its relative,! -^^"'^ ^^ affirme that " ' Christ was neuer made sin but in his dying to sin, and whosoe- uer denies that manner of death which is by sin, he denies that manner of righteousnesse which the spirit of God relates vnto it, which is the righteousnesse of god, and he that seekes another Righteousnesse wherby to be iuslified he shall bring nothing but filthy menstruous Clouts before God,f Which stuffe we abhorre ; what stuffe soeuer you °*^ " ignorantly make of the word of God, calling such things Alle gories which are the intent f of the holy word of god, ffor the rest of your expressions which you charge vpon vs, you falsly aply them, we neuer called Sermons of Saluation Tales, nor any or dinances of the Lord an abomination or vanitie, nor holy minis ters Necromancers ; we honour Reuerence and practise these things; therfore through guilt you falsifie our intent, but if any be not resolued of our meaning let him put his hand into his bosome and see whether it come not out leprouse. But know this also, vnlesse it be done the first and second tirae acording to the command, he shall neuer be found a fit messenger to de liuer Israel out of Egiptian bondage of the law, but rather to cary them into Babilon after deliverance wrought. And let such be called belchers out of babilonish bondage and cruellie, vnder the name of orthodoxus or orthodoxia, with many thanks- giuings 14 Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. giuings vnto their new formed gods who haue saved thera and deliuered them from all pernisious and destrucfive ™™ • wayes, f And howeuer you term me a Belcher out of Errours, I would haue you know that I hold my call to preach the Gospell of Christ, not inferiour to the call of any minister in this country, though 1 was not bred vp in the Schooles of humane learning ; and I blesse God that 1 neuer was. Lest I had bin drowned in pride and ignorance through Aristotles prin ciples and other heathen philosophers, as millions are and haue bin, who ground the preaching of the gospell vpon huraane principles to the falsifying of the word of god; in the ruine of men's soules (1 know what I say) yet this I doubt not of but ihat there hath bin as much true vse made of the languages iviihin ihis twenty yeares past for the opening of Scripture in the place where I liue, as hath bin in any Church in New England, I know the manner of your preaching very well ; When I was last in England through iraportunitie I was perswaded to speake the word of god publiquly in diuers as erainent places as any were then in London and also about London and places more remote, many tiraes the ministers of the place being hearers, and soratimes many together at appointed Lectures in the countrey ; I haue spoken in the audience of all sorts of people and personages vnder the title of a Bishop or a King, and was invited to speake in the presence of such as had the title of excellencie; and I was louingly erabraced whereuer I came in the word vttered, with the most erainent Christians in the place, and for leaue taking at our departure not vnlike the ancient custome of the saints vppon record in the holy scriptures. And I dare say as euident testimony of gods power going forth with his word spoken, manifested, as euer any in New England had publiquely and imediatly after the word deliuered the people giuing thanks to god that euer such [a ] word came to be vttered among them, with intreaty for stay and further manifestation, in as eminent places as are in England ; where my selfe did know that Doctors of note had formerly preached, and at that lime such as had more honour put vpon them then ordinarily preachers haue, who gaue me the call thither in way of louing and Christian fellowship, the like abounding in the hearers, Therfore I know not with what New England is leauened or spirited ; Indeed once in London three or four malignant persons caused me to be summoned before a Committie of Parliaraent because I was not a vniversity man ; I apeared and my acusers also, Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. 15 also, one of them a Schoolraaster in Christs hospitall, another or two Elders of independant or seperated Churches; who were questioned what they had against me, they said I had preached ; diuers of the Corarnitlie answered and said that was true they had heard me ; the Chairman asked my accusers what I had said, they said I had spoke of the Cherubims, but they could not repeat any thing, but they said they were sure I had made the people of God sad, but the sum of all their accu sation was brought out in a booke, which they said contained diuers blasphemies ; The booRe was only that which was printed concerning the proceedings of the Massachusets against my selfe and others; ffor these were children of the Jews who had corrupted themselues by false couenants with ^ the nations and could mutter perversnesse, | l^/j' Speaking part of the language of the three peoples but discerned not the language of the Jewes,* » Nehem: which I aply to independancie, Presbitrie and 13: 23: 24 Prelacie but they know not the Christian Ian- guage,f The honourable Committie tooke the Booke and diuers of them looked vpon it, and found no such thing there, as they ignorantly sugested. And though my ad versaries could say nothing but only vent their spleene crying out vpon blasphemie, yet the Chairman and diuers of the board Knights and other gentleraen questioned me about my call to preach, and other principal points of Religion, and I answered to all of them, according to my knowledge and conscience; Then my accusers desired Mr Winslow might be called forth, whom they had procured to apeare there whom they thought would opose me strongly with respect to that booke ; when he came out of the Crowd (for there was a multitude of people the place being spacious) he spake iudiciously and manlike, desiring to be excused for he had nothing to say concerning me in that place, his businesse with me lay before another Comraittie of Parliament, which gaue the table good satisfaction ; my answers and arguments were honourably taken by the Chairman and the rest of the Committie, and my selfe Disraissed as a preacher of the Gospell ; Shortly after eminent preachers liuing remote from London being then present; sent unto me kind gratulations for my arguments vsed, and answers giuen before that Committie ; Which act of that Committie I take to be as good an humane call to preach as any of your ministers haue ; And other call I know none they haue, when I do 1 shall respect them ac cordingly ; 16 Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. cordingly ; for in case they haue, you haue spent your tirae amonge thera very badly, that haue not learned to know and speake better of the word of God ; And for a humane call, I lake mine to be as good as the Degrees in Schooles, or to passe vnder the hands and cere monies of a tiiuler Bishop, or vnder the naturall hands of a lituler Eldership, or to haue the call of a people by the power of Stipend, or contribution, without one of which no Contract, both parties are not agreed, all which I count as huraane at the best ; And do not you Vpbraid vs (as some among you haue done) as not hauing the word of God with vs, because of our Paucitie, / thinke those they call Quakers are as many as you, but 1 thinke ihem neuer the better for iheir mul titude ; nor the Papists who couer that part of the earth called tGen- 10 Christendome, it hath euer bin the way of the 8.9. 10 world to make it selfe great by multitude, f But Hosea 7 • 11 Christ stileth his flock to be little and his Disci ples were few.* Isay 30 1. 2.3. A fifl word 1 haue to say, is iu that you send the Deut 7-2 I'eader to a booke printed by Mr Edward Winslow for a more full and perfect intelligence ; Mr Win- • 1 Chron. glow and my selfe had humanlike Corrispondancie 1 C 1 Q . J ' ^ ' in England, and before the honourable Committie which he referred hiraselfe vnto, as aboue, and not to wrong the dead, 1 saw nothing to the contrary but that 1 had as good ac ceptation in the eyes of that Coramittie as himself had, although he had a greater Charter, and a larger Comraission out of these parts then my selfe then bad, and howeuer he was a man of more eminent parts then ray selfe, yet the goodnesse and jus tice of ray cause did equallize my selfe vnto him, in those oca tions both in the mindes and demeanures of our Superiours ; I do professe, I do not know or remeraber any perticuler in that Booke he then put forth ; for since tbe publishing therof I haue allwayes had ray thoughts excercised about things of better and greater concernraent ; I saw it in London but read little of it, And when I carae ouer into these parts ray ancient acquaintance and freind Mr John Browne dis coursing with rae about those affaires in England told rae he had read such a booke printed or put forth by Mr Winslow 1 told him I had seene it but read very little of it ; Mr Browne you know was a man aproned among you, and elswhere (for ought I know or euer heard) whereuer he came ; an As sistant in your Gouernment, a Commissioner for the vnited Collonies Samuel Gorton's Letter to Nathaniel Morton. 17 Collonies Sic who thus spake vnto rae in our Discourse, I will not pervert nor alter a word of the will or words of the Dead ; I say he afirraed thus vnto me. That he would maintaine that there were Fortie lies printed in that booke. And I doubt not but Mr Brownes word or Judgment in his time would have and taken booke, Therfore adde thy writing vnto it if any sparke of humanity be left to informe your readers of the truth of things, or else take it to your selfe that you are he that goes about to seduce and corrupt the minds of men with lyes and falsities. And there I leaue you. Only one whisper in your eare viz. if you find any thing in this present writing wherby you can glorifie your selfe, or put shame vpon me (which is the scope of your scurrilous paraphlet viz so farre as it concernes my selfe) let me heare of it, either by pen in manuscript, or from Presse by print, and I doubt not but I shall raake returne more fully then this paper expresselh ; for I was in suspence whether this was worth an answer ; per me, Samuel Gorton. Warwick June 30th 1669 ; COMMISSION OF KING JAMES THE SECOND TO June 3, 1686. MSS. Vol. IV.— No. 8. 27 Force's Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol. IV.— No. 8. i CV II !• V 5j The Second by the grace of God King of England Scotland France and Ireland defender of the faith Sic. To our trusty and welbeloved Sr. Edmund Andros Knt. Greeting whereas the Goverment of that part of our Territory and Dominion of New-England hereafter raentioned is now in our hands and being minded to give all protection and incuragement to our good subjects therein and to provide in the most effectuall manner for their security and wel fare. Wee therefore reposing; espetiall trust and ConstituofSr. CA ¦ .u J J T 1. Edmd. Andros confidence in the prudence courage and Loyalty j^, j^^ q^ t_ of you the said Sr. Edmund Andros out of our Genii. &Govr espetiall grace certaine knowledge and meer motion m Chief have thought fitt to constitute and appoint. And by these presents Do constitute and appoint you the said Sr. Edmund Andros to be Odk Capt. Generall and Govr. in Chief in and over all that our Territory and Dominion of New-England in America Commonly called and known by the name of Our Colony of the Massachusets Bay, Our Colo ny of New-Plimouth, and Our Province of New- hampshire and Maine, The Narraganset country otherwise called the King's Province with all the Islands rights and members to the said Colonies & Territories in any wise appertaining And for your better guidance and direction wee do hereby re quire and command you to do & execute all things in due manner that shall belong unto the said office and the trust wee have reposed in you according to the severall powers. Instructions and authory- ties mentioned in these presents or such further power instructions &; aulhoryties as you shall iherewith receive, or which shall at any time here after Commission of King James II after be granted and appointed you under our . Signet and signe Manuel! or by our order in our Privv Councill and according to such reasonable Laws and statutes as are now in force or such other as shall hereafter be made and established within that our Territory and Dominion aforesaid Oaths of Alle- And our will & pleasure is that you the said Sr. ff"^^ "^g^vTn Edmund Andros having (after your arrivall in New- Mutualiy by England and publication of these our Letters pat- the (Jovr. and tents first taken the Oath of Allegience together couneii. ^jj[^ jj^g Q,^|.jj ^j- ij^]^, executing the office of our Capt. Generall and Govr. in Chiefe of our said Territory and Dominion (which our said Councill there or any three of them are hereby required au thorized &L impovi'red to give and administer unto you) You shall administer unto such of the Mem bers of our Councill as well the Oath of Allegiance as the oath of the due execution of their places and trust And wee do hereby give and grant unto you Membera'^'"of '^^" P°^^'^ ^""^ authority to suspend any member the councill of Our Councill frora setting voteing and assisting for just cause therein as you shall find just cause for your so doing And if it shall hereafter at any tirae happen that by the death departure out of our said Terri tory or suspention of any of our Councellors or that otherwise there shal! be a vacancy in our said Five make a Councill any five whereof wee do hereby appoint Quorum , ^ ¦' •n n i . ¦' , rf to be a tiuoRUM our will it pleasure is that you signi.'^v the same unto us by the first oportunity that wee may under our signet and signe raanuall Justseavento constitute and appoint others in their roorae. But be and lo be that our affaires at that distance raay not suffer for chosen of Ihe ^yant of due number cf Councellors if ever it shall council where , .1.1 11 r , there is a va- h'TP^" "'^^ there are lesse then seaven of thera cancy tep'dent upon the pl.ice wee do hereby give and grant unto you full power and authority to choose as many persons out of the principall Inhabitants the.eof as will make up the full number of our Councill lo be seaven and no more which persons by vertue of such choyce shall be to all intents and purposes our councillers 'vithin our said Territory untill they bt confirmed by us, or that by nomina tion of others by us under our signe raanuall and Signet to Sir Edmund Andros. Signet the said Councill shall have seaven persons in it. And wee do hereby give and grant unlo Laws to be r 11 J .1 ¦ r_ J -.u .u J made by the you lull power and authority by and with the ad- qq^j. ^nd vice and consent of our said Councill or the Major Councill part of them to make constitute and ordine Laws statutes and ordinances for the publique peace wellfare good Goverment of our said Territory and Dominion and of the people and inhabitants thereof, and such other as shall respect thereto, and for the benefit of us our heirs and successors Agreable to which said Laws statutes &; ordinances are to England. be as neer as conveniently may be agreeable to the Laws and statutes of this our Kingdom of England Provided that all such Laws Statutes and or- To be trans- dinances of what nature or duration soever be mitted in 3 within three months or sooner after the making of ""* the same Transmitted unto us under our scale of New-England for the allowance or disapprobation of them, as also duplycates thereof by the next po^ertoraise conveyance And wee do by these presents give mony by the and grant unto you full power and authority, and Govr. & Coull. .11 1 • o r -A ir< -11 or mair. part With the aduice Si consent of our said Councill or the Major part of them to Irapose and assesse & rj,^ constitute raise and levy such rates and Taxes as you shall taxes for the find necessary for the support of the Goverraent support of the ... -im- jT-« •¦ fiv Govermt. Within our said lerritory and Uorainion ot iNew- England to be collected Levied, and to be employ ed to the uses aforesaid in such manner as to you and our said Councill or the Major part of them shall seeme raost equall and reasonable. And for the better support of the charge of the Goverraent of our said Territory and Dorainion our will and pleasure is and wee do by these presents authorize and require you the said Sr. Edraund Andros and our said Councill to continue such taxes and ira- positions as are now layed and Imposed on the in habitants thereof and to Levy and distribute or cause the same to be Levyed and distributed to those ends in the best and most equall manner untill you shall by and with the advice and consent of our Councill agree on k, settle such other taxes as shall be sufiicient for the support of our Gover ment there, which are to be applyed to that use and Commission of King James II and no other And our farther will and pleasure is Publique mo- that all publique raoney raysed or lo be raysed or byVhe^G^vTs! appo'nted for the support of the Goverment within warrant our sd. Territory and Dominion be Issued out by warrant or order from you by and with the advice and consent of our Councill as aforesaid And our Scale kept wiH and pleasure is that you shall and may keepe and use our scale appointed or to be appointed by us for our Territory and Dominion And wee do further give and grant unto you the said Sr. Ed mund Andros full power and authority frora time to time and at any time hereafter by your selfe or Oath of alle- ^7 ^"7 Other to be authorized by you in that be- giance given halfe 10 administer and give the Oath of Allegiance by the Govr. now established within this our Realme of England hiin^'iir^ au^ *° ^" ^"'^ every such person as you shall think thoriiy fitt, Or shall at any time or times pass into our said Territory or shall be residing or abiding there, Govr. & And wee do by these presents ordaine constitute court 'of re- ^"'^ appoint Our Govr. and Councill of our sd. cords Territory and Dominion for the time being to be a constant and sailed Court of Records for the ad ministration of Justice lo all our Subjects inhabiting within our said Territory and Dominion in all Criminall & Causes as well civill as criminall with full power In" civilT^ar ^"'^ authority to hold pleas in all causes from time tions reall per. to time as well in pleas of the Crown and in all Bonaii and niatters relating to the conservation of the peace and punishml. of offenders as in civill causes or actions between party and party or betweene us and any of our subjects there whether the same do concerne the realty and relate lo any right of ffreehold & Inheritance or whether the same do concerne the personalty and relate to matter of debt contract damage or other personall injury And also in all mixt actions which may concern the realty and personally And therein after due and orderly procedings and Deliberate heare- ing of both sides lo give judgment and lo award execution as well in criminall as in civell cases as Forms and aforesaid SO always that the formes of proceedings Judgmts.tobe in such cases and the judgment thereupon, be as consonant to Sir Edmund Andros. consonant and agreeable to the Lawes and Statutes ^^ consonant of this our Realme of England as the present state j°^g^ as^the and condition of our subjects inhabyting within our present state said Territory and Dominion and the circumstance °^ ^^^ P^^°^ of the place will admitt And we do farther hereby ^ °" give and grant unto you full power and authority Governor & with the advice and consent of our said Councill council to to erect constitute and establish such and so raany ^'f'L' courts courts of Judicature and publike Justices within f^j. jetermin. our said Territory and Dominion as you and they ing criminall shall think fitt and necessary for the determining "^ p'"'' ^'^' all causes as well criminall as civell according to ^"^equfty" ^"^ Law and equity and for awarding execution there- ••u 11 1,1 J Awarding Ex- upon, with all reasonable and necessary powers ecution authorities fees and previledges belonging unto them As Also to appoint and comraissionate fitt Fitt persons persons in the severall parts of our said Territory to ^° administer Administer the Oath of Allegiance unto such as iggiance shall be obliged to take the same. And wee do hereby grant unto you full power and authority to Power to con- constitute and appoint Judges and in cases requisite stitute judges ^-, . . 'J. J rp ¦ T .• r commiBsionors Commissionors 01 oyer and ierrainer Justices of ^^g^^gg ^f jug the peace Sherriffs and other necessary officers peace sherriffa and ministers within our said Territory for the & officers better administration of Justice and putting tbe j • ¦ . Lawes in execution and to administer such Oath jj^" ^^'"jl^ f^^ and Oaths as are usually given for the due execu- executing offi- tion and performance of offices and places for the <=.«^ *¦ '•' J""^'" cleareing of truth in juditiall cases And our farther will and pleasure is and wee do hereby declare that all actings and proceedings at Law or equity proceedings heretofore had or done, or now depending within & executions any of the Courts of our said Territory and all '" ^o"'* <=""- executions thereupon be hereby confirmed and ^™'^ continued so farr forth as not to be avoided for Not to be want or defect of any legall power in the said jeSctoflegall Courts But that all & every Juditiall actings power and au- proceedings and executions shall be of the same thority. force effect and vertue, as if such Courts had acted by a just and legall authority And wee do farther by these presents will and require you to perraitt appeales to be made in case of error from Appeale to our Courts in our said Territory and Dominion of Govr. & New Commission of King James II council in ci- Ncw-England unto our Govr. and Council in civell liceed 'Too" cases Provided the value appealed for do ex pounds secu- ceede the Summe of one hundred pounds sterling, rity by the ap- and that security be first duly given by the appeal- pealant. ^^^ j^ answer such charges as shall be awarded in case the first sentance shall be afferraed And whereas wee judge it necessary that all our subjects Appeale to ^^7 ^^^^ liberty to appeale to our Royall person the King from in cases that may require the same. Our will and the council pleasure is that if either party shall not rest satis- 300"" Tound ^^^ ^^''^ "^'^^ Judgment and sentance of our Govr. sterling. and Council, they may then appeale unto us in our Privy Council Provided the matter in The appeale differance exceed the reall value and Summe of iTf fortright '"^''^^ hundred pounds sterling and that such ap- after sentance peale be made within one fortnight after sentance. Security given ^°^ ''^^' security be likewise duly given by the ap- pealant to answer such charges as shall be awarded in case the sentance of the Governor and Council Execution be confirmed And Provided also that execution not to be sus. be not Suspended by reason of any such ap pended peale unto us And wee do hereby give and grant Govr. may ""'° 7°" ^"'^ power where you shall see cause and pardon offen- Judge any offender or offenders in capitall and crimi- dors capitall nail matters or for any fines or forfeitures due unto ^mitr'^&fes "^ ^" objects of our mercy to pardon all such of- may repreive fendors and to remilt such fines and forfeitures in treason. (Treasons and wilfull murther only excepted) in which case you shall likewise have full power upon extraordnary occasions to grant repreaves to the offenders therein, untill and to the intent our plea sure may be further known) And wee do hereby give and grant unto you the said Sr. Edraund Andros by your selfe your Captains and com- anders by you lo be authorized full power and &^.