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72-
^m.
YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

Bought with the income
of the
WILLIAM C. EGLESTON FUND

AUT0BI0GE4PHY OF WILLIAM STOUT.

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iPiMcai^Louly

AUTOBIOGRAPHY

op

WILLIAM STOUT,

OT LANCASTER,

WHOLESALE AND RETAIL GROCER AND IRONMONGER,
A MEMBER OF THE SOCIETY OF FRIENDS.
A.D. 1665-1752.

EDITED FROM THE ORIGINAL MANUSCRIPT,
EY J. HARLAND,
ARCRJIOLOGICAL ASSOCIATE; OP THE COUNCIL OF THE LANCASHIRE AKfl
CHESHIRE HISTORIC SOCIETY, See.

LONDON: SIMPKIN & MARSHALL.
MANCHESTER: SIMMS & DINHAM.
LANCASTER : A. MILNER, Guardian Office,
1851.

Cave & Seveh, Printers, PaJatine Buildings, Hunt's Bank, Manchester.

To A. B. ROWLEY, Esquire,

@f artSuttft, Mtmt^ntex,

TO ¦WHOSE COURTEOUS LIBERALITY

ffigta IfttU Volnme oiota fts txi»tmtt,

IT IS RESPECTFULLY

^(tiitnttti,

BY

THE EDITOR.

INTRODUCTION.

The substance of the following pages first appeared in the
Manchester Guardian, copied from a small quarto vellum-covered
volume, of coarse paper, 'written in a neat small hand, by William
Stout himself. This volume, which, together with the portrait
of Stout, descended by inheritance to A. B. Rowley, Esq.,
solicitor, Manchester, was by that gentleman placed unreservedly
in the hands of the Editor. In the articles which appeared in
the Guardian, several portions, which were not deemed suitable
for the columns of a newspaper, were omitted. These, con
sisting chiefly of the religious reasonings and reflections of a
member of the Society of Friends, have all been restored in the
following pages, and the MS. is now published entire, and, it is
hoped, rendered more interesting by an engraving, from an
admirable crayon portrait of the aged Quaker, and more easy of
reference by the Index at the end.
All through the MS. the Writer speaks of 1st Month, Uth

Vl
Month, as is the custom of Friends, and it was usually explained
in the newspaper articles which month was meant. These
explanations have however been omitted in the present volume,
as the following extract from Sir Harris Nicholas's " Chronology
of History " will supply a key to the whole : —
" Before the Act of the 34th George II. for altering the calendar in
Great Britain, the Quakers began their year on the 35th March, ¦which
they called the ' First Month ;' but at the Yearly Meeting for
Sufferings in London, in October, 1751, a committee ¦was appointed to
consider ¦what advice might be necessary to be given to the Friends in
relation to the Act in question. The opinion of the committee ¦was,
' That in all the records and ¦writings of Friends, from and after the
last day of the tenth month, called December, next, the computation of
time established by the said Act should he observed ; and that accord
ingly the first day of the eleventh month, commonly called January,
next, should be reckoned and deemed by Friends the first day of the
First Month of the year 1753, and that the follo'wing should be the
order of the months : —
Before January, 1753. Since January, 1753.
11th Month  January  1st Month
13th Month  Febb^cjaby  3nd Month
1st Month  Maech  3rd Month
Snd Month  Apbil  4th Month
3rd Month  May  5th Month
4th Month  June  6th Month
5th Month  July  7th Month
6th Month  August  8th Month
7th Month  September  9th Month
8th Month  Octobeb  10th Month
9th Month  November  1 Ith Month
10th Month  Decembeb  ISth Month.'
" The recommendation of the committee, approved by the Yearly
Meeting, on the omission of eleven days in the Calendar, was that the
Society of Friends should observe the directions of the Act of Par
liament, and omit the said eleven nominal days accordingly. This
Report was communicated to the Quarterly and "Monthly Meetings of

Vll
Friends in Great Britain, Ireland, and America, and ¦was universally
adopted by the body. The Friends do not use the name of the -week
day, but call each day, like the months, in the fbllowing order : —
1st Day  Sunday
Snd Day  Monday
3rd Day  Tuesday
4th Day  Wednesday
5th Day  Thursday
6th Day  Friday
7th Day  Saturday."
Nothing has given the Editor more trouble than his attempts
to ascertain the capacity of the old Lancaster measure of the
" windle." In various places he has assumed it to be 220 lbs.,
which is the universally-recognised windle of the present day.
Some are of opinion that the old windle was equivalent to three
bushels, or SlOlbs.

JuiT, 1851.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OE WILLIAM STOUT.

In the beginning of a book with a parchment cover, of this size and
volume, I entered the names of my father and mother, brother and
sisters, and their several marriages and habitations, and children, and
all their ancestors, so far as I had certain information ; as also my
father's first wife and her kindred, so far as I had knowledge or informa
tion. He was married to ber about the year 1637 ; she lived to the
year 1636, and in that time had no child. About the time of her
death, my father built [rebuilt ?] the house at Boulton Holmes, which
had been inhabited by bis father and grandfather one hundred years.
In the year 1639, my father, then being about 33 years of age, was
married at Boulton to Elizabeth Dickinson, aged then 38 years, not
before married; and settled upon his said estate, which was but small,
about twelve acres of ground, out of which I suppose some provision
was made for his five sisters, who were then all married and had
children ; but what portion he had with my mother I do not know.
She was bom at Hale, in Westmoreland, of substantial parents, in good
circumstances, and was the youngest of five sisters, aU married and had
children. My father and mother's first child was born in the year 1660 (in a
remarkable year for King Charles the Second's restoration), a daughter
named Elin. Their second child was born the 30th day of the 9th
month, in 1663 ; named Josias. William Stout, their third child and
second son, who is the writer hereof, was born in the first month,
betwixt the years 1664 and 1665, a remarkable year for the great Plague
or" pestilence in London, in which died in that^year about 75,000
people. Leonard Stout, the fourth child and third son, was born about
the sixth month in the year 1 667. Richard Stout, their fourth son and
fifth child, was bom in 1669, about the latter end. Mary Stout, their
B

2
sixth child and second daughter, was born in 1673, was a tender child,
aud died when about three or four years of age, before her father.
Thomas Stout, their fifth son and seventh child, was bom in 1674, and
was their last child.
My father and mother were very industrious in their children's
infancy, and in a few years had improved their estate to the double
what it was when they were married ; the lands thereabout being much
more valuable then, by the benefit of a large marsh or common, which
maintained many thousand sheep ; the marsh* then extending half way
westward from our house to Presoeare, and from Bare in the south,
round about the Know [Knoll] End in Lindeth, to Arnsid-well, except
* We may briefly refer to the boundaries of the Great Marsh, now covered alter
nately by the tide and the sands of Moreeambe Bay. Presoeare or Prestearr [Priest's
Carr] being to tlie westward of the house at Bolton, was doubtless submerged.
" From Bare on the south (a village on the coast, three miles N.W. of Lancaster)
round about the linow end in Lindeth," now called Knoll HiU, a little south of Silver-
dale, "to Arnsid-well:" Arnside Tower and Arnside Point, in the neighbourhood of
which the well must have been, are a little south of the broad estuary of the river
Ken or Kent. " Except a narrow inlet for the tide in Kear." The river Keer enters
on the sands in a broad and rapid current, rendering the passage over it at times more
dangerous than fording the Kent. A small bay between Lindeth and Warton, is
called Quicksand Pool; and in 1818 the remains of a dock were discovered there,
formed of large quantities of timber and stone, covering about an acre. Between the
mouths of the Keer and Quicksand Pool, the roots of trees are still perceptible on the
sands at low water. The estuaries of the Ken and the Keer are deemed so dangerous
to persons crossing the sands, that they have given rise to the saying —
" Kent and Keer
" Have parted many a good man and bis mere" [mare.]
From Bare (S.) to Arnside Point (N.) taking a straight line across the T)ay or sands,
is about eight miles as the crow flies ; so that the marsh, the loss of which the worthy
William Stout regrets, must indeed have been an immense one, stretching along the
coast for some nine or ten miles at the least, and separated only by the waters of the
Keer. As the parish register of Bolton-le-Sands commenced in 1653, and the first of
the seven children was born in 1660, William Stout has probably obtained the dates
of bu-ths from the register. The free grammar school of Bolton was founded by the
Asshetons in 1625-38, and aU the chUdren of that township. Nether Kellet and
Slyne, may be admitted free for instruction in Latin and Greek. The Free Grammar
School and Hospital of Jesus, iu Warton, was founded in the reign of Elizabeth, by
Matthew Hudson, Archbishop of York. There is still a place on the sands, called
Saudsides. Hest Bank is in the township of Slyne- with- Hest. Hatlex is near Hest,
and upon the coast. Various schemes have been proposed for embanking the Lancas
ter or Moreeambe Bay S»nds, so as to reclaim many thousand acres from the sea.
Amongst others, Mr. John Houseman, a skilful engineer, projected a scheme, involving
an outlay of £200,000.; but the project failed, although it was encouraged by the
great Duke of Bridgewater.

a narrow inlet for the tide in Kear, but not sufiicient to receive any
boat or barque of burthen. My father then could have kept 100 sheep
all summer on that marsh, and about the seventh month yearly the high
tides brought the sheep's dung and sea tangle [the sea-weed that grows
between high and low water mark] to the side, which was gathered by
the inhabitants ; — every bouse at the Sand's side knowing how far their
liberties for gathering extended; and I remember ours and our then
neighbour, Thomas Yeats' [or Yates] liberties extended from the Pasture
Lane yeat [gate], north, to our field called the Greet [great] South Gate,
and from thence to the north end of Hest Strand, so far and [as ?] Boul
ton liberties extended, belonged to Samuel Hutton's estate, about half or
more of which was purchased by Samuel West, and the rest of it by my
mother ; so that if the marsh grow again, our proportion of the benefit
of that [which] should belong to our part of the estate, which was very
considerable, made those estates about one-third more of value than now,
when the marsh is washed away.
Our parents were very careful to get us learning to read, as we came
of age and capacity, first at a dame school and after at the free school at
Boulton ; but my sister was early confined to wait on her brother, more
than she was well able ; our mother not only being fully employed in
housewifery, but in dressing their corn for the market, and also in the
fields, in hay and com harvests, along with our father and servants ; but
our sister was early taught to read, knit, and spin, and also needle work ;
but as she grew up [she] became tender and distempered by ulcers and
broaking-out in [her] limbs and other parts of her body. And for her
remedy our father sent her to several doctors at great cost, but not much
to her recovery. Some called her distemper the king's evil, and her
parents were advised to send her to London, to be touched by King
Charles II. which was then supposed to work a remedy for that distem
per; and accordingly they sent her, when she was about the age of 16
years, and in a month's time made a journey to London, in the spring,
and was touched by the king, and had a token of gold, about 10s. value,
to wear about her neck, as the custom was then, but found not much
benefit by it; her distemper continuing to dry up and break out at
sundry seasons. And indeed the custom of the king's touch seemed to
be but the remains of a popish ceremony, which has been disused since
King James abdicated the crown, in 1688; but how far a conceit may
aggravate or cure a distemper is doubtful to determine. However, she
continued so well as to be a good and diligent assistant to her mother, in
waiting upon and providing for the younger children in knitting, sewing,
and spinning.

As to myself and brothers, as we attained to seven years of age, we
were sent to the free school at Boulton, first taught by Richard Barker,
and after by Thomas Lawson, who some time after removed, to be the
priest or preacher at Warton ; and after him Wm. Baynes was school
master at Boulton, so long as I learned at that school, which was till I
was 14 years old. Our parents were of the communion of the episcopal
protestant reUgion, and observant of the rites and ceremonies thereof,
and walked answerable to the same and a good example to their children,
and servants, and neighbours ; and instructed us their children in the
church catechism, so-called, and to repeat the same before the parish
priest, who was then Martin Briggs. And although then very young, I
observed the answer the godfathers made to the question " What did
your godfathers promise for you ? '' which was, " to renounce the devil and
all his works, the pomps and vanities of this world, and the lusts of the
flesh, and to keep God's holy will and commandments, and walk in the
same all the days of my life." This engagement had such an impression
upon my mind at that time, that I thought it so heavy a charge, that I
would never take upon me such a charge as a godfather, if I lived to be
a man, or that any one should undertake that charge for my children, if
I should live to have any. And I have since much considered which
[that] such a strict charge to be put upon any, for the performance of
what the generality of protestants in their liturgy profess, is not attain
able in this life ; but that we must daily sin in thought, word, and deed
during our life ; which is a denying of the omnipotent power of God and
admitting that the devil has more power to hold us in sin, that [than] God
to redeem us from all evil ; which is contrary [to] the many repeated pro
mises in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, that Christ came
to take away our sins and redeem us from all unrighteousness; which we
ought to believe is possible, if we are subject to be guided by bis inward
grace, light, and spirit, manifested to us in our hearts during his gracious
visitation, but not otherways; — a manifestation whereof [it] is given to
every man to profit withal, in obedience to which salvation is promised to
all, of what nation or people whatsoever. So that true baptism is not per
formed by elementary water, but by an inward and spiritual washing and
cleansing our hearts, by the Holy Ghost and spiritual fire, from all dead
works ; and renewing the same unto an holy fear, in obedience to what
may be required immediately from us. Let our outward profession of
religion be what it will, no more is required of any person than what it
hath pleased God to manifest to be his duty to obey and do. And true
Christian charity will lead us not to censure one another for outward
ceremonies, so long as we live in love and good neighbourhood, and

observe the golden rule to do to others as we would expect they should
do to us, in all moral occasions.
As we attained the age of 1 0 or 13 years, we were very much taken
off the school, especially in the spring and summer season, plough-time,
turf-time, hay-time, and harvest, iu looking after the sheep, helping at
plough, going to the moss with carts, making hay, and shearing in har
vest; — two of us at 13 or 14 years of age being equal to one man
shearer ; so that we made small progress in Latin, for what we got in
winter we forgot in summer ; and the writing master coming to Boulton
mostly in winter, we got what writing we had in winter.
My father bought a small estate in Slyne, of about 13 acres, of one
Chapman, designing it for me, but it became encumbered by a widow,
who was vexatious, which caused him to sell it again to Cornelius
Green, and the widow died soon after, and at that time my father
minded to get me constantly to school, to get learning, in order to be
placed to some trade or other employment. And soon after he bought
a small estate of about eight acres and some old houses in Hatlex, of
Frauds Ashton of Hest, which he designed for his son Leonard,* who
very early appeared inclined and active about husbandry and cattle and
following the plough.
It was about 1 677, and the thirteenth year of my age, when the sea
began to break into our marsh at the south end, next Bare, the river
Kent then running very nigh Presoeare [Priest's Carr] on the west
and south side, and came upon the marsh with a breast, five or six
yards deep, and undermined the marsh some yards, so that when the
tide came, it fell in many yards backwards, with the noise of a cannon,
at least 10 or 15 yards in compass, and so deep as to the sold shears
[stake pebbles] which in the memory of man had not been seen, but there
were net-stakes and poles at the bottom, which might be seven yards or
more than [from] the surface of the marsh ; by which it was evident
that the marsh had been gathered in about 100 years before that.
About this time all the marsh washed away from the south end of our
¦* The Hatlex estate is now in the possession of Mrs. Alice Hall, whose residence
is Hatlex House. In this mansion there still remains an ancient piece of carved oak
furniture, with the initials " L. S." upon it, and bearmg date " 1693;" which, with
a few other things, was left on the premises by some branch of the Stout family.
Under the date of 1691, the autobiographer states that his brother Leonard about
that time built a very good dwelling house and barn and other conveniencies at
Hatlex, and that his mother increased that estate by the purchase of ten acres of
land between that of his brother Josias, at Sandside, and that of his brother
Leonard, at Hatlex. The Initials on the old piece of furniture are doubtless those
of Leonard Stout.

6
bank to the Bare, which used to be pastured by Slyne and Hest, which
used to summer many hundred sheep aud some horses. Our sheep
used to pasture about the south end of our bank, where some springs
made a pow [poll or head] or break in the marsh [pow-dike is a dike
made in fens, to carry off the waters], which the tide broke into, and
made it soft or quicksands, and as the sheep passed over it, they were
brought into the quicksands, and when the tide came they were
drowned ; and even the lambs, standing beside the ewes, when they
were fast, sunk fast, and were drowned with them ; so that most of our
stock of sheep was lost. But, for some years, the breach was confined to
the south of Presceare and our bank, till the river Kent got about Pres
oeare, and then gradually broke away all the marsh ; and as our marsh
washed away, there rose a marsh of some hundred acres at Winder Moor,
at the south and west of Cartmel, to the great benefit of that part, and to
the great loss of Boulton and Warton, from the year 1678 ; there being
no recovery for 65 years, when this was written [i. e. in the year 1743.]
In the spring in the year 1678, my father took me to the school at
Hearsom [ ? Hartsop 6| miles N.N.E. from Ambleside], in Westmore
land, where Thomas Lodge, a native of Boulton, and our kinsman,
then taught ; and then reputed the best school and master in these
north parts. There were then there five or six boys, natives of Boul
ton, all boarded with Jennet Hynd, at the rate of £4 a-year, and
plentifully provided for and diligently taught. But about the eighth
month that year I was seized with a third-day ague [tertian] which con
tinued all that winter, but I got to school every day in the forenoon all
that time ; but at the next spring it gradually went off. I continued at
that school to the tenth month, 1679, at what time the said school
master removed to Lancaster, to be master of the free school there. I
made some progress in the Latin there, and was entering into the
Greek grammar ; but I was not so forward in learning the Latin and
Greek as many of my age might ; my genius, as they term it, not
leading me that way. Nor did I make any great progress in writing,
although much taught,— by reason I was naturally left-handed, and
could not be steady in my right hand ; and then it was supposed that
one could not learn to write legibly with the left hand, which was a
mistake, for I have seen much writing with the left hand as perfect and
regular as any right-hand writing ; and I would any who has left-handed
children, to teach them to write with that band, if they intend that they
should write fine, in order to be clerks or bookkeepers to merchants.
1679.— My father, being not of a strong constitution, and very indus
trious in husbandry and employment he was capable of, for the two years

past declined gradually in his health, but not to confine him ; and being
sensible that his time in this transitory life could not continue, in this
winter made his will, in which he left his eldest son Josias the ancient
estate, where he and his ancestors were born, consisting of about 16
acres, free of any charge He left his only daughter Ellin, £80. He
left to me, his son William, some out-parcels of land and money, all
to the value of £150. ; and to his son Leonard the estate he bought at
Hatlex, with some other land, all to the value of £300., and to his two
youngest sons, Richard and Thomas, some lands in Kellet and money,
each to the value of £100. And he left our mother sole executor of his
personal estate, which was very considerable in stock of goods and money
at interest ; having improved bis estate manyfold, and also had been very
much assisting to his sisters, particularly to his sister Maudlin [Magda
lene], Bayliffe, of Goossur [Goosnargh ?], with lending her cows to stock
a small farm she took, for subsisting herself and children. And, for my
settlement, he bad this winter been treating with several to put me forth
to be an apprentice, and thereupon had come to terms with Henry
Coward, grocer and ironmonger, in Lancaster, to serve him as an
apprentice for seven years, for which my father was to pay him £30. and
to find me all apparel during that term ; which was kept private bet^wixt
them, because the said Henry Coward, although a freeman's son, and
had also served an apprenticeship to Henry Johns, a freeman, yet could
not be admitted a freeman vfithout au oath, which he would not in 3on-
science majje ; he being of the religious society of the people called
quakers, and so would not make me free at the end of my apprentice
ship, but upon an arbitrary fine. In order to prevent which, my father,
the last time he was at Lancaster should have purchased his freedom,
in order to qualify rae for the same, but was prevented, by Thomas
Waller, the bailiff, being then out of the town, without whom he could
not be admitted.
1st Month, 1679-80. — In the beginning of this month my father
becoming very weak, and a very few days before his death, as he was
sitting in his chair, by bis house-fire, and in a good composure of mind
and resignation to the will of God, — he called us all his children before
him, and gave us exhortations to live in the fear of God and in duty
and obedience to our mother, and in brotherly kindness to each other ;
and reciting to us the exhortations of St. Peter, 3d Epistle, cap. 1,
from verse 5 to 9, charging us to observe [them], with several other
exhortations, which he caused me then to put in writing, which I did,
and left with my mother to keep, but by some accident were afterwards
lost or damaged, when I would have had them due, in considera-

8
tion of the sweet frame of mind and melody of heart and soul he was
then in,— it was very comfortable to us, and an assurance of his peace
with God and future happiness. He was never inclined to make use of
doctors or physic ; but as he had lived temperately, to resign himself to
the will of God. He was endued ¦with much patience, and went off
gradually, without expressing much pain, and very sensible and com
posed till he expired as if fallen asleep. The loss of so loving, indus
trious, and provident a husband and partner, much affected my mother
with sorrow, she being left with six children, the youngest then about
four years of age. My sister Ellin, being then about 30 years of age,
was much affected with sorrow at her father's death, and sympathised
wdth her mother on this sorrowful occasion. The two months next
before my father's death, I continued to learn at Lancaster School,
under the aforesaid master, Thomas Lodge, and for three weeks after
my father's death, I went to a scrivener, to learn to write, half, and
the other to arithmetic. As for writing I made not much improvement;
but in half that time I got so good an entrance into arithmetic, that by
my industry I made good progress in it, without any instruction other'
than books ; my inclinations always leading to the learning arithmetic,
surveying, and the mathematics.
3d Month, 1 680. — The beginning of this month my mother, -with
the assistance of my uncle John Caton, whose wife Elizabeth was my
father's sister, and who was a particular acquaintance of Henry Coward,
made application to him to take me to be an apprentice, upon the terms
proposed to my late father, which he complied with ; that I should come
on liking a month or two, and accordingly my mother brought me to his
house the 10th of this month, but he was from home, gone to see his
wife, at Margaret Fox her house at Swarthmore Hull ; being then much
indisposed. Upon his return he put me into his shop, where I waited'
for some months, and then was bound to serve him seven years, from
the first day of the third month, 1680, upon the terms aforesaid, being
16 years old. Henry Coward was then about 37 years of age, having
two sons and four daughters; and had then one apprentice, Abraham
Merrick, from Cheshire, [who] had then two years to serve of seven, the
term. My master then had a full trade for groceries, ironmongery ware,
and several other goods; and [was] very much respected and trusted,
not only by the people of bis own religious profession, but by all others,
of all professions and circumstances, as well gentry as the most substan
tial yeomanry, and in appearance a very beneficial trade, more than I
had after him. His credit was so much, that any who bad money lodged
it with him to put out to interest or make use of, and, having great

9
acquaintance, [he] acted much that way, and had money ready to answer
his occasions in trade always. He was a person reputed to have a good
judgment in horses, and was always buying or exchanging horses, which
occasioned him to be often out, in company of gentlemen and others,
about horses, in pubUc-houses, which tended not to his benefit, but
diverted him from the necessary consideration and benefit of his trade.
In the first and second years of my apprenticeship, he bought the house
and shop I served in of John Cawson, being part of Esquire Tilsley's
eatate in this town, in reversion ; Mark Horsfall having a lease for two
lives in it, fipm Esquire Tinsley. My master also bought his interest in
it, so got possession and reversion. The building being old, he pulled
do'wn the back part and built all new, which might cost him about £300.
He was very active in trade, and a very early riser in a morning ; and
we apprentices, lying in the shop, were early called up, which seemed at
first to be a hardship to me, but afterwards turned to my very good
liking and benefit. But his wife, my dame, was one who took her ease,
and took no notice of trade, or any thing, but indulging her children.
8d Month, 1680. — My father, by his last will had named and re
quested Richard Dickinson, my mother's brother, and my cousin William
Caton, son of the aforesaid sister, Elizabeth Caton, to be the supervisors
to see his ¦will performed, and also to assist and advise my mother in
managing her ai&irs. In pursuance whereof, my mother, being desirous
to continue to manage the estate in husbandry, as it had been, was ad
vised to get some good servant, well experienced in husbandry, and was
recommended to William Jenkinson, who had been manager of a good
estate for many years, whom she hired, and [he] continued with her some
years, tUl her own sons were capable to manage the same. My brother
Josias being then Id, and industrious, inclined to husbandry, and my
brother Leonard, then about 14, and very active at carting or plough,
was taken off from school, having got little learning, except to read
English and some little writing ; and my sister Ellin, being then 30,
was dihgent in assisting my mother in her housewifery, whilst she was
employed in looking after her servants in the fields and dressing her
corn, and going to market with the same, as she usually did ; and also
kept a woman servant to do the hardest house service, and harrow-work,
hay, and shear [-ing] in harvest ; so that the family, and concerns were
managed in as good order as could be expected. But about the harvest
time this year my mother, so soon after the loss of her husband, was
afflicted with great sorrow, by the death of her two youngest sons
Richard and Thomas, who died of the small-pox, which distemper was
very fatal this year. Richard was then nigh ten years, and a very
c

10
hopeful boy, and took learning very well, and forward in it, and of a
very good memory; and his death very much affected me, from the
great hopes I had that he might have been assistant to me or I to him,
if he had lived till I had performed my apprenticeship. My brother
Thomas was then about five years of age, and was a weak and tender
chUd, and went off vpithout so much affliction as his brother Richard.
The loss of these two children so near together, and so soon after their
father, was so [great an] affliction to my mother, that she continued in
much sorrow for a long time, as was also my sister ; which, added to
her other bodily infirmities, reduced her [Ellen] so very lo^y, so that my
mother, to divert her, sent her to some relations at Kendal, where she
remained some time, and received some benefit in her health. Also
ndy brother Leonard was sent this winter to Silverdale, to one Atkinson,
in order to improve himself in learning and writing, which he was
deficient in, and much short of what my brother Josias had attained
unto, in writing and arithmetic.
1680 and 1681. — About this time many of the most substantial
housekeepers in and about Boulton, were taken away by death. Not
long before my father's death, my uncle Wilham Barker, of Mearsbeck,
died, whose wife Margaret was my mother's sister. His only child, a
son, died some time before him, and he left his real estate chargeable
with legacies to Elin Yeats, wife of Thomas Yeats, our next neighbour,
who was his brother's daughter ; but his personal estate he gave to his
widow, our aunt, who, some time after my father's death, came to dwell
with our mother, and was very kind and bountiful to us, but did not
continue many months tiU she also died and left to our mother a good
part of her effects, to her disposal to us her children, which she frugally
managed to good profit.
It was in the year 1680 that William Pen, — in consideration of what
was due to bis late father, Admiral William Pen, from the crown, for
his many years' service in that station with great honour and success, —
got a patent or purchase from King Charles II. for a large tract of land
of some hundred miles' extent (as big as England) on the west side of
Delewar, in America, and upon which he published proposals to
encourage the planting and peopling, that any purchaser should have
1,000 acres for 100 free farm, upon a final quit rent, and that all
people professing the Christian religion should have the free exercise of
the same, without any imposition or contribution for maintaining the
same, except what was voluntary. And in order to the improving it,
he went over in 1681, and many of his friends, called quakers, and of
other rehgious professions, as purchasers, and soon after their arrival

11
marked out a piece of ground in an angle where Schulkele [Schuylkill]
river entered into Delaware river, of two miles square, to build a city
upon, which was early begun, and carried on with that industry that in
ten years' time there were above 1,000 houses built and inhabited ; and,
in the country, to some distance [the land] purchased and cleared and
improved in husbandry, not only to support the province, but also to
export to our sugar colonies to the southward.
At the same time, and the last four years of the reign of King
Charles II. the laws for the prosecution of all protestanters for their
not conforming to the episcopal worship, were put in execution, and
their religious meetings suppressed ; which the presbyterians evaded by
meeting secretly, so that the severity fell mostly upon the quakers, who
continued to meet pubhcly, upon which they underwent great sufferings
by the law, made mostly against them, which imposed a fine of £30.
upon the preacher and £30. upon the house or inhabitant where such
conventicle or meeting was kept ; and for non-ability of the preacher or
inhabitant, the fine might be made upon any one of the hearers or con
gregation. Upon which many had all their cattle and household goods
taken from them all over the nation; or, if no distress to be had,
imprisoned. In Lancaster, the mayor ordered the meeting-house door
to be locked, and set a guard upon it, on the first day weekly, to
prevent a meeting; yet the Friends met in the lane before it, at the
usual time, without disturbance for some time; and oftentimes meetings
were kept in my master's house publicly ; but the magistrates were so
favourable [as] not to admit of any information against them; although the
law was so severe, that if any justice of peace refusd to convict and fine
upon any vile person's oath, the said justice was liable to a fine of £100.
Great distress was made of the goods of the quakers in the hundred of
Loynsdale, to some hundreds of pounds ; and it was projected that this
severe prosecution would have driven them all to the aforesaid province
of William Pen, which he named Pensilvania and the aforesaid city
Philadelphia ; and although many went, and in fifty years time it
became more populous than some others that had been planted fifty
years before it ; yet the severe prosecution rather increased the pro
testant dissenters in England. Many of the people called quakers
were committed to the county gaol for the non-payment of tithes,
church rates, and for not taking the oath of obedience, or not answer
ing in the Exchequer, Chancery, and bishops' courts upon oath ; so that
there were mostly forty or fifty at a time prisoners on these accounts ;
which my master undertook to provide bedstocks for, as also firing and
candles for, and other necessaries for such as were poor, which charge

12
was defrayed by the quarterly meeting for the county. Seth Bushall,
styled doctor of divinity, was vicar of Lancaster parish this hot perse
cution time, and was a person of a moderate disposition, and much
discouraged persecution for religion, or prosecution of any of his parish
for what was customary due, and very courteous to dissenters of all
denominations ; so that none of his parishioners were troubled by him.
But Garforth, his predecessor, was an austere man, and severe for his
pretended dues, and prosecuted them who did not pay, especially the
quakers, to imprisonment to London. And James Fenton, who suc
ceeded Bushall, was a haughty man, and very severe in exacting his
pretended dues, to imprisonment of several.
1683. — The beginning of this year, my fellow-apprentice, Abraham
Merrick, had finished his apprenticeship ; and as this summer was very
droughty, it was expected that there would be a dearth, and he was em
ployed by some persons here to go into the north of Ireland, to buy
oatmeal, which he did, — which was brought hither, but did not prove to
the projected profit of his employers. He afterwards went into Cheshire,
his native country, and began his trade at Tarporley, and married, but
did not improve himself much ; his conduct not so good, but took liberty
to keep unseasonable and disorderly company. Some time after, my
master took another apprentice, one William Chippindale, the youngest
son of John Chippindale, of Boulton [le Sands], who was first put to an
inkle-weaver at Manchester, who broke ; and so he returned home, and
was bound to my master to his trade for seven years. Before I came
apprentice, my master had one named John Lawson (he was bom at
Heysam), who kept a shop for him at Cockerham for some years, and to
whom he sold the shop, and turned over the trade there, when he was
loose ; which he did not manage, or govern himself as he ought, so that,
in a few years, he was reduced to poverty, and great disorder in his mind.
And about this time, my master was disposed to take a shop in Boulton ;
which he did, and appointed me to attend it two days weekly,— I suppose
projecting that I or his other apprentice, being natives there, might
settle there ; but after about a year trial, finding that it did not answer
to his expectation, he let it drop, and sold the goods to Roger Hind, a
shoemaker, who continued it.
The winter this year proved very scarce of fodder, straw being short,
and the grass burnt up in summer, so that little hay was got. People
were very much straitened to keep their cattle alive, and many starved;
but although the corn was short, it was well fed, so that the dearth was
not so great as was feared.
, I was mostly employed in the shop in the week-days, in making up

13
goods for the market day, as sugar, tobacco, nails, and other goods, and
particularly prunes, which we made up in the summer time, about one
cwt. weekly in lib. and Slbs., and sold them 31bs. for 4d. commonly,
which we bought then for about 8s. or 9s. a cwt., and brandy for £10. a
hogshead, and about £8. a hogshead on foreign goods ; being then very
low in duty. Tobacco, 3d. a lb., retailed at 6d., which caused a great
consumption ; and three or four of us fully employed every market day
in delivering out goods, so that we had a full trade then, and the best of
customers ; and might have got an estate if well improved, there being
then no taxes, except a small excise on ale, and custom on foreign goods,
and 9s. upon every chimney or fire-hearth yearly;* — there being no par
liament the four last years of King Charles's reign, nor any standing
army, but only the militia raised a week or ten days every summer,
which was a charge to the country equal to a standing moderate force.
1683. — Not anything remarkable to note, only the long and sharp
frost this winter. It begun about the 11th of 9th month, and continued
to the beginning of the 13th month, being the whole winter quarter, to
the great hardship and mortality of many people. It was the longest
and sharpest frost with snow that had been in the memory of any man
then living ; killed many sheep and cattle, — all rivers and fresh waters
being frozen, so that water was scarce to serve cattle and necessary occa
sions. This was about the middle of my apprenticeship, about which
time I attended the shop in winter, with the windows open, without any
sash or screen, tUl about nine in the evening, and with the windows shut
and the door open tUl ten o'clock, without coming into the house except
to our victuals, or to the fire ; having our bed in the shop, and had my
health well all the time ; which, although it might seem a hardship at
present, yet made me so hardy, that at any time I could endure the
coldest season, if dry. I remember in that great frost, one fast-day
(Sunday), I was earnestly invited to sit by a good fire with the family;
but I had sat but a short time before I .began to be faintish, and thought
it best to leave it and walk out into the air, to be walking there, or active
in the shop, where, when out of necessary business, I passed my time in
reading or improving myself in arithmetic, surveying, and other mathe
matical sciences, which I was most naturally inclined to, and made some
progress in, more than my present station required, but was of some
service upon some occasions afterward.
Some time after the great frost, my fellow-apprentice, Wilham Chip
pindale, died, so that I was left the only apprentice. But soon after,
my master took one Richard Parke, from Sunbrek, [ ? Sunbrook, near
* The chimnoy-tax was passed May, 1662.

14
Bardsea] in Furness, as a servant to look after the horses and cow, and
other necessaries about the house, as also to help in the shop upon occa
sion. And in the house he kept two maid servants, one to wait upon
her mistress, who minded httle but her own ease and appetite, and the
chUdren who were nursed out to suck, and the other servant to the
kitchen work, which made the housekeeping chargeable, and himself
often out, and often in chargeable and unnecessary and unprofitable
company, and bargaining, and supporting persons in declining circum
stances, and not of good reputation ; which in time proved to his own
discredit and loss of his esteem amongst his best friends and customers,
and the society of the rehgion he professed, to the grief of many
of them.
1684. — This year most of the nation were in great discontent; the
protestant dissenters upon their severe prosecution (and hunted after by
vile informers) upon statutes made against papists and popery, which
was pleasing to the persecuting-principled clergymen of the estabhshed
church, and popishly affected ; the papists then being connived at ; but
the sober and conscientious part of the church of England were much
displeased at perceiving that the proceeding was projected in order to
promote popery ; and more, as the Duke of York was a profound papist,
presumptive heir to the crown, and King Charles in a declining state of
health, and refusing to call a parliament, in order to settle the succes
sion, and make provision for the crown. The king being so much in
debt that the exchequer was shut up, and some arbitrary means used to
get money, particularly by calling [in] the charters of the cities and
boroughs who chose members of parliament, and granting new ones,
with limitations, at great expenses, which caused great uneasiness.
But in the latter part of this year. King Charles died ; and, contrary
to expectations of many, his brother, the Duke of York, was proclaimed
king, and at the same time acknowledged himseK to be in communion
with the church of Rome, but declared that he would maintain the
church of England as now by law established, in all its rights, privi
leges, and immunities, which at that time gave content to indifferent
churchmen ; but the sober, conscientious, and observant people of all pro
testant professions, thought that be [being] of the popish profession, could
not, or would not, wish the same performed. But in a short time he
was crowned, and sworn to maintain the government of church and
state as by law established, which seemed to give a general content to
the episcopal clergy and people ; and he soon after summoned a parlia
ment to meet at Westminster, and who met accordingly, in which he,
by his speech to them, confirmed his said declaration and oath, which

15
seemed so satisfactory to them, that they granted him not only what his
brother had, but also gave him large additions in excise and customs,
particularly 8d. a lb. custom on tobacco, and £8. a tun upon wine, and
others proportionately, which enabled him to raise an army to oppose
the Duke of Monmouth, natural son of King Charles, who at his
father's death was retired into [Holland] from whence he came with
some forces into the West of England, claiming the succession to the
crown, and was joined there by some thousands of the common people ;
but was pursued by King James's army, and in an engagement was
defeated and taken, and soon after beheaded, and many of his party
slain and taken, and the taken were tried by Judge Jeffores [Jeffreys]
and executed in a barbarous manner, many of them for only harbouring
the distressed. So King James got confirmed, and also got a standing
army, which, contrary to his expectation, was his overthrow.
1685. — Hitherto I frequented the religious worship of the church of
England, so termed, being the same professed by my parents, who
educated their children in the same, upon the first days and any other
opportunity, without any hindrance, discouragement, or dissuasion of
my master or any of his society ; yet not greatly to my satisfaction,
considering the formality and indifference there appeared of a sincere
repentance, as was enjoined in their common prayer liturgy, and cere
monies, and catechisms, was prayed for and promised, which induced
me to a further search of practical religion in truth and sincerity, which
is the substance of all. And as my master lodged and entertained most
of the preachers who came to visit their meetings, and notwithstanding
the severe execution of the laws against conventicles, they had frequent
meetings at his house in the evenings, which, being joining to the
shop, gave me and others an opportunity at the entry door to hear their
sermons and testimonies, many of which were so simple and plain, and
agreeable to the scriptures of the Old and New Testament, that they
affected me so far as to have a favourable opinion of their principles, to
be answerable to the plainness and simplicity of the primitive Chris
tians ; but at the same time [I] did not at the same time think of
entertaining or professing them, but rather to favour such as pretended
to confute them. And as I had then little more than two years to
serve, I should then be removed from any further opportunity of hear
ing their doctrine. But, upon the first day of the week in the evening,
in the 11th month, 1685, a meeting was held at my master's house, in
which one WUliam King, a plain country farmer, of Craven, in York
shire, preached ; where I then attended, and the same was so much in
the demonstration of the power and holy spirit of God, to exhort all to

16
an obedience to the light revealed in the heart and soul, of our duty to
God, that it irresistibly constrained me to own his testimony and submit
to my conviction and obedience to the inward teaching of the Spirit and
power of God in Christ Jesus, which, if obeyed, would lead unto all
trath. And the conviction was so powerful, that I resolved through the
divine assistance of the said power, to make a pubUc profession of the
principles of the people called quakers, as most agreeable to the prin
ciples and practice of the primitive Christians, and the doctrine and
self-denial and sufferings of Jesus Christ and his Apostles, who taught
that, through many crosses and afflictions the kingdom of heaven is
obtained ; which is largely set forth in the 5th, 6tb, and 7th chapters
of St. Matthew. And although I was then much comforted in the
power and presence of God in my soul, I was sensible I must meet
with many crosses and afflictions, in being obedient to my present con
victions, which I earnestly prayed to God I might be preserved in to
the last. And although I was fully convinced that the principles of
truth, as professed and preached by the people called quakers, was what
I ought to join 'with, and make open profession of, and had a sure evi
dence thereof by the comfortable presence and power of God, seahng
the same to me in solid retirement, in waiting upon him in true
silence, — yet at times, natural reasoning suggested to me that, in con
forming to the profession of the said people and principles, I should
incur the displeasure of my mother, brothers, and sister, and other my
kindred, none of whom was of that profession, as also the hatred and
scorn of my intimate neighbours and acquaintance in not giving a
plural respect to a single person, contrary to the practice and example
of primitive believers and Christians, as recorded in the Holy Scrip
tures, and practice of all antiquity, and contrary to our prayers to the
Almighty and Omnipotent fountain of mercy. And also, I should be
exposed to scorn in not uncovering my bead in addressing to my
superiors, and appearing in conformity with the many changeable
fashions ; and also it was suggested to me that, as I was now near
entering into the world for preferment in trade or other business, my
joining in society with the quakers would be a great impediment, if not
wholly prevent my getting forward, as I might otherwise have attained
to, if I had not embraced this religion; all which considerations I
had frequently entertained, but kept to what I was convinced of as my
duty to God ; and retired much, and read, and meditated on the Scrip
tures of truth, in which is recorded that through many crosses and
afflictions, the Kingdom of heaven is obtained, and that we must
obtain a new birth, as the Scriptures witnesseth, viz., a natural and [a]

17
spiritual birth ; and that we must pass from ceremony to the substance
of religion, which is to depart from the corrupt friendship and practice
of this world. And in my retirement I often witnessed the power and
presence of God to manifest to me the emptiness and vanity of the
ceremonies of baptising or sprinkling infants, terming it baptism, as
also that other ordinance, called the Sacrament, or Communion of the
body and blood of Christ ; for which there is no institution in the New
Testament ; but they are rather an imitation of the Jewish Passover and
their baptising proselytes. Christ's baptism is with the Holy Ghost
and fire, spiritually. As this is witnessed, there is a spiritual com
munion and spiritual eating and drinking the flesh and blood of Christ.
This is the unction or anointing that we must witness, in order to enter
into the Kingdom of Heaven, which the Scripture says is within us.
1687. — This being the last year of my apprenticeship, I kept close to
my trade, and without much conversation with any, further than my
occasions required, and that in a meek and gentle manner, not to give
a just occasion of offence to any, and thereby appeased any from taldng
offence ; neither was willing to enter into disputes with any about the
outward ceremonies and forms of Christian professors, remembering
what Cato in his Distiches writes, [which] in English is: — "Against
men of many words, do not contend in words ; for many have words, but
few have wisdom." And although he was called a heathen, yet it was a
Christian expression ; and I have observed sometimes that wisdom has
oftener demonstrated itself in silence than in many words, or natural or
acquired oratory, which, as Elihu, in Job, says, darkens true judgment
with knowledge. Aud, as I continued to hunger and thirst after true
knowledge, the same was more and more manifested to me, and I found
that my kindred used moderation, and seemed satisfied with me as to
my change of profession and habit and language ; and so did all others
I had occasion to converse with, being always careful to do it in a pru
dent manner, in a submissive way, without many words ; always retain
ing charity to people of other professions of religion ; believing that all
who walk according to the moral law, to do to others as they would be
done by, and are obedient to what they are convinced they ought to do,
although in the cross to their own wills and natural inclinations, are
accepted of the Lord God. For, as it is recorded in the Holy Scrip
tures, by Peter, Acts x. verse 35, that God is no respecter of persons,
but that in every nation he that feareth God and worketh righteousness
is accepted with him. And although they have not the historical know
ledge of the birth, miracles, sufferings, and death of Jesus Christ, mani
fested to them, these will be justified before God more than those that

have the Holy Scriptures, who depend of [on] their own knowledge more
than [on] obedience; not duly improving the large -talent given them.
And such as have improved the small talent given them, shaU be more
accepted and rewarded. And, in considering the profaneness, immo
rality, and wickedness practised amongst the generality of the profes
sors of Christianity, it may be supposed that more real Christianity is
observed in the Indians in Asia, Africa, and America, who have not the
knowledge of the history of Holy Scriptures, but are obedient to the
inward manifestation of the will of God.
During all the time of my apprenticeship, I had scarcely been
ten mUes from home; but my master having some commerce
with one Allen in the Isle of Man, and could not satisfy the
officers of customs here vrithout a certificate from the government
there, — in order to get which he sent me thither in the latter
part of this year. I went from here [Lancaster] along with Thomas
Robinson, apprentice to Augustine Greenwood, who was the receiver
of the crown rents there. We went in a small vessel bound for
Dublin, and in twelve hours !came over against Douglas, and met
with a small fishing boat, who took us in and put us on shore at
Douglas ; and, in less than a week, [I] got my message dispatched, and
in that time had an opportunity to go from Douglas to Peel Town, and
from thence to Castle Town ; and so had a view of the best part of that
island, which is most of it mountainous and barren, and thinly inhabited,
except in and about the aforesaid towns : but, proportional to the inhabi
tants, they have plenty of fish, fowls, flesh, beer, 'wine, and other pro
visions plenty, and at half-price as with us ; — so one may live plentifully
there at half-price they may in England, and many go there to dwell who
are reduced to straits here, by extravagance here or other misfortunes, —
who are safe there from any prosecution of the laws in England, for any
debts contracted here, or other misdemeanours committed in England or
Ireland. So soon as I had dispatched my business, I took the first op
portunity to return home ; in order to which I went on board a small
vessel at Darbyhaven, bound to Liverpool with oysters (my neighbour not
being then ready). We came out in the evening, and in the night met
with a great storm of wind and snow ; and, having no convenienoy of a
cabin or shelter, I was very much starved and cold, the effect of which
I think I felt the next year, as after writ ; but the next morning with
much difficulty and assistance we got into Douglas harbour, where, at
old David Morris's house, I was well entertained and refreshed ; and
soon after went with my neighbour Robinson on foot to Castletovm, who
then had dispatched his business, and in a few days had the opportunity

19
of returning by a barque of Workington, Thomas Walker, master,
bound to Piele of, Foulder, where we arrived the next day; and
although we met with much wind and storm as aforesaid, yet I was not
sea-sick or vomit, as is usual with persons at their first going. I took
out with me some garden seeds which I sold, and brought home a cask
of Manks old beer and some kid-skin gloves.
All the time of my apprenticeship my mother, brothers, and sister
dwelt together in much concord and industry in managing their hus
bandry, and as my brother Josias was now at age to manage for himself,
yet he was very industrious and careful for us all, as was my mother,
and by their care and industry had much improved with building and
improving at Hatlex, for my brother Leonard, now about twenty years
of age ; my sister continuing infirm, but careful in the house, whilst
my mother was assisting in the husbandry, in turf, hay and harvest
time, and dressing corn in the -winter. She and my brothers continued
healthy, as I was all my apprenticeship, although much inured to cold,
and some time to ordinary entertainment. My sister had the offers of
marriage with several country yeomen of good repute and substance;
but being always subject to the advice of her mother, was advised, con
sidering her infirmities and ill state of health, to remain single ;
knowing the care and exercises that always attend a married life, and
the hazard of happiness in it. And my sister about this time was
visited with a violent fever, which with other distempers reduced her to
be extremely low and weak, [so] that for some time we had no hopes of
her recovery.
For seven years past the sea continually wasted their marsh and [the
river} Kear, which used to run near Lindeth, now drew towards Boul
ton Holmes, and to within Prescear, and also drew in the main river
Kent, so that all the marsh to the west and north of us was washed
away, which was what Boulton used to have the benefit of ; and the
rivers running so near in the hot summer season, the cattle gadded
over to Prescear, and stayed till the flood, and then attempting to s-wim
home, were driven down by the ebb tide to the sea, and many drowned.
But we did not lose any, although several were taken down, and swam
on broad-side, as far as the sandbank, which is between Loyne [Lune]
and Heysame Lache [Heysham : Lache, a muddy hole or bog] where
they were cast [ashore] alive and well, and taken up for stray, and not
heard of for some time, or expected ahve. The distance they swam
was at least seven mUes, which is wonderful to consider.
John Bryer, son of Edmund Bryer, of Kellet, by his first wife,
whose second wife was Agnes Barker, and sister to my father's first

20
wife, Grabe Barker ; but neither of them having any chUd, we did not
claim any kindred to each other. The said John Bryer and I was bom
both in one week; sprinkled or christened at Boulton together, and
bound apprentice, he to Thomas Green and I to Henry Coward, both
at one time, and loose from the same both at one time. I never
thought the time long to be out of my apprenticeship, as too many
youths are, but always thoughtful or doubtful of my capacity and cir
cumstances to manage my trade to reputation and advantage ; not
determining which way of business to undertake, till, soon after my
return from the Isle of Man, my master told me that John Bryer had
taken a shop of George Townsend, Esq., and that there was one next
to it to be let, if I bad a mind ; upon which I viewed them, and found
that which was to let not proper for me, but rather the other, that
Bryer had taken, so thought no more about it.
Sometime this year Christopher Harrys, a draper and grocer in
Cartmell, of great business, but a very penurious and slavery (?), who
frequented our market at Lancaster, and usually, to save the charge of
carriage, brought one or more horses to carry his goods ; but in crossing
the sands some horse faltered and cast his loading, which he endeavour
ing to put to rights, was so long that the flood came and he was
drowned, notwithstanding several came by and saw him, but he would
not call for assistance, otherwise might have saved his goods and hfe.
Upon his death, his shop and goods were to be sold, and John Bryer
was advised to buy them, being a place well customed, which he com
plied with, and then applied to' me to take the shop here [in Lancaster]
off his hands ; offering some abatement of the rent, which was £5.
a-year ; which I accepted, but never got any thing. But he was in a
little time tired at [of] Cartmell and crossing the sands, and left that
place and took a shop near me in Lancaster and began his trade here.
So soon as I had taken a shop I applied to my mother and brother,
in order to get what money I could of what was due by my father's will,
which was £50., let by my father on bonds to John Hodgson, merchant,
designed for me, and £3. 10s. interest ; and I sold three acres of land
in Kellet Intacks [inclosures] to Henry Batson for £33. ; and some
lands my father bought of George Gardner I sold to my brother Josias
for £33., left me by father's will,— in all £119. 10s. ; and I borrowed
£19. which I repaid the 9nd of 19th month following ; so that the said
£119. 10s. was all that I could command as due by my father's will. I
borrowed of my sister £10., which I kept many years. All this money
was got ready, and I bought deals and boards and employed a joiner to
make chests and draw-boxes [drawers] to fit the shop.

