THE COURSE
OF EMPIRE

R. F. PETTIGREW

'Y^ILE«¥]MIIVlEI^SIIir¥«'

BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME
ofthe
D. NEWTON BARNEY FUND

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

THE
COURSE OF EMPIRE

AN OFFICIAL RECORD
BY
SENATOR R. F. PETTIGREW
or SOUTH DAKOTA
INTRODUCTION BY
SCOTT NEARING

Copyright, 1920,
By BONI & LIVERIGHT, Inc.

Printed in the United States of America

INTRODUCTION
MOMENTOUS happenings' crowd the years from 1893
to 1 90 1. During that brief span thronging incidents
jostled one another for the position of greatest his
toric consequence. One epoch came definitely to a close.
Between 1893 and 1901 the United States entered a new era.
The panic of 1893 gave the death blow to the old idea
that competition was the essential of industrial progress.
Through the earlier years of the century the business world
held tenaciously to the principle that competition was the life
of trade and that the only way to preserve the economic eifi-
ciency of the industrial world was to maintain competition in
its most virulent forms. Experience with previous panics had
done much to shatter the faith of business men in the necessity
of competition. The business disasters which accompanied
the panic of 1893 were so overwhelmingly that they called for
some drastic reorganization of industrial method. The com
mercial failures in 1892 had numbered 10,344, with liabilities
of $114,044,000. The next year the number of failures
increased by 50 per cent, (to 15,242) and the liabilities rose
200 per cent, (to $346,779,000). Until 1898 the numbers
, of failures continued to be abnormally high and the liabilities
of failed concerns varied from a maximum of 226 millions in
1896 to a minimum of 130 millions in 1898.
There was but one answer to this challenge of business
disorganization. If the failure of manufacturers threatened
other manufacturers; if a run on one bank presaged a run on
other banks; if experience had shown that injury to one was
injury to all, then, manifestly, the time had come to revise the
"competition is the life of trade" formula and to discover
some more satisfactory principle on which to conduct business.
The corporation proved to be the means; the trust (a large
V

vi INTRODUCTION
combination of like and unlike Industries) was the form in
which the business world answered the demand for a new
method of coordinating business relations. The Standard Oil
Company had been organized In 1870. Other businesses had
followed this lead, and now, in the years that followed the
1893 holocaust, there was a vast increase In corporation
development that culminated In the orgamzation of the master
corporation — the United States Steel Corporation — in 1901.
The theory of the advantage of competition had been defi
nitely abandoned. In its place was a new formula, — "Busi
ness men, unite!"
This change in the viewpoint of the industrial leaders
coincided with their accession to a point of political ascend
ency. The years preceding 1893 had witnessed a bitter
struggle between western farmers and eastern bankers. The
Interstate Commerce Act of 1887, and the Sherman Anti-
Trust Law of 1890, were passed at the behest of the rural
community which desired by these means to punish its ex
ploiters, the railroads and the trusts. The Greenbackers, the
Populists and the Free Sllverltes were the spokesmen of the
same movement of independent countrymen against the money
powers centered in the cities. The Spanish-American War,
with Its triumph for the Imperial policy inaugurated under
President McKinley, ended the hopes of those who had
dreamed of continuing the Republic on the old Individualistic
basis laid down by Jefierson and his fellow statesmen. The
acquisition of the Spanish possession ended American isolation
and marked her as a coming world power.
Until about the year 1900 the United States was a bor
rowing nation. Great Britain, Belgium, France and even
Germany could boast extended investments in American re
sources, railroads and industrial enterprises. Great Britain
had more money invested in the United States than in any
other single country in the world.
The end of the nineteenth century marked the end of the
dependence of American Industry upon foreign support.
From that time forward the surplus produced in the United
States was sufficient to take care of the internal needs of the

INTRODUCTION vii
country and to make a beginning in foreign investment fields.
The end of the nineteenth century marked the end of Ameri
can dependence upon foreign capital and the beginning of a
policy which, by 1920, had placed the world in America's debt
by something like sixteen or eighteen billions of dollars.
The Hawaiian "revolution" occurred in 1893. Hawaii
was annexed to the United States in 1898.
The war with Spain occurred In 1898, involving the con
quest of Porto Rico, Cuba and the Philippine Islands. Within
two years a decision had been reached to retain Porto Rico
and the Philippines and to release Cuba for an independent
existence limited by the leading strings of the Platt Amend
ment. When the Hawaiian revolution occurred in 1893 the
American people were still strongly anti-imperialistic. When
the United States Steel Corporation was organized in 1901
the United States had inaugurated a policy of acquiring
"possessions" In tropical territory.
This change marked a departure from the traditions that
had dominated American public life since the Civil War. Up
to i860, while American public policy was dictated from the
South, the United States had followed an imperialistic course.
The Southwest was secured by purchase from the French and
by conquest from Mexico and from the Indians. There was
strong talk of the annexation of Cuba and of other portions
of the West Indies in which slavery could be perpetuated on a
paying basis. The triumph of the North in 1865 turned the
energies of the United States into a new direction. Southern
statesmen had been fjsrced to look for new land on which to
plant cotton and tobacco. The civilization of the North,
built on the new industrial order, found in the mountains of
the east and west vast stores of iron, copper, coal, oil and
timber upon which to expend its surplus wealth. From 1865^
to 1898 the business world was busy with the development of
internal improvements. During the succeeding years, for the
first time since the Civil War, American surplus was freed for
foreign investment.
American bankers and business men were still busy with

viii INTRODUCTION
Internal improvements in 1893, By 1901 they had begun to
tum their eyes abroad. The big business enterprises were
still on a precarious foundation in 1893. In 1901 they
expressed themselves In their most highly organized form in
the United States Steel Corporation. The policy of the
United States, still dictated by the rural districts in 1893, was
based upon isolation and self-sufficiency. By 1901 the United
States was already in possession of extensive tropical terri
tories. During this period "individualism" was finally laid to
rest and organized business took the center of the stage.
The anti-imperialists were vigorous in their opposition to
this policy during the years that immediately preceded and
followed the Spanish-American War. More than half a
million of them were organized into a League, the stated
object of which was "to aid In holding the United States true
to the Principles of the Declaration of Independence. It seeks
the preservation of the rights of the people as guaranteed to
them by the Constitution. Its members hold self-government
to be fundamental, and good government to be but Incidental.
It is its purpose to oppose by all proper means the extension
of the sovereignty of the United States over subject peoples.
It will contribute to the defeat of any candidate or party that
stands for the forcible subjugation of any people." (Declara
tion of Principles, 1899.)
The anti-Imperialist League held conferences in New
York, Philadelphia, Chicago, Indianapolis, Boston and other
large cities. An extensive pamphlet literature was published
and circulated at th-ese conferences and through the protest
meetings that were being organized throughout the country.
Imperialism was the burning Issue and the forces that favored
a continuance of the traditional policy of non-annexation of
peoples and of territories that could not form an integral part
of the United States were able to muster very large support
and to command the Interest of some of the ablest men then
in the forefront of American public life.
Among the leaders in this anti-imperialist campaign was
United States Senator R. F. Pettigrew of South Dakota, a
pioneer in the wilderness of the Middle West. Elected as a

INTRODUCTION ix
Republican, Senator Pettigrew soon found himself out of
harmony with the Imperial policy of McKinley and the dom
ination of the Republican Party by Mark Hanna. Senator
Pettigrew fought the annexation of Hawaii from the time of
the Hawaian Revolution of 1893 until annexation was made
possible by the war hysteria of 1898. He opposed the con
quest of the Philippines by American soldiers and Insisted
upon the right of self-determination for the inhabitants of
these and other newly acquired possessions of the United
States. He fought against imperial policy at home as vigor
ously as he fought against It abroad — knowing that an im
perial class must establish its power at home in order to pro
tect its international Interests. He was equally emphatic in
condemning the practice of imperialism by Great Britain in
Ireland, in South Africa and in the other portions of her Em
pire. His speeches reiterate the dangers of Imperialism to
the United States and the necessity, if liberties are to be pre
served, of adhering to the traditions that had dominated
Ainerican public life for more than a century. Senator Petti
grew brought the spirit of the pioneer West Into the Senate
Chamber and kept it there during twelve eventful years.
Although delivered at different times and under widely
varying circumstances, Senator Pettlgrew's speeches fall into
three groups : — those that were concerned with the Hawaiian
Islands, the Revolution and the struggle for annexation; those
that were concerned with the conquest and annexation of the
Philippines ; and those that deal with the sturdy opposition of
the West to the imperial policies of the Eastern banking and
business syndicates. A pioneer in an unsettled country; a man
of the people; an eager observer; an energetic reader; widely
acquainted with men and events during the most eventful
period of modern American history, Senator Pettigrew was
able to build his speeches upon a broad foundation of fact and
to put behind them an enthusiasm born of a profound faith in
the integrity of American Institutions.
Senator Pettlgrew's speeches contain a wealth of data
bearing upon a part of American history that is as yet little
known and less understood. Men and women who are at a

X INTRODUCTION
loss to grasp the significant changes that have recently come
to the surface of American public life will find many of their
questions answered by a careful study of the public events
that transpired during the nineties.
Senator Pettigrew was intimate with public afifairs at
home during these years. He made a trip to the East, and in
Hawaii, Japan and China saw the situation at first hand. He
held up the record of previous experiments in imperialism and
warned the American people to pause before it was too late.
Like many other men who have foreseen events, he was vili
fied and denounced, called unpatriotic and disloyal, accused
of being pro-Spanish and pro-Phillppino. His counsel was
not followed but his predictions already are coming true.
The period from 1901 to 19 17 has beSn a period of har
vest from the sowing of 1 893-1901. Any one who will ac
quaint himself with the story of this period set down in the
following pages as a running comment on Imperial tendencies
In the United States will have gone a long distance toward an
understanding of the bewildering changes In American public
events and policies during the past five years. ScoTT Nearing.

CONTENTS PAGE
Introduction by Scott Nearing  v

PART I— HAWAII
CHAPTER I The Islands and Their People  i
II Industry and Trade  17
III Labor in Hawaii  64
IV Who Owns Hawaii.?  76
V The "Revolution" of 1893  84
VI The Hawaiian "Republic"  125
VII The Strategic' Value of Hawaii  137
VIII Annexation and Imperialism  163
PART II— THE ACQUISITION OF THE PHILIPPINES
IX Who Started the War?  198
X Dewey and Aguinaldo  216
XI The Philippine Revolt  232
XII Atrocities  272
XIII The Sultan of Sulu  305
XIV The Failure of Imperialism  317
XV The Right of Self-Government  341
PART III— IMPERIALISM AT HOME
XVI Free Land and a Free People  362
XVII The Railroads  396
XVIII Morgan and Co  45°
XIX The Trusts  472
XX Big Business in Politics  529
XXI Who Pays the Tax?  S4S
XXII Summing It Up  SS8
zi

xii CONTENTS
Appendices page
I The Philippine Islands  583
II Some New England Atrocities  617
III The Boer War  629
IV The Presidential Veto  669
V Censorship in the Philippines  676
VI What Is a Protectionist?  685
VII Civilization — Two Letters  687
VIII The Press  689
Index  691

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
CHAPTER I
THE ISLANDS AND THEIR PEOPLE
IT ^ seems to me absurd for the Senator from California
and the other advocates of the annexation of the Hawaiian
Islands to assert upon this floor that the prevaihng opinion
concerning the character of the people who inhabit those
islands is founded on ignorance. The allegation of a lack of
information is generally made by Impudence In its effort "to
make the worse appear the better reason." Probably the
Americans and other white people who have emigrated to the
islands are very good people; they are certainly smart and
shifty, aggressive, bright, and prosperous. They went there
to convert the savages to Christianity.
The first of them was the distinguished Captain Cook. .
Cook seems to have belonged to the church militant. He had
quarreled with everybody in England whom he had anything
to do with and went to sea because he could not live any
longer on land. He cruised around a good deal, converting
people more or less to his way of thinking, and when he struck
the Sandwich Islands immediately put in operation his re
formatory methods. One of his yawls drifted away from the
ship in the night and one of the barbarians picked it up.
Captain Cook immediately concluded that the island was
inhabited only by thieves, and in order to cure that propensity
he immediately stole the king, thus establishing a distinguished
precedent for the method adopted by our late minister resi
dent, John L. Stevens. Cook led a body of marines ashore,
I. Speech in tlie Senate July a, 1894- I

2 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
seized the person of His Majesty, dragged him to the wharf,
and there, just before the great revolution was effected, was
himself killed by a mob of these inconsiderate savages who
preferred their own form of government.
This effort to establish Cook's variety of a republic took
place during the American Revolution, and since that unfortu
nate attempt the work has been steadily going qn. A good
many other Captain Cooks have landed there, sometimes in
the guise of speculators, sometimes under the cloak of mission
aries. They have carried thither not only theories of the
universe which were novel to the Islanders, but cannon,
powder, rum, tobacco, opium, and a series of complicated and
odious diseases of which they had never dreamed. The net
result of this determined effort of the white man to reform
and improve the condition of the natives is that the population
has been reduced about three-quarters.
Mr. Charles Nordhoff, who wrote up the Sandwich
Islands with ^ very friendly pen for the New York Herald,
says: In 1832 the islands had a population of 130,315 souls; in 1836
there were but 108,579; i" 1840, only 84,165, of whom 1,962
were foreigners; in 1850, 69,800, of whom 3,216 were foreigners; and
in i860, 62,959, of whom 4,194 were foreigners. The native popu
lation has decreased over 60 per cent in forty years.
Since i860 they have still further diminished, and the
present population is 90,000, of whom 40,500 are natives and
49,500 are foreigners. It will be noticed that the natives have
decreased as the foreigners have increased. The representa
tives of Christian nations who entered the Sandwich Islands
with Captain Cook and his followers have taught some of the
natives to read, write, and cipher, and to wear a good deal of
unnecessary clothing, which has diminished their power of
resistance to disease by relaxing their systems, and have intro
duced there special and insidious diseases, corrupting the blood
and transmitting corruption to the progeny. The touch of
the white man since Cook has had the same blighting effect in
Honolulu that the touch of the white man since Pizarro has
had in Peru.

THE ISLANDS AND THEIR PEOPLE 3
And now It is seriously proposed to anney this impover
ished, degraded people — for they are as impoverished as they
are degraded. The missionaries have not only looked out for
their morals, but for their property. They long ago succeeded
in gaining title to nearly all the land, and now they have
captured the Government and set up a Government of their
own which has no resemblance ;whatever to what we call a
republic. Under Queen Llliuokalani they had a Limited
Monarchy; under Dole they have a Limited Republic — lim
ited to about four men. A republic is adapted only to a people
who live between the latitudes of 30" and 55°, where com
petition is sharp; where work is indispensable to life; where
the incessant struggle for existence goes on; where the neces
sity of defending the home fireside from the depredations of
winter makes existence difficult. The Hawaiian Islands lie
outside of that shining belt of rfie earth where the constant
fight with nature brings out all that is masterful in man, and
where, therefore, he finds himself capable of self-government.
All that a man In the Hawaiian Islands is obliged to do
to gain a living is to plant a banana tree and steal a fish line.
A republic implies intelligence, education, mutual forbearance,
tireless energy, enterprise, tremendous industry, the flowering
of the domestic virtues. We must not forget that. A mon
archy is the best possible form of government for a people
who are not fit for anything better. The natives of the
Hawaiian Islands to-day dress in calico nightgowns, and, as
when Captain Cook's shadow first cursed that summer land,
they sleep in grass huts and lazily live on fish and poi.
In the Hawaiian Islands ^ are found the most contradic
tory conditions. In a small belt along the coast and in the
few low-lying valleys the conditions of life are easy, for the
heated air makes clothing unnecessary, and the fertile soil
enables all tropical fruits and vegetables to grow almost with
out the planting; but In all the rest of the islands exists the
temperature of our Northern winter. Having an area about
as large as Massachusetts, and a population about a quarter
as large as that of the city of Washington, these islands are
I. Speech in the Senate July 2, 1894.

4 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE '
mostly composed of volcanic scoria, about as unadapted to
vegetation as so much cast iron. It is the crater of the vastest
volcano In the world, desolated with ice and fire, generally
either too hot or too cold for human endurance. Nothing
which the face of the planet presents to man is more bleak,
barren, inhospitable, menacing, and terrible than the tremen
dous area which constitutes the peak of this mountain of
flame. So, while the maintenance of life in the valleys and
along the hot coast seems easy, Hawaii presents no more
temptation to the enterprising emigrant than Ecuador or the
equatorial regions of South America, where the mango
matures with ease arid man with difficulty.
The ^ Hawaiian Islands are fifteen in number. Five of
them are inhabited. They lie between longitude 154° and
160° west, and between latitude 18° and 22° north.. The
island of Neehau contains 97 square miles and a population
of fourteen families. It has an area of 62,000 acres. It is
the first of the group to the westward that has any population.
It is owned by a citizen of Great Britain, a New Zealander,
who bought it from the King many years ago and uses It for
grazing purposes. Upon it are raised from thirty to forty
thousand sheep, and their wool is admitted to the United
States free of duty, although we impose a high duty upon wool
from every other country in the world. Certainly no Amerjr
can interest is promoted by our method of deahng with the
island of Neehau.
Kauai, the next island, has 590 square miles, and contains
377,000 acres of land, and a population of 15,392. It Is
owned almost exclusively by German planters, who are raising
sugar by the employment of Asiatic labor, and their products
are imported to the United States free of duty. There is no
American plantation upon this island. Some of the stock In
the German companies is owned by the so-called American
citizens of Hawaii, but no American citizen owns any prop
erty on this island whatever. Yet the people of the United
States are taxed to sustain the remission of duties to the extent
I. Speech in the Senate June 23, 1898.

THE ISLANDS AND THEIR PEOPLE 5
of millions of dollars, and the only purpose served through
this favoritism Is that their products come in free and they
profit enormously on the one side through an abatement of
duty on our part and through the medium of contract or slave
labor on the part of the planters.
Oahu is an island of 600 square miles, containing 384,000'
acres, and it has a population of 40,205 people. On this
Island is situated the city of Honolulu, containing about 30,000
people. The island also contains many sugar plantations,
owned almost entirely by natives of the Hawaiian Islands,
men whose fathers or grandfathers were citizens of the
United States, who were born on the island, whose ancestors
went there to confer upon those people the blessings of civil
ization, and whose sons have beaten them out of their prop
erty and out of their Government.
Molokai is an island of 270 square miles, containing
172,800 acres, with a population of 2,307, 1,200 of whom
are lepers. This island is a leper colony. On one side it is
fertile. There are one or two sugar plantations, but the
island Is given up almost entirely to the custody and care of
lepers. They are isolated, and have been placed upon this
island because the disease Is contagious.
I notice, as one of the assets paraded by the advocates of
annexation, the cost of this leper plant. It is given as one
reason why we should annex the island that this is a part of
the property we will acquire if the Government takes Hawaii.
It Is a wonderful, a most desirable, asset! There are 1,200
lepers, and as an Inducement for us to accept the island these
enterprising sons of missionaries throw In among the assets
the value of this leper colony plant.
Maui is an island of 760 square railes, containing 467,000
acres, with a population of 17,726, engaged in the production
of sugar. This Island is exceedingly fertile, and there are vast
areas yet uncultivated and capable of producing sugar, and
upon it there is considerable in the way of American interests.
Upon this'island are the plantations of Spreckels and his boy,

6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
and the stock In those companies is quite largely held in this
country. Lanai is an island of 150 square miles, containing 96,000
acres, and has a population of 105 people. There is no
American interest there. It is a grazing island.
Hawaii, which Is the principal island of the group, has an
area of 4,210 square miles, or 2,649,000 acres. Its popula
tion is 33,285. This island, like all the others, is a product
of volcanic action. They were thrown up from the bed of the
Pacific. The island of Hawaii is 14,000 feet In height, and
has upon it one of the greatest volcanoes in the world. The
crater upon the summit, which is 13,600 feet above the sea,
and Kllauea, the crater upon its side, being 4,000 feet above
the sea, are always active. This island is exceedingly rich.
There are vast areas of tropical vegetation capable of pro
ducing great quantities of the products of tropical lands.
The total area of all these islands Is 6,677 square miles,
or 4,208,000 acres. The Hawaiian Islands are within the
Tropics. They are capable of producing only the products of
the Tropics. They are susceptible of great development be
yond that which has already occurred. They are capable of
maintaining. In my opinion, three or four times the population
that they now possess.
It was argued by the friends of annexation when the de
bate opened upon the treaty presented for the annexation of.
these Islands that they were enormously rich ; that they would
produce a valuable trade, and would therefore confer a great
benefit upon the people of the United States. I am willing to
accept that statement.
Now it is argued that we only need a coahng station and
that the islands are barren, volcanic rocks, not capable of
population, and therefore that question is unimportant, hardly
worthy of consideration. We will, however, go into that
subject farther along.
*******
Mr. President,^ I propose to show the character of the
people who inhabit the Sandwich Islands; I propose to show
I. Speech in the Senate March 2, 1895.

THE ISLANDS AND THEIR PEOPLE 7
that they are unfit and Incapable of self-government, and
that no such chmate ever produced a great race of men. A
few great men have been produced as near the tropics as the
Hawaiian Islands; but you can not in the world anywhere
produce a dominant race of men near the tropics. The people
who live in that latitude are only fit to be go'verned by others
of hardier birth ; for them equal suffrage is Impossible. I pro
pose to show by the missionaries themselves that the people
who inhabit those islands are utterly worthless, utterly incom
petent, and not capable of self-government. I propose to
show by the official reports the character of the contract
laborers, that they are the scum of the world; and then I
propose to show that the dominant invaders, the men who
rule that country to-day, the 630 Americans, are also unfit to
live in a republic.
I have in my hand the report of C. M. Hyde, the only
resident missionary of the Board of Foreign Missions, and
here is what he says about the native population of the
Hawaiian Islands:
Here is one incident of recent occurrences: The acting pastor of a
church on Maui found that the Sunday-school superintendent was
drinking heavily of sweet-potato beer and was often drunk. He brought
the case before the deacons, but they decided that they would do noth
ing about it, for two reasons assigned : ( i ) Sweet-potato beer was the
common food of the people; (2) drunkenness was so common that it
could not be treated as an offense. Thereupon the pastor on the suc
ceeding Sunday proceeded to read a long proclamation after the fashion
set by the Provincial Government, deposing the Sunday-school superin
tendent for reasons assigned, as unworthy of his official position.
The people of Kaumakapili Church in this city who do not like
the well-known opposition of their pastor to.the late Queen and her
misrule, presented a petition for his removal. The chief reason assigned
was that they had not paid him his salary in full for the last two
years, and this violation of their contract they acknowledged and made
it the basis of their petition that he should be removed from the pas
torate. He says further:
The number of superannuated missionaries has constantly diminished
till now there are only three surviving, only one of these an ordained
preacher. The management of the churches has fallen entirely into the

8 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
hands of the native pastors, with no direct continuous personal super
vision. What I can do by correspondence or by chance visits and
what Mr. Emerson can do by similar means (only in his case these
are official and in some places semi-annual) — this constitutes all that
we two workers can well do for the 57 Hawaiian evangelical churches,
with their members of 5,427 communicants out of a total population
(native) of 34,436, with only one foreign pastor (Rev. H. H. Parker,
of Kawaiajao Church, Honolulu) among the whole number (34) of
pastors. The native churches are growing poorer and feebler each year,
less able and willing to support the native pastorate.
The old system will not work in its want of adaptation to the pres
ent civilization of the country.
Rev. Mr. Hyde, In describing the character of the people
of the Islands, makes the following further statement :
We can not trust business interests to the decision of a Hawaiian
jury. In the management of the Kamehameha estate, of which I speak
from personal knowledge as one of the trustees under the will of the
late Mrs. C. R. Bishop, we are forced to put up with an inefficient
administration of much of the property, because no Hawaiian jury
would be likely to give us a verdict according to the law and evidence.
Take what occurred at the, last session of the circuit court in Kau. A
Hawaiian jury brought in a verdict standing 10 to 2. The judge
said that it was proper; according to the law 9 to 3 would be accepted
as valid. On the next case, when the jury came to a decision they were
unanimous. But some sapient juror remarked that the judge had just
said a verdict of g to 3 was valid, so they talked and talked till finally
three jurors changed their votes, and then their verdict was reported
to the judge.
Rev. S. E. Bishop read to the Honolulu Social Science
Association in November, 1888, a paper on the cause of the
decline of the race of Hawaiians. He says:
' Yet it is the strange fact — in view of the amiable and attractive
qualities of Polynesians, the distressingly sad fact — that, simultaneously
with the arrival of white men in these islands, the Hawaiian people
began rapidly to melt away, and that this waste has continued up to
the present with substantial steadiness. At the date of the discovery.
Captain Cook estimated the population at 400,000. Later historians
have leaned to the more moderate estimate of 250,000. My father, who
was one of the first party of white men to travel around Hawaii in
'^ 1 824, then observed such evidences of recent extensive depopulation in
all parts of that island that he very decidedly supported the estimate of
Cook. There are now less than 40,000 pure Hawaiians surviving. The
later counts have been taken with reasonable accuracy. * * *

THE ISLANDS AND THEIR PEOPLE 9
It may be said in general that chastity had absolutely no recognition.
It was simply a thing unknown and unthought of as a virtue in the
old domestic life of Hawaii. A woman who withheld herself was
counted sour and ungracious. This did not exclude more or less of
marital proprietorship, involving an invasion of the husband's right in
enjoying his property without his consent. There was no impurity in
it any more than among brute animals.
*******
There can be no doubt that the advent of foreigners in large num
bers was attended by an immense increase of debased and bestial living.
Ten thousand reckless seamen of the whaling fleet annually frequented '
these islands and used it as their great brothel. This enormously
aggravated and inflamed the normal unchastity of the people. In the
presence of the white hordes life became hideously brutalized. To mul
titudes of young women, gathered into the seajwrts for profit, from half
the households in the country, life became a continuous orgie of beastly
excess. All the former slender limitations and restrictions upon an indis
criminate commerce fell to pieces. The stormy and reckless passion of
the white man, exulting in his unwonted license, imparted itself to the
warm but sluggish Hawaiian nature. 'Life became a wasteful riot of
impurity, propagated from the seaports to the end of the land. There
was thus no defense against the new and trying conditions of life
through any existing sentiment of the sacredness of chastity. The
inevitable consequence was depopulation. The population of brothels
and slums has no internal power of multiplying.
Then he goes on further in regard to drunkenness among
the people:
With the foreigner came the products of the still. Only then did
drunkenness begin to reign. Drunken orgies were an essential part of
the beach-comber's paradise on Hawaiian shores. He found the
Hawaiian an apt disciple, save that, like all savages, he did not knOw
how to stop. The story of the early missionaries is one of constant
impediment in their labors from the inebriety of the King and chiefs and
of frequent annoyance and disturbance from the riotous orgies of the
common people.
The contribution of drunkenness to depopulation was mainly indi
rect, although powerful. It tended to overturn and destroy whatever
remains of wholesome social order and domestic life survived the gen
eral wreck consequent upon foreign intercourse. It stimulated the pas
sions; it solved the remaining bonds of self-restraint; it flung prudence
to the winds; thus it enhanced the effectiveness of the causes previously
described. Intemperance is always a chief ally of impurity. The gin
mill and the brothel are close partners.

IO THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Now I propose to read a portion of the address of the
Rev. Mr. Bishop, who spent his life among these people, and
my apology for reading it is that inasmuch as there is a great
effort to annex those people to this country, and perhaps make
the islands a State of this Union, the people of this country
have a right to know the character of the population we pro
pose to annex. Under the head of "Wiveless Chinese" Mr.
Bishop says:
This is an evil of recent growth, which acts most perniciously upon
the social life of Hawaiians. There are some 20,000 Chinamen of the
lowest class, without their women, distributed throughout the islands
in close contact with the natives, and in many districts outnumbering
the Hawaiian males. The effect is necessarily very destructive to the
purity of native families, although not more so than the presence of a
similar number of unmarried whites w^ould be. There is no doubt but
that many native households in all parts of the country are maintained
in comparative affluence by the intimacy of Chinese with their females.
; Some of the heads of thes^ families are members in good standing in
the Protestant churches, whose easy-going native pastors lack the energy
and authority to deal with the offenders, while the moral sentiment
prevailing both within and outside of the church is too feeble to put
them to shame.
That is the character of the 40,000 natives upon those
islands. What other population have we to deal with? The
contract laborers who have been brought there from different
parts of the world to serve a length of service stipulated in
the contract. Those men came there without their families.
On those islands there are nearly 60,000 males and 31,000
females. The predominance of males exists in every single
race. The contract laborers are little less than slaves. The
Portuguese are not Portuguese after all, and while they speak
the language of the Portuguese they have been recruited from
the Madeira and Azores islands, and are a mixture of races —
Portuguese and blacks and the other races of Africa. They
are the lowest of all the population upon the islands except,
perhaps, it be the natives themselves.
These contracts provide for compelling- the laborer to work faith
fully by fines and damage suits brought by the planters against them,
with the right on the part of the planter to deduct the damages and cost

THE ISLANDS AND THEIR PEOPLE ii
of suit out of the laborer's wages. They also provide for compelling
the laborer to remain with the planter during the contract term. They
are sanctioned by law and enforced by civil remedies and penal laws.
They Imprison the natives and deduct the cost from their
pay, if they will not work. The total American male popula
tion is 1,298. The total American population, males and
females, Is 1,900.
The ^ commissioner of the United States sent out to in
vestigate the causes of the so-called revolution says:
The Portuguese who inhabit the islands amount to 8,602. They
have been brought here from time to time from the Madeira and Cape
Verde Islands by the Hawaiian Government as laborers on plantations
just as has been done in relation to Chinese, Japanese, Polynesians, etc.
They are the most ignorant of all imported laborers, and reported to be
very thievish. They are not pure Europeans, but a commingling of
many races, especially the negro. They intermarry with the natives and
belong to the laboring classes. Very few of them can read and write.
Their children are being taught in the public schools, as all races are. ,
It is wrong to class them as Europeans.
The character of the people of these islands is and must be over
whelmingly Asiatic. Let it not be imagined that the Chinese, Japanese,
and Portuguese disappear at the end of their contract term. From the
report of the inspector in chief of Japanese immigrants on March 31,
1892, it appears that twenty "lots" of Japanese immigrants have been
brought here by the Hawaiian Government^ numbering 21,110. Of
these 2,517 have retumed to Japan; 8,592, having worked out their
contract term, remain, and 9,626 are still working out their contract
term. More than 75 per cent may bc said to locate here permanently.
There are 13,067 Chinamen engaged in various occupations, to wit:
8,763 laborers, 1,479 farmers, 133 fishermen, 74 drivers and teamsters,
564 mechanics, 42 planters and ranchers, 776 merchants and traders,
164 clerks and salesmen, 12 professional men and teachers, and 1,056
in various other occupations.
The number of merchants and traders in the entire country is 1,238.
Of this number 776 are Chinamen and 81 are Americans. The largest
part of the retail trade seems to be conducted by Chinamen.
The Portuguese population in 1^84 amounted to 9,377 and in 1890
to 8,602 — a loss of 775. These have been leaving in considerable num
bers for the past eighteen months, making their way generally to the
United States. In 1 890 the males were classified as to occupation thus :
I. Speech in the Senate July 2, 1894.