°^'^'inhab^ authority to Levy Arme muster command or im- tants against ploy all persons whatsoever residing within our pirats enimies said Territory and Dominion of New-England as & rebells occasion shall serve, them to transferr from one place to another for the resisting and withstanding of all Enemies Pirats and Rebells both at land and Transfer ^^^' ^'"^ ^o transferr such forces to any of our forces for the plantations in America as occasion shall serve for the to Sir Edmund Andros. the defence of ihe same against the invasion or at- defence of tempts of any of our enemies, and them if occasion pl'i'"tations shall require, to pursue and prosecute in or out of the liraets of our said Territory and plaintation or any of them. And if it shall so please god them to vanquish and being taken either according lo the Law of arms to put to death or keepe and reserve alive at your discretion. Also lo execute Martiall Govr. to exo- law in time of Invavason insurrection or warr and f"*". "}^' '^ <• ... . ,. , law m time ot during the continuance ol the sarae and upon invasion and Souldiers in pay to do and execute all and every "po" soldiers other thing which to a Capt. Genrll. doth or ought fp e^.'^gTe- of right to belong as fully and amply as any of our rll. Capt. Generlls. doth or hath usually done. And wee do hereby give and grant unto you full power and authority to erect raise and build within our Govr. to erect Territory and Dominion aforesaid such and so many °''^ forts, platformes, castles, citlies, burroughs and for- tifycalions as you shall judge necessary and the same or any of them to fortifie and furnish with Ordinance ammunition and all soartsofarraes fitt and necessary for the security and defence of our said Territory and the sarae againe or any of them to . ,,, , ,. / ,. ° , ¦' . And the same demolish or dismantle as may be most convenient to demolish And wee do hereby give and grant unto you the said Sr. Edmund Andros full power and authority to erect one or more Court or Courts Admirall within our said Territory and Dominion for the heareing and determineing of all Marine and other causes and matters proper therein to be heard and determined with all necessary power authorities fees and preuiledges. And you are to execute all powers belonging to the place and Office of Vice Govr. to exe. Admirall of and in all the seas and coasts about °"'^ fj"'!'' °^ „ ,. 1 r^ ¦ . vice Admirall. your Goverment according to such Commission authority and instructions as you shall receive from our selfe under the seale of our Admiralty, or from our high Admirall of our fforraign plantations for the time being And for as much as divers muty- nies and disorders do happen by persons shipped and iraployed at Sea, and to the end that such as shall be shipped or iraployed at sea may be the better governed and ordered Wee do hereby give 10 Commission of King James II Govr. to ap. give & grant unto you the said Sr. Edraund An- Thipsan'dcomf '^'°^ o""" ^^P*- Generall and Governor in Chief manders and full power and authority to consthule &; appoint grant them Captains Masters of Ships and other Coraraanders ex™'mar° ^nd to grant unto such Captains Masters of Ships tiall law upon and Other Comraanders Coramission to execute the mutineers &c. Law Martiall and to use such proceedings authori ties punishments correction and execution upon any offender or offenders which shall be mutenous seditious disorderly or any way unruly either at sea or during the time of their aboad or residents in any of the ports harbours or Bays of our said Territory and Dominion as the case shall be found to^hold'l)^lea"of t° require according to martiall Law Provided offence done that nothing herein contained shall be construed upon the sea to the inabling you or any by your authority to vers^''&c.' by ^^^'^ P'^^ o"" ^'^^^ Jurisdiction of any offence cause any in actall matter or thing committed or done upon the Sea, or service on within any of the Havens Rivers or Creeks of our actTng by 'im! said Territory and Dominion under your Gover- mediate'com- ment by any Captaine Commander Leift. Master mission from or Other officer seamen soldier or person whalsoe- Wgh^'^drnT- ^^'' ^''° ^''^" ^^ '" actuall servise and pay in and rail. on board any of our Shipps of warr or other Vessells acting by Immediate comraission or war- rent frora our selfe under the Seale of our Admiralty or frora our high Admirall of England for the time being. But that such Captain Commander Leift. Master officer Seaman Souldier and other persons But ha shall so offending shall be left to be proceeded against a^ainsr^^ty ^"'^ 'O'ed as the merrit of their offences shall require commission either by Commission under our great Seale of En- according to gland as the Statute of the Twenty eighth of Henry ftom th^e'hfgh "^^ ^'g'^' ^"^^^^^ °'' ^y Comraission frora our High Admirall 13 Court of Admiralty, according to the Act of Par ch : 2 : liament passed in the thirteenth yeare of the Reigne of the late King our most deare and most entirely beloved Brother of ever blessed memory entituled an act for the establishing articles and orders for the regulating and better goverraent of his Majesties navie ship of warr and forces by Sea, and not otherwise, saving onely that it shall and may to Sir Edmund Andros. 1 1 raay be lawfull for you upon any such Captaine or Power to the /-, . c ¦ 1 .• . . Govr. to sus. Commander reluseing or neglecting to execute or ^^^ comman- upon his negligence or under execution of any the Sers refuseing written orders he shall receave from you for our <"¦ neglecting servise and the service of our said Territory and " ^^^'^^ "' Dominion to suspend him the said Captaine or Commandor from the exercise of his said office of commander and comitt him into safe custody either Commit him on board his owne ship or else where at the dis cretion of you in order to his being brought to answer for the same by commission either under our great seale of England or from our said High Admirall as is before expressed. In which case our will and pleasure is that the Capt. or com- commaSder^ mandor so by you suspended shall during such his succeded by suspention and commitment be sucseeded in his fh® nex com- said office by such Commission or warrent officer of our said ship appointed by our selfe or our high Admirall of England for the time being as by the known practice and discipline of our Navy doth and ought next to succeed him, as in case of death sick ness or other ordnary disability hapningto the Com mander of any of our shipps and net otherwise You standing also accountable unto us for the truth and Importance of the crimes and misdemeanors Qovr. ao- for which you shall so proceed to the suspending countable for of such our said Capt. and Commanders Pro- fhe truth and VIDEO also that all disorders and misdemeanors ihe^°uspended committed on shoar by any Capt. Coraraander Leift. officers crimes. Master or other officers searaen Soldier or person whatsoever belonging to any of our shipps of warr Proviso for , IT I, ° • 1 • A- . _¦ • suchmiedemrs or Other Vessells acting by iramediate commission or jj„ shoare to warrant frora our selfe under the seale of our Ad- be tryed by the miralty or from our high Admirall of England for ^^^ °^ ^^^ the time being may be tryed and punished accord- ^ ^'^^' ing to the Laws of that place where any such dis order offences and misdemeanors shall be so com- uotwithstand- mitted on sheare notwithstanding such offender be ing the offend- in our actuall servis and boarn in our bay on board ^r be in actu- any such our Ships of warr or other Vessells acting anysuch ship by immediate commission or warrant from our selfe acting or \2 Commission of King James 11 or our high Admirall as aforesaid so as he shall not receave any protection for the avoiding of iustice for such offences committed on shear from any pre-' tence of his being iraployed in our servis at Sea. And wee do likewise give and grant unto you full Govr. & coun- power and authority by and with the advice and with the pfir ^°"^"'- °^ °'-"' s^'^ Councill to agree with the ters for lands plainters and Inhabitants of our said Territory and of the Kings Dominion concerning such lands tenements and heriditiments as now are or hereafter shall be in for^termV and °'^'' po^'^i" 'o dispose of and them to grant unlo any qittrentstobe person or persons for such terms &l under such appointed by nioderate quit rents services and acknowledgments us ajesiie. j^ ^^ thereupoii reserved unlo us as shall be appointed by us which said grants are to pass Grants under '^ ^® sealed by our seale of New-England New England (being entred upon record by such officer and offi- seale entred cers as you shall appoint thereunto) shall be good upon lecor ^^^ effectuall in Law against us our heirs and sue-' cessors. And wee give you full power h au- Govr & coun ^'^ority to appoint so many Faires Marts and mar* cill to appoint kets as you with the aduice of our said Council shall faires and mar- think fit As LIKEWISE to Order and appoint within boul-s""^ ^ ' °"'" s^'*^ Territory such and so many ports, Har bours, Bays, Havens and other places for the conveniency and security of shipping and for the better loading and unloading of goods and merchan dize as by you with the aduice and consent of our Councill shall be thought fitt and necessary and in them or any of them to erect constitute and ap- Custome. point Custoniehouses, warehouses and officers re houses ware- jating thereunto, and thera to alter and change officers toalter P'ace and displace frora tirae to time as with the or displace, ad vice aforesaid shall thought fitt. And above all things wee do by these presents will and command you to take all pessable care for the discountenance Vice discoun- of vice and incurageraent of vertue and good liveing tenanced jj^^j j^y g^j^j^ exaraple the Infidells may be invited & desire to partake of the Christian relidgion. And for the greater ease and satisfaction of our loving subjects in matters of Relidgion Wee do hereby will require and comraand that liberty of conscience to Sir Edmund Andros. 13 conscience be allowed to all persons and that such Liberty of espetially as shall be cenferraable to the rights of chTchoTEn- the Church of England be perticulerly counte- gland perticu- nanced and incuraged And for as much as pur- '<^rly encura- suant to the Laws and Customs of our Colony of ^ the Massathusets Bay and of our other Colony and Provinces aforeraentioned divers marriages have been made h performed by the Magestrates of our said Territory our Royall will and pleasure ^ ^ 11 1 • 1 n/r . Marnagescon- is hereby to confirme all the said Marriages and to firmed direct that they be held good and valued in the sarae manner to all intents and purposes whatsoever as if they had been made and contracted according to the Laws established within our kingdome of England And wee do hereby require and com mand all officers &. ministers civill and Millitary Officers civil and all other inhabitants of our said Territory and itSln7s'to Dominion to be obedient Aiding and Assisting unto be obedient you the said Sr. Edmund Andros in the execution aiding and as- of this our coramission and of the power and au- ^'^''"S thority herein mentioned and upon your death or po^g^g jg tj,^ absence out of our said Territory unto the Cora- commander in mander in chief to whome we do therefore by these cheife upon the presents give and grant to all and singular the "o^^s. death powers and authorities aforesaid to be exercised and enjoyed by him during our pleasure or untill your arrivall within our said Territory and Domin ion And if in case of such death or absence, -tj.. 11 -11 Where no there be no person upon the place appointed by commandr. in us to be commander in Chief our will and pleasure cheife appoint- is that the then present Council of our said Terri- ^ouncilP'^o tory aforesaid do take upon them the administra- govern. tion of the Goverment and exercise this Commission and the Severall powers and authorities herein con tained and that the first counciller who shall be ^'r^' coun- at time of your death or absence residing within '^^^°'^ '° ^^^' the same do preside in our said Councill with such power and preheminances as any Ferine president hath used and enjoyed within our said Territory or any other our plaintations in America untill our pleasure is further known or your arrivall aforesaid. MnXl Lastly our will and pleasure is that our commission Commission bearing date the seaven and twentieth 27th Sepr. 85. Day 1 4 Commission of King James II to Sir Edmund Andros. to cease frora Day of September in the first yeare of our Reigne t'hit!'"''"''" "^constituting our trusty and well beloved Joseph Dudley Siraon Broadstreet Williara Stoughton Esqrs. and others to be our president and councill of our Territory and Dorainion of New-England doe from the publication of these presents cease and becorae voide And that You the said Sr. Ed mund Andros shall and may hold execute and enjoy the office and place of our Captain Generall and Governor in Cheif in and over our Territory and Dominion aforesaid with all its Rights members and Appurtenances whatsoever, Together with all and Singular the powers and authorities hereby granted unlo you for and during our will and pleasure In Witness whereof wee have caused these our Letters to be made patients Witness our selfe at Westminster the third day of June in the second yeare of our Reigne. Per Breve De Private Sigillo BARKER T H F REVOLUTION I N NEW-ENGLAND JUSTIFIED, AND THE PEOPLE there Vindicated FROM THE ASPERSIONS Cast upon them by Mr. JOHN PALMER, In his pRETENnED ANSWER to the D E C L A R*A TION Published by the Inhabitants of BOSTON, and the Coufltry adjacent, on the Day when they secured their late Oppres sors, who acted by an illegal and arbitrary Commis sion from the late King JAMES. TO which is added, A NARRATIVE of the PROCEEDINGS o r Sir Edmond Androsse and his Accomplices. Who also acted by an illegal and arbitrary Commission from the late King JAMES, during his Government in NEW- ENGLAND. By several Gentlemen who were of his Council. Printed in the Year 1691. BOSTON: Re-printed and sold by ISAIAH THOMAS, near the Mill-Bridge. M,DCC,LXXIII. Vol. IV.— No. 9. 28 Forceps Collection of Historical Tracts. Vol. IV.— No. 9. TO THE READER. IT is not with any design or desire unnecessarily to expose the late oppressors of that good protes- tant people which is in JYew-England, that the au thors of the ensuing vindication have published what is herewith emitted. But the agents lately sent from thence could not be faithful to their trust, if when the people whom they represent are publicly (as well as privately) aspersed, they should not (either by themselves, or by furnishing some other with mate rials for such an undertaking) vindicate those who have been so deeply injured. As for Mr. Palmer his account, which he calls impartial, he has wronged JYew-England thereby, in some other particulars besides those insisted on, in the subsequent apology. For he does endeavour to make the world believe that the Massachusetts re fused to answer the quo-warranto prosecuted against their charter : Than which representation nothing can [4] can be more untrue or injurious. An account con cerning that matter hath formerly (and more than once) been made public, in the which it is most truly affirmed, ' That when the quo-warranto was ' issued out against the governor and company of the ' Massachusetts colony in JYew-England in the year ' 1683, the then King did by his declaration enjoin ' a few particular persons to make their defence at ' their own charge, without any public stock ; which ' shewed that there was a resolution to take away ' that charter : yet the governor and company ap- ' pointed an attorney to answer to the quo warranto ; ' but the suit was let fall in the court of king' s-henchy ' and a new suit began by scire facias in court of ' chancery, where time was not allowed to make de- ' fence. The former attorney for that colony brought ' several merchants to testify that in the time allowed ' (which was from Jlpril 16, till June 18) it was im- ' possible to have a new letter of attorney returned ' from JYew-England. The then lord keeper JVbrfA ' replied, that no time ought to be given. So was ' judgment entered against them before they could ' possibly plead for themselves.' By this the im partial reader may judge what ingenuity and veracity is in Mr, Palmer^s account. There is lately come forth another scandalous pamphlet, called JYew-England' s faction discovered. The author has not put his narae to it : But it is sup posed to be written by a certain person known to be a prodigy for impudence and lying. The reflection in it not only on JYew-England in general, but on particular persons there as well as in England, are so notoriously and maliciously false, as that it must needs be much beneath a great mind to take notice of such latralions, or to answer them any otherwise than with contempt. When we are treated with the buffoonry [5] buffoonry and railery of such ungenteel pens, it is good to remember the old saying, magnum contume- li(B remedium, negligentia. As for what Mr^ Palmer does in his preface in sinuate concerning the JYew- Englanders being com mon-wealths-men, enemies to monarchy, and to the church of England, that is such a sham as every one sees through it. There are none in "the world that do more fully concur with the doctrine of the church of England contained in the 39 articles, than do the churches in JYew-England, as is manifest from the confession of their faith pubhshed in the year 1680, Only as to liturgy and ceremonies they differ ; for which cause alone it was that they, or their fathers, transported themselves into that American desert, as being de sirous to worship God in that way which they thought was most according to the scriptures. The platform of church discipline consented unto by the elders and messengers of the churches assembled in a general synod at Cambridge in JYew-England in the year 1647, sheweth that they are as to church- government for the congregational way. The judici ously learned Mr. Philip JYye has long since evinced that no form of church-government (no not that which is episcopal) is more consistent with monarchy, or with the king's supremacy, than that of the way- congregational, which some will needs call indepen dent. But there are a sort of men, who call those that are for English liberties, and that rejoice in the government of their present majesties, king William and queen Mary, by the name of republicans, and represent all such as enemies of monarchy and of the church. It is not our single opinion only, but we can speak it on behalf of the generality of their ma jesties subjects in JYew-England, that they believe (without [G] (without any diminution to the glory of our former princes) the English nation was never so happy in a king, or in a queen, as at this day. And the God of heaven,. who has set them on the throne of these kingdoms, grant them long and prosperously to E. R. s. s. THE The REVOLUTION IN NEW- ENGLAND J IJ S T I P I E D. THE doctrine of passihe obedienCt and non-resistance, which a sort of men did of late. When they thought the world would never change, cry up as divine truth, is by means of the happy rtvolulion in these nations, exploded, and the as- sertors of it become ridiculous. No raan does really approve of the revolution in England, but must justify that in New-England also ; for the latter was effected in compliance with the forraer, neither was there any design among the people in New-England to reassurae their ancient charter-government, until his present majesty's intended descent into England, to rescue the nation from slavery as well as popery, was known to them (for indeed to have atterapted it before that would have been madness.) They considered that the men then usurping government in New-England were king James's creatures, who had invaded both the liberty and pro perty of English protestants after such a manner as perhaps the 8 The Revolution in Neiv-England Justified. the like was never known in any part of the world where the English nation has any government ; and the commission which they had obtained from the late king James was more illegal and arbitrary, than that granted to Dudley and Empson by king Henry 7th. Or than it may be was ever before given to any by king James hiraself, or by any one that ever swayed the English scepter, which was a grievance intolerable ; and yet they desired not to make themselves judges in a case which so nearly concerned them, but instead of harsher treatment of those who had tyrannized over them, they only secured them that they might not betray that country into the hands of the late king, or of king Lewis, which they had reason enough to believe (considering their characters and dispositions) they were inclined to do. They designed not to revenge theraselves on their enemies, which they could as easily have done as a thou sand men are able to kill one, and therefore when they secured their persons, they declared (as in their declaration printed at Boston in New-England is to be seen) that they would leave it to the king and parliament of England, to inflict what punishment they should think meet for such criminals. Their seizing and securing the governor, was no mere than was done in England, at Hull, Dover, Plymouth, 8fC. that such a man as Mr. Johjt Palmer should exclaim against it, is "not to be wonder ed at, seeing he was one of the governor's tools, being of his councd, made a judge by him, and too much concerned in some illegal and arbitrary proceedings ; but his confidence is wonder ful, that he should publish in print that neither himself nor sir Edmund Androsse, nor others of them who had been secured by the people in New-England., had any crimes laid to their charge, whereas the foresaid declaration emitted the very day they were secured, doth plainly set forth their crimes. And in the preface of his book he hath these words ; viz. ' We appeared at the council-board where ihe worst of our ' enemies, even ihe very men who had so unjustly imprisoned and ' detained us, had nothing to say or object against us.' — By these enemies he speaks of, we suppose he means those who were lately sent as agents from Boston in New-England ; he hath therefore necessitated us to inform the world, that the following objections (though not by his eneraies, yetj by those agents presented at the council-board. ' Matters The Revolution in New-Englafid justified. ' Matters objected against Sir Edmund Androsse, Mr. ' Joseph Dudley, Mr. Palmer, Mr. Randolph, Mr. ' West, Mr. Graham, Mr. Farewell, Mr. Sherlock ' and others, as occasions of their imprisonment in New- ' England. 