21
1688. — The time of my apprenticeship was not out till the first of 8d
month next; but there were several of our neighbours, shopkeepers,
determined to go to London at the end of Lent assizes. Upon applica
tion to my master, he discharged me from my apprenticeship, in order
to have the opportunity of going with them ; and my brother Josias
offering to lend me a horse, I made ready for the journey and took with
me £130. of the aforesaid sum. I set forward the beginning of the 3d
month, 1688, in company of Thomas Green and other neighbours, and
one Manser, of Borrwick, and William Clarkson, of Halton, two
youths who went for preferment, and we all got well to London in flve
days, and lodged at the Swan with Two Necks, in Lad Lane ; and as
soon as I got there, I applied to such tradesmen as I had been recom
mended to, and bought of sundry persons goods to the value of £900. and
upwards, and paid each of them about half ready money, as was then
usual to do by any young man beginning trade ; and the Edward and
Jane ketch, James Myers master, being then taking in lading for
Lancaster, T got all my goods on board him in a week, and was then
ready to return ; which I did with my neighbours so far as Stony Strat
ford, and then left them and came alone by way of Northampton,
Leicester, and Nottingham, to Sheffield. I brought down with me
from London to Sheffield about £30., which I laid out there in Sheffield
and Birmingham manufactures, and got well home the end of that
week ; and the next week forwarded the finishing of the shop, and laid
out the remaining £90. in that and in buying nails and other things of
this country's manufacture. And that day week after I got home, the
ship got to Lancaster, in seven days' passage from London hither. [I]
got the goods landed, and the shop and cellar fixed and furnished with
about 300 [pounds] worth of goods, against the summer fair.
I took off the shop a small room, for a bed, table, and a small light,
where I lodged, and upon the 38th day of the third month, 1688, I
went to board with Alderman Thomas Baynes, at the price of £5.
a-year, victuals and washing, but lodged in the shop, so was seldom in
the house, which was adjoining to my shop, but at victuals, summer or
winter; for in my apprenticeship, and sometimes after, we were
frequently called up at all times of the night to serve customers;
[which] obliged us to have a bed in the shop. At midsummer fair I
had good encouragement, without inviting any of my master's or neigh
bour's customers, which was a practice much then used, but by me
always detested, as being contrary to the golden rule to do unto others,
&c. My sister Elin came at the fair to assist me, and on the market
days, and was as ready in serving retail customers as a young apprentice

22
could have done. And I always detested that [which] is common ; to
ask more for goods than the market price, or what they may be afforded
for, but usually set the price at one word, which seemed offensive to
many who think they never buy cheap except they get abatement of the
first price set upon them, and it's common for the buyer to ask the
lowest price, which if answered, they will stUl insist of abatement;
to whom I answered they should not tempt any to break their words.
And I observed that such plain-dealing obliged worthy customers and
made business go forward with few words.
I had not been above three months in business in my shop, till I was
visited with a sore distemper, which I suppose was the effect of my
Starve I got, in my first attempt of returning from the Isle of Man.
It began with a great pain in my legs and knees, so as I could hardly
walk, and ascended upwards to my body and arms, and got me quite
down, and to bed in the house, where I laid, not able to stir leg or arm,
or turn myself in bed without help. The doctor called it a rheumatism,
and I was let blood in each arm several times, and had a great quantity
of blood taken from me, which brought me very weak, so as many
thought I should not recover. But after lying about a month in that
weak condition, I got some appetite for nourishment. The doctor said
I was feverish • and must take weak meat and drink, but I coveted
better. My neighbour John Bryer visited me often, and once merrUy
told me I must take better meat and drink, and told me where there
was very good ale, and sent for some, and I drank one or two glasses of
it, which very much refreshed me, and my appetite increasing I easily
recovered, and got into the shop, and lodged in it as before ; and in the
winter, my dear sister Elin attended me and the shop all the time of
my weakness, and was very active in the shop, considering her time of
experience in her assisting me before.
This year must be remarkable for the strong revolution then happen-
ing. King James, at his accession to the crown, called a parliament,
to whom he did engage to govern according to the laws, and maintain
the state and the protestant religion as by law established, although at
the same time he did declare himself in communion -with the church of
Rome, upon which the parliament granted him new [taxes], and con
firmed the subsidies of excise and custom, by which he raised an army
to suppress a rebellion against him by the Duke of Monmouth, which
was soon effected, and the duke taken and beheaded. But he [the
king] continued his army, and soon after put out a proclamation for
hberty of conscience to all protestant dissenters, and also to papists, to
the free and open exercise of their rehgion, which was graciously

2S
accepted by all dissenting protestants, who had been great sufferers in
his brother's reign ; and many who had been long prisoners were
released. But this very much offended the bishops and clergy, who
soon perceived that all this pretended liberty was only intended to
introduce a papist government, which soon was evident, for the king
made papists lord-lieutenants and deputy-lieutenants, and justices of
peace, judges, and presidents of colleges; and also presbyterians,
aldermen and mayors of corporations, and counoilmen. Even the
quakers were encouraged to undertake to be justices of peace, and
magistrates in corporations ; but generally declined. John Greenwood
was elected mayor of Lancaster, and the mace was carried before him,
with inferior officers attending him, to the presbyterian place of worship.
And none permitted [promoted ?] to any place of profit or trust, till
they would promise, upon an election for members of parliament, to
vote for such as would be for the repeal of the penal laws and test acts ;
but it was evident that the repeal of the test act was most in view.
These proceedings caused most of the ancient nobility and gentlemen
who were zealous against popery [to retire] from the court to their
country seats ; and four or five of the bishops were committed to the
Tower for not complying that the king's dispensing power should be
published by the clergy in their churches.
And upon the 1 0th day of the 4th month this year, it was published
that the queen was delivered of a son, which was published Prince of
Wales, and consequently to be successor to the crown, if li-ving at the
king's death. But as the Princess of Orange and Princess Anne of
Denmark were not at the birth, and others who ought to have been,
upon the birth of an heir to the crown, it was suggested that he was
not born of the queen, but was an impostor ; and many pamphlets were
published to prove the same, but never proved by any authority
appointed thereon.
However, appUcation was made to the Prince of Orange aud his
princess, by the ancient nobility and principal commoners, — who were
zealous against popery, for them to interpose for their legal succession
and preservation of the protestant religion, — to come over, to endeavour
to have all the king's proceedings examined, and the laws and constitu
tions practised ; which was done privately, but was so effectual that the
Prince of Orange, vrith the advice and countenance of the states of
Holland, raised an army of about 10,000 foot and 4,000 horse, shipped
in 300 transports, and convoyed by about 30 ships of war, in which
were many English fugitives, and discontented ; and, after some dis
appointment, got a fair wind for England, and came to Torbay, in

Devonshire. King James's fleet being then in the Thames, not
knowing but the Dutch might come to Hull, were wind-bound in the
Thames, whilst the Prince of Orange had landed his army near Exeter,
and [was] upon his march towards London. In the meantime, King
James had drawn what forces he could spare out of Scotland and
Ireland, which, with his army, then encamped at Hounsley Heath,
marched into Dorsetshire Downs, expecting to engage the Prince of
Orange and his army. But upon his coming there. Prince George of
Denmark and many of King James's generals and officers went over to
the Prince of Orange with most of their men ; which brake King
James's army. The Prince of Orange at the same time put out a
proclamation that he did not come to conquer or subdue the nation, but
in order to have an impartial and free parliament, with a real establish
ment of the king and kingdom in the protestant religion ; which. King
James not according with, and having sent the queen and infant before,
he retired to France, relying upon the King of France to restore him
to his dominions, by virtue of a secret league, supposed to be formerly
entered [into] betwixt them. Upon which the Prince of Orange
marched up near London, and, as King James had abdicated the
government and left the kingdom, the principal lords and commons
requested the Prince of Orange to undertake the government till a
convention of the estates might meet ; which he accepted of, and
undertook to general satisfaction ; and the convention met in the 11th
month, and then constituted [themselves] to be a parliament, and, after
some debates, the Prince and Princess of Orange were declared and
proclaimed King and Queen of England, by the name of Wilham the
Third and Mary the Second, King and Queen of England, Scotland,
&c., upon the 13th day of the 13th month, 1688; and the king soon
after went over to Holland, and at the Hauge [Hague] entered into an
alhance with the Emperor of Germany, King of Spain, Duke of
Savoy, and States of the United Netherlands, jointly to carry on a war
against the King of France, who was then supposed to be aiming or
aspiring to the supreme monarchy of Europe, especially if he could
re-establish King James in his dominions.
1689. — And early this spring, the French sent some forces to
Ireland, to join King James's army there, which kept that nation for
him, and they were landed at Bantry Bay ; but as the transports and
ships of war that brought them were returning they met with some
English ships of war, who fought them and took and disabled some of
them, — and this was the beginning of the war, which was soon after
proclaimed in England, France, and our alhes aforesaid. And imme-

25
diately after, the sea was overspread with the French privateers and
ships 6f war, which quite put a stop to the commerce by sea betwixt
London and this county, as also all commerce with France, and a pro
hibition of all their products and manufactures.
Before this war with France, it was computed that we paid to that
nation at least one mUlion of money sterling, for their fashions, pro
ducts, and manufactures, over and above what they took from us of our
products and manufactures ; and although it was accident, during the
first year of this war they took from us at least 500 of our ships, which
were computed at half a million in value more than we took of their
ships, which losses were great to particular persons or merchants; yet the
nation got or saved yearly one million of money, this year, to carry on
the war with France, by being prohibited trade with them, and [this] put
us upon the silk, hnen, paper, and many other of the manufactures, to
the enriching this nation and particularly in the south of this county, in
making canvas in imitation, and as good as their Normandy canvas and
Brittany hnen. As to vfine and salt, we now had them from Portugal
and Spain, who took from us the double value in goods of what we had
from them. Also at this time the salt rock was found in Cheshire, from
the brine of which they formerly made fine salt ; but now they digged
out the rock, and carried it by sea to all parts of England and Ireland,
and melted it in sea water, and boiled it up into a strong salt, as good
French [and] Spanish salt. Also abundance of stills were set up for
extracting good and strong spirits from malt, molasses, fmit, and other
materials, instead of French brandy. Some thousand tons of prunes
used to be brought yearly from France to England, and commonly sold
31b. for 4d. ; and now not to be had at 40s. a cwt., which now turned to
the butchers' profit. Resin from France usually sold for 10s. a cwt,
now advanced to fid. or 8d. a lb., till got from New England, where it
was in few years extracted in as great plenty, as cheap and fine as
French. We had now no carriage from London but by land, and the cheese of
Cheshire and Lancashire, which used to employ at least twenty ships
yearly, to carry cheese from Liverpool and Chester to London, were
now no more employed, but all the cheese sent by waggon to London,
and for back carriage brought groceries and other merchandise into the
country ; by whom we got our goods to Standish, at the rate of 3s. to
5s. a cwt. in summer ; they choosing to bring them thither, in order to
carry coals or cannel back into Cheshire ; and we usually gave Is. fid. a
cwt. bringing them from Standish to Lancaster ; but all our goods from
90s. a cwt. and under we got them elsewhere ; iron from the Bloomeries
E

26
in Cartmel and Furnas, there being then no furnaces erected for
refining it : and what Swede iron we got, it was from York or Leeds,
by land.
Tobacco we had always one or more ships yearly hither from Virginia,
importing it, where we had opportunity to buy small bundles of the
sailors, at moderate prices ; but at the beginning of the war it was
high, most ships being taken. Our neighbour John Hodgson sent a
ship with a cargo, about £300. value, which purchased about 900
hogsheads, got well home, by which he gained at least £1,500.;
tobacco being then near 13d. a lb. ; and in Virginia then, 30s. worth
of English goods here would purchase one hogshead of good tobacco
there. It was then perniitted to be imported in bulk or small parcels,
to stow close. The said John Hodgson had then and some years before,
a sugar house in Lancaster for refining sugar, which supplied us with
refined sugar and molasses ; but as no natural sugar was then imported
here [Lancaster], he got his from Bristol or Liverpool, from whence we
got ours. There were then copperas works erected at Liverpool, to
supply this country, and alum works in Yorkshire, and many other
manufactories, to answer what we formerly had from London and foreign
parts, to the ease and benefit of this country.
It being now a year since I began trade, I inspected my books to
know how I might pay what was owing, to clear accounts yearly as I
ought to do ; but found that I had been too forward in trusting, and too
backward in calling, as is too frequent vrith young tradesmen. I found
I should have occasion to hire some money at interest, and thereupon
borrowed of John Johnson £40. upon bond, for which my brother Josias"
and cousin Wra. Caton were bound with mo, and which I kept till the
said John Johnson died. The bond dated May 1, 1689, and in that
month I went to Sheffield and bought goods to the amount of £30. I
went the beginning of the week, to be there on their market day, the
third day of the week. On that and next day dispatched my business
and got home on fifth and sixth days, to be at our market; being always
six days out upon that journey, my sister Elin duly attending my shop
in my absence. At my entering on trade I was the fifth in the iron
monger trade, viz., my master (Henry Coward), Robert Carter, John
Marshall, and Benjamin Borrow, and myself. Upon casting up my
shop, in the third month of this year, I found that I had sold goods for
ready money about £450., and upon credit about £150. And, with the
value of goods in the shop and cellar, I computed that I had gained
this year about £50., besides shop rent and boarding.
Having no apprentice, and trade increasing, I was much, confined

27
and employed in keeping accounts and making up goods ready for the
market. And in spring got up as [soon as] it was day, and in summer
at sunrising, and took a walk a mile out of town by myself, each day in
the week, if fair, sundry ways, and returned in time to open the shop.
And in the evenings, after nine, took a walk upon the Green Area
alone, if fair ; otherwise, when out of business, passed my time in
reading religious books or history, geography, surveying, or other
mathematical sciences.
About this time, this corporation had a contest with Liverpool about
the toll of goods we had from them; our town alleging that their
charter exempted them from passage-toll [passagium] all over this
nation and Ireland ; but for refusing it, our goods were taken and kept.
But as I was no freeman of Lancaster, nor could be admitted without
an oath, I released my goods ; but my neighbours, who were freemen,
commenced an action against the persons who seized their goods, at
their own and the corporation's charge, which was defended by the
corporation of Liverpool, and some hundred pounds spent on each side
vrithout being determined. Our town, being tired with the suit, let it
drop ; upon which Liverpool vaunted that whetherever [whoever] had
the better cause, they had the better purse, and thereupon seized the
goods of the London cheesemongers for toll, who contested it with
them at law, and cleared themselves from toll there ; upon which it was
told the Liverpool people that the cheesemongers at London had a
better purse, if not the better cause.
1690. — I was boarded at Alderman Thomas Baynes's house two years,
at the rate of £5. a-year, and then, he being disappointed of a house
keeper, upon the 5th day of the third month this year, I removed to be
boarded with Richard Sterzaker, a butcher, very near my shop, at the
same price, with several others ; and very good entertainment, to our
good liking and satisfaction. And at the same time I inspected my
circumstances, in order to settle the balance accounts with my creditors
once a-year, as was necessary, and to get in what money I could
without borrowing, intending to go to London ; which I did as fully as
I expected. I bought a horse, and about the middle of the third
month set forward accompanied by John Bryer, and several neighbours,
tradesmen, Christopher Proctor, John Powel, Robert Parkinson, and
several others, — eight or ten in company. At Preston, I was doubtful
my horse would not perform the journey, which very much discouraged
me ; but, being encouraged by the company, went forward, and there
upon had better hopes; and at Dunchurch, my neighbour Bryer,
having occasion to stay, gave me the charge of his money, which, with

28
my own, amounted at least to £100., and most in sUver, gold then
being scarce, and sUver money beginning to be much impaired by
clipping and counterfeiting, especially the standard money, coined
before the restoration of King Charles II. Most payments were made
in that money, upon which at that time people were obliged to have
saddle bags to carry it behind them, which I then had, and we having
occasion to call at Cony, some persons observing us who we doubted
were not honest, gave us some fear of robbery, and after a few miles
they overpassed us, swearing " There's a troop of these men ;" and
about the same time we met at least 100 pack horses in a suspicious
place, which prevented them stopping us there, so got well to Barnet,
where many travellers stopped, being told that robbers were upon the
road ; but seeing us come up and determined to go forward, they joined,
so that we were about twenty in company, and betwixt that and Finch-
ley Common we met with abundance of waggons and carriages of Kmg
William's, who was then going towards Ireland, to head his army there,
[which] prevented any attempt upon us, and although they [the
suspected persons] passed us several times, they at last rode off to the
west of Finchley Common, and we got safe to Highgate, and so to
London, although late ; having travelled 50 mUes that day, from
Passiter to London. But we after understood that the next day they
made a great robbery, about the same place, of all that came by,
taking them out of the road to a private place, till they had finished
their robbery. At my coming to Sheffield, my landlord, Joseph
Downes, told me that he was one that was then robbed, as he was
returning from London.
This being Whit Sunday, so-called, at which time yearly and every
year my friends called Quakers have a general meeting of representa
tives from all parts of our king's dominions, where any of them have
meetings, where accounts are brought of their sufferings for tithes, and
for refusing an oath in several courts, and other testimonies, and the
necessities of the sufferers, and the relief of the poor, and many other
occurrences incident among them respecting to good order and a trvdy
Christian deportment in life and conversation; — which meeting con
tinued some days, and was much to my information and satisfaction and
observation of condescension and piety.
And after the said meeting was over, I had time to settle my accounts
with all I dealt with, and bought and ordered what goods I had occasion
for, and ordered most of them by waggon carriage to Standish, at 3s. fid.
or 4s. a cwt. There were some shipping and convoys appointed, but
they were tedious ; one perhaps to Portsmouth, another from thence to

29
Plymouth, and another about the land to Bristol or Dublin, which often
was six months, and hazard from Dublin ; for the French privateers
cruised off Holyhead and the Isle of Man ; and this tediousness did
wholly discourage the sending cheese by sea, which would all be spoiled
in long passage, or many other goods, besides the loss of time and a
market ; the land carriage being quick, if dear.
Having dispatched my business in London in a week, I came back
the Yorkshire road, with my neighbour John Bryer, to Leeds, and I to
Sheffield with what money I had to spare at London, and bought what
goods I had occasion for, and got home at that week end, finding all
well, and that my sister, under whose care I left my trade, bad been
diligent, and had taken near £30. for goods in my three weeks' absence.
My expenses in my former and this journey to London were very near
£3. each.
In the 8th month this year I took to apprentice John Troughton, son
of Dorothy Troughtbn, of Overton, for seven years, with whom I had
£90., the same sum which my master had with me; I to find him
maintenance and his mother clothes all the term, his father, Robert
Troughton, being dead a few years before ; who was a very substantial
and discreet man, and left three sons and one daughter. This boy had
been well learned, especially in writing and arithmetic, and active in
his business. His mother was a discreet and good manager of her
estate and affairs. My apprentice, John Troughton, was boarded ¦with
me at Richard Sterzaker's, this year, and lodged with me in the shop,
as aforesaid ; so that I had now more time to divert myself, which was
mostly in walking, often by myself and sometimes with Richard Green,
son of Thomas Green, who was then a sober and hopeful young man ;
but afterwards fell into loose and disorderly company, to his ruin.
This year, John Marshall, my neighbour, gave up his trade as an
ironmonger, and went to dwell near Cartmel, on a good estate his father
left him, as also a lease of iron ore in Furnas, by which he improved
himself to an estate above £300. a year, by his frugality and industry.
At his giving over, I took most of his shop goods, and which gave an
addition to my trade. Before I came apprentice, my master, Henry
Coward, had a shop at Cockerham, which was attended by his then
apprentice, John Lawson, and when his time was out [he] bought the
said shop, but did not manage it to profit, through his misconduct, but
about this time broke, in a crazed condition, upon which I bought a good
part of his goods, and he never recovered his credit or right capacity.
In this year, Benjamin Borrow, who had been apprentice to Robert
Carter, and had been for himself about three years, by his extravagant

30
*
living and carelessness in his business, became insolvent and broke,
Most part of his goods I bought. He was son of Edward Borrow, of
Fowle Stone, in Westmoreland, and his wife, Margaret, daughter of
Thomas Green, of Lancaster. They had a daughter. He went into
Westmoreland, among his relations, lived an idle life there a few years,
and died there. Her father took her and the child and maintained
them till she died, a little before her father, who made some small pro
vision for her daughter. About the same time, the above Robert Carter,
by reason of his neglect of his business and expensive living, overrun
his credit, and was forced to give over his trade ; but by the favour of
his creditors had his liberty, and got to be land-waiter in the custom
house. He also married Ann Heysam, sister of Robert and — Heysam,
and after they got into parliament, got him to be receiver of the land
and other taxes, and other beneficial employs, by which he might have
got an estate, yet died poor. He had one daughter, married to Foster
Cunliffe, with whom her uncles Heysam gave £1,000. portion. So that
now there was no more than my master, Henry Coward, and myself,
left ironmongers in Lancaster.
1690 and 1691. — About this time a very vexatious and litigious differ
ence and contest happened in this town, the original of which happened
as follows : — In the reign of James II. , the Lord Brandon Gerrard
endeavoured to be elected knight for this courify in parliament ; and bis
father, being then retired into Holland, where the Duke of Monmouth
then was, he was then supposed to be in his interest, and was opposed
by all King James's interest, and so could not obtain his election ; and
thereupon endeavoured to be elected for this borough, and had the
interest of most of the common freemen, but [was] strongly opposed
by the mayor and council and the country gentlemen, who, to preveiil
his election, brought in freemen the country gentlemen's servants and
attendants, six for one shilling, — who were thereafter called " twopenny
freemen." They had also two companies of the mUitia, trained soldiers,
under arms, to awe the freemen to vote against him ; all which was a
great grief to the ancient freemen and all sober people — that the ancient
privileges and constitutions of the borough should be so prostituted, by
which his said election was frustrated, there being at least 100 of these
twopenny freemen sworn on this occasion. This proceeding raised
quarrels between the governing party and the common freemen, and
particularly betwixt the drapers and hatters. One John Powell, a
hatter, a litigious man, of the presbyterian religion, very much envied
the drapers for their seUing hats, as not belonging to their trade ; and
they as much envying him for meddhng with them in such, and imp6r-

31
tinence, and particularly for his pretended sanctity in' religion. But
after the revolution, that King WiUiam came to reign, and the Lord
Brandon's father died, he became Earl of Macclesfield, and of the privy
council, and a great station in the ministry of state affairs ; and his
brother Fitton Gerrard, knight in parliament for this county, — the
common freemen here, who thought themselves injured as aforesaid,
engaged the aforesaid John Powell to go to London, to apply to the
Earl of Macclesfield and his brother, in order to obtain a charter, to
incorporate the common manufacturers, butchers, &c., into companies,
exclusive from the present charter of the present governing charter
[party ?] ; — which the earl and his brother, considering their former
usage here, espoused and solicited ; and the mayor and council here,
with the assistance of our then members of parliament, opposed at
great expense for some years. But at length they got a charter, and
put it in execution here, whereby they would not permit any to follow a
trade or manufacture, or butcher, or gardener, in the town or within
three miles, except they obtained the freedom of some of their com
panies ; and such as would not conaply were sued in fictitious names and
put to great costs, and the ordinary tradesmen were grown so insolent
and idle, that, like the dog in the manger, they would neither work
themselves nor suffer others to work ; by which many of them came to
poverty and ruin of their famUies. The said company continued to be
vexatious many years. They had Charles Rigby for their lawyer and
Thomas Shearson for their clerk or attorney, and many hundred if not
£1,000. [were] spent in contests. It cost me some money in the opposi
tion, and [I] left off some small branches of trade then counted with
them ; but in time several of them came to see it did not effect what
they proposed, or were tired, and others came to poverty, and they let
it drop, so as to have no court or assembly about it.
1691.— In the begiiming of this year, my trade increasing and shop
too little, I had thoughts of adding my bedroom to the shop, and also
of housekeeping, which I imparted to my mother and sister Elin, who
had come hitherto every market day, or as often as I had occasion, to
assist me. Upon which, with our mother's consent, she freely offered
to come and be my housekeeper; and, there being a part of John
Hodgson's great house, over against my shop, to let,— the street part
was and had been tenanted by the master of a shop in the Virginia
trade— (who had only a wife and child and maid servant, and were very
neighbourly to me, permitting me to set my boxes of candy and con
fectionery goods by their fire, which I could not so safely do in a public-
house, where I boarded),— John Bryer and I took the rest. He had

32
the kitchen part with the rooms over it entirely to himself. I had the
great parlour, cellar under it, and three bedrooms above ; but the stairs
to them were common with them who inhabited the street part, which
I then thought might not be any disturbance to either of us. The
brewhouse was common to us all. The street part was £5. a-year ; mine
and John Bryer's eaeh 50s. a-year.
My mother, brothers, and sister had hitherto dwelt together in much
unity and industry, and had improved themselves and their estate. My
brother Leonard, by the assistance of his brother Josias, had about this
time built a very good dwelling-house and barn, and other conveniences
at Hatlex ; and my mother, with what was left to her and ber children,
and the money devised by our father to the two youngest children, who
died, — she purchased about ten acres of land from Samuel Hulton, of
Poulton [-le-Sands], which laid betwixt my brother Josias's estate at
Sandside, and my brother Leonard's at Hatlex, which cost her about
£900. ; half of which she gave to her son Josias, and the other half to
Leonard, chargeable 'with the payment of £100. to her or her disposal,
by her will or otherwise ; £60. of which she gave to her daughter Ehn,
and the £40. was some years after ordered to be paid to me by my
brother Leonard. And my mother, then 60 years of age, continued to
keep my said brother's house, with much industry and care ; seeing my
brother Josias did pot seem willing to marry, which my mother was
desirous he would.
In the beginning of the third month this year my sister came, and
we began to keep house in the house taken as aforesaid, and my sister
being before familiarly acquainted with the other tenants, was well
satisfied with them, and especially them on the street side, who gave
her all the encouragement and assistance she could expect, and con
tinued to increase to her and me ; so that I thought we were happily
seated. But in some time the familiarity increased so much, that I
feared it extended above what it was safe in innocency to allow, which
upon several' occasions and opportunities and freedoms was plainly de
monstrated to me, that at length I was very sensible that my neighbour
to the street side, whose lodgings with mine were in common up one
pair of stairs, took all opportunities, in conversation and other insinua
tions, to allure me to her bed, or to introduce herself into mine, which
became a great concern to me to avoid the temptation and to keep a
good neighbourhood ; and my prayer to God was to be preserved inno
cent, and especially in that prayer of Jesus Christ, viz., "and lead us
not into temptation ;" which is more properly to be understood — " nor
suffer us to be tempted more than thou givest us power to resist.'' For

33
as it is recorded, James i. 13— "Let no man say when he is tempted,
I am tempted of God : for God cannot be tempted with evU, neither
tendpteth he any man : But every man is tempted when he is drawn
away of his own lusts and enticed. Then, when lust hath conceived, it
bringeth forth sin: and sin, when it is finished, bringeth forth death."
I was then 36 years of age, and she about 30, which is about the age
that such temptations work strongly. When I was an apprentice I had
too often an opportunity to observe the conversation of some persons,
who were of no good repute, frequenting our shop, and my master fre
quenting their houses, which then I detested with scorn, which they
observed. But now, when the above temptation fell in my way, it affected
me with sorrow, and often [I made] prayer in secret that I might be pre
served, or, if overcome, that the hand of the Lord [should] come upon me
in some singular judgment, to the terror of others. And I was very
sensible that it was the immediate power and grace of God that pre
served me, and afterwards brought me to godly care in my conversation,
both in public and in private, with such persons as I was assistant to in
managing their concerns, as widows and fatherless, not to express myself,
nor to entertain any expressions or deportment which might tend to
levity, or to beget any thoughts of incontinency. And I could never
countenance what's too common with not only youth, but also married
men and women with each other, to entertain each other in a bantering
way, in such terms as could only tend to beget evil thoughts and excite
to lewdness ; and many who take that liberty are reputed chaste and
good Christians, although inconsistent with true Christianity. I being
preserved, as aforesaid, from any knowledge of my said neighbour,
further than by face and conversation, we continued neighbours about
two or three years, without showing any discontent to the neighbour
hood, and although she was reputed in the neighbourhood a modest and
religious woman, in the society of the Episcopal Church of England,
yet upon observing her freedom in discourse, and the entertainment of
some young men in her house, it was suspected of her incontinency
with them. She dechned in health some [time] gradually ; seeming in
great discontent, which, as was commonly reported, was upon the long
absence of her husband, and she died when he was abroad in America ;
who, at his arrival, gave up the house and also his employment, and
with his son, his only chUd, retired to his native place, having acquired
an estate sufficient to maintain them without other employment. In
considering the precepts and warnmgs recorded in the Holy Scriptures,
and particularly in Proverbs vi., from verse 34 to 39, it is cause of
lamentation to observe the faUings of Solomon, and several other wise
F

34
men recorded in the Scriptures, their failing in this respect. And it is
to be observed in our time, as also of men, both married and unmarried,
who hunt about to debauch both other men's vrives and unmarried
women, to the deflowering them and corrupting families; and this is
mostly the consequence of excessive eating and drinking of both men and
women, and want of lawful exercise. As the Apostle exhorts, Thessa-
lonians, v. 33 — "Abstain from all the appearance of evil." As the light
of nature guides us to abstain from anything that may be hurtful to our
body, or health, or welfare, so God has placed in our souls a spiritual
light, to discern what is our duty to do, or to abstain from ; which, duly
observed in small things, will more and more shine, as it is obeyed, to
the leading of us to our obedience to what is our duty to do or suffer for
His name. A measure of this light is placed in the souls of all men,
even in the most wicked, although oppressed ; and in the height of their
wickedness [it] testifies against them in their consciences, to their con
demnation ; and the same cannot be extinguished, but remains as a
witness against them.
1691 and 1693. — My sister having now undertaken to be my house
keeper, she did it without a servant, but got one to wash and dress the
house once a week, and to brew upon occasion. She was diligent to
assist in the shop upon the market day, and to overlook and assist the
apprentice in my absence, which was not very often, except walking
into the fields, or by the river side, in the morning and evening, in the
summer ; but in the winter evenings, I mostly continued in the shop till
nine, either reading, writing, or walking, and seldom sat by the fire,
which I had not been accustomed to, nor thought it proper for my
health. My next door neighbour, Augustin Greenwood, a merchant and
wholesale grocer, was my good customer in the ironmonger way, and
an enoourager in the rest of my trade. He was part owner and
freighter of ships to Virginia, and often had tobacco consigned to him,
which he let me have at the market price on board, I to enter and pay
duty for it, which was a great benefit to me, having by this time ready
money to pay the duty, which fared near Id. in the pound, and also got
good allowance for damage ; for if but lib. appeared [damaged] we got
lOlb. allowed; or if 101b. appeared, we got 40lb. ; and so in proportion.
Also, it being customary that the merchants shall have the refusal of
the sailors' portages in the ships they employ, he frequently gave me
liberty to buy, by which I got the advantages aforesaid, by paying ready
money ; tobacco being at that time at least one- fourth part of what I sold
in a year, and mostly in roll, which by liquoring, increased it in weight,

35
in very good, near one penny in the pound. Hitherto tobacco was per
mitted to be imported in hogsheads, bundles, or loose ; and then in a
ship which would stow two hundred hogsheads, they could stow 50
hogsheads in quantity in bundles or loose, the hogshead then weighing
not more than four cwt. net. But when ships from Virginia hither
missed or miscarried, which often happened, we were obliged to go to
Liverpool for tobacco, which we mostly bought there loose or in bulk,
and packed it in bags of about two cwt., at a somewhat cheaper rate.
We mostly went thither twice a year to buy tobacco and sugar, which at
that time was partly imported loose and in bulk, like salt, for want of
hogsheads, which were not then to be had in the plantations under 35s.
or 30s. a-piece. And although at that time the ships taken by the
French seemed to be a great loss to this nation, yet the great loss was
to the inhabitants of our plantations, who sold their sugars and tobacco
at half price, and paid £3. a barrel for their beef and other necessaries
proportionally, which much reduced them. But on the contrary the
merchants here bought provisions and our manufactures low, and not
above half the value of a cargo as in times of peace, and had their
returns at a low price, but sold them here at a double price ; so that it
was computed that if a merchant here made an adventure in three
ships, if but one came in safe he was no loser, and if two came safe a
good gainer, and if all much more ; and in the main it could not be
computed that above one in five miscarried. For by this time there
were convoys appointed to most parts, and ships went in fleets together,
and it was observable that the quantity of burthen of shipping rather
increased at Liverpool, and the town increased in buildings and mer
chants during all the wars in King William's reign.
I went to Sheffield in the 1st month of 1691-3 to settle accounts with
Obadiah Barlow, who I employed to buy goods for me in my absence,
and also then bought some packs of the makers of the goods. I also
went to Preston fair, principally to buy cheese ; the market for cheese
then being mostly at Garstang and Preston fairs, which afterward
came to Lancaster, mostly at Michaelmas fair. At this time we sold
much cheese to funerals in the country, from 301b. to 1001b. weight, as
the deceased was of ability ; which was shived into two or three [slices
or pieces] in the lb., and one with a penny manchet [loaf] given to all
the attendants. And then it was customary, at Lancaster, to give one
or two long, called Naples, biscuits, to each attending the funeral ; by
which from 301b. to near 1001b. was given, according to the deceased's
ability ; I think they were near Is. a lb.
In 1693 died John Foster, a draper and mercer by irade, but had

36
been collector of the customs at this port. He was a haughty man, and
lived great, and was highly treated by the merchants, particularly by
John Hodgson ; and at that time they had the direction of the affairs of
this borough. The customs, in his time, were slightly inspected, and
many great frauds committed ; but mostly spent with extravagant hving.
He was also at great charges in entertaining his brother, Thomas
Foster, who bad no children, and had lately purchased Beamond HaU
estate, and the locks ; and expecting to be his heir. At his death his
estate and effects were in perplexed circumstances, which so discom
posed bis widow, who had been used to live great, that she was never
after capable of management ; and had many children to provide for.
Their aforesaid uncle took the eldest son Thomas, and made him his
heir ; most of the other died young.
1693. — The beginning of the third month this year I took a journey
to London, along with my neighbours, Thomas Green, Augustin
Greenwood, John Bryer, and three or four other neighbours, and aU
well till we came to Coventry, where I was seized with great pain in my
limbs, so as scarce to get on or off horseback, or go up or down stairs ;
but was encouraged by the company to endeavour forwards, which I did
with much pain to St. Alban's, where I got some ale with bread and
sugar boiled, and ate or drunk it very hot, which much revived me, so
that I had a good appetite to my supper, and a good night's rest, and
got to London next morning with all our company in good health,
praised be God. And in a week's time we settled our accounts, and
bought what goods we had occasion for in trade, and ordered most of
them by land carriage in carts and waggons to Standish, at about 4s. a
hundred weight, and ordered the heaviest and low priced by sea, there
being now convoys appointed, but long a-coming, and damage by rats,
who ate out the corks in liquor and oil casks, with the loss of some
whole casks of oil and vinegar.
I laid out about 40s. in Samuel Fisher, Francis Hougill, and other
friends' books and earthenware, and other household goods, which I
paid for in silver money, which at this time was much diminished by
clipping ; so that where I was a stranger they inquired where I came
from, and whether we had such large money, and not diminished in our
country. The old money, which was coined before the restoration of
King Charles II., was caUed " hammered money," which had the lung's
reign and year of coinage, &c., stamped in a ring on each side on the
outward, but in much of that money the ring was cut away, which at
least was one-third of the weight of the 6d., Is., or half or whole crown,
it was out from. This was taken notice of by the government as a

37
growing evil, [which], if not remedied, would be more fatal than a war
with France ; and to prevent the further diminishing our coin it was
enacted that where any person received any hammered money not
diminished, they should punch a hole in the centre of it, and if that
piece afterwards was offered in payment, the person offering it was to be
deemed and prosecuted as the diminisher. Notwithstanding this, not
much of this holed money appeared ; but the large money was either
concealed or melted down, and little but diminished money appeared.
And as to the money coined after the restoration of King Charles IL,
called "milled money," which was lettered on the edge, there was
scarce any of it to be seen, and [it was] supposed to be melted down, or
counterfeited into the old coin, clipped. There was at that time very
little silver coined, and what was coined was hoarded ; but abundance of
gold was coined into guineas, which most payments were made in about
this time.
After having finished our business at London we returned together to
Stoney Stratford, and then I, with Augustin Greenwood and John
Bryer, parted ¦with the company, and took the road to Northampton,
Leicester, and Nottingham, to Sheffield ; where we stayed two nights,
in which time I settled my accounts there, and bought and ordered what
goods I had occasion [for], and left money in my landlord Jos. Downe's
hands to pay for them. The motive of my neighbour Greenwood coming
this way, was to get acquaintance with the sellers of tobacco which he
imported, and then sold some upon trial. We came forward by Man
chester, and called [at] Edward Valentine's, near Manchester, whose
wife was Augustin Greenwood's sister, and stayed all night, and got
well home the next day, and found all in good order.
1694. — In this year WUliam Cornish, who succeeded John Foster as
collector of the customs, came to dwell in the street part of the house
where I dwelt as aforesaid, after the death of the wife, aud giving up
house by her husband. William Cornish was bred up a tradesman in
London, an apothecary ; but not [being] successful in trade, got this
employ. Upon taking the house he sent for his wife from London, and
they became very agreeable neighbours, although their and our upper
rooms were all up one pair of stairs. They were both of the presbyte
rian profession of religion, and very observant therein ; and he managed
his charge impartially and obligingly to all, but was much envied by the
papists and Jacobite party; partly upon the account of his religion, and
that he could not comply with their former indirect and illegal practices
in the custom ; and they sought aU opportunities to find occasion to
accuse him of any defect in the management of his office ; which made

38
him very uneasy, and often petitioned the commissioners of the customs
to be removed; which, after about seven years' service here, he obtained,
and was removed to be coUector of the customs at Bridgewater, in
Somersetshire, about 1 0 miles distant from Bruton, in that county, the
place of his birth and estate.
The diminishing of our old sUver coin increased, and made great con
fusion in trade ; people being cautious in setting a price on their goods,
without knowing in what money they would be paid. And, although
taxes were multiplied on account of the war, yet it was feared the dis
traction about the coin would be more fatal than the war with France,
and the King of France fully expected the same would bring us into
confusion. John Johnson, who some years since lent me £40. upon bond, but
not without my brother and cousin WUliam Caton being bound with rae,
was seized with a violent fever in the 11th month this year ; being then
about 40 years of age. He sent for me, and told me he thought it
necessary to make bis will, and desired me to undertake the execution
of it, and to name such a person as I thought fit to assist me in it.
Several were named, but Thos. Medcalfe, alderman and draper, whom
he farmed his malt kiln of, was resolved upon, and the will drawn and
executed. But then we bad hopes of bis recovery ; but he relapsed,
and died that mouth. He was born near Warrington, and was sent by
Esquire Blackburne to manage a malt kiln at Poulton in the Fylde,
where he dwelt some years, and married his first wife there, and about
ten years since came to Lancaster, and farmed the kiln aforesaid, and
was the first that dried malt here with pit-coal cinders, — all which before
was dried with turf and peat fires, but since then wholly dried with
cinders. He had a son and daughter by his first wife, who was a
papist; and not a year before he died, he married a second wife, a
zealous presbyterian, although himself was wholly conformable to the
Episcopal Church of England. At his death, we took upon us the
administration, but did not prove the will till about six months after his
death, at what time his widow was delivered of a son named John ; and
then we took the tuition of the former wife's children, and also of her's
by her consent and request. His inventory was nigh £500., viz., about
£350. in ready money and bonds, and the like sum in malt and money
owing for the same, and he owed very little. He left his personal estate
equally to his three children, and bis dwelling house to his eldest son ;
to his wife £10. in money, and £5. a-year during her life; and ber
thirds of the house-rent was about 30s. a-year. We were industrious to
dispose of his stock in trade, and place the product of it at interest.