12 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Laborers, 2,653; farmers, 136; fishermen, 3; mariners, 10; drivers and
teamsters, 63; mechanics, 167; planters and ranchers, 17; merchants
and traders, 56; clerks and salesmen, 13; professional men and teachers,
II ; other occupations, 123 ; total, 3,266. On the cane plantations there
are of male Portuguese, 277 under contract and 1,651 day laborers.
Of the population in 1892, 20,536 were laborers on sugar-cane plan
tations, 16,723 being Portuguese, Japanese, and Chinese. Of the whole
number 10,991 are contract laborers. The remainder are designated
as day laborers. The total number of laborers in the islands by the
census of 1890 was 25,466.
In 1890 there were 23,863 male laborers. Of this number 18,728
were Chinese and Japanese. At this period there were 41,073 persons
of all occupations. Of this number 24,432 were Chinese and Japanese.
Of the total number of persons in the various avocations of Euro
pean and American origin, it appears that 1,106 were Americans, 819
British, 518 Germans, 45 French, and 200 Norwegians, making a total
of 2,688 persons.
The natives furnished 8,871 persons and the half castes 884. The
Hawaiians therefore may be said to have furnished 9,755.
There are 196 persons designated as planters and ranchers. Of this
number 18 are Americans, 30 are British, and 6 are Germans. The
remainder are principally Japanese, Portuguese, Chinese, and
Hawaiians. There are 5,181 persons designated as farmers. Of these, 3,392
are natives and half-castes and 1,500 are Chinese. These two furnish
4,779, leaving a residue of 402 taken from all other nationalities. Of
these, 26 are Americans.
It will be interesting, if not pleasing, to examine the number of the
various sexes by nationalities.
The grand total of the population is 89,990. The male population
is 58,714; the females are 31,276.
The natives and half-castes furnish 21,449 males and 19,174
females. The Chinese furnish 14,522 males and 779 females.
The Japanese furnish 10,079 males and 2,281 females.
The Portuguese furnish 4,770 males and 3,832 females.
The American males are 1,298, females 630.
The British males are 982, females 362.
The German males are 729, females 305.
This disparity of the sexes applies to all nationalities, save the native
race. The most striking feature is that the Chinese men outnumber the
women by more than 18 to i.
The Japanese men outnumber their women by nearly 5 to i. In all

THE ISLANDS AND THEIR PEOPLE 13
foreign nationalities the males largely exceed the females in numbers.
The natives an.d half-castes furnish nearly two-thirds of the women.
There is a very compact statement of the condition of
affairs on these islands. It shows that the home, the heart of
American institutions, is almost unknown to the people.
*******
In ^ 1875 we made a treaty with these people by which
we stimulated an industry In such a manner and to such an
extent as no other Industry was ever stimulated in the world.
We admitted their sugar free of duty. We remitted in duties
more than it cost to produce the sugar. It is claimed that we
did it in the interest of the missionaries who had gone there
to convert the people to Christianity and, having abandoned
their job, had proceeded to steal their land and steal their
Government. Did more Americans go ? The climate had no
attractions for them. The population of Americans In the
islands has not increased materially under this wonderful
stimulus. Let us see what Is the nationality of the Inhabitants
of the islands. Is it desirable; does manifest destiny compel
us to take in such people ?
In Hawaii in 1890 there were 34,436 natives; in 1896
there were 31,019. Of part Hawaiians in 1890 there were
6,186; In 1896 there were 8,485. Of Americans in 1890
there were 1,928; in 1896 there were 3,086.
Now, let me explain these figures. That shows a great
increase. The fellows who are running that Government are
the shrewdest lot I ever knew. Their fathers had no com
munion with the devil, and their sons have to have enough of
that sort of fellowship to make up for the whole family.
They have taken in the census of 1890 only those Americans
who they claimed were American born, and have left out the
820 of American blood who were Hawaiian born and
Hawaiian citizens.
Then they made an extra class in 1890, and they said
Hawaiian-born foreigners, but in 1896 they took all the
Hawaiian-born Americans and put them into the class of
i. Speech iii the Senate June 23, 1898.

14 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Americans. So it was with the British, the Germans, French,
and Norwegians. The scheme was to make It appear that
there had been a wonderful increase in the population of
Europeans from 1890 to 1896, when in reahty there has been
no Increase in the population of Americans in those Islands,
except what was furnished by the fellows they took there from
San Francisco to arm in order that they might maintain their
tyranny after they overthrew the Government in 1893.
They say in 1890 there were 1,344 British; in 1896,
2,250: of Germans In 1890 there were 1,034; in 1896, 1,432;
of French In 1890 there were 70; in 1896, loi; of Norwe
gians in 1890 there were 227; in 1896, 378.
So, much less than 3 per cent of the population is of
American descent. About 4 per cent of the population is
British, German, French, and Norwegian.
Of Portuguese In 1890 there were 8,602; in 1896, 15,191.
But that apparent increase of. Portuguese is fictitious.
The real facts of the matter are that In 1890 the Portu
guese-born in the islands under the head of Hawaiian they
classed at 7,495, while in 1896 they classed all the Portuguese-
born In the island the same as they did the Americans, under
the head of Portuguese, making an apparent large increase,
although there was no immigration of Portuguese to the
islands during that time any more than there was of Ameri
cans. There were of Japanese in 1890, 12,360; in 1896,
24,407; there were of Chinese, in 1890, 15,301; in 1896^
21,616; of Polynesians there were 588 in 1890 and 455 in
1896; of other nationalities there were 419 in 1890 and 600
in 1896; of Hawaiian-born foreigners, none In 1896 and 7,495
in 1890. It will be noticed that there is an enormous increase of
the Asiatic population. If you look at their commerce, you
will find that there has been an enormous increase of com
merce between these islands and Asia and a decrease of com
merce between these islands and the United States since 1890.
Why? Because the population is Asiatic and they want noth
ing that we produce. They live upon rice and they wear

THE ISLANDS AND THEIR PEOPLE

15

different clothes from what we wear. There is nothing that
the United States produces that the laborers of those islands
want. They are the dominant population, and therefore the
dream of enormous commerce fritters away. But what kind
of people are they? The same kind of people you would
expect in the Tropics. What is the difference betwe'en the
number of males and females? That is interesting. Is a
population where there is a disparity between the sexes desir
able ? Here are the figures :
Table of sex, by nationality
[From latest census returns, 1896]

«Hawaiian-born of foreign
parents

Whole population

Nationality

Males

Fe
males

Total

Males

Fe
males

Total

Hawaiian 

16.399 4.249 I.97S1,406 866 216
14,620 4.236 1,111 ^^6 162
31.019 8,4853.086 2,250 1.432 IOI
Part Hawaiian 
401 352252 10
71
419 360268 16
91
820
712 520 26
162
British 
German 
378
Here you notice a wonderful disparity between the males
and females, Americans, British, Norwegians, French, and
Germans; and If you look over the population of every tropical
country in the world, you will find the same disparity; you
will find a preponderance of males among the whites. In
other words, our race does not live in that climate ; it can not.
I have investigated a large number of tropical countries, and
find as to the character and sexes of the population of Euro
peans, as a rule, there are from one-fourth to two-thirds more
males than females. It seems to me that that Is comment
enough. But let us see what is worse.
i6

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

Hawaiian-born of foreign
parents

Whole population

Nationality-

Males

Fe
males

Total

Males

Fe
males

Total

Portuguese 

3,606 1,0541,204 2187

3.353 1,024 1,030 2589

6.959 2,0782.234 176

8,202
19,21219,167 321
448

6,989 5.195 2.449 134152

15.191
24,40721,6x6

Chinese 

South Sea Islanders 
Other nationalities 

600

Total 

7.058

6,67s

13.733

72,517

36,503

109,020

This shows a preponderance of two to one ; twice as many
males as females. That is the kind of a population you pro
pose to admit In this Union on an equal footing with the rest
of us.

CHAPTER II
INDUSTRY AND TRADE
IAM ^ tired of hearing Senators upon this floor, when
ever they wish to put through a measure which they
advocate, talk to the American people about the fear of
England. England is the most vulnerable nation upon the
globe. Half of her wealth is afloat upon the waters of the
earth, and if she entered into a contest with the United Spates
we would sweep her commerce from the seas; and the wealth
and genius and the enterprise of our people would do her such
vast damage that she would never recover. There is no dan
ger of war with England. Besides, if she should build the
cable and engage In a combat with us, the first thing we would
do would be to send our legions of men to overrun and capture
Canada and capture the cable which she had built, and overrun
and take control of her property.
Do we fear annexation by England? If England should
secure the Hawaiian Islands, I think they would be an element
of weakness, for they would be hard to defend. The water is
deep ; there are fourteen islands In the group ; the largest ships
can sail close to their shores anywhere, and a swift cruiser
could destroy this so-called Gibraltar of the Pacific In a day,
destroying every village and every plantation; and dodging
around through the deep channels between the islands, she
would be hard to capture, thus requiring a large fleet for their
defense. This fear of England is absurd and ridiculous. The argu
ment Is one which has disgusted me often. It has been used
when the Nicaraguan Canal project was before the Senate;
and no matter what the scheme may be which may be advo-
I. Speech in the Senate March 2, 1895. 17

1 8 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
cated upon this floor, the fear of England is set up before our
eyes — this bugaboo of sophomores, who are everlastingly
"hoisting" the American flag, and dying before they will allow
it to be pulled down 1 The season of this spread-eagle oratory
has long passed away in the Congress of the United States —
we listen patiently to It when it breaks out, and congratulate
the orator who has secured applause by alluding to the flag.
If England should bombard New York to-day she would
destroy as much English as American property. If England
should destroy the banks and insurance companies, and, for
that matter, some of the New York newspapers [laughter],
she would only be destroying the property of those who are
more in sympathy with the people of England than with the
people of the United States; but, further, If she should destroy
American property, we could recoup out of the vast sums
which we owe England and leave her to settle with her own
people. So, fear of England is the most absurd and ridiculous
proposition ever presented upon this floor — It is mere ranting,
rot, and roorback!
The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations has
presented the only argument besides the fear of England yet
presented. He says It is very essential that we should have
the Hawaiian Islands as a port from which to protect the
seals in Bering Sea. In the first place, Honolulu is as far
from Unalaska as San Franclsdo, and 800 miles further from
Unalaska than the ports on Puget Sound. Unalaska, on Un
alaska Island, is the chief harbor at the main entrance Into
the Bering Sea from the Pacific Ocean from the eastward,
and It is already our property. That is a magnificent harbor,
always free from Ice, and capable of accommodating the com
merce of the world. From that port, near to our own coal
mines, our operations are carried on In Bering Sea. So that
argument answers itself; but yet I am Inclined to enter some
what into that question.
In a speech a few days ago, the Senator from Alabama
[Mr. Morgan] said:
Now, Mr. President, I do not wish to present any pictures of imag
ination here, for if I were to draw upon my weak and impoverished

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 19
imagination to the full extent of my capacity I should not by any
means be capable of describing to the Senate the value and importance
of the fisheries of the Bering Sea. I will just say this (and if any
Senator desires me to prove it hereafter I will bring him the evidence
of it in the most tangible form), that the fisheries of what we call the
Bering Sea, as compared in value with the fisheries of the northeastern
coast, are not less than five or six times greater than those ever were.
The fisheries that we own there to-day are worth more for food and for
other sea productions to the people of the United States by five times
than the fisheries of the northeastern coast, including those around
Newfoundland. The Senator further said:
Notwithstanding some recent efforts to produce the impression
upon the minds of the people of the United States that the fur-seal
fisheries in Bering Sea are unprofitable and are actually destroyed, and
without adverting at all to the methods by which they say the destruc
tion has been wrought, I undertake to dispute that proposition out and
out. We have there a nursery of fur seals protected by two lines of
protection, which, if the Government of the United States* will ac
cording to its plain powers and duties execute, the fur-seal fisheries of
the Pribilof group of islands will be worth to us in the course of fifty
years $300,000,000. spr t^ T^ Tff TS *"
The representations which are made to alarm the American mind
into a belief that those fisheries are not valuable, and that therefore
some man may as well come in and jjocket them, had better be looked at
with a good deal of caution. I insist, Mr. President, that including
the fur seals, or even without including the fur seals, we have not
such an important fishery interest in the world, and no nation has
one so important as we have in the Bering Sea. It will draw fleets
of ships there.
And all this for the purpose of showing the importance of
a harbor In the Hawaiian Islands, from which we can gather
this vast crop of wealth, a harbor which it requires 2,000
miles of extra sailing to reach, where there is no coal what
ever, and which would be utterly useless; worse. than that,
those islands would be an element of weakness to us in every
respect. But let us see if we have such valuable property in Bering
Sea that it is necessary to acquire the Hawaiian Islands. I
refer to the official report made by the Secretary of the Treas-

20 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
ury in relation to this subject, in which he says in obedience
to a request made by the House of Representatives dated
January 23, 1895:
The alarming increase in the number of seals killed by pelagic
sealers and the further fact that in four or five weeks the vessels in
Bering Sea, only about one-third of the total number, killed more seals
than were taken in the four months' sealing on the American side of
the North Pacific, emphasize the conclusion expressed in my annual
report to Congress that long before the expiration of the five years,
when the regulations enacted by the Tribunal of Arbitration are to be
submitted to the respective Governments for re-examination, the fur seal
will have been practically exterminated.
My answer to the first inquiry is, therefore, that the operation of
the articles of the Bering Sea Tribunal for the regulation of the fur-
seal industry of Alaska has not resulted in saving the fur-seal herd
from that destruction which those articles were intended to prevent.
With reference to the present condition of the fur-seal herds on the
Pribilof Islands, I have to report a dangerous decrease. Information
on file in the Department indicates a falling off of at least one-half
during the past four seasons. It thus appears that the condition of the
Alaskan fur-seal herd is most critical. All facts jroint to its speedy
extermination unless the present regulations, enacted in the award of the
Paris Tribunal, are changed at an early date, so as to afford a greater
measure of protection to the seal herd.
In reply to the inquiry conceming the revenue derived by the
Government from the fur-seal herds during the past season, and the
expenditures during the same period in executing the requirements of
the Paris award, I have to state that 15,000 seals were taken on the
Pribilof Islands in the year last past, and 1,031 remained on hand from
last year. The amount to be paid by the lessees of the islands, according
to the provisions of their contract, on or before April i next, will be
$214,298.37, the items being as follows:
Rental  ^60,000 . 00
Tax of $2 per skin on 16,031 skins  32,062.00
Bonus of $7,625 per skin on 16,031 skins  122,236.37
As to expenses, I have to state that the honorable the Secretary of
the Navy reports that the expenditures incident to the presence of the
United States naval vessels in Bering Sea during the past year was
$158,188.25. The expenses attending the presence of the revenue
steamers Bear, Corwin, and Rush aggregate $40,116.24. The amounts
named do not include the pay of oflficers or men or the rations supplied
to them. Of the $1,500 appropriated to enable the Secretary of the

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 21
Treasury to pay the necessary expenses of enforcing the provisions of
section 4 of the act approved April 6, 1894, under which two experts
were employed to examine and classify pelagic seal skins, the sum of
$250 has been expended. The salaries and expenses of the agents of the
seal islands, whose duties would require them to be present on said
islands without regard to the Bering Sea controversy, have not been
included in preparing this answer to the resolution. The aggregate
expense would, therefore, seem to be $198,554.49.
To this must be added v$ 150,000 for salaries of officers
and men and rations; for salaries of seal-island agents and
expenses, $20,000; for support of seal-Island natives, $19,000,
and for Fish Commission steamer, $15,000, making a total
annual expense of $402,000 for the purpose of carrying out
the regulations of the Paris Tribunal, and which returned to
the Treasury but little over $200,000 last year, and which
will not return $50,000 this coming season. Meanwhile, the
Canadian hunters, under the hcense of these Paris regulations,
will finish what we have left in two or three more seasons of
this "protection" secured by the Bering Sea Tribunal, and for
which the Senator from Alabama appears as the wise and
prophetic Interpreter. He Is the only man, however, who has
the hardihood to still declare them worth the paper upon
which they are written. His associates at Paris have retired
from public view in silence and In shame.
Besides all this. It is clearly shown by the reports that over
20,000 pups starved upon the rookeries last year, their
mothers having been butchered by the Canadian butchers in
Bering Sea during the last season.
This certainly is a splendid "nursery" of fur seals ! It .is
very important and very necessary that we should acquire the
Hawaiian Islands in order to reap that enormous deficit of
$200,000 a year alone upon this Industry, which the report of
the Secretary of the Treasury declares so emphatically to be
the case.
In his speech of Friday, February 8, 1895, the Senator
from Alabama says that there Is a very valuable whaling indus
try in Bering Sea, and "getting more valuable every day."
The whales have been run out of Bering Sea ever since 1866;
there has been no whaling there to mention since that date.

22 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The whales have all been hunted since 1865 in the Arctic
Ocean above Bering Straits, in the open lanes of water in the
ice floes of that region, between Herald Island and Point Bar
row. There has been no whaling in the North Pacific Ocean
to speak of since i860; and all this misinformation and all
this imagination to bolster up the miserable project of annexa
tion! In proof of this I refer to the reports of the United
States Fish Commission.
The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations says
that "the fisheries of Bering Sea are five times as extensive and
valuable as those of the northeastern coast, including those
around Newfoundland." The Fish Commission reports de
clare that there is no fishing In Bering Sea that amounts to
one-hundredth part of the value of the Atlantic fisheries
returned at Gloucester, Mass., alone.
The salmon fisheries of Alaska, so famous, save two small
canneries, are not on the shores of Bering Sea at all; they He
at the mouths of the small rivers on Kodlak Island and In
Cook's Inlet, and along the coast of the North Pacific Ocean
between the Alaskan peninsula and Sitka.
The Senator from Alabama says that we have been con
fronted with some "recent efforts to prove that the fur-seal
fisheries in Bering Sea are unprofitable and are virtually de
stroyed. Without adverting at all to the methods by which
they say the destruction has been wrought, I undertake to
dispute that proposition out and out. We have here a nursery
of fur seals, protected by two lines of protection."
The distinguished Secretary of the Treasui-y, in his report
from which I have read, stands as a witness against the asser
tion of the Senator from Alabama. Under date of January
21, 1895, he tells the House of Representatives that the rules
and regulations of the Paris Tribunal are a flat failure. Secre
tary Carlisle declares :
From these figures it becomes evident that during the present season
there has been an unprecedented increase over preceding years ift the
number of seals killed by pelagic sealers, both in American and Asiatic
waters. This increase has caused an alarming decrease in the number of
seals on the islands, as hereinafter explained. A significant fact in

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 23
this connection is the unprecedented number of dead pups found on the
islands this season, which presumably died of starvation, their mothers
being killed at sea. Our ag(fnt counted over i2,ooo on the' accessible
portions of the rookeries alone. He estimates, upon said count, a total
of nearly 20,000. It should be remembered that at the close of the
season of 1893, when pelagic sealing was prohibited in Bering Sea,
less than 1,000 were found on St. Paul Island — no count having been
made on the Island of St. George.
The alarming increase in the number of seals killed by pelagic
sealers and the further fact that in four or five weeks the vessels in
Bering Sea, only about one-third of the total number, killed more seals
than were taken in the four months sealing on the American side of
the North Pacific, emphasize the conclusion expressed in my annual
report to Congress that long before the expiration of the five years,
when the regulations enacted by the Tribunal of Arbitration are to be
submitted to the respective Governments for re-examination, the fur
seal will have been practically exterminated.
My answer to the first inquiry is, therefore, that the operation of
the articles of the Bering Sea Tribunal for the regulation of the fur-
seal industry of Alaska has not resulted in savinng the fur-seal herd
from that destruction which those articles were intended to prevent.
This Is a wonderful "nursery of fur seals" ; this is protec
tion with a vengeance ! Twenty thousand infants starved to
death last season In this "nursery" of the Senator from Ala
bama, "protected with two lines of protection!" When the
Senator finds a third line of such protection the seals will all
be enabled to decently starve at once, and that will make the
sense of the Senator's statement complete as to the value of
"our fur-seal fisheries.
Secretary Carlisle does not draw on his own imagination,
but he has his reports from the officers of this Government
and from the officers of the Fish Commission who have visited
the seal Islands during the last year.
The long and the short of tlie whole matter is that we
were cheated in the Paris Tribunal. Perhaps I should not
say that we were cheated, but our diplomats were certainly
outwitted. It seems to me In the face of these facts. In the
face of the ultimate destruction of the seals. In the face of the
fact that our regulations have only hastened that destruction,
that it is not a physical combat with England that we ought to
fear; It seems to me that the chairman of the Committee on

24 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Foreign Relations ought rather to shun a mental combat with
Great Britain. We have no reason to fear her armed men
and her guns and ships of war, but it seems we have reason
to fear her diplomats.
The chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations
proposes, in the face of all this overwhelming evidence fur
nished by the Secretary of the Treasury and the President of
the United States, that the American people shall sit stupidly
down and as stupidly submit to the further destruction of the
entire seal herd. The seals which are left upon those Islands,
or which will go there next, summer, are worth at least from
ten to twelve million dollars, and If we had passed the bill
which I have had referred to the Finance Committee it would
settle this whole controversy and be in the interests of human
ity, of decency, and national self-respect.
I am utterly disgusted with this business after an examina
tion of the whole matter and after a review of the abortive
operations of the Paris Tribunal, which alone cost this country
about $230,000. I believe it is time to end this whole miser
able business and get It out of our sight. The only people
who have profited are the arbitrators and their clerks and
attaches, the lawyers who mulcted us in outrageous fees for
imbecile advice, and the poachers who have stolen the seals
and ruined our property, while we are called upon to pay them
for doing it. I will say further, the reason why the Paris
Tribunal failed was because we gave away our case before
we entered into the arbitration.
On the 2d of March, 1889, the Senate passed a bill for
the better protection of the salmon fisheries of Alaska, to
which the House adopted this amendment :
That section 1956 of the Revised Statutes of the United States was
intended to include and apply, and is hereby declared to include and
apply, to all the waters of Bering Sea in Alaska embraced within the
boundary lines mentioned and described in the treaty with Russia,
dated March 20, 1867.
To this amendment the Senate refused to agree, and the
present chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations said,
in substance, upon this floor, that we were not ready to insist

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 25
upon that contention, and yet our arbitrators went to Paris
Instructed to insist upon a close sea within the boundaries of
Bering Sea. They were instructed also to insist, second, that
the seals were a special property; that as such we had a right
to protect them wherever they were.
The first position they were driven from at once by refer
ence to the records of the Senate, and obliged to abandon it.
When we abandon that position there is nothing left but to
protect our property without arbitration. The absurdity of
claiming property In wild animals was so apparent that our
agents at Paris were soon driven from that position. Of all
wild animals the fur seal is one of the very wildest. There is
not one and never was one that was domesticated. There
Is not one in any zoological garden throughout the world.
They voluntarily starve themselves to death when In captivity.
But, worse than that, if we could claim property In these wild
animals, then the Canadians might equally as well claim prop
erty in all of the salmon which swim up those rivers of Alaska
which empty into the Pacific Ocean through the "30-mile"
strip between the foot of Mount St. Ellas and Fort Simpson,
British Columbia, a stretch of coast 500 miles long, and
streams too numerous to mention.
Each year the salmon pass up over our territory and up to
the headwaters of these streams in British ground to spawn,
and there they raise their young. The seals coming up from
the Southern Pacific In June and July go on the Pribilof
Islands, in Bering Sea, and there rear their young.
If we could maintain our claims in these seals wherever
they are found, then England could maintain her right to prop
erty in the salmon, for It is well known that the salmon always
returns to the place of its birth, and we would be liable for
catching a single salmon in that great expanse of the ocean
and in that strip of Alaska through which these rivers run.
The Senators from Maryland would violate an international.
law If they killed a canvasback duck on the Chesapeake which
the summer before had its nest in Canada. So we. were forced
from that position. There was nothing left but to devise some

26 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
mutual agreement or regulations which might save our fur-
seal herd from indecent and cruel slaughter.
After much confabulation by the tribunal, of which the
Senator from Alabama was a member, these regulations were
agreed upon, and published on the i6th of August, 1893, at
Paris, to the world. The entire personnel of the American
case broke out Into loud and joyous acclaim, declaring that
they had won a great victory for the seals ; that these regula
tions, had saved these valuable Interests of our Government
on the Pribilof Islands from ruin.
How they have saved the seals is now well known, and the
shameful failure of the Paris Tribunal is universally under
stood In this country.
I have thus fully discussed the argument based upon our
interests In Alaska because it was presented by the chairman
of the Committee on Foreign Relations and Is the only argu
ment I have heard except the fear of England. Take a map
of the Pacific Ocean and you will find that the Hawaiian
Islands are within 18° of the equator, that the Aleutian
Islands are in 55° north latitude, that Port Townsend is at
the entrance of Puget Sound in 49" north latitude, and that
the distance from Port Townsend to Unalaska, at the en
trance of Bering Sea, is but 1,500 miles, while the distance
from Honolulu to Unalaska is 2,086 miles. You will also
see that the shortest route for ships from San Francisco to
Japan or China goes within 100 miles of Unalaska, the dis
tance from San Francisco to Yokohama, Japan, being 4,536
miles, and from Port Townsend 4,202 miles, as against 5,530
miles by way of Hawaii to Japan from San Frartcisco and
6,100 miles from Port Townsend to Japan. If we are going
to build a cable in the Pacific we should build it from Port
Townsend to Juneau and Sitka and Unalaska and thence to
Japan, saving over a thousand miles of cable and reaching our
own possessions, accommodating our own people.
*******
In ^ executive session and in the public prints we have
been told of the great commercial Interests of these islands
1. Speech in the Senate July 2, 1898.

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 27
and that their trade with the United States would increase.
That was the argument made when the reciprocity treaty was
adopted in 1875, twenty-three years ago — immense trade rela
tions, enormous commerce. What has been the result? The
goods we ship to the Hawaiian Islands to-day are less In value^
than those ten years ago. The population of the islands has
doubled. They ship to us commodities about three times in
value of what they did then, but our export trade with those
islands has fallen off. Why is it? Because their increase in
population has been from Asia — from China and Japan.
Those people do not consume the goods we produce. They
live upon rice; they wear oriental clothing. Commerce has
been augmented with Asia and not with the United States, and
so It will be in the future.
As the sugar industry grows, coolies are imported In con
stantly increasing numbers to cultivate the sugar, and less and
less of the products of this country will be consumed. Ameri
cans will not cultivate sugar; they have not gone to those
islands as laborers; and although in 1895 there were eighty-
four men of American blood employed upon sugar plantations.
In 1897 there was not one. Why? Because the Japanese —
skillful, able — would fill the places of our bookkeepers and
our superintendents for $15 a month, while the Americans
must have $50 or $75. So no matter what you do, if you
annex the islands they will not furnish homes for American
toilers or American population. It must be Asiatic. No
Anglo-Saxon ever yet toiled in the sugar-cane fields or pro
duced coffee.
But they say there are great shipping interests. I desire
to have the Secretary read an interview with Claus Spreckels
on this subject. I take It from the San Francisco Call of
Tuesday, April 27, 1897. At that time they were agitating
the repeal of the reciprocity treaty with Hawaii.
The Secretary read as follows :
SPRECKELS TALKjS OF THE TREATY— WAS OPPOSED
TO HAWAIIAN RECIPROCITY FROM THE START-
WAS A SCHEME OF THE TRUST— HAS NEVER BEEN
AND IS NOT CONTROLLED BY THE SUGAR COM-

28 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
BINE— WORKING FOR THE INTERESTS OF HIS
COUNTRY— MONEY PAID FOR HAWAIIAN SUGAR
FLOWS MOSTLY INTO THE COFFERS OF EURO
PEANS.
[From the San Francisco Call, Tuesday, April 27, 1897.]
Claus Spreckels has every reason, he declared in an interview yes
terday, to believe that the Hawaiian reciprocity treaty will be abrogated.
His confidence in such an outcome, he said, is due to the fact that right
and reason were on the side of those who favored the discontinuance of
the existing convention.
"Reciprocity," he continued, "means an exchange of benefits that
have some approach to being equal on both sides. No one, I believe,
will attempt to controvert such an interpretation of the term. Now,
I claim, and existing facts and circumstances will bear me out fully,
that the treaty in force between this country and Hawaii is reciprocal
in name only, and that all the advantages arising under it are enjoyed
by Hawaii, or rather the foreigners resident there.
"At the present time the balance of trade between the United
States and Hawaii is $8,000,000 per annum, and no effort is made
by the Hawaiian Government to encourage more trading with the
United States. On the contrary, everything that is done tends to the
encouragement of trade with other countries — notably Canada, Ger
many, and England. They have even withdrawn the subsidy formerly
paid to the Oceanic Steamship Company, an American line which, has
^done more to develop the islands than any other transportation com
pany. "I noticed a statement in one of the local papers that our com
merce with Hawaii was a great factor in giving employment to Amer
ican vessels, and that the American shipping engaged in this traffic
has a valuation of $18,000,000. Anyone who will take the trouble to
look over the custom-house records can learn for himself that the value
of all vessels carrying between this port and Hawaii will not exceed
$2,000,000. "Much has been said about the trust being interested in the beet-
sugar factory at Watsonville, and of its being opposed to the Hawaiian
reciprocity treaty. It is claimed by the advocates of the treaty that if
the Hawaiian free sugar is prevented from coming here, the trust would
be able to shut down one of the refineries. That is simply nonsense.
The Watsonville factory is turning out 20,000 tons of sugar annually,
and the Salinas factory, in course of construction, will have a capacity
of 60,000 tons. Thus these two factories alone will be capable of
manufacturing enough sugar to supply the people of the Pacific coast,
and all this sugar will be refined on the coast.
"But in addition to these factories there are two others, which pro-

INDUSTRY ANT) TRADE 29
duce between 20,000 and 30,000 tons per year. All this will also be
refined here, and this will mean not a curtailing of the refining capacity,
but an increase of it. It would not pay to ship the raw sugar East,
have it refined there, and then have it sent back to the consumer.
"The result will be the establishment of more refineries in Cali
fornia; and instead of the California product being used as a supply
for the Pacific coast States and Territories, it will go to consumers
in the Missouri River territory, and perhaps eventually as far east as
Chicago. "This means employment in California of additional thousands
of people, the great enhancement in value of farming property in the
sugar-beet sections, and added prosperity for the State at large.
"Let me call attention to a phase of the situation that is entirely
lost sight of. We are taking from Hawaii its entire crop of sugar,
which will this year be about 235,000 tons, for which we will pay in
round figures $15,000,000. Of this product not to exceed 70,000
tons are turned out by Americans, while the money for the remaining
165,000 tons is paid to German and English planters and manufactur
ers, and out of the 70,000 tons credited to Americans, 45,000 tons are
produced from the plantations in which I am interested.
"My course in this matter is prompted simply and solely by my
desire to see the sugar industry of California fostered and improved.
My opposition to the Hawaiian reciprocity treaty is inspired by the
desire to encourage the investment of American capital in this State
instead of paying millions each year to'the foreigners — not Hawaiians
— ^who largely control the sugar product of the islands. Not even the
workmen employed on the sugar plantations and in the factories are
native Hawaiians, but Chinese and Japanese coolies and Portuguese,
who receive from $12 to $15 a month and must find themselves.
"Those who are standing for a continuance of the treaty I am sure
are not aware of the fact that the money we pay for Hawaiian sugar
does not benefit the islands, for it eventually mostly flows to England,
Germany, China, and Japan. My contention is that the money can
be and should be kept in this country, and this can be accomplished by
the abrogation of the existing treaty with Hawaii and by placing the
same duty on Hawaiian sugar that is placed on any other similar foreign
product. "Another popular fallacy that is being circulated is that I was
always strongly in favor of the treaty. That is not so. No one was
more bitterly opposed to it when it was under consideration than I,
and I spent at one time about $2,800 in sending a petition, with a long
list of signatures attached, to Washington in 1876 in opposition to it.
"At that time I was importing the raw material from Manila and
Batavia and had to pay duty on it. There was a combination at
that time between the sugar trust, with Searles at its head, the sugar