1 ¦ Tt is objected against Sir Edmund Androsse, that he -^ being governor of the Massachusetts colony, after notice ' of his present Majesty's intention to land in England, issued ' out a proclamation, requiring all persons to oppose any de- ' scent of such as might be authorized by him, endeavouring to ' stifle the news of his landing, and caused hira that brought ' this king's declaration thither to be imprisoned, as bringing a ' seditious and treasonable paper. ' 2. That in the tirae of his government, he without form or * coloilrof legal authority made laws destructive of the liberty ' of the people, iraposed and levied taxes, threatened and im- ' prisoned them, that would not be assisting to the illegal levies, ' denied that they had any property in their lands without ' patents from him, and during the time of actual war with the ' Indians, he did supply them with amunition, and several In- ' dians declared, that they were incouraged by him to make ' war upon the English, and he discountenanced making de- ' fence against the Indians. ' 3. As to all the other persons imprisoned, they were ac- • complices and confederates with Sir Edmund Androsse, and ' particularly Mr. Dudley, Mr. Randolph, and Mr. Palmer ' were of his council, and joined with him in his arbitrary laws ' and impositions, and in threatening and in punishing them who ' would not coraply. Mr. West was his secretary, and guilty ' of great extortion, and gave out words which shewed himself ' no friend to the English. Mr. Graham was his attorney at ' one time, and Mr. Farewell at another, both concerned in il- ' legal proceedings destructive of the property of the subject. ' Mr. Farewell prosecuted them who refused to comply with ' the illegal levies, and Mr. Graham brought several writs of ' intrusion against men for their own land, and Mr. Sherlock, ' another person imprisoned, though not named in the order, ' acted there for some years as an high sheriff, though he was ' a stranger in the country, and had no estate there, during his ' sherievalty he impannelled juries of strangers, who had no ' freehold, in that country, and extorted unreasonable fees.' These io The Revolution in New-England Justified. These particulars were not only presented at the council- board, but there read before the right honorable tbe lords of the committee of foreign plantations on April 11, 1690. when Sir Edmund Androsse, Mr. Palmer, and the rest concerned were present, and owned that they had received copies thereof from Mr. Blaithwaite. It is true that the paper then read was not signed by the agents aforesaid, for which reason (as we under stand, nor could it rationally be otherwise expected) the matte? was dismissed without an hearing ; nevertheless the gentlemen who appeared as council for the New-England agents, declared, that they were ready to prove every article of the objections ; which shall now be done. 1. That Sir Edmund Androsse, with others whora the people in New-England seized, and secured did, after notice of his present majesty's intended descent into England to deliver the nation from popery and arbitrary power, to their utmost oppose that glorious design, is manifest by the proclamation printed and published in New-England, Jan. 10, 1688, signed by Sir Edmund Androsse and his deputy secretary John West, 'm which King James's proclamation of October 16, 1688, is recited and referred unto. Sir Edmund's proclamation begins thus ; ' Whereas his majesty has been graciously pleased by his ' royal letter bearing date the 16th of October last past, to sig-- ' nify that he hath undoubted advice that a great and sudden ' invasion from Holland, with an armed force of foreigners and ' strangers will be speedily made in an hostile manner upon his ' majesty's kingdom of England, and that although sorae false ' pretences relating to liberty, property, and religion,' &fc. And ' then he concludes thus ' All which it is his raajesty's ' pleasure should be made known in the most public raanner to ' his loving subjects within this his territory and dorainioii of ' New-England, that they may be the better prepared to resist ' any attempts that may be made by his majesty's eneraies in * these parts, I do therefore hereby charge and command all ' officers civil and military, and all other his majesty's loving ' subjects within this his territory and dominion aforesaid, to be ' vigilant and careful in their respective places and stations, and ' that upon the approach of any jleet or foreign force, they be ' in readiness, and use their utmost endeavours to hinder any ' landing or invasion that may be intended to be made within ' the same.' 2. And that they used all imaginable endeavours to stifle the news of the prince's landing in England, appears not only from the The Revolution in New-England Justified. 1 1 the testimony of the people there, and from the letters of those now in government at Boston, but from the deposition of Mr. John Winslow, who affirms that being in Nevis in February 1688, a ship arrived there from England with the prince of Orange's declaration, and intelligence of the happy change of affairs in England, which he knew would be welcome news in New-England, and therefore was at the charge to procure a written copy of that princely declaration with which he arrived at Boston about a fortnight before the revolution there. He concealed the declaration, from Sir Edmund, because he believed if it came into his possession, he would keep the people in ignorance concerning it ; but intiraation being given that Mr. Winslow had brought with him the declaration, he was there fore committed to prison (though he offered two thousand pounds bail) for bringing into the country a treasonable paper. For the satisfaction of such as are willing to be inforraed in this matter, Mr. Winslow's testiraony as it was given upon oath before a magistrate in New-England shall be here inserted. It is as follows, viz. 'JOHN WINSLOW, aged twenty-four years, ' or thereabouts, testifieth and saith, that he being in Nevis, ' some tirae in February last past, there carae in a ship from ' some part of England with the prince of Orange's declara- ' tions, and brought news also of his happy proceedings in En- ' gland with his entrance there, which was very welcome news ' to me, and I knew it would be so to the rest of the people in ' New-England^ and I being bound thither, and very willing to ' carry such good news with me, gave four shillings six pence ' for the said declarations, on purpose to let tho people in Ncw- ' England understand what a speedy deliverance they might ' expect from arbitrary power. We arrived at Boston harbour ' the fourth day of April following, and as soon as I came home ' to my house, Sir Edmund Androsse understanding I brought ' the prince's declarations with me, sent the sheriff to me; so I ' went along with him to the governor's house, and as soon as I ' came in, he asked me why I did not come and tell him the ' neves. I told him I thought it not my duty, neither was it ' customary for any passenger to go to the governor when the ' master of the ship had been with him before, and told him the ' news ; he asked me where the declarations I brought with me ' vvere, I told him I could not tell, being afraid to let him have * them, because he would not let the people know any news. ' He told me I was a saucy fellow, and bid the sheriff carry me away 12 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' away to the justices of the peace, and as vve were going, I told ' the sheriff, I would choose my justice, he told me, no, I must go- * before doctor Bullivant, one pickt on purpose (as I judged)ybr ' ihe business ; well I told him, I did not care who I went ' before, for I knew my cause good, so soon as I came in, two ' more of the justices dropt in, Charles Lidget and Francis ' Foxcroft, such as the former, fit for the purpose, so they ' asked me for my papers, I told them I would not let thera ' have thera by reason they kept all the news from the people, ' so when they saw they could not get what I bought with my ' money, they sent me to prison for bringing traiterous and ' treasonable libels and papers of news, notwithstanding, I of* ' fered them security to the value of two thousand pounds. ' Boston in New-England, Feb. 4. 1689. sworn John Winslow.' before Elisha Hut chinson assistant.' By these things it appears that it was absolutely necessary for the people in Neiv-England to seize Sir Edmund Androsse and his accomplices, that so they might secure that territory for their present majesties king William atid queen Mary. 3. That Sir Edmund Androsse, Sic. did make laws destruc tive to the liberty of the subjects, is notoriously known, for they made what laws they pleased without any consent of the people, either by themselves or representatives, which is indeed to destroy the fundamentals of the English and to erect a French government. We cannot learn that the like was ever practised in any place where the English are planters, but only where Sir Edmund Androsse hath been governor : For whereas in New-England by constant usage under their charter govern ment, the inhabitants of each town did assemble as occasion of fered to consider of what might conduce to the welfare of their respective towns, the relief of the poor, or the like. Sir Edmund Androsse, with a few of his council, made a law prohibiting any town-meeting except once a year, viz. on the third Monday in May. The inhabitants ef the country were startled at this law, as being apprehensive the design of it was to prevent the people in every town from meeting to make complaints of their grievances. And whereas by constant usage any person mi^ht remove out of the country at his pleasure, a law was made that no man should do so without the governor's leave. And all fishing boats, coasters, Sfc. were to enter into a thousand pounds bond The Revolution in New-England Justified. 13 bond, whereby fees were raised for himself and creatures. This law could not pass at Boston, because many of Sir Edmund's council there opposed it ; but then ajuncto of them meeting at New- York, passed it ; and after that law was made, how should any dissatisfied persons ever obtain liberty to go for England to complain of their being oppressed by arbitrary governors ? 4. But besides all this, they made laws for the levying monieSi without the consent of the people either by themselves or by an assembly ; for in order to the supporting their own government, they did by an act bearing date March 3, 1686, raise conside rable sums of money on the king's subjects in that part of his dominions, viz. a penny in the pound on all estates personal or real, twenty pence per head as poll money, a penny in the pound for goods imported, besides an excise on wine, rum and other liquors. It hath indeed been pleaded that all this was but what the laws of the country before the change of the government did allow. But this is vainly pretended, for there was no such law in force at the time when these sums were levied, the former laws which did authorize it, were repealed October 10, 1683, some years before Sir Edmund Androsse and his accomplices had invaded the rights and liberties of the people there. More over, in those parts of the country where there were never any such laws in force, particularly in Plymouth colony, this money was levied, which they heavily complained of. Yet further, in another act dated Feb. 15, 1687, they did without any colour of ancient law make an additional duty of impost and excise, which raised the duty, some ten shillings, some twenty shillings per pipe on wines, and so on other things. Nay the^ levied monies on Connecticut colony contrary to their charter, which was never vacated, than which nothing more illegal and arbitra ry could have been perpetrated by them. 5. They did not only act according to these illegal taxes, but they did inflict severe punishment on those true English men who did oppose their arbitrary proceedings, as shall be made to appear in many instances. When the inhabitants oilpsivich in New-England were required to choose a commissioner to tax that town, some principal persons there that could not com ply with what was demanded of them, did modestly give their reasons, for which they were committed to goal, as guilty of high misdemeanours, and denied an habeas corpus, and were obliged to answer it at a court of oyer and terminer at Boston. And 14 The Revolution in New-England Justified. And that they might be sure to be found guilty, jurors were picked of such as were no freeholders, nay of strangers ; the prisoners pleading the privileges of Englishmen not to he taxed witlx^ut their own consent, ihey were lold that the laws 0/ En gland would nut follow them to the end of the earth, they meant the privileges of the English law, for the penalties they resolved should follow them quo jure qudque injuria. And why should they insist on, and talk of the privileges of Englishmen, when it had been declared in the governor's council, that the king's subjects in New-England did not differ much from slaves, and that the only difference was, that ihey were not bought and sold? But to go on with the matter before us ; in as rauch as the prisoners mentioned had asserted their English liberties, they were severely handled, not only imprisoned for several weeks, but fined and bound to their good behaviour ; Mr. John Wise was fined fifty pounds besides costs of court, deprived of the means of his subsistance, and gave a thousand pounds bond for good behavior. And Mr. John Appleton was fined fifty pounds and to give a thousand pounds bond for good behavior, and moreover declared incapable to bear office, besides un reasonable fees. After the same manner did they proceed with several others belonging to Ipswich. Likewise the towns men of Rowley, Salisbury, Andover, &;c. had the sarae measure. And the king's subjects were not only oppressed thus in the Massachusetts colony, but in Plymouth. For when Shadrach Wildboar the town-clerk of Taunton in New-England did, with the consent of the town, sign a modest paper signifying their not being free to raise money on the inhabitants without their own consent by an assembly, the honest man was for this committed close prisoner, and after that punished with a fine of twenty marks and three months imprisonment, and bound to find sureties by recognizance to appear the next court, and to be of the good behaviour. As to the raatter of fact, the persons con cerned in these illegal and arbitrary judgments will not have the face to deny thera ; if they do, there are affidavits now in London which will evince what hath been related when ever there shall be occasion for it. It is a vanity in Mr. Palmer, to think that he hath answered this by affirming, but not proving, that the Ipswich men assem bled themselves in a riotous manner ; for that saying of his is very false. The world knows that New-England is not the only place where honest men have in these late days been pro ceeded against as guilty of riots, when they never deserved such a The Revolution in New-England Justified. 15 a censure any more than these accused by Mr. Palmer. But the truth of what hath been thus far related is confirmed by the following affidavits. ' Complaints of great wrongs done under the ill govern- ' ment of Sir Edmund Androsse governor in New-England, in ' the year 1687. * We John Wise, John Andrews, senior, Robert Kinsman, ' William Goodhue, junior, all of Ipswich in New-England, in ' the county of Essex, about the 22d day of August, in the ' year above named, were with several principal inhabitants of ' the town of Ipswich met at Mr. John Appleton's, and there ' discoursed and concluded that it was not the town's duty any ' way to assist that ill method of raising money without a gene- ' rai assembly, which was apparently intended by abovesaid Sir ' Edmund and his council, as witness a late act issued out by ' them for such a purpose. The next day in a general tewn- ' meeting of the inhabitants of Ipswich ; we the above named ' John Wise, John Andrews, Robert Kinsman, William Good- ' hue with the rest of the town then met (none contradicting) ' gave our assent to the vote then made. ' The ground of our trouble, our crime was the copy trans- ' mitted to the council, viz. At a legal town meeting August 23. ' Assembled by virtue of an order from John Usher, Esq ; ' treasurer for choosing a commissioner to join with the select- ' men, to assess the inhabitants according to an act of his excel- ' lency the governor and council for laying ef rates ; the town ' then considering that the said act doth infringe their liberty, ' as fre,e born English subjects of his majesty by interfering with ' the statute laws of the land, by which it was enacted that no ' taxes should be levied upon the subjects without consent of an ' assembly chosen by the freeholders for assessing of the same, ' they do therefore vote that they are not willing to choose a ' commissioner for such an end without said privilege ; and ' moreover consent not that the select-men do proceed to lay ' any such rate until it be appointed by a general assembly con- ' curring with the governor and council. We the complainants ' with Mr. John Appleton and Thomas French all of Ipswich ' were brought to answer for the said vote out of our own county, ' thirty or forty miles into Suffolk, and in Boston kept in goal, ' only for contempt and high misdemeanors as our mitimus ' specifies, and upon demand, denied the privilege of an habeas ' corpus, and from prison over-ruled to answer at a court ef oyer ' and terminer in Boston aforesaid. Our judges were Mr. Joseph 16 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' Joseph Dudley of Roxbury in Suffolk in New-England, Mr. ' Stoughton of Dorchester , John Vsher of Boston, treasurer, ~^ and Edward Randolph. He that officiates as clerk and at- ' torney in the case is George Farewell. ' The jurors only twelve men and most of them (as is said) ' non-freeholders of any land in the colony, some of thera ' strangers and foreigners, gathered up (as we suppose) to serve ' the present turn. In our defence was pleaded the repeal of ' the law of assessment upon the place. Also the Magna ' Charta of England, and the statute laws that secure the sub- ' jects properties and estates, ^c. To which was rephed by ' one of the judges, the rest by silence assenting, that we raust ' not think the laws ef England follow us to the ends of the ' earth, or whether we went. And the same person (John ' Wise abovesaid testifies) declared in open council upon ex- ' amination of said Wise ; Mr. Wise you have no more privi- ' leges left you, than not to be sold for slaves, and no raan in • council contradicted. By such laws our trial and trouble ' began and ended. Mr. Durf/ey aforesaid chief judge, to close ' up the debate and trial, trims up a speech that pleased hiraself ' (we suppose) more than the people. Among many other re- ' markable passages, to this purpose, he bespeaks the jury's ' obedience, who (we suppose) were very well prelnclined, viz, ' I ara glad, says he, there be so many worthy gentlemen of the ' jury so capable to do the king service, and we expect a good ' verdict from you, seeing the matter hath been so sufiiciently ' proved against the criminals. Note, the evidence in the case * as to the substance ef it, was that we too boldly endeavoured ' to persuade ourselves we were English men, and under privi- ' leges ; and that we were all six of us aforesaid at the town ' meeting of Ipswich aforesaid, and as the witness supposed, we ' assented to the foresaid vote, and also that John Wise made a ' speech at the same time, and said we had a good God, and a • good king, and should do well to stand for our privileges — ' Jury returns us all six guilty, being all involved in the same ' information. We were remanded from verdict to prison, and ¦ there kept one and twenty days for judgment. There with ' Mr. Dudley's approbation, as judge Stoughton said, this ' sentence was passed, viz. ' John Wise, suspended from the ministerial functions, fine ' fifty pound, money, pay cost, a thousand pound bond for the ' good behaviour one year. ' John The Revolution in New-England Justified. 17 ' ,Tohn Appleton not to bear office, fine 501. money, pay cost, ' a thousand pound for the good behavior one year. ' John Andrews not to bear ofiice, fine 301. money, pay cost, ' five hundred pound bond for the good behavior ene year. ' Robert Kinsman not to bear office, fine 201. money, pay ' cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behavior ene ' year. ' William Goodhue not to bear office, fine 201. money, pay ' cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behavior one ' year. ' Thomas French not to bear office, fine 151. money, pay ' cost, five hundred pound bond for the good behavior one ' year. ' The total fees of this case upon one single information de- ' manded by Farewell abovesaid, amount to about a hundred ' and one pound seventeen shillings, who demanded of us singly ' about sixteen pound nineteen shillings six pence, the cost of ' prosecution, the fines added make up this, viz. Two hundred ' eighty and six pounds seventeen shillings, money. Summa Totalis 2861. 