39
We took the two chUdren by the first wife from their stepmother, and
boarded them out, and kept them to the school, — Edward to Latin,
writing, and arithmetic till he was about 15 years of age, and then
designed him for some trade ; but he inclined to nothing but to sea, and
was put apprentice in the ship Employment in 9th month, 1 699 ; went
two voyages to Barbadoes, and one to Norway ; but upon his third
voyage to Barbadoes in 1709, he was seized with a fever, which in ten
days he died of, April 13, 1703, outward bound, about half-way to Bar
badoes ; and was buried in the sea, and did not mention anything as to
his effects. The house descended to his sister, as having had both one
mother; and the personal effects equally betwixt her and her brother
John, His mother, Ellen Johnson, married again in 1700 to James
Hull, a skinner near Poulton ; with whom she had little comfort or
satisfaction. We let her take her son John with her, upon terms agreed
upon amongst us. Margaret Johnson continued with her mother till
she removed out of the town and was married. Her mother took her
to the presbyterians' worship. She was a good reader, and could repeat
whole chapters in the New Testament off book. After her mother's
marriage she was with me about two years, and was kept to school to
write, sew, knit, and other necessary employ, till about a year after her
brother's death, when she was about 16 years of age; and then was
desirous to go and see her father's mother, an ancient woman, and her
daughters, poor people, near Warrington ; which was granted, and
decently fitted out and sent from hence. Her aunts had been nurses to
Charles Owen, a noted presbyterian preacher in Warrington, into whose
acquaintance they introduced her; who, upon inquiry or information
that she was under my tuition, a Quaker, expressed himself with much
pretended surprise that any Christian should leave his child under the
tuition of a Quaker ; and soon after she writ to me that I might not
expect her return, and that she had chosen Mr. Owen for her tutor.
Which expression of his, and her slighting my care for her, gave me
some trouble ; and, having some business at Liverpool, I went from
thence to Warrington, and had an opportunity with the said Owen, and
before several persons of good repute reproved him for his uncharitable
reflection against the Quakers in general and me in particular, before he
knew any occasion, and for which he was reproved of all my neighbours
of his religious persuasion. But, as it is customary vrith priests and
preachers of all profsssions, not to confess themselves in an error, he
persisted in what he had done, and expected to have the management of
her effects ; which we refused, but only to aUow the yearly profits of the
same, which was about £15. a-year, for her maintenance. But he

40
employed a lawyer to compel us to more, which we slighted. But he
entertained her as a gentlewoman, and got her a fiddle, and learned her
to play and dance. She remained with him till she attained to 31 years
of age, and then we accounted with her and paid her what was due.
The said Owen got a good part more than we allowed for education, and
got her a husband, Peter Heys, an indolent man, a joiner, who had
built some houses at the utmost N.W. end of Liverpool, the year before
the dock was made, upon which the north end Was of no value, by
which, and his indolence, they became poor. They continued married
four years, when he became consumptive and died, and left her four or
five small children ; upon which she was forced to industry to maintain
them, to the discredit of the aforesaid tutor.
John Johnson was nursed by his mother and brought up with her, till
she removed from Lancaster and married as aforesaid, and went with her
in 1700 to Poulton, and remained with her till November 1710, when
he was 15 years of age. He had been educated in school learning as
well as the place could afford. After his mother's death, he came to
Lancaster, was boarded with William Marshall, and was much improved
in learning by Thomas Holms, the schoolmaster here, till he was 17 years
of age ; and in pursuance of his mother's desire that he should be edu
cated for the ministry to the Presbyterians, it was her friend's desire
that he might be put under the tuition of John Hardy, an eminent
preacher and master of that communion, who dwelt near Nottingham ;
and in compliance of their request he was sent and put under their tui
tion, and money advanced sufficient for his boarding, clothes, and educa
tion ; where he remained till 1716, when he came to 31 years of age, at
which time he came to Lancaster, and received what was due to him in
my hands, which was about £380., and gave me a full discharge, and
acknowledged much gratitude to me for my care of his effects and his
education. His first charge he undertook in the ministry was at Falk-
ingham, in Lincolnshire, to a congregation of the Presbyterians, and
after some time he became a tutor or chaplain to the Lord St. John
family, of Belshaw, near Peterborough, in Northamptonshire, and after
a year or two stay there he went to London for further preferment, which
not offering to his expectation, he applied to the episcopal clergy, and
put on the habit and officiated in the same to their satisfaction ; he being
of a sociable and affable disposition, and was acceptable to young gentle
men; who first promoted him to be chaplain to a regiment of foot"
soldiers, and afterwards got to be library keeper under the Archbishop
of Canterbury, and other benefits to the value of £300. or £300. a-year,
and became kind and bountiful to his sister Margaret aforesaid, upon

41
her being in necessity, and also to Ann Tinkler, his half-sister, which
his mother had by a former husband, who had also an unfortunate mar
riage, and [was] reduced to necessity. I had some letters and tokens
from him since his preferment, in grateful remembrance of my care for
him. I have not heard that he is married at the writing hereof (in the
11th month, 1741) when he was in the 46th year of his age. Also I
perceive that his tutor, Hardy, about the same time conformed to the
episcopal church of England, and accepted of a beneficial place or parish
therein. 1695. — The old silver coin of this nation continued to be more and
more diminished, which made great distraction in trade, and although
the king encouraged the collectors of his revenue to take all pieces of
the old silver coin in payment, that were not impaired within the inward
ring, yet people did not look upon that as a warrant in payment to each
other, and as there was not then any milled money, guineas began to
advance in value in payment here [Lancaster] to 33s. or 33s. a piece,
and all goods in the market advanced accordingly; and in the third
month this year, I being determined to go to London, got what money
I could exchanged for guineas or other gold coin. And in the beginning
of this month I set forward for London, accompanied by Richard Greene
and his sister Elin, William Godsalve, and Sarah Snow. We went by
Manchester and Sheffield, where we stayed two nights, whilst I had time
to settle my accounts there, and buy and order what goods I had occasion
for, and left money with Thomas Ward to pay for them, and then set
forward to London by way of Nottingham, Northampton, and Newport
Pannell, and got safe there ; and first set Sarah Snow to her father's
house, and then inned at the Swan in Lad Lane, where we had hitherto
always lodged. At our coming to London we found the old sUver coin
much more diminished and counterfeited than in the country, and gui
neas were advanced to 38s. or 30s. a piece, which put the trade of the
nation into great confusion, and in particular with foreign nations, in
respect to the price of exchange. And as to the guineas we had, they
advanced to us about 5s. a piece more than we took them for in the
country, and what I brought advanced to me about £14.
I was there at the time of our Friends' yearly meeting, which I
attended, which was large and edifying and peaceable, except what was
occasioned by George Keith, a Scotchman, who was bred a priest there,
but was convinced of the Quaker principles, and made profession of the
same, and published many books very sensibly in defence of their prin
ciples, both in Europe and America ; but at Philadelphia he advanced
some tenets in religion, being a great scholar, that his friends could not
o

42
comply with, but disowned him, upon which he appealed to this meeting,
where he appeared, and persisted in his tenets, and would not be recon
ciled, and thereupon was testified against, and became very envious and
reflecting, and put on a clergyman's habit, and got a benefice, and was
supposed to assist in writing "The Snake in the Grass."
After we had settled our accounts, and bought and ordered what goods
we had occasion for, and mostly by waggon to Standish, except some
heavy goods by sea, there being now convoys appointed,— I, with Richard
Greene, returned by way of Bristol, it being about 100 miles from Lon
don, which we did in three days by way of Reading, Marlborough, and
Chipnam [Chippenham]. We had some recommendation thither, we
being altogether strangers; but we were very civilly entertained and
recommended, and had a full view of the situation of the city, shipping,
and harbour, and what else was observable, and bought several parcels
of goods, and settled a correspondence. What goods we bought we
ordered by sea to Liverpool, which was then as dangerous as from Lon
don, [there] being no convoy, aud the French privateers very frequently
cruising upon the coast of Wales, Dublin, and the Isle of Man. We
stayed three nights at Bristol, and came home by way of Gloucester,
Worcester, Nantwich, and Warrington, and in good health, but was
afraid of my horse, who had got some strain coming out of London.
In the 6tb month this year, I went with Richard Greene to Liverpool,
where we bought betwixt £300. and £300. worth of tobacco, most of it
[in] bulk, — being the last that was suffered to be imported loose, or in
small parcels ; and an act of parliament passed that no tobacco should
be imported but in cask or hogshead, to weigh 3 cwt. each net, to prevent
the running it in bundles or small parcels, to defraud the king of his
customs. We bought a good quantity now, to have the opportunity.to
pay for it in " short money," as it was now called ; for in the later end
of this year, the distraction was so. great, that the parliament were con^
vinced there was no remedy but to call in all the old money to be re-
coined, and that the king in his revenues should take aU the diminished
[coin], either sterling or of a coarser alloy, in full count, and to reooin it
into milled money, and keep an account of the deficiency, which should-
be made good by parliament. And for the more expedition, mints were
erected at York, Norwich, Exeter, Bristol, and Chester, to be there
coined, and the letter Y. N. E. B. or C. to be stamped on each piece
coined there, to distinguish them, and a limited time set, in what time
the old money should be brought in to be recoined ; and after that time
a further time was limited, for any person who had old money to be re
coined, or plate, if they brought it into any of the said mints, — it should

43
be taken in at 5s. 8d. an ounce to be coined, and milled money given out
for it in course ; by which method most of the old money was recoined in
a year. The last time to bring it in was to the 4th May, 1697. This
gave great ease and satisfaction to all people, and brought trade into order.
I was collector of the land tax for Lancaster this year : it was 4s. in
the pound, and amounted to above £130., and we were obUged by the
act to take any of the diminished money, either sterling or of a coarser
alloy ; which put us upon difficulties ; [there] being people [who] would
put upon us to take such as were brass or copper, covered over with
sUver, which we took, on condition if not paid to return it. But all
these passed, and by my best observation, in new coining it must lose
at least, half. I was assisting the general receiver for the county in
taking one quarter for Loynsdale hundred, about £300., which must lose
at least half, and in the south the loss must be greater. To make good
this loss, the duty on windows was imposed, which was continued many
years for that use.
About this time, my sister Elin was seized with a violent fever, and
was brought so weak that we did not expect her recovery for many
weeks. Her mother duly attended her for some time. Also about this
time my mother and sister and self were in great concern for our brother
Leonard, who was somewhat untoward, and spent his time in such com
pany as he could have no benefit. He would also buy and sell cattle,
which is a dangerous employ ; and to get him out of such business and
company we were desirous he should marry. He had kept company
with several, and particularly with Elin Benison, daughter of John
Benison, of Poulton, whose father and mother died in her infancy, and
[she] was under the guarnety [ ? guarantee or guardianship] of her uncle
Robert Curwenn, of Torsholme, ship carpenter, who was a person of
irregular conduct, and feared to have wasted his own estate, and impaired
hers, so as not to give a good account of his guardianship. Upon which
he [Leonard] was dissuaded to desist from his courtship for some time,
till she came at age to call him [the uncle] to account for the same ; but
he died before that time, and his estate fell into the hands of Thomas
Simpson, the attorney, who undertook to pay bis debts so far as it
amounted to, as also to account for Elin Benison, who was the only
child of her father, and was heir to a good estate of land in Poulton
aforesaid. 1696. — In this year, much of the old sUver money was brought into
the mints by the collectors of the revenues of the crown, as enaoted,
and [was] recoined and began to circulate ; and as it came out, also the
mUled money coined in King Charles and King James's reign begun to

44
appear, which was supposed to have been melted down and Coined in
imitation of the diminished old coin ; and for some years after this there
was as much of that money in all payments, as of the old money new
coined ; by which it appeared that vast sums of that money were con
cealed, and [showed] the opulency of this nation. And as the new
money increased, guineas declined in value, and all goods advanced in
price, to put off their old money and guineas ; and a great trade in the
nation, and public credit with all nations advanced ; which being parti
cularly [observed] by the King of France, he said if England could
maintain a war and at the same time remedy the ill state of their coin,
it was in vain to contend with them any longer; and upon that he
inclined to peace. After the time was out for the king's taking old
money in count, and limited to 5s. 8d. an ounce, and new money
appearing, all who had old money brought it out, and paid their debts
[with] or bought goods for it.
At this time, I and Richard Greene went to Poulton, and there
bought of James Baynes 30 hogsheads of tobacco, at 9d. a lb., to pay
all in old money, part by count, and the rest at 5s. 8d. an ounce, which
cleared us of the old silver money ; and guineas came dovm to 33s.
This year my master Henry Coward's circumstances, as also his con
versation, being taken notice of and inspected by his Friends, they
thought it not proper to continue him in trust as their agent, in solicit
ing for or assisting their Friends who were in prison for not payment of
tithes, not swearing, and other their conscientious not-conforming to the
established religion. I was desired to undertake that charge, and keep
an account of their suffering, and provide the prisoners with fuel and
candles, at the county meeting's charge ; — there being then more than
30 prisoners on that account; — which I undertook, and what was neces
sary for subsisting the poor among them vrith necessaries.
This year King WiUiam, who was a prince of much clemency and
charity to his subjects of all religious professions, passed an act of par
liament for the solemn affirmation of the people called quakers, to be
accepted in all courts, instead of an oath in the usual form, except in
criminal cases, which relieved them in their own defence in the bishops'
courts, chancery, and exchequer, and other vexatious prosecutions.*
* ¦We take the following from the Commons Journal of 1696 : — " A petition of
the people called Quakers, was presented to the house and read, setting forth that
their many sufferings for not swearing may give satisfaction ; that it is purely a con
scientious and religious principle not to swear in any case, according to the commands
of our Saviour, as they conceive, and the example of many eminent martyrs ; not-
withstandiug which they have been, and are, exposed to imprisonments, their estates

45
1697. — The beginning of this year John Troughton, my apprentice,
had finished the same, and as I had determined some years before to
give up my shop trade when he was loose, I offered it to him and his
mother ; which he accepted of, but his mother, who was a very careful
and industrious woman, was doubtful of his conduct. However, they
thought it not proper to miss so good an opportunity, and so I sold the
shop goods for sale, and the boxes, chests, scales, weights, and all other
moveable goods in the shop, belonging to me, at the price they cost me,
which amounted to £187., to be paid at six, twelve, and eighteen months,
which was duly performed ; and I duly waited on the shop while he went
to Sheffield, London, and Liverpool to buy in new goods ; and [I] gave
him recommendations to all my correspondents. I continued with him
in the shop most of this year to assist him, and collect my book debts,
and assist and recommend him to my customers, and gave him good
advice to be dUigent and obliging to his customers. But in a little time
he began to be much out and to enter into acquaintance and familiarity
¦with such persons and at such places as I cautioned him against, and
tenderly advised him to forsake, otherwise I must forsake him, nor assist
or recommend him ; which advice he did not receive as I could desire,
upon which I vrithdrew from him. Then his mother and sister came to
Lancaster and took a house, in order to board, lodge, assist, and advise
him ; which his mother undertook with much pains and care, as she was
a discreet woman, but had not the success they expected, and his disorder
BO increased that she withdrew. And about his being two years in trade
he took an apprentice, John Hull, son of John Hull, who was then priest
or curate at Overton, who was a hopeful youth, but for want of his
master's diligence and attendance grew careless and neghgent, to the
great decay of his trade, which at his entering upon it was well-accus
tomed, and the profit of it to me then was at least £100. a-year. He
continued in his disorder, and was abusive and quarrelsome in his
liquor, and feared would have married an old housekeeper of evil fame ;
but some years before he broke he married his cousin Ann Cooper,
seized and sequestered, and themselves disabled from defending or recovering their
just rights and properties, for want of an oath ; and praying leave to bring iu a bill,
that their solemn affirmation or denial may be accepted instead of an oath ; freely
submitting, that whoever shall falsify the truth, and be thereof convicted, shall
undergo hke pains and penalties as, in law and justice, are due to peijured persons.
And the question being put, that leave be given to bring iu a bill, according to the
I>rayer of the petition, the house divided : the yeas go forth. Tellers for the yeas.
Sir Harry Hobart and Mr. Clark : 189. TeUers for the noes. Sir John Barker aud
Mr. Gwynn: 14S. So it was resolved in the affirmative. Ordered, that Mr. ¦Jailer
do prepare and bring in the biih"

46
whose mother was his mother's sister, but he had no child by her. He
got his brother Robert bound in bonds with him, which also broke him ;
which caused his mother's sorrow till death, and broke the famUy, which
had been aa much in substance and reputation as any family in Overton
or the neighbourhood.
In this year end, some time after the death of Robert Curwenn, my
brother Leonard renewed his courtship to Elin Benison, and married
her ; she being then under the care, and her effects under the manage
ment, of Thomas Simpson of Torsholme, an attorney, as executor to
Curwenn. Her personal estate was expended, and her real estate some
what encumbered, and my brother sold [it], which produced to him
betwixt £300. and £400., with which he purchased lands near his own
at Hatlex, whither he brought his wife, who was very young, and knew
little of housekeeping. But his mother having a good maid servant, of
long experience, let him have her, who, with my mother's advice and
assistance, put them into the methods of housekeeping according to
their ability.
Towards the end of this year, when I had stated my accounts with
my debtors and creditors, I inspected my books. What I had to begin
with was £130., and I found by my books that I had lost, in nine years'
trading, by 348 insolvent debtors in my books, the sum of £390. in
money. In that time I was not concerned as owner or merchant in any
[vessel], or freighter, except coastwise, from London, Bristol, or Liver
pool hither, nor suffered any considerable loss that way. I had about
£10. worth of goods in one ship from London, which was taken by the
French, and soon after retaken by a Dutch privateer, and restored to
the owners, upon payment of about 15 or 30 per cent., for salvage and
other charge, and thereupon our goods were restored to us again at
London. I also now took an estimate of all my goods and effects
together, and found they amounted to the value or sum of £1,330.,
and that I was debtor to sundry persons at that time £303., which,
when paid, my clear estate was £1,100. or upwards, all supposed good;
so that my improvement in nine years was above £100. a year, one year
vpith another, the above losses excluded. At my beginning I was too
credulous, and too slow in calling, and seldom made use of attorneys,
except to write letters to urge payment, being always tender of oppress
ing poor people vrith law charges, but rather to lose all, or get what I
could quietly, than give it to attorneys. And I never sued any to
execution for debt, nor spent 30s. in prosecuting any debtor ; and to lose
all was more satisfaction to me than getting all to the great cost of my
debtor, and to the preservation of my reputation.

47
1698. — In the first month this year the fire happened which burned
down in Lancaster above 30 dwelling houses. It begun about nine in
the morning, the second day of the week, in the north-west corner of the
house belonging to John Johnson's children, where their mother then
dwelt, by her daughter Ann Tinkler, aged about 15, carrying out ashes
to that corner not well quenched. The thatch being not two yards above
it, a spark got to it, and was not discovered till it got to the roof ; and
there was a strong east wind and a dry season. It spread in an instant,
and in half an hour to the furthest, where it was stopped by stone and
slated buildings. It was so quick and violent that people had not time
to get out their most necessary and valuable goods. AU that was burned
was on the north side the street, except one house, and the main industry
was to keep it on that side. There were two stone and slated houses,
which were burned round, yet escaped. As soon as I had notice, I went
to the house it begun in, which was under my trust, and got the fire out
of it, with about 40s. or 50s. damage ; the wind being so strong, it blew
it almost out of it. The whole loss was computed at about £3,000., and
a brief [was] got, and some collectors appointed over the nation ; but the
charge [of] collecting [was] so great, that not one-fourth of the value lost
did come to the sufferers.
The 10 th day of the second month this year my master, Henry
Coward, died, being about 50 years of age. He had been an active and
affable man, and very much respected by people of all ranks and pro
fessions, and particularly by his friends called Quakers, to whom he was
assistant in their sufferings and other ways. But at the same time [he]
affected popularity and to be drawn into some gentlemen's company, and to
pretend [to] skill in horses; which drew him from his necessary business,
which, whUst I was with him, was very good, and his credit so good that
if any had money to dispose of, if they got it into his disposal, they con
cluded it was safe. But this large credit, and his freedom in conversa
tion in company, and in some houses of no good character, hurt his
esteem of his best friends. He also dealt in merchandise, with loose
partners, and became concerned much with persons of dechning circum
stances, where neither profit nor credit could be got ; and he gave un
easiness to his wife by his frequenting some houses of no good character.
And she was a very indolent woman, and drew money privately from
him, and his circumstances became so burdensome to him, that he daUy
expected to be made a prisoner; which, with the shame of forfeiting his
former reputation, it drew him into despair, and broke his heart, so that
he kept to his house for some time, and died for grief or shame. He
made a will, and made his wife executor, to pay his debts as far as his

48
personal estate extended, and invested his real estate in Robert Lawson
and me, to sell towards the payment of the rest of his debts, which
proved more than all would disburse. The widow, although she had a
brother and other rich relations in the town, yet none of them would be
bound with her in the bishop's court for the due performance of her
husband's will here ; so she got a poor man weU dressed, and went to
Kerby Loynsdal, and got legal administration ; and the poor man was
accepted as her bondsman. She made a sale of the shop goods, mostly
to Elijah Salthouse ; I then having no intention to the retail trade. She
paid part of his debts, to whom and where she pleased, but not regularly,
being not subject to take good advice, in order to discharge her trust in
reputable manner.
The first day of the third month this year, I gave over housekeeping,
and turned up the house to the landlord ; being I saw I could not be
any further serviceable to John Troughton, and grieved at his slighting
my favour and service, and to see his loose and disorderly conversation.
And as my good neighbour William Cornish, the coUector, always said
that when I left the house, he would also leave that part he dwelt in,
and not to have any other so near him : and accordingly he left that
house after we had lived in good neighbourhood about four years. My
sister went this year to dweU with her brothers Josias and Leonard,
where she was a good service and company to his young wife in her
housekeeping. I being at this time much out of business, I was persuaded by some
neighbours to stand a sixth part share in a new ship of about 80 tons,
now building near Warton, which I accepted of, and was active in pre
paring materials and other services for the speedy finishing her.
I having an intention to go to the yearly meeting at London this
year, had a horse offered by my brother Leonard, and well kept in my
stable. He was well in the evening, and found dead in the morning, a
few days before my intended journey. But, about the same time, a
man came down from London, in order to be a preacher to a presby
terian or independent congregation here, who had a horse lent there,
and to return him again ; and, hearing of my going, offered me the
horse to ride upon, trusting to my care of him, and to deliver him in
London as directed, which I accepted ; which I thought woidd save the
charge of keeping a horse in London, and I then thought of hiring one
down. The horse carried me well, and was well received at London.
I went from here the beginning of the third month, and accidentally
met with James Penny [and his sister] of Penny Bridge, going to Lon
don in order to collect the effects of their brother, lately dead there.

49
who were good and agreeable company ; and at Warrington we met with
several Friends, men and women, who were going to that meeting, and
all so agreeable company that I never went to London at so little charge
as at this time, or so good entertainment. James Penny, his sister,
and I, took up our lodgings at the Swan with Two Necks, in Lad Lane,
whUst they stayed in London. I duly attended the general yearly
meeting, which was large, unanimous, peaceable, and edifying; and
afterwards, at the desire of the owners of the ship buUding at Warton,
I bought for her masts, saUs, rigging, anchors, and cables, &c., and got
them put on board the Edward and Jane (ketch), Thomas Thorp, master
(but when I was first at London James Myers was master of her). She
was now full, and ready to sail for Liverpool, and I resolved to come in
her by sea to Liverpool ; and we had a very ready passage to Gravesend,
where we stopped a tide to clear out, and then had a fair wind to the
Downs, but did not come to an anchor there ; and the wind being south
west, we proceeded with a great many ships, who made but little pro
gress ; but ours being a good sailer, we got ahead of them, except a
Dutch dogger, who kept the sea along the coast of Kent and Sussex ;
but were obliged to go within the Isle of Wight, near Portsmouth, and
through the king's fleet at Spithead, and came to an anchor at Jack in the
Basket, near Limington, whither we went in our boat to buy some pro
visions. We were at anchor there some days, the wind being westward.
We came out at the Needles, but the wind not favourable, and turning
to the west till we came near Plymouth, most of the ships in company
put in there, but ours stood to the southward, and tacked into Mount's
Bay, and afterwards to the south, the vrind being west, till at the next
tack we weathered the Land's End, and came betwixt and the Isles of
Scilly ; and now the westerly wind favoured us, so that we got from the
Land's End to Holyhead in two days, and went within the Skerries ;
and next night, in the night, to Liverpool town side, all well, and in
good health. In this voyage I had a very good appetite to my victuals,
and slept well. In this voyage I had a good view of the River Thames,
and all the seaports on the south and west of England, except Plymouth.
I intended to have come by sea from Liverpool to Lancaster ; but my
brothers, hearing of my arrival at Liverpool, sent me a horse by some
neighbours, shopkeepers, who were then coming to Liverpool; which,
after I had re-shipped the goods, I came home by land. At my coming
home, I went to board and lodge with Joshua Lawson, where I remained
till the third of third month next, in which time I was employed in
about the building of the ship, and fitting her out for a voyage for
Virginia, and providing a cargo ; all which was completed about the

50
eighth month. She was named the Employment, and James Myers,
master. Her cargo [which] was in goods, cost £360., which we thought
sufficient to purchase ber loading of tobacco, about 150 hogsheads, and
was consigned to the management of the said James Myers, who sailed
in the ninth month, and called at Dublin to take in provisions.
In this year Robert Haydock, of Liverpool, freighted a ship for
Philadelphia, to take in such passengers as were disposed to go to settle
in Pennsylvania ; upon which there were more than 30 persons, old and
young, of our merchants of Lancaster, took this opportunity, sold their
estates, and took their families. Amongst them was George Godsalve,
a young man who was brought up in a grocer and draper's shop, and was
disposed to go there with his substance as a merchant : and for his
encouragement I adventured with him a parcel of woollen, linen, and
other goods, suitable for that country, to the value of £110., and con
signed them wholly to his care and management for me.
Henry Coward's ¦widow having got legal administration, among other
his personal estates, he had a tenement of a house in the Back Lane in
Lancaster, and some lands in Lancaster and Scotforth, under Thomas
Cole, of the Coat, Esq., for his and his sons' John's and Henry's lives,
or the longest liver of them within 100 years, upon the payment of the
yearly rent of £13., and some boons and services. The same was valued
and let at about £30. a-year, which she endeavoured to sell ; but her
circumstances were so precarious that no purchaser offered ; and to pro
mote the sale and to make most of his effects, I offered £90. for it, but
no other person offering that, or to advance it, I was obliged to take it,
and had her assignment of it, and paid the sum to John Fowler, £40.,
and Gilbert Hoult, £50. ; which money was due to them upon bond
from ber husband Henry Coward ; and this by his consent. And toward
paying for this, there was some lands in Kellet and Boulton, devised by
our father's will to our youngest brothers, Richard and Thomas, which,
upon their decease in their infancy, descended to me and my brother
Leonard, to the value of £100., and my part of which my mother and
brother have had the benefit of for about 30 years since their death.
The said lands were now sold, part to John Rippon, of Kellet, and to
my brother Leonard the rest, my part of which was applied to make
good the purchase of this tenement.
1699. — It was in about ten years before this time that Christopher
Midleton and Elizabeth bis wife, who had two daughters, — Margaret,
rUarried publicly and with their consent, to Joshua Crosby, of Ormskirk
(a grocer and honest man, but not very capable to manage his trade to
much advantage) — the other, Elizabeth, who affected to be proud and

disobedient to her parents, and clandestinely and without the knowledge
and consent of them married Ralph Baynes, a saddler by trade, also
made soap and candles. He was a proud, subtle, and ill-natured man,
nice and curious in his victuals and drink, and abusive to his wife, and
used her not so well as a servant, but rather as a slave, and now was
reduced through his extravagancy. Their parents, foreseeing their
poverty, had at the time aforesaid settled their house and land, in all
about two hundred pounds value, in trust of Robert Lawson and me, for
the support of their said daughters and children, in such manner as we
saw most necessary. But the said Baynes, supposing he had power, had
signed over his interest of it to some of his creditors, which when we
understood, we produced our power of trust, which offended him so much
that he abused us. Upon which his creditors brake him up, and sold
what he had, and upon which he fled the country, and left his wife and
five small children and an apprentice, without anything to subsist upon ;
and this being a year that com was dear, oatmeal at 16s. a windle
[ ? 3301b.]. In order to get them a living, I advanced to her about £30.
to buy taUow and ashes to make candles and soap, which she undertook,
being now enured to hardship ; and with the industry of her apprentice,
WilHam Marshall, she maintained her family, and repaid me again most
of what I advanced her in about four years' time ; when her husband,
hearing of the success of her industry, returned home to her, after he
had rambled all over England and also in America, and took her trade
from her for some years, till he had wasted what she had, and then left
her and went to London, where he earned 15s. a week, but could not
live upon it. She was then put upon keeping ale, and had very good
business as a pot-house for some years ; which, when he understood, he
returned upon her, only -with his ill conditions, abusing her and all her
friends, and continued vrith her some years, till he died; at which time
he showed some remorse for his evil life, and abuse of his best friends.
She continued to keep a pot-house some years after bis death, till her
children were grown up, and that they became more a burthen than an
assistance to her, and no way hopeful for themselves. Her other sister
being also become a widow, and I being the surviving trustee, their
estate was sold, and the money equally paid to them to subsist upon,
being old and infirm, and no support from [the] children.
It being now above a year since Henry Coward died, and his widow
administered, and the personal estate disposed of, amd few of his debts
paid, the principal creditors— and particularly his mother, Ehn Jainson
(who upon giving up her house, and selling her goods, let him have
£100. upon his bond), — employed an attorney or lawyer, to subpoena

52
Robert Lawson and me into the chancery, to act, or assign over our
trust, in order to sell his real estate, which we were doubtful to under
take, seeing his circumstances were so doubtful, and no account made or
like to be made of the personal estate. But considering the charge and
expense, and into whose management it might fall, we undertook to
publish it on sale, but no customer offered ; his affairs being so intricate.
Upon which I promised to take that part of the house on the west side
of the gate which he died in possession, and which was mortgaged for
the payment of £10. a year to Leonard Fell and Mary his \rife, during
their lives or the longer liver of them, and also Henry Coward's -widow,
claiming her widow-right of it, both which incumbrances amounted for
[to] £15. a year, which I offered to give £180. for, with those incum
brances, if no person offered to exceed it ; and as no person offered to
advance it, it was confirmed to my brother Josias, and I paid the said
sum to the bond creditors of Henry Coward, and particularly to Ehn
Jaynson, who was then about 80 years of age, and with the said money
purchased a lease of a tenement in Balke, of Esquire Dalton for £70. of
about £8. a-year, three lives, for her own maintenance, and after that for
the maintenance of her daughter Mary, an idiot, who by her -wUl she left
in trust with [of] me and John Holme. Elin Jaynson died in 1709, and
Mary in 1719, being the surviving life in the lease. The next year after
I bought the house, I built the kitchen, warehouse, and cellar under it,
which cost me £70., and I paid the vridow for her thirds till she died (in
,J706) £35. Leonard FeU died in 1701 ; but his widow lived tUl the
second month 1708, to whom I had paid £10. a year for nine years, is
£90. ; so that my first purchase of £180. laid dead till her death ; so that
the house stood me at least £300. in the condition it was in when I first
bought it ; the yearly rent not being so much as to pay the two widows
their annuities. Upon the purchase of it, I entered upon it in the third
month this year, and began to keep house in part of it, my dear sister
Elin being free, and willing to come and dwell with me as my house
keeper ; and who had hitherto made profession of the episcopal rehgion,
but now joined in the religion of the people called Quakers, from her
own conviction, without mine or any other's persuasion to it, but which
tended to our mutual comfort and satisfaction.
The other part of Henry Coward's estate was the east side of the gate
of the house, and a meadow, three acres, then in the possession of Mark
Horsfall, which he held on lease from Esquire Tildsley for two lives in
being ; the reversion of which John Cawson purchased from Tildsley and
Henry Coward purchased from Cawson. But we had none who offered
to purchase except John Horsfall, son of the said Mark, who was then

53
in a prospect of business encouraging to perform it. We contracted with
him for it, for £190., and he procured money to pay half, and we pro
cured a judgment to be entered for the rest ; and thereupon I became
bound with him to sundry persons for £100. more, and had it mortgaged
to me for £300. ; which continued some years, till he had the misfortune
to be in danger of prosecution for being accessary to the counterfeiting
of stamped paper ; for his cousin Henry Horsfall vfas detected for that
crime, and had been condemned for it ; but had his pardon upon his
discovering all that he knew accessary, among whom he accused his said
kinsman John HorsfaU, who accidentally came to his house and found
him at that work, and I believe was no further concerned ; being be
always bought stamped paper of me, being often employed to make bonds
or other writings. Upon which the said John Horsfall thought it safest
to withdraw and went to London ; upon which I was obliged to pay all
the money I was bound with him for, and got interest slowly paid. After
some time stay in London he died intestate, and his brother Edmund
became his heir ; who was a decrepit and infirm man, and not able to
pay interest nor willing to Bell it till he died ; before which he made a
will to sell it, which his trustees refused to act in. The principal, being
£300., was advanced, -with simple interest, to £374., upon which I was
obliged to exhibit a bill in Chancery, to compel the sale, and had a decree,
and the house was sold, and I got my money, after many years' vexation
and trouble with them, and particularly with Margaret Walton, their
sister, and her husband. What money we sold the estate for was applied
to pay off Henry Coward's bond debts ; so that we met with no further
trouble on that account, which I have since thought a risk extraordinary.
The above said Henry Horsfall was a lewd, atheistical man, and although
it was believed he made a full and true confession of what he knew of
counterfeiting and making stamps, yet upon prosecuting the attempt, the
jury would not convict any upon his evidence, and gave for their reason
that he was a professed atheist and not to be credited ; so that his cousin
John might not have absconded on that account, and I believe was inno
cent in fact.
This year Thomas Wales, of Lancaster, currier, died, who by his indus
try had got and saved above £l90. He made his wUl, and by it gave to
me and Richard Greene, in trust for his two children, Mary and Joseph,
£70., they being about three and two years ; and he left his wife Ehzabeth
sole executor, who was not very careful. So soon as the will was proved,
we got her to make an assignment of the said £70., and placed it at
interest ; and soon after she married again to John Ashton, of EUeU, a
rigid presbyterian, but she was a pretended quaker, and they lived very

54
disagreeably, but had many cbildre'n. Her daughter Mary we placed
with them on such terms that she got maintenance till she was at age to
be a servant, and then maintenance till she was 31 years of age, and
then had the whole £35. paid, and married an industrious husband.
Joseph, the youngest, proved decrepit of body and of &frandish [frantic,
passionate] or crazed disposition, which gave me some trouble (my part
ner, Richard Green, being dead). He was brought up with his grand
father Thomas Wilson, till be was at age for an apprentice, and then
bound him to his uncle, Richard White, to the trade of a shoemaker, for
seven years, and gave £10. with him ; and he came forward in the trade
to work well, but often took frandish fits, so as not to be compelled to
work, served out his time, and then had above £30. to receive of his
£35., which was paid. He got a wife and children; wrought journey-
work, died poor, and bis wife and children became a charge to Lancaster,
although they lived some years, and he died at Ulverstone.
In the 5th month this year, our ship, the Employment, arrived from
Virginia, but not much more than half laden with tobacco, so made a
losing voyage. My part of the cargo outward was £61. 8s., and the
freight of my share, £49. ; and my part of the tobacco received was
5,6971b., which, at 3d. a lb. on board, as the market price then was,
came to £71. 4s. lOd. ; so that I lost by this voyage £39. 4s. And in
the 9th month this year, we fitted out the said ship again upon a voyage
to Barbadoes, and placed in her John Gardner, as master ; took in here
sundry dry goods, and took in provisions at Dublin, to make up her
load. My part of the cargo was £1 10., and was consigned to William
Heysam in Barbadoes, where she arrived safe, and returned in due
time, and I had retumed in goods £139., freight and duty £30., so that
I had in return only the value I sent ; so that the profit remained there,
in debts outstanding and goods unsold about £93., to be accounted for
the next voyage thither.
In this year we had advice of the ship Britannia's arrival at Philadel
phia, but in a lamentable condition. She was a large ship, and a duU
sailer, and had about 140 passengers on board, and a hot and dry season,
in which an infectious distemper seized them, of which at least one-half
the passengers died, many of them heads of families, particularly
Christopher and John Atkinson, and Thomas Wilson, from this town,
who left three widows and above ten fatherless children; and also
George Godsalve, to whom I assigned oyer my aforesaid adventure of
£110., died at sea as they were going; so that there was none living at
the ship's arrival that was capable to take the management of his con
cerns, so that the goods laid a long time undisposed of, and much

55
damaged before we could authorise any to take care of them. But after
a year, we got John Coward, who was William Godsalve's wife's brother,
who was then a factor in Virginia for some merchants in London, to go
to Philadelphia to look after and dispose of them ; who sold them and
brought the produce of them into Virginia, and purchased tobacco with
the same, — in all 63 hogsheads, which was shipped for London in 13
ships, of which 33 hhds. in seven ships came safe to London, and
cleared, after freight and duty paid, £49. ; and 15 hhds. in two ships
were lost at sea, and 14 hhds. in five ships, which came to London safe,
but upon sale, after freight and duty paid, lost £4., which was deducted
from what the rest was sold for above freight and duty. Also we had
some bread and flour sent to Barbadoes, and returns made to London,
in sugar and ginger, produced about £30. ; but never got account of sale
of our goods at PhUadelpbia, or any account current from John Coward,
or any other person, nor what the whole of George Godsalve's own
effects were; but as my adventure was about £110., and I suppose bis
own was about the like sum. But the returns we got were not above
£80., so that I lost by this adventure at least £70., after at least four
years' delay, before we got what was to be had, as aforesaid.
At this time many people were disposed to sell their estates and go to
PensUvaniato dwell; so that country, which 18 years ago was a wilder
ness, now became well inhabited, and the city PhUadelpbia now improved
to two miles square, and at least 1,000 houses. But the misfortune of
this ship discouraged many from removing. I being now settled in my
own house, continued as formerly to rise early in the morning, at sun-
rising in summer, and take a round walk a mile from the town, and
every day in the week a several way, that it might appear that it was
only for diversion, or solely for retirement. But in the evening, instead
of walking to the Green Area [between Parliament-street and the river
Lune], I now did after supper walk an hour or two in my garden in a
soUd retirement; when at the same time it was the custom of my
neighbours of the same employment, to sit together in an alehouse
entertaining themselves in vain conversation or impertinent reflections
on the private affairs of their neighbours, or on the public affairs of
state. 1700. — I was employed most of this year in pulling down and re
building the back part of my house into a kitchen and rooms over it, a
cellar-ground warehouse, and others above it, which cost me about £70. ;
havuQg then no other view than to employ them, otherwise than what was
necessary for what I had engaged myself in merchandise; having then
no thought to concern myself as a grocer, or keeping warehouse or shop

56
for that, or as an ironmonger,— as unthought of or unexpected. It soon
afterwards happened, as foUows :— In the ninth month this year, we
fitted out the ship Employment a second voyage to Barbadoes, John
Gardner, master, and was mostly freighted by her owners. What I
sent to lade my part was in butter, cheese, tallow, candles, and beef in
Ireland, in all amounting to the cost of £161., and the same was con
signed to William Heysam. The ship made her voyage in due time,
but met not with a good market. She arrived back in the fourth month,
1701, and in return she brought me sugar, cotton, wool, and ginger,
cost in Barbadoes £173., and by his [Heysam 's] account my part of debts
outstanding and goods unsold amounted to £33. ; so that the profit of
the voyage remained behind, if any, which we were not easy at, and
discouraged to make any further consignment to him; and the ship
being not full laden, gained nothing.
About this time, my mother, being about 68 years of age, became
incapable of keeping my brother Josias's house, and he being then not
inclinable to marry, or to keep house 'with servants, he let his estate to
farm to one Nicholas Walker, of EUel, and he came to dwell with our
brother Leonard at Hatlex, and my mother [stayed] some time there,
and some time with me. But before the tenant had been there one
year, it appeared that he came so much indebted where he came from,.
that his goods were seized, and he became unable to pay his rent; so
that my brother was obliged to turn him off with loss, which so dis
couraged him that he would not let it any longer, but he and our mother
went to it again, and managed it with servants to their better content
and to the satisfaction of me, my sister, and aU our family and
relations. In this year I took an account of my effects, and found the same to
[amount to] the sum of £1,388., and that I owed, and had expended
£303 , so that the present value of what I now had clear was £1,185.
This account [was] taken fourth month, first day, 1700 ; so what with
my expenses and my loss in the Virginian voyage, and sundry insolvent..;
debtors, I find that I have rather lost than gained anything this year
past. 1701. — In the first week in the second month this year, my very good
friend and neighbour Augustine Greenwood died, aged about 45 years.
He took a walk into the fields with a neighbour in the afternoon, and I ..
met him returning about five in the evening, at the head of the Market-
street, in good health, as I was going to our meeting-house ; but in two
or three minutes after, about twenty rods further, he fell down dead in
the Market-street, a little above the town hall, to the great astonishment ¦

57
of people in the street. He was carried into the next house, and all
means used to bring him to life, but to none effect or motion ; so that he
died as suddenly as was possible ; and, after all means used, it could not
be perceived anything to cause his so sudden death. This was a great
surprise to his wife, to lose so suddenly so loving and provident a hus
band, and to the neighbourhood, of so good and serviceable a neighbour ;
and many went to condole with her. I stayed at the meeting-house
about two hours, and tUl I returned bad no knowledge of it, and then
[it] was so late, and many people about her, I thought it not convenient
to visit her that evening ; but went the next morning, when I found her
in much sorrow for the loss and sudden manner of the loss of her hus
band, who had been so careful and provident for her, that she had little
knowledge of his affairs or circumstances ; nor had occasion only to
govern the family, and make provision for them, which she always did in
a decent and frugal manner. Their children were young, and he had
no apprentice that knew anything of the management of his business,
which was in merchandise and a wholesale grocer ; but [he] kept no
shop, only a warehouse. After some stay with her, she brought the keys
of the warehouse to me, and desired me to make use of them as I
thought necessary, for the safety of the goods, and disposing of them, and
also [to] inspect his books, to know how his accounts were kept. Which,
after he was buried, I inspected, and [found] that his books were duly kept
and posted, and even the last parcel of goods that he had delivered
the day he died upon, was posted from his day-book or journal to his
ledger or debt-book, in the manner he used. I would have the widow,
some time after he was buried, to come to the warehouse (which was in
another street, at a distance from their dwelling house), to have inspected
the same, but could not persuade her to it, but [she] said that she would
leave the same wholly to my management and disposal. But I had then
no inclination to be concerned in the grocery trade, either wholesale or
retail ; but, as she was resolved to sell all, the same was published, and
Richard Leconby offered to buy the goods and farm the warehouse at the
true value ; which was agreed on, and she desired me to value for her,
and he said he would refer the same to me. Upon which I told them I
must value them no more nor less than I should for myself; upon which
there were to the value of near £300. valued to him in a schedule. The
said Leconby was to give security for the payment of the goods within a
year, before he entered, but did not in a month bring security, so the
bargain was void, and no other customer offering, she desired me, and
told me that as I told her I would value them as equally as to myself,
she expected I would take them ; which, considering her incapacity, I

58
accepted, to the value of £379., the same that Leconby should have had
to pay as aforesaid, and I also took more in tobacco and other goods,
about £330., and entered upon the same the 1st of 4th month this
year, and gave notice to Augustine Greenwood's customers, and par
ticularly of my acquaintance, that they might be served by me in the
same manner and good usage as they had been by him, and what of his
goods I had not disposed of to orders for her. He died without a will,
had a good real estate, descended to his eldest son, and his personal
estate was sufficient provision for his younger children. But the widow
was doubtful of the personalty ; and more, because he had not long before
sustained a loss of £400. or £500. in a ship coming from Narva, and lost
on the Lewis Island, laden with flax and hemp. After I had perused
and examined his effects, in a month, I told her what I found would
come clear to her and children.; which she could not believe could be
so much, nor could be persuaded to it for a year or more, and then said
that she had gained by my estimate some hundred pounds.
Augustine Greenwood was the only son of his father John Greenwood,
who died about seven years before him. He was first married to Gar
dener's daughter, of Cleevley, but had no child. His present wife was
Alice, daughter of Thomas North, of Docker, and was first married to
Christopher Hopkin, of Holme House, near Kerby Loynsdale ; by whom
she had a son named Christopher, now about 1 6 years of age ; his father
dying when he was very young, and very suddenly, — I think not in bis
bed. Her second marriage was to Thomas Townson, of Kerby Loyns
dale, a grocer, by whom she had one son, who died very young ; and that
husband was drowned in Loyne [the Lune] as he was endeavouring to
save another, but both perished : th«y were angling for fish. She was
married to Augustine Greenwood about 1687. He was of the pres
byterian religious profession, and the principal one of that profesSibh
here. [He] provided them a meeting-place here whUe he lived, and
upon marriage she conformed to them, and continued so till her death,
and also [granted] the meeting-house freely without rent. They had
three children living at bis death — Ann, about 13 years of age; John,
about 10; and Benjamin, about 8 years old. Her son, Hopkins, she
would have had me take to be an apprentice, but I was not wiUing ;
being he had a very good estate, worth £50. a-year, and some hundred
pounds' worth of wood upon it ; for which, I thought be were proper for
better preferment than any business I had ; so [he] was kept to school,
writing and accounts, for two years from hence ; and when be was about
18 years of age, she sent him to London, and by the assistance of some
friends there, got him placed as a clerk in the custom-house, under

59
Christopher Tower, where he remained, and was advanced from £100. to
£300. a-year, but did not improve himself, but lived to the full of his
getting in voluptuousness, and indulging himself in his appetites ; so
that in about 90 years he had contracted distempers of which he died,
unmarried ; without improving his own paternal estate, which he left by
wUl to his half-brother Benjamin Greenwood, without any respect to his
father's brother or relations. Her daughter Ann she educated altogether
as a gentlewoman, and being her only daughter, humoured her in apparel
and diversion, without putting her to the exercise of housewifery ; and
when she was marriageable, she was recommended by some presbyterian
preachers to Ralph Spencer, a merchant in Leeds, as a proper husband
for her, and as a person of good estate and good business. But, at the
same time I had advice that he was not of the substance or business as
recommended ; which I then advised her mother of. Nevertheless they
married, aud he proved an indulgent husband and humoured her in her
inclinations in high company and living ; and also [was] not dUigent in
his business, but became sottish and slothful, and died insolvent, and left
his wife in a very decayed condition with two children, which ber mother
took in and maintained till her said daughter by her intemperate living
died, and left her two sons to their grandmother, who maintained them,
and at her death made sufficient provision for them according to her
ability ; but they did not improve it according to their capacity and edu
cation. Her youngest son Benjamin was but dull and slow in learning,
and his mother always said she had but little hopes of him ; but I always
told her that 1 hoped and thought she might have as much satisfaction
in him as in any other of her children. He was inclinable to go to sea,
and she put him an apprentice to James Cannon, a Scotchman, to be a
sailor ; who proved a severe master and inured him to great hardship.
He was a sharp man and carried on an unlawful trade with France and
Spain, in the time of war, and were [was] often in prison and hard usage,
in hunger and in want of clothes. When he was loose, by the favour of
Christopher Towers he got to be a mate in an Ostend ship to China, and
performed the voyage ; and after had the command of a fine ship in the
Newfoundland trade to Leghorn, in which he had good success for many
years and improved himself, and married a daughter of Alderman Mar
tins, of London, with whom he got £6,000. or £7,000. ; which, with his
improvement and two brothers' estates, is now worth £500. a-year.
Augustine Greenwood's eldest son John was about 11 years old when
his father died. His mother got [what] education was to be had here for
him till he was about 17 years of age, and then sent him to London ; who,
with the assistance of Christopher Towers, was placed with some Italian

60
merchants and continued at London some years, and [was] then sent to
Leghorn, in Italy, as a factor for his masters, and afterwards for him
self, and got so much respect among the merchants, that, by their
recommendation to the Lord Carteret, then secretary of state, he was
preferred to be consul for the king and merchants there ; which cost
him what be bad acquired, and impaired him in his health ; so that he
did not enjoy it a year, but fell into a lingering distemper of which he
died; having rather encumbered than improved his paternal estate,
which descended to his brother Benjamin.
Upon the ship Employment's return from her second voyage to Bar
badoes, in the 4th month this year, she was fitted out the next month
for Bergin [Bergen] in Norway, John Gardner master, by whom I sent
£40. in orown pieces, to purchase my part of ber lading in tar and fir
dales [deals]. She made the voyage in three months, and I had in
return (ar and dales which yielded me above £10. clear gains, and the
ship proportionally for freight ; and this voyage was all and only what I
bad got in this or any other ship or adventure by foreign merchandise,
but had suffered several losses. And after ber return from this voyage,
we fitted her out again for Barbadoes, and I sent in her goods to the
value of £150., and consigned them to John Grove in Barbadoes, being
not satisfied with William Heysam's management, who always sent
short of returns ; and at the same time wrote to him to return what
remains we bad in this ship. John Gardner was continued master, and
got well to Barbadoes, but not to [as] good profit as expected.
On the third day of the 8th month this year, about ten in the evening,
was the highest tide in this river [Lune]. The storm at sea must be
greater than on the land. It happened three days before the change of
the moon, which made it more remarkable. It surprised many in their
houses here, and some in bed, before they were aware of it ; and many
suffered damage in their goods, houses, and lands ; but not so much
loss at sea as was feared. Upon casting up my accounts this year, I
could not find that I had improved myself above £5. this year; having
had several insolvent debtors and other expenses and losses; so that
what I valued my clear effects now, did not exceed £1,180., both real
and personal estate, 4th month, 1st, 1701.
In this year King James the Second died, at St. German's, in
France. Upon his death, Lewis, King of France, caused or permitted
bis [James's] pretended son to be proclaimed King of England, at Paris,
contrary to his engagement and acknowledgement of King William as
lawful king, at the treaty of Riswick.
1709. — Upon the death of King James [II., who died in 1701], and

61
his pretended son being proclaimed king as aforesaid [at Paris, by Louis
XIV.], King WUliam went to Holland, and at the same time the King
of France had got his grandson PhUip settled upon the throne of Spain,
and also got possession of the Spanish Netherlands, and encroached
upon the emperor's dominions, and had brought over the King of
Portugal, Duke of Savoy, Elector of Bavaria, and some other princes
of Germany, to his own interest; which induced or obliged King
WUham, the Emperor of Germany, and the States of Holland, to
enter into a confederacy to oppose or make war against the King of
France and his confederates. And a war was then resolved upon, and
to be commenced upon the 4th day of May next, and orders sent to
America and other foreign parts to begin hostilities at the same time ;
before which time the French had seized several of the barrier towns in
Flanders, and turned out the Dutch garrisons, and committed other
hostilities. King William returned from Holland, and upon hunting
fell from his horse and broke his collar bone, but was somewhat re
covered of that, but had some other distempers growing upon him, so
that upon the 8th day of the 1st month, llOi [i. e, 8th March, 1701,
old style ; 8th March, 1703, new style], he died, and the Princess
Anne, of Denmark, was [proclaimed Queen of England. Upon which
she declared that she would perform and prosecute all engagements that
her predecessor. King William, had entered into with foreign powers.
And now war was provided for, both by land and sea, and a great fleet
of ships of war of English, and a proportional part of Dutch joined
them, and put to sea for the Mediterranean sea, and there was no port
that they could put into for refreshment but [those of] enemies, from
England till they came at Genoa, or Leghorn, where they came without
disturbance, to the terror of the French and Spanish. They brought
home the merchant ships from Italy, Turkey, and others in their way,
safely. France in the last war maintained their ground against all their
opposers, on every side ; and now it seemed a desperate undertaking of
England and its confederates to undertake a war against them, when
they were in confederacy with Spain and Portugal, the Duke of Savoy,
&c. ; and especially now, having no ports open from England till Italy.
This war put a stop again to commerce by sea betwixt this county and
London ; so that we were obliged to have our goods by carts or waggons
from London to Standish in the summer time, at about 4s. a cwt. thither,
and 18d. from thence home for all goods above 33s. a cwt. ; and [those]
of a lower price by sea, there being now better convoys than in the last
war. King WUliam left 139 large ships of war; 56 for convoys, and
above 80 smaller for cruising and tenders.