30 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
planters of Hawaii, and the owners of the American Sugar Refinery
of this city against me because I would not go into the trust.
"For self-protection I proceeded to the islands and soon became the
largest sugar raiser there, with the ultimate result of not only beating
the trust and its combination on the coast, but of invading its best ter
ritory in the East and erecting a refinery in Philadelphia. I have never
allowed the trust to control me in the past and it does not control me
now. While it has an interest in the Watsonville factory, that fact
still leaves me an independent factor in the sugar niarket, and this
position I propose to always maintain.
"While still owning large interests in Hawaii, I began experiment
ing with sugar-beet growing in California, as I never felt j.ust right to
have my capital, mostly made in California, invested in a foreign
country. My experiments proved highly successful and the result is
now before the world.
"I have sacrificed large interests in Hawaii, and stand ready to
make further sacrifices. I feel that I owe my first duty to this coun
try, and have always endeavored to perform it to the utmost of my
ability. I have at last succeeded in transferring the major part of my
interests to this State and the benefits that have accrued to the
Commonwealth I think I can safely leave to the people of the San
Joaquin, Pajaro, and Salinas valleys to tell.
"I am confident that when the people of the United States are put
in possession of the facts connected with the Hawaiian treaty there
will be an almost unanimous sentiment in favor of its abrogation.
If we continue the treaty, it will be equivalent to putting at least
$15,000,000 annually into the pockets of a number of English and
German sugar producers and the coolies whom they employ, instead of
keeping this vast amount of money in this country to be distributed
among our farmers and the people employed in our own sugar planta
tions, factories, and refineries."
Mr. Pettigrew.: It seems from this interview with Mr.
Spreckels that $2,000,000 is the total value of all vessels en
gaged exclusively in the Hawaiian trade. The shipping inter
est, then, is worth less than one-fourth the value of a wheat
crop In one county in North Dakota at a reasonable price, and
yet this nation is called upon to> abandon its policy of a century
and absorb a people against their will and govern them. * * *
In 1876 we made a treaty with the Hawaiian Islands by
which we agreed that their product should come Into this
country free of duty. The duty was then 2 cents a pound on
sugar. It was said that there was little sugar produced there

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 31'
and that it would never compete seriously with the United
States. Finally we made a treaty by which they agreed to
admit our products free of duty and we agreed to admit their
products free of duty.
Now we are informed that they have become the greatest
producers of wealth in the world per capita. No wonder!
They put forth each year a sugar crop worth. In the United
States, $15,000,000, and one-half of that value Is In the duties
which we remit. It is a clear gift of $7,500,000 a year, not
to the people, but to the planters, to the missionary pknters
of Hawaii. The treaty has taken seven and a half million
dollars per annum out of the pockets of the people of the
United States in order to confer this gratuity upon an alien
people. Wonderful producers ! They create a crop of seven
and a half million dollars In value, and we give them seven
and a half million dollars, and they say they produce that and
then say that the people of Hawaii, according to their popula
tion, are the greatest producers of wealth in the world.
We made a treaty in 1876 by which we agreed to admit
their products free of duty — their fruit, their wool, their
sugar. What has been the consequence ? It will bear record
ing. It will be well for every Senator to remember the fact.
Since that time we have sold to the Hawaiian people
$66,000,000 worth of goods. We have remitted In duties
$78,000,000. We have given them, then, as a direct present,
everything they bought of us and $12,000,000 in money be
sides; and yet It is said we should annex the islands to per
petuate this iniquity because of the trade relations. Marvel
ous, Is it not, that a nation will continue such a policy? We
have taken out of the pockets of the people of the United
States $78,000,000, because Hawaiian sugar never reduced
the price of sugar to the American consumer one particle.
We have taken $78,000,000 by taxation out of the pockets of
our people and given it to those sugar planters, and yet we
have steadfastly refused to abrogate the treaty, and now we
propose to annex the islands so that this process shall go on
forever. Yet it is said that the sugar trust is the only influence

32 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
behind the men who oppose annexation. Let us see what
interest the sugar trust has In this matter. The continued
free importation of Hawaiian sugar will kill the beet-sugar
industry In this country absolutely. It can go no further. It
can enlarge no more. The beet-sugar factory refines the
sugar. There is no necessity for refining it after the factory
is done with it. It Is claimed by sugar experts that cane sugar
can not be successfully refined In a factory where raw sugar
Is made — that is, has to be remelted and refined — but beet
sugar is successfully refined and the factories which produce
it turn out the finished product.
Therefore, if we build up the beet-sugar industry In this
country and it supplies the United States with sugar, the sugar
trust Is out of business; there is no further use whatever for
its refineries. The sugar trust does not manufacture sugar.
It merely refines the crude product of cane-sugar mills. Abro
gate the Hawaiian treaty, close the doors to the Hawaiian
sugar, and in ten years the United States will produce its own
sugar from the sugar beet and the sugar trust will be a thing
of the past. Its interest is absolutely In favor of the annexa
tion of these Islands, whose province it Is to create raw sugar
for them to refine. You annex those Islands so as to kill the
growing beet-sugar industry in this country, and you leave the
trust in command of the American market.
The world knows what members of this body have been
the special champions of the sugar trust in the past, and knows
that every one of them is in favor of annexation. What fur
ther answer Is needed to that miserable argument? What
Interest is there in favor of this annexation? I read In the
morning paper that the Ewa plantation stock of Hawaii is
worth 400 cents on the dollar — four times what it was orig
inally worth; that it went from 300 to 400 cents on the passage
of the joint resolution through the House of Representatives.
Who can afford to spend money in order to perpetuate a sys
tem by which the sugar planters of Hawaii get $7,500,000 a
year? Who has the money to spend? The men in favor of an
nexation, who took from the people of this country in remitted

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 33
duties' last year $7,500,000, who have received in remitted
duties since 1876 $78,149,000. If the sugar trust were here
trying to defeat this joint resolution, do you think the three
papers In this town would all be on the other side? Have
they exhibited such vast *and marvelous virtue in the past as
to leave them incorruptible in the presence of the thrifty sugar
trust? The opponents of annexation have no organ, and the
impatience of one of the papers here would indicate that
instead of receiving part of the remitted duties in cash it has
a contingent fee.
The Star draws upon its imagination for Its facts ; and, as
everybody knows, Its editor has no imagination, therefore they
have no facts. And yet, impatiently, falsely, they continue to
attack those who oppose the annexation of the Islands, and to
attribute to them corrupt motives and pursue the debate — no,
not the debate, Mr. President — ^they pursue a course such as
no lawyer, no newspaper would pursue if they were conduct
ing an honest contest. No one would be so Impatient, no one
would be so willing to resort to falsehood, unless impelled by
a contingent fee, something dependent upon success not quite
in the grasp, that is eagerly reaching forward, hoping by suc
cess to secure the corrupt price of their services. That is the
only thing which would induce the New York Sun and the
Evening Star to pursue the course they have pursued. They
are advocating the cause of the men who got the $78,000,000.
They are advocating the cause of the men who want reci
procity because It results in our presenting them not only all
the goods they have bought of us, but in twenty years
$12,000,000 in cash besides.
Let me state our trade in 189 1. In that year we sold to
the people of Hawaii $4,935,911 worth of domestic goods
and $171,301 worth of foreign goods, a total of $5,107,212.
In 1896 we sold to them $3,985,000 worth. We Imported
from Hawaii in 1891 $13,161,000 worth of stuff. We sold
to them over $5,000,000 worth of stuff. In 1896 we sold to
them $3,985,000, or a milHon dollars less than we sold to
them in 1891, and we bought of them $15,098,000 worth _of
goods. So while our purchases atid the amount of duties

34 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
which we remit constantly increase, their purchases from us
decline, because their population Is becoming more and more
Asiatic, and Asiatic people do not consume the things we
produce. * * *
This remission of duties, this enormous bonus which we
have conferred upon Hawaiian Industries has gone not to the
people of the United States but to foreigners. It has not
served to pay a single American laborer. It has been used to
pay Asiatic labor under contract — slave labor ; and two-thirds
of the profit has gone to Germans, Englishmen, Scandinavians,
and native Hawaiians, and less than one-third of it to citi
zens of the United States. Less than one-third of the sugar
plantations of those islands are owned by Americans; two-
thirds are owned by other people. So we have remitted this
vast sum of $78,000,000, and two-thirds of it has gone to
men who are not citizens of the United States. Yet one of the
ar.guments which has been used to justify this miserable busi
ness Is that the sugar was produced by American citizens !
It has been argued that the beet-sugar industry would not
be interfered with by the annexation of these islands or by
allowing the sugar of the islands to come in free. I propose
to take up that subject and show that the Hawaiian Islands
now produce a sufficient quantity of sugar to supply all the
United States west of the Missouri River, including Texas.
I also propose to show that those islands can produce twice
as much sugar, if not four times as much, as they now pro
duce ; that last year they shipped to this country 500,000,000
pounds of sugar; that when they double that they will ship to
this country 1,000,000,000 pounds of sugar; and that the
consumption of sugar west of the Missouri River last year
was only 530,000,000, pounds. I may not have the figures
exactly right, but it was between 500,000,000 and 600,000,000
pounds. I also propose to show that the increase in Hawaii,
stimulated by the pending resolution, if the islands are an
nexed, will more than supply that country for all time to come.
To-day the seat of the beet-sugar industry in this country
is west of the Missouri River. That region can produce the

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 35
sugar beet in sufficient quantity to supply the people of the
United States with sugar; but, Mr. President, it can not do it
in competition with Asiatic labor. The Asiatic worker toils
in the cane field for $12 a month and boards himself. He is
the best agricultural laborer In the world. He comes from
Japan under our treaty with Japan. That treaty is to con
tinue for twelve years. We can not exclude that labor from
the United States. It will come to those islands and come
continuously, for we have made a treaty with Japan which
goes into effect a year from this month, and is to continue
twelve years, by which they are on an equal footing with the
nations of Europe.
/ Our people have a right to go to Japan and go into busi-
/ness; their people have a right to come to the United States.
You will notice In the joint resolution now before the Senate
that there is a provision prohibiting Chinese from immigrat
ing to the Islands after they are annexed, but there is no pro
vision prohibiting the Importation of Japanese. Why? Be
cause it would be a violation of our treaty to do it. The fact
is that the Jap Is a cheaper man, because he is a better laborer,
and there are to-day 30,000 Japanese laborers In the Hawaiian
Islands and 24,000 Chinese. As the Chinese contract term
expires his place will be filled by Japanese, and we can not stop
it under existing treaties. So the lands of the islands will be
occupied with sugar plantations to the absolute ruin of the
Jbeet-sugar industry in our own country.
It is said that the area that will produce sugar is exhausted.
Let us see with regard to that. I read again from Thrum's
Annual of Hawaii, in which the total amount of Government
land is given, which may be classified as follows :
Cane land, 25,000 acres still held by the Government; average pro
duction of sugar in Hawaii, 4 tons to the acre; Ewa plantation produces
8 tons to the acre; 25,000 acres will produce 100,000 tons.
Also the following:
The total amount of Government land may be roughly classified as
follows:

36 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Classification of Government Lands Acres
Valuable building lots  14S
Cane land  25,626
CofFee land  76,270
Rice land  977
Homesteads, Government interest in  20,000
Grazing lands, various qualities  ^. 451,200
Forest lands, high  681,282
Rugged mountain tracts  227,000
Barren lands, estimated  300,000
Total  1,782,500
Mr. Caffery: Will the Senator from South Dakota
permit me to make an inquiry in this connection? He speaks
ofthe crown lands, 25,000 acres of which are given to making
sugar. I desire to know whether the crown lands of Hawaii
are not under lease for long periods of time to the sugar
planters? Mr. Pettigrew: Some of them undoubtedly are.
Mr. Caffery: Does not the evidence gathered by Mr.
Blount show the fact that the crown lands have been leased
over to the sugar planters for very long periods of time ?
Mr. Pettigrew: I think so; not all of them. I am
speaking of the Government lands. On the Ewa plantation
they claim there are 10,000 acres; 2,000 acres are In cultiva
tion. There are 8,000 acres yet that can be planted with
sugar. In my opinion the vast areas now devoted to coffee,
and said to be good coffee land, are sugar lands, and that
with this enormous stimulus, with the admission of those
islands into the Union, there are at least 200,000 acres of the
lands that may yet be devoted to the production of sugar in
addition to that already In use.
On the island of Hawaii there Is a vast belt of tropical
forest, tree ferns 30 feet in height, with trunks 2 feet through,
mangoes and every tropical fruit growing in marvelous pro
fusion, with wild bananas and vines that grow only In a trop
ical climate. It is the most fertile soil In the world. These
lands will be subjected to the cultivation of sugar, in my opin-

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 37
ion, under this provision. I see no reason why the present
production of 500,000,000 pounds, enough to supply the peo
ple west of the Missouri River, shall not be increased to two
or three billion pounds by Asiatic labor at $12 a month. They
can produce sugar for less than a cent and a half a pound,
and I venture to say it can not be produced In Louisiana for
less than 3^4 cents a pound. They raise in Louisiana a ton
and a half to the acre, as against 4 tons in these marvelously
rich islands. In Louisiana they must pay American citizens
and American laborers, but in Hawaii they employ contract
slave labor — Asiatic labor.
In the Hawaiian Annual I find the following:
I see no reason, from present conditions of the sugar industry or
from any outlook, to believe that it is not to continue to be the leading
and profitable industry of these islands for years to come. With annexa-
ion there should a somewhat more extended cultivation of sugar
cane be made possible by artesian wells and pumping plants; hence a
larger output than at present; but I would not, at the same time,
neglect any other industry that offered a fair return for the capital
invested. One can not doubt that the present prosperity of the islands is due
almost wholly to its sugar industry. Contrast, if you please, the con
dition of the whole country in 1 860 and now.
So I say, Mr. President, that there Is no doubt, after in
vestigating these islands — and I visited nearly every one of
them — that the sugar industry there can be increased to at
least four times Its present dimensions; and, if that is done,
there is no possible hope for the beet-sugar industry of this
country. It is the death knell of an industry which has already
attracted the attention of our people and caused the invest
ment of millions of dollars.
I want to say In this connection that It is the beet-sugar
people who are opposing annexation, if there is any lobby here
whatever. I have met people who are engaged in the produc
tion of beet sugar In Nebraska and in California, and I do
not blame those people for doing what they can to protect
from ruin a productive vocation in which they have Invested
large sums of money; but that they are not using money to

38 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Influence this contest is proved conclusively by the fact that
they have not a newspaper in this city advocating their cause.
You say the newspapers are too good. They prove that they
are not.Mr. Caffery : I ask the Senator from South Dakota to
permit me at this point to suggest to him that the American
Sugar Refining Company imports only raw cane sugar, unless
It Is for the purpose of filling a temporary vacuum in their
supply of that article; that they control the markets of the
world as to raw sugar, and of course control the price of raw
sugar. So little beet sugar Is being raised in the United
States. They thereby control the price of both. Is it not
manifest that if the home production of beet sugar ever
attains the proportion of supplying the home demand, the
sugar trust will have to loosen its grasp upon the markets of
the United States; and that, therefore, the more raw cane
sugar they can control and bring Into the United States free of
duty, the greater will be their grasp upon the home market for
their refined article?
Mr. Pettigrew: There is no question about that, Mr.
President. On the contrary, It is absolutely true, and they
know It, that if the beet-sugar Industry grows so as to supply
the market of the United States, their business is gone for
ever, for a beet-sugar factory makes refined sugar.
What does the sugar trust do? It refines raw sugar.
Where? Along the coast. In New York, Pennsylvania, New
Jersey, perhaps In Maryland, and up In Maine. Every one
of the refinery companies in those States and all the repre
sentatives of those States are In favor of annexation. Did you
ever hear of their abandoning the interests of the sugar trust
In any contest? No; and they have not done so in this. The
sugar trust, residing as it does and having all Its stock held m,
those States, Is enabled to command the vote even of those
who might be opposed to annexation. What nonsense to talk
about the sugar trust being opposed to annexation when every
vote which represents their side and their interest is In favor
of annexation ! I am tired of this talk about the sugar trust's
opposition to annexation.

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 39
Mr. President, when I offered an amendment to the last
tariff bill striking off the eighth of a cent extra duty on refined
sugar, which had been imposed purely and absolutely in the
interest of the sugar trust, known by everybody to be a trust,
I did not get a vote for my amendment from the States where
the sugar trust is located. They knew, and the sugar trust
knew, that if the beet-sugar industry of the West supphed
the people of this country with sugar their factories would
become silent, refining by them will be at an end, and this
infamous and odious corrupter of men would be out of busi
ness. Beet sugar is what they fear. Cane sugar, as I said
before, requires remelting. Beet sugar can be made refined.
sugar by one continuous process, the beets going in at one end
of the factory and coming out refined, white, granulated sugar
at the other end of the factory In eighteen hours. That is the
process the sugar trust fears. But if this annexation Is ac
complished, if Hawaiian sugar continues to come In free, it
will be the end of the beet-sugar industry In this country.
But you say the Hawaiian Islands will not produce enough
to compete with the beet sugar of the United States. This
same controversy was up before. In 1876, when this treaty
was adopted, some one objected that if we remitted duties to
the amount of 2 cents a pound the sugar industry would grow
upon these islands enormously. The friends of the treaty in
1876 took this position, and I will read from the majority
report on the Hawaiian treaty, March 2, 1876, page 1419,
volume 4, part 2, first session Forty-fourth Congress.
When the treaty of 1876 was made. It was objected that
it remitted the duty upon Hawaiian sugar, and that this sugar,
coming In free of duty, would supplant the production of sugar
in this country and result In an enormous loss of revenue to
the Treasury. This presentation of the case was urged by
the opponents of the treaty of 1876, but without avail, for
the reason that the friends of the treaty — those who advocated
the measure — made statements which were apparently unan
swerable. They predicted that the sugar industry could never
grow in the Hawaiian Islands to more than 135,000,000
pounds a year ; and that was the wildest dream of any dreamer.

40 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The assurance was that the Hawaiians were producing 23,-
000,000 pounds at that time and never would produce over
50,000,000 pounds, and therefore the loss of revenue could
be only slight, and It would not interfere with the production
of sugar from beets In the West.
I am going to read these predictions because the same
statement is now made. Fifty millions, they told us, was
all that ever could be produced ; and yet last year the islands
produced 500,000,000 pounds and shipped it to the United
States. Five hundred million pounds is ten times as great as
the production predicted by the friends of the treaty when it
was made.
I say, then, it Is within the bounds of reason to say, after
visiting these islands, that the present production of sugar
within the next ten years will Increase to four times its present
amount, and that, instead of 500,000,000 pounds, they will
ship to this country 2,000,000,000 pounds; and that means the
absolute destruction of the beet-sugar industry in the United
States. Do our laborers favor this treaty? Not a labor organi
zation in the United States favors It. Do our farmers favor
this treaty of annexation? I have heard of none. A special
interest favors the Hawaiian and American sugar trust, and
the President of the United States falls Into line because he
wishes his name to go down in history as having acquired ter
ritory. That Is a craze which has seized more than one
President. A great President will go- down in history any
how, but a small President can simulate greatness only when
his name Is transmitted to posterity along with a piece of land
added to the area of the country. So great Presidents are not
annexationists and little Presidents are.
I am going to read the predictions. This is the majority
report of the Committee on the Hawaiian Treaty, March 2,
1876, page 141 9, volume 4, part 2, first session Forty-fourth
Congress : Importations of Sugar from Hawaii Pounds
1873  14,808,000
1874  13,574,000
187s  17,888,000

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 41
It is not possible that Hawaiian sugar can ever find its way to the
Atlantic States —
And yet in 1896, 49,000 tons of Hawaiian sugar found
their way direct to the port of New York —
The cost of transportation would exclude it; nor can there be fear
of any great increase in the production of this sugar, in view of the
steadily diminishing population of the islands.
From the time we offered a bonus of 2 cents a pound more
than the total cost of sugar, the population of the island began
to increase by leaps and bounds, not through the acquisition
of American toilers, but by accessions of Asiatic laborers.
It has been said that the United States will surely have this trade,
if they do nothing to encourage it.
This is an entire mistake, for production must diminish and trade
lessen by the impoverished condition of the people, or they will be
compelled to make commercial relations with some other country.
That is the report of the majority of the committee of the
House of Representatives in favor of the treaty of 1876, by
which sugar was admitted free of duty. They said it was
Impossible for the industry to Increase, and we would lose the
trade by an impoverishment of the people If we did not give
them this reciprocity treaty, as they called it; and yet under the
treaty our trade has fallen off since 1891, the population has
increased, and the trade with Asiatic countries has doubled.
Senator Mitchell, of Oregon, who was the chief advocate
of this treaty in the Senate In 1876, said, as appears by the
Congressional Record, Appendix, page 154, first session
Forty-fourth Congress:
The consumption of sugar on the Pacific coast in 1873, or rather
on that part of the Pacific coast supplied from San Francisco, Cal.,
and Portland, Ore., was 75,005,005 pounds, while of this amount but
little in excess of one-fifth, or 15,743,146 pounds, came from the
Sandwich Islands, although this constituted two-thirds of the whole
sugar production of the islands for that year, the whole amount being
little in excess of 23,000,000 pounds. So that, even should the amount
of sugar consumed on the Pacific coast annually not increase from year
to year, which is far wide of the actual fact, it would be necessary
that the annual production of the islands should be increased over four-

42 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
fold, and in addition to this that, instead of our coast getting but two-
thirds it should get every pound of that production in order that the
demand of the Pacific coast alone should be met; and until this is done
and a surplus remains to force its way into the free ports of the
Atlantic or the Gulf, how, I would inquire, would the sugar interests
of this country be affected?
But, Mr. President, this is not all. It is a fact that must be borne
in mind that the annual increase in the consumption of sugar on the
Pacific coast each year above the preceding is in itself almost equal in
amount to the present importations to the ports of that coast from
the Sandwich Islands. In the year 1862 the amount consumed was,
or rather the total amount of importations was, 62,861,460 pounds,
while in the year 1873, the year following, it was 75,007,005 pounds —
I think the other date must be 1872, although the print Is
1862—
or an excess of 12,145,545 pounds, while during the past year the im
portations were still greater in proportion. The Secretary of the
Treasury, in speaking of this large annual increase and of the prob
able effect of this treaty on the interest and revenues of the Government,
says — I call special attention to the fact that they had the Sec
retary of the Treasury In as a witness" "then as now. When
ever the Administration wants to do anything its Secretaries
are always brought forward to bolster up the cause, and they
always give that which is necessary In order to sustain the ar
gument. We have now the testimony of the Secretary of
Agriculture in relation to the beet-sugar industry, and then we
have this statement of the Secretary of the Treasury, and let
us see how far It is borne out by the facts :
This increasing importation and consumption, therefore, causes the
question to stand not so much as one of diminution of present revenues,
but rather as a check to their increase to the extent of the importa
tion of sugar and other dutiable articles made free. The lack of
natural facilities for developing the production of sugar in the islands
embraced in the treaty would keep dovra the future proportions cf this
check. Senator Mitchell proceeds :
"But," says the Southern planter who has not informed himself
properly on the subject, and who is perhaps somewhat befogged by

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 43
interested and wild statements of the sugar refiners, "throw your Amer
ican ports open to the producers of the islands and the annual produc
tions will soon increase to 150,000,000 pounds, an amount more than
necessary tosupply the demands of the people of the Pacific States and
lerritories. This, Mr. President, I deny: and one principal re.nson
why 1 deny it is because it is a physical impossibility, besides there
are many reasons of minor importance abundantly forcible to sus
tain my position. I will proceed to show why it is a physical impos
sibility. Now, let us see. The opponents of the treaty which pro
posed to admit Hawaiian sugar free of duty said that the pro
duction would grow to 150,000,000 pounds, and they were
ridiculed and were told that they were interested in the sugar
refiners, just as we are now, and the friends of the treaty
undertook to show then that It was physically Impossible.
What are the facts? The importation of sugar from Hawaii,
instead of increasing to 150,000,000 pounds. Increased to
500,000,000 pounds last year. The enemies of the treaty in
1876 predicted that enough would be imported to supply the
people of the Western States and Territories, and last year
they imported enough to supply the States and Territories west
of the Missouri River.
Senator Mitchell goes on to say:
According to the uniform statement of historians, supported by
the census tables of the Hawaiian Government, the whole area of till
able and grazing lands on all the islands does not exceed 500,000
acres —
On the contrary, it is more than 2,500,000 acres —
and of this amount not over 100,000 acres, at the very most, are sus
ceptible of sugar cultivation, while a portion of this area is so destitute
of water and means of irrigation as to render its profitable cultivation
extremely problematical. To-day the whole number of acres in sugar
cultivation is only about 23,000, producing on an average about
1,060,000 pounds to every 1,000 acres. It therefore follows that if
every foot of soil on the island capable of producing sugar were put
in cultivation, the production would fall far short of the estimate made
by the refiners and would not exceed even then the amount in pounds
that will be consumed the present year on the Pacific coast alone.
But how improbable is the statement that the annual production of
the islands will be doubled even during the next seven years, the limit

44 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
of the proposed treaty. Where is the labor to come from sufficient to
work such a revolution in the production of these islands? . . . Or
will the simple release from the payment of an annual duty of less
than $400,000 be suflficient to work such a revolution in the industry and
material prosperity of these islands so as to increase its productions to
any very appreciable amount? The idea is preposterous and can not
be sustained by either facts or argument.
This was what was said in answer to the prediction of the
Louisiana sugar producers that the production of sugar in
the Islands would Increase under the treaty so as to endanger
their industry. They were ridiculed; they were charged with
being In with the refiners, and yet the facts are that their pre
diction was less than one-third of the fact. The facts are that
while they said the production would grow from 23,000,000
to 150,000,000 pounds. It has grown from 23,000,000 pounds
to 500,000,000 pounds a year, and it will continue to grow
with Asiatic labor, and the purchases of goods from this
country will continue to fall off just in proportion as the in
crease in sugar continues.
Senator Booth, in the United States Senate, March 18,
1875, page 160 of Congressional Record, Appendix, first
session Forty-fourth Congress, said:
Their [Hawaiian Islands] exports to the United States in 1874
amounted in round numbers to a million dollars, of which sugar con
stituted something more than nine-tenths in value. The entire produc
tion of sugar in the islands in that year was about 28,000,000 pounds,
of which the United States received more than one-half. Under the
existing tariff 14,000,000 pounds of "Sandwich Island sugar" would
pay an average of 3 cents per pound, and the loss to the Treasury
by admitting it duty free would be $420,000; but under the provisions
of the treaty we should receive the entire crop of the islands, and the
loss next year would be $840,000.
Last year it was $7,500,000. No wonder there has been
an unequal distribution of wealth In this country. No wonder
great fortunes are built up when legislation — legislation, pure
and simple — has taken $78,000,000 out of the pockets of the
American people within the last twenty years and put it into
the pockets of those interested in sugar planting in Hawaii.
What we ought to do is to abrogate the treaty of 1875, leave

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 45
the Islands to govern themselves, and collect the $7,500,000
of duty a year from their sugar, and if necessary use the money
to protect our coasts, use it to encourage our merchant marine,
use it to build a navy instead of giving it to the missionary
sugar planters of Hawaii.
Senator Booth continues :
It was admitted and even argued by the Senator from Maine, Mr.
Hamlin, in support of the treaty that the production of the islands at
their maximum capacity bore so small a proportion to the consump
tion in the United States that its admission duty free would not in
fluence the price of sugar in our markets. Last year the Hawaiians
supplied us with less than i per cent of our entire consumption, and
under the most favorable circumstances could not send us more than
6 per cent. Last year the consumption of sugar in the United States
was 1,600,000,000 pounds, and the estimated annual increase is
30,000,000 pounds. I believe this argument of the Senator is correct,
and that this proportion would be found true even if our importation
from the islands should exceed the largest estimate.
Even the opponents of the treaty were overcome by the
constant statements that the production of sugar could not
increase in the islands. Yet It did increase more than forty-
fold under the stimulus of the treaty, until It has grown to
500,000,000 pounds a year.
The commissioners who represent the Hawaiian Government esti
mate the probable production at 50,000,000 pounds, and certain gen
tlemen in San Francisco who are familiar with the subject estimate
it at 135,000,000 pounds. The average annual production during the
seven years this treaty is to continue would certainly not be less than
50,000,000 pounds, and the annual loss to our Treasury $1,500,000
(I think it would be much more), without any advantage to con
sumers. It is suggested that by creating a demand for American capital,
enterprise, and labor, in extending our protective tariff over Sandwich
Island sugar, an immigration will be drawn to the islands from the
United States which will eventually control the Hawaiian Govern
ment; that an American colony will be first established in sentiment,
afterwards in fact. If the limitations placed upon the capacity of the
islands to produce sugar by the supporters of this treaty, when they esti
mate loss of revenue, are correct, this colony would be far too small
to accomplish any such purpose.

46 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Mr. Booth was entirely right. The argument In favor of
the treaty was that it would stimulate American labor, that
It would send Americans to those islands to produce sugar.
Several hundred went there after the treaty was made, but
to-day not one single American laborer of any sort Is Em
ployed upon any sugar plantation In those islands. There are
fewer American citizens In each thousand of the population
to-day than in 1876. The American colony did not grow. It
did not become large enough to take control of the Govern
ment. It Is tnie that It secured control, but it accomplished
that feat by the landing of the marines from our battleship,
by the landing of armed men, by the overthrow of the Govern
ment by the armed forces of the United States; and control
has been maintained from that day to this by the armed force
of the United States.
Not a day since that Government was set up by us has
there been absent from the harbor an American battleship
with shotted guns bearing directly on the city, commanding its
public buildings and public streets, overawing Its people. When
the war broke out, Hawaii could not declare neutrality be
cause our ship would have been compelled to vacate the har
bor, and they dared not have it leave. They had to keep
It there in order to maintain them In their power, in order to
maintain them In their usurpation. I should like to know what
Senators think of overthrowing a friendly government by the
arms of the United States and then setting up a puppet to treat
with and assuming title against the will of the inhabitants
without consulting them.
These facts, if nothing else, ought to make the American
people turn their backs upon this whole scheme. Suppose a
few filibusters, two or three hundred men, American citizens,
went down to Venezuela, created a disturbance; that three or
four of our great war ships were In that harbor, and that at
the request of those men they would land United States forces,
land their Gatling gun, land their marines, put up our flag,
and overthrow and overturn the government. Would the
people, would you, would any other honest man, would any
Senator under such circumstances take the title to that coun-

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 47
try? And yet that is exactly what we have done In Hawaii.
I challenge contradiction. No .wonder the friends of
annexation refuse to talk. No wonder they dare not enter
this debate. I say here, and it is unchallenged and it will be
undisputed, that we overturned the friendly Hawaiian Govern
ment by landing the armed forces of the United States ; that
the revolutionists had no troops, not one, not a gun ; that they
read their pretended constitution right under the guns and
within 75 yards of the armed forces of the United States, and
that when they had done it the Queen surrendered to the Gov
ernment of the United States and said she would submit the
question to Washington; that we then have treated with our
puppets, treated with the men we set up and maintained by the
force of arms for the title to the Queen's country and the
country of her people, although seven-eighths of them are
opposed to this scheme and opposed to annexation.
How dare you to vote for annexation in the face of these
facts? They are facts which you are called upon to face
before the American people. Our flag went up in dishonor
and came down In honor on the Hawaiian Islands, and if we
plant it there again, under the circumstances, it goes up in
Infamy and In shame and we join the ranks of the robber
nations of the world. Some other nation might treat with this
Government which has been maintained by us for five years,
but In good morals we can not treat with it unless we submit
the proposition of annexation to a vote of the people of those
islands. I shall offer an amendment to the joint resolution
providing that every native-born Hawaiian and every person
naturalized under the Hawaiian law shall first have a chance
to register his vote for or against the joint resolution before
the Islands shall be annexed to the United States ; and I expect
you will go to see the President and find out what he wants
you to do, and then vote it down, and more brigadier-generals
will be appointed.
The Secretary of the Treasury, March 2, 1876, Congress
ional Record, page 1423, volume 4, part 2, first session Forty-
fourth Congress, says :

48 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The effect on the revenue of admitting the articles named in the
schedule free of duty is first to remit the amount levied on sugar. At
2 cents per pound it amounts to $320,345. This is the average for three
years ending with 1873.
Should the sugar product so released increase to 25,000,000 pounds
yearly, the export trade would probably equal it in value.
Congressman Wood, in the House, March 2, 1876, Con
gressional Record, page 1423, volume 4, part 2, first session
Forty-fourth Congress,. said:
When they go further and estimate a much larger probable loss by
predicting an increase of the population so as to raise, as they say,
an aggregate of 50,000,000 tons of sugar, my reply is, those islands can
not produce it. The population has decreased from 400,000 in I779
to less than 50,000, including 6,000 foreigners, in 1875. No sugar
can be produced except by the manual labor of the natives of those
islands —
Yet to-day there Is scarcely a pound of sugar produced
by the natives. It Is produced by Asiatics. Twenty-three
thousand laborers — all Asiatics except about 1,584, who are
natives — are employed upon these plantations —
. . . and gentlemen are frightened at this product of a handful of
starving natives lest it may interfere with the revenues of this
nation. These were the predictions made when this improvident
and unwise treaty was under consideration.
Congressman Morrison, March 6, 1876, page 149 1, Con
gressional Record, volume 4, part 2, first session Forty-
fourth Congress, said:
The duties imposed on the import of such sugars as the Sandwich
Islands are likely to send to the United States will be about 2^/^ cents
per pound, which will be equivalent to a bounty of about 50 per
cent on the average market price at Honolulu. . . . The area of arable
land in the islands is limited. The Sandwich Islands commissioners
think the product can not be increased beyond 50,000,000 pounds per
annum. Of course the commissioners who were here to secure the
treaty made all sorts of predictions, and they are here again in
the same interest, making the same predictions, that the sugar

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 49
industry can not increase; and yet if It does not increase,
the loss Is seven and a half million dollars a year to the
United States.
Senator Booth states on authority of California experts that the
product can be pushed to 135,000,000 pounds per annum. Mr. Nord
hoff says there is room for about seventy-five to eighty more plantations
on the scale now common, or about three times as many as now exist.
It is therefore reasonable to assume that an import of at least 50,000,000
pounds, on which the United States will give a bounty and suffer a
reduction of revenue from sugar to the extent of $1,200,000, may be
anticipated. . . . The import of Sandwich Islands sugar is only about
I per cent of the consumption of the United States. It can never
exceed 5 or 6 per cent of our consumption.
Even the enemies did not anticipate seven and a half mil
lion dollars a year of remitted duties. I tried to have the
treaty abrogated in 1893, when the Wilson bill was pending,
and to collect duties on the sugar. I tried again In 1897,
when the Dingley bill was being considered. I tried it when
the McKinley bill was pending, but the Senate always refused,
for some reason, to levy a duty on Hawaiian sugar.
Mr. President, I have shown that when this treaty was
made in 1876, by which we admitted Hawaiian sugar free,
the wildest prediction as to the production was 150,000,000
pounds, and that prediction was made by the enemies of the
treaty. I have shown that the friends, those who were advo
cating the admission of the Islands, insisted that It could never
exceed 50,000,000 pounds. I now propose to put into the
Record as a part of my remarks a letter from the Treasury
Department, dated May 17, 1896, showing the gradual
growth of the production In and Importation of sugar from
Hawaii :
Treasury Department, Bureau of Statistics,
Washington, D. C, May 17, 1896.
Sir: In response to your communication of the 14th instant to the
Treasury Department, referred to this office, I transmit to you herewith
reports showing the imports of sugar into the United States, by grades,
from 1884 to 1896, and the amount of duty paid thereon; also a report
showing our trade with the Hawaiian Islands, our imports therefrom

50

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

and exports thereto, showing separately the imports of sugar, covering
the series of years named in your letter..
Respectfully, yours,
J. N. Whitney,
Actinff Chief of Bureau.
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
United States Senate.