17s. ' To all which we may add a large account ef other fees of ' messengers, prison charges, money for bonds and transcripts of ' records, exhausted by those ill men one way and another to ' the value of three or fourscore pounds, besides our expence of ' time and imprisonment. ' We judge the total charge for one case and trial under one * single information involving us six men abovesaid in expence ' of time and raonies of us and our relations for our necessary ' succour and support to amount to more, but no less than 4001. ' money. . ' Too tedious to illustrate more amply at this time, and so ' we conclude. John Wise, John Andrews senior, William ' Goodhue, junior, Thomas French, these four persons named, ' and Robert Kinsman. ' These four persons first naraed appeared the twentieth day ' of December, and Robert Kinsman appeared the ene and ' twentieth day of December, 1689, and gave in their testiraony ' upon oath before me Samuel Appleton assistant for the colo- ' ny of the Massachusetts in New-England.' 6. That those who were in confederacy with Sir Edmuna , Androsse for the enriching themselves on the ruins of New- ¦ England, did invade the property as well as liberty of the sub ject, is in the next place to be cleared, and we trust will be made Vol. IV.— No. 9. 29 18 The Revolution in New-England Justified. made out beyond dispute. When they little imagined that there should ever be such a revolution in England as that which by means of his present majesty this nation is blest witli, they feared not to declare their sentiments to the inexpressible exasperation ef the people whora they were then domineering over. They gave out, that now their charter was gone, all their lands were the king's, that themselves did represent the king, and that therefore men that would have any legal title to their lands must take patents of thera, on such terras as they should see meet to irapose. What people that had the spirits of Englishmen, could endure this? That when they had at vast charges of their own conquered a wilderness, and been in possession of their estates forty, nay sixty years, that now a parcel of strangers, seme ef them indigent enough, must come and inherit all that the peeple now in New-England and their fathers before them, had laboured for! Let the whole nation judge, whether these men were not driving on a French design, and had not fairly erected a French government. And that our adversaries may not insult and say, these are words without proof, we shall here subjoin the testimonies ef the reverend Mr. Higginson, and several ether worthy persons, given in upon oath, concerning this matter. ' Being called by those in present authority to give ray testi- ' tiraony to the discourse between Sir Edmund Androsse and ' myself, when he came from the Indian war, as he passed ' through Salem going for Boston in March 1688-9, 1 cannot ' refuse it, and therefore declare as followeth, what was the ' substance of that discourse. Sir Edmund Androsse then ' governor being accompanied with the attorney-general Graham, ' secretary West, judge Palmer, the room being also full of ' other peeple, most of them his attendants, he was pleased to * tell me, he would have my judgment about this question ; ' Whether all the lands in New-England were not ihe king's 1 ' I told him I was surprized with such a question, and was not ' willing to speak to it ; that being a minister, if it was a question ' about a matter of religion, I should net be averse, but this ' being a state raatter, I did not leek upon it as proper for me ' to declare ray mind in it, therefore entreated again and again ' that I raight he excused. Sir Edmund Androsse replied and ' urged me with much importunity, saying, Because you are a ' minister, therefore we desire to know your judgment in it, then ' I told hira, if I must speak to it, I would only speak as a ' minister from scripture and reason, not medling with the law. ' He The Revolution in New-England Justified. 19 He said, the king's attorney was present there to inform what was law. I then said, I did not understand that the lands of New-England were the king's, but the king's subjects, who had for more than sixty years had the possession and use of them by a twofold right warranted by the word ef God. 1. By a right ef just occupation from the grand charter in Genesis 1st and 9th chapters, whereby God gave the earth to the sons of Adam and Noah, to be subdued and replenished. 2. By a right ef purchase from the Indians, who were native inhabitants, and had possession ef the land before the English came hither, and that having lived here sixty years, I did certainly know that from the beginning of these plantations our fathers entered upon the land, partly as a wilderness and Va cuum Domidlium, and partly by the consent ef the Indians, and therefore care was taken to treat with them, and to gain their consent, giving them such a valuable consideration as was to their satisfaction, and this I told them I had the more certain knowledge of, because having learned the Indian language in my younger tirae, I was at several times raade use of by the government, and by divers particular plantations as an interpreter in treating with the Indians about their lands, which being done and agreed on, the several townships and proportions of lands of particular men were ordered and settled by the government of the country, and therefore I did believe that the lands oi New- England were the subjects properties, and not the king's lands. Sir Edmund Androsse and the rest replied, that the lands were the king's, and that he gave the lands within such limits to his subjects by a charter upon such conditions as were not performed, and therefore all the lands of New-England have returned to the king, and that the at torney general then present could tell what was law, who spake divers things to the same purpose as Sir Edmund An drosse had dene, slighting what I had said, and vilifying the Indian title, saying, they were brutes, &fc. and if we had pos sessed and used the land, they said we were the king's subjects, and what land the king's subjects have, they are the king's, and one of them used such an expression, where-ever an En glishman sets his foot, all that he hath is the king's, and raore to the same purpose. I told them that so far as I understood, we received only the right and power of government from the king's charter within such limits and bounds, but the right of the land and soil we had received from God according to his grand charter to the sons of Adam and Noah, and with the ' consent 20 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' consent of the native inhabitants as I had expressed before. ' They still insisted on the king's right to the land as before, ' whereupon I told them, I had heard it was a standing principle ' in law and reason, nil dat qui non habet; and from thence I ' propounded this argument, he that hath no right, can give no ' right to another, but the king had no right to the lands of ' America before the English came hither, therefore he could ' give no right to them. I told them, I knew not of any that ' could be pleaded but from a Popish principle, that christians ' have a right to the lands of heathen, upon which the Pope as ' the head of the christians had given the West-Indies to the ' king of Spain, but this was disowned by all protestants. ' Therefore I left it to thera to affirm and prove the king's title. ' They replied and insisted much upon that, that the king had a ' right by his subjects coming and taking possession of this ' land. And at last Sir Edmund Androsse said with indigna- ' tion, either you are subjects or you are rebels, intimating, as I ' understood him, according to the whole scope and tendency of ' his speeches afid actions, that if we wpuld not yield all the ' lands ef New-England te be the king's, so as to take patents ' for lands, and to pay rent for tbe same, then we should not be ' accounted subjects but rebels, and treated accordingly. There ' were many other various replies and answers on both sides, ' but this is the sum and substance ef that discourse. John Higginson, aged seventy-four years. Stephen Seawall, aged thirty-two years. ' John Higginson, minister in Salem, personally appeared ' before me, December, 24, 1689, and made oath to the truth of ' the abovesaid evidence. John Hathorne, assistant.' ' Captain Stephen Seawall of Salem appeared before me, ' December 24, 1689, and made oath to the truth of the above- ' said evidence. John Hathorne, assistant.' ' Joseph Lynde of Charlestown in the county of Middlesex ' in New-England, being fifty-three years of age, testifieth and * saith, that in the year 1687, Sir Edmund Androsse then go- ' vernor of New-England did enquire of him the said Lynde ' what title he had to his lands, who shewed him many deeds ' for land that he the said Lynde possessed, and particularly for ' land The Revolution in New-England Justified. 21 land that the said Lynde was certainly informed would quickly be given away from him, if he did net use means to obtain a patent for it. The deed being considered by Sir Edmund Androsse, he said it was worded well, and recorded according to New-England custom or words to the same purpose. He further enquired how the title was derived, he the said Lynde told him, that he bought it of, had it of, his father-in-law in marriage with his wife, and his said father from Charlestown, and the said town from the general court grant of the Massa chusetts-Bay, and also by purchase from the natives, and he said, my title were nothing worth if that were all. At another time after shewing him an Indian deed for land, he said, that their hand was ne more worth than a scratch of a bear's paw, under-valuing all my titles, though every way legal under our former charter government. Fthen petitioned for a patent for my whole estate, but Mr. West deputy secretary told me I must have so many patents as there were counties that I had parcels ef land in, if not towns, finding the thing so chargeable and difficult I delayed, upon which I had a writ of intrusion served upon me in the beginning of the summer 1688, the copy whereof is in the Charlestown men's complaint, and was at the same time with that of Mr. James Russell's, Mr. Sea wall's and Mr. Shrimpton's, it being for the sarae land in part that I shewed ray title unto Sir Edmund Androsse as above, being rayself and those I derived it frora possessed, inclosed, and improved for about fifty years, at which time I gave Mr. Graham attorney general three pounds in money, promising that if he would let the action fall I would pay court charges, and give him ten pound, when I had a patent compleated for that sraall parcel of land, that said writ was served'upon me for, which I did because a Quaker that had the promise of it from the governor, as I was inforraed in the governor's presence should net have it from me, the said Lynde, having about seven acres more in the same common field or pasture, about a mile from bis forty-nine acres near unto the land that the said governor gave unto Mr. Charles Lidget, oi divers of my neighbours which I concluded must go»the same way theirs went and therefore though desired te be patenteed by the said Lynde with the forty-nine acres, he could not obtain a grant for it. About the sarae tirae Mr. Graham attorney general asked the said Lynde what he would do about the rest of his land, telling him the said Lynde that he would meet with the like trouble about all the rest of his lands that he possessed, ' and 22 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' and were it not for the governor's going te New- York at this ' time, there would be a writ ef intrusion against every man in ' the colony ef any considerable estate, or as many as a cart ' could hold, and for the poorer sort of people said Sir Edmund ' Androsse would take ether measures, or words to the same 'purpose. The said LyncZe further saith. That after judgments ' obtained for small wrongs done him, triable by their own laws ' before a justice of the peace, from whom they allowed no ap- ' peals in small causes, he was forced out ef his own county by ' writs ef false judgment ; and although at the first superiour ' court in Suffolk, the thing was so far opposed by judge ' Stoughton as illegal, as that it was put by, yet the* next term ' by judge Dudley and judge Palmer, the said Lynde was forced ' to answer George Farewell attorney aforesaid, then saying in ' open court in Charlestown, that all causes must be brought to ' Boston in Suffolk, because there was not honest men enough ' in Middlesex to make a jury to serve their turns, er words to ' that purpose ; nor did Suffolk, as appeared by their practice, ' for they made use of non-residents in divers cases there. I ' mention not any damage though it is great, but to the truth ' above written I the said Lynde do set my hand. Joseph Lynde. ' Boston, Mth oi January, 1789-90. ' Juratus coram me, John Smith, Assistant.' And that the practices of these men have been according to their principles, destructive to the property of the subject, is now to be declared. It is a thing too well known to be denied, that seme of Sir Edmund's council begged (if they had not had secret encouragement no man believes they would have done so) those lands which are called the commons belonging to several townships, whereby Plymouth, Lynn, Cambridge, Rhode-Island, &fc. would have been ruinated, had these men's projects taken effect. And not only the commons belonging to towns, but those lands which were the property of several par ticular persons in Charlesioivn, were granted from them. And ivrits of intrusion were issued out against Col. Shrimpton, Mr. Samuel Seawall, and we know not how many more besides, that their lands might betaken from them under pretence of belonging to king James. An island in the possession of John Pittome antiently appropriated te the maintenance of a free- school, vvas in this way seized. How such men can clear themselves The Revolution in New-England Justified. 23 themselves from the guilt oi sacrilegious Oppression, they had best consider. Mr. Palmer swaggers and hectors at a strange rate ; for he hath these words, (p. 29.) ' 1 should be glad io see ' that man who would bare-faced instance in one particular ' grant of any man's right or possession passed by Sir Edraund ' Androsse during his government' — And what if we will shew him the men, that dare affirm as rauch or more than that ? what will he de ? Me me adsum qui feci, in me convertite ferrum. We will produce these that have said (and sworn) as much as all this comes to. For John Pittome hath upon oath de clared, that James Sherlock, Sir Edmund's Sheriff, came on Dear Island on the 28th of January 1688, and turned hira and his family afloat on the water when it was a snowy day, although he was tenant there to Col. Shrimpton and that the said Sher lock put two men (whom he brought with him) into possession of the said Island (as he said) on behalf of King James the second. Let hira also know, that Mr. Shepard and Mr. Bur- rill oi Lynn, and James Russell, Esq ; of Charlestown in New- England have declared upon oath as followeth. ' Jeremiah Shepard aged forty-two years and John Burrill ' aged fifty-seven years, we whose names are subscribed being ' made choice of by the inhabitants of the town of Lynn in the ' Massachusetts colony in New-England to maintiiin their right ' to their properties and lands invaded by Sir Edmund Androsse ' governor, we do testify that (besides Sir Edmund Androsse ' his unreasonable demands of money by way of taxation, and ' that without an assembly, and deputies sent from our town ' according to ancient custom, for the raising of money or levy- ' ing of rates) our properties, our honest and just and true titles ' to our land vvere also invaded, and particularly a great and ' considerable tract of land called by the name of the Nahants, ' the only secure place for the grazing of some thousands of our ' sheep, and without which our inhabitants could neither provide ' for their own families, nor be capacited to pay dues or duties ' for the maintenance of the publick, but (if dispossessed ef) the ' town must needs be impoverished, ruined, and rendered mise- ' rable, yet this very tract of land being petitioned for by Ed- ' ward Randolph, was threatened to be rent out of our hands, ' notwithstanding our honest and just pleas for our right te the ' said land, both by alienation of the said land to us from the ' original proprietors the Natives, to whom we paid our monies ' by way of purchase, and notwithstanding near fifty years ' peaceable 24 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' peaceable and quiet possession and improveraent, and also in- ' closure ef the said land by a stone wall, in which tract of land ' also two of our patentees were interested in common with us, ' viz. Major Humphreys, and Mr. Johnson, yet Edward Ran- ' dolph petitioning for the said land, Sir Edmund the governor ' did so far coraply with his unreasonable motion, that we were ' put to great charges and expences for the vindication ef our ' honest rights thereto, and being often before the governor Sir ' Edm.und and his council for relief, yet could find no favour of ' our innocent cause by Sir Edmund, noiiviihstanding our pleas ' of purchase, ancient possession, improvement, inclosure, grant ' of the general court, and our necessitous condition, yet he told ' us all these pleas were insignificant, and we could have no true ' title unless we could produce a patent from the king, neither ' had any person a right to one foot of land in New-England ' by virtue of purchase, possession or grant of courts, but if we ' would have assurance of our lands, we must go to the king for ' it, and get patents of it. Finding no relief (and the govern- ' or having prohibited town-meetings, we earnestly desired li- ' berty for our town to meet, to consult what to do in so difficult ' a case and exigency, but could not prevail. Sir Edmund ' angrily telling us that there was no such thing as a town in ' the country, neither should we have liberty so to meet, neither ' were our ancient town records (as he said) which w^e produced ' for the vindication of our titles to said lands worth a rush. ' Thus were we from time te time unreasonably treated, our ' properties, and civil liberties and privileges invaded, our raise- ' ry and ruin threatened and hastened, till such time as our ' country groaning under the unreasonable heavy yoke of Sir ' Edmund's government were constrained forcibly to recover ' our liberties and privileges. Jeremiah Sijepard, John Burrill. ' Jeremiah Shepard minister, and John Burrill, lieutenant, ' both of Lynn, personally appeared before us, and made oath ' to the truth of this evidence, Salem, Feb. 3, 1689-90. John Hathorne, ) . . , , , T...X, .... r-i J" Assistants. Jonathan Corwin, 3 ' James Russell, Esq ; on the behalf ef the proprietors of the ' stinted pasture in Charlestown, and on his own personal ac- ' count, declares as followeth, viz. ' That notwithstanding the answer made to Sir Edmund An- ' drosse. The Revolution in Ncw-England Justified. 25 ' drosse, his demand by some gentlemen of Charlestown on the ' behalf of the proprietors, which they judged satisfactory, or at ' least they should have a further hearing and opportunity to ' raake out their rights, there was laid out to Mr. Lidget ad- ' joining to his farra in Charlestown a considerable tract of land ' (as it is said one hundred and fifty acres) which was of conside- ' rable value, and did belong to divers persons, which when it ' was laid out by Mr. Wells, there were divers bound-raarks ' shewed by the proprietors, and sorae of them, and I had peti- ' tioned for a patent for my particular propriety, yet the whole ' tract was laid out to the said Lidget, who not only did cut ' down wood thereon without the right owner's consent, but ar- ' rested some for cutting their own wood, and so they were de- ' privedof any means to use er enjoy their own land. And net- ' withstanding there were about twenty acres of pasture land ' and meadow taken from tbe said Russell, and given to Mr. ' Lidget, yet afterwards there was a writ of intrusion served ' upon a sraall farm belonging unto the said Russell, unto which ' the aforesaid pasture land did belong, and had been long ira- ' proved by Patrick Mark his tenant, (and others good part ' thereof) above fifty years, so that to stop prosecution, the said ' Russell was forced to petition for a patent, he having a tenant ' who was feared would comply in any thing that might have ' been to his prejudice, and so his land would have been cen- ' demned under colour of lavv, =ind given away as well as his ' pastorage was without law. Further the said Russell com- ' plains, that he having an island in Casco-bay, called Long- ' island, which his honoured father long since bought of Mr. ' Walker, and was confirmed to James Russell by the general ' court, and improved several years by Captain Davis, by ' mowing as tenant to the said Russell, and the said Russell ' hearing it was like to be begged away, caused his writ to be ' entered in the public records in Mr. West's office, vvhich he ' paid for the recording of; notwithstanding Sir Edmund An- ' drosse ordered Captain Clements (as he said) to survey the ' same, and he shewed me a plat thereof, and said, if I had a ' patent for it, I must pay three pence per acre, it being 650 ' acres. He was further informed, that if the said Russell ' would net take a patent for it, Mr. Usher should have it. Per James Russell. ' January 30, 1689-90. James Russell, Esq ; personally ap- ' peared before me, and made oath to the truth of what is before ' written. ' William Johnson, assistant.' Had 26 The Revolution in New-England Justified. Had not an happy revolution happened in England, and so in New-England, in all probability these few ill men would have squeezed more out of the poorer sort of people there, than half their estates are worth, by forcing them to take patents. Major Smith can tell them, that an estate not worth 2001. had more than 501. demanded for a patent for it. And if their boldness and madness would carry them out to oppress the rich after such a manner as hath been shewed, what might the poor look for? Nevertheless, their tyranny was beyond any thing that hath been as yet expressed : For if raen were willing to bring their titles to their possessions to a legal trial, they were not only threatened, but fined and prosecuted, and used with barbarous cruelty. When some gentlemen in Boston resolved in a legal way to defend their title to an island there, Sir Ed mund's Attorney threatened that it might cost ihem all thai ihey are worth, and something besides, as appears by the following affidavit, viz. ' The deposition of Captain Daniel Turel, and Lieutenant ' Edward Willis, sworn, say, That upon a Writ of Intrusion ' being served on Deer-Island, belonging to the town of Boston, ' and let unto Colonel Samuel Shrimpton by the selectmen of ' the said town, the rent whereof being of long time appropria- ' ted towards the maintenance of a free school in the town, we * the deponents two of the select-men of the said town, do testify, ' That meeting with Mr. James Graham upon the town-house, ¦ and telling him, that if Colonel Shrimpton did decline to per- ' senate the case of the said island, we the select-men would. ' The said Graham said, Are you the men that will stand suit ' against the King? We the deponents told him we would ' answer in behalf ef the town. The said Graham replied, ' There was no town of Boston, nor was there any town in tbe ' country ; we made answer we were a town, and owned so to ' be by Sir Edmund Androsse, governor, in the warrant sent us ' for the making a rate ; then the said Graham told us. We ' might stand the trial if we would, but bid us have a care what ' we did, saying, if might cost us all we ivere worth, andsome- ' thing else too, for ought he knew, and further these deponents ' say not. Daniel Turel, ' Jan. 30, 1689. Edward Willis. ' Captain Daniel Turel and Lieutenant Edward Willis ap- ' peared personally before me, and raade oath to the truth of ' what is above written. ' William Johnson, Assistant.' The Revolution in New-England Justified. 