62
In the fourth month this year, I removed my goods from Augustin
Greenwood's warehouse to that I built at home lately, which was
intended to lodge my merchandise by foreign trade ; not intending or
expecting that I should concern myself in the grocer trade in retaU or
wholesale, but it now answered my occasion. And it being now a year
since I began, I made aa estimate of my effects in writing, and now
found that the balance of the same (after omitting about £30. bad debts,
made this year) was £1,356. ; last year, £1,180 ; and that I had gained
this year £76.
Our ship Employment met with a low market at Barbadoes, for what
they carried outwards ; but their goods very dear ; Muscovado sugars,
38s. per cwt. ; black ginger, 44s.; cottonwool, 13d. per lb.; molasses,
18d. a gallon. With what cargo she got, but not full laden, she sailed
from Barbadoes in company of several ships of force, and kept company
half way ; but not far from the banks of Newfoundland she accidentaUy
lost sight of her company, and next day met with a French ship of some
force bound to Newfoundland, who made a prize of her. Soon after,
they saw the rest of the ships she was separated from, but got no assist
ance from them. The French were determined to send her directly to
St. Malo, in France ; when John Gardner, the master, treated to
ransom her, and agreed with the captors for £1,100. sterling, and to go
vrith them to France as ransomer till the said money was paid ; which
the said ship was delivered to William Barrow, the mate, to bring home
to England. The French did strip the sailors of most of their clothes
and provisions ; and coming out of a hot climate to cold, before they got
home they were so weak that they were scarce able to work the ship, and
the mate being not an experienced pilot, spent time in jnaking the land,
and was embayed on the coast of Wales, but with difficulty got off, and
then made the Isle of Man, and stood for Peel Fovddrey [the Pile or
Piel of Fouldrey], but missed his course, so that he made Rossall MiU
[near Fleetwood], for Walna MiU [Piel Castle stands on the Isle of
Walney], and run in that mistake tUl be was embayed under the Red
Banks, behind Rossall, so as he could not get off ; and it blowing hard,
and fearing she would beat, they endeavoured to launch their boat ; but
were so weak that they could not do it, but came to an anchor. She
struck off her rudder, and at the high water mark she slipped her cables
and run her on shore, in a very foul strong place, where she beat till
she was full of water, but the men got well to land. But it was believed
if they bad been able to launch the boat and attempted to land in her,
the sea was so high and the shore so foul, that they might have all
perished. This happened in the 8th month, 1703, and we had early

63
notice of it to Lancaster, and got horses and carts with empty casks to
put the damaged sugars in, and to get on shore what could be saved,
which was done with much expedition. We got the sugar into Esquire
Fleetwood's barn, at Rossall, and the cotton wool into Bispham Chapel,
and in the neap tides got the carpenters at work, hoping to get the ship
on float in the spring [tide] ; which had been done, but a storm came
with the rising tides and beat her in pieces, and we sold her rigging and
what was saved of the ship at about £100, and brought what was fit to
retail home and sold it by auction ; and the cotton wool was sent to
Manchester, and sold for £300. They had early advice to St. Malo of
the ship's being wrecked, and feared the ransom would not be paid, and
that the said Gardner would remain their prisoner, and he [feared]
most of all. At his arrival there, be was supplied by Widow Vincent
and Sons, who offered to treat and endeavour to get an abatement for
his ransom ; whose service was accepted of, and a composition obtained
for one-half, and £550. sterling was remitted and paid after be had been
about six months prisoner. The whole value of goods shipped in Barba
does was £3,750., and the ship valued [at] £600. ; the whole £3,350. [Sic]
And, after the ransom was paid and all sold, there remained to be
divided to the whole proprietors of the ship and cargo £703. ; so the
whole loss was £3,550. My own concern in the ship was one-sixth
owner, value £100. ; shipped for me by John Grave, in Barbadoes, in
goods, £350. ; and by Wm. Heysam (being the remains of two former
voyages thither), about £60.; in all, £410.; for which I had £88. for
my part of the net product of what was saved ; so that my loss by that
ship and voyage was £394., or above £300. at least.
In the 11th month this year, Richard Greene died, aged about 34
years. He was my intimate friend and sociable companion, in diverting
ourselves in walking together on the Green Area and in the fields, in the
days in summer, and in moonlight nights in winter, all the time I kept
shop; and we went -often together to London, Liverpool, and other
places, and bought goods together, and after divided them ; but never
went to public-houses to drink, except on trade account. But after I
gave over the shop, he feU into the company of my man Troughton,
WUliam Godsalve, and such hke, to sit drinking, and gradually to excess,
and neglected his father's business, and became sottish, so as to impair
his health, and lose his appetite to victuals, and at last to the excessive
drinking of brandy, a pint in a short time, which kiUed him ; to the
grief and loss of his father, now 74 years of age, to whom he was his
main assistant tUl about four years before he died. Upon the death of
Richard Greene and his sister Margaret, who died the same year, by the

64
same intemperate living, their father, Thomas Greene, sent to London
for his daughters Bethia and Ehzabeth, who had been there with their
grandmother Drinkall and sister Ehn, who was married to Joshua WU-
son, in hopes and expectation that they might be assistance to him and
their mother in bis trade and otherwise, in their old age. Accordingly
they came, and it was hoped and expected by all their friends that it was
well projected, and by myself in particular, who bad always a respect for
that family, and wished their prosperity.
I was now 38 years of age, and might have thought that reason and
prudence might have overbalanced affection and passion ; but now found
a contest betvrixt them with respect to Bethia Greene, of whom I had
entertained great hopes that she would deport herself with such duty to
her parents as to gain the respect of all their friends ; and my affections
to her were so far captivated to her, that upon a solid consideration it
was impressed upon my mind that if ever I married, it must be to her.
At the same time, reason and prudence told me that it was very unequal,
she being 19 years younger than me, and she being brought up in a
genteel manner, under a very indulgent mother, and I of a rustical habit
and deportment, and way of living. But I resolved to contain myself
for some time, to see how she would be dutiful and assistant to her
parents, and converse with sober and discreet people. She was appre
hensive of my respect for her, although I had not imparted the same to
her or any other person ; and I perceived that she was very averse to it,
in respect of my age and plain appearance, and retired way of living,
and avoided all opportunity of coming into my company, although her
father and mother would have encouraged me. But at the same time,
they entertained a young woman in their house as a companion, who, I
was assured, would be no good example to them, which was a trouble to
me and their best friends ; and they were advised of it, but for some
small advantage in trade indulged it. Notwithstanding which I con
tinued my affections, hoping for better consideration of their own sohd
interest and happiness. But in time, I perceived that she [Bethia] was
solely affected with light and airy company, young men and women, and
had little sense of her parents' necessity of her good conduct and assist
ance, which was rather burthened than reheved by her. Instead of that,
she drew off the servants from their necessary business to lightness
and vanity. Upon her deportment as aforesaid, it brought me to consider
how many good opportunities I had slighted of marrying into good
families, to several young women of discreet behaviour and good for
tunes, of my own profession and religion ; being always resolved never
to marry any other woman than professors of the people called Quakers'

65
rehgion. And ugon her deportment as aforesaid, I endeavoured to
withdraw my affections from her, and was advised and recommended by
some friends to apply to a young woman of a good family and very
rehgiously inchned, in order to marry her; and I made some attempts,
but did not much progress in it. She dying soon after, made me con
sider of what was suggested to me as to Bethia Greene ; so that I
contented myself with living with my sister Elin, who was as careful
and dihgent to serve me, as much or more than if I had been her own
son, and I was tender to her; who was very infirm of body and subject
to many infirmities. I kept her a good maid servant, and we bad
always two of my brother Leonard's chUdren with us, — took them at
two years old, and kept them till they were six years old, and capable
to go to Boulton school, — and my sister was as careful to nurse and
correct them, as if they had been her own children.
1703. — In the fourth month this year, as usual yearly, I made an
inventory of all my effects and credits, and found the same to amount
to £1,143. 19s. lOd., after a deduction of what I was owing ; which
was more than I expected, considering my loss in the ship Employment
last year. And, as I had now done with merchandise, what I had to
depend upon was, the wholesale grocery trade, which had done well
hitherto. I continued it this year, and had nothing further to observe
on my own affairs.
But upon the 94th of the eleventh month this year, my ancient
friend and neighbour, Thomas Greene, died, aged about 75 ; who had
been an industrious and respectable grocer and draper from his youth.
He was married about the year 1664 to Elizabeth Drinkall, who was
born in London, but came here to visit her father's country, whereby
they came to be acquainted. She was then very young, but his mother
being then, and almost 30 years after, living, and had been a reputable
housekeeper, was a good director in housekeeping. They had at
least ten children, six of them dead and four living at his decease ; but
after the mother's decease they had the imprudence of taking into their
house two gentlemen and their wives to board, while their children
were young, intending for profit ; but put them upon plentiful provision
and living, and their children to partake of the same, and fashionable
clothing and communication ; [so] they could not forget it when their
boarders were gone. He was diligent in his trade, and also had a shop
at Burton [in Kendal], which he attended every market day there, and
Wm. Huggin, of Yeland, on other days; which was very beneficial to him.
But his wife, who only minded the house, was too easy, and entertained
some flattering, dissembling women, who were chargeable to them, and

66 •
drew out their children to excess in victuals, apparel, and vanity in
conversation. Only his son Richard was closely kept to the shop, and
lodged in it tiU he was grown up, and was very obliging to customers
for ten or twelve years, tUl he fell into company and came to decline, as
I have before observed, which was a great grief and exercise to his
father, and loss in bis trade. And his other children, as they grew up,
became very chargeable, and [were] indulged in everything and in any
company by their mother, [which] affected him and his circumstances
very much, and to be declining ; and although he was naturally of a
very affable and courteous disposition, yet the crosses and disorder of
his children in his last year much reduced him, and forwarded his
death, which came upon him -without much sickness. Thomas Greene
made a will, in which he made his wife whole executor, and appointed
me and Robert Lawson supervisors and assistants to her in the due
performance of the same. He had a real estate in houses and lands
worth £800., which be left to his only son and heir, Joseph Greene,
then an apprentice to — Hudson, an ironmonger in London. His
mother to have ber thirds. His personal estate, after all his debts
were paid, was at least £600., which he gave to his wife and two
daughters, Bethia and Elizabeth, equally among them ; and as he left
none capable to carry on the trade, endeavours was used to dispose of
the shop ; but the drapers were backward in taking the goods. But it
being then supposed that I would marry Bethia and continue the trade,
it forwarded the drapers to take the goods, rather than I should fall
into that trade, which I never intended. So the goods were sold to the
full value, and in good time all accounts settled, and the mother and
daughters dwelt together: they kept a mUliner's shop some years.
Joseph Greene, when he had served out his time, came hither and sold
most part of his estate, to the value of £400. or £500., in order to
begin trade himself, and left the rest for his mother's occasions. He
began trade, but soon became negligent and sottish ; so that in a few
years he had not only wasted what he had, but also engaged what
remained, and broke, and after got some employ by sea, but died soon
after. The mother and sisters had not a due sense of the loss of a provident
husband and father ; [they] continued to live and entertain plentifully,
and contrary to the hopes and expectations of their best friends, who
endeavoured to make them sensible of their true interest, but in vain.
They continued together four or five years, and bad lessened their
substance, and then Bethia married an Irishman of a facetious and
agreeable disposition, who was a servant to one Pixley, a cheesemonger

67
at Uttoxeter, in Staffordshire, but of no substance. They divided her
substance 'with her mother and sister, went into Staffordshire, and
from thence to London, where they entered into the business of a
cheesemonger or chandler's shop, but continued but a short time, till
they broke. [They] had one child : she, near her time of a second,
died suddenly. He left the city, fled to his native country without
taking care for the child, who was brought up by some of his mother's
relations; but died before he was 18 years of age. Elizabeth Greene,
the mother, lived to [the year 1713, with her daughter Ehzabeth, and
tUl then had [wherewith] to subsist upon. After her death, her said
daughter Elizabeth kept on the milliner's shop some years, but not to
profit. [She] spent her time in treating and being treated by fashionable
people, till she had spent aU, and became an object of charity; and,
in respect to the memory of her father and family, was decently boarded
and provided for by the people called Quakers in Lancaster ; she being
all [that was] left of that family.
In or near this year [1703] John Hodgson, the greatest and most
respectable merchant in my time, died. He was born in EUel, was
apprentice to John Greenwood, in Lancaster, grocer and apothecary ;
and, when out of his time, began that trade and had good business, and
improved himself. His first wife, Wilson, [was] of the family of
DaUam Tower, in Westmoreland, by whom he bad one son, named
Thomas. His second wife was Isabel Hodgson, born in Lancaster, by
whom he had three sons and one daughter. His wife had a brother
named Hodgson, [who] was a merchant at York and Hull, who intro
duced his brother John Hodgson into the French trade, and also into
the Virginia trade. They bought a Dutch prize-ship at Hull, and sent
her to Virginia, one Waterland master. [She] was the first ship ever
to this town from Virginia. And also several from Burdoux, with 'wine
and brandy, and had good success ; the customs being then low, and
slightly looked after ; they being in favour with the officers, paid little
duty ; so that be [John Hodgson] got into a great name and high living,
and had great success for many years in the French and Virginia trade,
and in the wholesale grocer and apothecary trade, the year 1681, when
I came first to be an apprentice ; and was preferred to be a justice of
peace for the county ; and about that time set up a sugar-house to refine
sugar, and continued it twelve or fourteen years ; but did not himself
understand the art or mystery of it. He got refiners and distiUers from
London or Bristol, who kept him in ignorance of the mystery, so that
it was supposed he suffered loss ; and as we had then no raw sugars
imported here from the plantations, he was obliged to have them from

68
Liverpool or Bristol. He also got from Bristol one Peter Gordin, an
excellent good spinner, roller, and cutter of tobacco ; by which he got
some hundred pounds a year. He buUt a house [which] cost him near
£1,000., took some gentlemen's sons apprentices, who, with other
servants, made too free with his wine cellars and warehouses ; and he
came to that height of living, to cost him £500. a-year in entertainmg
all gentry who came to visit him. He had great success in the Virginia
trade, in the beginning of King William's reign ; but afterwards met
vrith losses, but continued to live high, so that his credit began to
decline, and his debts in the customs to increase. Which when his wife,
who was very high, perceived, it affected her so very much to be reduced
that she died, for grief as was supposed. And as he became pinched,
he became litigious and quarrelsome 'with his tobacconist Peter Gordin's
executors, and spent many hundred pounds in law 'with them. One
particular charge was £300. for tobacco stalks, they being of no value
before the beginning of King William's reign, and suddenly advanced
to 4d. or 5d. a lb. And before then Gordin had many tons of them
crowded in his house, of John Hodgson's ; which be desired him to take
away, but he would not ; but told Peter Gordin if he pleased he might
burn them, or do what he pleased with them. Upon which Gordin sold
them to Henry Casson for 40s., to bum into ashes for to make soap.
After they had spent much time and money in the law, they referred it
to arbitrators. John Hodgson brought in £300. for tobacco stalks as
aforesaid, and some other extraordinary charges, which the arbitrators
would not allow, nor for the stalks more than they were sold for, — so
that the award was made in favour of Gordin's executors, which Hodgson
would not comply with, his counsel telling him it was not drawn
according to law. Upon which it came before the 19 judges at London,
who were divided about it, and the major part were for confirming it;
aUeging that if awards should be rejected for not being drawn in due
forms of law, it would much discourage arbitrations to honest country
people, who best knew the merits of the cause, and the conscientious
cause of the same. And upon the confirmation of the award, John
Hodgson was imprisoned in Lancaster Castle, and, after some years,
died. He had mortgaged his estate in Lancaster to Sir Nicholas Sher-
burn for £500. ; but at the same time was indebted to the crown a
greater sum upon bond, for customs, upon which his estate was extended,
and remains so — upon which, Sherburn lost all, and many other of his
creditors. His oldest son, Thomas, above twenty years old, was sent a
factor to Barbadoes, about the year 1694, and died there soon after his
arrival. John, his eldest son by his second wife, he brought up a

69
gentleman, and bound him an apprentice to one Ball, an Italian mer
chant, with whom, as it was said, he gave £500., but he [the son] did
not make any improvement, but died whilst he was young. His
younger sons had good education and preferment, but died abroad when
young. His only daughter, Isabel, was married to Edmund Cole,
Esq., of Coat, who had one daughter by her, who grew up and was
married to one Whitehead, of Claugbton. The said Isabel hved fast,
as the saying is, and died in a few years after marriage. In the height
of his [John Hodgson's] prosperity, it was not accounted of as a crime
to bribe the officers of the customs, or defraud the king of his customs ;
which seldom or never improves men's estates, but rather is a canker to
eat away that which is got by honest industry ; which I have always
observed, and never inchned to be concerned [in] or buy such goods.
But now the customs is more narrowly inspected, nor is there now much
attempts made by any merchants of reputation or good conscience.
1704. — I being determined to go to our general yearly meeting at
London this summer, which my neighbour Sarah Myers having know
ledge of, was desirous to send her daughter Margaret along with me to
London ; and her brother Robert Lawson offered me a horse gratis, if I
would take her behind me, which I accepted of, and we went forward
about the iniddle of the third month. Her brother Joshua Lawson
accompanied us to Warrington, he having then a son at GUbert Thomp
son's school; and there we met with old Bryan Lancaster and his
grandson Bryan, and Thomas EUwood, all of Kendal, going to the said
meeting, who were very good and agreeable company, and' we got aU
well to London. I put up at the Swan Inn, in Lad Lane, and imme
diately conducted Margaret Myers to her uncle Willmer's, where she
was kindly entertained. I was invited by Joshua Wilson, who married
Thomas Green's daughter Ehn, to lodge at his house, which I accepted
of .whilst I stayed in London. I did attend the said meeting, which
continued four days, which was peaceable, unanimous, and satisfactory ;
and afterwards settled some accounts for myself and for Elizabeth
Green, and performed some messages for my neighbours ; and, after a
week's stay there, returned with the aforesaid Kendal friends, and got
home in good health, and found all well at home, to [my] satisfaction.
At my return, I inspected my affairs as usual, yearly, in the fourth
month, in money, debts, and credit, and estate whatever; and it
appeared that, after what I was debtor to any person was deducted,
there remains £1,181., which was very near the sum I computed clear
in the year 1699 ; which was more than I could reasonably expect, con
sidering that in this five years' time I had lost at least £400. by

70
merchandising, and at least £100. by insolvent debtors; and what
employ I now had [was] by seUing grocery goods by wholesale to country
shopkeepers, vrithout keeping an open shop.
It was now about the height of the war with France in Queen Anne's
reign, and many victories obtained against the Spaniards and French,
both by land and sea; and trade by sea well guarded by convoys,
stationed from port to port : so that we got most of our goods by sea
from London, in a moderate time, which, in King Wilham 's war, used
to come by waggon to Standish, and from thence home by carts, which,
in all from London, was in summer time from 5s. to 6s. fid. a cwt.
About the 7th month this year, John Troughton, who had been my
apprentice, was arrested for debt and made a prisoner, which for some
time I had expected. He was indebted to Sir Thomas Johnson, of
Liverpool, above £100., who, being at London, and hearing of his
imprisonment, he sued out a commission of bankrupt against him, and
sent it down by the post to me, desiring me to put it into the commis
sioners' hands, and that I would be an assignee, and take who I pleased
in for a partner ; but upon considering who were commissioners, and
the charge attending the prosecution of it, I thought most of the effects
would be spent. I acquainted John Troughton with it, and advised him
to assign over all his effects to some trustees to be sold, and collected for
the equal distribution of his creditors, and upon that I would put a stop
to the statute of bankrupt, which he complied with, and made an assign
ment to me and two others, which all his creditors here were content
vrith. And thereupon [I] answered Sir Thomas Johnson that I had
received his letter and the commission, but had not delivered it to the
commissioners, to save the expense of prosecuting it, and acquainted
him that John Troughton had assigned over to me, and two others I
named, all his effects, for the general and equal benefit of his creditors ;
and if he pleased to be content with that method, I would serve him
and the creditors the best I could, but not otherways. And I had his
answer that he was content with my proposal, and desired me to proceed
in it accordingly, and keep the statute, first aUowing him what charges
he was at [in] taking it out, which was about £9., which the creditors was
wiUing to allow ; and the statute was kept, to induce any who were
unvriUing to come into the assignment to obhge them to it. And as he
had been my apprentice, and the beginning of bis credit by my recom
mendation, I thought myself obliged to use my endeavours to make the
most for the creditors, and in order to it, got the tradesmen to value them
£the effects] at such a price as not to encourage any stranger to buy
them, which might be to their disadvantage; and in order to make the

"71
most of them, I got them valued in small lots, and they were put upon
a pubhc sale ; and in order to sell all, the order of the sale was, that if
the second parcel did not exceed the price it was valued at, he that
bought the first should have it as valued, and so successively; the last
buyer to have the next, if no person exceeded what it was valued at.
And to encourage the sale, I bid very often, and was holden in, so that
most part of the goods came to me, which proved to the damage of the
rest of the ironmongers, of whom Elijah Salthouse was the chief, who
after was sensible of his mistake of letting me be the buyer. After
John Troughton's goods were sold, and what money be had owing in his
books collected, the whole amounted to about £430. ; and upon his credi
tors bringing in their demands, his debts amounted to above £1,900., so
that the division to each creditor was 6s. 8d. in the pound, and no more.
They seemed well satisfied with the management, and he got his liberty,
but made no good use of it to gain his reputation, or his credit, but con
tinued to abuse his best friends and relations. His brother, Robert
Troughton, was bound with him for £350., which drove him into great
disorder, and obliged him to sell his estate to gain his liberty ; so that
John Troughton spent in seven years time £800., besides £300. his por
tion, and the profits of trade, which, when I turned the trade over to
him, was worth £100. a-year. He roved about in the town and country
some time, and after went to Liverpool and London. He could write
and account well, and got to be a writer or steward in a ship upon a
voyage to America; but he nor the ship ever returned, but supposed
sunk at sea. His wife had no child, and was entertained by her parents,
then living ; and although she had no certain account of her husband's
death, she married again in three or four years, to Thomas Muggalt, of
Cockerham. As the greatest part of his [Troughton's] goods came into my hands,
as aforesaid, and as we had disposed of all Thomas Green's goods, and
his shop [was] empty, I got the goods removed thither ; and at the same
time John HuU, who was then vicar of Walton, near Preston, and whose
son John was apprentice to John Troughton, and bad served him about
five years, was desirous that I would take him for the remaining two
years ; for which I was very unwUling, considering how negligent his
master had been in instructing or attending him, or shomng him any
good examples. But upon the urgency of his father, who was a sober
man, and always had a good opinion of me, as I had of him, I con
descended to take him for two years, and to have with him £30., and
thereupon fit up the shop in the retail grocery and ironmonger trade, as
I formerly had done. But the said apprentice had been so long without

72
good government or example, that he did not serve me so weU for my
benefit or his own, as I could have vrished ; which I feared and told his
father before I took him, and advised him to dispose of him otherways.
However, when he had done his service with me, his father gave him a
sufficient stock to begin with, which he did, but was not diligent in his
business. [He] married in a few years Elizabeth Lodge, the daughter
of Thomas Lodge, schoolmaster, and overrun his credit in a few years,
and broke, to the great grief of his father, who made out with his credi
tors honourably, and after got him a land-waiter's place in the Customs
here, where he continued some years, till he contracted distempers by
excessive drinking, till he died ; leaving a widow and six chUdren, mostly
to the care and dependence of his father.
1705. — In the beginning of the 4th month this year, as usual yearly —
(having then been about six months in the retail way of groceries and
hardware, which was attended by John Hull aforesaid and my dear sister
Ehn on the market days, she was as active and capable in serving in the
retaU way as the apprentice, — I bought at John Troughton's sale goods
to the value of £160., and supphed vrith what was wanting, but I was
much employed in the warehouse on market and fair days) ;— I took an
inventory of my goods and debts owing to me and what other effects I
had, as also what I was owing to any one; and found, after I had
deducted what I was in debt to any, that my real and personal estate in
all amounted to £1,374., and my profit last year, errors and bad debts
excepted, was £93.
In the 7th month this year, Henry Casson, innkeeper and chandler,
died, aged about 55 years. He left a widow, and five sons, and one
daughter. He got Jonathan Cawson, an attorney, to draw his will, who
had more sense than integrity or solidity to make a vrill. Henry Casson
had been a facetious and sociable companion over a quart of ale, as was
his said clerk, — and, it was supposed, that he took the notes of it in
intervals, so as to forget the preceding clauses ; so that in the whole it
was so confused that no man of the law could reconcile or make sense of
it. However, he made his wife Maiy whole executor of it, and named
me and Henry Welsh in trust, to see his wUl truly performed, and an
inventory was drawn, by which his personal estate appeared to be £548. ;
and he had an estate in houses and land, worth, at that time, £700. His
vridow administered, and took tuition of her chUdren, and kept on the
innkeeping, and making candles and soap, whUst she hved, which was
six years after her husband; and made a will, and appointed me and
Henry Welsh her executors, which we undertook; so that both her and
ber husband's wills came under our care, which we endeavoured to per-

73
form. Her eldest son WUliam was brought up a sailor, and had suffered
much hardship in the king's service in the wars; but after he was
released, he was master of a ship about Cartmel, and in going in the
boat to the ship, was by some sudden blast overset and drowned, in the
time betwixt his father's and mother's death ; and his sister Jennet died
also in that time. John Casson, the eldest son then living, was at his
father's death an apprentice to Henry Welsh, and was loose in 1709,
two years before his mother's death, and was set up [iu] trade for himself
that year j with money advanced by his mother. Henry Casson 's will was
so confusedly drawnup, that no certainty could be drawn from it; upon
which we got three or four persons of his most intimate acquaintance to
advise with, to have their thought what was bis real intent to be his will.
And it was all our thoughts, that he intended his younger sons to have
a sharciof his real estate, which his eldest son John complied with, to
their mutual ¦ satisfaction, and the personal estate was equally divided
among themiall;. but that was lessened £100. betwixt the father's and
mother's death ; partly, we thought, by permitting the son Thomas, in
the soap and candle trade, who was not very diligent in his business, but
went much a hunting and fishing. He married a daughter of Edward
Carter,! of EUel, by whom he had a daughter; and he got a surfeit by
bunting or fishing, which took him off suddenly. Jonathan Casson,
the third son, was bound an apprentice to William Grad well, grocer, of
Preston; with whom was given 50 guineas. He served his apprentice
ship to'his master's satisfaction,' and began trade. for himself in Preston,
but was not very active in it or obliging, and; did not get in any great
trade, and became careless ; so that he left his trade, became insolvent,
and died in a short time after, unmarried. , Benjamin Casson, the
youngest son, was bound an apprentice to Robert Atkinson, of Boulton,
a tanner, whom he faithfully served, to bis great commendation of all
the neighbourhood, and when loose began for himself ; but being of an
easy and credulous disposition, he was put upon and defrauded, which
brought him into distraction and despair, so as to be confined and bound,
where he remained some years. But, upon his recovery he got a waiter's
place in the customs, in Ribble, under the collector at Poulton. Henry
Casson, their fatheri was a poor boy born : [he] got to be in the meanest
employ with a candle-maker, but improved himself, and in time got into
that trade. [He] was very facetious and obliging ; married, and got to
be town-sergeant; and, in the beginning of King James the Second's
reign, in the year 1685, upon the Duke of Monmouth's invasion, he was,
according to his office, commanded to proclaim him a traitor at the
Market CrosSj which he refused to do ; upon which he was sent prisoner.

74
with several other supposed disaffected persons, to Chester Castle, and
kept there tiU the Duke of Monmouth was defeated, taken, condemned,
and beheaded.
ir06.— Upon the 13th of 1st month, 1705-6, Elin Coward, widow of
my master, Henry Coward, died; to whom I had paid £5. a year for
seven years last past, for ber thirds, or widow-right, of the house I
bought, which was her husband's, which wholly cleared me of that
charge. About this time I sent a smaU adventure of about £91. 10s. by
WiUiam Fell, to Virginia, in the ship Content, for which I had a retum
of eight hogsheads of tobacco, for which I paid £9. 10s. a ton freight.
Tobacco was then sold here at 3id. a pound on board ; so that I did not
get above 40s. by the adventure in one year out of it ; and it being then
the height of the war, but no insurance made here then. In the 4th
month as usual, I took an inventory of my effects, and found, after what
money I owed, there remained £1,390. Is. 3d. ; which exceeded the last
year's settlement £45. 14s. which was the last year's profit, but not so
much as I expected, which happened by some losses, and I supposed
some negligence of John Hull, who now was loose.
This year I removed from the shop [that] was Thomas Greene's, to
my own shop, which Elijah Salthouse had been in seven years. He was
uneasy at my beginning the ironmonger trade again ; although he had
the opportunity to prevent it, if he would have bought John Troughton's
goods at a market price ; but as the shop w£is my own, he had no reason
to object why I should take it, being it joined to my dweUing house and
cellars and warehouses I had before.
In this year Robert Mayor died ; he was born in Boulton pe Sands],
was a joiner and cooper by trade, and bad followed it till he was 50 years
of age, and kept house with his sister till she married, and at that age
he married Elizabeth Walker, widow, at the Park Side, in Quarmore
[Quernmoor] with whom be lived till be died, about 70 years of age.
He was a discreet and cheerful man, and always ready to serve his
neighbour or friend. He was for many years an assistant to Ann Bald
win, at the assizes, who entertained the judges. He bad acquired some
money by his industry, and was a cheerful contributor to such as were in
want or [were] prosecuted for religion. As be bad no child, he disposed
of his substance equally to bis relations, his friends, his wife, and the
poor. He gave £1 0. to Boulton School, and charged his estate at Park
Side with 30s. yearly for the putting forth an apprentice in Boulton
every four years ; and to his friends, the Quakers, £60. for the charitable
uses of their society ; and very good legacies to his wife and her daugh
ter's children, of other religious professions. He was a man that I

75
should freely advise with upon any extraordinary occasion, and had bene
fit by him on a particular doubt.
In this year I had a parish apprentice put upon me, about ten years
of age, John Robinson, son of James Robinson. I sent him to the free
school for at least four years, and he learned well to the entering into
Greek, and could write well. I bound him an apprentice to a worsted
weaver; gave £4. with him, and found him clothes. He served his time,
and then began trade for himself, but was not so industrious or careful
as he ought ; fell to drinking and broke ; then went to London ; got a
wife and portion, which he spent, and left her, and went to America. He
cost me at least £40.
1707. — In the 1st month this year, I took John Baynes, son of
Joseph Baynes, of Strangerthwaite, near Sedber, an apprentice for
seven years, with whom his father gave me £35. He was very young,
could write well, and was [of] a brisk and active disposition. Being now
settled, shop and house, and conveniences together, I was minded to
make some small adventures to sea, and with several others freighted a
new ship called the Love, James Hornby master, to Virginia. We sent
about £500. worth of goods, and consigned them to Samuel Sattertbwait,
who went factor. The ship made her voyage in about eight months,
[and] brought us in return about 300 hogsheads of tobacco, for which we
paid 50s. a hogshead freight. The like tobacco was then sold here for
9Fd. (twopence half-farthing) a pound ; and upon making up the voyage
it appeared, after commission and all charges paid, we did not get above
£5. the £100. for being a year out of our money; and although at the
height of the war, no insurance was then made, which if it had, would
have exceeded the profit. About the same time I made a small adven
ture in a new ship called the Success, John Clarkson, master, to Jamaica,
in cheese and candles, to the value of £40., consigned to the said master,
who got safe to Jamaica and to a good market. He sold my goods for
above £110., and purchased for it sugar, indigo, and pimento, to that
value ; but, upon his return, he was taken by a French privateer, and
carried into the Isle of Cuba, where the ship and cargo was condemned
and all lost, and no insurance made on her or cargo. The small success
to Virginia, and the whole lost to Jamaica, wholly discouraged me from
adventuring abroad. In the 4th month this year, as usual yearly, I took
an inventory of my goods and all my effects and my credits, and found
the same to amount, after my credits were deducted, to £1,371. 4s. 5d.,
which exceeded the last year's settlement for profit £5 1. 3s. 3d.
1708. — In the spring 1708, our meeting house not being capable to
entertain the general meeting for the four northern counties, it was

76
resolved to pull it quite down and bnUd it nigh double to what it was ;
which was committed to Robert Lawson's and my care ; but the provi
sion, payment and account was mostly under my care and management ;
and in the time of buUding, our meeting was kept in my dwelling house.
We got it built and finished in about six months, with floor, seats,
galleries and ceihng, to the general satisfaction of our friends in the
county and others; the whole charge whereof was £180., which was
thought moderate. '
In the second month this year Mary the widow of Leonard Fell died,
to whom Henry Coward had mortgaged the house I bought for the pay
ment of £10. a year during their lives, or the longer liver of them.
Hitherto I had [had] no benefit of the house any more than [if] I had
been a farmer of it, paying the above £10. and to Henry Coward's widow
£5 . a year ; both which I was now discharged of ; so that the house stood
me now to £310.,— that is £180. the first cost, and £60. for interest for
the same till the widow died, and £70. laid out in additional buUding for
my convenience.
My neighbour WiUiam Godsalve, who for some years bad foUowed his
trade of a draper and grocer reputably, but he being too forward in
credit, was drawn into familiarity with some decayed popish gentry,
particularly with one Askew, who married Esquire Gerlington's daugh
ter of Therland Castie, and with Esquire BuUer of Rancliffe, and others ;
and not only gave them large credit, but became bound with them to
others for large sums, and drew him into costly treats, which much-
reduced his credit, and which caused him to be otherways very expensive
and neghgent, and bis creditors urgent upon him ; so that it was evident
be could not continue his trade, or answer his creditors. Upon complaint
of his wife, who was sensible of his extravagance and circumstances,
their friends undertook to persuade him to assign over his effects to
some persons in trust, for the payment of bis just debts, or in proportion
so far as they would extend to, and not to suffer them to be spent in suit
by attorneys, whereby some got all and others nothing. A^nd he, being
then about to be committed to the county gaol, complied, and an assign
ment was made and executed to Thomas Medcalfe, Henry Welsh, and
me, to sell and pay to all his creditors equally, provided all his creditors
would comply to accept it, and thereupon discharge him. But as he was
become sottish and insensible of his own interest, he was persuaded by
some of his meanest creditors and companions not to comply ; and he
persuaded two of his creditors, both whose demands was not £90., and
that thought not to be just debts, not to comply to come into the assign
ment, which all the rest of his creditors, to the sum of £1,400., complied

77
with ; — so that, for want of a whole compliance, the assignment could
not be proceeded upon. William Godsalve, and his two aforesaid credi
tors' obstinacy, put a stop to our proceeding by the assignment, to the
great displeasure of most of the creditors. The principal of them were
advised to sue out a commission of bankrupt against him ; being, there
appeared, no other way to keep the effects together, or to get him at
liberty to endeavour to retrieve. Upon which a commission was sued
out, and such commissioners were named that we could confide in not to
cause any more expense than was absolutely necessary, and the same
persons were appointed assignees, to whom the effects were consigned
by the aforesaid assignment ; who now took the effects into their manage
ment and made sales. But the said Godsalve was so rude and outrageous
as to bring a sword to do mischief to the assignees and interrupt the
sale, that they were obliged to apply to the commissioners to confine him
to prison tiU the sale was over, and which was done. He had an estate
at Yeland, which was also sold ; and the amount of all, after the charge
of commission and sale, amounted to 13s. in the pound, and bis part for
premium for giving in a full account came to about £30., which was paid
him, it being all that he, his wife, and three children bad to depend
upon. But he continued obstinate and idle, and very abusive to his wife,
who bad been much concerned to reclaim him, and in endeavouring to
get his debts paid, so as to get him clear. He after applied to the afore
said gentry, who had been the principal in his ruin, who got him to be a
servant in a draper and mercer's shop at Richmond, in Yorkshire, where
he continued some years, and left his wife and chUdren destitute of any
subsistence, and left to the charity of her friends ; who put forth ber
eldest son apprentice to Thomas Holme, of Flookbarrow, a shoemaker,
who served his time, and after went to sea, and [was] shipwrecked and
drowned. And their youngest child, a daughter, died soon after ; so
[they] had only one son, Henry, who his mother bad to provide for, but
never got any assistance from her husband, only had the premium money
left for their relief ; which, with her industry, she maintained her and
her son upon for three or four years, tiU she was assisted by putting her
in some more profitable employ, which she was capable to manage;
having before marriage kept a milliner's shop to, her profit and reputa
tion. She was daughter of Henry Coward, and very dutiful and assistant
to her mother, after her father died insolvent as aforesaid. She had also
one sister called Rachel, who was not capable of employ, which she was
assistant to.
In the latter end of 1707, Margaret Hynd, of Littledale, died, about
a month after she had buried her only son, Richard Hynd. She made

78
a wiU, in which she named me and Elijah Salthouse executors in trust
for her daughter Elizabeth, the wife of James Birket, of Wood, in
CartmeU. Which wiU we undertook to execute, and took an inventory
of her personal estate, which amounted to £470., which we were to
manage for her said daughter's separate disposal, and take her receipt
yearly as an approbation of our management. But her husband, James
Birket, being then possessed of a very good estate, both real and per
sonal, to the value of £100. a-year, and supposed to be improving and
very capable to manage this concern, — we thought our trast was need
less, and with the consent of his said wife, we assigned over the trust to
him, and took yearly for some years a declaration in writing under his
vrife's hand, of her satisfaction of her husband's management of this
concern ; and it continued so for above 30 years. But in this time the
said James Birket undertook merchandising and other projects he did
not understand, and engaged in partnership with men of declining cir
cumstances and expensive company, so as to waste his estate and what
he had in trust for his wife, and became a bankrupt. Upon which we
were called upon by his wife to produce her mother's vrill and inventory,
and make claim of what was committed to our trust ; which we were
ready to do, but put it upon her to consider that [as] she always acknow
ledged her satisfaction in her husband's management, and never inti
mated to us any dissatisfaction or danger before he became insolvent or a
bankrupt, — it would not be taken well by the creditors, or commissioners
of bankrupt, to make a demand of it ; — which, having considered of with
her sons, who were at age, she and they gave us a discharge, and did not
make any demand of it before the commissioners ; which was much to
her reputation, considering that her husband had with her a good portion
at marriage, and at her brother's death a good estate ; in aU, first and
last, the value of £3,500., and in making up the bankruptcy there was
no more than 5s. for the creditors. I note this as a caution to
trustees. About this time Wilham Gunson, of Fenam Carr, iu Lancaster, aged
above 80 years, and Elizabeth his wife, under 40 years of age, died both
in a month. They had been married but a few years, and left a son
[who] was an idiot. The wife was the survivor. He made a will, and
made his wife executor, and Robert Lawson and me in trust to assist ber
in performing it ; and she made a wUl confirming her husband's, and
appointed her sister Kathren her executor, and guardian or tutor of her
son the idiot ; and as the old man had engaged most of her effects in
mortgages with persons of declining circumstance, we had some trouble
and care to get accounts settled for some years ; tUl the said Kathren

79
married John Patchet, who undertook the care of the effects, and also
the maintenance of the idiot, who lived to the age of twelve years, and
then died.
My dear mother was now about 76 years of age, and dwelt with my
brother Josias as his housekeeper, and was become very infirm and
uneasy with the care of the house, and was urgent on him to many,
he not being willing to keep house with a servant. Thereupon,
with his mother's consent and approbation, he married Sibill Green,
daughter of Thomas Green, of Boulton Homes, a neighbour. My
brother Josias was about 48 years of age, and his wife about 30 years
of age, and my mother seemed well satisfied with the marriage ; but
when the young vrife came to housekeeping, my mother thought to have
some direction in that more than the young 'wife (who bad been her
father's housekeeper) would allow ; which made their mother uneasy,
and in a year's time my brother Josias desired me to entertain her,
which I freely offered to do ; so she came to me and my sister and dwelt
with us in much concord and unity till the time of her death, which was
about eight years, vrithout any consideration except what my brother
Josias would freely offer, who was a quiet and easy man ; bis wife being
of a resolute disposition, and he was very condescending, for peace sake.
They continued married about 38 years, but had no chUd in all that
time, nor did much to improve their estate ; and as they had no child,
she took all opportunities to improve her own relations and treat her
friends at pleasure, more than would have been allowed by most hus
bands — he being very condescending.
1709. — In the fourth month this year, as usual, I made an inventory of
my goods and money owing, and the rest of my effects, and also what I
was debtor to any person ; and after deduction of what I owed, there
remained my present estate, £1,443. lis. 9d., and what my estate was
settied at last year^^s £1,371. 4s. 5d., so that my advance in trade the
last year was £71 . fk 4d. In the second month [April] this year, I went
to Sheffield by way of Leeds, for during the wars we had no Swede iron
but from Leeds, by horse-pack carriage ; so [I] bought iron and settled
accounts there. At Sheffield I bought what goods I bad occasion for,
ready money, and took the names of the makers, so as after to order
what I had occasion for; and gave orders to Samuel Shoore to take them
in and pack them, and send them to me, allowing him a smaU sum as
commission ; and continued so ever after for many years, without the
trouble or charge of a journey thither.
In this year, Elin Jaynson, who was Henry Coward's mother, died ;
who was debtor to her at his death £100., most of which she got, and

80
therewith took a lease of a tenement for ber daughter Mary and two
grandchildren's lives ; and at her death made her wUl, and appointed
me her executor in trust, to manage the tenement in trust for her daugh
ter Mary Coward, who was an idiot, and near 60 years of age. I let the
tenement to Pearce Patchet, and boarded her with her sister Elin Simp
son, and had much trouble with the concern, particularly in the year
1716, about the time of the rebellion; the landlord. Esquire Dalton,
being actually in the rebellion, and convicted upon it. His estate was
forfeited to the king, which caused the charge and trouble to the tenants
to prove their leases. And a committee of parliament came to Preston,
whither all persons in the county who were tenants, or had any claim
upon the persons convicted, were to appear to prove their leases or claim
before that committee. In pursuance of which I went to Preston, to
prove this lease, and make good our claim to this tenement, which I did.
Mary Coward overlived her mother about twelve years, and was about
70 years old when she died, and was the last life in the lease ; the other
two, who were near 40 years younger than her, died before her, and the
tenement [was] leased by Edmund Gartside, a favourite of Esquire
Dalton 's; who after redeemed his estate, which was entailed, and he
only tenant for his life, for which he gave the government £6,000.
In this year my trade was very good, and at this time tobacco was at
least one-third part of what I sold in a year, and the most profitable ;
especially when we had opportunity to buy it on board, and have entry
of it, and pay the custom ourselves at the Custom house, which we had
this year, and I bought betwixt 30 and 30 hogsheads. At this time
there were very great allowances for damage ; if but lib. damage upon
a hogshead, we had 101b. allowed for it duty free, and so in proportion.
If 901b. damage, lOOlb. allowed for it, and to some 3001b. aUowed; so
that in the main we reckoned we got a halfpenny a lb. in the whole upon
allowance for damage ; and as we endeavoured to pay most of the duty
ready money, we had halfpenny a lb. allowed for that ; which reduced
the price. And at that time we sold most of our tobacco in roll, spun
up, and took out part of the stalks ; but, with the addition of wetting it
to make it work, we usually got 8lb. or lOlb. weight back in roll, more
than the leaf sent in to spin ; all which was an addition to the profit of
it. Also iron was one-fourth part of our sale ; but as we had our Swede
iron from Leeds, it lessened our sale towards Yorkshire, the best of our
customers buying it at Leeds or Settie ; and we sold a good quantity of
our own country iron made at Cartmel and Furnas. But at this time
there was none made but in the Bloomery way, which would be no nails ;
the furnace being not then erected in which it was first ran into pigs

81
and after drawn into bars, and made fit to work into nails, or any other
slender or pliable work. And great quantity of the pigs [were] sent into
Bristol and Wales, to be there drawn into bars, and sht into nail rods,
as good as Swede or any other iron. At this time, not above one-fourth
part of the sugar [was] consumed here, as has been since ; and above
half the sugar imported into this kingdom was exported to Holland,
Germany, and the northern kingdoms ; and, during the war, the French
was supplied with sugar and tobacco, by prizes taken from us by their
privateers, to our great loss. But about this time England had got ships
of good force, who not only were good saUors, but made good reprisal
from the French, so as to equal our losses to our reprisals, and discourage
their privateers.
At the close of this year, or beginning of the next, as usual yearly, I
took a schedule or inventory of my shop, warehouses, and debts, owing to
me, and the rest of my effects, and also of what money I was owing to all
and every person, which I deducted out of my effects ; and found that my
clear estate, casualties excepted, was £1,674. 15s. lOd. ; and I found
that my estate last year, as then stated, was £1443. 1 Is. 9d. ; so that my
advance or profit in this one year was £183. 4s. Id., which is more thau; I
could have expected, having had several losses. But this year I received
£30. of Joseph Bayns with his son, now apprentice with me, and hopeful.
1710. — In this year Ann Greenwood, daughter of Augustine and Alice
Greenwood, was married to Ralph Spencer, merchant, in Leeds, to whom
her mother was recommended by some of the presbyterian preachers, as
an able man, great dealer, and religious ; but I had a different account
of him, which I acquainted her mother of in time ; which he was sensible
of and would never after be familiar with me ; but my intelligence proved
too true. At my buying her goods, besides the ready money paid, I gave
her my bond for £300., for which I paid her interest eight years, and
now I paid the principal, which, with a bond paid last year, is all I paid
interest for ; so that now my estate was clear from interest or any annui
ties or other debt, except what is common to merchants or trade.
In this year, Robert Swift, my tenant, in Back Lane, who roUed and
cut my tobacco, left that house, and upon that I employed John Marshall
to do that work for me ; and as my trade seemed to increase, and my
dear sister growing infirm, and not so capable to assist in the shop as
usual, I got the said John Marshall to assist in the shop on the market
and fair days, — who was faithful and diligent, and for the same gave him
only 6d. a day, and continued so many years.
In this year I settled account, and paid Peter Heys, who married Mar
garet Johnson, aU that was due to her, according to her father's will, and

82
got thefr fuU discharge ; but was sorry for her misfortune in her marriage
of a^ indolent mSn, who quickly wasted her fortune, which was the issue
of her abrupt leaving me, and putting herself under the guardianship of
Charles Owen, the famous presbyterian preacher at Warrington, who
after an expensive education of her, procured to her this husband, and
knowing his circumstances and indolency.
In this year Joseph Wilkinson married Bethia Green, daughter of
Thomas and Elizabeth Green, of Lancaster, and upon stating accounts
according to her father's will, had her portion paid, but the same had
not been improved, and he bad not much of his own. They entered
upon the chandler or cheesemonger trade, in London, but faUed in a
few years ; soon after which she died and left one child, which became
a charge to her relations and friends. The above being what I have to
note this year.
1711. — In the fourth month next [this] year, I made a schedule or
inventory, as usual yearly, of all my goods and money owing me, and
estate whatever, and also what I was debtor to any person ; which being
deducted, there remained for the present value of my estate, £1,704. 5s.
3^d.; and at settling the same last year the clear value was £1,574.
15s. lOd. ; so that my profit or advance in this one year was £139. 9s.
5|d. In this state I have omitted all the debts I think may not be got.
This year Joseph Green sold his land : he had above £900. some years
since out of his father's personal estate ; but as his real estate was in-
Vested in Robert Lawson and me by his father's will, by which his
mother was to have the profits of half of it during her life, we could not
join in the sale of it till she bad security for the same, upon which her
son Joseph and sons-in-law, Joshua Willson and Joseph WUkinson, gave
her their joint bonds to pay her £15. yearly during her life ; upon which,
and paying his sisters £100. the estate was charged with, it was sold in
parcels, all but the house and an old kiln, and the money was remitted
to him to London. But soon after he became very negligent in his
trade, and expensive and sottish ; so that in two years after he broke, in
debt some hundred pounds more than he had to pay ; and he had also
assigned over the house and kiln to GUbert Higginson, for a debt owing
him ; but we kept possession of them for his mother's annuity, and some
money due to his sister Elizabeth ; and in about seven years the rent
cleared them. In the meantime, GUbert Higginson had assigned over
to one Jonathan Forward, who sold them to Thomas Postlethwaite.
Some time after, Joseph Green went to Barbadoes, but made no im
provement, and died there about the year 1790; and about seven yeara
after his mother's death.