Table showing the quantity and value of sugar imported into the United
States from the Hawaiian Islands during the years ending June
JO, iSyj to i8g6, inclusive.

Ye

ar

Dutch standard in color

Pounds

Vah

1877 
1878 
1879 
1880 
1881 
1882 
1883 
1884 
1885 
1886 
1887 
1888 
1889 
1890 
1891 
1892  f Free
'^93  JDutiable
'^94-----  1 Dutiable
'^95  {Dutiable
1896  
1897 
Total 

30,642,08130,368,328
41,693,069 61,556,324 76,909,207
106,181,858 114,132,670125,148,680169,652,783191,733,17s
218,290,835228,540,513 243,324,683
224,457,011 79,657,426
262,612,405288,517,929 1,035,600
324,726,584 1,848,000
274,219,828 165,400
352,175,269
496,175,000

$2,108,473 2,274,4302,811,193
4,135,4874,927,021 6,918,0487,340,033 7,108,2928,198,144
9,166,826 9,255,351
10,260,04812,078,51811,549,828 2,826,244
7,442,0478,455,622 46,604
9,379,317 82,540
7,396,215 7,443
11,336,79615,336,000

3,998,000,000

170,302,000

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 51
I have added in my own figures the importations for
1897. We have Imported from those Islands In the twenty-one
years 3,998,000,000 pounds of sugar, upon which we have
remitted duties to the amount of $78,000,000.
I am of the opinion that if the Hawaiian Islands are an
nexed, they will produce most of the sugar used by the people
of the United States and that the annexation of these islands
means the destruction of the growing beet-sugar Industry in
this country. It means the turning over to Asiatic labor the
production of $100,000,000 worth of sugar, that being the
value of the sugar consumed by the people of the United
States each year. It means an abandonment of the theory
of protection, upon which the Republican party is founded and
to which it owns Its being.
But what more ? While New England Senators will vote
without hesitation for the destruction of the beet-sugar indus
try, what effect will it have upon their manufacturing Indus
try? The Hawaiian Islands are in the Tropics. The Japan
ese laborer is a tropical laborer. He is a Malay. He is an
artist. He is Industrious. He can toil under a tropical sun.
You can employ him for 20 cents a day as a skilled laborer,
and from that to 30, never more. You can employ the men
at from 20 to 30 cents a day and the women at from 8 to
20 cents a day. They are great manufacturers. I visited
woolen mills and cotton mills in Ozaka, Japan, as great as any
in this country. There are within 100 miles of Ozaka 16,-
000,000 Japanese. In that city there are 5,000 modern fac
tories. They can produce everything that we can just as well
as we can do it, and they are doing It to-day.
Annex these islands, and I advise any man who has money
to purchase a woolen mill at once and start lor Hawaii, im
port his labor from Japan, import his wool from Australia,
and make woolen goods In competition with New England by
labor worth from 20 to 30 cents a day, labor as good as
theirs, labor as skillful. I visited a woolen mill in Ozaka last
summer that employed 350 people. It was a modern mill;
it had the latest possible improved machinery. They were

52 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
making as good woolen goods as were ever made anywhere In
the United States.
A man can take $100,000 and go to Hawaii, if this reso
lution is adopted, and make $100,000 a year. He can double
it every twelve months with Asiatic labor. He will pay duty
on his wool, but he will pay one-third for labor — and that is
the principal cost the New England manufacturer has to pay
— and drive the New England manufacturer out of the mar
ket. The freight charge from Hawaii to New York Is only
$5 a ton. You can get all the ships you want. That Is what
they pay for carrying sugar around the Horn, and that is
what they would pay for carrying manufactured goods and
landing them right at the door of the New England mills. It
would bankrupt every one of them.
What limit can there be where there are 45,000,000 peo
ple to draw from In Japan? The Japanese will go to this
island because it is in the Tropics, where people wear but
little clothing, and it is adapted to the food they eat. There
are 25,000 there already, and those who go will be drawn
thither by kindred and friends. If you can put up a woolen
mill, you can put up any other mill you choose, and where is
your theory of protection?
Oh, I suppose the next cry will be, "On to the PhiUp
pines!" and you will take In 8,000,000 of Malays. But I
shall not enlarge upon this subject. At a later time in this
debate I shall go fully into the question of Asiatic competi
tion. It is pertinent to this issue. I shall show what I saw In
China and Japan, and the wages they pay and the goods they
are turning out.
I do not know but New England has reached the point
Old England has reached. Old England is Interested, not
in her manufacturers, but in her money lenders. Perhaps
New England has reached a point where she is willing to
sacrifice her laborers and live on her interest money, on her
dividends on stocks, on her manipulation of the lines of trans
portation and accumulated capital. I half suspect it. The
creditor never cares what becomes of the laborer. England
cares not that her industries perish so she can maintain the gold

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 53
standard and her creditors can thereby reap more and more
of an unearned increment. Perhaps New England has reached
that point. Perhaps that is the cause of her indifference In
regard to these questions, which certainly must encroach ter
ribly upon her Industries. * * *
Some have questioned the possibility of the production of
beet sugar successfully in this country. Beet sugar was first
produced in Germany in the latter part of the last century.
France soon followed, but the industry did not prosper until
Napoleon, desirous of making France independent, began giv
ing large bounties to beet-sugar growers, which stimulated
the industry so that improved methods were introduced, and,
between 18 15 and 1828, 103 factories were built in France,
which produced 3,375 tons in 1828. In 1868 the production
in France was 152,475 tons. Higher duties were producing
their effect, and the next year there was produced 266,922
tons, an increase of 75 per cent. In 1879 the product was
370,000 tons; in 1889, 466,000 tons; in 1896, 780,000 tons.
Tariff and bounty on exports have produced these results.
Germany has made greater progress than France, and
this was caused by her system of bounties and rebates, and
her production amounts to over 1,000,000 tons per annum.
Austria produces 900,000 tons, and pays $3,640,000 in
bounties. All European countries give small bounties to beet-
sugar producers, and the result shows the wisdom of their
course. In 1879 the total product of beet sugar In Europe was
1,558,000 tons; in 1884, 2,360,000 tons; In 1889, 2,785,000
tons; in 1896, 4,675,000 tons.
We use 2,000,000 tons of sugar in the United States, and
pay about $100,000,000 annually for it. We should produce
every pound of that product In the United States.
I have read these figures of the growth of this industry in
Europe to show that we can produce from beets all the sugar
used in this country if we will pursue a protective policy. I
shall now briefly show what we have done in this direc
tion:

54

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

Statement showin'g beet sugar production in California, 1888 to 1898,
inclusive.

Year

Beets

Acreage

Price

Sugar pro
duced

1888188918901891189218931894
1895189618971898

2,1002,735
4,2204,192 9,308
12,39118,68717,165
21,91029,06078,500

Cents 4-83

7550
95

50 13

Tons 1,460
2,457
3,530
4,036
10,948
17,51219,752
24,000
32,278
*35,Qoo*90,ooo

* Estimated. ,
I contend that If the Hawaiian Islands are annexed an^
Asiatic labor is allowed to compete there will be no more
factories built,, and that those which are in operation will
become unprofitable, because as the production of sugar In
Hawaii approaches American consumption competition must
wipe out the beet-sugar industry. The fact that they produce
in Hawaii to-day enough to supply all the people west of the
Missouri River, where all the beet sugar is produced, already
menaces that industry and must result in its ruin, because that
region, being nearest to Hawaii, is the region in which they
will most effectively compete. They can sell the sugar in that
country below the cost of producing it from beets and ulti
mately ruin the industry.
I ask the Secretary to read a very interesting letter on this
subject with regard to the production of beets In California,
written by Mr. Howard, who is president of the Alameda
Sugar Company, of Cahfornia. I requested him to write

J INDUSTRY AND TRADE 55
me this letter and give me the facts contained therein. The
letter is dated May 18, 1897.
The Presiding Officer (Mr. Hansbrough in the
chair) : The Secretary will read as requested.
The Secretary read as follows :
Alameda Sugar Company,
No. 132 Market Street, San Francisco, May 18, 1897.
Dear Sir: Having been interested during the past ten years in the
oldest beet-sugar factory in the country, one which remains independent
of the sugar trust, and, in competition therewith, manufactures white
sugar and sells direct to the consumer, we beg respectfully to submit
a few considerations upon tariff and annexation.
Let us dismiss for the moment the many-sided issues with which
these questions have been designedly obscured.
There are two gigantic sugar trusts. The one has monopolized 70
per cent of our total refining trade ; the other, helped by coolie contract
labor and the productiveness of its soil, produces the cheapest sugar in
the world.
These two monopolies soon found a modus vivendi by which to
divide the great spoil offered by our National Legislature in granting
free entry to Hawaiian sugar.
The basis they agreed upon was, say, one-fifth to the American
trust and four-fifths to the Hawaiian trust. The spirit of this exemp
tion was that the Pacific coast might enjoy cheaper sugar, while, in point
of fact, this intended benefit has inured solely to these two trusts.
In further evidence, by their last contract the trust pays the planter
"the New York price, less one-fourth cent per pound," which price
always includes all duty.
Thus in 1896 they divided as follows, viz:
To the sugar trust (one-fourth cent on 227,000 tons)  $1,135,000
To the Hawaiian planter (about)  5,000,000
> For reasons inscrutable to the public these two sugar trusts are
to-day in apparent open hostility. The contract under which they have
conspired to fleece the American people expires this year of 1897, and
it is stated that the American sugar trust will not renew upon the same
terms, but insists upon a greater share in the division of the yearly spoil.
This American sugar trust is an association of American citizens —
wholesale grocers and capitalists.
The Hawaiian sugar trust is largely composed of German and of
English capital as well as of what was once American capital, but
which, having now sought investment beyond our borders and thus
escaped our taxation, is no longer American capital, but foreign capital,
equally with its German and English associates.

sS THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The sugar trust of America at least gives employment to some
American labor and pays some tax to the American Government; but
the Hawaiian sugar trust receives everything, but gives nothing in
retum. The whole value of their imports from us does not equal
one-half the duty yearly remitted by the United States.
The sugar trust of America, being a national industry, is entitled
to a reasonable protection.
The labor which this sugar trust employs in refining only bears to
the labor necessaiy to produce vfrom the ground up the nation's sugar
the ratio of i^ to 38.
As a labor proposition to America the comparison is as follows,
viz:Hawaiian sugar  minus . . 36^
Sugar trust (refining) ,  plus. . 1%
Native-grown sugar  plus . . 38
or, reckoning by the known figures of beet-sugar production, these
227,000 tons of Hawaiian cooly-made sugar now yearly displace the
best product of 165,000 acres of American land and rob 10,750 Amer
ican farmers of their most profitable crop. But the American people
are to-day awakening to the fact that at last they can be freed from the
domination of both of these trusts, and in the promise of a new
and rising industry the dignity of American labor sees its coming deliv
erance. In 1875 the Hawaiian Islands raised 16,000 tons of sugar; in 1896
it exported 227,000 tons. In 1875 no native sugar was made on the
Pacific coast. In 1897 California alone will produce upward of
50,000 tons, while the whole consumption is but 75,000 tons.
There will remain, therefore, a scant 25,000 tons to be supplied,
and this balance will be more than supplied in 1898 by new factories
now in actual construction.
A charitable fund is being solicited in San Francisco and has reached
the sum of $30,644.41 for building an unnecessary boulevard, in order
to provide work for the idle, while we are giving away our birth
right, namely, the right to labor for and to supply our own markets.
The Hawaiian bureau, organized in San Francisco to influence leg
islation, sent the State Labor Commissioner, E. L. Fitzgerald, to those
islands to report in their favor. The San Francisco Bulletin, in its
issue of May 12, has the following, viz:
"Labor Commissioner Fitzgerald returned to-day from Honolulu
with every assurance that a market for American labor will surely be
opened there in the very near future. ... A very large majority of
the planters have pledged me their word that they will employ Amer
ican laborers as fast as room can be made for them on the several
plantations."

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 57
Alas! and has America sunk so low? Is our beloved country now
compelled to deport her own citizens to beg work from Hawaii and
take the place of cooly labor at "$3 per month and found," instead of
working for fair wages at home?
The population of the eight Hawaiian Islands numbers 109,020.
Of these 24,407 are Japanese, 21,616 are Chinese, 15,191 are Portu
guese, 39,504 are Hawaiians, leaving a balance of only 8,202, and of
these about 3,500 are from America. "This census indicates the class
of people who are being favored at the expense of the white farmers
of California," and for which heterogeneous population, 2,iOQ miles
away, these sugar monopolists are now seeking annexation in order to
accomplish the perpetuation of their privileges.
Among disinterested well-informed people in San Francisco there is
a well-grounded belief that the recent attempt to create excitement over
Japanese naval intervention in Hawaii is only another clever scheme of
these would-be Hawaiian sugar annexationists.
We are not opposed to a reciprocity treaty so far as to grant them
"the most-favored-nation clause," but we do not see how other sugar-
producing nations of the first class and their dependencies may not
justly feel aggrieved if we grant a total exemption from duty. Is the
name Hawaii a fetich, that no duty must be placed upon its product?
Were it not better to grant sugar bounty to some other country
with whom our trade relations are undeniably reciprocal, rather than to
Hawaii, where trade relations are so disproportioned?
The people of the United States are practically paying to Hawaiian
sugar planters a bounty of $30 per ton, when in 1894 they withdrew
the same from their domestic sugar producers and broke faith with their
own citizens.
The eight leading sugar-producing nations of Europe protect their
home markets for their native industry to the extent of from 3.9 to 8.88
cents per pound.
The American sugar producer asks barely half this protection from
Congress to-day. Let this reasonable protection be granted and no
undue favoritism be shown to any Asiatic or other contract-labor
product, and a new era will dawn upon America.
A more profitable crop than any we now raise will be found for
1,500,000 acres of land and direct employment at good wages created
for at least 200,000 American workmen, while allied industries in every
walk of life will receive new impetus and upward of $100,000,000 be
yearly saved to the national exchequer.
Very respectfully, J. L. Howard, President,
James Coffin, Secretary.
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
Senate Chamber, Washington, D. C.

58 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Mr. Pettigrew: We h^d hoped, when the McKinley
bill passed In 1890 giving a bounty of 2 cents a pound upon
beet Sugar, that that industry would grow and flourish in the
United States, and that the day was not distant when the
States of North and South Dakota, Nebraska, Kansas, and
the States west of those States to the Pacific Ocean would be
the scene of a great Industry, producing $100,000,000 worth
of sugar per year. That hope was badly blighted by the
enactment of the Wilson law of 1893, which repealed the
bounty and placed a slight duty upon sugar, but not sufficient
to materially stimulate the industry. Between 1890 and
1893 many beet-sugar factories were built In that region, two
in Nebraska, and very many more were contemplated. But
the Wilson tariff law checked the industry.
However, when we passed the Dingley Act last year and
increased the duties upon sugar, we hoped this industry would
increase, but owing to Hawaiian competition we now see that
it is bound to be absolutely ruined and destroyed. We had
supposed that the stories they had told us with regard to the
limit of production in Hawaii were true. We now find that
they were not true. Hawaiian production Increased from 1895
to 1897 from 350,000,000 pounds to 500,000,000 pounds.
The same increase must supply the country where beet sugar
is now produced through all time to come. We believe that
Increase is Imminent, and therefore those who attempt to pro
duce beet sugar in this counti-y must surrender. If the pend
ing resolution passes and the Hawaiian Islands are annexed.
There is no getting around It; and every man from sugar-
producing Western States who votes for this resolution deUb
erately, with his eyes open, with the facts undisputed, votes to
destroy the beet-sugar industry in his country. There is no
getting around It, no chance to avoid it, and no chance to
plead ignorance.
In 1876, when we adopted this treaty and remitted the
duties on Hawaiian sugar, a Senator could escape the charge
that he intended to destroy the American sugar industry, be
cause the friends and foes alike of the treaty claimed that it
was not possible to produce more than 150,000,000 pounds

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 59
of sugar in Hawaii, and it was generally conceded that they
could not produce over 50,000,000 pounds; but now the facts
are undisputed and stare us in the face that the Islands
have produced 500,000,000 pounds and with every prospect
of their being able to produce four times as much ; and I
believe they can, because I examined those coffee lands in that
broad belt from the ocean up the side of Mauna Loa and
Mauna Kea, on the Island of Hawaii, now covered with dense
tropical forests, partially planted with coffee, and they will,
in my opinion, successfully grow sugar, every acre, and while
it is broken land and the fields can not be large, the profit
is so enormous, owing to the duty we remitted and the Asiatic
labor they employ, that they can afford to cultivate sugar on
fields but a few acres In extent, and they can afford to till
the soil by hand, and spade it up with a spade, for the re
mitted duties alone on the crop of the Ewa plantation last
year amounted to over $300 an acre, and they produced 8
tons to the acre.
No wonder it Is profitable, no wonder the industry so
grows. I say every Senator who votes for this resolution
votes with his eyes open. Intending to destroy the beet-sugar
industry of our country. I contend for that industry. I want
to see It grow and thrive. I want to see sugar mills built
in my State, but none will ever be built there if we annex
Hawaii. Mr. James Coffin, who is secretary of the Alameda Sugar
Company, wrote me a letter furnishing certain facts with
regard to the beet-sugar industry in California. I will send
it to the desk and ask to have it read.
The Presiding Officer: The Secretary will read as
requested. The Secretary read as follows:
Alameda Sugar Company,
No. IJ2 Market Street, San Francisco, April 26, 1897.
Dear Sir: The Alameda Sugar Company, an association of 65
American stockholders, with a paid-up capital of $600,000, begs to pre
sent the following plea : Last \'ear we manufactured 4,700 tons refined
sugar from 3,500 acres, grown by 228 different farmers. This year we

6o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
expect 9,000 tons refined sugar from 6,600 acres, grown by 430 different
farmers. From the Hawaiian Islands, under the falsely called reciprocity
treaty, there came in free of duty last year 227,000 tons of sugar.
This equals the product of twenty-five such factories as ours. These
227,000 tons displaced the most profitable product of 165,000 acres
of land and robbed 10,750 American farmers of their most profitable
crop. The manual labor which these 10,750 American farmers would
have employed in the intensive farming which the cultivation of the
sugar beet requires is still another consideration.
The factory labor yet another.
To refine a ton of duty-free Hawaiian sugar requires the labor of
one man for one and one-third days. To grow from the soil up and
manufacture one ton of refined sugar requires the labor of one man for
thirty-eight days.
This 227,000 tons of Hawaiian duty-free sugar yearly displaces in
money value for factory labor, $1,135,000; for farm labor and rentals,
$9,000,000; for limestone, $400,000; for coal, $1,500,000; for other
supplies $650,000.
The labor of allied industries, foundries, jute and cotton mills,
etc., remains^ still to be reckoned on, and all this native labor dis
placed that a cooly-made contract labor product may thrive in a foreign
island. The three localities in California where the three beet-sugar fac
tories are already established are the only really prosperous agricultural
communities in that State to-day.
Domestic exports to Hawaii in 1895 were not so large as in 1883,
less by nearly $1,000,000 than in 1890, and less by over a million and a
quarter than in 1 89 1.
1883  {^3,683,000
1890  4,606,000
1891  4,935,000
1892  3,781,000
1895  3,648,000
In 1895-96 the value of Hawaiian sugar imported was over $19,-
000,000, upon which the duty, at 40 per cent, would have been
$7,600,000. For the sake of maintaining a foreign commerce of $3,648,000,
and in order that a few shipping houses of San Francisco may benefit
by the trade and keep control of the large cash balances of Hawaiian
planters, the nation at large must give up $7,600,000 of revenue.
For the sake that coolies may work in a foreign climate which white
labor can not stand, and where the white and dominant race forms

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 6i
about 3 per cent only of the population, the laboring men of San
Francisco now parade its streets calling for work, and a charitable fund
aggregating $25,000 is daily published in its newspapers, and is now
being disbursed to an idle crowd who clamor for the tickets doled out
to them in the order of application, and which entitle each to a day's
work at $1 per day upon an unnecessary boulevard.
Should a Coxey army again march on Washington and class ever be
arrayed against class in our fair country, it will be because home labor is
denied a right to work for its own market in order that foreign cooly
labor may add to the wealth of a class now actively at work to
influence national legislation in the perpetuation of their privileges.
The local agents of Hawaiian planters, without any possible accru
ing benefit to themselves and as mere retaliation against the producer
of native sugar, are to-day so unpatriotic as to be collecting figures from
native California sugar factories in order to produce them at Wash
ington and support their claim that native sugar needs no protection.
Whereas up to January I, 1897, they knew that fhe Alameda Sugar
Company had since 1889 paid out in dividends $130,000 and received
in bounty $226,744.93, showing a loss without bounty of $96,744.93.
Conditioned upon favorable legislation, within two years the 75,000
tons of sugar needed on the Pacific coast would be entirely made from
the native product, and not a pound of this Hawaiian sugar would be
required to supply the coast consumption.
The opposition to tariff legislation has always contended that tariffs
were designed to aid manufacturers, trusts, and the moneyed class
generally. The abrogation of the Hawaiian treaty is respectfully asked
in the interest of the agricultural class and of native labor.
For the purpose of diverting attention from the main question of
protecting the California farmer and the investments of American
capital in an American industry the advocates of the continuance of
Hawaiian reciprocity have recently begun the use of part of the Cali
fornia press in appealing to the prejudices of people on the ground of
an admission that Claus Spreckels had sold a minority interest in his
two beet-sugar factories to the American sugar trust. While this fact
may be regarded by many as a misfortune, the fact remains that there
are other sugaries uncontrolled by the sugar trust and the develop
ment of the industry on so large a scale will tend to the permanent
benefit of the depressed agricultural interests of the State.
Let the example of California in the matter of beet sugar be
imitated by the different States along the northern and temperate bfelt
of our country and the multiplicity of factories would make the control
of the industry by any concentrated power a commercial impossibility.
Very respectfully, James Coffin.
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
Senate Chamber, Washington, D. C.

62 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Mr. Pettigrew^ : Mr. President, this letter is extremely
Interesting as bearing upon the production of beet sugar in
California. -The opinion therein expressed is unquestionably
correct — ^that if the beet-sugar Industry was encouraged it
would grow, so that it would supply the American market;
and Mr. Coffin says the sugar trust would be a thing of the
past and its occupation gone.
We propose to strike down this sugar industry, and in this
connection I am sorry that I am again obliged to allude to
the platform of the Republican party. I am afraid I shall
find not one plank that they ever Intended or pretended to
live up to. Here is the plank with regard to beet sugar:
PROTECTION OF BEET-SUGAR GROWERS.
We condemn the present Administration for not keeping faith with
the sugar producers of this country. The Republican party favors such
protection as will lead to the production on American soil of all the
sugar which the American people use, and for which they pay other
countries more than $100,000,000 annually.
They propose to annex the soil In order to comply with that
plank, and then they can produce the sugar upon American
soil. They did not tell the people of the Dakotas and the
people of Nebraska in the last campaign that they proposed
to do it in that way ; that they would annex Hawaii and make
it Arnerican soil and there produce our protected sugar.
They made our people believe, and they talked It upon the
stump eveiywhere, that by their tariff they were going to
encourage the beet-sugar industry in those States. Now it
turns out that the platform was cunningly wordecf, and that
they intended simply to stimulate production on foreign soil
and then annex the soil !
Here is McKinley's letter of acceptance. It rsads as fol
lows :
The Republican platform wisely declares in favor of such encourage
ment to our sugar interests as will lead to the production on American
soil of all the sugar which the American people use. . . .
Now he is trying to annex the soil.

INDUSTRY AND TRADE 63
Confidence in home enterprises has almost wholly disappeared. Our
men are idle, and, while they are idle, men abroad are occupied in
supplying us with goods. ... It is not open mints which is the need
ot the time, but open mills for the employment of American work
ingmen ; . . . the establishment of a wise protective policy which shall
encourage manufacturing at home.
He is at present engaged, in violation of his duties as
President, In lobbying this measure through Congress, in
violation of the spirit, if not the words, of the platform on
which he was elected. His Interest is its chief support, for
there, are no arguments to sustain this raeasure; nobody pre
sents any argument, and nobody has any argument to present.
I have been told that this measure would fall to the ground
If it were not for the intense concern of the President in the
raatter. We have heard a great deal about the coffee industry
of Hawaii, and that we can not produce the coffee we use in
this country if we do not annex the islands. I am going to
show that they can not produce It In Hawaii; I am going to
show it frora their own works — from Thrum's Annual. They
can produce sorae coffee, but here is a record of coffee pro
duction since 1877. I ara going to put It In the Record, and
any one who will exaraine it will conclude that they can not
successfully produce coffee In that country. For instance, in
1877 they produced 170,379 pounds of qoffee; in 1882, 3,008;
in 1884, 950 pounds; in 1885, 3,786 pounds; in 1886, 2,748
pounds; in 1887, 2,875 pounds; in 1888, 3,680 pounds, and
in 1895, 183,680 pounds — just a little raore than they pro
duced in 1877. * * *
What is the trouble? The trouble is that sorae insect de
stroys the crop, so that it is not safe to go into the business.
The further trouble is a white raildew on the leaves of the
plants. I asked planters if that was not injurious. They said,
"Oh, no; It amounts to nothing;" but It appears^ that from
1877, when they produced 170,379 pounds of coffee, the pro
duction fell to nothing, and never exceeded 3,600 pounds up
to 1888. Something destroyed the crop. They can not pro
duce coffee successfully.

CHAPTER III
labor in HAWAII
ALL^ who consent to work in the Hawaiian Archi
pelago are virtually slaves, for they work under the
laws of contract labor and can not leave their employer
until the contract has expired. The laborer of Honolulu gets
30 cents a day and boards himself out of it. Besides the
40,000 natives there are 50,000 more of the raost undesirable
people In the world and about the raost discouraging material
to make a republic of — Chinese, Japanese, Portuguese, Poly
nesians, and unclassified hordes from the great Microneslan
Ocean to the west, unable to read or write, and with little
regard either for their own liberty or the liberty of others.
Why^ is it that there were eraployed 84 Americans on
sugar estates' in 1895, and that none were so employed in
1896? Why is it they were discharged? Because the Japs
do the work for $12.50 a month, and the Araericans get
frora $50 to $75 a month. So the American was not wanted.
The men who talk so rauch of their love of country and
the prospect of American laborers being imported to Hawaii
discharged their American employees and filled their places
with Asiatics.
I will show further that it appears that they discharged
the Gerraan and British laborers, as well as the American
laborers, and for the sarae reason; and yet they tell us an
Araerican community is going to grow up on those islands
and American labor is going there to find employment 1
It appears from the table that In 1895 there were 2,499
I. Speech in the Sfenate July 2, 1894.
2. Speech in the Senate June 23, 1898. 64

LABOR IN HAWAII 65
Portuguese eraployed upon the sugar plantations, and in 1896,
one year after, 2,268 were eraployed upon the sugar planta
tions. Why? They were discharged and their places were
filled by Asiatic laborers, coming in under contract; and before
I get through I will show what that contract is.
Of the Japanese there were 19,212 males in all the islands.
In 1895, 11,584 were employed upon the sugar plantations,
and in 1896, 12,893. That shows who took the places of the
Europeans who had been previously employed. Of the
Chinese there were 19,167 raales upon the islands; and in
1895 there were employed of this number upon the sugar
plantations 3,847; and the next year there were 6,289 China
men employed upon the sugar estates; and yet we are told
about American people and American interests and American
labor; and that is one of the arguments set forth by those
advocating the acquisition of this "paradise of the Pacific,"
inhabited by the males of the human race!
Of South Sea Islanders there were, as will be seen by
the table, 321, according to the census of 1896, upon all the
islands. Of those 133 were eraployed upon the sugar estates
in 1895 and 115 in 1896; of other nationalities 720 were by
the census upon all the islands, and in 1895 there were 97
eraployed, and In 1896 600 were employed — an increase of
laborers employed upon sugar plantations from 1895 to 1896
of 3,660. This is a comment made by Mr. Joseph O. Carter; and
I quote the figures from this same book, the Hawaiian An
nual, that the American, British, and German people do not
find estate work desirable, except as skilled laborers. The
American farm hand would find estate work most uninvit
ing. The figures also prove that the sugar planters find it more
profitable to import new -laborers on three-years' contracts
than to engage labor already on the ground, the reason being
that the newcomer works for $12.50 per month, whde the
old hand demands a higher wage.
The smaller percentage of Chinese laborers on estates is
due to the fact that the Japanese is the cheaper man. Japanese

66 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
are coming in by every steamer from the Orient, and must
continue to come or higher wages raust prevail.
The nuraber of laborers on sugar estates in 1896 (the year
of the census) could not be procured at the Immigration
Bureau, presumably because the figures would raake a worse
showing. I subsequently procured the figures from Thrum's
Annual, which came out after that letter was written.
I have here a table showing the percentages :
In 1878 each thousand of the population was composed of the fol
lowing elements: Natives, 835; Chinese, 102; Americans, 22; English,
15; Germans, 5, and other nationalities, 21. According to the census
of this year the proportions are as follows —
This was in 1896 —
The natives have decreased to 362 ; the Japanese, who did not appear
separately in the earlier census, are now represented by 223 —
The reason the Japanese do not appear In the census
previous to 1878 was because they were not there when we
made the reciprocity treaty with Hawaii and agreed to admit
her sugar free in 1876, which stimulated the industry which
has peopled those Islands with Asiatics and not with Araer
icans —
the Chinese have increased to ig8; the Portuguese, another new element,
have 139; the Americans have 28; the English, 20, and the Germans 13.
As a result of the policy of protecting the foreign planters pursued by
this country, the American population has increased less rapidly than
any of the others, and the classes that are not likely ever to pur
chase American goods have increased out of all proportion to the
others. Now, let us see what kind of a population this Is. We
propose to adopt or accept along with these islands its national
debt of $4,000,000. One million two hundred thousand dol
lars of this national debt was incurred to encourage contract
labor to go to the islands. Let us see what is the character
of these contract laborers. This testimony which I shall read
throws sorae light upon contract laborers :
Q. Suppose a "contract" laborer is idling in the field, what do you
do?