27 One of Sir Edmund's council and creatures, petitioned for an island belonging to the town of Plymouth, and because the agents of the said town obtained a voluntary subscription from the persons concerned to bear the charge of the suit ; they were treated as criminals, and against all law, illegally cerapelled to answer in another county, and not that where the pretended misdemeanours were comraitted. And Mr. Wiswall the minister of Duxbury having at the desire of some concerned transcribed a writing which tended te clear the right they had to the island in controversy, and also concerning the abovesaid voluntary subscription, both transcribed in the winter 1687. A messenger was sent, to bring him to Boston on the 21st June, 1688; he was then lame in both feet with the gout, fitter for a bed than a journey, therefore wrote te the governor, praying that he might be excused until he should be able to travel, and engaged that ¦then he would attend any court, but the next week the cruel officer by an express order from Sir Edmund Androsse, forced hira to ride in that condition, being shod with clouts instead of shoes; and when he came belore the council he was there made to stand till the anguish of his feet and shoulders had alraost overcome hira; after he was disraissed frora the council, the messenger came and told him, he must go to goal, or enter into bonds for his appearance at the next superior court held in Boston, and pay down 41. 2 s. in silver. His sickness forced him te decline a prison, and to pay the money. At the next superior court he appeared in the same lame and sick condition, and the extreraity of the weather cast him into such a violent fit of sickness, that he was in the judgment of others nigh unto death, and he himself thought that he should soon be out of their bonds, and at liberty lo lay his information against his oppressors before the righteous Judge of the whole world. After all this having been forced a third tirae out of his own county and colo ny, near forty railes, he was delivered from the hands and hu mours of his tyrannical oppressors, who had exposed him to great difficulties, charges, and to 228 miles travel in journeying to and from Boston, directly opposite to the place where he ought to have been tried, had he been guilty of any of the pre tended misdemeanors, none of which his worst eneraies ever had the face to read in open court, or openly to charge hira with to this day. Now shall such men as these talk of barbarous usage who have themselves been so inhumane ? Quis tulerit Gracchos de seditione querenies I 7. As for Sir Edmund Androsse his supplying the Indians with 28 The Revolution in New- England Justified. with amunition in the time of actual war with ihem, the fol lowing testimonies confirmed the people oi New- England in the belief of it. ' Lenox Beverley aged about twenty-five years being sworn, ' saith, that he being soldier at Pemyquid the wintertime 1688, ' where was Captain general Sir Edmund Androsse, knight, ' there came to the fort where Sir Edmund Androsse then was, ' two squaws, the ene Madocowandos's sister, and tbe other ' Moxis's wife (as was said) and two other Indian women that ' went along with them ; they were in the fort with Sir Ed- ' mund two days, and when they carae forth they seemed to be ' half drunk, this deponent and Peter Ripley was coraraanded ' to guard these squaws from Pemyquid to New-Harbour, ' being in distance about two miles, and as we passed on the ' way Madocowandos's sister laid down her burden in the snow ' and coramanded the deponant to take it up, whereupon the ' deponant looked into the basket, and saw a sraall bag which ' he opened, and found it to be gunpowder, which he judged ' five pounds weight, and a bag of bullets of a greater weight, ' and the weight of the basket I took up, was as rauch as tbe ' deponent could well carry along, and the ether three squaws ' bad each one of thera their baskets, which appeared rather to ' be of greater than lesser burden, than that the deponant carried, ' which were all ef them loaden, and brought out ef the fort, ' and Madocowandos's sister said she had that powder of Sir ' Edmund, and added, that she was to ceme again te him within ' four days. Boston, Aug. 17, 1689. Lenox X Beverley Sworn in council, his mark. ' Attest. Isr. Addington, Sec'ry.' ' Gabriel Wood oi Beverly, aged about twenty-four years, ' testifies. That being one ef the soldiers that was out the last ' winter past, Anno 1688, in the eastward parts, and under the ' comraand oi Sir Edmund Androsse, and being then at Pemy- ' quid with hira, was commanded by him the said Sir Edmund, ' together with so many more of the soldiers as made up two ' files to guard and safely conduct three Indian women from ' Pemyquid aforesaid to New Harbour, which said Indian ' vcraen were all laden, and to my certain knowledge one ef the ' said women had with her in her said journey a considerable ' quantity of bullets, which she brought with her from Pemy- ' quid The Revolution in New- England Justified. 29 ' quid aforesaid, and to my best apprehension, she had also a ' considerable quantity of powder in a bag in her basket, but I ' did net see that opened, as I did see the bullets, neither dared ' I be very inquisitive, the rest of the soldiers in company with ' me seeing the Indians so supplied with amunition (as we all ' apprehended they were by our governor and captain-general ' Sir Edmund Androsse aforesaid) we did very much question ' amongst ourselves, whether the said Sir Edmund did not ' intend the destruction of our army, and brought us thither ' to be a sacrifice to our heathen adversaries. ' The mark of Gabriel [ A ] Wood. ' Gabriel Wood of Beverly in the county of Essex, perso nally appeared before me at Salem in New-England, January 29, 1689-90, and made oath to the truth of the abovesaid evi dence. ' John Hathorne, Assistant.' 8. That the Indians declared they were encouraged by Sir Edmund Androsse to make ivar upon the English, is most certainly true, although the lying author of that scandalous pamphlet, called New-England's faction discovered, has the impudence to say, that it is certainly false. Two Indians, Waterman and David, testify that the Maquas Indians sent a messenger to Pennicock, to inform that Sir Edmund Androsse had been tampering to engage them to fight against the English. Another Indian called Solomon Thomas, affirmed, that Sir JScZ- mund gave him a book, and that he said that book was better than the Bible, that it had in it the picture of the virgin Mary, and that when they should fight at the eastward. Sir Edmund would sit in his Wigwam, and say, O brave Indians ! Another Indian named Joseph (who was in hostility against the English) bragged that the governor had more love for them than for the English. Another Indian named John James, did of his own voluntary mind declare to several in Sudbury, that Sir Edmund Androsse had hired the Indians to kill the English : The men to whom he thus expressed himself, reproved him, and told him that they believed he belied Sir Edmund Androsse and there fore they secured him, and complained to a justice of peace, by which means he was brought to Boston, but Sir Edmund in stead of punishing was kind to the Indian, when as both the justice and the Sudbury man had (to use Mr. Palmer's phrase) horrible 30 The Revolution in New-England Justified. horrible usage, by means whereof an alarm and terror run through the country, fearing some mischievous design against thera. That this relation is not a feigned story, the ensuing testimonies make to appear ' The testimony of Waterman, and David, Indians, saith, ' that the Maquas sent a messenger to Pennicok to inform that ' the governor Edmund Androsse hired the Maquas to fight ' the English, and paid down te them one bushel of white ' wompon, and one bushel of black wompen, and three cart ' leads ef raerchants good, trucking cloath and cotton cloatb, ' and shirt cloath, and other goods. The Maquas said, that the ' English were their good friends, and said, they would not fight ' them, for the English never wronged them, but the Maquas ' took the pay on the account of the Maquas helping the En- ' glish to fight their enemies the last war. David's X mark. Waterman's Q mark. Attest. Cornelius Waldo, senior Moses Parker, Thomas Read.' The two Indians above-raentioned Waterman and David, appeared the 4th day of May 1689, and to the council then sitting owned the above-written to be truth ; Isa. Addington, secretary. Rochester in the king's province, Sept. 16, 1688. ' Samuel ' Eldred, junior oi Rochester came before Arthur Fenner and ' John Fones, esquires; two of his majesty's justices of the ' peace, and did declare upon oath, that on the evening before 'an Indian whom he had seized, by narae of Joseph, did in an 'insulting and vaunting manner say, there was 500 at Martin's 'Vineyard, 700 at Nantucket, and 400 at Chappaquessot, all ' very well armed, in a better manner than him the said Samuel 'Eldred, and that our governor did not dare to disarm them for ' that the' governor had more love for thera, the said Indians, '¦•than for his majesty's subjects the English. The said Indian 'being brought before us, and examined, did confess the greatest ' part of what was sworn against him, and owned that he was ' one of thera that were in hostility against the English in the late wars, upon which the said Indian was ceramilted to goal. ' Per Arthur Fenner, John Fones.' 'The The Revolution in New-England Justified. 31 ' The testimony of Joseph Graves aged 46 years or there about, and Mary Graves about 30 years, oi John Rutter aged about 40 years, witness that on the 2d day oi January 1688, Solomon Thomas, Indian, being at the house of Joseph Graves, in the town ef Sudbury, said, that when the fight at the east ward should be, if the Indians had the better of it, as the En glish did retreat, the friend Indians were to shoot thera down, but if the English get the day, we say nothing, and that in the spring French and Irish would come to Boston, as many, and ' all won Indians, for that was the first place that was to be de- ' stroyed, and after that the country towns would be all won ' nothing. And further, the said Solomon said, that the gover- ' nor had given him a book, which said governor said was better ' than the Bible, and all that would net turn to the governor's ' religion, and own that book, should be destroyed. In which ' book he the said Thomas said was the picture of our Saviour, ' and of the virgin Mary and of the twelve apostles ; and the ' governor said, when we pray, we pray to the virgin Mary ; and ' when the fight should be at the eastward, the governor would ' sit in his wigwam, and say, O brave Indians I Whereupon ' John Rutter told the Indian, that he deserved te be hanged ' for speaking such things, but the Indian replied, it was all ' true. Upon tbe hearing this discourse, we resolved to corae ' to Boston, and acquaint authority with it, but by reason of the ' sickness of Joseph Graves, we could not presently, but as ' soon as conveniently we could, we accordingly appeared at ' Boston with our information, which the said Joseph Graves ' carried to Mr. Bullivant a justice ef the peace. Joseph Graves, John X Rotter, signum. Mart Y Graves, mark. ' Boston, January 28, 1689, Joseph and Mary Graves came ' and made oath to the above-written, ' Before me, William Johnson, Assistant.' That when the English secured some of the Indians men tioned, and brought them before Sir Edmund ^nc^cosse's justi ces, they were basely and barbarously used for their pains, the following affidavits shew. ' Sudbury in New-England, March 22, 1688-9, ' Thomas ' Browne, aged about forty-four years, and John Goodenow, ' aged 32 2'he Revolution in New-England Justified. ' aged about fifty-four years, John Growt, senior, aged near ' seventy years, Jacob Moore, aged about forty-four years, ' Jonathan Stanhope, aged about fifty-seven years, and John ' Parmiter, aged about fifty years, all inhabitants ef the town of ' Sudbury aforesaid, de witness, that he heard John James, ' Indian, of his own voluntary mind, say, That the governor ' was a rogue, and had hired the Indians to kill the English, and ' in particular, had hired Wohawhy to kill Englisliraen, and that ' the governor had given the said Wohawhy a gold ring, which ' was his commission, which gold ring the said Wohawhy sold ' to Jonathan Prescoit for two shillings in money : Whereupon ' we replied, Sirrah, you deserve to be hanged for what you say. ' John James the Indian replied. What you papist, all one ' governor. I speak it before governor's very face. This dis- ' course of John James, Indian, was at the place, and on the ' day above-written. Thomas Browne, John Goodenow, Jacob Moore, Jonathan Stanhope, John Parmiter. ' Thomas Browne and John Goodenow, two of the sub- ' scribers above, having received this declaration frora John ' James the Indian, we thought it our duty forthwith to inform ' authority, and did with the Indian presently go te Waiertown ' to justice Bond, where the said John James did voluntarily ' give his testiraony before the said justice Bond, which after he ' had taken, the said justice Bond ordered us the said Thomas ' Browne and John Goodenow to make our appearance before ' the governor Sir Edmund Androsse, or ene ef the council ' with the Indian, which accordingly we did, when we came to ' the governor's house ; after long waiting in a very wet and ' cold season, we were admitted unto the governor's presence, ' where we were detained until eleven er twelve o'clock at ' night, and after a very unkind treat, we humbly prayed his ' excellency, he would please lo discharge us of the Indian, but ' he told us no, and joaked us, saying, we were a couple ef brave ' men, and had the command, one of a troop of horse, and the ' other a company of foot, and could we not knew what to do ' with a poor Indian ? Further, he asked us what money we ' gave the Indian to tell us such news, and coraraanded us still ' to take care of the Indian till his pleasure was to call for us ' again. The Revolution in New-England Justified. 33 ' again, and this as we would answer it. Thus being severely ' chidden out of his presence, we were forced with the Indian to ' seek our quarters vvhere we could find them. The next ' morning we were preparing to go home again to Sudbury ' (being twenty miles or more) being Saturday, we were again ' sent for by the governor, by a messenger, to wait on the go- ' vernor, with the Indian, which we did, and waited at the ex- ' change or council-house in Boston, from nine o'clock in the ' morning till three of the clock in the afternoon, where in the ' face of the country we were made to wait upon the Indian with ' many squibs and scoffs that we met withal ; at last we were ' coramanded up before the governor and his council, where we ' were examined apart over and over, and about the sun-setting ' were granted leave to go home, it being the evening before * the Sabbath, Thomas Brown, John Goodenow.' ' On Monday morning following, being the 25th of March, ' 1689, Jacob Moore, Joseph Graves, Joseph Curtis, Joseph ' Moore, Obadiah Ward, were by Thomas Larkin as a raes- ' senger fetched down to Boston, vvhere after examination, ' Jacob Moore was committed to close prison. Joseph Moore, ' Joseph Graves, Joseph Curtis, and Obadiah Ward vvere sent ' home again, paying the said Larkin twelve shillings per man. ' On the next Monday morning after, being the first day of • April 1689, Samuel Gookin the sheriff of Middlesex and his ' deputy came up to Sudbury, and comraanded Thomas Browne, ' John Goodenow senior, John Growt senior, Jonathan Stan- ' hope, John Parmiter, forthwith to appear at Boston, at Colonel ' Page's house, but it being a wet and cold day, we were de- ' tained at judge Dudley's house at Roxbury, where after long ' waiting, had the kindness shewn us, to have an examination ' every man apart before judge Dudley, judge Stoughton, Mr. ' Graham and others, and were bound over to answer at the ' next superiour court to be held at Boston, what should there * be objected against us upon his majesty's account. Thomas ' Browne, John Goodenow, senior, John Growt, senior, were ' each of them bound over in three hundred pound bonds, and ' each man two sureties in three hundred pound bend a piece. ' John Parmiter and Jonathan Stanhope, were bound in a hun- * dred pound a piece, besides the loss of our time and hindrance ' of our business, the reproach and ignominy of bond and im prisonment, Vol. IV.— No. 9. 30 34 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' prisonment, we shall only take the boldness lo give a true ac- ' count of what inoney we were forced to expend out of our own ' purses as followeth, to the sheriff, and ether necessary charges. 1. s. d. Jacob Moore, 3 00 00 Jona. Stanhope, 0 15 00 John Parmiter, 0 15 00 Joseph Graves, 3 15 00 1. s. d. Thomas Browne, 2 00 00 J. Goodenow, sen. 2 00 00 J. Growt, sen. 0 10 00 J. Rutter, jun. 3 05 00 Joseph Curtis, 0 17 00 Thomas Browne, ' Boston, the 21st of De- John Goodenow, cember, 1689, Jacob Moore, Jonathan Stanhope, Jurat, cor. Joseph Curtis, ' Isaac Addington, Assistant. John Parmiter.' Although no man does accuse Sir Edmund raeerly upon Indian testiraony, yet let it be duly weighed (the premises con sidered) whether it might net create suspicion and an astonish ment in the people of New-England, in that he did not punish the Indians who thus charged him, but the English who com plained of them for it. And it is certain, that some very good and wise men in New-England do verily believe that he was deeply guilty in this matter, especially considering what might pass between him and Hope Hood an Indian, concerning which Mr. Thomas Danforth the present deputy-governor at Boston in New-England, in a letter bearing date April 1, 1690, writeth thus : — ' The commander in chief of those that made this spoil, (i. e.) ' the spoil which was made in the province ef Maine on the ' 18th of March last, is Hope Hood an Indian, one that was ' with sundry other Indians in the summer 1688 seized by some '- of Sir Edmund's justices and comraanders in the province of ' Maine, and sent prisoners to Boston, Sir Edmund being then 'at tbe westward, where he continued absent many weeks; ' upon his return finding the Indians in prison, fell into a great ' rage against those gentleraen that had acted therein, declared ' his resolution to set them at liberty and calling his council ' together, was by some opposed therein, and araong others, one ' gentleraan of the council accused this Hope Hood to be a '- bloody rogue, and added, that he, the said Hope Hood, had threatened The Revolution in Neiv-England Justified. 35 ' threatened his life, and therefore prayed Sir Edmund that he ' might not be enlarged, but Sir Edmund raade a flout and scorn ' of all that could be said. At the same tirae some of the ' council desired Sir Edmund that this Hope Hood might be ' sent for before the council, to which he replied, that he never ' had had a quarter of an hour's conference with any of thera, ' and that he scorned to discourse with any heathen of thera all, ' yet all this notwithstanding, at the same time whilst the coun- ' cil was thus met, did Sir Edmund privately withdraw himself, ' and repair to the prison where this Hope Hood was prisoner, ' and did there continue with him two or three hours in private, ' the truth of what is above related is attested by sundry gen- ' tlemen that were of Edmund's council, and were then ear ' witnesses, and likewise by ethers that saw Sir Edmund at the ' prison ; and as it is now verily believed that at thai very time ' he consulted the mischief that is now acted by the said Hope ' Hood and company.' Thus Mr. Danforth. 9. That Sir Edraund Androsse discountenanced making de fence against ihe Indians, is complained of by five gentlemen who were of his council, and much concerned at his strange actings in that matter as in the account annexed to this apology is to be seen. It is also confirmed by the Affidavits of two honest men, viz. ' Henry Kerley aged about fifty-seven years and Thomas ' How aged thirty-five years or thereabouts, both inhabitants ' of the town oi Marlborough, do both testify that in the fall of ' the year, 1688, when Sir Edmund Androsse carae frora New- ' York to Boston soraetiine after the Indians had killed sorae * Englishmen at North-field in New-England, coming through ' our town of Marlborough, the said Sir Edmund Androsse ex- ' arained this deponent Henry Kerley by what order we did ' fortify and garrison our houses, I answered it was by order of * Captain Nicholson, the said Sir Edmund then said, he had no * power so to do. He the said Sir Edmund examined what arms ' we made use of, and carried with us on the watch, and what * charge was given us, answer was made by the deponant, they ' carried fire arms, and the charge was to keep a true watch, to ' examine all we met with, and secure suspicious persons that ' we met with, the said Sir Edmund said, what if they will not ' be secured, and what if you should kill them ; answer was ' made by the deponant, that if we should kill thera, we were in ' our way, then Mr. Randolph being there in the corapany said, you 36 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' you are in the way to be hanged. Sir Edmund Androsse said ' further, that those persons that had left their houses, to dwell ' in garrisons, if they would not return, others should be put in ' that would live there. ' Boston the 27th of Decern. ' 1689. Jur. Henry Kerley, ' and the 2d of January 1689, Henry Kerley, ' Jur. Thomas How. Thomas How. ' Cor. Is. Addington, Assistant.' That Sir Edmund's high sheriff was a stranger in the coun try, and one that had no estate there needs no proof, and that strangers who had no freehold, were impannelled for Jurors is notoriously known. So it was in the case of the Ipswichmen as hath been noted, and when that reverend person Mr. Charles Morton, was causelesly and maliciously prosecuted, he was not only compelled to answer (contrary to law) in another county, and net in that wherein the good sermon they found fault with, was preached, but that if possible, they might give him a blow, there was summoned to serve as a jury man, one John Gibson no housholder nor of any estate or credit, and ene John Levings- worth a brick-layer, who lived in another colony two hundred miles distance. When those in government will use such base artifices as these to accoraplish their pernicious designs, how should any raan's estate or life be secure under hira ? 