83
In this year WiUiam Coward, a tailor, died, about 60 years of age,
and left one son, William, aged about 30 years. He had a house in
lease from Alexander Rigby, of Layton, for his own and his said son
William's life, worth about £7. a-year, and about £50. in money and
goods. He made his wUl, and made me and Samuel Satterthwaite his
executors in trust for his son, who was not of government to manage it
himself. He was brought up with his father at his trade, and was an
industrious workman, but could not bear to drink strong drink, a little
of which did distract him, so that he would spend what he had and treat
anybody, and in that condition got roaring about the town loudly as a
madman ; so that his father gave us power, by his will, not to give him
anything but at our discretions. He would have contracted debts, or be
engaged with any ; but we gave public notice to all, that we would not
pay any debts he contracted, and that, if he was made a prisoner, we
would maintain him there where he might work. We had much trouble
to keep him clear for some years. He was a good workman, and very
quiet, and was fully employed; but when he had earned about 10s. he
was invited by gome ill-designing people to take a pot of ale, and that
forwarded him to treat all : so that in one day he would spend all, and
for some days go roaring about town like a madman. We maintained
him with clothes and victuals when at home, out of the interest of his
money and the house-rent ; and, with good management, kept what his
father left, in order to maintain him when he came to old age.
This year, John Booth was discharged out of the Queen's service. He
was a remote relation to me; and, about the year 1698, I took him to
be an apprentice in the ship Employment, in which he served till she
was lost ; upon which I got him into Sir Thomas Johnson's service in the
ship Great Elizabeth, out of which first voyage he was pressed into the
Speedwell man-of-war, in which he was advanced in good trust, till he
was made chief mate of her, and continued in that station till this year,
when he wanted his health, otherways might have been further pro
moted, as his certificate at his discharge implied ;— having discharged
his trast faithfully in several engagements with the French privateers,
several of which and merchant ships they had taken. In this service, he
had improved himself so much that he brought home £300., with which
he purchased an estate in Slyne from Anthony Caton ; and, some years
after, married Margaret Craven, of whom he had two sons and one daugh
ter; but would not go to sea again, although good employ offered him;
and he after became irregular in his living, and quarrelsome when in liquor,
and died before he had wasted his estate. He was no scholar or writer,
when he went first to sea; but got his knowledge by his own industry.

84
About the close of this year, considering that Elin Godsalve, the wife
of William Godsalve, was out of business, and her husband being at
Richmond, and out of his wages there, made her no assistance, so [she]
was a charge, and her son, to her friends, and yet capable of business,
which considering, I took a shop for her at the south-east corner of the
Cheany [China] Lane, and put her in it about £10. value of grocery
goods, and other small ware, at the first cost — to pay me when she could
well. And she being well known, and not blameable for her husband's
miscarriage, she had quickly good custom by retail, and diligently
attended both day and night, and sold by retail as much as any shop in
the town. I gave her liberty as money came in, to buy in goods with
ready money, without paying me till she could safely do it ; so that she
got into a good stock, and improved herself very much for two or three
years ; which, when her husband understood, he came home and entered
upon her trade, in order to manage it, but in a little time fell into the
company of his old companions and expensive living ; not suffering her
to manage it, and lost her customers, and spent what she had got, and
then left her with two more children, born both at one birth, in httle
more than a year's time after his return. At the end of this year, as
usual yearly, I took a schedule, &c., and after I had deducted what I
owed, there rested £1,804. 13s. Id., and at the settling the same last
year, it appeared to be £1,704. 5s. 3id. ; so that what I have advanced
this year, errors excepted, is £100. 73. 9d.
1713.— In the year 1704, my cousin, Thomas WiUson, of Kendal,
was desirous to have his son Peter preferred to some business in London,
upon which I recommended him to Thomas Crosby, a drysalter, in the
Borough in Southwark, whither he went, and was bound apprentice to
him, and served him faithfully seven years, and this year began same
trade for himself, and very hopefully. I bought of him what goods I
had occasion for in his trade, and he bought for me other goods I had
occasion for, so as [that] be had some hundred pounds a year from me
for about five or sk years to my satisfaction and his benefit. He was
very exact in bis accounts ; but in the year 1718, he became incapable
of his business, and became lunatic, and would give his goods about him,
so that his friends shut up his shop, and confined [him] and gave his
parents notice of it, who sold his goods, and got him to Kendal, where
he continued incapable, and talked impertinently, rambled in the streets
and fields, and often went to London in a week, at 5s. expense, and after
rambling there a few days, came down agam in the same time on foot,
and often in the winter time, in bad apparel. His father settied a good
ainnuity on him for his life, whereby be might have lived comfortably;

85
but he continued in this distracted condition many years, till he died ;
but was always quiet and content with such meat and clothes as was pro-
rided for him, but never sat at meals, so took his meat when he pleased,
and at some times would talk and discourse very sensibly.
In this year Andrew Lawton, of Skerton, smith, died ; [be] left four
chUdren, but little provision for them. He made a wUl, and made John
Anvon and me bis executors. What he left clear after bis debts were
paid, was but about £30. One of his sons was put to sea service, and
went to sea, but neither ship or he ever heard of; supposed sunk. The
other son [was] put to a tailor, and served his time. Two daughters got
to service, so that in about six years we fulfilled our trust, and had their
discharges to their satisfaction.
In the 13th month this year Alderman Thomas Medcalfe died, who
was joint executor with me in John Johnson's will about eighteen years
since ; which I was mostly active in, but not yet finished, and as he was
sensible what care had been taken in it, now when he was weak, he sent
his brother Alderman Westmore to me, desiring me to undertake a trust
from him in his wUl ; to which I returned that I would freely undertake
a trust, but not an executor, being sensible that a great trouble would
attend it ; but what Westmore told him as my answer I know not. How
ever be died soon after, and I was at his burial. In two days after I was
sent for by his daughters, and they produced his will, which, being read,
his brother Westmore and I was named joint executors of it, which I was
much surprised at and much troubled at, and unwilling to be active in.
Some time before he died he sent his eldest son Thomas to London, to
be preferred byhis cousins George and Francis Metcalfe. The first was
sohcitor for the commissioners of the custqms in London, and the latter
collector of the customs at Southampton, — who got him instructions in
the managing that business, and in the beginning of this year procured
him the place of collector of the customs at Penzance, in Cornwall, worth
£100. a-year, and also of the salt duty, worth £50. a-year. We took the
first opportunity to write to his said son, and sent him a copy of his father's
wUl, desiring him to come hither to undertake the trouble of it, and that
we would assign over our power to whom he would employ to act in it.
We had his answer excusing his coming down, and that he could not
expect the commissioners would admit it, so soon after he had entered
upon his office ; and [he] desired us to execute the will, and he would be
very weU content with our management, and come here in a short time
to ease us of our trast ; which we too easily confided, and were too for
ward to act in. Thereupon we got his personal estate appraised, made
an inventory, and got the will proved and administered. His personal

86
estate was appraised at £700., and his freehold estate in Lancaster about
£60. a-year, and his estate in EUel, in lease from the Lord Molineux,
about £35. a-year, and he owed about £600. on bond, and the legacies in
his will £550., so that his personal estate was at least £300. short of
paying debts and legacies. We had a power by the wiU to sell land to
pay debts and legacies, which paid off his trade debts and part of his
bond debts ; but [were] not willing to sell any lands, expecting, considering
what station he was in, that he might have cleared his estates, which was
worth £100. a-year ; and in order to keep the estate together I sometimes
advanced £100. of my own money to make all easy. He left three sons
and four daughters. The eldest daughter, Judith, was married to Thomas
Holme, the schoolmaster and curate at Lancaster. The second daughter,
Elizabeth, was married to Robert Winder, a draper; — both their portions
to pay. His second son, WiUiam, was brought up at sea, very hopeful
and improving. His legacy of £50. we paid, and soon after [he] died,
upon a Guney [Guinea] voyage. His youngest son and two daughters
were under age, and we got them good education. George we sent him
to his brother at Penzance, and from thence to London, but could not
get him fixed to good business ; and Margaret cost us much money for
education, but was not of so good government as to settle to business,
but married poorly at London. Dorothy, the youngest, we placed her
an apprentice to Ann Whittham, a milliner, with whom we gave £30. ;
and her maintenance in her apprenticeship cost us much more. She was
of httle stature and very modest and hopeful, but had an unfortunate
marriage, which brought her to hardship.
This year Henry Welsh, who was my particular acquaintance, and who
I accompanied with and diverted ourselves in walking abroad, and was
my partner in trust for Henry and Mary Casson's chUdren, married John
Foxcroft of Littledale's daughter and only child, with whom he got
£5,000. fortune, and gave over his trade, having improved himself in it,
and turned over his shop to Robert Winder ; who continued in it some
time, but made no improvement in it, — him who married Aldermem
Metcalfe's second daughter, Elizabeth.
1'5'13. — At the beginning of this year, as usual^ yearly, I took an ac
count of all my effects, real and personal, and find the same to be
£9,107. 4s. lid., and that I owe to sundry persons in all £174. 10s.,
which deducted [there] remains £1,939. 14s. lid.; last year, my estate
was, £1,804. 13s. Id.; so that what I have advanced this year is
£198. Is. lOd.
In the fourth month this year, I went to London, in order to attend
our general meeting there, this month, at the usual time, accompanied

87
vrith John Danson and James Birket, directly ; only stayed a meeting
at Coventry. I put up my horse at the Cross Keys in Gracious-street,
where my countryman John Lawson was chief hostler ; but I went to
lodge with my cousin Peter Willson, in the Borough, in Southwark, and
I attended the said meeting, which continued two weeks, occasioned by
reason the act for the Quakers' solemn affirmation instead of an oath,
was near expiring, and to consider how to solicit to have it renewed to
the satisfaction of the whole of our society ; but as now the high party,
who was not all well affected to us, had the ascendant in parliament, and
with the Queen, it was by most friends thought most proper to let it
expire, and wait for an opportunity to get it renewed to the satisfaction
of all. But friends in London and thereaway were for the present soli
citation, which was condescended to, and a solicitation made to the par
liament, to the cost of many hundred pounds, but to no effect ; being
that most of our friends in the late elections for members of parliament
had voted against the now prevailing party in parliament, which was not
acceptable. As now a peace with France was concluded and free passage
by sea, I bought a good quantity of goods, and ordered them by sea. I
was never before this above eight days in London, and now fifteen, in
which I was much tired and indisposed, and this was the last journey I
made to London. I came out of London on the first day of the week
[Sunday], at four in the morning, and through Lombard-street and
Cheapside, without scarcely seeing any person ; which was surprising to
me, considering how those streets are crowded in the day time and
evenings. I called in Aldersgate-street for Gilbert Thompson, who ac
companied me to Warrington. When we got to Highgate, the country
air refreshed me wonderfully. We came to St. Alban's in time to their
meeting, which we attended, and, after the meeting, came to Hockley,
where we lodged, and the next night at Coventry, and the next night at
Stone, and from thence to Warrington, where Gilbert Thompson left me,
and I came that evening to Newton, and next day home — in all five
days — in good health, and found all well and in health. This year,
Elizabeth Green, the widow of Thomas Green, died, having survived
her husband ten years, and seen most of his effects sold and spent;
only we kept the house in pledge for some legacies due to her daughter
Elizabeth and granddaughter Ann Borrow. She had but received one
year's annuity from her son Joseph, who the next year broke.
1714. — On the 1st day third month this year, I let Joseph Green's
house to Thomas Croft, for four years, at £6. 15s. a-year, for his assignees.
In the twelfth month,'1718, James Fenton (who had the degree of D.D.,
aged about 60 years, had been the priest of this parish about 38 years).

88
died, who had been a man of a high and austere deportment, and dis
dained aU protestant dissenters. He was not given to hospitahty, but a
great exacter of his demands from bis own poor hearers and dissenters,
by prosecution at law, and affected rather to be feared than loved by his
parishioners, and was not loved by them. He died of a long and hnger-
ing distemper, and very much indisposed of mind. He wanted the charity
that becomes all men, and much more a minister of the gospel. He was
succeeded by his son James, and [who had] much of his disposition.
Upon the 1st day of the sixth month this year. Queen Anne died,
having reigned near thirteen years. In the first eight years, whilst
Prince George of Denmark lived, she governed very steadily with the
council King William left her, and had very great success in the war
with France and Spain, in conjunction with her alUances the Emperor
of the United Netherlands and other confederates, — so far as to bring
them to crave for peace. But after the Prince of Denmark's death, she
hearkened to new councillors, who did suggest to her that the war would
ruin the nation, and [that] her ministry had brought the church into
danger by encouraging schismatics and atheists ; and many of the bishops
and priests infused the same notions into the common people. It was
also supposed she was advised that she usurped the power which was due
to her pretended brother, pretended son of her father James II. She
entered into a separate treaty with France, without her aUies, which
was a reproach to ber kingdom, and giving away the good success of her
armies, and many millions of money spent in vain, and left her allies in
great distress. She dissolved her parliament, and called another, which
complied with her, through the false surmises of the bishops and clergy.
But the house of lords were steady for the succession of the crown in
the house of Hanover. She changed her ministry, and she obtained a
bill in the parliament to prohibit all dissenters from the Church of
England to keep a school, or suffer their children to be taught by any
but who were conformists in all respects to the church ; which the queen
passed into a law a little before her death — which was an undermining
the toleration act, and as ill as repealing it. It was to commence the
1st August, the day the queen died, and so was never put in execution.
This year my apprentice, John Baynes, had served his time to my
content. He was a bold and enterprising youth, and I gave him liberty
in his apprenticeship to buy and sell some odd goods I did not deal in.
I always told his father that I thought he would not be confined to a
shop so much as our trade required. His father proposed to me to take
my shop and goods for him, if I would give over trade, which I had some
inclination to do, and consulted my sister thereupon, which my then

89
maid servant hearing, said — "Master, I advise you not to give over
trade; if you do, you will repent of it." Which I took so much notice
, of as to consider more diligently, and, after [my] resoWe to continue the
trade, John Baynes took a, shop near me, which he did not keep two
years, till he became acquainted with a young widow at Sunderland, in
the bishopric of Durham, daughter of Lancelot Wardall, of that town,
whom he married, and then sold his effects here, a good part of which I
bought. He went to Sunderland, and fell into his father-in-law's busi
ness of fitting ships with coals and building ships, being stirring employ
ment suitable for him, and by which he improved himself, and built so
many houses as to have a street called Baynes-street. And although he
was very active, he grew very fat or corpulent, and died about the 40th
year of his age.
At the same time that John Baynes was loose, I took to be an appren
tice John Goad, son of Joseph Goad, of Beaclife, with whom I had £35.,
his father to provide him all clothes, to serve seven years. This summer
was very droughty and sickly. My sister, besides many other distempers,
had a violent fever, and for some time did not expect her recovery. Also
my mother was much out of health, and the rest of the family ; but I
had my health very well.
In the 7th month this year, King George arrived in England. He
landed at Greenwich the 18th, where he rested two nights, and then
was conducted through London, attended by 330 noblemen's coaches, in
six hours, amidst great crowds of spectators, supposed one million, to
St. James's. Upon his entering upon council, he declared that he
would maintain the toleration to protestant dissenters, as by law settled,
which gave great satisfaction to all well-wishers of the the nation's true
interest. By sundry obstructions, and particularly the management of Thomas
Medcalfe's affairs, I was hindered taking the account of the state of my
affairs for the years 1713, 1713, and 1714 ; which I did the close of this
year, and found the whole of my effects to amount to £3,604. 14s. 6d.,
and that I was debtor to sundry persons in all £179. 9s. 9d., which being
deducted, there rested £9,435. lis. 9d. ; and at the last stating, three
years ago, my clear estate was £1,939. 14s. 1 Id. ; so that my advance
in the three years last past is £493. 16s. lOd., errors and bad debts
excepted. 1715. — There being now an open and free trade by sea, I made an
adventure to Barbadoes this year, in the ship Love, and consigned to
John Bowes, who went merchant in her, who made the. voyage in good
time, and me returns in sugar, ginger, and cotton wool; and upon
N

90
stating the account I did not find that the profit was above £10. the
£100. for profit for money laid out for a year,— a [profit for the]' risk
which I thought was too httle to encourage adventure any further; so
did not consider myself any more in merchandise, nor by sea, but by
freight from London, Bristol, or Liverpool, for goods bought there ; and
had not any loss that way during the war in Queen Anne's reign.
King George was crowned the 90th day of the 8th month, and the
parliament was dissolved, and a new one called, who sat in the 1st
month this year, and chose Spencer Compton speaker. Most of them
were well affected to the king, and a secret committee appointed to
examine into the conduct of the late ministry, who sat some months
before they brought in their report; so that the disaffected insulted
[them], and said they could not find any criminals. But upon their
report there appeared so much, that the Duke of Ormonde, Lord
Bulinbrook, and several other lords and gentlemen fled the realm, and
Robert Harley, Earl of Oxford, was committed to the tower. This so
enraged the high church party, that they studied revenge, and plotted to
bring in the pretender. Their plot first broke out in Scotland, headed
by the Earl of March, who was stopped by the Duke of Argill, and
another part in Northumberland, headed by the Earl of Daranwater
[Derwentwater] and Brigadier Macantosh, and were met at Preston,
and most taken prisoners ; several shot, beheaded, and banged, — which
much silenced the clamours of the clergy. The parliament quickly
repealed the act the queen passed last year, titled " To prevent the
growth of schism," and confirmed the Toleration Act, and also renewed
the law for the quakers' solemn affirmation instead of an oath ; to be
renewed and made perpetual, and also to have the privilege of giving
their votes in elections of members of parliament, upon their affirmation
as aforesaid ; which was denied them in the last years of Queen Anne, —
being that in the elections in the late years of Queen Anne they had
generally appeared and voted on all occasions for the succession of the
crown in the house of the Elector of Hanover. I make the above
observations, being it was a time of trial, and in fear that the Scots and
northern rebels would have plundered us ; but they were civil, and to
most paid for what they had ; but I had five of the Macantosh officers
quartered on me two days, but took nothing of them.
Upon the 91st day of the 6th month this year, Lewis XIV., king of
France, died, aged 77 years : [he] had reigned 79 years. He buried his
only son and his eldest grandson and youngest grandson and eldest great
grandson, all in two or three years before his death, and was succeeded
by his great grandson Lewis XV., aged five years, under tbe guardian-

91
ship of his uncle the Duke of Orleans. Lewis XIV. came to the crown
at .five years of age, and when he came to age was very ambitious and
quarrelsome, and made strong war with all his neighbours, and enlarged
his dominions in Flanders and Germany ; and in the year 1685 revoked
the edict of Nantz, and prosecuted his protestant subjects, to the con
fiscation of their estates, and to banishment or perpetual imprisonment,
and to death, in a barbarous manner ; being instigated by the Jesuits.
He was dreaded by all bis neighbours, which brought them into a con
federacy in the year 1688, to reduce him by force. He defended himself
against England, HoUand, Germany, and Spain, for nine years in King
William's reign, without losing any of his former conquests ; and after
four years he renewed the war against England, Holland, and the
Emperor of Germany, in Queen Anne's reign, for ten years, in which
he was reduced and lost most of his new conquests and impoverished
his subjects, and tired of the war. He was seized with a gangrene in
his legs and lower parts, which got up into his body, which brought him
into great pain and torment, and into such a loathsome condition as
hardly to be endured by his attendants ; and showed great remorse for
the cruelties he had been the occasion of, — exhorting his successor to
more mercy and compassion.
In the first month this year. died Thomas Wither, of Over Kelet, aged
above 70 years ; left a widow, but no chUdren. He was possessed of a
freehold estate of £50. a-year and a good personal estate. He made a
will and left bis wife his personal estate, and also his real estate during
her life ; and after her death he gave to the value of £10. a-year to his
cousin Robert Wither, his next relation, and about the same yearly value
to me, Wilham Skirrow, and two others, in trust to us and our assigns,
for some charitable uses, as be verbally directed to me ; and the rest of
his estate he gave to the town ; the yearly profit to be applied to the
putting-out poor children to apprenticeship. He was a man of very
extensive charity to all people, and had the character from every one of
a very honest and virtuous man, and his loss was lamented by all his
neighbours, and of all religious professions.
1716. — My dear mother, Elizabeth Stout, being much impaired in her
health by the hard frost this winter, insomuch as scarcely to get heat;
but the latter part of the twelfth month, at the opening of the weather,
gotsome strength, by which we hoped she might get strength. But at
Sie beginning of the first month was suddenly in a frosty night,
which took away her strength and made her incapable to assist herself.
She k«pt her bed, but took her food and slept weU till the 5th, when the
pains of death seized ^r, and continued \jorking for death till next day.

92
being the 6th day of the 1st month, 1715-16, and the third day of the
week [Tuesday], and then expired about the eleventh hour before noon,
in the 84th year of her age, and was carried from my house in Lancaster
the next day, to my brother Josias's house at Boulton Holmes, and from
thence buried at Boulton on the eighth day, being where her husband
and our father was buried, as was her desire. She was left a widow by
my father in the first month in the year 1680-1, and had so remained
35 years, with six children, — two of the youngest died within three
months of their father ; and I am in duty obliged to testify of her that
she was always a tender, careful, and provident mother to her children,
and took great pains to improve her chUdren. She kept house till her
youngest son Leonard was at age, and then divided her substance equally
among them ; but reserving an annuity sufficient for herself, but never
called for it, only to answer her necessities, which 'Was very frugal. She
remained with her son Josias as bis housekeeper till be married, which
was in 1710, and then came to my house to dwell with me and her
daughter Elin, where she remained till her death as aforesaid. In her
last four years she was often seized with falling fits [which] made her
insensible for about a quarter of an hour, and upon her recovery knew
nothing of them. She continued to spin till within four months of ber
death. Her disposition was always affable and courteous, and very neigh
bourly and charitable, to the poor, or to sUcb as so pretended, minded her
own affairs, and not talkative in matters not concerning her. She fre
quented the episcopal worship whUst at Boulton, but when she came to
Lancaster, frequented the Presbyterian worship, but minded more how
people lived more in the practice than the profession of religion, and she
read much in the Scriptures of the Old and New Testament, and was not
offended at me or my sister's entering into the communion with the people
called quakers, believing that we were convinced that it was our duty to
do so.
The sharp frost last winter was succeeded by a sickly spring, when
many died of strong fever. My apprentice, John Goad, was seized m
the second month this year with a violent fever ; was not to be kept in
bed but by force, for a week ; but in time he recovered, but slowly.
And upon the first day of the fifth month this year. Alderman Wm.
Penny died ; left his estate, both real and personal, worth above £3,000.
to the use of the poor, and building houses for the habitation of 18,
which by bis executors was done in the Back Lane, and about £3. each
a-year, for their subsistence for ever.
Last year and this was a time of much trouble and danger, on account
of the rebellion, in which we were in fear of being plundered, or worse ;

93
but Almighty Providence preserved us. After the rebellion at Preston
was suppressed, about 400 of them were brought to Lancaster Castle,
and a regiment of dragoons quartered in the town to guard them. The
king allowed them each 4d. a-day for maintenance, viz. : 9d. in bread.
Id. in cheese, and Id. in small beer; and they laid in straw in the
stables, most of 'them, and in a month's time about 100 of them were
conveyed to Liverpool, to be tried, where they were convicted, and near
40 of them hanged at Manchester, Liverpool, Wigan, Preston, Garsting,
and Lancaster ; and about 900 of them continued a year, and about 50
of them died, and the rest were transported to America; except the
lords and gentlemen, who were had to London, and there convicted, and
their estates forfeited. Whilst they were here I was employed to buy
cheese for them, about two or three cwt. a week, of about 13s. or 14s.
a cwt. Besides the king's allowance, they had supplies privately from
the papists and disaffected, so as to live very plentifully. This year
provisions were plenty and cheap, as also corn and hay, and although a
regiment of dragoons was quartered here all the winter, hay was as cheap
at the spring as at the fall. And although it was hard upon innkeepers,
it was a profit to the country, and it was computed that the dragoons and
prisoners maintained this year amounted to at least £3,000.
We were in such hurry and danger this and last year, that I bad not
opportunity to take account of my effects for last and this year ; which
I now at the end of this year did, for the years 1715 and 1716, and found
the whole to [amount to] £3,141 . 3s. 1 Id., and that I was debtor to sundry
persons in all £346. 15s. lid., which deducted, [there] rested £3,794. 8s.,
and at the state taken two years since the balance was £3,435. lis. 9d.,
so that my improvement these two years was £368. 16s. 3d. ; which ad
vance I am to be thankful for to divine providence, being there was
much hazard of losing more than the profit, if not all.
1717. — The nation seems now to be settled and quiet from the late
disturbance ; and magistrates [are] changed, but not for the better in
this town, who pretend to be loyal, yet oppress some of the best friends
of the king. James Fenton now prosecutes his neighbours the Quakers
for tithe, before Charles Rigby and Thomas Shearson, justices, for small
tithes for two years, of about 4d. a-year, in two actions ; who grant him
costs, each 9s. fid. — the law not allowing above 10s. [costs] under £10.'
proved; and for about £90. demanded, granted £10. costs; when the
justices, turned out for disloyalty, did not allow him the tenth partsp
much for the like demand ; which shows their insincerity.
The King of Sweden seizes all our ships he meets with in the Baltic
Sea, and all commerce with Stweden [being] interwipted, has caused their

94
iron to advance here from £16. to £34. a ton; which has induced this
country to buUd furnaces here to run iron, which makes it as good as
Swedish iron, and brings a great benefit to the north part of tiiis county,
where mines and coals are plentiful and labour cheap. It being observed
that there's much gold coined, but very littie sUver money, and that gold
in proportion to silver in England is of more value than in other nations,
and that by exporting sUver it's scarce, and gold brought in in ex
change, — the guineas, which hitherto passed for 31s. 6d., are reduced
to 31s., and not to pass above that, in order to make silver money more
plenty for small payments.
In the second month this year, I was seized with great pain in my
bowels and violent purging, and other distempers, which much weakened
me ; and [I] was advised to doctor, which I had not hitherto done for
30 years last past, but always let nature and time work a cure, as it has
hitherto done, and now did, with patience, and resignation. In the
beginning of tenth month and latter part of 9th, my sister Elin was
seized with great pain in her breast and stomach, which brought .her to
great weakness ; but on the 15tb of this month, and 1st day of the week,
when we were at the meeting, and none but a child with her, she was
suddenly seized vrith great pain, and vomited near two quarts of blood,
or corrupted matter like it, with which it was wonder that she was not
suffocated or spent ; but by Divine Providence she got over it, although
for some weeks she was very weak, faint, and thirsty. [She] was advised
to apply to a doctor, but was always averse to it, and freely gave up to
let nature; have; its course in life or death, which, considering her infir
mities, I think has rather prolonged her life.
[Here the writer has ileft two blank leaves, four pages (pp. 97-100),
on which to record events in the year 1718; but this he has not, done;
it remains a blank; and we pass, therefore, to the next entries, p. 101,
of the year]
1719. — I being now 55 years, of age, the principal motive to keep on
trade was for the preferment of my brother Leonard Stout's children,
who had now three sons and five daughters, and two of them constantly
vrith me, when they were between two and five years of age, under the
nurture of my dear sister Elin, their aunt, and I had hopes that as they
grew up they would be advised by me, in duty or interest. Their eldest
daughter, Elizabeth, was now 1 9 years of age, and not healthy ; but
contrary to my advice, and without my consent, accompanied with and
married Thomas Hall, about her age ; [he] kept a grocer and ironmonger
shop in Cartmel, and succeeded his cousin Hall, deceased. They being
both so young, I had no hopes they would do well ; so resolved not to

96
contribute to them till they knew themselves better and [could] make
good use of it ; but my brother Leonard, her father, at sundry times, I
think, gave them as good as £300., which was much more than double
what he had. But as they were thoughtless at first iti marriage, they
continued so ten years.
In this year I was persuaded by Thomas Backhouse, an attorney, who
owed me about £40., to take for it part of a new ship in payment, as it
cost him. William Askew was a fourth owner, and master : her name
was the Betty Gaily [or the Betty, a galley]. I understood at a meeting
of owners, that he was not of good government, and proposed that,
rather than he should go master, he should have a pension to stay at
home, and another master [be] got ; but the major part of the owners
was for him to go master; upon which I offered my share, £10. under
the first cost, which was accepted by James Birket, an owner. But she
was lost the first voyage after, by the carelessness and negligence of the
master, to the total loss of the owners.
The beginning of this year was very foggy and wet, which caused many
distempers and mortality. This spring I was seized with stoppage and
dulness in my head, and coughing and phlegm, which for some time
made me dull and heavy ; but [I] continued patient under it, without
using any means to remove it, but time and patience, which gave me
ease. Also my sister this year [was] brought into sudden weaknesses
sundry times, so as we did not expect her recovery ; which she endured
vrith patience and was restored again, without any physical means used.
This summer has been very droughty, especially in the south, where they
were forced to buy water for their cattle, and their summer corn [was] so
scorched, that oats were as dear as wheat, viz. : 4s. 6d. a bushel, and
some thousand 'windles [ ? 390 lb.] of oats sent from hence to London.
This drought put a stop to the sale of cattle in the south: no prospect
of keeping them alive ; and they are buying in butter and cheese at greait
prices, expecting it will advance. But wheat in the south [is] cheap, and
some thousands tons sent to Sweden for their relief, and exchanged for
iron and copper. The elector palatine is prosecuting his protestant
sulgects ; upon which the King of Prassia and the States of Holland are
restraining their popish subjects from their privileges, by way of reprisal.
1790.-^— In this year the parliament was much concerned to reduce the
nation's debts, and had proposals from the Bank, East India Company,
and South Sea Company, but found the South Sea Company's proposals
the best, who offered to advance seven millions at 5 per cent, interest for
a year, and after at 4 per cent., upon which subscriptions came in so fast,
that the actions advanced^ which the stock jobbers and ill-designing

96
people made use of to draw in the unwary and covetous, who daily sub
scribed for or bought lots, tiU £100. stock advanced from £1 00. to 3, 4, 6,
and £800., and people were so infatuated, that people of all ranks and
circumstances bought stock at these high prices, even lords, bankers,
merchants, and most able gentlemen, without duly considering the foun
dation of it ; whilst others, who considered it, knew it would come down
together, and bought one day and sold next ; and many foreigners, who
directly carried the money away ; and others bought lands, in expectation
to pay with their stock in South Sea, at 30 or 40 years' purchase. Many
noblemen and others mortgaged their estates to purchase South Sea
Stock when at the highest, expecting it to advance still. But when the
ill-designing men and stock-jobbers thought their game at the height,
[they] began to sell, so that in a month the stock came down to £150.
for £100., and lower, whereby at least 90,000 people of all ranks were
ruined, and it is supposed some millions of money lost and carried away
by foreigners, to the great impoverishment and scandal of this nation.
But the project, if it had been duly managed, might have very much
reduced the nation's debts, by reducing the interest to £4. the £100. It
did not affect this country [North Lancashire] much ; but the Lord Lons
dale had lost most of his estate. Our neighbour and my particular friend.
Robert Lawson bad some time since bought South Sea stock, about £800.,
when it was at the lowest, as a well-wisher to the government, when it
was doubtful ; and now, when it was advanced to £700. or £800. he bought
an estate for £4,000., fully expecting that bis advance in the stock would
pay it ; and [he] was urged by me and all bis well-wishers to sell, and
then might have paid for the estate and had £3,000. or £4,000. more.
But he was so far infatuated that it would still advance till the payment
of the estate was due, that he delayed drawing out or selling, till it all
on a sudden came down to the principal put in ; and, as the estate was
bought too dear, he lost not only the advance, but much of the principal
of his stock. And this was the fate of thousands of people in and near
London. But many persons in and about London, who before this were
supposed not to be worth £500. or £1,000., had in this confusion got
£100,000., and purchased estates, and appeared in an equipage as great
as the lords and the great men, who were deluded out of their estates.
All this time the king [Geo. I.] was at Hanover, who was advised of it
by express, who immediately came over, and caUed the parliament to
inquire into this fraud ; and the commissioners of the treasury [were]
largely amerced for it, and the South Sea Company directors.
On the 18th day of the tenth month this year, it being the first day
of the week, and the change of the moon, and a great wind at the west.

97
we had the greatest sea-flood that had been in the memory of any man
then living. It was two feet higher than it was ever known, except that
on the 3rd of eighth month, 1701, and was six inches higher than that,
which was in the night, and did not much damage. But this was at
mid-day : it was about four feet deep upon the Green Area, a yard deep
in the Bridge Lane, where boats passed to get some old people out of
their houses. It drove a ship of 90 tons into the corner of the raised
way into the king's meadows, and if that had not been in the way, she
had floated over to above the bridge. It was two feet deep on that
causeway. The flood came into the warehouses and custom-house, where
nearly 100 hogsheads of tobacco was all damaged, and wine and brandy
staved. It entered many houses and beat down walls, and did damage
about this town valued [at] near £1,000. But the wind fell that night,
and the next tide, in the night, was not so high by four feet. But next
day the storm rose, and the tide ran as high as the day before ; and the
violence of the storm kept the tide at the full height near an hour and
a half; caused great damage in the fences, and overflowed the land all
along the coasts ; got into houses and barns, spoiled their hay and corn,
and drowned many cattie and sheep, and remained like a sea [in]
Thornham and other low lands, for four days, till the powes (?) * could
drain it ; houses beat down, and many got upon their houses till boats
could fetch them. Eight persons were drowned in Thornham Moss ;
many people being 48 hours vrithout meat or drink. It beat down
Cocker and PUhn Bridges, and smaller bridges at its return ; [caused]
great loss in Pillin, Meiles [Meols], and Marton Mere; and about ten
persons were drowned. It drove the shillow stones [shingles, of a stony
beach] into meadows, to the damage of their value. The ships at Sun
derland [west of the mouth of the Lune] rode it out, but several [were]
lost about Piel, and some that were a-building [were] carried off the
stocks into the fields. It is computed that the loss sustained upon the
sea coasts of this county by this flood, could not be less than £40,000 ;
and if it had happened in the night, as it was in the two days, many
people would have been drowned in their beds, and the loss much greater.
Many poor people have lost what goods they had, which are objects of
charity, and [have] gone into the inlands to beg, where they are relieved.
Upon several hindrances I did not inspect my affairs last year ; so do
it now for two years, and find that my effects now, after what I owe to
all persons is deducted, amounts to £3,650. 5s. 6d., and that, at stating
the same two years since, £3,380 ; so that my improvement in 1719 and
* Pow-dike is a dike made iu the fens for carrying off the waters.
0

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] 730 is £430. 58. 6d. I find that I have money owing upon notes and
book debts to the sum of £40. [I] think not good, which are omitted in
this account now stated.
1731. — In the eleventh month, the beginning of this year [the
weather] was open and warm, and in the second month usual ; but next
month much snow and frost, and the ground covered a month ; which
went hard with people. Turf being lost in the late floods, and coals
scarce, caused great mortality and distempers by the extreme changes
iu the weather ; particularly my sister Elin [was] brought into a weak
condition, and endured more than could be expected, considering her
age and many infirmities from her childhood, very frequently.
In this month Charles Rigby, the lawyer before mentioned, died,
having been deprived of bis speech some years. He had great practice
for twenty years, and might have attained a good estate, but lived up to
his getting. He was always an encourager of litigious suits, and espe
cially in forwarding prosecutions against the Quakers, for their conscien
tious refusal of paying tithes and the clergy's demands; and in the last
ten years of his life had lost his reputation, and was reduced to straits
to maintain his family, which was large.
The parliament this year appointed a secret committee of thirteen
members to inquire, and, if possible, to discover, who were the authors
and encouragers of the great frauds committed last year in managing
the South Sea Stock; and several of the directors were detected, taken
up, and their estates seized. And also John Aislby, of Yorkshire, first
commissioner of the treasury, had £30,000. given him for promoting it;
and many more, whose estates are to be sold towards the relief of the
greatest losers. Knight, who was their cashier, is fled over sea, and
cannot be recalled ; who might have made large discoveries. It is evi
dent that many members of parliament, ministers of state, and receivers
of the king's revenues, were accessary to the fraud. There is above one
million [pounds] of frauds discovered, and seized to be sold; but is
much short.
Upon the 15th of second month, this year. Prince Wilham, the king's
second son living, was born at seven in the evening, to the joy of all
people who wish our happiness. And the pretender at Rome bad a son
born in the tenth month, last past. There is many die this year, and
particularly of the small-pox, of aU ages and ranks; the Duke of
Rutland, aged 45 years, and James Craggs, secretary of state, and many
others of the nobility in London. The bi rials are 800 a-week.
The gre t distraction the stock buyers a..d sj.lers made last year, and
the prosecution of them made this year, have almost wholly discouraged

99
trade, and put a stop to the circulation of money, and many are broke,
both in London and the country. [It] puts a stop to the sale of cattle
and all our manufactures, although this kingdom is now at peace with all
Europe, but in much confusion or distraction in our own affairs. But
corn and all necessary provisions of life are plenty and cheap in all parts.
This year my apprentice, John Good, had served the time of his
apprenticeship, and faithfully to my knowledge, with some care to keep
him from some company that would have drawn him to expenses. He
went abroad this year, and next began the trade in this town, and in a
few years married a very agreeable young woman, with a good portion.
In this year the plague or pestilence raged in the south of France,
most in Provence and Languedoc, at Marseilles, Aix, Toulon, Avignon,
and many other places ; 10,000 at Toulon ; 6,000 at Avignon, and the
rest of the country in proportion, died ; and they had great guards of
soldiers set to prevent any persons coming out of the infected places, or
carrying them any necessary provisions ; by which many are starved to
death by hunger, or shot to death by the soldiers. All ships coming
from that sea to England perform quarantine 40 days before any men or
goods come on shore, or any person [is] permitted to go to them. Two
ships from Turkey, which, with their cargoes, were valued at £34,000.,
were burned in the Thames, fearing that the goods might be infecting ;
and the parliament to order satisfaction for that sum. There was a
false report here that the infection was got to the Isle of Man.
In the seventh month, this year, William Willson died, at Water-
brook, near Kendal ; who married my mother's sister, — who was 108
years of age, and to the last bad his sight, hearing, and other senses, as
well as most of 30 years younger ; but got a bruise in his body by a fall,
of which be died, otherwise might have lived some years longer. He
left above 30 persons he was great grandfather to at the time of his
decease. His wife was my mother's eldest sister.
John Good's service being now out, I had the offer of several boys, of
honest and substantial parents, with £40. or £50. to be apprenticed ;
but was rather inclined to give over trade, having acquired more than
ever I expected, and my sister growing weak, and, in all appearance, not
to live two or three years. But I, having kept my brother Leonard's
second son William, ever since he was two years old, and got him learn
ing to Latin, writing, and arithmetic, both at home and abroad, as much
as he was capable of, and was now 15 years of age, — his father and
mother were very desirous that I should take him into the shop, as an
apprentice to the trade, and which I had a prospect of for some years ;
but now was doubtful of his capacity and forwardness to the employ ;

100
and I endeavoured to persuade his father to take him home to husbandry,,
or put him an apprentice to some manufacture or handicraft trade, or to
sea, and that I thought he was not proper for my business. But his
parents thought I was too scrupulous, and that I should not turn him
off after so long being with me, and having had education here in order
to it. And, considering natural affection, and my desire to promote his
children, I took him into the shop as an apprentice, and confined myself
more than I inclined to, in order to instruct him, and to observe dUigent
attendance ; being my dear sister was become so infirm that she could
not inspect the apprentices as formerly.
This year the Czar of Muscovy has made peace with all his adver
saries, and has completed his new city Petersburgh, which 10 years ago
was a desert, and now contains 40,000 housea and many stately castles,
palaces, and worship houses, and it is fully inhabited, and people of all
religions invited to dwell there, with free liberty to have public places of
worship and equal privileges.
1733. — Upon the 3rd day of this month [?] in the night, it being the
market day, my shop was broken, and £30. in money taken out of a
drawer in my closet, in two purses ; but in the same drawer was in silver,
and gold and plate, to the value of £30. left, which was not taken, or
overlooked ; by which I supposed it was done by some neighbour. The
method they took to get in was by boring a hole at each end of the
window, where the staple was fixed, with a lapping-gimlet, or bung-
borer, which widened it without noise, and then made use of an iron
rod, with a bole in one end, to lift up the iron pin the staple was fixed
by. With much labour, and with the same rod [they] wrested open the
drawer, which was locked, and after left the iron rod in the shop ; which
after appeared to be a setter to a shop window, at the White Cross,
wrested out for this purpose. And such a piercer was found in Richard
Holland's shop, next morning (the cooper), and removed from the place
it was left in the evening before ; and it was brought to the window and
answered to the hole and [was] shattered in the edge against the rivets
of the staples, and by all people was supposed to be the instrument.
The said Holland's servants said their master was out all that night,
and by all people supposed to be him, and many circumstances to prove
it. I spoke to him about it, and he was in great confusion and took his
bed, and in a week's time after died in a distracted condition, but did
not confess it, aud it was supposed his wife put him upon it ; so that I
lost the money, without making any further means of discovery.
Upon the 36th of this month (?) Sir Thomas Lowther, of Houlker
[Holker Hall, Furness], and WiUiam Heysam, of London, were elected

101
members of parUameut for Lancaster, without opposition, and in the
next month came on the election for. knights, — Richard Sbuttleworth
and Sir John Bland^ joint [i. e. in coalition] against Sir Henry Hough
ton, single, and a strong contest. The poll continued ten days, and at
the closing the votes were — Sbuttleworth, 3,760 ; Bland, 3,793 ;
Houghton, 3,366 ; and on Sir Edward Stanley, in favour of Houghton,
3,100. Most of the clergy and papists and disaffected were very
earnest for the former. The Earl of Derby pretended to be neuter,
upon the papists promising they would be so too ; but [they] privately
engaged their interest for the former ; so that they made use of the
Earl of Derby's impartiahty to engage his interest, against his inclina
tion to promote Houghton and his kinsman Stanley, who otherwise had
been elected. The disaffected made great rejoicing and revelling for
their success.
In this year, Samuel Satterthwait died, who was joint executor and
trustee with me for William Coward ; so that the trust and trouble of
that  man rested on me. Samuel Satterthwait had been married
about three years. His wife died about two years since, in childbed of
two children. He was seized with the shaking ague, and took the
Jesuits' bark to throw it off; but did not govern himself so carefully as
he ought to have done ; which threw him into a lingering distemper, of
which be died. [He] left a daughter, two years old, to the care of her
grandfather, John Walton, where she hved to nigh 30 years of age, and
then died. Her portion returned to her brother, and the rest to her
sister's son.
The new parliament not proving to the liking of the disaffected, they
entered into a new conspiracy, to be executed when the king was gone to
Hanover, to seize the tower, the mint, and bank, and other places, upon
the pretender (the Duke of Ormond) with foreign force, landing or
approaching England ; — which was discovered before the king went, and
the Lords North and Gray, and Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester, Kelly,
the Earl of Orrery, and many others were apprehended and confined
to the tower. This prevented the king's going over this year.
At the close of the late parliament, the act for the continuance of the
solemn affirmation of the people called Quakers, instead of an oath, was
passed in the house of Jords, by 63 against 14, although much opposed
by the Bishops of York, Chester, and Rochester, and a petition of 43
clergymen of London, and opposed only by such as after appeared to be
in the conspiracy aforesaid.
The Czar of Muscovia went to Muscow, this year, and carried a
frigate of 34 guns overland from Petersburg to Muscow, for a show.