LABOR IN HAWAII 67
A. We dock him ; we give him only one-half or three-quarters of a
day; and if he keeps it up, we resort to the law and have him
arrested for refusing to work.
This is the Republic we are going to annex to our country,
and this is a law under which that Republic exists! We
fought one of the greatest wars of raodern times to overthrow
slavery. After having done that and having incurred a na
tional debt of enormous proportions, we propose to add slav
ery to the great free Republic. This raatter grows worse as
you look into It.
Q. What do you accomplish by putting him in jail?
A. For the first offense he is ordered back to work, and he has to
(eventually) pay the cost of court. If he refuses to obey orders, he
is arrested again and a light fine is inflicted, which the planter can
pay and take it out. of his pay, or else he is put on the road to
work. For the third offense he is likely to get three months imprison
ment. And that Is a law of this so-called raissionary Republic, and
that will be one of the laws after our Hawaiian neighbors
corae into the United States, because we provide that their
laws shall continue In force until we enact new laws. So we
adopt slavery and all; and yet Senators are crazy to press
this question in the midst of war, to take advantage of the
patriotic sentiments of our people and restore slavery to this
country. These contracts provide for compelling the laborer to work faith
fully by fines and damage suits brought by the planters against them,
with the right on the part of the planter to deduct the damages and
cost of suit out of the laborer's wages. They also provide for com
pelling the laborer to remain with the planter during the contract term.
They are sanctioned by law and enforced by civil remedies and penal
laws. — Blount's report.
Then this question is asked, and this is also a part of the
testimony in Blount's report, which he took in investigating
this subject:
Q. Those sugar planters who are declaring themselves in favor of
"annexation," how do they look at the labor question in connection with
"annexation" ?

68 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
A. They think the United States will make a different law for
the islands. If they could not get [cheap] labor, they don't want
annexation. Q. But they are satisfied they will get such legislation?
The proposition Is to appoint a commission; and the
same interest which was able to accomplish this reciprocity
treaty, which has cost us $72,000,000, has also been able to
perpetuate and continue that treaty, thus plundering the tax
payers of our country of $10,000,000 per annum, will be
pretty nearly able to secure what they want.
Sorae one has said that the sugar trust is opposed to
annexation. So far as I am concerned I should think there
need be no fear of the opponents of annexation acting with
the sugar trust, when the chief champions of the sugar trust
in this body array themselves on that side of the question;
and so long as they continue the fierce advocates of annexation
I shall conclude that there is no possible danger of ray acting
with the sugar trust. Here is raore of this evidence:
Q. Is it your impression that the calculation of all Hawaiian sugar
planters, who are in favor of "annexation," believe the United States
will modify their laws against "contract" labor, so that they can
maintain a system of "contract" labor in the Hawaiian Islands?
A. I would not say contract labor. They say we may have to
give up "contract" labor, but we can get all the labor we want from
Japan. Q. How?
A. They say we can send an agent there and send money, and he
can send "labor" to Hawaii, and when it is here then they can make,
a "contract." Q. They think in that way the planters can evade the labor laws
of the United States?
A. Yes; they thinlc they can get around it. . . .
PrSsident Dole said to me: "I have a belief that the United
States will give us a separate law, so that we can get laborers here."
That is in the testimony taken by Mr. Blount, on page
975 ; and it will be found in House Executive Document No.
I, part 2, Fifty-third Congress, third session.
Labor Commissioner Fitzgerald, of California, who was
down there last year, came back and made a report showing

LABOR IN HAWAII 69
that American laborers could live there. Here is a part of his
statement :
I have seen 20,000 barefooted laborers, half of whom work under
a penal contract; I have seen rewards offered for their arrest when they
violated their contract and deserted the plantation, with their number
printed across their photograph in convict style.
These are the people we propose to admit to this Repub
lic, and the raen who enacted those laws, the sons of the mis
sionaries, who are the governraent down there to-day are the
raen who are lauded upon this floor as the highest types of
Araerican manhood, and the Senator frora Alabaraa [Mr.
Morgan] says they have the best governraent he ever saw.
The Senator from Alabama fought for several years to main
tain slavery in this country, ahd perhaps that has soraething
to do with his opinion. In his opinion a government that
is in favor of human slavery is the best governraent on
earth. I wish to have the Secretary read an editorial fro'm
the Honolulu Independent of Friday, November 19, 1897,
headed "Slavery in Hawaii."
The Presiding Officer ( Mr. Gallinger in the chair) :
Without objection, the Secretary will read as requested.
The Secretary read as follows:
Hardly a week goes by without reports of serious labor troubles
reaching the Honolulu papers. The unchecked and indiscriminate influx
of Asiatics serving as penal contract laborers has reached a point where
the sugar planters begin to realize that there are dangerous squalls
ahead and that plantations eventually will go up in flames to satisfy
the cry for vengeance of the ignorant coolies, who think that they are
being ill-used and ill-treated by their employers, and who are justified
in their belief according to all fair-minded men with experience of
plantation life and methods.
As stated, a Japanese laborer shipped by the Ewa plantation claims
that he was assaulted by an overseer, who fractured his arm. The Jap,
who has arrived recently and does not understand English, was advised
by his more experienced countrymen to call upon the district judge
and appeal to the strong hand of the Hawaiian law. The poor devil
was, of course, prohibited from leaving the plantation by his white
"bosses." Then he got angry, and, after a palaver with his "gang,"
all decided to quit work and go to Honolulu to see the representative of

70 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
their Government. Eighty Japanese set out for Honolulu, hut ivere
stopped at Pearl City by employees of the plantation, who started to
reason with the men. In the meantime the agents of the Ewa Sugar
Company, Messrs. Castle and Cooke, had been apprised of the trouble,
and at their request Mr. Chester Doyle, the official court interpreter of
the Japanese language, proceeded to Ewa to investigate and, if possible,
prevent further disturbances.
Mr. Doyle has had great experience in dealing with Japanese labor
ers "on strike," and at Pearl City he called the men together and
explained to them that they were committing an unlawful act by
leaving work to follow their injured comrade, and that they ought
to return to the plantation at once, while the man who claimed to have
been assaulted could proceed to the proper authorities with his three
witnesses and there enter his complaint. After considerable talk the
men adopted Mr. Doyle's proposition and retumed to Ewa. There a
conference was held, and it was suggested — and agreed upon by the
Japanese — that all would retum to work, but that their wages should
not be docked and that the injured man should have medical atten
dance at the expense of the plantation and his wages to go on during his
illness. The manager, we are told, could not approve of this reasonable
proposition, and insisted in being present, having had translated the
conversation between Mr. Doyle and the men. He eventually insisted
in having the eighty-one Japanese jailed and fined, and, the strict letter
of the law being with him, he carried his point.
Ewa jail is a small building containing two or three cells suitable
to accommodate two or three persons each. The police force of Ewa
is composed of two policemen and a daft native deputy sheriff. The
manager evidently considering the force insufficient to arrest eighty-one
men, telephoned to the police department in Honolulu asking for help
or for permission to swear in men as special constables.
These requests were naturally refused, as violation of labor con
tracts is a civil and not a criminal offense. The citizens' guard, what
ever that may be, was then called out, we are told, and the eighty-one
Japs were forced to tramp to Ewa jail, where they were locked up.
How the men were accommodated in the cells of the jail is a mystery.
They must have been packed like sardines in a box. This morning they
were to be tried before the Hawaiian magistrate of the plantation dis
trict. They have no attorneys, no interpreter, and no knowledge of
our laws. The magistrate will probably order them to retum to work
and to pay costs, which means that $3 will be deducted from the $12
which each of them receives per month.
This is only one instance in hundreds showing the slavery in
Hawaii. It may be of interest to Senator Morgan and other annejca-
tionists who desire, for a consideration, to saddle the United States

LABOR IN HAWAII ^ 71
Vlllth the problems of the Hawaiian Islands to know that Ewa Planta
tion stock is quoted at $315 per share.
*******
But^ It Is said we need not fear Hawaiian competition
for the reason that our labor laws will apply to that country
and that Asiatic labor will no longer be eraployed upon the
plantations. I showed the other day that the Anglo-Saxon
does not toil within the Tropics ; that there are no settlements
of Anglo-Saxons In the world anywhere within 22° of the
equator; that there are none employed in toil upon these
islands, and that there never will be any.
But is the dreara that Asiatic labor will not be employed
founded upon any fact to justify entertaining It? We made
a treaty in 1894 with Japan, by which she is placed upon an
equal footing with all other nations, and her people can
come to the United States the same as people can come from
France or Gerraany or England and engage in any of the
occupations of this country; and that treaty Is to run for
twelve years, and here are sorae of its provisions :
TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA
AND THE EMPIRE OF JAPAN— COMMERCE AND
NAVIGATION. Concluded at Washington November 22, 1894.
Ratification advised by the Senate February 5, 1895.
Ratified by the President February 15, 1895.
Ratified by the Emperor February 27, 1895.
Ratifications exchanged at Washington March 21, 1895.
Proclaimed March 21, 1895.

Article XIX.
This treaty shall go into operation on the 17th day of July, 1899,
and shall remain in force for the period of twelve years firom that
date. Either high contracting party shall have the right, at any tim.e
thereafter, to give notice to the other of its intention to terminate the
same, and at the expiration of twelve months after such notice is given
this treaty shall wholly cease and determine.
I. Speech in the Senate July a, 1898.

72 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
This treaty provides In Article I that —
The citizens or subjects of each of the two high contracting parties
shall have full liberty to enter, travel, or reside in any part of the ter
ritories of the other contracting party, and shall enjoy full and perfect
protection for their persons and property.
So that Japanese in any numbers can corae in as laborers
frora Japan to the United States under this treaty, the sarae
as persons frora England, or France, or Italy, or any of the
countries of Europe. The Japanese will go to Hawaii, and
they will not come In any great nurabers to the United States,
because they are accustoraed to a chmate like Hawaii. The
Jap wears but little clothing in the sumraer. He lives upon
vegetable food, upon rice, and that climate, where there are
already 25,000 Japanese, is particularly adapted to them.
You pass this resolution and they will swarm there, and
Japanese money will go there, millions of it, to build factories
and to ship goods to the United States free of duty, made by
Asiatic labor, and you will have no way to stop it.
The citizens or subjects of each of the high contracting parties may
trade in any part of the territories of the other by wholesale or
retail in all kinds of produce, manufactures, and merchandise of lawful
commerce, either in person or by agents, singly or in partnership with
foreigners or native citizens or subjects; and they may there own or
hire and pccupy houses, manufactories, warehouses, shops, and premises
which may be necessary for them, and lease land for residential and
commercial purposes, conforming themselves to the la-ws, police and
customs regulations of the country like native citizens or subjects.
So the Japanese can come here and do exactly as any
other people can do. I want to call the especial attention of
the New England manufacturers and the Pennsylvania manu
facturers to these facts, for there is not an industry In which
the Japanese are not skilled. This treaty also provides :
Article XI.
Any ship of war or merchant vessel of either of the high con
tracting parties which may be compelled by stress of weather, or by
reason of any other distress, to take shelter in a port of the other,
shall be at liberty to refit therein, to procure all necessary supplies, and

LABOR IN HAWAII 73
to put to sea again, without paying any dues other than such as would
be payable by national vessels. In case, however, the master of a mer
chant vessel should be under the necessity of disponing of a part of his
cargo m order to defray the expenses, he shall be bound to conform to
the regulations and tariffs of the place to which he may have come.
Here, then, is a provision that our war vessels out of
coal, out of provisions, or in any way disabled, can enter
their ports and procure supplies. Why, then, should not our
ships go direct to Manila, instead of drifting through the
Tropics for a month? Article XVI.
The citizens or subjects of each of the high contracting parties shall
enjoy in the territories of the other the same protection as native citi
zens or subjects in regard to patents, trade-marks, and designs, upon
fulfillment of the formalities prescribed by law.
So we have with these people a treaty exactly the same
as that which we have with the most civilized nations of the
earth, and the Japanese are one of the raost civilized nations
of the world.

Mr. Pettigrew: Mr. President, I do not care to dis
cuss the question further this evening. I shall at some future
time present to the Senate the conclusive proof that the United
States overturned the Hawaiian Governraent — a friendly Gov
ernment — and set up In its place this raissionary, sugar-raising
Government; that the Government is a puppet of our own
with which we are treating for title to a country inhabited
by a people who do not wish to be annexed to the United
States. That question I shall go into fully, and show from
official records In a way that can not be disputed or con
troverted that we, the people of the United States through
our Navy, overturned a friendly Governraent and set up in
its place and are now treating with Its puppet successor for
title to an unwilling country.
I also wish to show to the Senate the effect of Asiatic
corapetition on our manufactures, upon our industries, what
must certainly corae to the mill toilers and the mill owners

74 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
of this country with the admission into this Union of vast
hordes of Asiatic laborers. The Malay is as skillful as the
Japanese, and to-day in Manila they are raanufacturing the
highest grade of silk, and it is sold In Europe in competition
with that of France. They can produce every manufactured
product fashioned by the skill of the people of the United
States, and they can do it with laborers who cost but $1.75
a month in gold and who board themselves. At some future
tirae I will tell the Senate those things which I saw, which cer
tainly raust be destructive to the Industries of this country
if we adrait those people to our citizenship. Eight hundred
railes frora the coast, in China, I visited 
Mr. Gallinger: Why not do it now?
Mr. Pettigrew: I will give you a sample. Eight
hundred miles from the coast, in China, I visited a factory
where there were 34,000 spindles and a thousand looms — a
model institution in every respect. It had been running three
years night and day. There was but one European employee,
an Englishman, who had charge of the raachinery. Every
bther toiler was a Chinaman. The engineers, spinners, weav
ers, every person employed in that great factory, were Chinese,
and the average wages of those employees was $3.50 in silver
per morjth and they boarded themselves, or $1.75 in gold, or
a little less than that, for the difference in exchange was raore
than 2 in I.
We can not raanufacture an article against such competi
tion. In Nankin you can employ all the able-bodied China
men you want for a dollar a month, and you can hire them
boarded for $1.60 In silver per raonth. This is the cora
petition which the Anglo-Saxon greed for land impels us td
annex. I sometiraes think the Anglo-Saxon affinity for land
is greater than the affinity of salt for water. No matter how
poor or how worthless it is, if there Is a chance to steal
a piece of land the Anglo-Saxon goes after it. We supposed
we had inaugurated a new systera, a new idea, when we set
up our Constitution, and that we would never be a party to
the land-grabbing scheraes of our kindred across the sea; but
now we are to abandon that theory and we are to take the

LABOR IN HAWAII ^ 75
first step In the seizure of a few volcanic islands inhabited by
a worthless population. It Is this against which I protest.
Mr. President, I am opposed to the annexation of the
Hawaiian Islands because It is a step in sin, a first step In the
wrong direction, an abandonment of the grand raoral position
which this country has occupied before the world. I ara
opposed to It because it violates the fundaraental principles of
the Constitution of the United States ; and while we raay vio
late the Constitution in other directions, in this particular I
believe it is destructive to those principles upon which the
Constitution is based, to the fundaraental principles of our
civilization, and therefore raore dangerous than any other vio
lation of the Constitution which can be Indulged in.
I am opposed to annexation because it brings in a popula
tion which, in my opinion, can never perforra the duties of
governing an American State. It includes a climate in which
the white raan can not toil, and, therefore, will not live
and rear children. It brings in a population 72,000 of which
are males and 36,000 are feraales, precluding the Idea —
which is the fundamental principle of our civilization — of
the home, the fireside, the husband and the wife and the
children. I am opposed to it because It Is a step In breaking
down the barriers of protection, which are essential to the
maintenance and the dignity and character of Araerican
labor.

CHAPTER IV
WHO OWNS HAWAII?
LET ^ us see how our self-denying missionary brethren
have fared, who have now captured the islands and
set up what they call a republic. The Coraraissioner
says :
The minister of finance informs me that the taxes paid by Amer
icans and Europeans amount to $274,516.74; those by the natives,
$71,386.82; half-castes, $26,868.68; Chinese, $87,266.10; Japanese,
$67,366.07 ; other nationalities, $729.82.
That is, the natives pay only about one-seventh of the
taxes, indicating a very small ownership of property. The
Commissioner adds :
He also informs me that the acreage on which taxes are paid by
various nationalities is: Europeans and Americans, 1,052,492 acres;
natives, 257,457 acres; half-castes, 531,545 acres; Chinese, 12,324
acres ; Japanese, 200 acres ; other nationalities, none.
The surveyor-general reports the crown lands for 1893 as con
taining 915,288 acres. Of these he reports 94,116 acres available for
lease. Of this latter number only 47,000 acres are reported to be
good, arable land. He likewise reports the Government land as con
taining 828,370 acres. He reports these, estimated in 1890, to be worth
$2,128,850. The annual income from them is $67,636. Of this in
come $19,500 is from wharfage and $7,800 from rent of land with
buildings thereon.
The cane and arable land is estimated at 35,150 acres.
It is important here to recall his statement made to the legislature
in 1891 in the following language: "Most Govemment lands at the
present time consist of mere remnants left here and there and of the
worthless and unsalable portions remaining after the rest had been
sold." So the Europeans and Americans who went to that para
dise of indolence for the purpose of converting its people to
I. Speech in.the Senate July 2, 1894. 76

WHO OWNS HAWAII? 77
Christianity have secured a sohd title to 1,052,000 acres,
while the poor, raiserable natives have the remnant, 257,000
acres. Let us hope that the dominant Invaders have at
tended to the souls of the Kanakas, which was the main busi
ness of the crusade, for they have certainly paid strict atten
tion to the incidental business by getting possession of three-
quarters of the fertile land. And now that they have seized
the Governraent, they ask that the people of the United
States shall be taxed $4,000,000 a year, and the raoney sent to
them to support it — for that is exactly what this bill does.
*******
I ^ had an investigation made when I was in Hawaii of
the books in the Interior department, for their law requires
that every sugar corporation shall file a report giving the
names of the stockholders. All do not comply with the law,
but they did partially comply with the law, and Mr. Car,ter
made an investigation to ascertain who the owners of the stock
were, how raany were Americaris, and how raany belonged to
other nationalities.
He says:
In accordance with my promise I sent a competent person to the
department of the interior to make copies of the names of shareholders
and their holdings in the sugar corporations of these islands to be taken
from the "exhibits" of such corporations, as of July i, 1897, made in
compliance with our laws.
My employee was told that there had been but 23 "exhibits" filed,
17 of the sugar corporations not having complied with the law. The
copies obtained have passed under the eyes of two reliable persons, who
marked the nationality of each shareholder. An American is under
stood to be a person who is a citizen of the United States, entitled to
the rights and privileges of such citizenship when in the States. ^ Other
nationalities were determined in the same way. Hawaiians include
Hawaiian corporations holding shares and all persons entitled to and
claiming the rights and privileges of Hawaiian citizenship.
Of the "exhibits" obtained, 10 were for corporations on the Island
of Hawaii, 6 on Maui, 4 on Kauai, 3 on Oahu.
On Hawaii the values of holdings by nationaUty were as follows:
I. Speech in the Senate July 2, 1898.

78 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
American  $3,225,750
British  1,642,350
Hawaiian  792,000
German  458,700
Portuguese  1,200
Total  $6,120,000
But it raust be reraerabered that the Araerican interests
in the islands engaged in sugar raising are on the Island of
Hawaii and the Island of Maui. In the other islands the
interests are exclusively foreign. However, the general result
will show that two-thirds of these plantations are owned by
people who are not citizens of the United States.
, On Maui:
Hawaiian  $1,330,200
American  638,100
German  620,200
British  80,700
Chinese  ,  5,800
Total  $2,675,000
On Kauai:
Hawaiian  $1,154,400
American  852,200
German  691,100
British  501,900
Portuguese  400
Total  $3,200,000
On Oahu:
Hawaiian  $1,659,500
German  770,000
American  456,900
British  137,000
Chinese  18,600
Portuguese  9,500
Norwegian  500
Total  $3,052,000

WHO OWNS HAWAII?
Total value of holdings by nationality as follows:

79

ifcS::::::::::  ^iS?S
g--n  ::::::;::::::::::::.::::::::: tSoSo
cf^t:::::::::::::::::::::;:  ^'I^S
Portuguese  „;ioo
Norwegian  ^oo

Total  $15,047,000
The percentages of value of holdings are about as follows:

American .
Hawaiian.German . .
British 
Other 

Per cent.

3432 16IS

Total .

100

What the result of a like examination of the remaining seventeen
corporation "exhibits" would be is a matter of speculation. In my
opinion they would not alter the figures materially.
I have mailed to you a copy of The Hawaiian Annual, containing an
article (pages 149-157) on the "The financial outlook," by Alatau T.
Atkinson, who compiled the Hawaiian census of 1896. This article
contains a statement (page 155) of the amount of the public debt and
valuation of the property of the Government and classification of
Government lands, which you asked me to procure and forward.
The Planters' Association has published a statement of laborers on
sugar estates for the current year, which varies a little from the figures
I gave 5'OU for the year 1895. The figures for the current year as
compared with 1895 are:

Nation ah ty

1897

189s

Japanese 

",394 6,861 1,902
i,3S6

",584 3,847 2,499 1,584

Chinese 

Portuffuese 

Hawaiians 

Total . . .

21,513

19,514

8o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The increase in laborers is due to the starting of a large estate and
the increased acreage of old estates.
Inclosed you will find an article on cofEee raising, which you may
find useful. The endeavor of the Hawaiian Government to induce the
immigration of small farmers from your country is fraught with D;is-
chief to the farmer, as you will see by reading the inclosure. This
article was written by a man I can vouch for. A man with money
can make money anywhere if he has the proper mental and physical
equipment. The planting of coffee in these islands is largely experi
mental at this time.
These figures show that the Hawaiian sugar planters are
two-thirds foreigners and one-third Americans, and that the
benefits derived from annexation by this remission of duty
will be conferred two-thirds of It upon foreigners and one-
third of it upon a few sons of raissionaries whose fathers went
to the islands to confer upon the inhabitants the blessings of
Christianity and whose sons first confiscated their lands and
now have stolen their government. They are not subjects of
charity. The people of the United States ought not to be
taxed to confer this benefit of one-third of $7,500,000 a year
upon these sons of missionaries and two-thirds of $7,500,000
a year upon foreigners.
I read from Blount's report with regard to American
interests, on page 455, part i, Report of Commissioner to the
Hawaiian Islands :
To cover their numerical weakness, the annexationists' faction have
tried to awaken American sympathies by alluding to the necessity of
protecting American capital, which they claim to be so largely in
vested in these islands. To give plausibility to this assertion, tables
have been prepared, purporting (on estimations, not on any positive
documents) to show that the total capital engaged in sugar (in cor
porations and nonincorporated plantations) amounted to $33,420,990
out of which $24,735,610 was claimed to be American, or about four-
fifths; $6,038,130 British, $2,008,600 German, $226,280 native, and
$2,99,000 of other nationalities.
This fantastic array is contradicted by the mere fact that out of a
total of $537,757 for internal taxes Americans paid only $139,998 —
official figures — ^or one-fourth, while according to the above statement
American plantation stock alone, outside of commercial firms and other
American taxable property, ought to have paid over $247,000. But
even allowing that a large portion of the sugar interests may be

WHO OWNS HAWAII? 8i
apparently in American hands, it is far from correct to call it American
capital. It is an undeniable fact that outside of Mr. Claus Spreckels, of
California, no American has ever brought into this country any capital
worth mentioning, but many have sent* away fortunes made here. Most
of our present American capitalists, outside of sons of missionaries, came
here as sailors or school-teachers, some few as clerks, others as mechanics,
so that, even if now they do own or manage, or have their names in some
way connected with property or corporations, this does not make their
wealth of American origin.
And so every investigation that can be made shows the
coramercial interests of these islands are in the hands of for
eigners, and that whatever benefit we confer we confer upon
an alien race as laborers and foreigners as capitalists.
Mr. Caffery: What Is the total nuraber of acres in the
island? Mr. Pettigrew: Four and one-half million acres form
the total area of the whole Island, and at least 1,000,000 acres
of this area is lava and unproductive. The whole area is
lava, but one and a half million acres, I should say, is recent
lava, and therefore produces nothing. It is of high elevation.
The great island of Hawaii has an elevation at two points of
nearly 14,000 feet above the sea. One of these points, Mauna
Loa, is an active volcano, and down Its sides up to 188 1 there
flowed great streams of lava. In 188 1 an eruption occurred
at a point 8,000 feet above the sea, and an immense river
of lava hundreds of feet in width rolled through the forest
down its slopes into the village of Hilo and stopped.
Mr. Caffery: And about one-half of the arable acre
age is held by the sons of missionaries?
Mr. Pettigrew : By them and the other foreigners.
Mr. Caffery: How much does that leave the natives?
Mr. Pettigrew: The natives have 250,000 acres upon
which they pay taxes, and the half-castes 500,000 acres; but it
leaves the natives also a vast area of comparatively valueless
land — the pasture lands. There are great areas that are
pasture lands, and they are owned alraost entirely by the
natives. Hawaii is no exception to the rule. Wherever the Eng-

82 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
lish foot has stepped upon the globe personal property pays
little or no tax; the burden is upon the land; the revenue to sup
port the Government is upon consuraption, and the individual
has to pay It; the accumulated wealth escapes. And so it is in
Hawaii. The first thing to be considered is the real estate. The
total value of this in 1895 was $22,183,443. It was divided
as follows: REAL ESTATE
Hawaiians and part Hawaiians own  $6,9S6,S97
Americans, British, and Germans own  12,958,706
Chinese  1,146,301
Japanese  56,900
Other nationalities  1,064,939
This statement is taken frora the tax books of 1895. At
the close of the biennial period of 1897 a fresh table will be
made out.
These figures are from Thrum's annual book, issued by
the annexationists for the purpose of making out the best case
they can in favor of annexation, issued solely and exclusively
in the interest of the raissionary sugar planters.
But I am informed by the. assessor in chief that the increase is not
very large. There must be some increase, however, as much land which
formerly was waste forest land has gone into the cultivation of coffee.
The personal property was valued at $17,491,068, but the division
shows up somewhat differently, the bulk being held by the Americans,
British, and Germans. The figures are as follows:
PERSONAL PROPERTY
Hawaiians and half-castes  $1,144,104
Americans, British, and Germans  2,161,795
Americans, British, and German corporations  9,333, 5Si
American, British, and German firms  2,247,856
Total  $13,743,202
Making a total of $13,743,000 as the value of the per
sonal property of the Island owned by foreigners out of
$17,000,000 in all*

WHO OWNS HAWAII? 83
Chinese  $2,205,339
Japanese. .   177,307
Other nationalities  221,116
As taxable value by no means represents intrinsic value, this esti
mate of the property, real and personal, may be regarded as under
the marketable value of the property ; but it serves to show in a measure
the wealth of the entire nation and its distribution, and shows where
the preponderance of property interests lies.
The Hawaiians and part Hawaiians number together 39,504 in
dividuals, while the Americans, British, and Germans count 6,768
individuals. The property interests of the former aggregate $8,101,701,
while those of the latter amount to $26,701,908. To put it in another
form, the percentage of the total real estate of the whole community
held by Hawaiians and part Hawaiians is 0.31 ; the percentage of the
total personal estate held by Hawaiians and part Hawaiians is 0.06.
The main industries which Americans and Europeans are en
gaged in on the islands are sugar and coffee. The latter is a compara
tively young industry, and can hardly be considered far out of the
experimental stage; moreover, as the value of the crop is not assessed,
it is difficult to arrive at a fair estimate of the worth of the planta
tions, but a rough estimate is given.