11. That the persons objected against, were sorae of them guilty of great extortion is manifest from what has been related, and may yet be further proved, for (as by sorae instances we have already seen, and shall now hear more) they compelled men to take patents for their own lands, which they and their fathers before them, had quietly possessed till these covetous creatures became a nusance to the country, and it may be, none more criminal, as to this particular, than Mr. Palmer and Mr. West. A friend of their own, viz. Mr. Randolph, does in several of his Letters bitterly complain of them upon this ac count. In a letter of his of August the 25th, 1687, he writeth thus .¦ ' I believe all the inhabitants in Boston will be forced to take ' grants and conformations of their lands, as now intended, the ' inhabitants of the province of Maine which will bring in vast ' profits to Mr. West, he taking what fees he pleases to de- ' mand. The Revolution in New-England Justified. 37 mand. I shall always have a due honour and respect for his excellency, but I must buy his favour at three or four hundred pounds a year loss.' And in another to the same, June 21, 1688, he hath these words. ' I went to one iS^Mrte town-clerk oi Pemyquid, to know what leases were made lately, and by whom, and for what quit rent, he told me that above a year ago Captain Palmer, and Mr. West produced to them a com mission from Colonel Dungan, to dispose of all their lands to whoever would take leases at five shillings the hundred acres quit rent. They let there and at a place called Dartmouth twelve or sixteen miles distant from Pemyquid about one hun dred and forty leases, some had eight hundred or ten hundred acres, few less than a hundred, seme but three or four acres and all paid 21. 10s. for passing their grants ef 100 acres of woodland, with twenty acres of raarsh where-ever it could be found, but this bred a great mischief among the people ; few or none have their lands measured or marked, they were in haste, and got what they could, they had their emissaries among the poor people, and frighted them to take grants, some come and complained to the governor, and prayed him to confirm their rights which he refused to do, the coramission and whole proceeding being illegal, having notice ihey were to be under his governraent, they resented it, but served their turn. The poor have been very much oppressed here, the fort run all to ruin, and wants a great deal to repair it. Captain Palmer and Mr. West laid out for themselves such large lots, and Mr. Graham though net there, had a child's portion, I think some have eight thousand or ten thousand acres. I hear not of one penny rent comming in to the king, from them who have their grants confirmed at York, and the five shillings an hundred acres was only a sham upon the people: at our re turn we saw very good land- at Winter Harbour, enough to make large settlements for many people. The governor will have it first measured, and then surveyed, and then will dis pose of it for settlements. Mr. Graham and his family are settled at Boston, he is made Attorney general, and now the governor is safe in his New- York Confidents, all others being strangers, to his council. 'Twas not well done of Palmer and West to tear all in peices that was settled and granted at JPe- myquid by Sir Edmund, that was the scene where they placed and displaced at pleasure and were as arbitrary as the great Turk. Some of the first settlers of that eastern country were denied grants oj their own lands, vjhilst these men have given ' the 38 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' ihe improved lands amongst themselves, of which I suppose ' Mr. Hutchinson hath complained.' In another, iWai/ the JGth ' 1689, he says ; ' 1 must confess there have been ill men from ' New-York, who have too much studied the disease of this ' people, and both in courts and councils, they have not been ' treated ivell.' Thus does Edward Randolph, a bird of the same feather with themselves confess the truth, as to this matter, concerning his brother Palmer and West. And that oppressive fees have been extorted by indigent and exacting officers is declared by Mr. Hinckley the present gover nor of New-Plymouth in his narrative of the grievances and op pressions of their majesties good subjects in the colony oyNew- Plyraouth in New-England, by the illegal and arbitrary actings in the late Government under Sir Edmund Androsse, which narrative is too large to be here inserted, but it is possible it may be published by itself, whereby it will appear that every corner in the country did ring with complaints of the oppressions, and (to speak in Mr. Palmer's phrase) horrible usages of these ill men. Some passages out of Mr. Hinckley's narrative re specting this matter, we shall here transcribe, whose words are these which follow. ' The bill of cost taxed by judge Palmer seems also to be ' the greatest extortion ever heard of before, as thrice twenty ' shillings for three motions for judgment at the sarae term, ' (and was it net their courtesy they did not raove ten times ' one after another at the sarae rate) and taxed also, five pound 'for the king's attorney, and one and twenty shillings for the •judges, and ten shillings for the sheriff, and other particulars ' as by the said bill appeareth, and that which makes it the ' greater extortion is, that the whole bill of cost was exacted of ' every one of them, which each of them must pay down, or be ' kept prisoners till they did, though all seven of them were ' jointly informed against in one inforraation.' Thus Mr. Hinckley. The cry of poor widows and fatherless is gone up to heaven against them on this account ; for tbe probate of a will and letter of administration above fifty shillings hath been extorted out of the hands of the poor, nay they have been sometimes forced to pay more than four pounds, when not much above a crown had been due. Let Andrew Sergeant and Joseph Quilter among many others speak if this be not true, who were compelled to travel two hundred miles for the probate of a will, and to pay the unreasonable and oppressive fees complained of. Besides The Revolution in New-England- Justified. 39 Besides these things, under Sir Edmund's government they Iiad wicked ways to extort money when they pleased. Mr. William Coleman complains (and hath given his oath accord ingly) that upon the supposed hired evidence of ene raan he sustained forty pounds daraage in his estate. And there were coraplaints all over the country that Sir Edmund's excise men would pretend sickness on the road, and get a cup of drink of the hospitable people, but privately drop a piece of money, and afterwards make oath that they bought drink at those houses, for which the innocent persons were fined most unreasonably, and which was extorted frora them, though these villanies were declared and made known to these then in power. William Goodhue, and Mary Dennis might be produced as witness here of, with many more. Some of Sir Edmund's creatures have said, that such things as these made his government to stink. Also John Hovey and others coraplain of sustaining ten pounds daraages by the extortion ef officers, though never any thing (they could hear of) was charged upon them to this day, John and Christopher Osgood complain of their being sent lo prison nine or ten days, ivithout a mittimus, or any thing laid to their charge, and that afterwards they were forced to pay ex cessive charges — It would fill a volume, if we should produce and insert all the affidavits which do confirm the truth of these complaints. In the time of that unhappy government, if the officers wanted money, it was but seizing and imprisoning the best men in the country for no fault in the world, and the greedy officers would hereby have grist to their mill. Thus was Major Ap pleton dealt with. Thus Captain Bradstreet. Thus that worthy and worshipful gentleman Nathaniel Salstoristal, Es quire, was served by them and barbarously prosecuted, without any information er crime laid to his charge ; for he had dene nothing worthy of bends, but it was the pleasure ef Sir Edmund and seme others, thus to abuse a gentleman far more honourably descended than hiraself, and one concerned in the government of New-England before him, but (to his eternal renown) ene whe refused to accept of an illegal and arbitrary commission, when in the reign of the late king James it was offered to him. We have now seen a whole jury of complaints which concur in their verdict against Sir Edmund Androsse and his confede rates. Were these things to be heard upon the place, where the witnesses who gave in their affidavits are resident, they would amount to legal proof, as to every particular which was by 40 The Revolution in Ntw-England Justified. by the agents oj ihe Massachusetts colony in New-England ob jected against Sir Edmund Androsse, and others seized and secured by the peeple there. Moreover there are other matters referring to Sir Edmund Androsse which caused great, and almost universal jealousy of him. For first, His commission was such as would raake any one believe that a courtier in the tirae ef the late king James spoke true, who said Sir Edmund Androsse was sent io New- England on purpose to be a plague io the people there. For he with three or four more, none of them chosen by the people, but rather by that implacable enemy who prosecuted the quo warranto's against their charters, had power given them to make laws, and raise what monies they should think meet for the sup port of their own government, and he had power hiraself alone to send the best and most useful men a thousand miles, (and further if he would) out of the country, and to build cities and castles (in the air if he could) and demolish thera again, and make the purses of the poor people pay for it all. Such a com mission was an unsufferable grievance, and no honest English man would ever have accepted of it, or acted by it. Secondly, Jealousies were augmented by his involving the country in a war with the Indians, by means whereof he hath occasioned the ruin ef many families and plantations; yea the death or captivity of we know not how many' souls. For he went (with the Rose frigate, and violently seized, and took and carried away, in a time of peace all the houshold goods and merchandises of monsieur Cakeen a Frenchman at Penobscot who was allied to the Indians having married the daughter of one of their princes whom they call Sagamores or Sachems ; and when this was dene, it was easy to foresee, and was gene rally concluded that the French and Indians would soon be upon the English, as it quickly came to pass. After the flame was kindled, and barbarous outrages comraited by the Indians, Sir Edmund's managery was such as filled the country with greater fears of an horrid design. For bloody Indians whom the English had secured, were not only dismissed, but rather courted than punished by him. Thirdly, It cannot be exprest what just and amazing fears surprised the people of New-England when they had notice of the late king James being in France, lest Sir Edmund Androsse whose governor. and confident he was, should betray thera into the power of the French king, other circumstances concurring to strengthen these fears- The Mohaivks and other Indians were The Revolution in New-England Justified. 41 were in hostility against the French and it was very advanta- gious to the English interest to have it so, but Sir Edmund caused them to make a peace with the French, whereby the French interest in those parts was strengthened, and the English weakened. Mr. Peter Reverdy (a French protestant) in his memoirs concerning Sir Edmund Androsse complains of this. After that Sir Edmund Androsse and his accomplices were secured, such reports and informations came to hand, as made New-England admire the divine providence in accomplishing what was done against the late oppressors. They then saw the pejrsons from whom they suspected the greatest danger, were now incapable of betraying them. If an unaccountable instinct and resolution had not aniraated the inhabitants in and about Boston, to seize on those few men, the people there believe New-England would have been in the hands not of king William but king Lewis e'er this day : For in Sept. 1689, several vessels belonging te JVeu>-£ngZawd were taken near Cansoe in America by sorae French raen of war. The prisoners since at liberty, inform, that the French told them, that there was a fleet ef ships bound from France direct ly for Boston in New-England, but some of them were taken by the English ships of war, and three or four of them lost at Newfoundland, and that Sir Edmund Androsse had sent to the French king for them to corae over, and the country should be delivered up. And the Lieutenant of a French man of war professed, that if Sir Edmund Androsse had not been imprisoned, they would then have gone to Boston. This shews what a good opinion the French had of hira, and such reports so testified made a strange irapression on the spirits of the people through out the country : And that the world may see we do not write fictions of our own, the subsequent Affidavits are produced and here inserted. ' John Langford of Salem testifieth. That he being in the ' Ketch Margaret oi Salem, Daniel Gygles commander, they ' were taken by the French ships off Tarbay in America, near ' Cansoe on Tuesday the 17th day of September last past, and ' being put on board the Admiral, viz. The Lumbuscado, and ' in the said ship carried a prisoner to Port-Royal, and then ' did hear several of the corapany on board the said ship say, ' that they carae directly from France, and that there was ten ' or twelve sail of them ships of war that came in company loge- ' ther, but sorae of them were taken upon the coast of France ' and some were lost since, and that they were all bound directly ' for 42 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' for New-England, and that Sir Edmund Androsse late gover- ' nor of New-England had sent to the French king for them to ' corae over, and the country should be delivered up into bis ' hands, and that they expected that before they should arrive, ' it would have been delivered into the hands of the French. ' John Langford.' ' Benjamin Majery of Salem, Jersey-man, also testifieth, that ' he being taken the sarae day, and at the sarae place in the ' Ketch Diligence, Gilbert Peters commander ; as is abovesaid ' in the evidence oi John Langford, he heard the same related, ' by several of the company on board the other French ship of ' war that was in corapany with the Lumbuscado ; viz. The ' Frugum, so called, that there was ten sail ef thera carae out ' directly from France together ; that Sir Edmund Androsse ' late governor oi New-England had sent to the king oi France ' for thera te come over, and he would deliver the country into ' their hands, and that they were bound directly for Boston in ' New-England but had lost most of their ships coming over. The raark M ef Benjamin Majery. ' John Langford and Benjamin Magery, both made oath ' to the truth of their respective evidences in Salem, Novem- ' ber 23, 1689. ' Before me, John Hathorne, assistant.' ' Joshua Conant testifieth. That he being coraraander of the ' Ketch, Thomas and Mary of Salem, he was taken by three ' French ships off from Tarbay, near Cansoe, upon Tuesday ' the 17th of September last, two of which were ships of war, ' the ether a merchant-man, and being put on board the Admiral, ' viz. the Lumbuscado, and therein carried to Port-Royal a ' prisoner, Mr. Mero told rae that the French on beard told him, ' that there was ten sail of them ships of war came out in com- ' pany together from France, and that they came directly from ' France, and were bound to Boston in New-England, and ' that Sir Edmund Androsse had sent to the French king for ' them, and that the country was te be delivered up into their ' hands; but having lost several of their ships in their voyage, ' and hearing that Sir Edmund Androsse was taken, and now ' in hold, should not proceed at present, but threatened what * they would do the next summer. ' Joshua Conant. ' Joshua Tlie Revolution in New-England Justified. 43 ' Joshua Conant personally appeared before me, and made oath to the truth of the abovesaid evidence. Saiem, Novem ber the 23d, 1689. ' John Hathorne, assistant.' ' Phillip Hilliard of Salem, Jersey-man, testifieth. That he ' was taken by the French in a Ketch belonging to Salem ; viz. ¦ the Thomas and Mary, Joshua Conant coraraander off from ' Tarbay near Cansoe, this autumn, September 17, and being • carried on board the Lumbuscado, did on board the said ship ' bear several of the company say, that there was about twelve ' sail of them ships of war, came out in company together from ' France, and were bound directly for Boston in New-England, ' and that Sir Edmund Androsse, the late governor there had ' sent into France for them te come over. The mark 8 of Phillip Hilliard. ' Phillip Hilliard personally appeared before me, and made ' oath to the truth of tli« abovesaid evidence. Salem, Novem- '¦ ber the 23d, 1689. ' John Hathorne, assistant.' ' James Cocks of Salem, mariner, testifieth. That he was ' taken by the French in the Ketch Margaret of Salem, ' Daniel Gygles commander, on Tuesday the 17th of Septem- ' ber last past, off from Tarbay near Cansoe, by two French ' ships of war, who had one merchant-man in company with ' them, and he being carried on beard the admiral, viz. the ' Lumbuscado, he there met with a man he had known in Lon- ' don, ene of the said ship's company, who was a Biscay born, ' named Peter Goit, who told him that there was thirteen ships ' of them came out of France in company together, and that ' they vvere bound directly for Boston in New-England, ex- ' peeling that the country was before, or would be at their ' coming delivered up to the king of France, and told him, before ' they could get clear of the coast of France, several of their ' ships were taken by the English ships of war, and the rest of ' their fleet taken or dispersed, and lost about Newfoundland. ' The mark of S S of James Cocks. ' James Cocks personally appeared before me, and made oath ' to the truth of the abovesaid evidence. Salem, November 23d, ' 1689. ' John Hathorne, assistant.' But 44 The Revolution in New-England Justified. But as to one of the criraes objected against Sir Edmund An drosse and his accoraplices, Habemus confitentem reum. Mr. Palmer cannot deny but that they levied monies on the king's subjects in New-England, contrary to ihe fundamentals of the English government, which doth not allow the imposition of taxes without a parliament. The New- Englanders supposed that their late oppressors had been guilty of no leas than a capi tal crime by their raising money in such a way as they did ; and we are assured that one of them after he received, and before he acted by virtue of his illegal coramission from the late king, pro fessed, that if ever he had an hand in raising a penny of money without an assembly, his neck should go for it ; and yet no man that we knew of had a deeper hand in it than this person had. But Mr. Palmer, for the justification of this so foul a business, lays down several positions which he would have no raan deny; one ef his positions is. That it is a fundamental point consented to by all christian nations. That the first discoverer of a country inhabited by infidels, gives a right and dominion of that country io the prince in whose service and employment ihe discoverers were sent. These are his words, p. 17. We affirra, that this fundamental point (as he calls il) is not a christian, but an un christian principle. It is controverted among the School-men, an dominium fundatur in gratia. Papists are (as Mr. Palmer is) for the affirmative, but the scripture teaches us to believe that the heathen nations, and the sons of Adam, and not the children of Israel only, have a right lo the earth, and lo the inheritance vvhich God hath given them therein, Deut. 32. 8. When Mr. Palmer hath proved that infidels are not the sons of Adam, we shall consent to his notion, that christians may invade their rights, and take their lands frora them, and give thera to whora they please, and that the pope raay give all America to the king of Spain. But let hira know, that the first planters in New-England, had more of conscience and the fear of God in thera, than it seeras Mr. Palmer hath. For they were not willing to wrong the Indians in their properties; ior which cause it was that they purchased from the natives their right to the soil in that part of the world, notwithstanding what right they had by virtue of their charters from the kings of England. Mr. Palmer's position is clearly against Jus Gentium &f Jus Naturale, vvhich instructs every man, Nemini injuriam facere. He that shall violently, and without any just cause take from infidels their lands, where they plant, and by which they subsist, does them manifest iniury, And let us know of Mr. Palmer, The Revolution in New-England .fustified. 45 if f// ris^irtn princes have power to dispose of the lands belonging to infidels in the West-Indies, whether they have the like do minion over the lands belonging to the infidels in the East- Indies, and if these infidels shall refuse to consent that such christians shall possess their lands, that then they may lawfully vi &f armis expel or destroy them, as the Spaniards did 1 We may send Mr. Palmer for further instruction in this point to Balaam's ass, which ingenuously acknowledged that her master (though an infidel) had a property in, and right of do minion over her. Numb. 22. 