102
which is many hundred miles. He has caused Bibles to be printed in
Holland, with a blank between each leaf, to write comments upon, and
to be given to his subjects, who are not to marry till they can read in it
and instruct their family. And their priests are strictly enjoined to
instruct the people to read the Holy Scriptures of the old and new
testament. There is now great interruption of trade by pirates, who have lately
taken and destroyed some hundred ships, of several nations ; but many
of the chief of them has been taken this year, by the king's ships, par
ticularly Captain Roberts and some hundred men, by the Swallow, Cap
tain Ogle, commander. I having omitted to inspect the state of my
affairs last year, I dp it now, and find that the whole are £4,350., and
that I am debtor in all to sundry persons, £914. 13s. 5d., which being
deducted, rests £4,136. 5s. 9d., and what I bad clear in stating in 1730
was then £3,650. 5s. 6d. ; so that my advance in 1731 and 1739,
errors excepted, is £486. Os. 3d.
1733. — The parliament are inspecting the management of the customs,
and find great defrauds, especially at Glasgow, in tobacco, where they
ship off more by debenture than they pay duty for inwards ; and it is
now ordered that all damaged tobacco be burned, and for every 51b.
burned the merchant to have lib. duty free. They are now selling the
estates forfeited by the rebellion, and the directors of the South Sea
Company, and at great prices ; and land generally advances in price,
and rents.
About the 35th day of 13th month, 1733-3, Robert Heysam, of
London, died, who had been representative in parliament for Lancaster,
from 1698, and was a very great benefactor to the town in general, and
to many [in] particular, and generous to all, without partiality in respect
to religious profession.
In the second month, this year, I was at the general meeting of our
friends, at Chester. The same was kept in a large place, called the
Tennis Court, [which] would hold some thousands of people. The
citizens [who] came in were very attentive and civil, as also in the streets
and inns, and to general satisfaction.
The late act for prohibiting the wearing of cahcoes, and other East
India goods, has very much advanced our linen an^wooUen manufactures,
and the committee of parliament appointed to inquire into the late plot
have now made their report, and have detected many, both lords and
commoners, which are committed to perpetual prison. One Leager, a
lawyer, hanged. Francis Atterbury, Bishop of Rochester, who, it
appears, was the principal deluder of Queen Anne, in the last years of

103
her reign, and of the Duke of Ormond and others, who left the realm,
and corresponding with them in order to bring in the Pretender, and
was always endeavouring to stir up persecution against dissenters, and
make void the Toleration Act, — the house of lords have sentenced him
to perpetual banishment ; and in pursuance of the same he was put on
hoard a ship of war in the fourth month, and landed near Dunkirk,
pretending for Aix-La-Chappelle, but went to Paris ; and is not to cor
respond or to write or receive any letters with any here ; and to be
treason in any who may correspond with him.
It appearing that the papists make great remittances to the pretender
at Rome, the parliament have this year laid a tax of £100,000. upon the
papists' estates in England, which is now collecting. The yearly value
of the papists' estates in Lancashire is valued at about £30,000. a-year,
and their tax to contribute to the whole will be about 8s. 9d. in the
pound, according to the said value ; which is hard on such of them as
have not been concerned in the plot.
On the 7th day of the 10th month, this year, Thomas Benison, of
this town [Lancaster], died, about 60 years of age. He was an attorney
of the greatest business of any here, and true to his client, but would be
well paid, and no encourager of vexatious suits. He bad acquired a
good estate, which he left to his only son, who proved very litigious and
oppressive. It being now near ten years since Thomas Medcalfe died, and as his
executor [I] have bad much trouble in the sale of his personal estate,
paying his debts, and managing his real estate and the education of his
children, and paying them their portions, the youngest being at age four
years since, and discharged ; by which I have disbursed of my own
money £100. or more, and there being yet to pay to some of his near
relations above £100., who have hitherto forborne, expecting his son and
heir coming to undertake it himself ; but his not coming, they begin to
be urgent for their money, which we cannot do but by selling land, which
we have hitherto forborne ; and his bondsman, James Hornby, who has
got an Eissignment of all after our trust is performed, is now very uneasy
to know how his account stands with the commissioners of the customs,
and in order to know it went to London, but was told it could not be
ascertained tUl Thomas Medcalfe came to London. Upon which James
Hornby made a second journey to Penzance, to persuade him to make
up his accounts, which he promised to do, but delayed, and continued
both [Hornby] himself and me very uneasy. He was bound in £1,500.
bond, for discharging his office, as collector of customs, at Penzance,
and I had an account of £1,400. of my receipts and disbursements

104
to adjust, which, if his estate had been extended, as we daily expected,
I should have been strictly obhged to prove ; but bad no remedy but
patience, and to prepare for a strict account.
This summer was extreme droughty, so that people were straitened to
keep their cattle alive, and especially for water ; and the corn was burnt
up, little hay got, and no sale of cattle, nor fodder to subsist them in
winter. [It] went hard with the poor farmers, but the corn, though
little straw, proved good and moderate in price, and our linen manufac
tory and spinning [being] at good prices, the poor subsisted well this year.
The protestants, in the popish dominions in Germany, being now
much persecuted and deprived of their religious liberty, the protestant
princes there have limited their popish subjects, and appealed to the
emperor to have redress according to the decree of Westphalia, in 1648 ;
which the emperor has long promised to see redressed ; but the pope
and the priests and Jesuits still find means to prevent it. Having
nothing extraordinary to note about trade this year, I now took an
account of my effects and made an inventory of them, which amoimted
to £4,569. 9s. lid.; and that I owed to sundry persons in aU
£330. 16s. 9d., which, being deducted, there rested clear £4,348.
13s. 3d. ; and at stating the same the last year my clear estate was
£4,136. 5s. 9d. ; so that my improvement in this year, 1733, is
£313. 7s. 5d.
1734. — In the 8th month, this year, I settled all accounts vrith John
Johnson, in pursuance of my trust as his father's executor ; and a
general release was given me, dated 37th of this month, and is in my
drawers. In this year, my neighbour WiUiam Thornton failed, and his friends
sold his effects, and paid 5s. 6d, in the pound, to such as would receive
it. Also, this year, Thomas Croft, who had been mayor, and had a good
fortune by his wife, and many hundred pounds legacy which an aunt who
died at London left him, most of which he laid out in building and
fashionable living, so that he failed in his credit this year, and com
pounded with his creditors at 13s. in the pound, and died soon after.
Upon the 38th day of the first month, in the evening, this year, an
accident happened in my shop, which narrowly escaped the lives of
several, and firing the house, if not the town. My nephew, WiUiam
Stout, was in the shop, and a lad came in and begged a pipe of tobacco,
which he gave him, and put a little gunpowder in it, unknown to the lad ;
but did not take care to shut the drawer he took the powder out of; and
when the lad was smoking the tobacco, and the powder fired, a spark
flew into the powder drawer and set fire to it, there being about 3lb. or

105
4lb. in it, which blew up the goods in the shop, and scorched them,—
there being then the two abovementioned, my maid-servant, and a girl,
in the shop. It scorched and beat them down, being about two yards
from it; but a wonder that none of them were slain. The shop win
dows, and fore and back doors, were open, which gave vent to the blast,
otherwise the shop and house had certainly been blown up. The strength
it came out of the back door was such, that it spht and broke an oak
portal into the house, which was at eight yards distance from the blast,
and also forced open the doors and windows on the back part of the
house. The lad, my nephew, and maid, were sorely scorched, but no
otherwise hurt, which was to the admiration of them at a distance, who
saw and heard the blast, and how boxes, chests, and goods were forcibly
thrown about.
Upon the 7th day of the 9th month, 1794, in the morning, my dear
sister, Elin Stout, was seized with a violent fit of her common distemper,
of pain in her breast and back, and shortness of breath, which she bad
been afflicted with often before ; which, with many other distempers, for
many years, had brought her very low, so that nature was spent. She
continued in much pain for two days, but as the pain eased her strength
was gone, and she grew weaker, but very sensible, and resigned to the
wiU of God, freely to depart this life ; expressing herself that she
departed this life in love and charity to all people, and that she had
nothing upon her mind, but [was] satisfied to die ; and so continued so
long as she could speak, which was till about two hours before she
expired ; in which time she wrought much in breathing, but laid very
quietly. She breathed her last about a quarter of an hour before the 5 th
hour in the morning, the 91st day of the 9th month in this year, 1734,
it being the 7th day of the week [Saturday]. She was buried in the
yard of the meeting-house of the people called Quakers, in Lancaster,
in whose communion she died, the 33rd of the same month ; the corpse
attended by some hundreds of friends, neighbours, and relations, and
after [it was] interred, a meeting was kept in the said meeting-house,
for about an hour and a half time, where James Willson and Lydia
Lancaster had time in giving a public exhortation to that assembly
siutable to the occasion, which was received with much attention, and to
their seeming general satisfaction ; and it is hoped to their good inform
ation, as to the principles of the Christian profession of the people called
Quakers. I was very much affected vrith sorrow for the loss of my dear
and only sister ; but considering the many afflictions of body she under
went, two or three years before she died, I was often freely resigned to
the will of God, for her ease, either by life or death. As long as she

106
had ability she would be doing the housewifery, and set the maid to spin
or knit ; but when she sat to spin, knit, or sew, she did it at the greatest
distance from the fire in winter, and in bed she laid with half the cover
ing that the rest of the family had, which was contrary to my constitu
tion, who could endure double the weight of covering in bed that most
people make use of. She did not make a will, but desired that our
brother Leonard should have what she was possessed of, to dispose of to
his five daughters, which was accordingly done ; and at her death my
brother Leonard sent his second daughter, Janet, to keep my house tUl
I was otherwise provided. But my greatest inclination was to give over
my trade, if not housekeeping ; having now small hopes that my nephew,
William, would apply himself to the business now, when my sister was
dead, who used to oversee him in my absence. But his parents were
very urgent, as I had entered, to continue him till he came at age, to
prove himself; which I had but small hopes of good success, and rather
advised his father to take him to husbandry, and if he was hopeful
therein, I would purchase a good estate for him in the country ; but his
parents were all for a trade. At the close of this year, as usually, I
inspected my affairs, and took an inventory of the particulars thereof,
and found the same to amount to (after deducting what I owed to every
one) £4,560 ; and that my clear estate last year, as stated, was
£4,348. 13s. 3d., so that my advance this year, 1734, was £311. 6s. lOd.
In this account I omitted several doubtful debts to the sum of £40.
1795. — In this year Margaret Wither, the widow of Thomas Wither,
of Over Kellet, died ; upon which our trust commenced to manage the
whole estate he left to particular uses ; and [it] was then let to William
Backhouse, at a moderate rent, in order to answer the design of the
donor. The beginning of this year, Peter the Great, Czar or Emperor of
Russia, died at Petersburg, in the 53rd year of his age. He was a
prince of very great natural capacity, and very much enlarged his
dominions, and improved the same in learning and sciences and trades,
by inviting foreigners of aU religious professions to dwell in his domi
nions, with free liberty of rehgious worship, vrithout any opposition ;
which brought great multitudes to dwell and trade in many parts of his
dominions. By his wUl be appointed the empress, his wUe, his successor,
and she was crowned before be died. She came of mean parents, but
of a great spirit, and capable to govern that empire, which she did till
she died.
At the Lent assizes, this year, one Mattison, of Dent, sued this hun
dred of Loynsdale, to recover above £100. he pretended he was robbed

107
of, upon Halton Moor, and brought such evidence that he got a verdict
for his demand and costs, which was assessed and paid ; which, with the
defence, was at least £300., although it was then believed and afterwards
appeared to be a fraud, and was concerted between him and another man
to meet him on Halton Moor and to deliver the money. At this assize,
John Carlisle was coudemned and executed for taking a horse for [from]
John Caton, son of John Caton, of Hatlex, aged about twelve years, in
the lane near Slyne : [be] ' rode away with it. The boy complained at
Slyne, and he was pursued and overtaken at Carnforth, and apprehended.
He had been a notorious thief; had been several times convicted and
condemned ; and broke this and other gaols, and [was] guilty of man
slaughter in Cumberland.
In this year, I bought, in a public sale, the Greens field, near the
More Lane, from Henry Cort, and his son, at the price of £145. ; the
content about two acres and a half. In this year we had a very
wet and cold summer; few turf got and coals 14s. a ton, and a late
harvest, and a great dearth feared ; but in the 7th month [Sept.] the
season became good, and the harvest [was] got in much better than
expected. And also corn proved better fed than expected; and the
market settled, and potatoes great plenty and cheap.
The linen and cotton manufacture in good demand, and good wages
for spinning. Cotton wool, the beginning of this year advanced from
lOd. to near 3s. id. the lb. ; iron £30. a ton or upwards, gives great
encouragement to this country, and iron furnaces lately erected, and the
great advance of charr coals (charcoal) and the iron mine. The small
pox has prevailed this summer and the measles, of which very many
have died in and about Lancaster ; but the nation seems peaceable and
easy, although the king was at Hanover most of this summer, and very
industrious for the rehef of the persecuted protestants in Germany and
Poland. I, being one in trast to sell Henry Coward's estate in 1699, part of
which was the reversion of the house which Mark Horsfall was in
possession of, upon a lease for lives, which Henry Coward had purchased
of John Cawson ; and the said Mark being not in a capacity to purchase
the reversion, his son John then was desirous to purchase it, and was
then in a hopeful way to perform, and desired my assistance, which I
promised, and upon that he purchased it, but was obliged to borrow
£900. to perform the purchase ; for which I became bound with him,
and bad the house and meadow assigned to me as a counter-security, the
interest of which was duly paid. But upon his cousin Henry Horsfall,
being accused of and convicted for counterfeiting the stamps on paper,

108
and a pardon promised, on his making a full discovery of all he had
made stamps for, or were accessary to the said fraud, he accused his
said cousin John Horsfall, who accidentally went into his closet when he
was stamping paper ; but [was] no farther concerned, as was evident to
all bis neighbours. However, to avoid prosecution, he went to London,
and [was] in good business there many years, and then I was called
upon for the money I was bound for, and he paid me the interest of it
till bis death, which was about the year 1716, and intestate. Upon
which his brother Edmund Horsfall was his heir, who was a poor
decrepid man, and could not pay the interest, so that there was an arrear
of interest due in 1734, when the said Edmund died, of £74. He made
a will, and named trustees to sell the estate to pay me and other credi
tors ; but the will was drawn by the direction of his sister Margaret, in
an obscure and doubtful form, so as the trustees would not act; upon
which I was obliged to prefer a bill in chancery against them, who re
nounced, and other persons [were] decreed to sell ; who undertook it,
and in a public sale sold the house to Thomas Townson, for £355. ; and
my principal money, £300., and £74. interest was paid, but no more (in
consideration of so much interest in arrear) but only simple interest at
5 per cent, for £300. principal. I bad a great deal of trouble with the
said Margaret Walton his sister ; she being a very contentious and subtle
woman ; but was well content I got clear of her, without any acknow
ledgments of the favours and forbearance I showed them.
KingGreorge came to the Brill, in HoUand, the 30th of lOtb month
this year, and waited for a fair wind ten days ; when the wind came to
east, with a storm and snow, in which he went to sea, and the storm was
so violent that they durst not make land on the east coast of England,
but stood in to the King's Channel, and by great industry got into Rye
bay, which was guarded against the storm. He had not taken victuals
for two days, and the ship much damaged, and many of the ships that
came out with him wrecked upon the east coasts, and about the Thames.
He was detained at Rye five days by the snow that fell. He was very
bountiful to the saUors on his arrival.
1736. — In this year, Thomas Metcalfe, having stayed at Penzance as
long as be had anything to subsist upon, and having assigned all his
estate here to James Hornby to indemnify him from his being bound
with him to the crown for his performing his office, could expect nothing
from hence to subsist upon ; so was by want compelled to come to London
to settle accounts with the commissioners of the customs, which be did,
and then came here to raise money to clear the same, which was about
£300., which he did by making a public sale of part of his estate ; which

109
was sold very dear, at thirty years' purchase, to the quantity of £600.,
and paid what was due to the king and all other his and father's engage
ments, and I ,got my account stated with him, and with lavi^yer Gibson's
assistance got a full discbarge from him for what I bad done as an exe
cutor of his father's will, and all accounts, with an indemnity from all
future demands on his father's account; and in about six months after
he returned to Penzance, and died soon after.
In the second month this year, the general meeting for the four nor
thern counties was kept at Lancaster, which was large, peaceable, and to
the satisfaction of aU attending it, of different religious professions. It
being now a year since my sister died, and that my niece Jennet Stout
had kept my house, in which I had been much confined to the shop and
house, to overlook the management, and particularly that of my nephew
William in the shop, who I continued doubtful of his diligence and
capacity for performing his trust. He was easily drawn into such com
pany of youth as I was sensible would not tend to his good edification or
furtherance in the trade.
The 1st of the 3rd month this year, Margaret Marshall, of Bare, and
her daughter Margaret, came to board and lodge with me ; which she
had for some time requested, although I never was inclined to much
company ; but alway affected retirement so much as my business would
permit, especially in a morning into the fields and into the garden, and
much to reading in my closet. In the years 1735 and 1796, I did not
find much alteration in my trade, yet did not think that it was to my
profit so much as it was in my sister's time ; so at the close of this year
I took an inventory of the same, and found it to be, after I had deducted
what I did owe in all to sundry persons, to £4,950., and that it was in
1734, £4,560., so that my improvements in the years 1735-36 was
£390. ; by which I was sensible that my house and shop was not taken
care of as formerly, and I was uneasy to continue, but urged to it another
year by my brother Leonard, till his son William was at age.
1737. — In the second month this year, William Heysam, who was one
of the members of parliament for Lancaster, died at the Bath ; who was
an indolent man, and of no service ; but he left an estate at Greaves, the
rent to eight poor freemen, to be named by the mayor, recorder, and
three of the oldest aldermen, and so successively as any die ; which is at
least £5. a-year each, the estate being above £40. a-year. The next
month, Christopher Towers, jun. was elected in bis stead to serve to
succeed him in parliament, aged about 30 years, and unanimously.
In this year, the Spaniards besieged Gibraltar a long time without any
success and lost 90,000 men, and the garrison not 300. The English

no
fleet blocked up Porto Bello some months, but to no benefit, and lost the
admiral. Hosier, and most of the captains, and some thousand sailors.
A great advance of land this year in purchase of lands, and rents and
servants' wages advanced at least 30s. a-year, men or women, and for
husbandry or housewifery and journeymen's wages also.
In the third month this year, the Czarina or Empress of Russia died,
aged 38 years ; but doubted whether naturally or by violence ; and as
her husband Peter the Great appointed her to succeed him, he em
powered her to name ber successor at her death, a will was produced, in
which Peter, grandson to Peter the Great, aged ten years, who was pro
claimed Peter the Second. The late czarina bad two daughters, — one
married to the Duke of Holstein, aged 16 years; the other, younger,
unmarried. Upon the 3rd day of this month. King George entered upon bis journey
to Hanover, but got not to sea before the 5th, and arrived in Holland the
6th. He was seized at sea with griping pain in his breast and stomach,
and [this] upon his journey by land increased; so that on the 10th he
was very ill, and got to his brother's at Osenburg [Osnaburg] very weak,
and died in a few hours : and, in a few days after, his corpse was carried
to Hanover, about 40 miles distant, and there buried amongst his ances
tors ; but the place where he died was the place of his birth. It was the
lltb that he died, and immediately a messenger [was] sent express to
London, who arrived there the 14th; which was a great surprise. The
next day, the lords of the privy council, nobility, mayor of London, and
members of parliament in town, met and unanimously proclaimed his
son the Prince of Wales, king, by the name of King George II. : and
the proclamation was dispatched by express to Scotland, Ireland, and all
the cities and towns in his dominions ; and there proclaimed to the uni
versal satisfaction of all people. The king, at his first appearance in
council, declared that he would protect all his subjects in their properties
and their civil and religious privUeges, as by law established ; which gave
great satisfaction to all people, and congratual addresses sent him upon
it from people of all ranks and persuasions. In the 5th month the
parliament met, and made very submissive and dutiful addresses to the
king, promising fidelity, and granted him the same subsidies his father
had, to maintain the honour and dignity of the crown, and also made an
addition to the queen of £100,000. yearly, during her life, if she over
live the king ; and he keeps the same ministry his father bad, which the
disaffected are not yet pleased at, and particularly against Robert Walpole,
the treasurer. Hereupon the Spaniards have raised the siege of Gibral
tar, and have accepted the terms of peace offered them ; upon which

Ill
public stocks are advanced from 98 to 110 South Sea; and others in
proportion. The beginning of this month, the 6th, the parliament was dissolved
by proclamation, and writs issued out the 10th, for electing another, to
sit in the 9th month this year. The election for Lancaster was the 33nd
day of sixth month, where Sir Thomas Lowther and Christopher Tower,
the late members, were elected. There was some opposition made by
Francis Charters, a Scotchman, who has got an estate of £8,000. to
£9,000. a-year, and mostly by gaming ; about £3,000. a-year of it at
Hornby, and other parts in this county. His character, which was
not good in all parts of England and Scotland, he had hopes to retrieve,
and declared himself a candidate for this town ; upon which many inn
keepers and inferior poor and drinking freemen, about one hundred on
horseback, and as many on foot, went to Hornby to invite him, which so
much elevated him, that he spent at least £100. a-day for a week, which
caused a great cry ; and [he] stood a poll till Lowther and Towers had
each about 300 votes, and he but 90 ; so he gave up, having spent near
£1,000., and each of them elected near that sum. Sir Edward Stanley
and Richard Sbuttleworth elected for the county without any opposition,
and it appears that the court party will be greater in this than in the last
parliament; many of the most noted disaffected being rejected.
My niece Jennet Stout, having been my housekeeper since the death
of my sister, near three years, in which time I have been careful to
preserve her out of disagreeable company ; but, with the consent of her
parents, the fifth of the eighth month, this year, she was married to
Matthew Wright, of Preston Patrick, in Westmoreland, yeoman; to
whom her father promised £300., to which I then contributed £100.,
and next year £40., and her father the rest of bis own, and what my
sister left him to dispose of.
1738. — My neighbour, Alice Greenwood, widow, who, upon the
sudden death of her husband, Augustin Greenwood, as before observed,
reposed a trast in me to manage the affairs and effects of her said hus
band, which I did to her satisfaction, for which she showed a grateful
acknowledgment till she died; which was in the tenth month, 1735,
when she made a will, and devised most of what she had to dispose of
to her decrepid and unfortunate daughter, Ann Spencer, who survived
her two years, and in the twelfth month, 1737, made a will and died
that month, and appointed her brother, Benjamin Greenwood, Robert
Peele, and me, executors ; but as her said brother was then upon a
voyage to Leghorn, the care of her concerns fell mostly upon me. She
left two sons ; the elder. Augustin, had the reversion of his father's

112
estate at Leeds, worth about £500., and what her mother left her was
about £500., most of which she gave to her younger son, John Spencer.
We made a sale of her goods, being a great part in apparel, which I
suppose might have cost her and her mother much above £100.
Her two sons were by us educated in school learning, writing, arith
metic, and accounts, as much as could be here, and the elder, Augustin,
was sent to bis uncle, Christopher Hopkin, at London, who had a very
beneficial seat in the custom there, to get him preferred ; but he shghted
him and sent him back, and at bis retum was placed with Charles
Gibson in the protbonotary's office at Preston, for some years, who had
£50. with him ; but be did not stay with him a year, but came to Lan
caster, and boarded some years, till he married Mary Pepper, of Cartmel,
with whom he got £600. or £700. He had a son by her ; did some
thing in merchandise ; but died after he had been married about four
years, bis son being then not a year old, and left his wife's fortune, and
some more to them.
John Spencer, his brother, after he had got good education, was sent
to his uncle, Benjamin Greenwood, at London, who placed him as an
apprentice to a captain of an East India ship for three years, with whom
he gave £] 00., and he bad near that sum for an adventure : and he
performed that voyage in good health, in eighteen months, but not in
such good success as his uncle expected, or to the captain's satisfaction ;
and was very expensive, to prevent which his uncle got him to be mate
in a ship bound to Constantinople, which voyage he performed, and
another to the East Indies ; but instead of improvement, which he was
capable of, and also to get a command, he had wasted all that was left
him, which was above £400., and was obliged to be content to go to the
Indies in a low station, having been forsaken by his uncle Greenwood,
and all his friends.
I, being now 63 years of age, thought it was time to give over my
trade ; and my nephew, William Stout, being now seven years in the
shop, as an apprentice, and now 33 years of age ; at the expectation and
request of his parents I turned over the trade to him, and, in the 4th
month, this year, I made an inventory of what goods I had in the shop,
cellars, and warehouse, for sale, which amounted to £370. ; and I gave
him in money £33., which he went to Sheffield with to buy goods ; was
in all £403., all which I gave, and also the use of weights, scales, chests,
boxes, and other utensils, to the value of £30., and also the use of the
shop, cellars, and warehouse, rent-free ; and also his boarding free, and
the offer of my assistance in the shop upon any occasion, — all which was
great satisfaction to his parents, my trade and acquaintance then being

113
very good ; and I told him, if he would be governed by my advice, I
would give him all the encouragement and assistance necessary. Upon
which he entered upon the trade, and I assisted him as diligently as if
I had been his servant. But, in a few months time, I perceived that be
was contracting a familiarity with some persons I thought would draw
him out, to the neglect of his business, which I cautioned him to avoid,
which he seemed to take notice of; but I found he did not answer my
advice, but rather took more liberty ; upon which I told him that if he
did not answer to my advice I must leave him to himself. But I did
not find that he had any due regard to my advice, which was a great
trouble to me ; that, as I had taken so much pains and charge for his
education, and given him such encouragement to begin trade, and to be
so slighted, and it put me upon a resolution wholly to leave him, which
I told him ; but found he was void of a sense of my care for him, or what
I bad done for him ; nor expressed any sorrow for his conduct, or of my
forsaking him, so that I had no hopes of his doing well in trade. But I
continued him this year to eat and lodge in my house free. I then kept
house with my brother Leonard's third daughter, Elin, then about 30
years of age, and a servant, but not very easy with them, thinking to
give up housekeeping and be a boarder, or to go into the country to live ;
so to be out of the sight of the iU-management and conduct of my
ungrateful and insensible nephew. But then I had many accounts to
settle, 'with whom I had dealt, as also several trusts to manage, that I
could not easUy leave the town ; and diverted myself with reading and
writing and walking into the fields, in summer time at sunrise in the
morning, and in my garden in the evening, as I had done for 30 years
last past, and mostly all alone.
The last year was a great plenty of com in this country ; but in the
south and east scarce and dear ; but great quantities sent from hence into
Yorkshire, and by sea to Liverpool, and malt towards Manchester, which
advanced it here. But potatoes were plenty and cheap, from 9s. 6d. to 3s.
a load, which was a relief to the poor. But this year was quite otherwise.
We had a very wet spring and late seeding, and cold summer ; so that
com did not get its feeding, and a great blast in summer, which scorched
corn. It was also a very sickly summer, and a great mortality in the plain
country, much more than in the towns ; and the burials were double this
year to what they were last year. Corn proved dear ; wheat 30s., barley
10s., oats 7s., and beans 13s., oatmeal 14s. a windle [330 lbs.], and
potatoes double what they were the last year. The linen manufactory
very low, and spinning one-third less than last year ; so that the poor
have a hard year. Oatmeal so ordinary that wheat bread is most used.
Q

114
In the 4th month, this year, Robert Lawson, of Sunderland, faUed
in his credit, who had done as much in merchandise here as aU the rest,
and had good success in trade, but employed the profit in superfluity of
buying land at great prices, and buUding chargeable and unnecessary
houses, barns, gardens, and other fancies, and costly furniture ; so that
he overshot himself, and a commission of bankrupt got out against him ;
and, as be took up great sums from the collectors of the customs, land-
tax, &c., the same was first paid. His debts were about £14,000.,
of which about 14s. in the pound was paid; but it was supposed he had
so much as would have paid all, if it could have been done without
charges, and that if be bad not been so extravagant in purchasing
building and other superfluities, he might have been worth £3,000. or
£4,000. In this year Thomas Southworth, of the High Field, in Lancaster,
died ; being the last of an ancient and wealthy family of that name
there, but reduced to a small estate. He left a widow but no child :
[he] was a man of a weak capacity, and made no will ; and his widow
expected the estate, being there was none to claim as heir. I had long
ago known an uncle of bis in London, caUed Robert Southworth, who
was poor ; upon which I writ to my friends in London to inquire for
him, but found be was dead. But upon further, inquiry found that there
was one Francis Southworth, another uncle, at London, who was also
dead, but had left a son called Francis, whom my friends found out, who
came here to claim the estate ; who the widow made some scruple to
admit at first, but was obliged to admit upon a composition ; and he
retumed to London and gave me a power to sell the estate, which I did
to Robert Gibson, Esq. for above £300., to his great satisfaction, and
who was willing to gratify me in what I desired ; which was only a silver
pint can of £5. value, which I accepted of.
I being last year concerned in selling some part of Thomas Medcalf 's
estate, and bidding at a house in Penny-street, it fell into my hands as
the highest bidder, which, wanting convenience, I flrst sunk a well,
cost me £5., and then built a back building, cost me about £50. this
year. Tho first cost of the house was £75. Having now assigned all
my goods in trade to my nephew, as is aforesaid, I took an inspection
into the rest of my effects, and found that, over and above what I owed
to all and any person, my clear estate was near £5,000., that I hoped
would be good ; omitting what I thought was dubious.
My niece, Elin Stout, having been my housekeeper since her sister
Jennet's marriage, and having occasion to market among the butchers,
she came into the acquaintance and company of Thomas Cort, a young

115
man, a chandler by trade ; which I was displeased at, and told her
parents of, dissuading her and them to discourage their future courtship
for some time, of consideration. But in the meantime, as there was two
troops of the Earl of Stair's dragoons, and my niece having often
occasion to fetch water at their well, she fell into the company of a
young dragoon, an Irishman, which, with the connivance of Fisher's
wife, who was of an ordinary character, they kept company privately for
some time, till John Fisher was so honest as to acquaint me of in time ;
upon which I went in a frosty and snowy night to her father's house for
them to fetch her home. Her mother came the next morning, and,
with much ado, got her to go home with her, to prevent their meeting
again, which they both attempted to do ; but her parents sent her to her
sister Jennet Wright's, in Westmoreland, where she remained till the
said dragoons marched out of the country, upon which she returned to
her father's ; when Thomas Cort renewed his courtship, and, with her
parents' consent, married her ; which was very generous, after such an
escape of ruining herself on a soldier. It was on the 33nd of eleventh
month this year, when I sent her home ; and three days after I sent
into Westmoreland for Hannah Eglin, whom I knew, to be my house
keeper; who came the 35th, and continued with me about fourteen
months. Although I bad quite left my nephew William's shop, be had
hitherto boarded and lodged with me. But seeing no reformation in
him, but that he was running into ruin, I was uneasy with him and he
g,lso for my advising him ; so he left my house and went to board at
Mrs. Chippindall's, along with some people of fashion and freedom like
himself, where be continued till he married, the next year.
1739. — I having finished the back building in Penny-street, to keep
myself in employ I pulled down the fore part to the street, and buUt it
up ; being ten yards long, eight yards broad, and eight yards deep ; all
which cost me about £300. ; so the first cost and the charge of building
cost me about £330. in a dear season. For this year was very dear for
aU provisions : which falls heavy upon the public-houses who have
dragoons ; who [the publicans] will advance 3s. a-week for any who will
maintain them with meat and hay,' with the king's pay ; and there being
100 horses, they eat much corn, which sharps the market for meal.
The price of corn here the beginning of the year was, best wheat at
33s., oats 8s., oatmeal 16s., beans 16s. a windle [? 330 lb.], and potatoes
at 10s. a load or windle. It appears by the Custom House books at
Liverpool, that there has been imported there 35,000 of our windles of
corn of sundry sorts ; which, upon a moderate computation, will be
£30,000. ; and great quantities more were expected there. There was

116
some flour imported here from America, and about 600 load of wheat
and oats from Hamburg; which I had the disposing of for Alderman
GUdert, of Liverpool, and corn was continually brought into Liverpool
tiU harvest; and it was computed that there was imported into this
county and Cheshire this year, corn to the value of £100,000. ; and the
markets kept up tUl harvest. Our market was mostly supplied with
meal out of Westmoreland, and the corn to the south of this town
[Lancaster] carried to Preston. The harvest was very early, and the
market supphed with new corn, the latter end of the 6th month. Wheat
at 1 9s., oatmeal at 8s. a windle, and potatoes at 4s. a windle ; and many
who imported corn late, lost very much by it, or lost it. The last part
of this year was excessively wet, and great damage done, and people
drowned by the overflowing of rivers, and damage in cellars, by the
water springing up in them and in the fields.
I having quite left my nephew WUliam Stout, I entertained his fourth
sister, Margaret Stout, who was sent by her parents to assist or attend
her brother William in bis shop, where she continued sometime, till I
was advised that she kept company with Isaac Nicholson — (a young man,
a grocer by trade, but of a loose conversation) — frequently at a neigh
bour's bouse ; which I was very much concerned at, knowing him to be
no way hopeful, and her brother very careless -and negligent. Upon
which I was very urgent with her parents to take ber home, which they
thought but light of at first, and she unwilling ; but with much ado I
got ber home and desired ber parents to keep her out of bis company,
which she unwillingly did. But in less than a month after he locked up
bis shop, and quite left the country, and never retumed, to the great
loss of his creditors, who took what be bad among them.
1730. — In the beginning of this year Thomas Fox, the carrier betwixt
this town and Preston and Kendal, broke, who was £90. in my debt, and
in some hundred pounds in all, for the payment of which he assigned all
his effects to me and his wife's brother, who died soon after, so that the
management fell wholly on me, which I effected to the satisfaction of
all bis creditors, who were paid 18s. in the pound, and gave him full
discharges. In the 19tb month, 1739, William Wyld, an ancient but a
very honest man, died, who left the small effects he had by his will
to me to dispose of, and pay as ordered, which I did to the legatees'
satisfaction. In the fourth month this year I gave up housekeeping, and let
my house to Mary and Lidia DU worth, and boarded and lodged with
them at the rate of £13. a-year, and continued with them, and they
in the bouse, three years. In the 3nd month this year was the

117
great meeting of the north; [it] was kept at Lancaster, and [was]
large and quiet.
Upon the 8th day of the 9th month this year, my nephew, William
Stout, was married at Burton to Jennet Brabbin, daughter of Thomas
Brabbin, of Beetbam, who was brought up a gentlewoman ; hel' parents
hved great, but [were] in declining circumstance, and unable to give her
a portion in any degree equal to her situation ; and his taking her was
without the advice, knowledge, or consent of any of bis relations, or her
parents informing themselves how I had forsaken him ; so that they
found no entertainment from me or his parents, we being sensible that
he had nigh wasted what he had, and [that he] had no certainty of
getting any portion with his wife, nor had saved any. Some time before
that, and after his sister Margaret had left him, he took to apprentice
James Rigg, son of Hannah Rigg, of Kendal, with whom he bad £40.
In this year I made an adventure in the ship Love to Riga, of £300.
in money, being one-twelfth of £3,400. cargo. The ship made this
voyage in due time, and came full laden in flax, hemp, and iron, which
was sold, and the amount paid up at the year end. I then found that
my profit for £300. for a year was only £4. 19s. 4d., which discouraged
me from making any more adventures that way; but this was much
hke the adventure I formerly made, where I did not lose the whole
adventure. In this year there was a great crop of corn, and the price was reduced
to half what it was last year, viz. : wheat to 10s. ; barley, 4s. fid. ; oats,
3s. 4d. ; and others in proportion ; potatoes, 3s. 6d. a load ; and yet it
is supposed that the farmers will get more by com this year than the
last year, when it sold at about double the price. They continued the
importation of corn in Liverpool too long, and there was in Liverpool in
the harvest 33,000 windles [ ? 330 lb.] of foreign corn, wheat, rye, and
barley, and no sale for it after the new came off the grounds ; which
filled their warehouses so as they bad no room for their other merchan
dise, and it was supposed they lost more by that on hand, than they got
in the dearth of it ; the warehouse room of that on hand is computed
at £30. a-week. All provisions plenty and cheap ; and the linen,
woollen, and iron manufactures sell well; but flax, wool, and iron
cheap ; spinning advanced one-fourth, so that labouring people may live
comfortably, which they should remember.
John Stout, my brother Leonard's youngest son, being now about six
teen years of age, and had been brought up at school mostly, but not
improved so much as might have been expected, — I myself advised his
parents to bring him up in husbandry, considering how his brother

118
William proved so wUd and prodigal ; and I proposed, if he was indus
trious and frugal, to buy him an estate of £40. a-year value. But this
offer would not be accepted of; but he would be a. draper, or mercer, or
a gentleman, which bis parents did encourage him to; and contrary to
my mind they contracted with Edward Holme, a draper in Kendal, to
bind him to be apprentice for seven years, and to give £40. with him,
expecting that I would pay it, and, though unwillingly, I paid that sum,
and also paid for his clothes much of his apprenticeship.
In this year there [was] no war in any part of Europe, and our king
and bis parliament seemed to accord very well. There was an act passed
that the duties on salt shall cease the 35th of the 10th month this year,
which will be an ease to the poor, and country farmers and labourers ;
being a farmer of £30. a-year usetb as much salt as many gentlemen of
some hundred pounds a-year use, and the great consumption of salt is in
the country, and more in the north than in the south, or in great towns'
and cities ; and it affects trade much. The last year being a dearth of
com, increased the poor, so that our poor-tax was increased from £100.
to £300. a-year, upon which a house was hired to entertain the poor in,
to be maintained without going a-begging, and to employ such as were
able to work in some employ, and a person to set them on work; upon
which many that used to beg, finding themselves stopped from begging,
fell to work rather than to be confined to the poor-house.
1731. — Upon Thomas Cort's marriage of my niece, Elin Stout,
although without my approbation, I then gave them £30. in money, and
found bedding and other household goods, to the value of £5. ; and the
last year I gave him £50. in money; and I having now finished my
new bouse in Penny-street, I settled it upon him and his wife, or the
longer liver of them, for life ; and, after their death, to the heirs of her
body for ever, paying me £5. a-year for my Hfe,— which he seemed well
pleased with, and paid me £5. for the first year ; but afterwards in bis
passion, or when he had got too much strong liquor, which often put him
into distraction, he gave it out that I had overreached him, and that I
had not given the house to him, but to his sons, and publicly reflected
on me, which was some uneasiness to me : but as it was invested in
trastees of bis own naming, for the use aforesaid, I would not revoke or
alter it; but, to prevent any uneasiness in his family, I discharged him
of the payment of the £5. a-year for my life. The first cost of the
house, and rebuilding it up, cost me at least £330., which, with what I
gave him before, makes above £400. ; and, although he behaved un
gratefully as aforesaid, yet he was diligent in his trade, and improved
himself, which was to my satisfaction.