CHAPTER V
the "revolution" of 1893
MR. PRESIDENT,! I shall prove to the Senate
that the Government which now exists in Hawaii,
with which we are treating for a title to that country,
is a Government existing without the consent of the people
of those islands, set up by the armed forces of the United
States, maintained by the presence of our battleships frora the
day of its existence to the present tirae. I shall show that this
Government was brought into being because of the passage
of the McKinley law, which repealed the duty on sugar; that
the effort to annex the islands resulted from the fact that
we repealed the duty upon sugar and placed a bounty upon
domestic sugar.
Therefore the Hawaiian planters desired to be admitted
Into the Union in order to secure the bounty; that our rain
ister, Stevens, going to a friendly Governraent, began con
niving, plotting, and planning to overthrow and destroy the
Governraent to which he was sent on the very day of his
arrival; that through his efforts, without any armed force on
the part of those people, without a gun or an armed man
on their part, backed by the cannon and the armed marines
of this Government, thirteen men were made the rulers of
that country, and even then, when our raarines returned to
their vessel, President Dole, as he called hiraself and as the
thirteen called him, sent a letter to our rainister, saying, "We
can not raaintain this Government which you have set up;
we have not the power to perpetuate its existence," and asking
to have the flag of the United States raised over their build
ing; and it was raised, and remained there for two months,
I. Speech iti the Senate July 6, 1898. 84

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 85
: until they were able to gather together and confiscate all the
arms upon the islands, to import foreign mercenaries whom
they armed, thus collecting a fighting force of 400 men.
Every revolution which has occurred in Hawaii has oc
curred in the town of Honolulu, the capital of the islands,
the largest center of population. Every disturbance has oc
curred there. Every tirae there has been an overthrow of the
Governraent or riot or dispute It has taken place within that
city. All the rest of the islands have always had peace.
There was never any disturbance, there was never danger to
hfe or property, and no pretense of danger to hfe or prop
erty. This revolution occurred in Honolulu, and yet peace
reigned in all the other towns, and I will show that these same
conspirators were the cause of all the trouble and all the dif
ficulty which has heretofore existed.
George W. Merrill, who was our rainister to Hawaii,
wrote Mr. Secretary Blaine, September 7, 1889, as follows:
It is also noticeable that among the American residents here there
are several who, from personal motives, contemplate with satisfaction
periodical disquietude in this Kingdom, hoping that frequent revolu
tionary epochs will force the United States Government to make this
group a part of its territory and to absorb into its body politic this
heterogeneous population of 8o,ooo, consisting of Chinese, Japanese,
Portuguese, native Hawaiians, half-castes, and only about 5,ooo of
those who may be properly denominated the white race.
In order to keep affairs in as much turmoil as possible baseless
rumors are constantly put in circulation, many of which find publica
tion in other countries.
*******
I ri3vp pt*f*
GEORGE W. MERRILL.
This was our minister. It Is an o'fficial document found
in the archives of the State Department, written on the 7th
of Septeraber, 1889.
He was superseded shortly afterwards by Mr. Stevens.
Mr. Stevens was appointed minister in October, 1889. Har
rison had been elected President. One of the issues of the
campaign was free sugar. The McKinley Act became a law

86 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
August 27, 1890. On August 20, 1891, Mr. Stevens writes
to Mr. Blaine as follows:
The probabilities strongly favor the presumption that a United
States warship will not be pressingly necessary in the two or three
immediate months. But as early as the ist of December, without fail,
the month preceding the election, and for some time thereafter, there
should be a United States vessel here to render things secure. I have
strong reluctance to being regarded an alarmist, but with due regard
to my responsibility I am impelled to express the opinion that a proper
regard for American interests wiU require one ship here most of the
time in 1892. There are increasing indications that the annexation
sentiment is growing among the business men. The present political
situation is feverish, and I see no prospect of its being permanently
otherwise until these islands become a part of the American Union
or a possession of Great Britain.
The intelligent and responsible men here, unaided -by outside sup
port, are too few in numbers to control in political affairs and secure
good government. There are indications that the liberals are about
to declare for annexation. At a future time I shall deem it my official
duty to give a more elaborate statement of facts and reasons why a
"new departure" by the United States as to Hawaii is rapidly becoming
a necessity, that a "protectorate" is impracticable, and that annexation
must be the future remedy, or else Great Britain will be furnished with
circumstances and opportunity to get a hold on these islands, which
will cause future serious embarrassment to the United States.
At this time there seems to be no immediate prospect of its being
safe to have the harbor of Honolulu left without an American vessel
of war. Last week a British gunboat arrived here, and it is said will
remain here for an indefinite period.
I am, etc., JOHN L. STEVENS.
Here, then, Is our minister, accredited to a friendly Gov
ernment, contemplating the destruction of that Government
and the annexation of the territory. There was no negotia
tion. Further on. In his next dispatch, he asked the State De
partraent to keep secret his plot, to keep secret his statement
In regard to the ovei;throw of that Government; and he says
in the dispatch that it wbuld be uncomfortable for him if the
facts were known in Hawaii. Here was a rainister to a
friendly Government planning its overthrow, evidently plan
ning with its eneraies to cause its overthrow and annex it to

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 87
this country, carrying on a correspondence which he did not
dare to have disclosed because of the treasonable conduct In
which he was engaged.
On November 20, 1892, Stevens again writes:
It is well to consider the existing state of things here resulting
from the change in the United States sugar tariff. Only personal
observation and careful investigation of the facts can give one an ade
quate idea of the severe blow sugar raising here has received. The pro
duction of sugar being the main business of the islands, the great
reduction of the market price has affected powerfully the entire affairs
and condition of the islands. I think it understating the truth to ex
press the opinion that the loss to the owners of the sugar plantations
and mills, etc., and the consequent depreciation of other property by
the passage of the McKinley bill, wise and beneficial as that measure
is proving to be for the vast interests of the United States, has not
been less than $12,000,000, a large portion of this loss falling on Ameri
cans residing here and in California.
Unless some positive measures of relief be granted, the depreciation
of sugar property here will continue to go on. Wise, bold action by
the United States will rescue the property holders from great losses,
give the islands a government which will put an end to a worse than
useless expenditure of a large proportion of the revenues of the coun
try, using them for the building of roads and bridges, thus helping
to develop the natural resources of the islands, aiding to diversify the
industries and to increase the number of the responsible citizens.
One of two courses seems to me absolutely necessary to be followed,
either bold and vigorous measures for annexation or a "customs union,"
an ocean cable from the Californian coast to Honolulu, Pearl Harbor
perpetually ceded to the United States, with an implied but not neces
sarily stipulated American protectorate over the islands. I believe the
former to be the better, that which will prove much the more advan
tageous to the islands, and the cheapest and least embarrassing in the
end for the United States.
Here, then, Mr. President, In 1892, two months before the
final revolution, our rainister outlines the reason for it — that
the sugar interests of the Islands are declining because we took
the tariff off of sugar, because they can no longer get out of
the pockets of the people of the United States, by reraitting
duties, 2 cents a pound.
But there is other evidence, Mr. President, which shows
conclusively that this revolution was brought about purely and

88 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
siraply by the sugar planters in the interest of the sugar raisers.
On the Sth of March, 1892, our minister, Mr. Stevens, writes.
the following letter: Mr. Stevens to Mr. Blaine.
Honolulu, March 8, 1892.
Sir: In view of possible contingencies in these islands I ask for
the instructions of the Department of State on the following, viz:
If the Government here should be surprised and overturned by an
orderly and peaceful revolutionary movement, largely of native Ha
waiians, and a provisional or republican government organized and
proclaimed, would the United States minister and naval commander
here be justified in responding affirmatively to the call of the members
of the removed Government to restore them to power or replace them
in possession of the Govemment buildings?
Or should the United States minister and naval commander con
fine themselves exclusively to the preservation of American property,
the protection of American citizens, and the prevention of anarchy?
Should a revolutionary attempt of the character indicated be made,
there are strong reasons to presume that it would begin by the seizure
of the police station, with its arms and ammunition, and this accom
plished, the royal palace and the Government buildings containing the
cabinet officers and archives would very soon be captured, the latter
buildings being situated about one-third of a mile from the police
station. In such contingencies would it be justifiable to use the United
States forces here to restore the Govemment buildings to the posses
sion of the displaced officials? Ordinarily in like circumstances the
rule seems to be to limit the landing and movement of the United
States force in foreign waters and dominion exclusively to the protec
tion of the United States legation and of the lives and property of
American citizens. But, as the relations of the United Staates to
Hawaii are exceptional, and in former years the United States officials
here took somewhat exceptional action in circumstances of disorder,
I desire to know how far the present minister and naval commander
here may deviate from established international rules and precedents in
the contingencies indicated in the first part of this dispatch.
I have information, which I deem reliable, that there is an organized
revolutionary party in the islands, composed largely of native Ha
waiians and a considerable number of whites and half whites, led
chiefly by individuals of the latter two classes.
Here our rainister, on the 8th of March, 1892, almost a
year before the revolution, is in possession of the whole plan.

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 89
clearly indicating that he was in a conspiracy with these
people to overturn a government.
Again, November 20, 1892, Mr. Stevens writes:
United States Legation, Honolulu, November 20, 1892.
Sir: Fidelity to the trust imposed on me by the President, the De
partment of State, and the Senate requires that I should make a careful
and full statement of the financial, agricultural, social, and political
condition of these islands. An intelligent and impartial examination
of ,the facts can hardly fail to lead to the conclusion that the relations
and policy of the United States toward Hawaii will soon demand some
change, if not the adoption of decisive measures, with the aim to secure
American interests and future supremacy by encouraging Hawaiian de
velopment and aiding to promote responsible government in these
islands. I find In the evidence taken by Mr. Blount the following.
This is the testimony of Mr. Fred. H. Hayselden, a sugar
planter on the Island of Lanai :
Q. What do you think were the causes of the revolution?
A. Simply 2 cents a pound on sugar — to get some treaty or some
arrangement with America. They did not see their way clear to get it
in the face of the McKinley bill. They thought Harrison would be re
elected and the Republican policy would be continued.
Q. But at the time of the revolution Harrison had been defeated?
A. Yes; but this thing was marked up long before that. They
wanted to force it upon the Harrison Administration, if they could,
before the inauguration of Mr. Cleveland.
I have carefully read the foregoing and pronounce it an accurate
report of my interview with Colonel Blount.
I read also the testimony of Samuel Parker:
Mr. Blount. Is it your opinion that this movement would have
occurred if there had been no effort to proclaim a new constitution?
Mr. Parker. I think it would.
Mr. Blount. Why do you think so?
Mr. Parker. A majority of the capitalists of the town had no
confidence in our ministry. I think it would have come about anyway.
Mr. Blount. Come about soon?
Mr. Parker. It would have come about, because even when this
attempt of promulgation of the new constitution was made, we were
told that they would support us for what we had done — for holding
out against the Queen in requesting us to sign the new constitution.
This was said to us at that time — at the time when the Queen was

90 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
asking us to sign it. During the day they had a meeting of the citizens.
I mean such men as Thurston, Hartwell, and leaders of the pro
visional govemment. They told us they would back us up. They
admired us for our pluck in holding out against the Queen's wish.
Mr. Blount. Would this imply a disposition to take action toward
dethronement? Mr. Parker. I think it came from the McKinley bill — the first
action was on account of the McKinley bill.
Mr. Blount. What do you mean by action?
Mr. Parker. They said that unless something is done — closer
relations with the United States — we are bankrupt. That was long
before the Legislature came in session ; when I first went into the
cabinet. Mr. Blount. Who do you mean said this?
Mr. Parker. A majority of the sugar men; those now at the
head of the provisional government — capitalists and planters. They
said that something must be done to get closer relations with the
United States to hold us up. With sugar down to $45 and $50 a ton,
something ought to be done. A commercial treaty or something ought
to be negotiated with the American people.
Mr. Blount in his report raakes the following stateraent:
The controlling element in the white population is connected with
the sugar industry. In its interests the Government there has nego
tiated treaties from time to time for the purpose of securing contract
laborers for terms of years fqr the plantations, and paid out large sums
for their transportation and for building plantation wharves, etc.
These contracts provide for compelling the laborer to work faith
fully by fines and damage suits brought by the planters against them,
with the right on the part of the planter to deduct the damages and
costs of suit out of the laborer's wages.
They also provide for compelling the laborer to remain with the
planter during the contract term. They are sanctioned by law and
enforced by civil remedies and penal laws. The general belief amongst
the planters at the so-called revolution was that, notwithstanding the
laws against importing labor into the United States, in the event of
their annexation to that Government, these laws would not be made
operative in the Hawaiian Islands on account of their jieculiar con
ditions. Their faith in the building of a caWe between Honolulu and
San Francisco and large expenditures at Pearl Harbor in the event
of annexation has also as much to do with the desire for it.
In addition to these was the hope of escape from duties on rice
and fruits and receiving the sugar bounty, either by general or special
law. The repeal of the duty on sugar in the McKinley Act was re-

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 91
garded a severe blow to their interests, and the great idea of states
manship has been to do something in the shape of treaties with the
United States, reducing their duties on agricultural products of the
Hawaiian Islands, out of which profit might be derived. Annexa
tion has for its charm the complete abolition of all duties on their
exports to the United States.
The annexationists expect the United States to govem the islands
by so abridging the right of suffrage as to place them in control of the
whites. Mr. President, this revolution was organized by a con
spiracy of the American rainister In the interest of the sugar
planters of Hawaii, which the rainister says was the chief
industry of the island and the basis of their prosperity.
The Araerican minister had been secured as an advocate
of the overthrow of the friendly Government to whom he was
sent; and then what was done by these conspirators, few in
nuraber, having vast wealth, fortunes made absolutely out of
the people of the United States in the profit upon sugar, which
is admitted free "of duty, while we charged 2 cents a pound
on sugar frora every other country? The American rainister
having been secured, the next step was to find an excuse for
overthrowing the existing Government.
On the 14th of January, 1893, being Saturday, the Queen ^
took steps to proraulgate a new constitution. Petitions had
been received by her signed by two-thirds of all the voters of
the Island protesting against the constitution of 1887 and ask
ing that a new one be promulgated. The constitution of 1887
deprived a large per cent of her people of the right to vote
for members of the Senate or any voice in the Government.
This was done by a property qualification which excluded them
from the right of suffrage. A few of her own people were
permitted to serve in the cabinet. The constitution of 1887
had been forced out of the King, her predecessor, by a threat
from these same people to assassinate him and overturn his
Government. Mr. Allen: What Is the number of voters In the
Hawaiian Islands now?
Mr. Pettigrew: Under the new constitution, twenty-
six hundred.

92 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Mr. Allen : All are raale adults, I suppose.
Mr. Pettigrew : Of course there are a very large nura
ber of raale adults who have never taken any steps to be
citizens or voters; that Is, they are the contract laborers, the
slave labor from Japan and China.
Mr. Allen : Are they by circumstances disquahfied from
citizenship ?
Mr. Pettigrew: They are not qualified for citizenship
because they have taken no steps to secure It, and do not de
sire it. There are about 13,000 people who have a right to
vote for the merabers of the lower House of the Legislature
if they would take the oath of allegiance to this, sugar Gov
emment, which provides for annexation to the United States,
but they refuse to do it. So there are only 2,600 people who
are really voters under that Governraent.
Mr. Allen : A property qualification is required for vot
ing in the Hawaiian Islands?
Mr. Pettigrew: For voting for senators a very high
property qualification is required.
Mr. Allen: I ask the Senator If that does not dis
qualify the vast body of raale adults In the island?
Mr. Pettigrew: Oh, certainly, it disqualifies nearly
every one to vote for a senator. There are only a few thus
qualified. I think there are not over 1,200 people in the
islands who can vote for a senator under the property qualifi
cation required. But the Queen, In pursuance of this address,
proposed to modify the constitution so that her own people
would have something to say about the proposition to raodify
the property qualification and make the Governraent more
nearly democratic, and bring it closer to the people.
Immediately on the proposition being made to adopt a
new constitution, these people, nine of them, had a raeeting in
Sraith's office. He was a lawyer in Honolulu. He is now
the attorney-general of the so-called republic. There they
began to plan and plot for the overthrow of the Queen. But
finding that there was opposition to her movement, the Queen
abandoned the idea of issuing a new constitution and sent
forth on Monday, January 16, 1893, the following letter:

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 93

BY AUTHORITY.
Her Majesty's ministers desire to express their appreciation for the
quiet and order which has prevailed in this community since the events
of Saturday, and are authorized to say that the position taken by Her
Majesty in regard to the promulgation of a new constitution was under
stress of her native subjects.
Authority is given for the assurance that any changes desired in the
fundamental law of the land will be sought only by methods provided in
the constitution itself.
Her Majesty's ministers request all citizens to accept the assurance
of Her Majesty in the same spirit which it is given.
LILIUOKALANI. SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister of Foreign Affairs.
W. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance.
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior.
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney-General.
loLANi Palace, January 16, 1893.
On Saturday, the 14th, there was a meeting at W. O.,
Smith's office, and a coraraittee of safety was organized, com
posed of thirteen merabers. I propose now to show what
this meeting was called for, and I will show it by reading
the testimony of Mr. 6olte. Mr. Bolte was one of the con
spirators. In answer to a question by Mr. Blount he said :
The answers which I have given to Mr. Blount's questions, "When
was for the first time anything said about deposing or dethroning the
Queen?" might lead to misunderstanding in reading this report. I
desire, therefore, to hereby declare as follows : Words to the effect that
the Queen must be deposed or dethroned were not uttered to my
knowledge at any meeting of the committee of safety until Monday
evening, January i6, 1893; but at the very first meeting of citizens at
W. O. Smith's office, on Saturday, January 14, at about 2 p. m., or
even before this meeting had come to order, Paul Neumann informed
the arriving people that the Queen was about to promulgate a new con
stitution. The answer then given him by Mr. W. C. Wilder, by me, and by
others was: That is a very good thing and a splendid opportunity to
get rid of the whole old rotten Government concern and now to get

94 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
annexation to the United States. Paul Neumann thought that that
might be going a little too far. ^
At the second meeting at W. O. Smith's, between 3 and 4 p. m. on
Saturday afternoon, January 14, 1893, when the, committee of safety
was appointed, sentiments of the same nature, that this is a splendid
opportunity to get rid of the old regime, and strong demands for an
nexation, or any kind of stable government under the supervision of
the United States, were expressed.
Therefore, even if the words that the Queen must be deposed or
dethroned were not spoken, surely the sentiment that this must be done
prevailed at or even before the very first meeting, on January 14, 1893.
C. BOLTE.
Honolulu, June — , 1893.
There was no fear of disorder, no thought that life and
property were in danger, only a satisfaction that the excuse for
revolution had been offered and the time had come to give a
new impetus to the sugar Industry.
Mr. Smith states that the coraraittee at his office debated
whether they would ask the United States to establish a pro
tectorate. They concluded that as the Queen had an arraed
force it was best to appoint a coramittee to see the United
States minister and ascertain what he would do, and Thurston
was selected as chairman of said committee. Thereupon this
coramittee visited the minister. They had met, passed no reso
lutions whatever with regard to danger to life and property,
but had congratulated each other on the fact that an oppor
tunity had arisen for an excuse to overthrow the government
and secure annexation to the United States, purely In the inter
est of their sugar plantations. Thurston was therefore ap
pointed as chairman of the committee to see the American
minister. Sraith says:
. f
I went home about dark or a little after, and just had dinner when
Mr. Thurston called at my house on his way home, asking me to meet
the committee and one or two others at his house at 8 o'clock. I went
there and found Mr. Thurston, W. R. Castle, F. W. Wundenberg,
A. S. Hartwell, S. B. Dole, and C. L. Carter. Mr. Thurston stated
that the committee had waited upon the American minister, and that
he had said that the United States troops on board the Boston would
be ready to land any moment to prevent the destruction of American
life and property, and in regard to the matter of establishing a pro-

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 95
visional government, they of course would recognize the existing gov
ernment, whatever it might be.
Mr. Thurston stated to Mr. Stevens the proposition that was
under consideration, of establishing a provisional government, and in
case those steps were taken, he asked Mr. Stevens what his attitude
would be, and Mr. Stevens had told him whatever government was
established, and was actually in possession of the Government build
ing, the executive departments, and archives, and in possession of the
city, that was a de facto government, and claiming itself as a gov
ernment, would necessarily have to be recognized. Everything had
culminated in a few hours; we were laboring under intense feeling,
and it was arranged that different ones of those present should begin
drafting papers.
Mr. W. R. Castle undertook to draft something in the nature of a
brief historical statement, which would be for a preamble to the decla
ration. Mr. Thurston was to work upon the matter of the form of
the provisional government. Judge Dole quietly stated that he was not
prepared to take part in the movement, but that he would assist, at
Mr. Thurston's request, in drafting the declaration. I was requested to
draft papers to be submitted to the American minister requesting the
landing of the troops, in case it became necessary. At a late hour
we retired, and the next moming at 9 o'clock the committee of thirteen
met at W. R. Castle's residence.
Not one word in all this testimony Indicates that these
raen had any fear of bodily harra or of damage or injury to
their property, but it was simply a plan preconcerted to over
throw a friendly government. They raet in Smith's office.
They sent a coraraittee to see the Araerican minister and ask
him what he would do, and finally they sent to ask him to
land troops. After the raeeting at Castle's, Smith went to see
the Araerican rainister and arranged with him as to what
should be done if Smith and his coconspirators were arrested.
He secured the required assurances and the call for troops
was Issued. I read further from Mr. Smith's statement :
Before the meeting broke up the form of the request to the
American minister in regard to the landing of the troops was adopted
and signed by the committee of thirteen, requesting the American min
ister to land troops, and this request was signed by the committee of
thirteen, and decided to be delivered to the minister to be held by liim
but not to be acted upon until a further request was received from
the committee.

96 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Here, then, they had decided to call on the American
minister to order the landing of American troops, and then
they put the request in his hands to be used by him whenever
they notified him they wanted it used. Certainly there was no
very irarainent danger to the life and property of Americans
If he was to delay the landing of troops. Why this delay?
To give the conspirators who were in league with our minister
a chance to formulate their plans. These conspirators then
held a public meeting and Thurston made some lurid remarks,
talked about freedora, etc., and about liberty and tyrannical
government; and after his fiery speech they passed the tamest
sort of resolutions embodying their protest against the new
constitution, but said not a word about overthrowing the
Queen or establishing a new government. After this public
meeting the conspirators again raet in Smith's office in Hono
lulu, and of that raeeting in Smith's office Mr. Sraith says:
There was a short and earnest discussion of what was to be done;
it was then nearly 4 ; our plans had not been perfected, papers had not
been completed, and, after a hasty discussion, the time being very short,
it was decided that it was impossible for us to take the necessary
steps, and we should request that the troous be not landed until next
morning, the hour in the morning being immaterial, whether it was
9 or 8 or 6 o'clock in the moming, but we must have further time
to prevent bloodshed, and Mr. Thurston and I were appointed to
proceed at once to the American minister and inform him of our
decision. We proceeded at once to Mr. Stevens's house, the United
States legation, stated the case to him, and he said that as a precau
tionary measure, and to protect American life and property, . he had
ordered the troops to be landed at 5 o'clock, and that they would
come. It was then decided to adjourn to meet at the house of Henry
Waterhouse at 8 o'clock in the evening. The meeting broke up, and
some of us went down to see the troops landed. Thurston gave up
— sick. He had to go to bed.
The hour of action had arrived, and the lurid Thurston'
was sick. Troops were going to be landed. How like con
spirators these men acted! They went down to the wharf
and raingled with the crowd and asked the troops to land.
To protect life and property? No, Mr. President, but for
the purpose of overturning a friendly Governraent, and for
no other purpose, were those troops landed. At every step

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 97
in the proceeding great care was taken to consult the Araer
ican minister and to know just what he would do In case they
were arrested. There was a great sense of fear and appre
hension of danger on the part of these thirteen raen, only.
All honest citizens felt safe and secure In life and property.
The request for troops reads as follows :
The committee of safety to Mr. Stevens.
No. 7.] Hawaiian Islands, Honolulu, January 16, 1893.
Sir: We, the undersigned citizens and residents of Honolulu, re
spectfully represent that, in view of recent public events in this King
dom, culminating in the revolutionary acts of Queen Liliuokalani on
Saturday last, the public safety is menaced and lives and property are
in peril, and we appeal to you and the United States forces at your
command for assistance.
The Queen, with the aid of armed force, and accompanied by threats
of violence and bloodshed from those with whom she was acting, at
tempted to proclaim a new constitution and, while prevented for the
time from accomplishing her object, declared publicly that she would
only defer her action.
This conduct and action was upon an occasion and under circum
stances which have created general alarm and terror.
We are unable to protect ourselves without aid, and therefore
pray for the protection of the United States forces.
HENRY E. COOPER,
F. W. McCHESNEY,
W. C. WILDER,
C. BOLTE,
A. BROWN,
WILLIAM O. SMITH,
HENRY WATERHOUSE,
THEO. F. LANSING,
ED. SUHR,
L. A. THURSTON,
JOHN EMMELUTH,
WM. R. CASTLE,
J. A. McCANDLESS,
Citizens' Committee of Safety.
His Excellency John L. Stevens,
American Minister Resident.
They were unable to protect themselves. No wonder;
without armies, without an armed force, these thirteen raen
conspiring with the United States rainister, proposing to cora-

98 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
rait treason against their own Government, appealed to the
United States to protect thera in their treasonable and unlawful
act. If there was great danger, general alarm, and terror
araong the people of Honolulu, why was a coramittee sent to
Mr. Stevens to delay the landing of the troops until the next
day? Why was it, if a reign of terror existed and the lives
and property of Araericans and others were in danger, that a
committee was sent to tell him that they did not want the
troops landed until the next morning? It was because there
was no danger to American lives and property, because Hono
lulu was peaceful, and because the people were about their
usual vocations; and the troops were to be landed for the
purpose of carrying on a conspiracy, being the only armed
forces employed to overthrow a friendly Governraent.
What excuse could these conspirators make, if there was
actual danger to the women and children of Honolulu, for
requesting that the troops be not landed until the next morn
ing? The fact of the raatter is that they had not their
proclamations and other papers ready. Mr. Smith says the
mass meeting broke up sooner than they expected, and they
were not ready to take the final step just yet; besides, things
were getting so hot that Thurston was becoming permanently
sick, for he entirely disappears from the scene until all dan
ger is over. Thurston undoubtedly is a physical coward.
However, the troops were landed and distributed, not fbr
the purpose of protecting Americans or American property,
but to guard the Government building and show the Queen
that they were assisting the revolutionists. This was Monday
evening. On Tuesday morning the committee of thirteen met
again and signed the proclamation, and about 2 o'clock started
in two parties on different streets to go to the Government
buildings, now guarded by United States troops, to read the
proclamation according to this previously arranged plan with
our minister. I will read Smith's account of this transaction.
He says:
The committee of thirteen signed the proclamation — /

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 99
They were down in Smith's office, in the heart of the city
of Honolulu —
and the executive council then signed the commission of J. H. Soper as
commander in chief of the forces, and three copies of the proclamation
were completed. The final signing of the papers was completed about
twenty minutes past 2, and after a little delay the committee of thirteen,
with the executive and advisory councils, started to proceed to the Gov
emment building. They had hardly reached the comer of Merchant
street before a shot was heard, and it was reported that a policeman had
> been shot at E. O. Hall & Son's store, and people were seen running;
from the direction of the Government building toward the spot, and
there was considerable commotion. The committee and councils pro
ceeded to the Grovernment building and the proclamation was read.
Previous to starting, leaving my office, Mr. Dole requested Mr. A. S.
Wilcox to go up to the Government building and come back and
report whether there was any armed force at the Government building.
He went up and looked through and went through to Queen street, and
came back and reported that he did not see any armed men. ' \
These conspirators then raet at a law office in the town,
and, without a single armed raan, proceeded to the Govern
ment building, and in front of it, and within 75 yards of the
150 raarines landed frora the United States vessel, they pro
ceeded to read the proclaraation declaring that they were the
Governraent. They, however, took the precaution to go in
two parties, one party going up one street and the other party
another street, so as not to attract attention. They took the
precaution to send Wilcox up to see if there were any armed
men likely to Interfere, and Damon says that when they ar
rived they saw that, besides the marines of the United States,
there was but one man with a gun, and he asked him if he was
not afraid to be alone with a gun assisting the revolution.
If it were true that the necessity for the landing of troops
was to protect life and property, why is It that none of the
foreign consuls or the representatives of foreign! govern
ments have ever been called upon to testify in this regard?
There Is not one word anywhere which Indicates that they had
any fear that necessitated the landing of troops. Everything
goes to show, and their statements all go to show, they fully
understood the conspiracy by which the Governraent was over-

loo THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
thrown, and that the landing of the troops was for the pur
pose of overturning a friendly governrnent.
I will ask the Secretary to read a letter from Rear-Admiral
Skerrett, of the United States Navy, comraanding, which will
throw considerable light on this subject.
The Secretary read as follows :
Admiral Skerrett to Mr. Blount.
No. 167.] U. S. S. Boston, Flagship of the Pacific Station,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, May 20, 1893.
Sir: I have examined with a view of inspection the premises first
occupied by the force landed from the U. S. S. Boston, and known
as Arion Hall, situated on the west side of the Govemment building.
The position of this location is in the rear of a large brick building
known as Music Hall. The street it faces is comparatively a narrow
one, the building itself facing the Government building. In my opinion
it was unadvisable to locate the troops there, if they were landed for
the protection of the United States citizens, being distantly removed
from the business portion of the town, and generally far away from the
United States legation and consulate-general, as well as being distant
from the houses and residences of United States citizens. It will be
seen from the accompanying sketch that had the provisional govern
ment troops been attacked from the east such attack would have
placed them in the line of fire.
Had Music Hall been seized by the Queen's troops, they would
have been under their fire, had such been their desire. It is for these
reasons that I consider the position occupied as illy selected. Natu
rally, if they were landed with a view to support the provisional gov
ernment troops then occupying the Government building, it was a wise
choice, as they could enfilade any troops attacking them from the palace
grounds in front. There is nothing further for me to state with refer
ence to this matter, and as has been called by you to my attention —
all of which is submitted for your consideration.
Very respectfully,
J. S. SKERRETT,
Rear-Admiral United States Navy,
Commanding United States Naval Force, Pacific Station.
Col. J. H. Blount,
United States Minister Plenipotentiary and
Envoy Extraordinarly, Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands.
It will appear frora this letter of Admiral Skerrett that
these troops were, in his opinion, located for the purpose of

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 loi
guarding the conspirators and helping out the conspiracy. I
call the especial attention of the Senate to this fact. Of course
I know, Mr. President, that anything I may say upon this sub
ject will not Influence the action of this body; that they are
going to pass this resolution and annex the Hawaiian Islands ;
but I propose to make this record, and show conclusively that
the United States In doing it Is engaged in an act of piracy —
it is not conquest. We overturned a friendly government by
the force of our arms, and now we treat with the government
thus created by us and maintained by us for title to a country
without consulting its inhabitants.
The proclamation having been read at the Government
building, guarded by United States troops, the United States
minister proceeded at once to recognize the new Governraent.
They had not an armed man. They had proceeded to the
Government building, where they were clerks and officers of
the Hawaiian Government, with not even a policeman present.
They stood up in front of that building, within 75 yards of
the Gatling guns of the raarines from an American battleship,
and had read a paper declaring that they were the Govern
ment. Three-quarters of a mile away the Queen had 500 men
under arms ; and without waiting an instant, the raoment they
read the proclamation our minister recognized those thirteen
men as the Governraent of Hawaii, without any armed forces
whatever, knowing that he had violated International law and
violated the precedents followed by all civilized nations, and
he undertook to falsify the facts.
He clairaed that he recognized the Government after the
Queen had surrendered, after the old Government had given
up, after she had abdicated and said she would submit her
case to Washington. An Investigatlon.'of the facts proves that
this statement is false. I will show by the official records that
the stateraent was absolutely false and that he recognized that
Government the very moraent these men read their proclama
tion. I will not stop to read it, because It is useless, but I will
print In the Record, if there is no objection, the testimony of
Mr. Daraon, the present rainister of finance of the Hawaiian
Governraent, which shows conclusively that this surrender on

102 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the part of the Queen was raade after the United States had
recognized this so-called Government which we had set up.
The testimony referred to is as follows:
Interview between Mr. Damon and Mr. Blount.
Honolulu, April 29, 1893.
Mr. Blount. How long have you lived here?
Mr. Damon. I was born here in 1845. I have been away sev
eral times — perhaps to the extent of three or four years in that time.
Q. Where were you on the 17th of January, 1893, at the time
the proclamation dethroning the Queen and establishing the provisional
government was read?
A. I was at Honolulu. I was one of the members of that body
who went up.
Q. The paper was read by Mr. Cooper?
A. By Judge Cooper.
Q. How many of you were there in that body which went up —
about ?
A. The whole body. There would be four of the executive and.
fourteen of the advisory.
Q. Please look at this paper and see if they are the persons (Senate
Executive Document No. 76, Fifty-second Congress, second session).
A. Thurston was not present, and I do not think Wilhelm was
there. Q. Where did you start from?
A. From W. O. Smith's office on Fort street.
Q. And what street did you take going from there?
A. We walked up directly to the Govemment house on Merchant
street. It was suggested that a part should go by the way of Queen
street, but a majority of us went by way of Merchant street.
Q. What was the idea for dividing the committee?
A. So that it should not attract so much attention; and it would
be safer, perhaps, to have it divided than going in mass.
Q. Was it because it occurred to them that it might invite attack if
they went in mass?
A. That was partly the idea — that it was more prudent. I think
we, most of us, walked together — not compactly, but together.
Q. Any crowd following you?
A. No; the crowd was attracted to the corner of Fort and King
streets, .owing to the shot that was fired by Mr. Good at a policeman.
In fact, the crowd cleared from the Government house and was at
tracted there. From all directions they centered at the comer of
Hall's store.
Q. You found, then, scarcely any one at the Govemment house
when the committee arrived?

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 103
A. Scarcely any one there except porters. After Mr. Cooper began
to read the proclamation, then different ones came out of the offices —
clerks and officials — while the proclamation was being read.
Q. Some of the provisional government troops, or rather troops
raised at the direction of the committee of safety, came on the ground
before the reading of the proclamation was finished?
A. When we arrived there was but one man with a rifle on the
premises, Mr. Oscar White; but some little time later they com
menced to come in from the armory, troops that were under the super
vision of Colonel Soper.
Q. Was that before or during the reading of the proclamation ?
A. During the reading — toward the end of it.
Q. How many troops came in? Do you have any knowledge of
the number you had enlisted?
A. There were enough came in to make us feel more decidedly at
ease than before they arrived.
Q. You could not say how many there were?
A. No; they kept coming in right along. They got to be quite
a body. Q. After the reading of the proclamation the, late ministers were
sent for?
A. After the reading of the proclamation we adjoumed to the office
of the minister of the interior, and then we commenced to formulate
our plans and get ourselves into working order. Mr. Dole was at the
head. While we were there in consultation Mr. Cornwell and Mr.
Parker came up there from the station house and held a conference
with us.
Q. What was the purport of that conference ?
A. The result of that conference was that Mr. Bolte and myself
were requested to return with Mr. Cornwell and Mr. Parker to the
station house and recommend and urge upon the parties in power at
the police station to surrender to the provisional govemment. We had
a conference with the ministers in the room occupied generally by
the deputy marshal. There were present Messrs. Peterson, Colbum,
Parker, Cornwell, Bolte, and later Mr. Neumann, who was asked to
come in. After consultation of the matter of their yielding up their
power to the provisional government they asked to be let alone for
a few moments, and I went into one of the rear cells in the corridor
with Marshal Wilson and urged him very strongly to give up any hope
or any thought of making an attack, or resistance, more properly.
Q. What reason did you give him ?
A. I can not remember at the present moment giving him a reason,
but I remember distinctly saying to him: "Now, if you will co
operate with us, if in future I can be of service to you I will do so."