30. But this gentleman hath some other assertions which he would have us take ior postulata, and then we shall be his «/ai;es without all peradventures. He tells us in page 17, 18, 19, that the English plantations (in par- ticulur New-England J are no parts of the empire of England, but like Wales and Ireland, which were conquered, and belong lo the dominion of the crown o/England, and that therefore he that wears the crown, may set up governments over them, which are despotick and absolute, without any regard to Magna Charta, and that whereas in Barbadoes, Jamaica, Virginia, ^c. they have their assemblies, that is only from the favor of the prince, and not that they could pretend right to such privileges of Englishmen. And now we need no further discovery of the man. Could the people of New-England who are zealous for English liber ties ever endure it long, that such a person as this should be made one oi their judges, that by squeezing of them, he might be able to pay his debts ? And can any rational man believe, that persons of such principles did not tyrannize over that people when once they had them in their cruel clutches, and could pretend the authority of the late king James ior what they did ? in our opinion Mr. Palmer hath not done like a wise man thus to expose himself to the just resentments and indignation of all the English plantations. If ever it should be his chance to be amongst them again, what could he expect but to be looked on as communis hosiis, when he thus openly de clares that they have no English liberties belonging to them ? — That worthy gentleman Sir William Jones (who was Attorney General in the reign of king Charles the second) had certainly more understanding in the law than Captain Palmer, and yet Captain Palmer (we suppose) is not ignorant that when sorae proposed, that Jamaica (and so the other plantations) might be governed without any assembly, that excellency Attorney (not like Captain Palmer but like an Englishman) told the then king, 4(5 The Revolution in New-England Justified. king, thai he could no more grant a commission to levy money on his subjects there without iheir consent by an assembly, than they could discharge themselves jrom their allegiance io the English crown ; and what Englishmen in their right wils will venture their lives over the seas to enlarge the king's dominions, and to enrich and greaten the English nation, if all the reward they shall have for their cost and adventures shall be their being deprived of English liberties, and in the same condition with the slaves in France or in TurkyI And if the colonies q/" New- England are not to be esteemed as parts 0/ England, why then ivere the quo warranto's issued out against the government in Boston as belonging to Westminster in Middlesex ! Are the English there, like the Welsh and Irish a conquered people ? When Mr. Palmer hath proved that he hath said something. They have (through the raercy of God) obtained conquests over raany of their enemies, both Indians and French, to the enlargement ef the English dominions. But except Mr. Palmer and the rest of that crew will say, that his and their domineering a while was a conquest, they were never yet a conquered people. So that his alledging the case of Wales and Ireland before En glish liberties were granted te them, is an impertitient story. Besides, he forgets that there was an original contract between the king and the first planters in New-England, the king pro mising thera, if they at their own cost and charge would subdue a wilderness, and enlarge his dominions, they and their posteri ty after thera should enjoy such privileges as are in their charters- expressed, ef which that ef not having taxes imposed on them without their own consent was one. Mr. Palmer and his brethren oppressors will readily reply, their charier was con demned. But he cannot think, that the judgment against their charier made them cease to be Englishmen. And only tbe colony of the Massachusetts had their charter condemned. And yet these men ventured to levy monies on the king's subjects in Connecticut colony. For the which invasion of liberty and property they can never answer. Indeed they say the corpo ration of Connecticut surrendered their charter. But who told them so? It is certain, that no one belonging to tbe govern ment there, knoweth of any such thing ; and how their oppres sors should know that Connecticut raade a surrender of their charter when the persons concerned know nothing of il, is very strange. We can produce that written by the secretary of that colony with his own hand, and also signed by the present governor there, which declares the contrary to what these raen (as untruly as boldly) affirm. Witness the words following. ' In The Revolution in Neiv-England Justified. 47 ' In the second year of the reign of king .Tames the second ' we had a quo warranto served upon us by Edward Randolph, ' requiring our appearance before his majesty's courts in En- ' gland, and although the time of our appearance was elapsed ' before tbe serving of the said quo warranto, yet we humbly ' petitioned his majesty for his favour, and the continuance of ' our charter with the privileges thereof. But we received no ' other favour but a second quo warranto, and we well observing ' that the charter of London and other considerable cities in ' England were condemned, and that ihe charter of the Massa- ' chusetts had undergone the like fate, plainly saw what we ' might expect, yet we not judging it good or lawful to be ac- ' tive in surrendering what had cost us so dear, nor to be alto- ' gether silent, we impowered an attorney to appear on our ' behalf, and te present our humble address lo his majesty, but ' quickly upon it as Sir Edmund Androsse informed us, he was ' impowered by his majesty to receive the surrender of our ' charter, if we saw meet so to do and us also to take under his ' government. Also, Col. Thomas Dungan his majesty's go- ' vernor oi New- York, laboured to gain us over to his govern- ' ment. We withstood all these motions, and in our reiterated ' addresses, we petitioned his majesty to continue us in the free ' and full enjoyment of our liberties and properties, civil and ' sacred, according to our charter. We also petitioned that if ' his majesty should not see meet to continue us as we were, ' but was resolved to annex us to sorae other governraent ; we ' then desired that in as much as Boston bad been our old cor- ' respondents, and a people whose principles and manners we ' had been acquainted with, we might rather be annexed to Sir ' Edmund Androsse his government, than to Colonel Dungan' s, ' which choice of ours was taken for a resignation of our charier, ' though that was never intended by us for such, nor had it the ' formalities in law to make it such. Yet Sir Edmund An- ' drosse was comraissionated to take us under his government, ' pursuant to which about the end of October 1687, he with a * company oi gentlemen and grenadiers to the number of sixty ' or upwards came to Hartford the chief seat of this govern- ' ment, caused his commission to be read, and declared our ' government io be dissolved, and put into coramission both ' civil and military officers throughout our colony as he pleased. ' When he passed through the principal parts thereof, the good • people of the colony though they were under a great sense of ' the injuries sustained thereby, yet chose rather to be silent ' and 48 The Revolution in New-England Justified. ' and patient than to oppose, being indeed surprized into an ' involuntary submission to an arbitrary power. ' Hartford, June Robert Treat, Governor. 13, 1689. John Allen, Secretary.' Thus did Sir Edmund Androsse and his creatures, who were deeply concerned in the illegal actions of the late unhappy reigns, contrary te the laws of God and men, comrait a rape on a whole colony ; for which violence it is hoped they raay ac count, and make reparation (if possible) to those many whose properties as well as liberties have been invaded by thera. Captain Palmer in the close of his partial account of New- England entertains his readers with an harangue about the sin of rebellion, and misapplies several scriptures that so he might make the world believe that the people of New-England have been guilty of wicked rebellion by their casting off the arbitrary power of those ill men who invaded liberty and property to such an intolerable degree as hath been proved against thera. But does he in sober sadness think, that if when wolves are got araong sheep in a wilderness, the shepherds and principal raen there shall keep thera from ravening, that this is the sin of re- hellion condemned in the scripture ? How or by whose au thority our lawyer comes te play the divine we know not. But since he hath thought meet to take a spiritual weapon into his hand, let him knew that the scripture speaks ef a lawful and good rebellion, as well as of that which is unlawful. It is said of good Hezekiah that he rebelled against the king of Assyria and served him not, 2 Kings 18. 7. Indeed rev'iYmg Rabshakeh upbraided him, and said as in verse 20, thou rebellest (not un like to Captain Palmer) saying to New-England, thou rebellest. Hezekiah's predecessors had basely given away the liberties of the people, and submitted to the arbitrary power of the Assy rians, and therefore Hezekiah did like a worthy prince in cast ing off a tyrannical government, and asserting the liberty of them that were the Lord's people, and God did signally own and prosper him in what he did, and would never permit the Assy rian to regain his tyrannical power over Jerusalem or the land of Judah, though for their trial he perraitted their enemies to make sorae devastations araong them. The like (we hope) may be the happy case ef New-England. Mr. Palmer tells us, that New-England hath valued itself for ihe true profession and pure exercise of the protestant religion, but he intimates that The Revolution in New-England Justified. 49 that they will be termed a land full of hypocrisy and rebellion, irreligion, and a degenerate wicked people, p. 39. And is this the sincerity and christian moderation which he boasts himself of in his preface ? Surely these are the hissings of the old serpent, and do sufficiently indicate whose children the men are that use them. Since he will be at divinity, let him (if he can) read the apologies written by Justin Martyr and Tertullian, and there see if Pagans did not accuse Christians of old, just after the same manner, and with the same criraes that he wicked ly upbraids that good and loyal people with. Who are they that use to call the holiest and most conscientious men in the world hypocrites, liars, rebels, and what not ? but they that are themselves the greatest hypocrites, liars, and rebels against heaven that the earth does bear ? It is hard to believe that Captain Palmer does not rebel against the light ef his own con science, when he affirms as in page 38, that in New-England, every tiling that hath any relation to their majesties is neglected and unregarded, without any recognition qf their authority over those dominions. He cannot be ignorant of the humble addresses which the peeple in New-England have from time to tirae made to their present majesties, acknowledging their authority. He knows that on the first notice ef their majesties being proclaimed king and queen in England, both those now in government in New-England, and the body of the peeple with them, did (without any comraand) of their own accord, with the greatest joy proclaim their majesties in New-England. He knows that their majesties have no subjects raore cerdialy and zealously devoted to thera than those in New-England are, or that do with greater fervor pray for their long and happy reigns, or that are more willing lo expose theraselves to the utmost hazards in their service, and yet this man that knoweth all this, to cast an odium on that loyal and good people, insinu ates as if they were rebels, and disaffected to the present go vernment, and designed lo set up an independent common wealth, and had no regard to the laws of God or men. After this lying and malicious rate hath he expressed himself. What rational charity can be extended so far as to believe that it is possible for him to think that what himself hath written is true? When Sanballat wrote that Nehemiah and the Jews with him intended to rebel, did he believe what he had written ? no, he did not, hut feigned those things out of his own heart. The like is to be said of those Sanballats that accuse the people of New-England with thoughts of rebellion. And so we have done Vol. IV.— No. 9. 31 50 The Revolution in New-England Justified. done with Mr. Palmer. What hath been said is sufficient to justify the revolution in New-England, and to vindicate the people there from the aspersions cast upon them by their ene mies. Several worthy gentlemen have under their hands given an account concerning some of Sir Edmund's arbitrary pro ceedings, which is subscribed by five (and more would have concurred with them had there been time te have communicated it) of those who were of Sir Edmund's council during his go vernment there, and for that cause their complaints carry more weight with them, which shall therefore as a conclusion be here subjoined. READER, THERE is such notoriety as to matter of fact in the prece ding relation, that they who live in New-England are satisfied concerning the particulars contained therein. If any in England should hesitate, they may please to understand that Mr. Elisha Cook, and Mr. Thomas Oakes (who were the last year sent from Boston to appear as agents in behalf of the Massachusetts Colony) have by thera attested copies of the affidavits (at least-wise of most of thera) which are in this vin dication published, and are ready (if occasion serve) to produce thera. A NARRATIVE of the PROCEEDINGS OF Sir Edmund Androsse and his Accomplices, Who acted by an illegal and arbitrary Coramission frora the late King JAMES, during his Governraent in NEW- ENGLAND. By several Gentlemen who were of his Council. To the R E A D E R. THE particulars mentioned in the ensuing narrative, are but a small part of the grievances justly complained of by ihe people in New-England, during their three years oppression under Sir Edraund Androsse. For a more full account, the reader is referred to ihe justification of the revolution in New- England, where every particular exhibited against Sir Ed mund and his accomplices, by the agents lately sent to Eng land, is by the affidavits of honest men confirmed. If some men find themselves thereby exposed to the just resentments and indignation of all true christians, or true Englishmen, they must thank themselves Jor publishing such untrue accounts as that which goes under the name of Captain John Palmer's, and that scandalous pamphlet called New-England's Faction discovered, supposed to be written by an implacable enemy of all good men, and a person that for impudence and lying has few equals in the world. This which follows, being signed by several gentlemen of great integrity, who likewise had a particular knowledge of the things by them related, is therefore of unquestionable credit. The design in making of it thus public, is to vindicate iheir majesties loyal subjects in New-England, and to give a true representation of things unto those who have by false relations been imposed on. Boston, New-England, Feb. 4, 1690-91. HAVING received from Mr. Addington by order of tbe Council and representatives of the Massachusetts colony a signification ef their desire ; That whereas we were merabers of the late council in the tirae of Sir Edmund Androsse's Go vernment, we would give some information of the grievances and 52 The Revolution in New-England Justified. and male-administrations under the same. Upon considera tion had thereof, and in answer thereunto, we cannot but own and declare, that not only ourselves and many others in the same station (not now present to join with us) were of a long time much dissatisfied and discouraged with very many of the proceedings and administrations in the said government ; and had little reason to wonder that so great a number of the people were so too. It might well have been expected that the go vernor (not so successful heretofore) notwithstanding the extra- ordinariness (to say no more) of many clauses and powers in his commission ; yea the rather and the more, because thereof would have cautioned and moderated the execution of the same: But to our great trouble we found it very much otherwise. Many were the things that were accounted irregular and grievous therein, far frora conducing to the public weal of the territory, and not a little to the disservice of the crown, as tend ing rather to the disturbing and disaffecting of the subjects here, than te the furtherance of that chearful obedience, loyalty, love and duty in them, which ought by all good raeans, to have been nourished and proraoted. And of all this unhappiness, we must reckon the first step and in-let to be, that the governor did so quickly neglect the great number of the council, and chiefly adhere unio and govern by the advice only of a few others, the principal of them strangers to the country, without estates or interest therein to oblige them, persons of known and declared prejudices against us, and ihat had plainly laid their chiefest designs and hopes to make unreasonable profit of ihis poor people. Innumerable were the evil effects that from hence were continually growing up amongst us ; the debates in council were not so free as ought io have been, but too much over-ruled, and a great deal of harshness continually expressed against persons and opinions that did not please. The greatest rigour and severity was too oftenused towards the soberest sort of people, when any thing could be found or pretended against them, their humble submissions were little regarded, and inexo rable persecutions ordered against them, whilst in the mean time ihe notorious viciousness and profaneness of others met not with the like discountenance, but persons of such a character were put into places of business and trust. The long settled maintenance of the publick ministry, even from those that ap plied themselves to no other way of worship, but continued or dinary hearers, could net be upheld by any act of authority providing for the same, and schools of learning so well taken care The Revolution in New-England Justified. 53 care of formerly, were in most cases fallen to decay, and many more such hke might be reckoned up. But we shall more es pecially instance further in the particulars following, as not the least. I. It was as we thought a great slight put upon the council, and to the prejudice of the good people of »he territory, that whereas at the governor's first coming a committee appointed thereunto by himself, and a full council had with great care and several weeks trouble revised a very considerable number of orders and laws collected out of the several law-books of these colonies found by long experience very needful and agreeable to the good of these plantations, which laws so collected and revised, were again presented unto, and upon further advisement approved by the governor and council and passed. Yet upon the introducing Mr. West from New-York to be deputy secre tary, they were, for what causes we know not, totally laid aside, and the people denied the benefit of them. And this grievance was so much the greater, and a plainer indication of the severity of some men in their intended management of things, because on good deliberation they had also passed an order of council, that until the council should take further order, the several justices, town-officers, and others should proceed according to former usages, and such local laws in the several parts of this dominion, as are not repugnant to the laws of England, &fc. Yet because by virtue of the said order some in authority have proceeded to put forth their power for the support of the minis try, and some others did justify themselves in some actions done by them that were not pleasing ; hereupon when a discourse only, and some debate thereof had passed in council, but with out any regular determination made, and contrary to the ex press word of the said order, it was entered in the council-book concerning it, resolved that the sarae was only in force till the next session of the council, and so determined as null of itself, and that none presume to act pursuant to such laws as are or shall be made here. 2. Whereas the act for the continuingand establishing of several rates, duties and imposts, was one of the first of so great moment that came out in a form under the seal of the territory, and was publickly proclaimed, we that were present have great cause to remember what trouble and dissatisfaction there was among the members of the council concerning the same. As that act vvas framed 54 The Revolution in New-England Justified. framed and urged upon us, a very considerable number (and we believe we were the major part) dissented from and argued rauch against it. And though the governor expressed not a little heal and positiveness alledging his instructions, and held the council together, unreasonably a very long tirae about it. Yet Hihen we did at last break up we could not iraagine that he could take the bill to be agreed to ; nevertheless it was the next day (to our wonderment) brought in fairly engrossed in parch ment, and quickly signed by the governor ivithout any counting of voices either then or the day before, which was the more needful because seme did continue still to raake their objections, others that had spoken against the bill the day before, declaring their adherence to what they had then said ; and many more under so great discouragement and discountenance, as was manifested sitting silent, which we are sure in the regular pass ing of laws can never be reckoned for a consent. 