119
In the seventh month of this year, Robert Gibson, Esquire, a lawyer,
and recorder of this borough, went to Appleby in Westmoreland, upon
a commission on behalf of the Earl of Tennat [?Thanet]; and, soon
after be got there, he was in the company of some gentlemen, very
cheerfully diverting themselves in free discourse, when be was seized
with death, being seemingly well and dead in a few minutes. He could
not be brought here, nor remain unburied till his wife might get
thither; so was buried there. He was about fifty-five years of age,
and died without having made a will. He had been recorder here
about twenty-five years, and was a lawyer of the most repute in this
county, Westmoreland, or Cumberland, and had great business, and
[was] faithful to his clients of all religious persuasions or parties. He
was a justice of peace tUl the Rebellion, and was then thought to favour
the party who was dissatisfied with the government, and so was dis
charged ; but while in commission [he] acted very impartially, and
particularly in the prosecution of the Quakers for tithes, &c. I had
often occasion to advise with him in my trust on Metcalfe's affairs and
others, and he was always free and sincere with me, and very moderate
in his fees. The papists and disaffected to the government had a great
dependance on him, and he too much inclined that way, and in his last
years intruded gentlemen into the council of the town who were not
agreeable to the friends of the government. He was a discourager of
vexatious suits, and the extortions of the attorneys, and will be much
missed in this country in many difficult causes and conveyances.
In the fourth month this year, my nephew, WiUiam Stout, was in
great straits with his creditors, who, observing his prodigality, threatened
to sue him, and he applied to me ; upon which I urged him to assign
his goods and what was owing to him, and also what he owed, that I
might know what to pay to his creditors ; which be did, and by the
account given in, he had in goods about £400., and money owing him
about £350., and that he owed in all about £600.; upon which I
entered upon his effects, in order to get him clear, which made the
creditors easy. For the proposal, I offered to pay half in six months
certain, and the rest in twelve months, if his effects would extend to it ;
which I" hoped it would by the account he had given me. Upon which,
though unwUlingly, I entered upon the shop, and took in bis apprentice,
James Rigg, but excluded him [WUliam Stout] from the shop, and sorted
shop and. served the customers as formerly ; but in a little time per
ceived that he owed more than he had given me account of; and found
that what he owed was £930., so that he owed above £300. more than
he gave me account of ; and the debts owing to him did not amount to

120
more than £340., so there was above £100. short in them, so that I
found his effects would not pay above 15s. in the pound of what he
owed, which at first I thought for to propose to his creditors ; but seeing
many of them were my own particular friends, and he my near relative,
and I had recommended him to them, I proposed to pay them in full
of what was owing to them ; all which I did in about a year's time, and
kept the shop stocked. But I was weary of the business, and minded
to sell all the goods together and to get my nephew into other business;
but he pretended he was sensible of bis misconduct, and doubted not
but that they might do better of it than any other business. He bad _
hitherto got nothing with his wife, and her father, Thomas Brabbin,
said he would give him £300. ; but she was a gentlewoman, and knew
nothing of business or housekeeping to encourage a trade ; so that I saw
small hopes of their doing well in any business of trade.
This year has been extremely droughty, and has also put quite a stop
to the sale of cattle ; but com proved good and is very low, and also
provisions of all sorts cheap ; and our linen, woollen, and iron manufac
tories sell well, and spinning is at the highest. The ship of 800 tons
sent by the South Sea Company last year to Porto Bello, with about
£300,000. worth of our manufactories, retumed this year, and has
brought double the value she carried out, which gives great encourage
ment to trade. The river Loyne [Lune] was so low this summer, and
so sanded, that I went round several of the pillars [piers] dry at each
end of it [the bridge].
1733. — I bad for above a year managed the shop, and in that time
paid all my nephew's debts, amounting to £930., and bad then thought
of seUing off the goods that were in stock, having little hopes of his
ever managing a trade to profit, being I could not observe that in this
year he had been excluded the shop, he bad showed any sensible remorse
for his past mismanagement ; but he applied to his wife's father, Thomas
Brabbin, to assist him in beginning the trade again, who offered to give
him £300. to begin with, and which his said father Brabbin proposed to
me, upon which I told him that I had no hopes of his doing well, and
that if he gave him £300. and I another £300., it might fit them four
years, and no longer, and then they would be in the same condition as
now. So [I] advised them to think of some other employ, but, as they
insisted upon it, and I being desirous to be quit of the shop, I admitted
him into the shop again, and left in it, which I now gave him, in goods
for sale at the first cost, amounting to £360., with all weights, scales,
and utensils, and shop and house rent free. And, as I was informed, his
wife's father gave him also at that time £160., so that they had all their

121
debts paid and £400. to begin anew, also £90. to receive with his appren
tice James Rigg. It was in the 5 th month this year that they began
again ; but Thomas Brabbin, his wife's father, died in a short time, his
chUdren having with high living much troubled him. I first gave my
nephew WiUiam Stout (and after I had brought him up and educated
him tUl he was 33 years of age) then giving him above £400., and last
year paid his debts, which amounted to £900. more than his effects
would amount to, and now given him goods for sale cost £340. ; so that
be now bath had from me above £800. in four years' time, besides bouse
. rent, and shop rent free, and the use of all materials for the trade free,
all in condescension to bis and her parents' request, but not in much
hopes of their improvement, or sense of gratitude for what I had done
for them ; and in a little time after they began again, I perceived they
were going into the way of management and living which would bring
all to nothing in the time I foresaw.
This year was plentiful of all provisions, corn cheap, and trade good ;
so that the labouring people lived well ; but it being droughty all over
the kingdom, cattle would not sell at any price, and people, for fear of
winterage, killed them that were in good order, so that beef was from
IJd. to 3d. a pound, the best; aU which was a hardship on the poor
farmers. There was a company or corporation in London called the
Charitable Corporation, who proposed to lend money to poor people on
pledges, at low interest, upon which many contributed to some hundred
thousand pounds, but they proved cheats, and the contributors lost their
money, to the ruin of many families.
1733. — In the beginning of this year Thomas Hall, who married my
brother Leonard's eldest daughter Elizabeth, about twelve years since,
died [and] left her a widow with two children, twins, about ten years of
age. They married when they were both very young, and not very
hopeful for trade ; he had httle to begin with, and her father at times
gave them nigh £300., but they had not from me above £30., being I
was in expectation they or their children would become a charge. As
he grew straitened he fell to drinking brandy or spirits, which shortened
his days, and she was indolent and thoughtless. After his death my
brother Leonard desired me to go to Cartmell, where he died, to inspect
his affairs, where I found his shop in great disorder, also his books.
I perceived be bad lost much of his credit, and his shop unsorted ; so
[I] was some days in re-sorting it, and making a 'valuation of his goods
and book debts, which I found would fall short of paying his just debts,
or what he owed, and so advised her to give up all to the creditors, so
that they might have equal shares, and not that some might get nothing

12^
and others all ; and, as soon as what he owed was known, it appeared that
not above 13s. 4d. in the pound could be paid, and upon my stating the
concern to the creditors, it was accepted. His effedts were about £190.,
and he owed £180. Her father took her and her two children, and I
engaged to contribute to their maintenance £10. a-year, being her late
husband had no parents, nor any relations who were able or willing to
give them entertainment. The widow had been infirm from a chUd,
and now grew worse, and often h3,d fits of coughing and phlegm, so that
she was not thought of surviving her fits. Her son and daughter were
kept to school and learning, to fit them for service or apprenticeship.
It now appearing to parliament that there is bonds now standing out
for the duty of wine and tobacco, which, if presented, would ruin the
bondsmen, it was now projected to turn the customs of them into an
excise, to be paid by the retailer upon consumption, which method was
approved of by the majority of the parliament, and by most prudent
and impartial people ; but it gave a great deal of alarm to the clandes
tine dealers in wine and tobacco ; and the Jacobites, and disaffected to
the government, took in with them, and petitions [were] sent from all
parts of the kingdom against it. They represented it to the people as
if they were about to excise all eatables and clothes. They were so
offended that the mayor of London, aldermen, and common council, and
others, to the number of 800, went to the parliament in 300 coaches
with a petition against it, which much astonished the parliament that
they should bring their petition in such a tumultuous or riotous manner,
and [the house] unanimously voted it as seditious, and a slight of their
authority. Upon a vote, it was carried for an excise, 365 against 301,
but, considering what a ferment the nation was in about it, they thought
fit to drop or postpone it ; upon which the principal fomenters of the
opposition made a great rejoicing, and bonfires all over the kingdom,
and made effigies of Robert Walpole and other ministers, and burned
them in their fires, to the great grief of all friends to the government,
and to the true interest of England.
Amboras [Ambrose] Gillison having bought the house adjoining to
mine, near the market cross to the west, which was all thatched, was
intending to pull it down and build it anew, and proposed that, if I
would rebuild mine to the street, which was also thatched, we might
build a wall betwixt us on equal ground and charge. Cons.dering what
danger we were in of fire, most of the bouses from the upper end of his
house being of wood, and thatched, to the corner of the Butchers'
Shambles, and not one stone partition-wall in that lei^th, save one, and
a public oven, in a bad low thatched building, not thirty yards from

123
mine, I resolved to rebuUd mine, and in order provided material, and
pulled it down in the third month, this year, and my nephew William
Stout removed his goods into the warehouse on the back side, whUst it
was a-building, about six months. This kept me in employ this year,
and it cost me, with a half house in the garden for turf, about £130. I
would have bad my neighbour, Thomas Townson, on the east end, to
have buUt along with me, but he would not, and I had some difficulty
to carry up that end without his concurrence ; but, when he saw we had
done it without him, he also pulled his house down, which was also
thatched, and rebuilt [it] that winter;
This year plenty of all provisions ; corn very low ; wheat, 9s. ; barley,
58.; oats, 3s. a windle [? 330 lb.]; butter, S^d. to 3d. a pound; best
cheese, 15s. a cwt. ; potatoes, 3s. 6d. a load ; beef, IJd. to 3d. a pound ;
pork, 9d. ; and other butchers' meat proportional, and great plenty of
fruit; also cattle very low, and few sold. This went hard with poor
farmers, and broke many, and lessened the rent of lands ; but in the
south great quantities of corn were shipped off to France, Spain, and
Italy. It was computed that there was exported this year from London
and the south ports, 800,000 quarters of com, which may be computed
at one million sterling, which was a great relief to the farmers. But
trade was very good this year ; woollen, linen, and iron manufactories,
and great wages of spinning and other labouring people, so that what
husbandry lost, was got in trade. We being at peace with all nations,
merchants ventured largely, but complained that their returns Were not
so good as expected, to their future disoouragementi
In the third month this year, the king acquainted the parliament that
a marriage was contracted with the Prince of Orange and his step-daugh
ter, the princess royal, which was well received by them ; and they gave
the king, as a portion for her, £80,000. A committee was appointed by
parliament to make a discovery of such persons as were guilty of the
frauds committed by the managers of the Charitable Corporation men
tioned last year, and found four members of parliament guilty, and
expelled them the house, and others who are now prosecuted, but the
money [is] gone to the Pretender at Rome ; upon which parliament have
enicted a lottery, the benefit of which is to be employed for the relief
of the sufferers by it.
Robert Jepson, of Skearton [Skerton], and Jane bis wife, before
marriage were each heirs to a good estate of land, and, by their marriage
settlement, if they had no heirs begot or born to survive them, the sur
vivor of them should have both their estates. They were married many
years, but had no child; upon which the wife was desirous that the

124
marriage settlement should be destroyed, and each of their estates
should descend to their several heirs, which, upon her much uneasiness,
he seemed to consent to, and had a copy of the settlement, which he
produced as the original, and destroyed it before her, which at that time
made ber easy. They had also each a personal estate which, by agree
ment, each should manage for their separate disposal, upon which she
made ber securities in the name of trustees for her own use, and
Dr. James Fenton and Thomas Sherson, Esq., were ber trustees, during
their lives ; and after their decease she desired me to undertake the
trust, and I consented to make use of my name ; and their affairs
remained so for many years, till she grew very infirm, and it was sup
posed by all her neighbours that her real estate would descend to her
heirs after ber and her husband's death ; but her husband, upon some
occasion, gave out that the marriage settlement was in being, and not
destroyed, and showed it upon occasion, which she getting knowledge of,
was very uneasy at, as also all neighbours, being he had several good
estates of his own, with personal estate, in all to the value of £5,000. ;
and she by her frugality and a personal estate her father left her, had
improved it to above £500., which she was careful to secure from ber
husband, and to dispose of by ber will ; and that her husband, who bad
acted so deceitfully, should not have it at her decease. In ber sickness
she sent for me, and desired me to take upon me to be an executor of
her will, which I told ber I was not willing to undertake alone, supposing
her husband, surviving her, might cause some trouble : upon which her
near relations advised her to name John Casson and WUliam Bryer,
along with me. At that time, she put into my hands all her securities,
and above £100. in gold, — her husband not knowing it; and she got a
will drawn, and executed it accordingly: and soon after, in the 3nd
month this year, died ; — and in that will had disposed what she had
proportionally to her several relations, and to promote schools in Sker
ton, Quarmor [Quemmore], and EUel, in a charitable manner: upon
which we undertook the execution. She left her husband a legacy of
£5., which he was not willing to accept of; and we were concerned to
get his discharge before be knew what effects his wife left us in trust ;
and, be being covetous of ready money, we offered him £30. above his
legacy, which he accepted of, and gave us a general release from all
demands of his wife's effects : but, after he knew them, repented. He
was a very covetous man, and by bis will disposed of her paternal estate
in Skerton, worth £500., without any regard to ber relations, or giving
any legacies to any charitable uses. He died about seven years after
ber, and his relations are at suit about his estates.

125
1734.— I had let my dwelling house to Mary Dilworth for four years
last past, and boarded with her and her sister, and now they left it, the
1st of 3rd month, this year, and my nephew, William Stout, had dwelt
in Benjamin Greenwood's house three years, for which I paid the rent,
and I baring now finished the street part of the bouse, and he entered
into the shop, for his conveniency I let them dwell in the house, and I
resolved to keep bouse, and dwell in the rooms over the shop, and to
take my brother Leonard's two youngest daughters, Margaret and Mary,
to be my housekeepers ; and made provision accordingly, hoping and
expecting that they would have been capable, diligent, and subject to
my direction ; my occasions then being easy, and they had leisure by
turns to improve themselves. And particularly I gave Margaret advice
to be careful whom she contracted familiarity or freedom with ; and
remember how narrowly she escaped being entangled and ruined by and
with Isaac Nicholson, as aforesaid. But, without due regard to me or
my advice, in three months time I perceived she kept company with a
young man at that time in no way acceptable to me, which I cautioned
her against, but without regard to me or my advice, she continued to
accompany with him, or purposely to fall into his way. I advised her
parents of it, and told them and her that I should not keep her longer,
but must send her home. Upon the 1 3th of the tenth month, this year,
I had occasion to go to Boulton, and at my return I met her near
Slyne, on horseback, behind Gaulter [Walter] Bumskill, going to her
father's, and passed by them, without my speaking to them, or they to
me, supposing they were going to be married ; but when I got home, I
was soon told that they were married at Lancaster that day, when I was
gone, which very much troubled me and her parents, so that I could
take no further notice of ber, and put me upon considering the care and
pains that I and my dear sister Elin [Ellen] had taken for bringing up
and perfectment, and how I had been slighted hitherto by most of them.
Her sister Mary was often out of health, or pretended so, being always
indulged by their mother, that I could not depend anything on her, so
gave over housekeeping, and boarded with my nephew William Stout,
and allowed him £30. a-year for the same, but kept the rooms to lodge
in ; but I was not easy there, seeing that they were going to ruin, and
providing costly household goods, and making entertainments, and he
much from his shop, upon expense, not regarding and [but] slighting
any advice I gave them.
Great contest and much money spent this year upon the election
of a new parhament. The election for the borough was on the 9nd
of third month this year. The candidates were Sir Thomas Lowther,

126
Robert Fenwick, Allen Harrison, and Captain Hamilton. They polled
three days, by which Lowther had 615 ; Fenwick, 535 ; Harrison, 445 ;
and Hamilton, 353 votes, — upon which Lowther and Fenwick were de
clared duly elected, who bad most of the gentry and substantial farmers,
being they were neighbours born, and of good estate. It was computed
it might cost them all £5,000. and particularly Harrison, £3,000.
Hamilton came in as his second, and hung most of his charge on
Harrison. There was also a great contest at Liverpool, supposed 3,000
polled, Boothe and Cunlife [Cunliffe] against Brearton and Gildart ;
the latter carried it by about forty votes, and were retumed duly elected.
Also for Yorkshire there was a poll for ten days, betwixt Chulmley
[Cholmondeley] Turner and Sir Rowland Wynn, joint, against Sir
Miles Stapleton and Wortley Montague ; but was carried by majority
for Turner and Stapleton ; Wynn came short about forty in polling
15,000 freeholders : it is supposed it cost them £30,000.
Since Alice Greenwood and her daughter Spencer died, I have had
the care of letting and managing Benjamin Greenwood's estate in Lan
caster, for which he was always grateful ; and he intending to bring his
wife hither, I was much employed this year in getting it into repair,
with many additions and alterations, which was to his satisfaction. He
and bis wife and family came to Lancaster in the 7th month this year.
The beginning of this year, my nephew, Leonard Stout, was married to
Rebecca Robinson, of Finstead, with consent of his parents, her's being
dead. Her mother was second wife of John Caton, of Hatlex, but died
many years since.
This year we have peace, and plenty of all things ; com very, very
low, and cattle cheap, and cattle beef to be sold in all parts of the
nation from Id. to 3d. a pound, pork the same, butter 3d., best cheese
15s. to 16s. a cwt., potatoes 3s. 6d. a load, which is very hard upon
husbandmen and farmers ; but trades of all sorts are good, and great
wages for servants, journeymen, and spinning. Great quantities of
corn shipped off from London and the south ports of England to most
foreign parts; insomuch that it is computed [it] will pay £140,000. this
year for bounty money, at 5s. a quarter. There being now heavy wars in
Poland upon the election of a king, Dantzick besieged and much
destroyed, from whence most of Europe was supplied with corn, and
now the country is so ruined that they fear a famine there ; as also in
Germany, on both sides of the Rhine, for some hundred miles, all is
laid waste by the French against the emperor. Also in Lombardy, the
French, S^paniards, and Savoyards, jointly against the emperor, have laid
waste that country, and in several battles each side have lost 30,000 men.

127
1735. — This year has been peaceable, and plenty of corn and all pro
visions in all our king's dominions, but great wars and distress in
Poland, Germany, and Italy. There has been exported from England
last year, and the beginning of this year, 74,334 quarters of barley,
333,174 quarters of malt, 3,038 quarters of oatmeal, 10,735 quarters
of rye, and 498,158 quarters of wheat; in all, 805,367 quarters ; which
may be computed at 3,000 ship loads of 100 tons each, for which the
king has paid for the bounty money, nigh £300,000.; yet corn at
London and the south, where [it] is shipped, is cheaper than it is
here in the north, Cattle very low; beef very good, lid., pork 3d.
a pound. Gualter [Waller] Bumskill, who my niece Margaret married, from
want of other business, went this year a factor for some merchants here
to Barbadoes, where he had been before, and took a place for his wife ;
and although they have gone together in such a clandestine and ungrate
ful manner to me, I did contribute about £10. to fit her with some
household goods, till such time as she might be sensible of the slight
she had given me. I this year continued to eat with my nephew William
Stout, for which I paid him in money £30. the year, but lodged in the
street rooms, and had a fire as there was occasion, and only came to my
victuals in the house, being no way easy with their way of living, or his
conduct abroad, he being so outward and expensive, and led by some
persons, and a party who voted him to be bailiff for the commons this
year, which took him off bis business, and to the ale-bouse, which I took
would sooner bring him to lose his trade, and cause him to become
insolvent. I had not much public business this year, but passed my time much
in reading, and writing my observations of my own and public affairs for
many years past, and what related to the rehgious society I was in com
munion with. This year I purchased the Hollow Meadow, in Boulton,^
[which] was Mary Huton's [Hutton's], of her trastees, Geldart and
Smith, for which I paid £50.
It being the custom of this borough that the present mayor and
bailiffs have each a power to give the freedom each one to whom they
please, my nephew, William Stout, brought in his father, Leonard Stout,
a freeman, which he took the opportunity of in order to qualify; him to
bring his son John in a freeman, who was apprenticed at Kendal, as a
freeman's son, for 30s., otherwise he would not have got bis freedom to
begin his trade here under the most of £30. After his son Leonard's
marriage, he and famUy dwelt at Hathome House, in Boulton, one year,
but now dwell at Slyne, in the house his son Leonard bought of Robert

128
Marshall, where he continued tiU the death of our brother Josias ; his
daughter, Ehzabeth Hall, and her two chUdren, dwell with him, to
whom I contributed to him £10. in money, and to his said daughter
provision for many necessaries.
1736. — Upon the 10th day of the second month, this year, I took a
journey to Whitehaven, to the general meeting of our friends there,
which I performed with as much ease as when I was about twenty years
of age, although I was now entered into the seventy-second year of my
age. I have hitherto had my health very well, and have not been
at one shilling expense to either doctor, apothecary, physic, or surgery,
for thirty years last past; and I have hitherto accustomed myself to rise
at the sunrise in summer, and walk a round of two miles in the morn
ing, in different ways each day of the week, and in my garden an hour
or more in the evening. I began to use spectacles at fifty years of age,
and could not see to write or read without them till I was seventy years
old ; but, since then, my eyesight had returned gradually, so that I can
now see to write or read without them ; yet when I write or read much,
I use them to preserve my sight.
Upon the 37tb day of the second month, this year, the Princess
Augusta, sister to the Prince of Saxe Gotha, came to London ; and, in
pursuance of a pre-contract, was married to Frederick, Prince of Wales,
King George's eldest son, to general satisfaction, as is signified by
addresses from both houses of parliament, and from most cities and
societies in Great Britain and Ireland. She is of the family of the
Elector of Saxony, who first protected Martin Luther in the Reforma
tion, from popery, and was the first sovereign prince in Europe that
protested against popery, for which he was prosecuted by war by the
then Emperor of Germany, with the loss of his dominions.
In the eighth month, this year, John Bumskill died. He was a
grocer and ironmonger by trade, was a widower, but had no child. He
had been twice bailiff, and in that time upon occasions frequently upon
expenses and drinking, so as to impair his health and get a habit of it,
which, I think, forwarded his death. His only brother, Gaulter
[Walter], arrived from bis voyage from Barbadoes about two weeks
before his death. He made a will, and appointed his said brother
executor, who desired me to be assistant in taking an inventory and
make appraisement of his goods, which I did, being of the same trade,
I had been in the practice, and found that he bad oversorted his goods,
in the ironmongery -way especially, more than ever I did when I had
the most trade. The year before he died be had purchased the shop
and house, and appurtenances, and about three acres of land from one

129
Mason, in Ireland ; but the shop and house were very old, [of] wood and
clay, and thatch much out of repair, and he had provided bricks and
some other materials, to repair them without pulling them down, or
building anew, as all his neighbours advised him to, but had not done
much before he died. His brother Walter having some knowledge in
the trade, after administration taken, entered upon it with the assistance
of an apprentice then in being.
1737.— The shop and houses, now Gualter BurnskUl's, who married
my niece, Margaret Stout, being situate in the best of the Market Place,
and being the worst and most decayed of any there, I had for many years
wished that they might be built to be regular with them adjoining, and
safe from fire ; and observing that be was about patching them, and not
altering the roofs, I offered to pull them down and rebuild them at my
own charge, in respect to his wife and ornament to the Market Place,
and disposing of part of what I had acquired in the view of it. And
upon the beginning of the third month this year, we pulled it down, and
removed his goods to the back part, sunk a cellar, and raised the corner
part of it about seven yards square, and got it covered, so as he got his
goods into the new shop at Michaelmas fair ; and after that, this year,
we pulled down the next part, about seven yards square, and cellared it,
and got it up and boarded it, before the end of the year, to be ready for
a tenant the next year. The charge of what I built this year was nigh
£300. John Bumskill had an apprentice, a son of James Rawnson's, of
Heaton, who was riding a horse that was unruly : he cast him off, and,
his leg being entangled in the stirrup, he was dragged after him till he
was killed; after which, Gualter [Walter] Bumskill took WiUiam Hall,
my niece Elizabeth Hall's son, to be his apprentice, upon his grand
father's and my encouragement and assistance, for seven years, from
June, 1737.
In the beginning of this year, there was a general distemper of violent
coughs and colds all over the nation, of which many died. I was sorely
afflicted with it nigh two months, but it went off in time, without using
any medicine but patience. But in the third month this year, which
was wet and hot, and when I had just pulled down Gualter BurnskUl's
shop, I was seized with a great indisposition to business or activity,
which I feared would affect me so that I should not be capable to go
forward to build what I bad pulled down; and now thought I must
patiently submit to age and infirmities that attend it. I continued so
some weeks, but in a month I was restored to my former activity, to
dhect and help forward my undertaking, and also to undertake and
manage a greater trouble which speedily foUowed.

130
I hitherto continued with my nephew, WiUiam Stout, but in daUy
expectation of his breaking ; and about Michaelmas this year I per
ceived he had suffered himself to be sued and nigh to have executions
against him, upon which I urged him to give account of what he owed,
and to whom. He said he owed but about £300., but I was now con
vinced that he would not recover it, and bad not his liberty but upon
baU, and his sureties [were] ready to give [him] up to prison ; with
much ado [I] got him to shut up his shop, and assign over his effects in
trust to some persons to seU and collect for the benefit of all his credi
tors, so far as the same would extend to pay. At the same time he
pretended that he had sufficient to pay all his debts and much more.
To avoid imprisonment, or execution on his goods, be assigned them
over to Joshua Bryer, Thomas Butterfield, and me, for the use aforesaid,
but was grown so careless of his own interest or reputation that he gave
no assistance in the disposal or collecting his effects, [so] that it wholly
fell upon me ; the other two were but only nominal, for the gratification
of the creditors. We got possession of the shop and books to prevent
executions ; and his apprentice James Rigg being out of his apprentice
ship a few months, I got his assistance to make a particular schedule of
his goods at the price they cost, and cast up his books, and offered James
Rigg the goods at a considerable abatement of the first cost ; and he had
inclination to take the shop, house, and warehouse, which I was wUling
he should have before any other to continue it in the same trade ; but
about this time my nephew John Stout, who was apprenticed at Kendal,
was out of bis time and minded to begin bis trade in Lancaster, which
I would have him dissuaded, thinking it liker to begin where he was
acquainted than among strangers ; but his parents and relations were
for his settling here, and also in my shop ; and in order thereto, and to
remove James Rigg, the neighbours of the same trade proposed to take
the goods upon an abatement less than James Rigg proposed, so the
shop goods were sold to John Goad, William Satterthwaite, and Gualter
Bumskill, and the household goods in a public sale ; the whole amount
ing to £395.; and it appeared that what he owed was £515., so that
a composition was offered of 15s. in the pound, which was accepted
by all his creditors, who gave full discharges thereupon; and so he
was a second time stripped of what he had, and had a wife and
two children, and nothing to support them, nor any to depend upon
but me, who continued with them this year to seU, receive, and pay,
all which I did without any assistance from him, which gave me
much trouble, and their whole dependence restbg upon me for their
maintenance.

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Upon the 90th day of the 9th month this year, Caroline, Queen of
Great Britain, died, aged about 55 years, after about ten days' apparent
illness. The distemper was said to be a mortification in her bowels.
She had been married to King George 33 years ; has left two sons and
five daughters, the eldest married to the Prince of Orange, the rest un
married. She was daughter of the Prince of Brandeberg-Auspach, near
unto Nuremberg, in Germany. She was of a great capacity for govern
ment, and courteous to all ranks of people and religious professions, and
even to such as were not well affected to the government ; she had a
great influence over the king, so that many who are well-wishers to the
government, fear that she wiU be much wanted in maintaining the same;
and the disaffected are in hopes and expectation of some change in the
ministry in their favour. She was very careful for [the] nurture and
education of her daughters, and to be in some employment.
1738. — In the 6th month last past, my nephew, John Stout, was out
of bis apprenticeship, at Kendal, and I advised him to begin trade there,
where he was known, if not to think of other business, which I should
encourage him in ; but he and his parents, brothers and sisters, were all
for him settling in Lancaster, and in my shop, which I advised against,
as being in the full view of three of the principal men in the trade ; but
rather to take a shop near the butcher corner, which they would not
comply with, so I let him the shop and cellar to the street at a certain
rent, to pay to his brother WUliam, and at the same time had James
Rigg, who would have taken it and the cellars and warehouses backwards
at a good rent, which would have prevented some inconvenience I after
suffered. Yet in condescension, in the 13th month, 1737, I advanced
and gave him, my nephew John Stout, £300. in money to begin with,
and this month he went to London to buy goods and opened the shop
for trade the next month, and boarded and lodged with his brother and
sister Gualter and Margaret Bumskill ; and what I gave him as is afore
said it is more than double what I began my trade with in 1688.
My older brother Josias Stout was born the 30th day of the 9tb month,
in the year 1663, was only educated to read English, and writing, and
accounts. He was put to husbandry very young ; our father being a very
industrious husbandman, who died in the year 1680. My said brother
being 18 years of age then, and our mother and he, with the assistance
of a good man and maid servant, carried on the husbandry of our father's
ancient estate, which he left him with an easy charge upon it, which they
continued to husband about twenty years, and then our mother, being
near 70 years of age, was not able or disposed to continue housekeeping.
He let the estate to farm some years and was with his brother Leonard,

132
but his tenants proving not good, in a few years he entered upon it again
to manage it with servants, tUl he was about forty-six years of age, and
then he married Sibill Green, daughter of Thomas Green, of Boulton
Holmes, aged about thirty-two years, in the year 1707. My said brother
was a quiet and an easy man, and industrious in husbandry, and gave
his wife very much liberty of her own disposition, who was always bounti
ful to her own relations as she had no child of her own, nor like to have;
so that they did not much improve their estate. My said brother was a
healthy man, but bis wife was somewhat infirm and much declining some
years before ber death, which was about the middle of the 13tb month
this year, 1 737. After my brother Josias had buried his wife as afore
said, be was minded to have bis brother Leonard and family, who now
dwelt at Slyne, to come to dwell with him, which accordingly they did,
and seemed to their mutual satisfaction ; but, upon his wife's death be
was minded to make some alterations in his will, which be had made
nine years ago, and he was with me at Lancaster the first day of the
second month [April], 1738, seemingly in good health, and cheerful as I
had seen him, and told me bis design to alter his will, and told me wherein,
desiring me to note the alteration, and get it drawn at leisure ; but upon
the 4th day of this month he was seized with vomiting and could not
digest bis victuals ; but went out upon bis ordinary occasions till the 6th
day in morning, and about eight that morning be was mindful to lie
down upon bis bed in bis clothes, not thinking anything but only that
he had got a cold. But before the middle of that day he was deprived
of his speech, or understanding, or the use of his right side. I had
immediate notice of it, and was with him about two that afternoon, but
could not perceive by any signs or tokens that he knew me. He con
tinued breathing or working strongly against death all that night and
next day, till near the sixth hour in the afternoon, 17th day of the
month, and sixth day of the week, when he expired at his last breath.
And some time before be vomited up much yellow corrupt matter, so
that it may be supposed that there was some decay or rupture about the
stomach or entrails [which] was the occasion of his so sudden death. I
was with him at bis death, as also his brother Leonard ; and he was
buried at Boulton, the 10th day of this month, being 75 years of age,
the 30th day of the 9th month last past. He survived his wife but
seven weeks, to whom he had been married about 38 years, and she was
about 60 years old when she died. About nine years before my brother
Josias died, he came to me, and told me he thought he must go shortly ;
upon which I queried why he thought so, upon which he said he had
heard a loud voice calling several times "Josias, Josias !" and upon that

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was minded to make his wUl. I told him that little notice was to be
taken to what he feigned ; however, I advised [him] not to delay making
his will, which was very necessary for every one to do whilst they were
in good health and understanding ; upon which he advised with me how
to do it, and told me that I was of good abUity, and had no wife or issue,
so he thought to dispose of what substance he had to our brother Leonard
and his children, who then had a wife, three sons and five daughters, and
some grandchildren. I told him that as to bis personal estate he might
devise it to whom as he pleased ; but as to the ancient freehold estate, I
would not have him devise it to any ; and if I should die before him, it
would descend to our brother Leonard, or his heir, but if I should sur
vive him, it would descend to me, so advised him to charge it with
legacies what be pleased, and leave the redemption of it to me if I sur
vived, so as I might have a natural right, which I am of a mind should
be preferred to an heir-at-law. And upon my said brother Josias's death,
his will was produced, which he made nine years ago, by which he gave
all his personal estate, which was considerable, to our brother Leonard,
and gave some lands to his nephew, Leonard Stout, charged with some
legacies, and charged two closes in Boulton with the payment of 30s.
a-year to the poor in Boulton, and also charged his heir-at-law, whom I
am now. And the rest of his real estate, of the yearly value of £30.,
was [charged] with the payment of £353. to my brother Leonard's chil
dren, — all which I paid as they became due, and let my brother Leonard
remain upon the estate rent-free, and also as much more land in Boulton
as cost me £160., also rent-free; sothat I have only the disposing of it
or charge of it at my death, or sooner, as I pleased.
The beginning of this year I pulled down the remainder of Gualter
BurnskUl's old building, and was at the charge of cellaring it, and built
it new, which took up most of my time this year and part of the next, and
cost me nigh £300. I continued this year with my nephew, William
Stout, and had much trouble in collecting his effects, and paying off bis
creditors, who were fifty-nine in number, he continuing all this time in
active and unconcerned for the trouble he had given me, but passed his
time in idleness, his famUy liring at my charge without any thought how
they should live if I turned them out : which I told him I must do if he
did not look out for a livelihood ; all which had no impression nor solid
thought. 1739. — The beginning of this year I told my nephew WiUiam Stout
and his wife that they must look out for a habitation somewhere, and
that I was not willing they should stay with me, seeing no hope of his
reforming or endeavours to betake himself to any business or any solid

134
thoughts about it ; upon which he took a little house in the Moor Lane
at the rent of £3. 16s., and at the same time I promised to give or aUow
them £40. a-year to live upon; and assigned him in rents £31. a-year
clear of all taxes or repairs, and that the other £90. I would pay £5. a
quarter; which accordingly I did. Aud on the 1st of the third month
this year I began to keep bouse myself with a servant, and took Mary
Hall, daughter of my niece Elizabeth Hall, into my house free, in order
to her improving herself in learning. What provision I had promised
my nephew William Stout, as is aforesaid, was thought by all his rela
tions and friends sufficient, and more by many who considered what I
had done for him and the waste he bad made of it, and the littie sense
of gratitude [which] appeared in him.
The most part of this year I was fully employed in getting the back
part or main house of Gualter BurnskUl's finished. There being many
new buildings erecting in the town this year, the masons and the wrights
were so fully employed that it prolonged the time in finishing it.
In the third month this year, I was more open in my body, and not
so costive as usual, which in a few days came to violent purging, for
about six hours, till my body was quite exhausted, and then was seized
with violent vomiting for six hours more, till my stomach and undigested
nourishment was exhausted, which caused me much pain of body, and
reduced me to great weakness. I laid for some time without getting any
rest, but after some time got a milk and drink posset digested, and some
time after got some roasted lamb digested; but after I had drunk some
warm malt drinks, I vomited all up again ; and in the evening got some
chicken, and the broth, which I vomited. I then got a milk posset and
some burnt brandy, which stayed with me, and that night I slept eight
hours, and after had a good appetite and good digestion, and mended
gradually, without making use of any other means. The occasion of this
illness I could not apprehend, being never so before, and having had my
health and a good appetite, and digestion of any sort of victuals that was
set before me, and would never give orders for what I would have pro
vided, or suffer my housekeeper to querie [inquire] what I liked, but was
content vrith simple and plain meat and drink, such as was the product
of our own country, without any sauce ; even potatoes without butter.
Upon the 33rd of the tenth month this year began the long and sharp
frost, which continued near two months. The first and second days of
next month the snow fell about five or six inches. It fell mildly, so as
not to drift no more in high land than in the plains, and soon froze to
the ice, so made the ice as commodious to travel upon as the firm land.
Bet'wixt Skerton Mill and Halton the river was passable for people,

135
horses, and carts, for many weeks. Both above and below the bridge it
froze two foot thick in the neap tides, and in the spring tides it threw it
all on heaps, two or three yards high, about the ships, and cut their
cables and surrounded them. When the tides fell, the river was frozen
in one day to bear a man. The severity of the frost kUled abundance
of fish, particularly eels, which were starved and taken up by horse
loads ; as also salmon. It killed the cockles and sand worms ; and the
seafowl which fed on them starved and ceased to be seen. Sheep
starved, the ground being covered with frozen snow a month together.
Many tradesmen [were] frozen out of their trades and employ, and
starved for want of fire ; coals and turf being at double prices, and
obliged to wait two days at the pits or [ere] their turn came to be
served. It continued sharp till the 30th of 11th month, and seemed to
thaw 16 hours, but immediately became sharper to the end of that
month. At London it did great damage among the ships, cutting their
moorings and driving them on heaps, bulging and sinking many. The
loss in that river was computed at £100,000. Many ships at sea had
their sails and rigging so froze that they could not work them, but
suffered them to drive on shore where many were lost, particularly coal
ships ; upon which coals at London came to about £3. a chaldron, and
many people bad starved, but that rich men who had stocks supplied
them, and some thousand pounds [were] distributed. It froze up the
mills, so that meal advanced a third part. About the 4tb of the 1 9th
month the sun had such influence as to melt the snow of the plain
ground, so as the sheep got some relief; but on the 11th the severity of
the frost returned, till the 18th and 19th, when we had some small
showers of rain on the day, but frost in the night ; but the thaw was so
moderate, and little rain, that the ice melted away without damage to
locks, wears, or bridges, or ships or boats. This frost was general all
over Europe. They made a common road over the sea between Den
mark and Sweden ; also in Germany, France, and Italy, and Holland,
their rivers were frozen, so as to make a great want of fuel and flour;
and it drove the wild beasts out of the mountains and deserts into the
open country, that had not been seen before. Most of the larks, black
birds, magpies, and other small birds, were driven into the hollow trees
or caves in the earth, where they perished, there being few to be seen
for some years after.
1740. — I continued to keep house with a servant as last year, and
Illy nephew William Stout dwelt as last year vrithout endeavouring to
get into any business, but hung upon some gentieman or other who
would treat him, and lived above my allowance. Gualter BurnskiU yet

136
wanting a warehouse and stable, I offered to buUd him what I thought
necessary with £50. ; but he was for building a large warehouse, which
I dissuaded him against, but I told him I would only contribute £50.
towards buUding it. And I was then determined to make a fence wall
to my field in the Moor Lane, where stones were to be got, and got him
500 cartioads of stones, and also got him all the roof timber, spars,
joists, and deals for flooring, and doors, and slate, all laid on the place,
which cost me £50. ; so that he had only the workmanship in building
to pay for, which was more than necessary to answer his occasions in his
present trade.
In this year appeared the effects of the great frost the last winter.
It appeared that much of the wheat sown was killed in the ground, and
it proved at most but half a crop ; and the coldness of the spring, and
late seeding, made a failure in oats and barley ; so that, in the summer,
corn of all sorts advanced, — wheat to 90s., barley to 19s., oats to 7s.,
beans to 16s. a windle [3301b.?] and feared a further advance, which
caused disturbance in many places, by the mob attempting to take corn
by force from such as bad stocks, or attempted to ship it off, or to carry
it to distant markets ; upon which many fair dealers were sufferers ; —
but the dearth was general, both in Great Britain, and France, and
Spain ; and great quantities [were] brought from our colonies in North
America, to supply our occasions. Also bay and straw was scarce, —
hay, 6d. a stone; wheat straw, lOd. ; oat straw, lOd. ; and barley, 5d.
a thrave [94 sheaves, or two shocks or stocks] : and a slow sale of cattle,
except for slaughter ; and many killed for fear of winterage, — so that
beef was l^d: and 9d. a pound. Also cheese advanced to 30s. a cwt. or
more, and butter to 6d a lb., and fuel scarce and dear, which grew hard
upon the poor, and caused the poor-tax to be doubled to at least £900.
a year in Lancaster, and in many places in the country more ; which,
with the land-tax being now advanced to 4s. in the pound, occasioned
by the war with Spain, very much affects tradesmen, and husbandmen,
and farmers, in the country. In this year died my niece Elizabeth Hall,
at her father's house at Boulton Holmes, about 40 years of age, after
many years being sore afflicted with an asthma. She left two children,
a son with Gualter Bumskill, and a daughter with me, both of whom I
am to provide for.
1741. — I continued to keep house this year with a servant and my
niece Mary Hall, with much more satisfaction than with my nephew,
who continued to dwell in the Moor Lane ; this being the third year,
and I continued to pay them £40. a year duly ; but am afraid they run
into debt where they can get credit, and be does not seek nor solicit for

137
any employ, nor does his behaviour recommend him to any person's
encouragement to solicit for him in any public employment. My
nephew, Thomas Cort, mtending to buUd a new house in the Pudding
Lane, for his encouragement I gave him £50. in money, and also gave
him stones, which we got in the Moor Lane, — cost me £4. ; and we got
stones there to build the wall from the Moor Gate to the bottom of the
field, which employed me all this year, and cost me, the getting stones
and waUing, at least £10., and by which I got the running brook into
the field, which before wanted water.
The king, upon the 34th of the second month this year, dissolved the
parliament, after they had granted him five millions of money this
session, to maintain the government and carry on the war against Spain,
and assist the Queen of Hungary, according to the pragmatic sanction,
in the enjoyment of the late emperor's hereditary dominions, and to her
husband being elected Emperor of Germany and King of Bohemia.
The next day, writs were made out for electing a new parliament ; and,
in the third month the elections were most over. That for Lancaster
was upon the 11th day, when Sir Thomas Lowther and Robert Fen
wick, Esq., were elected without opposition or much expense, only
treating the freemen to the expense of about £100. And upon the
S6th day, the knights of the county were elected ; the present Earl of
Derby's eldest son. Lord Strange (new), and Richard Sbuttleworth (the
old) [knights], were unanimously elected without much expense or
appearance of freeholders. But at Preston they had a great contest,
to the expense of at least £4,000. ; and also for the knights for the
county of Westmorland, where £3,000. was spent. But the greatest
contest was for knights of the county of York, where at least fifteen
thousand polled, betwixt Chumley [Cholmondeley] Turner, Esq., on the
court party, and George Fox on that called the country party, or dis
affected to the government. Turner polled eight thousand, and Fox
seven thousand and fifty, and lost the election. It was computed that
jt cost them each £15,000., and half of it in York city, and for such
freeholders who lived at distant parts of the county, or out of the county
and hundred, 30s. or 30s. for riding charges. Each party had gentle
men and noblemen that did contribute largely to support each other's
party interest and pay the charges.
The spring this year was backward, and cold and droughty, which
advanced the markets for corn and other provisions. Wheat was 94s. a
windle [3301b.?]; barley, 13s.; oats, 8s.; oatmeal, 16s.; beans, 18s. a
windle ; and potatoes, 1 Os. a load or windle ; also cheeses from 30s. to
35s. acwt,; butter, 7d,, and candles 7d. a pound. The cold has set

138
the grass so that the milk does not yield half the butter and cheese as
usual, nor near th© usual quantity of hay or straw, especially by grounds,
some not above a cartload on an acre. In the lltb and 13tb month,
hay was sold for 7d. a stone and 5s. a yard ; oat straw at 18s. a thrave,
and barley straw at 9d., and scarce to be got. Many horses die for want
of food, and cattle so weak, that the seeding was got in with much diffi
culty ; but the harvest proved good and early, and upon that corn came
down in price one- third, but cheese and butter kept [up]. At Michael
mas fair, not half the usual quantity of cheese, and sold from 35s. to
30s. a cwt. This deamess of all provisions for men and horses was a
great loss to innkeepers in the north, where a regiment of dragoons was
quartered ; one troop at this town, about 60 horses, which in hay was
nigh £30. a week lost to the innkeepers, and near as much lost weekly
for the men's meat and drink. There are also great complaints of the
sale of our woollen, linen, and iron manufactories ; and spinning [has]
fallen from 7d. to 5d.. Cotton wool will not sell, and linen yam very
slowly, so that poor labouring people are much straitened to live ; also
the wages of servants at Whitsuntide came down, many endeavouring
to live without servants who used to have [them]. But the harvest
coming early, and the crop good, com came down, — wheat to 30s. a
load ; barley, 6s. 6d. ; oats, 4s. ; oatmeal, 8s. ; and others in proportion ;
but hay and straw, butter and cheese, continued dear all the year. This
town has felt the effect of the war with Spain this year, having ships
lost; three taken and lost by avoiding being taken, all to the value of
£10,000. sterling; but much of it insured.
I have had my health very well hitherto, and continue to rise at the
sun-rising in spring and summer, and walk a mile out of the town, and
in the evening an hour or more in my garden ; and in the winter
evenings, if fair and clear, I choose to walk an hour or two in the
garden in the night, if it be frost and light moon, rather than sit by the
fire, or to walk an hour, and sit another ; and in the late great frost, I
kept walking much night and day, which got me a good appetite to my
victuals, and to rest in the night, and to go thin of clothes. It was the
middle of the tenth month this year, before I added anything to my
summer habit of clothes. My eye-sight [has] increased yearly for
seven years last past. Betwixt my age of fifty and seventy years, I
could not see to read or write without spectacles, but now I can write
tolerably well without them ; but yet when I read or write much I use
them, but do not carry them about with me.
1749.— In the beginning of the year 1743, I inspected the house
keeping of my nephew, William Stout, to whom I allowed £40. a year

139
for the three years last past, and paid them by £5. at a time, but found
he had expended at least £10. a year more, and had contracted several
debts, aU which I refused to pay, and expected they would have been
broke up ; but she got some money of her brother to pay part. I
thought then to have wholly forsaken them, finding [them] not sensible
of any gratitude or conformity to their circumstances, or looking out for
any business to get anything for their maintenance. They grudgingly
parted with their son WiUiam to his uncle Leonard, who voluntarily
offered to maintain him with victuals, clothes, and school-learning freely
at his own cost, and accordingly sent him to the free school at Boulton,
and apparelled him well, to the great satisfaction of big grandfather,
at whose earnest request I condescended to allow them £40. for another
year, but not in money, but 5s. weekly for market money, and a certain
sum a year for turf and coal, and for malt, meal, and wheat, and for
house rent, and £10. a year for apparel, &c., so that with great care
they have subsisted with £40. this year, and I do not hear that they
have got into debt this year ; being most people knew their allowance,
and that more -will not be allowed. Their daughter they send to the
school, but are too indulgent to ber, and would have her clothed above
their ability.
For the three years last past, I have kept house with my servant
Mary Bayley with good content ; and Mary Hall, my brother Leonard's
granddaughter, has been with us much of this time. I now perceived
that my servant was much inclined to marry, and that I must look out
for another servant, or give up housekeeping, which I was not willing to
do, and Mary Hall being now nigh twenty years of age, and having
knowledge of my way of liring, and having no parents living, I resolved
to be served by ber, and to get a woman each week or two to wash,
brew, and clean the bouse, as there was occasion ; on which my niece
aforesaid undertook the housekeeping upon trial, and which she per
formed more to my satisfaction than I could have expected.
This year came in with storms, frost, and snow for two months, in so
much that it was feared the seeding could not be made, fodder being
scarce and dear, and cattle weak ; but in the first month it was a fine
dry season, with some frost, and the seeding [was] performed much
better than could have been expected. The markets for corn were
moderate, and although a back spring for grass, yet [there was] an
advance of cattle in the markets. It is supposed that the hardness of
the two last winters had destroyed at least half of the sheep ; yet they
and wool continued very low, the season being fair. There was a great
deal of turf dug up and coals got at 9s.

140
In the winter past I had my health very well, and exercised myself
in walking in the garden in clear and moonshine nights, and walking
on the house floor according to what I had been accustomed, and also in
reading, having given over buUding, and all business of buying and
selling. And about the middle of the first month I began to take my
morning walks as I had done for forty years past, at the sun rising, a
mile or more out of the town every day in the week, several days ; and
the summer was so fair and dry that I was not hindered one morning in
several weeks, nor in my garden in the evening ; and in the daytime I
employed myself in reading over the whole Bible and Echard's History
of England, and Fox's Acts and Monuments.
In the fourth month this year, Mary Baylif, aged thirty-one years,
and not very healthy, had lived with me three years, was married at our
meeting-house in Lancaster, to John Marsden, a nailer, aged twenty-
three years. He had been a journeyman three years, but had not made
any improvement, but she had above £5. which he wanted, as her friends
cautioned [her], with which he begun the trade in Lancaster. My
brother Leonard Stout and his wife, and Mary their daughter, now
dwell upon the estate at Boulton [Bolton] Holmes, where we were bom,
which is above £30. a year, the whole profits whereof I give them for
their maintenance, which they have enjoyed ever since our brother
Josiah's death, which he charged with legacies near the whole value it is
worth; which I paid to my brother Leonard's children in [the] first
year. The spring being very backward, cold, and droughty, there was httle
grass in June, and little hay expected tUl the 90th day, when there was
plenty of rain, which brought plenty of grass and forwarded corn, so
that. cattle sold at great prices, and wool advanced, and gave great
encouragement to trade and husbandry.
There has been great contest in the parliament, to appease which the
king has discharged Robert Walpole, and most of the principal ministers
of state, and has promoted most of their principal opposers into their
places ; which somewhat silences the disaffected, who seemed confident
that if they were displaced there would be plenty of persons to accuse
and detect them ; and in order to it, voted for a secret committee to
make search; and a committee of twenty-one of the members most
opposite was appointed, who sat upon it above a month, but did not
discover any frauds, which vexed them, and they said such as could
discover would not, fearing they might be also prosecuted as parties ; so
moved for an act to indemnify any who would inform from any prose
cution ; and a bUl was passed in the house of commons to that purpose.