I04 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
,Q. Was there any suggestion of sympathy on the part of the
United States minister in your movement?
A. While I was in the station house a man by the name of Bowler
said to me: "We are all prepared, but I will never fight against the
American flag."
Q. Was there anything in the conversation between you and him
in which any intimation direct or indirect that the United States
minister was in sympathy with you or the United States troops and
officers? A. I can not remember any definite thing, but from Mr. Bowler's
remark they must have thought that the United States troops were
here for some purpose.
Q. Was Mr. Bowler with the Queen's party?
A. He was. He was part of the force in the station house.
Q. Did you say anything at all indicating an opinion that there was
any sympathy on the part of Mr. Stevens or Captain Wiltse with the
movement for the new government?
A. I can not remember. I may possibly have said so.
Q. Did you think so at that time?
A. I may have had an impression, but I know nothing about it.
Q. What was your impression ?
A. My impression was, seeing the troops landed here in this time
of excitement and turmoil, that — well, I suppose I might say that they
could not stand it any longer — the Americans could not stand it any
longer. Q. Your impression, then, was that the American minister and
Captain Wiltse and the troops were in sympathy with the movement
of the white residents here in the pending controversy between them
and the Queen?
A. While we were in the Government building and during the
reading of the proclamation, and while we were all extremely nervous
as to our personal safety, I asked one of the men with me there,
"Will not the American troops support us?" Finally I asked one
of the men to go over and ask Lieutenant Swinburne if he was not
going to send some one over to protect us? The man retumed and
said to me, "Captain Wiltse's orders are 'I remain passive.' " That is
all I know of what passed between us.
Q. You speak of your impression. That relates to a particular
conversation between two or three persons; but what was your im
pression as to the matter of whether or not the American minister
and the American naval officers were in sympathy with the move
ment? A. I was perfectly nonplussed by not receiving any support. I
could not imagine why we, were there without being supported by

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 105
American troops, prior to the troops coming from the armory. We
were not supported in any way.
Q. You had not been in council with the committee of public
safety up to that time?
A. No.
Q. Well, the troops were — how far off from the reading of the
proclamation ?
A. They were over in that yard known as Gilson yard, in the rear
of the music hall. They were quartered there.
Q. Any artillery?
A. I think they had a small gun — Gatling gun and howitzer.
Q. Where were they pointed — in what direction?
A. I can not tell you.
Q. You were surprised that they did not come into the grounds
while the proclamation was being read. Is that what you mean by not
supporting you?
A. I had no definite information what the movement was, as I told
you before in a private interview, but knowing that they were on shore
I supposed that they would support us, and when they did not support
us, and we were there for fifteen or twenty minutes, I was perfectly
astonished that we were in that position without any support.
Q. How far would you say, in yards, it was from where the procla
mation was being read to where the nearest troops were?
A. I think about 75 yards.
Q. Was there a piece of artillery in the street between the building
the troops were stationed in and the Government building?
A. The only piece of firearms of any kind in that street was Oscar
White's rifle. We met him as we came around the corner.
Q. Did you have occasion to look there to see?
A. We stopped before tuming into the side gate to converse with
Oscar White, before proceeding into the Government building.
Q. Are you sure there was not a piece of artillery in that street
before the reading of the proclamation ?
A. I can not tell you; but the only gun I could see was Oscar
White's. I remarked: "Oscar, this is not so very prudent for you to
be here vwth only one rifle in this street."
Q. Where did you see the troops first?
A. I came up from Monolalua by a back street and turned into
Nuuana street, one house above Mr. Stevens's, and as I tumed the
corner I saw the American troops marching up toward Mr. Stevens's
house, and directly in front of his house.
Q. Did you meet Mr. Henry Waterhouse?
A. I met him there at that time.
Q. What conversation passed between you?

io6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
A. I think I said : "Henry, what does all this mean?" If I remem
ber rightly now, he said : "It is all up."
Q. And what did you understand by the expression, "It is all
up?" A. I understand from that that the American troops had taken pos
session of the island. That was my impression.
Q. And was that favorable to the Queen or favorable to the other
side, as you understood it?
A. That was distinctly favorable to the foreign element here.
Q. You mean the movement for a provisional govemment?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you see Mr. Stevens that day?
A. No ; I did not see him that day.
Q. What is Mr. Waterhouse doing now?
A. Henry? He is a member of the council.
Q. Was he a member of the committee of public safety?
A. If I remember right, he was.
V^ Tte Tt* Tf, ^ ^
Q. Did he seem then pleased or alarmed?
A. He was very much strained and excited. There was no pleasure
in it, but still there was a feeling of security. That was it. He
evinced a feeling of security. He was not smiling or joking.
Q. It was not a joking time. Well, you say there was nothing
in the first visit of yours to the station house to indicate any impression
on your part that you believed the United States minister or the
United States troops, or both, were in sympathy with the movement
of the committee of safety?
A. I was nonplussed. I did suppose they were going to support us.
Q. You did not say anything to the people in the station house to
lead them to suppose you were hopeful of aid?
A. I can not remember saying it now ; I might have done so.
Q. Did you say it at any place?
A. I do not remember; I may have said it.
Q. Was there an effort on the part of those who were moving for
a change of government to make that impression?
A. I think there was.
Q. Was that impression among the whites generally?
A. That I can not say. I know there was that impression.
Some of the members tried to convey that impression.
Q. On what occasion?
A. Many occasions. One particular occasion was while we were
in the' Government building the day the proclamation was read.
Q. What was said, and who said it?
A. Charles Carter said to me, "After you are in possession of

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 107
the Government building the troops will support you." I think that
was his remark.
Q. Was he on the committee of public safety?
A. I think so.
Q. Was he in the party that went up to read the proclamation?
A. He was present there during the time it was read. Whether
he went up with us or not I do not remember.
Q. It was durirjg that time he made that remark?
A. Yes.
Q. Was he an active promoter of the movement?
A. I think he was.
Q. Has he any connection with the Government to-day?
A. No ; except he is one of the commissioners in Washington.
Q. You have been in previous revolutions here ?
A. I have been in the Wilcox revolution. I took quite a prominent
part in its suppression. I was one of the ministers at the time.
Q. You had a conversation with Mr. Carter about the time the
proclamation was being read?
A. Yes.
Q. You were somewhat anxious as to whether or not you would
be supported by United States troops?
A. Yes.
Q. Did you express any fear in the presence of Mr. Carter?
A. Well, no man likes to tell he was afraid.
Q. I do not mean in a cowardly sense.
A. Well, with others, I was convinced that we were in a position
of danger. Q. What did Mr. Carter say?
A. He gave me to understand that we would be protected.
Q. By United States troops?
A. Yes; and when we were not protected by them, I wanted to
know the reason why.
Q. Do you mean by that that you expected them to march over ?
A. I was under the impression that they would.
Q. What did you accomplish by that first visit to the station house
— any agreement?
A. We accomplished this — that it was a virtual giving up.
Q. What was said? What did the ministers say?
A. This is my impression of it to-day: That if they had only to
contend with the provisional government and the forces of the pro
visional government, that they would not give up. That was the im
pression that I gathered from them ; that they felt themselves equal to
the occasion so far as the provisional government went.
Q. Then having that sort of feeling, what did they propose to do?
A. They proposed to immediately deliver up. Then they went up.

io8 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
four of them, and had a parley with Mr. Dole and the provisional
government. They agreed to desist, but said they must go to the Queen
and get her to confer with them.
Q. So far as they were concerned they were willing to yield, pro
vided the Queen was?
A. Yes. Then I went along with them to the palace. We all
met in the blue room. There were present the Queen, two young
princes, the four ministers. Judge Wideman, Paul Neumann, J. O.
Carter, E. C. McFarland, and myself. We went over between 4 and 5
and remained until 6 discussing the situation. ^
Q. In that conversation you asked for a surrender of the forces,
and the ministers advised it?
A. The different ones spoke, and they all recommended it. Each
one spoke. At first Judge Wideman was opposed to it, but he finally
changed his mind on the advice of Mr. Neumann. Mr. Neumann
advised yielding. Each one advised it.
Q. Was this advice of Neumann and the cabinet based on the idea
that the Queen would have to contend with the United States forces as
well as the forces of the provisional government?
A. It was the Queen's idea that she could surrender pending a
settlement at Washington, and it was on that condition that she gave
up. If I remember right, I spoke to her also. I said she could sur
render or abdicate under protest.
Q. And that the protest would be considered at a later period at
Washington ?
A. At a later period.
Q. Did the cabinet, in recommending her to yield to the provisional
government, give her to understand that they supposed that the Ameri
can minister and the United States troops were in sympathy with the
provisional government or with the committee of public safety ?
A. I know it was the Queen's idea that Mr. Stevens was in sym
pathy with this movement.
Q. But I am asking now as to what reasons the ministers gave for
her acquiescence.
A. It was their idea that it was useless to carr;,' on — that it would
be provocative of bloodshed and trouble if she persisted in this matter
longer; that it was wiser for her to abdicate under protest and have a
hearing at a later time; that the forces against her were too strong.
Q. Did they indicate the United States forces at all in any way?
A. I do not remember their doing so.
Q. Do you know whether or not at that time they were under the
impression that the United States forces were in sympathy with the
revolution ?
A. Beyond an impression, I know nothing definite.

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 109
Q. What was the result of this conference with the Queen ? What
was agreed on?
A. She signed a document surrendering her rights to the pro
visional government under protest.
Q. Is this protest on page 22, Executive Document No. 76, Fifty-
second Congress, second session?
A. Yes. This was written out by Mr. Neumann and J. O. Carter
while we were present. She was reluctant to agree to this, but was
advised that the whole subject would come up for final consideration at
Washington. Q. Did you at the time consent to recommend this proposition or
not? A. I was there as a member of the provisional government, but
I did not advise as to the wording of it. I did tell her that she
would have a perfect right to be heard at a later period.
Q. By the United States Government?
A. Yes.
Q. You yourself, at that time, before consulting with your col
leagues, were favorably impressed with that settlement?
A. Well, it was the only settlement that could be brought about.
Personally I w^as satisfied with it.
Q. And you took that back to the provisional government?
A. Yes.
Q. And they rejected it?
A. It was received and indorsed by Mr. Dole.
Q. Now, was there any message sent to the Queen after that?
A. No.
Q. No message declaring that they would not accept it?
A. No.
Q. The surrender was then made on that proposition?
A. Yes; well, then, she sent down word through Mr. Peterson to
Mr. Wilson to deliver up the station house. That wound up the
whole affair. We immediately took possession of it. It was not de
livered up until after this conference.
Q. Now, how long after that was it before the provisional govern
ment was recognized?
A. Mr. Stevens sent Cadet Pringle, his aid, and Captain Wiltse
sent one of his officers to personally examine the building and report if
the provisional govemment was in actual possession of the Government
building. That was done that afternoon.
Q. What time?
A. Between 4 and 5.
Q. What time was the interview with the Queen?
A. After 4, and ended at 6.
Q. You took reply?

IIO - THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
A. Mr. Neumann took the reply to Mr. Dole.
Q. Now, when this interview was going on between you, the cabinet
ministers, and the Queen, it was known then that the Government had
been recognized?
A. That the Queen knew it? I do not think she was told. I do
not remember of it being spoken of.
Q. Didn't you know it?
A. I think I knew it.
Q. Didn't these ministers know it then?
A. They may have been present. I can not say. The provisional
government were all present when Mr. Stevens recognized it as the
de facto governmnt.
Q. What I mean is this: Before you took the message of the
Queen back — this protest — the provisional government had been recog
nized ?
A. Yes; that is my impression.
Q. Had that been done at the time you left the Government
house to go with the cabinet ministers to talk with the Queen?
A. If my memory serves me right, it had.
Q. Did not the cabinet officers know of it at this time?
A. I can not say.
Q- What do you know about the contents of the constitution she
wanted to proclaim?
A. It is too long to write down. I can tell you my connection
with it.
Q. Have you seen it?
A. No. Tuesday, May 2, 1893.
Q. Mr. Damon, at the time of the writing of the protest of the
Queen on the 17th day of January, 1893, signed by herself and min
isters, had the prQvisional govemment been recognized by the Ameri
can minister, Mr. Stevens?
A. It is my impression that it had been, but I can not say posi
tively. Q. Would the conversation you had with the Queen on that day
aid you in determining that fact?
A. I do not think it would.
Q. In referring to Mrs. Wilson living with the Queen, in a previ
ous part of this statement, did you mean to say that she stayed with
her at night?
A. I mean to say that she was with the Queen a great deal of the
time — both day and night.
Q. As a companion?
A. Yes; as a personal friend and companion.
Q. But where do you suppose she slept — at the bungalow or palace?

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 in
A. My impression is that her quarters were with her husband in
the bungalow.
I have carefully read through the foregoing and pronounce it an
accurate report of the two interviews between Mr. Blount and myself.
S. M. DAMON.
Mr. Pettigrew: I will ask to have read by the Secre
tary a letter frora Joseph O. Carter with regard to this trans
action. He was at that time one of the Queen's privy council.
The letter shows conclusively the conspiracy entered into by
our minister and the Hawaiian sugar planters.
The Secretary read as follows:
Ebbitt House, Washington, D. C, February 5, 1898.
My Dear Senator: Concerning the reasons which led Queen
Liliuokalani, of Hawaii, to surrender to the revolutionists of January
i7> 1893, I can say of my own knowledge that I was sent for to
meet the members of the provisional government on that date, between
5 and 6 o'clock p. m. ; that upon entering the room where the revolu
tionists were and asking why I had been sent for, Mr. Dole or some
one standing near him replied that a committee was to wait upon the
Queen and notify her that she had been deposed, and that it was thought
desirable that I should accompany the committee.
Mr. S. M. Damon, later the vice-president of the provisional gov
ernment, was appointed to bear the message from the said government
to the Queen, and I walked over to the palace with him. The Queen
was in the blue room with her ministers and other friends. Mr. Damon
delivered the message and assured the Queen that she could note a
protest, and that her protest would be sent to Washington for con
sideration and final action.
Because of Mr. Damon's assurance, Judge Wideman and I ad
vised the Queen to yield. I should state that Judge Wideman and
I were members of the Queen's privy council. The Queen was not
disposed to surrender her throne, but after further consulting with
her ministers and other friends she decided to do so, feeling confident
that the United States Government would not approve of the action of
Minister Stevens -and Captain Wiltse, of the U. S. S. Boston.
To influence the Queen Judge Wideman recalled the action of the
British Admiral Thomas, who restored the flag and sovereignty of
Hawaii to Kamehameha III, after the outrage committed by Lord
George Paulet in 1 843 ; and I assured the Queen that the Government
of the United States would, in my opinion, act in the same way. The
Queen then signed the following protest :
"I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution
of the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against

112 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
any and all acts done against myself and the constitutional Gov
ernment of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain persons claiming to have
established a provisional government of and for this Kingdom.
"That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America,
whose minister plenipotentiary. His Excellency John L. Stevens, has
caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared
that he would support the said provisional government.
"Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss
of life, I do, under this protest and impelled by said force, yield my
authority until such time as the Government of the United States shall,
upon the facts being presented to it, undo the action of its representa
tives and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the constitu
tional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.
"Done at Honolulu this 17th day of January, A. D. 1893.
"LILIUOKALANI, R.
"SAMUEL PARKER,
"Minister of Foreign Affairs.
"WM. H. CORNWELL,
"Minister of Finance.
"JOHN F. COLBURN,
"Minister of the Interior.
"A. P. PETERSON,
"A ttorney-General."
To support what I have said about Mr. Damon's action, I refer you
to his statement to Mr. Blount, included in the President's message
to Congress dated Deceraber 18, 1893, which reads as follows:
Q. What was the result of this conference with the Queen? What
was agreed on?
A. She signed a document surrendering her rights to the pro
visional government under protest.
Q. Is this the protest on page 22, Executive Document No. 76,
Fifty-second Congress, second session?
A. Yes. This was written out by Mr. Neumann and J. O.
Carter while we were present. She was reluctant to agree to this,
but was advised that the whole subject would come up for final
consideration at Washington.
Q. Did you at the time consent to recommend this proposition
or not? A. I was there as a member of the provisional government, but I
did not advise as to the wording of it. I did tell her that she would
have a perfect right to be heard at a later period.
Q. By the United States Government?
A. Yes.
Q. You yourself at that time, before consulting with your col
leagues, were favorably impressed with that settlement?

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 113
A. Well, it was the only settlement that could be brought about.
Personally I was satisfied with it.
Q. And you took that back to the provisional government?
A. Yes.
Q. And they rejected it?
A. It was received and indorsed by Mr. Dole.
Q. Now, was there any message sent to the Queen after that?
A. No.
Q. No message declaring that they would not accept it ?
A. No.
Q. The surrender was then made on that proposition?
A. Yes. Well, then she sent down word through Mr. Peterson
to Mr. Wilson to deliver up the station house. That wound up the
whole affair. We immediately took possession of it. It was not
delivered up until after this conference.
I have the honor to remain, very truly yours,
J. O. CARTER.
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Mr. Pettigrew: It appears, then, Mr. President, that
after the recognition of this so-called government, before the
surrender of the Queen or the armed forces which she had, a
delegation was sent to her and she surrendered to the arraed
forces of the United States, saying:
I yield to the superior force of the United States of America,
whose minister plenipotentiary. His Excellency John L. Stevens, has
caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared
that he would support the said provisional government.
To avoid collision and bloodshed, she submitted the ques
tion to the Government at Washington, surrendering to the
armed forces of the United States, surrendering after Stevens
had "recognized this so-called government, surrendering be
cause she was told that the Government of the United States,
those people she had always been taught to reverence and re
spect, would do justice and restore her to the throne, and they
cited a precedent in Hawaiian history as a justification for this
claira :
On the loth of February, 1843, the British frigate Carysfort,
commanded by Lord George Paulet, arrived at Honolulu and showed
displeasure by withholding the usual salutes.

114 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
He proceeded at once to take the King prisoner and raake
such deraands upon hira that he surrendered his crown on con
dition that the question should be submitted to the British Gov
ernment. This History of the Hawaiian People says:
Under the circumstances, the King resolved to bear it no longer.
¦'I will not die piecemeal," said he; "they may cut off my head at
once. Let them take what they please; I will give no more."
Dr. Judd—
He was an American —
advised him to forestall the intended seizure of the islands by a tem
porary cession to Lord Paulet, pending an appeal to the British Gov
ernment. The event proved the wisdom of this advice.
On the next day the subject was discussed by the King and his
council, and preliminaries were arranged with Lord Paulet for the
cession. On the morning of the 25th the King and premier signed a
provisional cession of the islands to Lord George Paulet, "subject to
the decision of the British Government after the receipt of full in
formation from both parties."
At 3 o'clock p. m., February 25, the King, standing on the ramparts
of the fort, read a brief and eloquent address to his people.
Then they submitted the question to Great Britain, and
the Enghsh Government promptly restored the King to his
throne, refusing to accept a usurpation of that sort. So in
this case the Queen, having this incident of history referred to,
said: I, Liliuokalani, by the grace of God and under the constitution of
the Hawaiian Kingdom, Queen, do hereby solemnly protest against
any and all acts done against myself and the constitutional Govem
ment of the Hawaiian Kingdom by certain i>ersons claiming to have
established a provisional govemment of and for this Kingdom.
That I yield to the superior force of the United States of America,
whose minister plenipotentiary. His Excellency John L. Stevens, has
caused United States troops to be landed at Honolulu and declared
that he would support the said provisional government.
Now, to avoid any collision of armed forces and perhaps the loss
of life, I do, under this protest, and impelled by said force, yield
my authority until such time as the Government of the United States
shall, upon the facts being presented to it, undo the action of its repre
sentatives and reinstate me in the authority which I claim as the
constitutional sovereign of the Hawaiian Islands.

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 115
This woman Liliuokalani is now in this city and has been
for months, waiting for our Government to do justice. She
has watched the disgraceful drama and been subjected to the
sarcasm of the Senator from Massachusetts. She has been
slandered and abused, and all this to justify robbing her of
the throne and her people of their country.
Are we worse than Great Britain? When Kameharaeha
in 1843 surfendered and ceded the islands to the British ad
rairal because he could not resist the force of an armed ship of
war, the English Government promptly repudiated the act and
restored him to the throne; and when Queen Liliuokalani,
deprived of her authority by the arraed forces of the United
States, proposed to subrait the question to this Governraent,
she had good reason to suppose that the great Republic would
preserve its honor and its dignity araong the nations of the
world and restore her to her throne. Yet, Mr. President,
refusing to examine these facts. Senators propose to ratify this
infamy by taking title against the will of the Inhabitants of
that country, and to annex it as a part of the United States.
This history proceeds :
A proclamation was issued by Admiral Thomas, in which he de
clared, in the name of his sovereign, that he did not accept of the
provisional cession of the Hawaiian Islands, and that "Her Majesty
sincerely desires King Kamehameha III to be treated as an independent
sovereign, leaving the administration of justice in his own hands."
Then a new treaty was made, and the King was again
placed upon the throne. Liliuokalani had reason to suppose
that this Governraent would be as honorable as was Great
Britain. For ray part, it seeras to me that we pay an awful
price, independent of all other questions, independent of the
sugar duty, independent of the defense of these islands, which
must cost vast suras of money; Independent of the assumption
of debt, independent of the assumption of vast governmental
responsibilities — it seems to rae we pay a terrible price for this
violation of national honor, in estabhshing a precedent in our
history which must reraain a black page forever, a blot upon
our memory as a people ; and this is sufficient in itself to make

1x6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
us refuse to annex these islands, at least without submitting the
question to a vote of the people of that country.
It is quite Important to us to ascertain the date when Mr.
Stevens recognized this new government. The chairman of
the Committee on Foreign Relations, excellent international
lawyer that he is, well knew that no precedent could be found
for recognizing the revolutionary government until they were
in possession and control of the Government, coramanding and
having charge of its affairs ; and If Mr. Stevens recognized the
government while the Queen yet had a large armed force and
was In possession of all the arms, before the revolutionists had
taken possession of anything or performed any of the functions
of government, his recognition was a violation of the rights
of the Government to which he was sent and ought to be re
pudiated by this Government. Stevens's own statement with
regard to it is sufficient to condemn him, but I will pass that
over, as the official record is sufficient. The documents them
selves show conclusively that the new government was recog
nized when it did not exist.
It is important to know whether it was before or after the
protest which I have read by the Queen was signed. If it was
before, then the United States overthrew the Hawaiian Gov
ernment. The importance of this question was recognized by
our diplomats. Mr. Foster, then Secretary of State, In a letter
to President Harrison, said :
At the time the provisional governrnent took possession of the Gov
ernment buildings no troops or officers of the United States were present
or took any part whatever in the proceedings. No public recognition
was accorded to the provisional government by the United States min
ister until after the Queen's abdication and when they were in ef
fective possession of the Government buildings, the archives, the treas
ury, the barracks, the police station, and all the potential machinery of
the Government. That is absolutely untrue.
No public recognition was accorded to the provisional govemment
by the United States minister until after the Queen's abdication.
We will see whether or not that is true. The record is
sufficient, and I will reach it shortly.

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 117
The provisional government of the Hawaiian Islands is, by all
usual and proper tests, in the sole and supreme possession of power
and in control of all the resources of the Hawaiian nation, not only
through the Queen's formal submission, but through its possession of
all the armed forces, arms and ammunition, public offices, and admin
istration of law, unopposed by any adherents of the late government.
The commission which was sent here to urge annexation,
on February 11, 1893, in reply to the Queen's protest, said:
At the time the provisional government took possession of the
Govemment buildings, no American troops or officers were present
or took part in such proceedings in any manner whatever.
They were 75 yards In the street, simply commanding the
Govemment building and the place where these conspirators
read their proclamation. '
No public recognition was accorded the provisional govemment by
the American minister until they were in possession of the Govemment
buildings, the archives, and the treasury, supported by several hun
dred armed men, and after the abdication by the Queen and the sur
render to the provisional government of her forces.
That was signed by Thurston, Wilder, Castle, and Carter.
They knew, every one of them, when they signed it, that they
were signing their names to an unqualified falsehood. They
knew the Queen had not surrendered when the Government
was recognized. They knew that she made the protest after
their Government, so called, was recognized, and yet they
thought to rush through annexation in the last days of Har
rison's Adrainistration, and do It upon that bold falsehood.
They stand convicted of willful and Intentional lying for the
purpose of deceiving the President of the United States and
the Senate of the United States. Yet these are the raen who
are being extolled as raodels of virtue. Integrity, and honesty,
and such is the character of the men who overthrew that Gov
ernment and who now are trying to annex the islands to the
United States.
We will go back to the afternoon of January 17, 1893.
The conspirators had read their proclamation in front of the
Government building, within 75 yards of the line of marines
armed with rifles and Gatling guns, and they at once sent the

II 8 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
following communication to Minister Stevens, which I will
read: Honolulu., Hawaiian Islands, January 17, 1893.
Sir: The undersigned, members of the executive and advisory
councils of the provisional government —
I hope Senators have noticed who elected this advisory
council — self-constituted. They got together In Smith's office
and they called themselves the advisory council of the pro
visional government 
this day established in Hawaii, hereby state to you that for the reasons
set forth in the proclamation this day issued, a copy of which is
herewith inclosed for your consideration, the Hawaiian monarchy has
been abrogated and a provisional government established in accord
ance with the said above-mentioned proclamation.
Such provisional government has been proclaimed, is now in pos
session of the Government departmental buildings, the archives, and
the treasury, and is in control of the city. We hereby request that you
will, on behalf of the United States of America, recognize it as the
existing de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands, and afford
to it the moral support of your Government, and, if necessary, the
support of American troops to assist in preserving the public peace.
We have the honor to remain your obedient servants,
SANFORD B. DOLE. J. A. McCANDLESS.
J. A. KING. ANDREW BROWN.
P. C. JONES. JAS. F. MORGAN.
WILLIAM O. SMITH. HENRY WATERHOUSE.
S. M. DAWSON. E. D. TENNEY.
JOHN EMMELUTH. F. J. WILHELM.
F. W. McCHESNEY. W. G. ASHLEY.
W. C. WILDER. C. BOLTE.
His Excellency John L. Stevens,
United States Minister Resident.
Let us see. Mr. Stevens sent the following reply :
United States Legation,
Honolulu, Hawaiian Islands, January 17 , 1893.
A provisional government having been duly constituted in place of
the recent government of Queen Liliuokalani, and said provisional
government being in full possession of the Government buildings, the
archives, and the treasury, and in full control of the capital of the
Hawaiian Islands, I hereby recognize said provisional govemment as
the de facto Government of the Hawaiian Islands.
JOHN L. STEVENS, Envoy, etc.

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 119
I have read now the notice of this so-called government to
the American minister that they had read their proclaraation
and were In possession of the city and the Governraent build
ings, but there was no statement that they were In possession
of the arras, the police station, or the armory, or the armed
forces. I have read the reply of the American minister, in
which he Indicated nothing of the sort. The Queen had not
surrendered. Now I will read Dole's letter, dated on the
same day.

Certain American sugar planters, certain sons of mis
sionaries who were residents and citizens of the Hawaiian
Islands, conspired together to overthrow their Govern
ment, and that they did it solely and alone, except with
the assistance of the marines of the United States, and that
the Queen surrendered to the armed forces of the United
States has been proved. I have shown what took place from
the moment they read the proclamation, which occurred with
out the presence of an armed man, and I put Mr. Daraon's
testiraony In the Record. Mr, Damon testified that when
they had nearly finished reading the proclaraation a few armed
men appeared, fifteen, I think, and that shortly after they
had finished reading sixty appeared. Those were the revo
lutionary soldiers who were to sustain and support the Gov
ernment. The proclamation was read In front of the Governraent
building, within 75 yards of United States marines, and the
only railitary force In sight were the armed men landed from
our own ship In the harbor of Honolulu. Imraediately upon
the reading of the proclamation Stevens recognized the new
Government, and then their emissaries came here and told the
Senate and told the President that he did not recognize this
new Government until the Queen had surrendered her armed
forces and abdicated and given up her Governraent. I say
that he recognized that Government as soon as the proclaraa
tion was read, before the Queen had surrendered at all, and
I will prove It by Dole's own letter. What are the facts?

120 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Government Building, Honolulu, January 17, 1893,
His Excellency John L. Stevens,
United States Minister Resident.
Sir: I acknowledge receipt of your valued communication of this
day, recognizing the Hawaiian provisional government, and express
deep appreciation of the same.
Now notice what follows:
We have conferred with the ministers of the late govemment, and
have made demand upon the marshal to surrender the station house.
We are not actually yet in possession of the station house; but as night
is approaching and our forces may be insufficient to maintain order,
we request the immediate support of the United States forces, and
would request that the commander of the United States forces take
command of our military forces, so that they may act together for the
protection of the city.
Respectfully yours, SANFORD B. DOLE,
Chairman Executive Council.
I will also read a document signed by the cabinet of the
Queen —
Mr. Caffery. Before the Senator leaves this part of the
subject, I desire to ask him whether there is not evidence in
the record that Minister Stevens himself stated the period at
which he received the protest of the Queen's Government
against the recognition of the Provisional Government?
Mr. Pettigrew. That Is just what I am going to read.
The Queen's cabinet, before she surrendered her forces, sent
the following communication to Mr. Stevens :
Department of Foreign Affairs,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893.
Sir: Her Hawaiian Majesty's Govemment, having been in
formed that certain persons to them unknown have issued proclama
tion declaring a provisional government to exist in opposition to Her
Majesty's Government, and having pretended to depose the Queen, her
cabinet and marshal, and that certain treasonable persons at present
occupy the Government building in Honolulu with an armed force, and
pretending that your excellency, on behalf of the United States of
Amrica, has recognized such provisional government, Her Majesty's
cabinet asks respectfully. Has your excellency recognized said provis
ional government? And if not. Her Majesty's Govemment under

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 121
the above existing circumstances respectfully requests the assistance of
your Government in preserving the peace of the country.
We have the honor to be your excellency's obedient servants,
SAMUEL PARKER,
Minister Foreign Affairs.
WM. H. CORNWELL,
Minister of Finance,
JOHN F. COLBURN,
Minister of the Interior,
A. P. PETERSON,
Attorney-General.
His Excellency John L. Stevens,
Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary, etc.
And yet they say to us that the Queen had surrendered
before Stevens recognized this government. I also read Mr.
Stevens's reply: United States Legation,
Honolulu, January 17, 1893,
About 4 to 5 p. m. of this date — am not certain of the precise time
— the note on file from the four ministers of the deposed Queen, in
quiring if I had recognized the provisional govemment, came to my
hands while I was lying sick on the couch. Not far from 5 p. m. —
I did not think to look at my watch — I addressed a short note to Hon.
Samuel Parker, Hon. William H. Comwell, Hon. John F. Colbum,
and Hon. A. P. Peterson, no longer regarding them as ministers, in
forming them that I had recognized the provisional govemment.
JOHN L. STEVENS,
United States Minister,
What more conclusive proof can be had? Senators say
this record has been answered. It has not been answered.
There has never been any answer or defense to this irregular,
dishonest, treasonable act, this overthrow of the Governraent
by the American minister and the American raarines.
This communication was received at the station house and read by-
all of the ministers and by a number of other persons.
After this, Mr. Samuel M. Damon, the vice-president of the pro
visional government, and Mr. Bolte, a member of the advisory council,
came to the station house and gave information of the proclamation and
asked for the delivery up of the station house, the former urging that the
govemment had been recognized by the American minister, and that any
struggle would cause useless bloodshed.