3. The way and manner used afterwards of proposing and passing all laws was very uncertain and unequal, not answerable to the nature of so great a power, nor to the largeness of the territory that was to be obliged by them, or to the number of the councellors appointed therein ; for after a little while there were no set times appointed or given notice of for the raaking of laws, that so the merabers of the council raight attend in a fuller nuraber to be helpful therein. Bills ef the greatest con cernment were usually first consulted and framed in private, and so unexpectedly brought into council al any tirae, and then our work too was often under great disadvantages, not to advise freely and consult about the raaking of a law thought necessary, but to raainiain a contest in opposition to a very inconvenient one, too far promoted and engaged in already : and above all, there ivas never any fair way of taking and counting the num ber of the councellors consenting and dissenting, that so the majority might be known in any matter that admitted of any considerable reasonings and debates, by reason whereof both laws and other orders and resolutions might be set down as passed by the council, which ought not to have been. And when it hath been (as often it was) expresly and earnestly prayed when matters of greater moment than ordinary were in hand, that the debate and resolution of thera might be put off lill a fuller council of merabers from other several parts of the dominion might be convened such motions were ever disac- cepted, and entertained with no litde displacency ; so that it might The Revolution in New-England Justified. 55 might be too truly affirmed, that in effect four or five persons, and those not so favourably inclined and disposed as were to ¦ be wished for, bear the rule over, and gave law to a territory the largest and most considerable of any belonging to the do minion of the crown. 4. In pursuance of this way and manner of passing laws above expressed, there were two in special that came forth, which we are sure in fuller and freer councils would have had a full stop put to thera ; viz. First, The act for regulating the choice of select-raen, ^c. wherein the liberty of towns lo meet for the managing of their publick affairs referring te their common lands, and all other their concernments, which they had enjoyed for so many years, to their great benefit, was most unreasonably restrained to once a year, and all other convening of inhabiiants as a town meeting, upon any pretence or colour whatsoever, was strictly forbidden : And the other act was that intituled, an act requiring all masters of ships or vessels to give security, in which there were such restraints laid upon all persons from transporting themselves freely (as their occasion might call) out of their territory, that it would have been a meer prison te all that should be found therein, and such bond required of all ships and vessels (extending in the practice even to shallops and weed-boats) as would quickly have intolerably discouraged, if not ruined the trade thereof; and all without any other ordi nary general benefit of the said act, but the filling sorae men's pockets with fees : And (as il might be thought from the time of raoving this act, which was when Captain Hutchinson was already gone, and Mr. Mather was knoivn to be intending for England) the obstructing of such men's going home as were likely there to make just complaints, and seek redress of pub lick grievances ;- and when this act had been strenuously op posed in council here at Boston, where it was more than once vehemently urged, and as often denied, ii was carried as far as New York, and there an opportunity found for the obtaining of it. 5. The great matter of properties and titles to our lands is the next lo be insisted on, his majesty that granted the charter did fully invest the patentees with right to the soil throughout the whole limits thereof, and here on the place, the right of the natives was honestly purchased from them. The disposal, dis tribution, and granting of lands by the patentees, who were also incorporated, 56 The Revolution in New-England Justified. incorporated, and made a body politick, was in such a plain, ready, easy way, without any charge to the planters, as in the settlement ef so large a country vvas thought to be most agreea ble: And so much of a publick spirit and design were those noble gentlemen, that (though well they might) they settled not one single penny of service or acknowledgment to theraselves and heirs of any of their grants, a thing so self-denying and worthy, that few instances can be given of the like. All vvhich notwithstanding, and the possessions, descents and valuable purchases of so many years that have passed since, the governor and those he adhered to resolved and practised to make all men's titles in effect quite null and void. The purchasing of the natives right, was made nothing of, and next to a ridicule. The enjoyment and improvement ef lands not inclosed, and especially if lying in common amongst many was denied to be possession ; it was not enough that some men that thought it convenient, and were both willing and able, did take confirma tions of their lands, the numbers of whom in time might have been a considerable gain to them ; but nothing would satisfy unless all in general might be compelled so to do ; hence those that refused were declared intruders upon his majesty, and put in fear of having their lands granted unto strangers. Many were solicited, and encouraged to petition for other men's lands, and had a shameful exaraple set thera by some ef the chief con trivers of all this mischief. When some men have petitioned for a confirmation of their own lands, a part of these only was offered to be granted to ihem, and another part denied. Nor could any man's own land be confirmed to hira, without a par ticular survey of every part and parcel of them first raade, the great charges whereof, and ef other fees to be taken would have been to most men- insupportable: Yea it hath by some been computed that all ihe money in the country wopld not suffice to patent the lands therein contained. And yet further, a considerable quit-rent to the king was to be imposed upon all lands, though already a constant yearly tax for the support ef the government had been laid on them. And for all this most unreasonable vexation to a laborious and industrious people, the only ground pretended was some defects and wants ef form and due manner alledged to be in the way of the disposing and conveying of all lands from the paten tees lo the townships and people here ; which whatever it amounted to might have been easily remedied, either by an application The Revolution in New-England Justified. 57 application and representation to the king for the obtaining a general settlement of all properties (which would have been highly worthy and generous for the governor to have engaged in, on behalf of the peeple) or by seme other ways that were proposed. But nothing but the way of particular patenting as abovesaid could prevail. In prosecution whereof all actions in tended upon informations of intrusions in his majesty's behalf, or between old proprietors and new grantees must have had their decision at the ordinary courts of common law here upon the place where matters of equity and of a consideration trans cending all ordinary cases could not have a proper cognizance and due influence in the decision, determination and judgment. 6. Though sufficient courts of justice were appointed, and held in the several counties for the trial of all offenders, yet it was too frequent upon more particular displeasure to fetch up persons from very remote counties before the governor and council at Boston (who were the highest, and a constant court of record and judicature) not to receive their tryal but only to be examined there, and so remitted to an inferior court to be farther proceeded against. The grievance of which court was exceeding great, for hereby not only the charge was made ex cessive upon such persons by the notorious exactions of the messenger, the secretary's fees for examination, ^c. But these examinations themselves were unreasonably strict, and rigorous and very unduly ensnaring to plain unexperienced men. And the trials of several, were by this means over-ruled to be at Boston, and not in the proper counties, and were otherwise so far prejudged as to be rendered less equal. The extraordinary oppressive fees taken in all matters by in digent and exacting officers, these were at the first for a long time arbitrarily imposed and reqijired without any colour of an establishment of them by the council. Afterwards a cemraittee was appointed, to bring in a table of fees, that spent along time without finishing any thing, the reason whereof was because some therein especially the deputy secretary West, insisted upon fees much more extraordinary than some others could con sent to. In conclusion ; there was a table of fees drawn up to be presented to the council, and signed by someof the committee, one of whom, (whose subscription is to this paper) declaring expresly, that by his signing he did no otherwise agree, but only that it might be presented to the council, to do therein as they should 58 The Revolution in New-England Justified. should see cause, who also when it was so presented to the council, declared that raany of the particulars in that table con tained, were unreasonable, and ought to be abated, and of this mind were many others. But the entry after the usual raanner was an approbation thereof. Lastly. As to those great jealousies and suspicions of sinister designs in the governor as to our troubles by ihe Indians, we have to say. That although divers things too uncertain, if not untrue have been too easily reported and spread concerning him, a practice which some of us have formerly with no little prejudice to ourselves discountenanced and borne testimony against : yet there have not wanted some other particulars that might give too great a ground for the same. The principal of them (as far as we have any knowledge of things of that kind) are these. The governor's sei'zi/?^ and taking away the goods of Mon sieur St. Castine oj Penopscot, the summer before the war broke forth, which thing hath been esteemed not a little tehave stirred up and furthered the succeeding troubles. The governor's not hastening bis return te Boston when these troubles were actu ally begun, but lengthening out his tarrience in places so reraote till the hostility of the Indians, and the great mischiefs thereof were too far advanced. That during his absence he was not pleased sufficiently to impewer and instruct any to act things necessary for the safety of^ the out plantations and the prosecu tion and suppression of the eneray, tho' he had speedy and true accounts frora tirae to time sent hira of all that happened. That all that was done to this purpose in a case of such neces sity, either by the lieutenant governor, or by the justices of the peace, and military officers in many places, by securing and disarming of neighbouring Indians, setting up, warding and watching, garrisoning several houses for the security of the in habitants, especially the woraen and children, in case of sudden inroads and surprizings that raight be, sending some relief of men to some places that were most in danger, and also what was done by those members of the council that were at Boston in conjunction with the commander in chief left in the fort there, who raised and sent sorae forces to Casco-Bay, where greatest harras were done. We say, that all that was thus done, was so exlreamly disapproved of by the governor upon his return back from Albany and New-York, and an unaccountable displeasure manifested against all persons that had so acted, and that he vvas The Revolution in New-England Justified. 59 was ready to call them to an account as high offenders for the same, and refused a long time, though much solicited, to give any order concerning the soldiers sent to Casco, either for the continuance of them there, where they were very necessary, or for their dismission home. Unto all which raay be added the governor's sending messengers both John Smith the quaker from Albany, and soon after Major Macgregory to Keybeck upon such errands and business as were not communicated and laid open to the council. And further, his release and setting at liberty sundry Indians that were in hold, some of them known enemies io ihe English, and particularly objected against by several of the council, and that without any exchange of our English captives then in the enemies hands. These are the chief matters which upon this occasion (with out any undue prejudice against any man, or design to justify the defects of ourselves in the performance of our own shares of duty, but in answer to the desire signified to us as above) we have to set forth, professing truly that by such a state of things as we had the experience and feeling of, the places that we held were rendered exceeding uneasy to us, and that out of a sincere respect to the prosperity of these their majesties plan tations, we could not but be very desirous that through the favour of God and our superiors, all due redress might in a good happy season be obtained ; and the way of governing English subjects in their majesties dominions without an assembly of the people's representatives banished out of the world for ever. William Stoughton, Thomas Hinckley, Boston in New-England, Wart. Winthrop, Jan. 27, 1690. Barthol. Gedney, Samuel Shrimpton. FINIS. AN ACCOUNT O F THE State 9aetioIution I N NEW-ENGLAND. Together with the DECLARATION OF THE Gentlemen, Merchants, and Inhabitants oiBOSTON, and the Country adjacent. April 18. 1689. Written by Mr. NA THANAEL B Y FIELD, a Merchant of Bristol in New-England, to his Friends in London. LICENSED, June 27. 1689. J. Eraser. LONDON: Printed for JiJJC* . VII. To plunge the poor People every where into defeper Incapacities, there was one very comprehensive Abuse given to us; Multitudes of pious and sober Men through the Land, scru pled the Mode of Swearing on the Book, desiring that they raight Swear with an uplifted Hand, agreeable to the ancient Custom of the Colony; and though we think we can prove that the Common Law amongst us ( as well as in sorae other places un der the English Crown) not only indulges, but even coraraands and enjoins the Rite of lifting the Hand in Swearing; yet they that had this Doubt, vvere still put by frora serving upon any Juries; and many of them were most unaccountably Fined and Imprisoned. Thus one Grievance is a Trojan Horse, in the Belly of which it is not easy to recount how many insufferable Vexations have been contained. ¦§>. VIII. Because these things could not make us miserable fast enough, there was a notable Discovery made of we know not what flaw in all our Titles to our Lands; and, tho besides our purchase of them from the Natives; and, besides our actual peaceable unquestioned possession of them for near threescore Years, and besides the Promise of K. Charles II. in his Pro clamation sent over to us in the Year 1683j That no Man here shall receive any Prejudice in his Iree-hold or Estate : We had the Grant of our Lands, under the Seal of the Council oi Plimouth : which Grant was Renewed and Confirmed unto us by King Charles I. under the Great Seal of England ; and the General Court which consisted of the Patentees and their Asso ciates, had made particular Grants hereof to the several Towns (though 'twas now deny'd by the Governour, that there was any such Thing as a Town) among us ; to all which Grants the General Court annexed for the further securing of them, A General Act, published under the Seal of the Colony, in the Year 1684. Yet we were every day told. That no man was owner of a Foot of Land in all the Colony. Accordingly, Writs of Intrusion began every where to be served on People, that after all their Sweat and their Cost upon their formerly purchas ed Lands, thought themselves Free-holders oi what they had. And the Governor caused the Lands pertaining to these and those particular Men, to be measured out for his Creatures to take possession of; and the Right Owners, ior pulling up the 10 An Account of the late Stakes, have passed through Molestations enough to tire all the patience in the World. They are more than a few, that were by Terrors driven te take Patents for their Lands at excessive rates, to save them from the next that might petition for them : and we fear that the forcing of the People at the Eastward hereunto, gave too much Rise to the late unhappy Invasion made by the Indians on thera. Blanck Patents were got ready for the rest of us, to be sold at a Price, that all the Mony and Moveables in the Territory could scarce have paid. And several Towns in the Country had their Commons begg'd by Persons ( even by sorae of the Council themselves) who have been pri vately encouraged thereunto, by those that sought for Occasions to impoverish a Land already Peeled, Meeted out and Trodden down. §. IX, All the Council were not ingaged in these ill Actions, but these ef them which were true Levers of iheir Country, were seldom admitted to, and seldomer consulted at the Debates which produced these unrighteous Things: Care was taken to keep them under Disadvantages ; and the Governor, with five or six more, did what they would. We bore all these, and many more such Things, without making any attempt for any Relief; only Mr. Mather, purely out of respect unto the Good of his Afflicted Country, undertook a Voyage into England; which when these Men suspected him lo be preparing for, they used all manner of Craft and Rage, net only to interrupt his Voyage, but to ruin his Person too. God having through many Difficul ties given him to arrive at White-hall, the King, more than once or twice, promised him a certain Magna Charta for a speedy Redress of raany things which we were groaning under: and in the mean time said. That our Governor should be writienunto, to forbear the Measures that he was upon. However, after this, we were injured in those very Things which were complained of; and besides what Wrong hath been done in our Civil Con cerns, we suppose the Ministers, and the C^MrcAes every where have seen our Sacred Concerns apace going after thera: How they have been Discountenanced, has had a room in the reflec tions ef every man, that is not a stranger in our Israel. § X. Andyetthat our Calamity might not be terminated here,. we are again Briar'd in the Perplexities of another Indian War; how, or why, is a mystery toe deep for us to unfold. And tho' 'tis judged that our Indian Enemies are not above 100. in num ber, yet an Army of One thousand English hath been raised for the Conquering of them ; which Army of our poor Friends and Brethren Revolution in 'New-Eaghnd. 11 Brethren now under Popish Commanders (for in the Army as well as in the Council, Papists are in Commission) has been un der such a conduct, that not one Indian hath been kill'd, but more English are supposed to have died through sickness and hardship, than we have adversaries there alive ; and the whole War hath been so managed, that tve cannot but suspect in it, a branch of the Plot to bring us low ; which we leave to be fur ther enquir'd into in due time. <§> XI. We did nothing against these Proceedings, but only cry to our God ; they have caused the cry of the Poor to come unto him, and he hears ihe cry of the Afflicted. We have been quiet hitherto, and so still we should have been, had not the Great God at this lime laid us under a double engagement to do something for our security : besides, what we have in the strange ly unanimous inclination, which our Countrymen by extreamest necessities are driven unto. For first, we are informed that the rest of the English America is Alarmed with just and great fears, that they may be attaqu'd by the French, who have lately ( 'tis said) already treated many of the English with worse then Tur kish Cruelties; and while we are in equal danger of being sur prised by them, it is high time we should be better guarded, than we are like to be while the Government remains in the hands by which it hath been held ef late. Moreover, we have under stood, (though the Governour has taken all imaginable care to keep us all ignorant thereof) that the Alraighty God hath been pleased to prosper the noble undertakingeflhe Prince of Oraw^e, to preserve the three Kingdoras from the horrible brinks of Popery and Slavery, and to bring to a Condign punishment those worst of men, by whom English Liberties have been destroy'd ; in compliance with vvhich Glorious Action, we ought surely to follow the Patterns which the Nobility, Gentry and Commonal ty in several parts of those Kingdoms have set before us, though they therein chiefly proposed to prevent what we already en dure. '^ XII. We do therefore seize upon the Persons of those few III men vvhich have been (next lo our Sins) the grand Au thors ef our Miseries ; resolving to secure them, for what Jus tice, Orders from his Highness, with the English Parliament shall direct, lest, ere weare aware, vie find (what we may /ear, being on all sides in danger) our selves to be by them given away to a Forreign Power, before such Orders can reach unto us ; for which Orders we now humbly wait. In the mean time firmly believing, that we have endeavoured nothing but what meer Duty 12 An Account of the late Duty to God and our Country calls for at our Hands : We com mit our Enterprise unto the Blessing of Hira, who hears the cry of the Oppressed, and advise all our Neighbours, for whora we have thus ventured our selves, to joyn with us in Prayers and all just Actions, for the Defence of the Land. Printed according to the Copy Printed in New-England by Sam uel Green. 1689. Revolution in New-England. 13 At the Town-House in Boston, .April 18. 1689. SIR, OF R Selves and many others the Inhabiiants of this Town, and ihe Places adjacent, being surprized with the peoples sudden taking of Arms; in the first motion whereof we were wholly ignorant, being driven by the present Accident, are necessitated to acquaint your Excellency, that for the quieting and securing of the People inhabiting in ihis Coun try from the imminent Dangers they many ways lie open and exposed to, and tendring your own Safety, We judge it necessa ry you forthwith surrender and deliver up ihe Government and Fortification to be preserved and disposed according to Order and Direction from ihe Crown q/" England, which suddenly is expected may arrive ; promising all security from violence to your Self or any of your Gentleman or Souldiers in Person and Estate : Otherwise we are assured they will endeavour the taking of ihe Fortification by Storm, if any Opposition be made. To Sir Edmond Andross Kt. Waite Winthrop. Simon Bradstreet. William Stoughton. Samuel Shrimpton. Bartholomew Gidney. William Brown. Thomas Danforth. John Richards. Elisha Cook. Isaac Addington. John Nelson. Adam Winthrop. Peter Sergeant. John Foster. David Waterhouse. FINIS A BRIEF RELATIOIN O F THE STATE O F New England, From the Beginning of tliat PLANTATION To this Present Year, 1689. %n a %ttttc to a ^ct«Jon of