141
But when it came before the lords, they rejected it, which highly vexed
the dissatisfied party, but greatly to the satisfaction of the king, his
court, and all his sober and loyal subjects ; aud sUencing the factious ;
and upon this the parhament proceeded in their business very quietly,
in granting the king aU necessary supplies to the sum of £5,000,000, of
money sterling, and it is a great mercy to this nation that this vexatious
party are overcome ; otherwise it is as much feared there would have
been some insurrection, and calling in some foreign enemies upon us.
All the rest of this summer proved fair, and much more hay than
expected was got, and a good and plentiful harvest, and com cheap, as
also butter and cheese, and other provisions. My health continued
good, and I exercised myself much in walking ; — ten miles one day round
Oloughey, another day over Halton Moor to Sidgarth, and from thence
to Overkellet, to view an estate I had in trust, and from thence home
through Boulton.
There is imported here this year nigh 800 tons of flax and 1,000
bags of cotton. Wool sold at SJd. a pound, flax at 40s. a cwt. and
under ; and some thousand loads of bracken [fern] ashes went through
this town this year. South Sea Stock, 110; Bank, 144; East India,
170. Wheat in the south, 8s. our windle [?9901b.], and great plenty
in all Europe, so that there [was] no exportation, which is a great dis
couragement to the farmers ; but cattle of all sorts, and wool at great
prices. In the eighth month, this year, we had a great sea flood in the night
[which] did great damage ; — great numbers of cattle and sheep [were]
drowned, fences beaten down, and land flooded, and wheat, rape, &c.,
drowned ; and in the same month a great land flood ran over the banks
of the river, and beat down the fences ; but corn was happUy got in, or
the damage would have been much greater. This sea flood was the
greatest we had had in twenty years, and the land flood in twelve years,
yet in the main the latter part of the year was moderate. I had my
health, and did not add to my summer habit tUl the eighth day of the
tenth month, when the frost became so sharp that the river below the
bridge was frozen so hard as to bear the people for many days.
The parliament, this month, and the leading men in London, Bristol,
York, Edinburgh, and most of the great cities and towns, had advised
their representatives not to vote for any supply tUl the late ministers
were convicted and punished for their frauds and mal-administration ;
but when it came to a vote in the house, there was for them 950 votes,
against, 150 ; to the great confusion of the disaffected, who say that
their advocates have cheated them ; and now when they are in power
axjt worse than them who are now out of power.

142
Upon the nineteenth day of the seventh month, this year. James
Dixon, the son of Bryan Dixon, of Whittington, aged about twenty-four
years, was married to Mary Stout, the youngest daughter of my brother,
Leonard Stout, aged about twenty-six years, by O'Neale, the priest at
Boulton, with both their parents' consent. He served an apprentice
ship to Thomas Butterfield, of Lancaster, to the employ of an apothe
cary ; and when loose he went to London, and there remained one or
two years in some hospitals, to improve himself in his trade and in
surgery, and begun his employ in Lancaster about a year ago, and was
diligent in the same, and not to frequent unnecessary company or diver
sion, and had gained reputation in his occupation, which encouraged me
to respect, and to contribute to their [maintenance] equally to what I
have done, or intend to do, to all the other daughters of my said brother
Leonard, who were before married.
1743. — In the winter this year we bad much rain and high winds,
and some snow. Many ships [were] lost ; several of this town. The
ground very wet, and scarcely fit to plough or to travel, but I bad my
health, and diverted myself with walking when fair. I bad some in
tention of doing some building to the house at Boulton Holmes, where
I was bom, the next summer, and had got some stone, timber, and slate
to the place, and thought to remove to dwell there ; my niece, Mary
Hall, being very tender, and not in health to provide in the house,
especially in the morning, I rising usually at sun-rising, and she not to
eight o'clock in summer.
In the first month, 1743-3, I began to rise as soon as light, and walk
an hour or two in the fields before breakfast ; and the fifteenth day of
that month I went out at five and came in at seven, and after breakfast
resolved to go to my brother Leonard's, who was out of health at Boul
ton Holmes, the place where we were born. I left my house at eight
o'clock and walked over Lancaster Bridge, at the end of which some
carpenters of my acquaintance were fitting out a ship intended for
Jamaica, ¦with whom I talked about two minutes upon the shore, out of
the highway, and then turned to the way to go forward, and seeing a
boy on horseback coming towards me at fuU speed, I stepped to a side,
out of his way, as I thought, but the horse came right upon me on his
blind side full speed. He did drive me down with great violence, and
fell upon me and struck the breath out of my body, and crushed my
right leg and thigh, so that the people who stood by thought I was slain,
and laid me by as such, and gave notice to my neighbours and friends
of the same, who came down and found me supposed dead, [but] got me
into a chair and carried me all the way, spectators thinking I was dead.
The horse and boy were Dr. Brackin's, who often run away with the

143
rider, and both were much hurt with the fall. I happened to be on the
blind side of the horse, [which] occasioned the misfortune. As soon as
I was got home I was got to bed, and James Dixon, the surgeon, who
had lately married my brother Leonard's- youngest daughter, searched
my person, and found that aU my right side was sore crushed, and my
right leg broken a littie below the knee ; and Dr. Brackin, hearing of
my misfortune, came soon down, and James Dickson and he examined
and set and wrapped it, and applied what was necessary ; and my brother
Leonard sent bis son Leonard and a servant to take care of my house,
and to provide what was necessary ; being I laid altogether insensible
of my condition for one week or more, and took little food to revive me.
During the first week my nephew Leonard Stout was careful about me,
took the keys of my desk and drawers, and overlooked my attendants
that nothing should be wasted ; being at such times too many take
opportunities to make waste. After I had continued about a week
insensible, I came to some understanding, aud when people came to see
me and queried bow I did, I told them I was confined to bed, but did
not understand for what ; when some young men of my acquaintance,
who were at the place when and where I got this great misfortune, told
me the circumstances, and thought that I was quite dead. And then I
began to be sensible, to give direction what food I desired to have, which
was all the simple product of our own country, as flesh, fish, butter,
cheese, milk, &c. ; all without sugar or seasoning, except salt. I con
tinued all this month in a very weak condition, not able to get out or
into bed, or to take any nourishment without help, or put off or on any
clothes ; got little rest, one or more to sit by me all night this and next
month, and endured much pain with patience, which was a cold season,
with some frost and snow, and hindered the feeding. In the third
month I found myself more easy in my leg, but my knee much bruised
and swelled, as also my thigh ; but the other leg was easy, so that I
could hop from the bed to the fire with the assistance of a chair back,
or a stool, which much revived me, more than any of my relations or
neighbours expected who first saw my distressed condition.
My brother Leonard and bis wife [were] much out of health, and
could not give me any assistance. I continued them upon my estate at
Boulton, worth £35. a year, freely, without paying me any rent for it.
Also my nephew, William Stout, has the last year subsisted himself and
wife and daughter with the £40. I allow them, but with the limitations
I confined them to, clothes, fuel, malt, and meal, and other things ; and
I continued the same for the year now commencing, but he does not
behave himself in any respect to recommend himself in any employ.

144
At the time of my getting this misfortune, I was just entering into
the 79th year of my age, and in the fourth month, this year, I found I
got some strength in my broken leg so as to point the ground, and I got
two crutches, and got into the garden, which was grown over with weeds.
I got a stool and sat upon it, and removed it from one place to another,
where I could pluck up the weeds, and continued there some hours in
fair weather, which was great refreshment, but I never attempted to go
out into the street upon crutches, nor did I use them above two weeks,
and then I got a staff, upon which I could walk into the street and
market. And about the end of this month I got to our meeting-house,
to the surprise of many, and began to rest well in the nights, and bad a
good appetite to my victuals, and never took any physic since I got this
misfortune, but found disorders in my body. In the fifth month, this
year, my body much in the order as last month ; I can walk in the house,
garden, and streets, where the way is plain or level, but down hiU is
most uneasy — much more than up the hUl ; but I cannot walk with
ease in the fields or upon the moor as I used to do. I have not much
pain in my leg, but am very weak in all parts of that side of my body,
and particularly in my head, which hinders me in getting sleep, and
many nights [I] get very little. I go to bed at nine in the evening, and
get up at four in the morning. I have a good appetite for my victuals,
but drink very little. I dare not yet get on horseback, for fear of dis
ordering my body, although my occasions want my presence in sundry
distant places, upon trusts reposed in me. In the seventh month
[September] this [year] I find myself weU restored in my limbs, but my
inward braises affect me much in my head and entraUs, which has much
weakened my constitution, and brings old age upon [me] very much, vrith
dizziness in my head, frequent violent purgings, indigestion of meat,
and [loss of] rest in the night. In the eighth month the days
short, and wet, and cold. I feared a relapse, but found that my health
was rather better and strengthened, so that upon an urgent occasion I
got on horseback, and rode about nine miles to and fro, and part in the
night, vrithout much pain or disorder, as formerly, and performed the
business I went about to the good satisfaction of the persons principally
concerned. And as I found so good satisfaction in it, a few days after I
adventured to take a foot walk of seven miles to and fro, which I per
formed with much ease, and more than with riding as aforesaid, which
was usual to me in the prime of my age and health.
My brother Leonard now being much out of health, and incapable to
manage husbandry, was disposed to quit the estate where we were bom,
upon which I permitted him to let it to farm to whom he pleased, for a

145
good tenant, and he and his wife to have the rent of it during their joint
lives. The ancient estate, worth about £30. a year, descended to me as
heir to my brother Josias, charged by his will with £373., payable to his
nephews and nieces, which was paid in the year that he died, except
£80. to be paid to WiUiam and Mary HaU, when they should attain to
the age of twenty-one years, which now happening, they being twins, I
paid to them ; which estate, with other lands, I bought. My brother
now let to sundry persons for a yearly rent of about £33., and reserved
the house, garden, orchard, stable, and turf, for their own habitation,
and the rent of the whole for their maintenance. At the same time he
made a public sale of all bis quick goods [i.e. live stock] and cattle,
about £50. worth.

Concluding Note bv the Editor.
Here ceases the MS. of the worthy and aged Quaker. Born in March,
1665, his last entries in this autobiographical MS. must have been
written when he was in his 79th year. We are indebted to the courtesy
of a resident of Lancaster for the following particulars, which form a
sort of pendant to the autobiography. Our correspondent states that,
on examining the registers of deaths belonging to the Society of Friends,
and the monthly minutes of Lancaster, he finds that William Stout,
senior, died 15th of 1st month [January], 1753, and was interred in the
Friends' Burial Ground, at Lancaster, the 19th of 1st month, 1753.
This was the first month in which the Friends cbanged their style of
counting the months. In October, 1751, a committee was appointed at
their yearly meeting, to consider the subject, which recommended that
" the 1st day of the 11th month (commonly called January) next, should
be reckoned and deemed by Friends the 1st day of the 1st month of the
year 1753." His age is not mentioned in this obituary record, but from
his autobiography we learn that he was born " in the 1st month [March]
between the years 1664 and 1665," and therefore be must have been 87
years of age at the time of his decease. He would seem to have
recovered from his injuries, for he lived nine years after the accident
recorded in bis last year's autobiographical entries. We presume that
growing age led him to discontinue these entries ; and we find that at
some period after 1743 he left Lancaster, and went to reside at Hatlex,
where he died.

INDEX.

Anne, Queen, ascends the throne in 1702,
61; dies in 1714, 88; her character as
a governor, 88.
Baptism, &c., his opinions on, 4, 17.
Barker Margaret, his aunt, her legacy, 1 0 ;
Bushall Seth, D.D., Yioar of Lancaster,
12.
Britannia, ship, from Liverpool to Phila
delphia, 140 passengers, more than
half die at sea, 54.
Bumskill Walter, marries Margaret Stout,
125; goes factor to Barbadoes, 127;
returns, 128 ; takes Eliz. Hall's son
William apprentice, 129.
Bolton-le-Sands and neighbourhood, 2.
Bryer John, of Kellet, 20.
Benison Thomas, attorney, Lancaster,
dies, 103.
Borrow Benjamin, notice of him, 29, 30.
Baynes Ralph and his wife, notice of, 51.
Baynes John, apprenticed to William
Stout in 1707, 75; goes to Sunderland,
becomes a shipbuilder, and gives his
name to Baynes-street, 89.
Birket James and Elizabeth, 78.
Booth John, 83.
Bkth of Prince William, second son of
George I., 98.
Church Catechism, the, 4.
Chippmdale William, his fellow-appren
tice, 12; dies, 13.
Charles II. refuses to settle succession,
14 ; much in debt, and Exchequer
closed, 14; raises money by renewing
charters of cities aud boroughs, 14;
dies, 14; his brother, Duke of ¦fork,
a "profound Papist," succeeds, as
James II., 14.
Commerce, changes in, the result of the
war with France, 25.
Conspiracy discovered, 101 ; some hanged,
and Bishop of Rochester banished, 102
Calicoes and other East India fabrics
prohibited being worn, 102.
Cotton, 1,000 bags imported into Lan
caster, in 1742, 141.
Cheese sent by land to London, and
groceries brought back by waggon, 25 ;
great Lancashire fairs for, in 1691-2,
Preston and Garstang, 85 ; much cheese

sold for country funerals, 35 ; prices in
1740, 136; ditto in 1741, 137, 138.
Caroline, Queen, dies, 131.
Charters Francis, a candidate for Lan
caster in 1727, HI.
Coward Henry, grocer and ironmonger,
Lancaster, takes William Stout ap
prentice, 8; his age, family, business,
credit, religion, &o., 8; buys and re
builds his house and shop, 9; his wife,
9; his household, 14; the Society of
Friends take from him the trust of
their agent for prisoners, and confer it
on William Stout, 44 ; Coward dies in
1698, 47; his character, 47 ; his widow,
48; threatens to sue Stout, 52; Stout
buys Coward's house, 62; Coward's
other real estate, &c., 52; the widow
dies in 1706, 74; Coward's mother
dies in 1709, 79; winding up of the
affairs, 107.
Carlisle John, executed for horse-stealing,
107.
Coward William, tailor, 83.
Coals in 1746, 14s. a ton, 107; got in
1742 at 9s.
Carter Robert, 30.
Cornish WiUiam, Collector of Customs,
37.
Casson Henry, innkeeper, chandler, and
Town Sergeant, 72.
Croft Thomas, ex-Mayor, fails and dies,
104.
Dragoons quartered on the publicans of
Lancaster, 93; ditto, 100 horses, in
1729,115.
Employment the, vessel of 80 tons,
makes a losing voyage to Virginia, 54 ;
sent to Barbadoes, 54 ; makes a second
voyage to Barbadoes ua 1700 — 1701,
56; next to Bergen, and afterwards to
Barbadoes, 60 ; captured by a French
ship, ransomed, and wrecked near Ros
sall, 62.
Excise, popular feeling against it, 122;
parliamentary vote in its favour, 122;
nevertheless not carried out, and Sir
Robert Walpole burned in effigy, 122.
Elections, parliamentary, Lancaster,
1690-91, 30; Lancaster, in 1722, 100;

148

Lancaster, in 1727, HI ; Lancaster, in
1734, 125 ; in 1734, for Liverpool,
Yorkshire, &c., 126; in 1741, for Lan
caster and the county, Preston, York
shire, &e., 137.
Fenton James, D.D., Ticar of Lancaster,
12, 87.
Fenton James, his son and successor,
prosecutes quakers for tithe, 93.
French send forces to Ireland in 1689,
24 ; they land at Bantry Bay, and are
defeated, 24.
French war in 1689, 24, 25.
French privateers injure British com
merce, 25.
Funeral customs in Lancashire, cheese,
Naples biscuits, &e., 35.
Foster John, draper and mercer, 35, 36.
Fire, the great, in Lancaster, in 1698, 47.
Flood in Lancaster, in 1701, by a liigh
tide in the Lune, 60 ; the great flood
of 1720, 96; flood in 1742, 141.
Fleet British, at death of William III.,
61.
Fox Thomas, Preston, Lancaster and
Kendal carrier, 116.
Frederick Prince of Wales married, in
1736, to Princess Augusta of Saxe
Gotha, 128.
Friends, Society of, — many emigrate with
William Penn to Pennsylvania, in
1681,10; persecution in England in
last four years of Charles II., 11; laws
against them, and their sufferings, 1 1 ;
in Lancaster the Mayor closes the
meeting-house, 11; they meet in the
lane and at Henry Coward's house,
1 1 ; distraints on their goods in Lons
dale, 11; many committed to Lan
caster Castle, and supplied with
necessaries by Hemy Coward, at the
charge of the county quarterly meet
ing, 12 ; their treatment by three
successive ^Vicars of Lancaster, 12 ;
Yearly Meeting in London, 1690, 28;
ditto in 1695, and George Keith, 41,
42 ; Friends take their Lancaster
agency for prisoners from Henry
Coward, and give it to William Stout,
44; then twenty prisoners for non
payment of tithes, refusing to take
oaths, &c., 44 ; act for the solemn
affirmation of quakers, instead of oath,
in all courts, 44 and note ; Yearly
Meeting of 1698, 49; ditto of 1704,
69; ditto of 1713, and discussion on
renewal of Quakers' Afiirmation Act,
87; act renewed in 1st Geo. I., 90;
passed House or Lords by 62 against
14, 101; general meeting of Friends

at Chester in 1723, 102; public ex
hortation at Lancaster, on death of
Ellen Stout, 105; general meeting for
four northern counties at Lancaster,
in 1726, 109; in 1730, great meeting
for nortli, held at Lancaster, 116; in
1736, general meeting at Whitehaven,
128.
Friends' change of style as to months
(see also Introduction), 145.
Garforth, Rev. W., Vicar of Lancaster,
12.
Greenwood John, Mayor of Lancaster, 23 ;
mace carried before him to the Pres
byterian chapel. 23.
Gerrard, the Lord Brandon, 30 ; becomes
Earl of Macclesfield, 31.
Gerrard Fitton, his brother, elected a
Knight of the Shire, 31 ; aids in getting
a new charter for Lancaster, 31.
Greenwood Augustin, merchant and
wholesale grocer, and importer of
tobacco, 34 ; falls down dead in Market-
street, Lancaster, in 1701, 56; his
widow, his family, and affairs, 57 —
60; Benjamin Greenwood marries a
daughter of Alderman Martin's, of
London, 59 ; John Greenwood becomes
British Consul at Leghorn, 60 ; Augua-
tin's widow dies. 111.
Godsalve William, draper and grocer, 76,
77, 84.
Gunson William, 78.
Gibraltar, Siege of, 109.
Gibson Robert, Recorder of Lancaster,
dies, 119.
Godfathers' charge and responsibility, 4.
Groceries, prices of, 13.
Greene Richard, his death, 63.
Greene Bethia, attracts Stout, 64; he
gives her up, 64 ; she marries Joseph
Wilkinson, and dies, 82.
Greene Thomas, death of, &c., 68.
Green Jos., 82.
Goad John, apprenticed to William Stout,
89 ; commences business in Laucaster,
99.
George I. arrives iu England, 89 ; is
crowned, 90 ; at Hanover most of the
summer of 1725, and intercedes for
Protestants in Germany and Poland,
107; his stormy voyage from Holland
to Rye, 107; dies at Osnaburg in 1727,
and is succeeded by his son, the Prince
of Wales (George ILX 110.
George II. succeeds to the throne, 110;
dismisses Sir Robert Walpole, &c., 140.
Hatlex estate bought by William's father,
5 ; his brother Leonard builds a house
there (note), 5; au old piece of furni-

149

ture there, (ditto); now residence of
Mrs. AUee Hall, (ditto); much im
proved in 1687, by buildings, &o., 19;
William Stout Uves there last years of
his life, 145.
Heysam Robert, M.P. for Lancaster,
dies, 102.
Heysam William, M.P. for Lancaster,
dies, 109.
Hodgson John, merchant, Lancaster, 67,
68.
Hall Thomas, dies, 121; his family and
affairs, 121; his widow dies, 136.
Harris Christopher, of Cartmel, drowned
in crossing the Sands, 20.
Horsfall Henry, detected counterfeiting
stamped paper, 53; wrongly accuses
his cousin John of participation, 53.
Iron got from the bloomeries in Cartmel
and Furness, 26 ; Swedish, from York
or Leeds, by land, 26 ; generally bought
at Leeds or Settle ; but a good quantity
of Lancashire iron, made at Cartmel
and Furness, sold in Lancaster, 80;
all made in the bloomery way, the
fm^ace for bar iron not being then
erected, 80; much pig-iron sent from
Lancashire to Bristol and Wales, to
be made into bars and rods, 81; in
171 7, war with Sweden, causes Swedish
iron to rise in England, from £16. to
£24. a ton, and leads to the erection
of furnaces and the making of rod and
bar iron, 94; in 1725, iron £20. a ton
and upwards, and the trade flourishes,
107; iron manufacture good in 1733,
123.
Imports into Lancaster in 1742, 800 tons
of flax, and 1,000 bags of cotton.
James II. succeeds Charles II. in 1684,
14; Parliament grant him revenues
in excise and customs, 16; enabled
him to raise a standing army, and
defeat the Duke of Monmouth, 16;
but the army proved his own over
throw, IS; dies in France, in 1701, 60.
Johnson John and his family, notice of,
.^8 ; John Johnson, his son, a Presby
terian minister iu Lincolnshire, then
tutor or chaplain to the Lord St. John's
family, becomes an episcopal clergy
man, chaplain to a regiment, and
library-keeper to the Archbishop of
Canterbury, 40.
Jeffreys Judge, his cruelties, 16.
Jepson Robert, of Skerton, and Jane his
wife, 123.
Lawton Andrew, smith, of Skerton, 85.
Lawson John, at Cockerham, 12.
Land carriage resorted to in 1689, as the

sea was perilous from French priva
teers, 25.
Lancaster Corporation have a contest
with Liverpool about passage-toll, 27.
Lancaster, curious election contests in
1690-91, 30; "twopenny freemen,"
30; free guilds or companies, 31 ; great
fire in 1698, 47; Parliamentary elec
tion for 1722, 100; election in 1727,
HI; election in 1734, 125 ; election in
1741, 137.
Liverpool increases in shipping, buildings,
and merchants, during all the wars of
William III., 35.
Land and rents rise in value, 1723, 102;
ditto, in 1727, 110.
Land tax at Lancaster iu 1696, 4s. in
the pound, exceeding £120., 43; paid
mostly in debased coin, loss on which
made up by imposing, for many years,
a window tax, 43; land tax in 1740,
4s. in the pound, 136.
Land carriage in 1702, from London to
Lancaster, 5s 6d. per cwt., 61.
Louis XIV., death of, 90.
Lawson Robert, of Sunderland, fails, 114;
Lune so low, that persons walked round
the bridge piers dryshod, 120.
London Charitable Corporation, for lend
ing money on pledges, 121; a Parlia
mentary Committee of Inquiry found
four members of Parliament guilty of
fraud, and they were expelled the
House ; others prosecuted ; but the
money had gone to the Pretender at
Rome, 123.
Manufactures, of silk, linen, paper, canvas,
&c ,in England.arose from tiiewar with
France, in 1689, 25; copperas works
erected at Liverpool, and alum works
in Yorkshire, in place of importing, 26;
manufactures of linen and spinning at
good prices in 1723, 104; in 1725,
linen and cotton goods in good de
mand, and good wages for spinning,
107; in beginning of 1725, cotton ad
vanced from lOd. to nearly 2s. Id. per
lb., 107; in 1728, linen manufacturing
low, and spinning one-third less than
1727, 113; in 1730, linen, woollen,
and iron goods sell well, but flax,
wool, and iron, cheap, 117; spinning
(wages) advanced one-fourth, 117; in
1733, woollen, linen, and iron manu
factures good, and great wages for
spinning and other labouring people,
123; bad sale in 1741 for woollen and
linen goods, and wages of spinning fell
from 7d. to Sd., 1 38.
Marsh, the great; its boundaries, &c., 2;

150

washed away by th^ sea in 1677, 5;
still further destroyed by river Kear,
6; and rose on the opposite side of
Moreeambe Bay, 6; all to the west
and north washed away, 1 9 ; the river
Kent drawn in, and many cattle
drovmed, 19.
Merrick Abraham, 12.
Militia, out a week or ten days every
summer, 13.
Middleton Christopher and his family, 50 ;
Mayor Robert, joiner and cooper, &c.,
74.
Marshall John, rolls and cuts tobacco for
William Stout, and assists in the shop,
for 6d. a day, 81.
Medcalf Alderman Thomas, 85 ; his
affairs, 103, 108.
Mortality, particularly Irom small pox,
in 1721, 98.
Mattison, of Dent, pretends to be rob
bed, 106.
Macclesfield, Earl of, promotes a new
charter for Lancaster, 31.
Money, silver, clipped and counterfeit,
especially that coined before the Resto
ration, 28; debased, "ring money,"
"milled" and "hammered" money,
in 1693, 36; most payments made in
guineas, 37 ; the old silver money
much diminished by clipping, &c., 38;
guineas advance in value in Lancaster
to 22s. or 23s. in 1695, 41; in London
to 28s. or 30s., 41; in 1695, "short
money " in circulation, 42 ; all the old
money called in at full value, and re
coined at mints erected at York,
Norwich, Exeter, Bristol, and Chester,
42 ; afterwards old money or plate
taken at 6s. 8d. per ounce, to be
coined, and paid for in new money,
up to 4th May, 1697, 43 ; loss to
revenue by debased money, made up
by a window tax, lasting many years,
43; in 1696, as the new money ap
peared, the old milled money of Charles
II. and James II. re-appeared in great
abundance, showing extensive hoard
ing, 43, 44; as the new money in
creased, guineas declined in value, 44 ;
the King of France thinks it vain to
contend with a nation, which iu war
time can restore the value of their
coinage, and so makes peace, 44 ;
guineas fall to 22s., 44; in 1717, pass
for 21s. 6d., but are required to be
taken for 2 Is., so as to mal^e silver
more plentiful, 94.
Persecution of Dissenters in 1684, 14.
Powell John, hatter, a litigious man, 30.

Prices, of groceries, &c., 13; of prodtice
at Barbadoes, 62 ; of grain, &c., in
1728, 113; in 1729, 115; ditto, 116;
of beef, in 1732, 121 ; of provisions in
1733, 123; of provisions in 1734, 126;
of beef and pork in 1736, 127; in 1740,
of corn, hay, straw, cheese, and butter,
136; in spring of 1741, of com, pota
toes, cheese, butter, and candles, 137;
of hay and straw, ] 38 ; of cheese, 1 38 ;
of spinning, 138; of corn, &e., after
harvest, 138; of v/ool and flax, and
wheat, in 1742, 141 ; of stocks in 1742,
141.
Penny Alderman William, dies, 92; his
benefactions to the poor, and hospital
in Back lane, 92.
Plague or Pestilence in France in 1 72 1 ,
99 • consequent quarantine in Eng
land, 99.
Peter the Great, Czar of Muscovy, 101 ;
dies, 106; his Empress dies, 110.
Piracy, 102.
Papists' Estates, tax on, 103.
Protestants in Germany, 104, 107.
Parliament dissolved on accession of
George II., 111.
Penn M'illiam, his grant of land (Penn
sylvania) from Charles II., 10 ; his
proposals for planting and peopling it,
10; goes thither with many Friends,
in 1681, 10; plans and begins to build
Philadelphia, 11 ; its rapid increase,
H ; in 1699, two miles square, and
1,000 houses, and Pennsylvania well
inhabited, 56.
Poor in Lancaster increased so much in
1729, that a house first hired for their
reception, 118; poor-tax doubled in
Lancaster, in 1740, amounting to
£200., 136.
Revolution of 1688, 22—24.
Resin, on the war with France, brought
from New England, 25.
Rigby Charles, a celebrated Lancaster
lawyer, 31 ; his death in 1721, 98.
Robinson John, parish apprentice to
William Stout, 75.
Rebellion of 1716, 90 ; 400 prisoners
brought to Lancaster Castle, 93 ; a
regiment of dragoons quartered in
Lancaster to guard them, 93; sale of
estates, forfeited by rebellion, in 1 723,
102.
Salt, first got in Cheshire during the war
with France, in 1689, 25; in 1730,
duty repealed, 118.
Spirits of various kinds distilled, in lieu
of French brandy, 25.
Sugar, little used in 1708-10, 81; half

151

the import re-exported to the Conti
nent, 81.
South Sea Scheme, 1 720, 95 ; Lord Lons
dale lost most of his estate, 96; Geo.
I. came over express from Hanover,
a ParUamentary inquiry was instituted,
and some fined, 96 ; Parliamentary
Secret Committee in 1721, 98.
St. Petersburgh built, 100.
Satterthwait Samuel, dies, 101.
Small pox and measles prevalent in 1 725,
in Lancashire, 107.
Southwark Thomas, of High Field, Lan
caster, dies, 1 1 4.
Seasons and Crops. — Winter of 1682, 12;
long and sharp frost of 1683, 13. Be
ginning of 1719, foggy and wet, and
high mortality, 95 ; the summer
droughty, in the south oats as dear as
wheat, 4s. 6d. a bushel, 96. After open
and warm weather in 1720, followed
much snow and frost, the ground
covered a month, causing great mor
tality and sickness,- 98. Summer of
1723 droughty, and fodder scarce ;
com good, and low, 104. Summer of
¦ 1 725 wet and cold, little turf, and
coals 14s. a ton; late but fair harvest,
a^A potatoes plenty and cheap, 107.
In 1 727, a good com harvest in Lan
cashire, but in the south and east,
scarce and dear, 113; potatoes cheap,
irom 2s. 6d. to 3s. a load, 113. In
1728, wet spring, late seeding, cold
summer, 113; a great blast in summer,
which scorched the com, 113; a sickly
summer, and great mortality in rural
districts, 113; all grain dear, and po
tatoes double price of last year, 113;
oatmeal so bad, that wheat bread is
most used, 113; in 1729, harvest early
and good, 116; latter part of the year
excessively wet, 116; in 1730, great
crop of com, and prices reduced, and
all provisions plenty and cheap, 117;
1731, extremely droughty, stopping
sale for cattle, 120; com good and
cheap, as are all provisions, 120; in
1 732, corn cheap, all provisions plenti
ful, and trade good, 121 ; droughty, so
that many cattle were killed, and beef
l^d. to 2d. a lb., 121; in 1733, all
provisions plenty and cheap, but low
prices for cattle ruin the farmers, 123;
large exports of corn, trade good, and
manufacturing and iron trado#ourish-
ing, 123; in 1734, peace and plenty,
corn very low, cattle cheap, and large
exports of corn, 126; in 1735, peace,
and plenty of com aud all provisions.

127; in 1739-40, the long frost, which
was general over Europe, 134 ; its
effects felt in 1 740, much of the wheat
killed in the ground, and a failure in
oats and barley, 136; provisions scarce,
and corn riots, 136; spring of 1741
backward, cold, and droughty, and
provisions and fodder dear, 1 37 ; early
harvest and good crop, reduce prices,
138; 1742 came in with storms, frost,
and snow, followed by a dry season,
139; markets for corn moderate, sheep
and wool low, 139; in the winter of
1742-3, much rain, high wind, and
snow; the ground wet, and scarcely
fit to plough, 142.
Stout William's Father, his first wife, 1 ;
rebuilds the old house at Boulton
Holmes, 1 ; marries his second wife, 1 ;
his estate, 1; his children, 1, 2; buys
and resells land in Slyne, 6 ; buys
land and houses in Hatlex, 6 ; makes
his will, 7 ; treats with William Coward,
of Lancaster, to take William appren
tice, 7; his dying exhortations, 7;
death, 8; character, 8.
Stout William's Mother, her marriage, 1:
in widowhood continues farming, 9;
grief at deaths of her two youngest
children, 10 ; able management and
industry at Hatlex, 19 ; buys land
there, and apportions amongst her
children, 32; keeps Josias's house, 32;
and becomes incapable of managing a
house, in 1700, lives alternately with
Josias at Leonard's, and her son Wil
liam at Lancaster, 56 ; returns to keep
house for Josias, 56 ; a year after his
marriage, and when she is 77 (about
1709), she leaves Josias, and lives
with William till her death, 79; dies
in 1716, 91 ; her character, 92.
Stout William, bom 1 665, 1 ; his paren
tage, brothers, and sisters, 1 ; sent to
school at Hartsop (?), 6 ; has tertian
ague, 6; his progress in schooling, 6;
left-handed, 6 ; goes to Lancaster
school, 8 ; apprenticed to William
Coward, grocer and ironmonger, Lan
caster, 8; attends a shop iu Boulton
two days weekly, 12; avoids the fire,
and inures himself to cold, 13; in
1686, is converted to the belief of the
Society of Friends, by the preaching
of William King, a Craven farmer, ] 5 ;
his reflections and resolutions thereon,
16; is sent by his master to the Isle of
Man, in 1687, 18; his trip thither, 18;
his observations on the island, 18; his
exposure on the retum voyage, 18;

152

his trade adventure there, 19. His
apprenticeship expires, and he takes a
shop, 20 ; sells land and borrows money
to stock it, 20; goes to London iu
1688, with £120. to buy stock, 21;
buys groceries in London, and hard
ware at Sheffield, 21 ; partitions a
sleeping room off the shop, and boards
with Alderman Barnes at £6. yearly;
victuals and washing, 2 1 ; refuses to
abate in price, 22; is attacked with
rheumatism, 22; borrows £40., and
goes to Sheffield to buy ironmongery,
26; on his beginning, he was the fifth
ironmonger in Lancashire, 26 ; cleared
during his first year's shopkeeping,
about £50., beside rent and board, 26;
walks early in morning, and after shop-
closing in evening, 27; boards with
Richard Sterzaker, a butcher, at £5.
yearly, 27; goes to London in 1 690, 27;
has a narrow escape of highwaymen,
28 ; his week's journey to London and
back costs him £3., riding his own
horse, 29; takes as apprentice John
Troughton, 29 ; buys the stock of John
Marshall, ironmonger, 29 ; also great
part of that of John Lawson, at Cocker
ham, 29; also that of Benjamin Bor
row, who broke, 30; in 1690, only
Coward and himself left ironmongers
in Lancaster, 30; in 1691, takes a
parlour, cellar, and three bed-rooms, a
part of John Hodgson's great house,
opposite the shop, at 50s. a year, and
his sister Ellen keeps house for him,
31, 32; his temptation, 32, 33; his
prayers and preservation, 33 ; the per
son dies, 33 ; his dealings with Augus
tin Greenwood and the sailors for
tobacco, 34, 36 ; goes to- Sheffield in
1692 to buy hardware, and to Preston
fair to buy cheese, 36; in 1693, goes
to London, and is ill on the road, 36 ;
returns from London, via Sheffield and
Manchester, 37; goes to London in
1696, by Manchester and Sheffield,
41; clears about £14. by the guineas
he takes with him from Lancaster, 4 1 ;
attends the Friends' Yearly Meeting,
1695, 41; returns via Bristol, 42; goes
to Liverpool to buy tobacco, the last
imported loose, and pays for it in
"short money," 42; in 1696, is ap
pointed Collector of the Land Tax for
Lancaster (4s. in the pound, and ex
ceeded £120.), 43 ; paid mostly in
debased coin, and to make up this loss,
the duty on windows was imposed for
many years, 43 ; buys thirty hogsheads

of tobacco, at 9d. per lb., and the
payment clears him of his old silver
money, 44 ; gives up his shop trade in
1697 to his apprentice, John Trough-
ton, selling him goods and fixtures at
cost price, but Troughton neglects the
business, and is ruined, 46; in 1697,
Stout finds he has lost, in nine years,
by 248 insolvent debtors, £220, 46;
finds his clear estate £1,100. 46; he
never sued any to execution for debt,
or spent 20s. in prosecuting any debtor,
46 ; in 1698, gives up shopkeeping,
and his sister Ellen returns to her
brothers, Josias and Leonard, 48 ;
takes one-sixth of a new vessel, of 80
tons, then building, 48 ; goes to Lon
don, 1698, and attends the Yearly
Meeting of Friends, 49; buys spars,
sails, &c., for the vessel, in London,
49; returns by sea to Liverpool, and
home on horseback, 49; boards and
lodges with Joshua Lawson, and
superintends the fitting-out the vessel
" Employment," for a Virginia voyage,
49 ; takes a cargo of goods out, costing
£360. ; buys a house of Widow Coward
for £90., 50; buys a house in Lan
caster of her for £180.. 52; kpeps
house again in part of it, with his
sister Ellen as housekeeper, 52 ; losses
by various mercantile adventures, 64;
walks morning and evening, 55; pulls
down and rebuilds the back of his
house, 65; in 1700, is worth £1,186.,
66; in 1701, £1,130., 60; in 1702,
£1,256., 62; is inclined towards Bethia
Greene, but ultimately withdraws his
affections, 65; in 1703, he is worth
£1,142.; goes to London in 1704, and
attends the yearly meeting, 69 ; in 1704,
is worth £1,181.; employs himself as
a wholesale grocer, 70; begins retail
trade again iu Thomas Greene's shop,
71; in 1705, is worth £1,274., in 1706,
removes to his old shop, 74; in 1707,
is worth £1,371.; in 1708, superin
tends rebuilding of Friends' Meeting
House, Lancaster, 75 ; in 1 709, is worth
£1,442.; makes his last journey to
Sheffield, buying iron at Leeds, 79;
in 1710, is worth £1,574.; in 1711,
£1,704.; in 1712, £1,804.; in 1713,
£1,932.; goes to London in 1713, and
attends the yearly meeting there, 86 ;
stays-fifteen days in London, leaves it
for the last time, 87; in 1714, is worth
£2,426.;iu 1716, £2,794.; has a severe
illness in 1719, but recovers without
physic, 96; 1718, £3,230., 97; 1720,

153

43,6i0.,97; takes his brother Leonard's
son William apprentice, in 1721, 99;
his shop is robbed in the night, in
1722, 100; in 1722, is worth £4,136.;
in 1723, £4,348.; gunpowder explosion
in his shop, 1724, 104 ; on death of his
sister, his brother Leonard's second
daughter, Janet, keeps his house, 106;
in 1724, is worth £4,560.; buys the
Greens Field, 107; in 1726, is worth
£4,950.; his niece Janet marries. 111 ;
gives up the shop to his nephew Wil
liam, 112; keeps house with his
brother Leonard's third daughter,
Ellen, 113; buys a house in Penny-
street, 114; in 1728, is worth nearly
£6,000., 114; his niece Ellen marries,
115; Hannah Eglin, from Westmore
land, comes to be his housekeeper,
115 ; rebuilds his house in Penny-
street, 116; takes Leonard's fourth
daughter, Margaret, 116; sends her
home, 116; gives up housekeeping,
and boards and lodges with Mary and
Lydia Dilworth, 116; his nephew Wil
liam marries, 117; makes another un
profitable sea adventure, 117; his
nephew John apprenticed to a draper
at Kendal, 118; his gifts to Thomas
Cort, who married his niece Ellen, 118;
his nephew William in difficulties, so
our autobiographer takes to the shop
again, 119; sets his nephew William
up in it once more, 120; had given
him more than £800. in four years,
121; rebuilds his house near the Mar
ket cross, 122 ; having finished, he
lives in rooms, over the shop, and takes
his brother Leonard's two youngest
daughters, Margaret and Mary, for
housekeepers, 125; Margaret marries,
and Mary has ill health, so he gives up
housekeeping, and boards with his
nephew WiUiam, 125 ; his nephew
Leonard marries, 126; passes his time
in reading and writing; buys the Hol
low Meadow at Bolton, 127; in 1736,
goes to the General Meeting of Friends
at Whitehaven, 1 28 ; in his 72nd year,
aud had not spent a shiUing in physic
for thirty years, 128; used spectacles
from 50 to 70, and could then see well
without, 128; rebuilds Walter Burn-
skill's premises at his own expense; in
1737, has a severe cold and cough,
and afterwards got indisposition to
activity, [influenza ?] 1 29 ; his nephew
William again in difficulties, and makes
an assignment, 130; pays 1 5s. in the
pound; and his nephew John, from

Kendal, succeeds to the shop, 130;
gives hun £300. to begin with, 131 1
sends his nephew William to live in a
smaU house, and allows him £40. a
year ; goes to housekeeping again with
Mary, daughter of his niece Elizabeth
Hall, 1 34 ; attacked by a sort of cholera,
134; his niece Elizabeth Hall dies,
and he undertakes to provide for her
two elnldren, 136; his health, vigour,
and eyesight; reads without glasses,
and reads the whole Bible, Echard's
History of England, and Fox's Book
of Martyrs, 140; in 1743, is ridden
over by a horse, and much injured,
142; in three months able to go about
on crutches, 144; within seven months
he rides nine and walks seven miles,
144 ; his last MS. entries are in his
79th year, 145; dies in January, 1752,
and is interred in Friends' burial
ground, Lancaster, aged 87 years, 145.
His later years spent at Hatlex, 145.
Stout Josias (William's eldest brother),
born 1662, 1 ; at 18, taken from school
to farming, 9; in 1687, had much im
proved Leonard's property at Hatlex,
by building, &o., 19; lets his farm, and
goes to live with his brother Leonard,
56; having a bad tenant, returns to
the farm aud housekeeping, with his
mother, and servants to lielp, 56; mar
ries, in 1708, .SibiU Green, 79; sketch
of his life, 131; his death, 132; his
win, 133.
Stout Leonard (William's younger
brother), born 1667, 1; at 14, taken
from scliool to carting and plough, 9 ;
sent again to school at Silverdale, in
winter, 10; his mother improves an
estate at Hatlex for him, 19; about
1691, he builds a good dwelling-house,
barn, &c., at Hatlex, 32 ; marries Ellen
Benison, 46; has eight children, five
sons and three daughters; Elizabeth,
their eldest daughter, marries Thomas
Hall; his daughter Margaret marries
Walter BurnskiU, 125 ; through his
son WUliam, gets the freedom of the
borough of Lancaster in 1735, and
brings in his son John a freeman, 127;
he lives at Slyne till the death of Josias,
127; Ehzabeth HaU and her children
live with him, 128; Leonard, his wife,
and daughter Mary, live on the old
estate at Bolton, 140; his youngest
daughter Mary marries, 142; failing
in health, Leonard leaves the family
house, and lets the farm, 144.
Stout Ellen (WiUiam's sister), born 1660,

154

1 ; touched for king's evU by Charles
II., 3; at 20 assists in managing her
mother's house, 9 ; sorrow at death of
her brothers, and is sent from home, 1 0 ;
continues infirm, and remains at home
with her mother, 1 9 ; refuses offers of
marriage, 19; has a violent fever, 19;
comes to Lancaster at fairs and mar
kets, to serve in her brother's shop, 21 ;
attends him during his illness, and also
the shop, 22 ; becomes his housekeeper
in 1691, 32; manages without a ser
vant, only having occasional help to
wash, char, and brew, 34; assists in
the shop, and overlooks the apprentice,
34 ; on William's giving up house
keeping in 1 698, she returns to Hatlex,
48 ; again keeps house for William in
1699, 52; taken iU in 1717, vomits
nearly two quarts of blood, and re
covers, 94; is ill in 1719, but recovers
without medicine or advice, 95 ; taken
ill and dies in 1724, 105; buried in
yard of meeting-house at Lancaster,
105; a public exhortation suitable to
the occasion, 106; her habits, 105;
left all she had to her brother Leonard's
five daughters, 106.
Stout Richard (a brother of WiUiam),
born 1669, 1; dies of small pox, in
his 10th year, 9.
Stout Mary (a sister of William), bom
1672, 2.
Stout Thomas (a brother of William),
born 1674, 2; dies of small pox about
five years old, 1 0.
Stouts the, their schooling and training,
3,4; their boyish occupations, 5.
Troughton John, is bound apprentice,
for seven years, to William Stout, p>ay-
ing £20., in 1690, 29; is loose in 1697,
45; William Stout gives up to him his
shop trade, selling him, at cost price,
stock and fixtures, 46; his neglect of
business, intemperance, and ruin, 45;
arrested, 70; his after life, 71.
Thornton William, fails, 1 04.
Tobacco, price, &c., 13; 8d. a lb. custom
on, fixed by Parliament, 1684, 15;

brought from Virginia, and bought of
the sailors, 26 ; profit of a cargo, 26 ;
Stout buys at the market price on
board ship, of Augustin Greenwood,
34; duty then (1691) near Id. per lb.,
but large Customs' aUowances for
damage, 34 ; then imported loose, the
hogshead not exceeding 4 cwt. nett,
36; the planters, owing to the war
with France, sold tobacco at half
price, 36; the last tobacco imported
loose in 1696, 42; an Act passed, re
quiring it to be in 2 cwt. (nett) casks,
to prevent its being smuggled in smaU
parcels, 42; iu 1706, sold at Lancaster
at 24d. per lb. on board, 74; in 1707,
at 2^d. per lb., 76; in 1709, large al
lowances for damage at Custom-house,
80 ; increase in weight and profit by
wetting, 80; frauds in Customs of, at
Glasgow, &c., 1723, 102; all damaged
to be burned, 102; bonds for duties to
be converted into excise, payable on
consumption, 122.
Wales Thomas, of Lancaster, carrier, and
his family, 53.
William III. goes to Holland, 61; dies,
March, 1702, 61 ; succeeded by Queen
Anne, 61.
War declared in 1702, 61; puts a stop
to the coasting trade between London
and Lancashire, 61.
Wyld WUliam, dies, 116.
Willson Peter, drysalter, London, 84.
Welsh Henry, 86.
Wither Thomas, of Over Kellet, 91 ; his
widow dies, 106.
Wheat in 1719, 4s. 6d. a bushel, and
sent in large quantities to Sweden, for
iron and copper, 95; in 1721, com,
&c., plenty and cheap in all parts, 99;
large imports of com in 1729, 115;
large exports in 1733, 123; ditto iu
1734, 126; enormous exports in 1735,
on which near £200,000. bounty
money is paid, 1 27.
Willson WUliam, dies, aged 108, 99.
Wars in Poland, Germany, and Lom
bardy, 126, 127.

Cave and Sever, Printers, Palatine Smldinps, Tiimfs Bank, Manchester.

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