122 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The marshal declared that he was able to cope with the forces of
the provisional government and those of the United States success
fully, if the latter interfered, and that he would not surrender except by
the written order of the Queen.
Then the Queen made her protest, surrendered to the
superior force of the United States, and submitted the ques
tion to our Government at Washington. Now, I submit, in
the face of that undisputed record, that we tarnish the honor
of this nation if we take title to that country without sub
mitting the question to a vote of the people.
The Queen had when she surrendered about 450 troops,
and she was induced to surrender by the fact that an English
adrairal had overturned the Government of the islands once
before, and it had been submitted to the English Government,
and even piratical England had too much honor to take title
to a country under such a proceeding. Yet it is proposed that
the greatest, freest, grandest Government In the world shall
take title to a land against the will of its Inhabitants when the
only source of such title is the puppets we have set up. You
can not get away from the record, and you can not answer It.
Nobody has tried to answer It in this debate or In secret ses
sion, and until you do answer it you Indorse dishonor.
On January 31, thirteen days after the revolution, Dole
wrote Mr. Stevens that his government could not maintain
itself, and asked for the protection of the United States troops.
Stevens complied, and our flag was put up over the public
buildings, and remained up until April i, 1893, when Mr.
Blount ordered It taken down. If there was a governmeni
that had been able to create and estabhsh itself and to main
tain itself with an armed force, why is it that thirteen days
afterwards they begged of Mr. Stevens, admitting their im
potency to maintain their government, to again land the troops
of the United States and put the United States flag upon the
buildings? That was done on the 31st of January, and the
flag reraained there sixty days. The flag went up In dishonor.
When it was raised under such circurastances, it was a disgrace
to the Republic.
During the sixty days while our flag remained upon thisi

THE "REVOLUTION" OF 1893 123
building the provisional government brought in foreign raer
cenaries, brought in men from San Francisco, collected to
gether an armed force, gathered together every gun upon all
the islands, passed the strictest penal laws against the irapor
tation of guns, made it a criminal and penal offense to have
a gun. When I was In Honolulu last suraraer, no person could
buy a gun In those islands without a license and no raan could
deal in guns without a license. Every gun was registered.
The so-called republic was surrounded by armed raen. Back
and forth in front of the public buildings and the public offices
marched men armed with Winchester rifles.
They proceeded rapidly to enact laws, this provisional gov
ernment, not a legislative body, but nineteen raen, self-consti
tuted, supported by our armed forces, for they had added a
few more to their number and now had nineteen. They
enacted that no one should be eligible to be a senator, or rep
resentative, or a juror until he should have taken and sub
scribed to the following oath or affirraation :
I do solemnly swear (or affirm), in the presence of Almighty God,
that I will support the constitution, laws, and Government of the Re
public of Hawaii; and will not, either directly or indirectly, encourage
or assist in the restoration or establishment of a monarchical form of
government in the Hawaiian Islands.
On the 31st an act concerning seditious offenses was pub
lished. This law raade it an offense to speak, write, or print
anything which raight bring hatred or contempt against the
Governmnet. On the same day was published a law prohib
iting the Importation of firearms and araraunition without first
obtaining the permission of the Government. On the same
day an act relating to conterapts became law: "Any person
who shall publish any false report of the proceedings of said
council, or insulting comment upon the same," etc., was liable
to Imprisonraent for thirty days. On the 30th an order from
railitary headquarters requiring all citizens to report within
three days all arms In their possession was published.
The new government found It necessary to keep a strong
guard at the Governraent building, at the palace, the barracks.

124 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
and the police station. They had pickets stationed In the
neighborhood of the Government building.
So they succeeded In getting possession of the arras, in
preventing the iraportation of arras, and with the assistance
of the United States battle ship, which has reraained in that
harbor ever since — for the moment one leaves another takes
its place — these men have been able to maintain theraselves
in power, possessing the only guns, the only cannon, and the
only raeans of resistance.
What have they done? They have set up a republic, so
we are told. For nearly a year after this governraent was
created they had no constitution. They proceeded themselves
— these nineteen men — to enact laws — the most stringent, the
most oppressive laws. But after a year they concluded to
organize the Republic of Hawaii, and that Is the Government
with which we are dealing to-day. Such a republic was never
known before in the history of the world. They called an
election for a constitutional convention, and provided that
the people who would take an oath to support their Gov
ernraent might elect i8 delegates to the constitutional con
vention, and they constituted themselves members of it with
out any election — 19 of them — making the election of dele
gates absolutely a farce.
That is the constitution under which they claim the right
to cede their country to the United States. At that election,
although there were 13,593 registered voters In 1890, 4,477
were registered to vote for the i8 members of the constitu
tional convention, who were to sit with the 19 members of
the existing, self-constituted government and frarae a con
stitution for the Repubhc of Hawaii. Yes, one-third of the
voters, as the Senator from Arkansas [Mr. Jones] says,
voted to elect 18 members to sit with 19 members of the self-
constituted government. Of course it was a farce. Of course
the people had no voice in the constitution and no power or
chance to say anything about it whatever.

CHAPTER VI
THE HAWAIIAN
NOW,^ we will turn our attention for a moment to the
character of the so-called Araericans on those islands.
Those Araericans are the sons of raissionaries who
went there seventy years ago. They are the sons and nephews
and relatives of those raissionaries. They are the men who
have controlled that Government, who have ruled the mon
archy with an iron hand for the last fifty years. They are the
men who dethroned and set up a king, formed cabinets, dic
tated the policy, and absolutely ruled those people. They
know nothing about a republican form of government. They
have no sense or idea of anything but a tyranny.
In 1887 they forced a constitution from the King of those
islands which disfranchised his own people and In addition
provided that any foreigner could become a voter and partici
pate in the Governraent without releasing his allegiance to a
foreign country, thus enabling those Araericans and the other
foreigners to claim protection of the consuls of their country
or the ships of their country in that port while participating to
the full extent in the control of the local Government. How
did they secure that constitution? They secured it by threat
ening to assassinate the King. Twenty of the very men who
to-day form the Governraent, which they call a republic down
in those islands, got together and swore to an oath that any
five of the nuraber drawn should assassinate the King if he
did not submit to their constitution. The King yielded, dis
franchised his own people, and set up a Government in which
the men I have mentioned were the dorainant and controUing
factor. What reasons were there for the last revolution? The
I. Speech in the Senate March 2, 1895. 125

126 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Queen insisted upon adopting a new constitution which would
give her own people a voice in the Governraent, which would,
give her own people, who had had the fostering care of the
fathers of these sons of missionaries, a voice In that Govern
ment. The excuse for the revolution was, then, that the native
Hawaiian desired a voice In his own behalf. When the Queen
insisted upon It — ^that Is all there Is of her offense — they called
upon the sailors of the United States, and only with their aid
could they have overturned the monarchy.
I do not care to give the character of these rulers, these
dominant Invaders, simply upon my assertion, and I will read
to the Senate what appeared In the New York Times a few
days ago :
At last Friday night's prayer meeting in Plymouth Church Mr.
Thomas G. Shearman, in his characteristically forceful way, had some
thing to say condemnatory of missionary work in Hawaii which has led
to considerable discussion in religious circles.
This is pertinent from the fact that the missionaries who
went to Hawaii were raissionaries of the Congregational
Church, and Mr. Shearman is a leading meraber and a founder
of the greatest Congregational Church in this country. The
Tiraes continues:
Mr. Shearman's remarks were not reported in the local papers, and
as some misstatements have been made concerning what he really said,
the New York Times gives what he has to say about the matter. * * *
"Seventy years ago the American Board of Foreign Missions sent a
few Congregational missionaries to the Sandwich Islands, who were
received by the people with enthusiasm. They did not really have to
convert the people, for they were all ready for conversion.
"The chiefs and the people threw away their idols and embraced
Christianity with all their hearts. So complete was their trust in the
missionaries that practically all government was placed under mis
sionary control, and the missionaries and their sons or their nephew?
had ever since had the practical govemment of the islands. What had
been the result?
"They found 130,000 people there, and now they report that there
are only 34,000. But of these 34,000 they recently reported that 18,000
were members of Congregational churches — a larger proportion of
church members than can be found in any other Protestant country in

THE HAWAIIAN "REPUBLIC" 127
the world. The missionaries boasted that those natives were better edu
cated, better behaved, and more peaceable, orderly, and religious, in
proportion to their numbers, than the people of many parts of the
United States.
"The triumph of religion, and especially of Congregationalism, in
Hawaii was made the subject of endless boasts by missionaries and
managers of missions, and was made the ground of appeals to American
Christians for fresh subscriptions and aid for missionary work.
"Suddenly their whole tone changed. The missionaries' sons and
some retumed missionaries vehemently asserted that the native Ha
waiians were filthy and ignorant and a debased, licentious, and idola
trous race, utterly unfit to be trusted with liberty, but must be kept
under the control of a firm and unscrupulous, but pious. Congregational
despotism. "Assuming this to be true, then the result of between fifty and sixty
years' unbroken missionary government in these islands has been that
the population has been reduced in number by three-quarters, and that
these three-quarters are as debased, licentious, and brutal as they were
when the missionaries began their labors, and that the whole mission-
arj' enterprise has been a disgraceful failure.
"Meanwhile there are some other facts, which the missionaries do
not mention, but which can not be disputed. During the fifty years
the government of these islands was under missionary influence most
of the natives were deprived of their rights in the land, excepting
about 27,000 acres, "and all the rest was divided among the King, the
chiefs, and the families and friends of the missionaries.
"The missionaries' sons and their associates boast that they own
four-fifths of all the property of the islands. Nearly all the rest is
owned by the descendants of the former chiefs. The great mass of
the people own nothing. The missionary government, finding that the
natives would not work for less than 25 cents a day, complained of the
want of labor, and insisted on the importation of scores of thousands
of the scum of the human race, including Chinese and what are called
Portuguese, a mongrel race, who never saw Portugal, but who speak
something resembling the language of that country.
"In this manner the missionaries' sons cut down the wages of the
native Hawaiians, and compelled them to work on their sugar planta
tions at such rates as seemed good to their masters.
"Before the missionaries gained control of the islands leprosy was
unknowm. But with the introduction of strange races leprosy estab
lished itself and rapidly increased. An entire island was very prop
erly devoted to the lepers. No Protestant missionaries would ven
ture among them.
"For this I do not blame them, as no doubt I should not have had
the courage to go myself. But a noble Catholic priest consecrated his

128 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
life to the service of the lepers, lived among them, baptized them,
educated them, and brought some light and happiness into their
wretched lives.
"Stung by the contrast of his example the one remaining missionary,
a recognized and paid agent of the American Board, spread broadcast
the vilest slander against Father Damien. He said that Father Damien
was dirty."This is the same gentleman, Mr. Hyde, an extract from
whose report I read a short time ago :
"Much good missionaries can do am6ng a wretched and degraded
people if they hold themselves aloof from those who are dirty! Did
the Apostles take care never to touch the dirty hands or sit against the
dirty clothes of their early converts?
"He accused the good father of vile practices. But the vileness was
in the Congregational missionary's mouth, not in the Catholic mission
ary's life, and under threats of exposure and legal punishment the Con
gregational missionary sneaked out of the accusation. Yet, after he had
degraded himself in the eyes of every decent man, he remains, if I am
correctly informed, still the well-paid, well-housed, comfortably-cared-
for agent of the American Board in Hawaii. Of course, he is an ardent
annexationist. "And now the very same men who by hundreds and thousands
have protested with pious indignation against the Southem States for
their practical disfranchisement of the Southem negroes, who are by the
confession of their own best men vastly below the moral standard which
the Hawaiian missionaries have until lately boasted as the peculiar
attribute of their converts, are full of enthusiasm over what, with bitter
irony, is called the Hawaiian Republic.
"A republic, forsooth, in which no man can vote unless he has
property which would be equivalent to the possession of $5,000 in
Brooklyn, and in which no one can vote for senator who is not worth
$3,000, which is equivalent to $20,ooo in Brooklyn.
"But even with this restriction of the suffrage our republican mis
sionaries are afraid to trust their republican voters. Accordingly they
did not dare to allow the people under any limitations whatever to elect
the President, but, having got possession of the constitutional conven
tion, they appointed Mr. Dole President, to hold office for six years,
and just so much longer as the Senate and Assembly should fail to
agree on a successor, restricting the choice even then to such persons as
should be agreeable to a majority of the Senate, which will be elected
by about 200 of the richest men on the island.
"Nor do they stop here. They passed laws severely punishing any
one who dares to speak disrespectfully of any of their high mightinesses.
Any one, whether a native or an American, who dares to say that this

THE HAWAIIAN "REPUBLIC" 129
republican government is not republican, or that any of the mission
aries' sons who deign to govem the barbarous Christians of Hawaii
is not well fitted for the post, is liable to a long term of imprisonment
and a heavy fine.
"And yet, after all, though they have the Government and the laws
and the courts and the juries all in their own hands, they are afraid to
t,mst any of them, and, on the first sign of alarm, and before a blow
was struck, they shut up all the courts and proclaimed martial law.
And this is our pious Congregational missionary Republic. This is the
fruit of seventy years of Congregational teaching and missionary govem
ment. '
"And now it is proposed to annex this island, with its barbarous
idolatrous, dirty, debased, Congregational heathen. Christian idolators,
and the 100,000 Mongolians and half-breed Portuguese tp boot, and
to bring it into our Republic as one of the States of our Union to help
govern us. Already one branch of Congress has voted to expend $500,-
000 in beginning to lay a cable for this purpose, which, of course, will
involve us in about $3,000,000 more, in addition to that already in
curred, to enable Hawaiians to plant sugar at a cost to this country
of $50,000,000 taken out of the public Treasury and put into the
pwckets of the planters to enable them to employ Mongolians and
half-breed Portuguese.
"But we are to spend many millions more in annexing them. We
shall have to build warships to defend our possession when we get it.
"I consider this the most dangerous and disastrous proposition that
has ever been made in this country. If successful it will launch us
upon an era of colonization and of petty, disgraceful foreign wars.
It will bring into our Union sham republics, which will still further
cormpt our already corrupt Government, and speedily destroy all
reality in republican institutions.
"We are on the brink of a precipice, and a very little effort is
needed to push us over. If I were standing alone on this continent
I would oppose and denounce this whole scheme of foreign wars, an
nexation, and colonial projects to the very last."
Dr. R. M. Raymond said he indorsed what Mr. Shearman had
said, with the exception of some criticism on the Navy. Dr. Abbott
did not agree with Mr. Shearman on questions of fact, but he did agree
with Mr. Shearman in his opposition to annexation.
I have read this, Mr. President, because it has been as
serted that It was an attack upon missionary effort for any one
to describe the results of their efforts among those people. ^ I
do not propose to make any such attack. I believe the rais
sionaries failed, as the missionary effort will always fail under

I30 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
like circumstances, for the reason that they failed to recognize
what I believe to be a fact, that a form of government and a
forra of religion Is a necessary adjunct of the social corapact,
and that every race, be It civilized or barbarous, has the best
forra of religion and the best form of governraent it Is capable
in the aggregate of raaintaining; and if you undertake to give
a religion of a higher civilization to a barbarous race you raust
accompany It with that civilization and a full understanding of
It, which is impossible. Therefore, while those people adopted
outwardly the forms of our religion, they were unable to com
prehend its meaning or appreciate our civihzation, while they
irabibed our vices and faded away.
I .have now shown the utterly worthless character of the
native population and the worse than worthless character of
contract labor; and I have undertaken to show by the testi
raony of leading Congregationalists In this country that the
dominant invaders who now rule those islands are also in
capable of enjoying a republican government, and are only
capable of raaintaining a despotism. I will read from a Cali
fornia paper, the Call, of San Francisco, on the 17th of this
month :
CONFESSION BY TORTURE  HOW T/HE HAWAIIAN GOVERNMENT ELICITED
TREASON TESTIMONY. San Francisco, February 17,
The Call prints the following from Honolulu:
"The success of the Government of Hawaii in conducting its trea
son cases was due to the incriminating evidence given by Capt. William
Davies, of the steamer Taimanolo. Davies was arrested on the mom
ing of January 5. He is an American citizen and refused any informa
tion, and while protesting his innocence demanded an interview with
the United States minister. This was refused. Davies was then given
to understand that if a complete confession was not forthcoming he
would be strung up by the thumbs. But he did not flinch, and his legs
were bound below the knees and his thumbs were lashed with a whip
cord to iron bolts in the stone wall of the prison yard so that the un
fortunate man's toes just touched the ground. Davies was stripped to
the waist, while Marshal Hitchcock, Attorney-General Smith, and Sur
geon Cooper, with a stenographer, awaited the statement which they
believed would be forthcoming. Davies did not weaken. Sweat oozed
from every pore. The tendons of the victim's limbs stood out like
strands of rope, blood vessels knotted on his arms and legs, swelling

THE HAWAIIAN "REPUBLIC" 131
as if ready to burst with congested blood, restrained in its course by
his abnormal position, until at last he fainted. Dr. Cooper used salts
of ammonia to revive the captain. As soon as he revived two negro con
victs suspended him again by the thumbs. This inhuman operation was
begun at noon, and it was 6 o'clock in the evening before Davies, more
dead than alive, made the statement that respited him from the inhuman'
barbarity of his persecutors.
"Another case of torture was brought to light in the military in
quiry. A young native was handcuffed at the wrists. Then he was
placed in a tank of ice-cold water. He was kept there until circula
tion of the blood in his extremities had almost ceased, and Dr. Cooper
declared that action of the heart was almost suspended. He was
then taken from the tank and, after being restored from his condition
of semiconsciousness, the torture was again administered until he con
fessed." And these are the people who talk about having set up a
"sister Repubhc" in the Southern Pacific. Then, with a popu
lation utterly worthless, what advantage are we going to gain
by annexing those people? Oh, Senators say that our trade
relations are large with the Hawaiian Islands, that raore
American ships go there than of any other nationality, and
that raore of their coraraerce comes to our ports than goes
to any other part of the world. Remarkable, is it not, that
this should be the fact when we impose a duty upon the prod
ucts frora every other country and adrait them from the Sand
wich Islands free.
*******
Now,^ what kind of a constitution did they adopt? It
provides for an oligarchy. It provides that the Government
shall consist of Mr. Dole as President — he is named in the
constitution — ^who shaU hold his office until the year 1900,
a Senate of 15 members and a House of Representatives of
15 members, and the Senate and House sitting together shaU
elect Mr. Dole's successor President after the year 1900, but
that no successor can be elected unless he gets a majority of
the Senate; and if no successor is elected, Dole continues to
hold. a. Speech in the Senate July 6, 1898.

132 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Article 23. — First President.
Sanford Ballard Dole is hereby declared to be the President of the
Republic of Hawaii, to hold office until and including the 31st day of
December, 1900, and thereafter until a successor shall have been duly
elected and qualified. Article 24. — Election of President.
Sec. i. On the third Wednesday of September, 1900, and on the
third Wednesday of September in every sixth year thereafter, the
Legislature shall meet to elect a President for a term of six years,
to begin with the ist day of January of the year following.
Sec. 2. For the purposes of such election the Senate and House
of Representatives shall sit together.
The election shall be by ballot, and the person receiving a major
ity vote of all the elective members to which the Legislature is en
titled, which majority shall include a majority of all the senators, shall
be President for the succeeding term, or for the unexpired portion of
such term in case no person shall have been elected prior to the first
day of such term.
Sec. 3. If the Legislature shall fail to elect a President before the
1st day of January following the date when the Legislature is required
to meet for such election, the President whose term has then expired or
the minister who is acting as President shall continue to be or act as
President until his successor is elected and qualified ; but such failure
to elect shall in no case discharge the Legislature from their duty to
immediately proceed with such election.
Then they provide that no one can be a senator without the
most rigid property qualification, possessing property worth
several thousand dollars. j
Article 56. — Qualifications of senators.
In order to be eligible to election as a senator, a person shall —
Be a male citizen of the Republic;
Have attained the age of thirty years;
Be able understandingly to speak, read, and write the English or
Hawaiian language;
Have resided in the Hawaiian Islands not less than three years;
Be the owner, in his own right, of property in the Republic of the
value of not less than $3,000 over and above all incumbrances; or have
been in the receipt of a money income of not less than $1,200 during
the year immediately preceding the date of the election, for the proof
of which he may be required to produce original accounts of the receipt
of such income.

THE HAWAIIAN "REPUBLIC" 133
And no person can vote for a senator unless he Is worth
$3,000 in personal property or $1,500 of real estate, according
to the last assessment for taxation, or has an income of $600
a year.
Article 76. — Qualifications of voters for senators.
In order to be eligible to vote for senators a person must possess
all the qualifications and be subject to all the conditions required by
this constitution of voters for representatives, and, in addition thereto,
he shall own and be possessed in his own right of real property in
the Republic of the value of not less than $1,500 over and above all
incumbrances, and upon which legal taxes shall have been paid on
that valuation for the year next preceding the one in which such per
son offers to register ; or personal property of the value of not less than
$3,000 over and above all incumbrances; or shall have actually re
ceived a money income of not less than $6oo during the year next pre
ceding the 1st day of April next preceding the date of each registra
tion; for the proof of which he may be required to produce original
accounts of the receipt of such income.
They shut out, then, everybody In the Hawaiian Islands
from the right of suffrage except the sugar planters. They
made a qualification of voting for senators that would disfran
chise 12,000,000 of the voters of the United States. I think
raany more. I think It would disfranchise 13,000,000 out of
our 14,000,000 voters if we had the same provision.
They have a property qualification which allows no one
to vote for senators unless he is engaged in the chief industry
of the island which has been built up by remitted duties. See
how ingenious It all was. They created a council of state, five
of whora were to be selected by the President, five by the Sen
ate, and five by the House of Representatives ; and this very
constitution provides that a majority of the council can do
business. Then it provides that they can sit and make laws
and make appropriations when the Legislature Is not in ses
sion, and that their laws and their acts and their appropria
tions shall hold good until the last day of the session of the
Legislature. Then we have what? A Senate and a President, who are
the Government, and anybody can vote for a meraber of the

134 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
House of Representatives who was born in Hawaii, or is a
naturalized citizen and has taken an oath to favor annexation
tO- the United States. But the House of Representatives
amounts to nothing. It cuts no figure whatsoever, because the
Government council, one-third of whom are appointed by the
President and one-third by the Senate, can do business when
the Legislature is not in session, and the House has no voice
In the selection of a President, because nobody can be elected
unless he gets eight votes in the Senate. So the Senate elected
by the sugar planters could elect Dole's successor, or Dole
could continue on forever, and the people of Hawaii have no
voice In the Government whatever.
They put into the constitution a provision for a union, com
mercial or political, with the United States. Did that come
from the people? They had no voice in it. As I have shown,
the constitution was not indorsed by the people or submitted
to the people. After this self-constituted convention had
adopted that constitution, they declared It the constitution of
the Republic of Hawaii, and never subraitted It to a vote at all,
and It never has been submitted. And yet frora this gang of
sugar-raising conspirators we propose to take title to those
Islands. There is no black page on the history of England
In the robbery and plunder of the nations of the world as in
faraous as our own will be If we take title to those islands
under such circurastances.
We raust submit this question to a vote of the people of
those islands If we would escape dishonor. Although there
were 13,583 registered voters in 1890, and in 1894 4,477,
In 1896, under the Repubhc of Hawaii, at the first election
under this constitution,/ there were but 3,196 actual voters,
and in 1897, under the same Republic, there were but 2,687
voters for representatives. The fact of the matter Is that
the people have gradually become disgusted with that Govern
raent. They have found that they have no voice In it, and
they have ceased to take an interest in it. They know it is
maintained by the armed force of the United States, and they
are uneasy.
If you would submit the question whether those islands

THE HAWAIIAN "REPUBLIC" 135
should be annexed to the United States to the people of that
country — to the 13,000 voters — it is very doubtful if you could
get 2,687 votes In favor of it. After a careful Investigation
of the subject, I do not believe a majority of the white resi
dents of those Islands are In favor of annexation. I know that
there are none of the natives in favor of It. While we have
heard the missionaries eulogized, certainly we can eulogize
thera but little, unless we can eulogize their work. The natives
of Hawaii can read and write the Enghsh language. A greater
percentage of the people can read and write than in nearly
a raajority of the American States.

I found no native — and I talked with every one I could get
a chance to talk to — who was in favor of annexation. At a
meeting at HUo, where 600 natives gathered in a church, I
asked those who signed the protest against the annexation of
the Islands to the United States — the protest which was sent
on here and which we have in the archives of the Committee
on Foreign Relations, a protest signed by 29,000 of those
people — I asked those who had signed that protest themselves
to rise to their feet, and every person in that church at once
rose to his feet, knowing exactly what they had done.
I talked with officers of the Government who have been
given places that these conspirators told me were In favor of
annexation. When I reached them alone they would say,
"We are holding an official position; we have to say pubhcly
that we are in favor of annexation; but we are not. We love
our country and we love our flag; and while we respect and
regard the United States with the highest consideration, we
are as desirous of maintaining our national existence, as de
sirous that our flag shaU remain in the sky, as you are that the
United States shaU continue a government and raaintain Its
flag." I say under these circumstances, Mr. President, owing to
the protest which the Queen sent here, owing to the fact that
we overthrew the Government by the armed forces of the
United States, owing to the fact that the people with whom

136 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
we are treating for the sovereignty of that country are but our
puppets maintained by us, owing to the fact that this evidence
has never been disputed or denied with any show of proof,
the least we can do Is to submit this question to a vote of the
people of Hawaii.

CHAPTER VII
THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII
MR. PRESIDENT,! I beheve that under the pro-
visions of this treaty, which we can abrogate by
gi/ing twelve months' notice, we are stIU the owners
of Pearl Harbor. For my part, I should give back this piece
of doubtful property to the Hawaiian people. I do not be
lieve we want it. It seeras to me it is an element of perpetual
weakness, and I do not see how it can be otherwise regarded.
It is 2,000 miles frora our coast. It is in the very centre of
the Pacific Ocean. It does not intercept any line of com
merce between the United States and any portion of the
globe. For us It does not coramand a rod of land on earth.
The straightest and shortest line frora San Francisco to Japan
and China runs 2,000 miles north of the Hawaiian Islands.
The shortest line from San Francisco to New Zealand runs
1,000 miles south of thera, and even the shortest line to Aus
tralia runs 500 miles south. The ship that goes from San
Francisco to Honolulu goes for the purpose of visiting that
point, and not for the purpose of pausing incidentally on a
voyage to any other portion of the planet. There is no coal
on the Hawaiian Islands; so, in order to coal there, we first
have to transport the fuel from our own shores. After get
ting it there, it is In one of the raost out-of-the-way places on
earth. It would be vastly raore expedient and profitable to
establish a coahng station on one of our own Aleutian Islands
south of Bering Sea, for they are within 100 miles of the
shortest lines that can be drawn on the surface of the sea
between the United States and Hongkong. Not only would
the western extremity of our own RepubUc be the best possible
I. Speech in the Senate July z, 1894. 137

13^ THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
place to establish a coaling station, If we had to carry the
coal from Portland and pile it up there, but coal has already
been found upon those Islands and It could be mined and kept
ready very near where It is raost needed.
I hold in ray hand a map which shows the facts in this
case. It is constructed on the lines of Mercator's projection,
but the distances are shown as they actually exist upon the
surface of the sphere. It shows that our Aleutian Islands are
just half way on oUr road to Japan and China; that they are
very near the shortest route that vessels can take, and that
they would constitute the best possible stopping place for all
coraraercial purposes whatever. The raap further shows (and
I shaU print an outUne of it with ray speech in the Record)
that the Hawaiian Islands are entirely aside and out of the
way of the path of our vessels bound for any .other land.
Not only are the Aleutian Islands nearer to the United States
than the Hawaiian Islands are, but they are seven or eight
hundred railes nearer to Japan and China. Indeed, If we were
to transport our coal to the farthest westward of our Aleutian
peninsula we should be within 500 railes of the coast of Asia
and 1,500 railes nearer to Yokoharaa than Honolulu is.
Our steam vessels of every sort now crossing the Pacific
do not go to Honolulu, for If they did they would go hun
dreds or thousands of miles out of their way. This coal is
carried to Honolulu from British America, but bituminous
coal, probably superior to it, is now being mined in Washing
ton and will probably soon supersede It. But why should we
have a coaling station at all at Honolulu? There Is already
an excellent coaling station at Unalaska, on one of our Aleutian
Islands, over 1,000 railes nearer the coast of Asia than Hono
lulu, and that station is approached through one of the most
spacious and finest harbors in the world. Already coal is being
mined at various points in Alaska — at Unga Island, at Cape
Sabine, at Cape Lisburne, at Herondlne Bay, and other places
— but that mighty chain of Islands extends through 40 degrees
of longitude — as far as from New York to San Francisco —
and the exploration of their wealth has only just begun.
A reference to the map will show that this purpose will

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THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 139
make Unalaska the legitimate and foreordained coaling sta
tion for our Navy in the Pacific.
As to our own western coast, what protection would a
coaling station at Pearl Harbor offer us? If England should
ever attack our Pacific States she wiU attack them from Van
couver Island and from her harbors in British America.
Could we resist these attacks from Peari Harbor, 2,000 mUes
away in the center of the Pacific Ocean? Who would go to
the Hawaiian Islands for the purpose of engaging us there?
No, Mr. President, in case of war with any naval power on
earth Pearl Harbor would immediately become an eleraent of
weakness, and the adoption of a strong defensive policy would
corapel us to abandon it at once, bring our raunitions of war
and vessels home, and make a defense from our own coast.
In case of war, frora what point could we attack British com
merce in the Pacific? The Canadian Pacific is its natural
outlet, and we should attack It from Puget Sound. What ele
raent of strength, then, would this paltry Island in the Pacific
give us? It would be absolutely worthless, and worse than
worthless, frora every point of view.

Now^ what are the arguraents which are presented
why we should annex these islands, with their peculiar and
undesirable population? The arguraents presented in debate
before were that we should annex these islands because of a
wonderful commercial interest; that we should annex these
Islands because their commerce was carried In American ships
and under the American flag; that we should annex these
Islands because they were on the routes of comraerce of the
Orient. All this has apparently been abandoned, and the only
argument now presented Is that an American war vessel can
not cross the Pacific without getting coal; that these islands'!
are absolutely necessary in order that we raay reach the fleet
at Manila. That is the argument now being pressed to the
front. I am going to investigate this argument and see if It is
honest. , I. Speech in the Senate June 22, 1898.

I40 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
It Is further urged that we can not coal in a neutral port ;
that the reason our ships are going by way of Hawaii Is be
cause Hawaii has not declared Its neutrality and Japan has,
and that therefore our ships can not go to Japan to coal and
then go on their way to Manila.
It is well known that the distance from Honolulu to Manila
Is 4,800 miles; it Is weU known that the distance from Puget
Sound to Yokohama, Japan, is 4,200 mUes; In other words,
the distance from Hawaii across the Pacific Ocean to Manila
is greater than the distance from San Francisco or Puget
Sound to the port of Yokohama, in Japan, and so the argu
raent has to be raade that we can not coal In Japan. Is there
anything to sustain it? Nothing under heaven. No authori
ties have been cited, no grounds have been given for this
statement, but It has been made ; and yet every Senator knows
that coal only under certain circumstances Is contraband of
war, and that the vessels of a belligerent raay coal in a neutral
port. I wish to repeat again that the distance from San Fran
cisco to Yokohama, Japan, Is 300 miles shorter than the dis
tance from Honolulu, In the Hawaiian Islands, to Manila by
the shortest possible route, and that, too, a route which is not
usually traveled in order to make It short. The distance from
Puget Sound to Yokohama is 600 miles shorter than the dis
tance from Honolulu to Manila; and yet they say the Pacific
Is so wide that none of our vessels can carry coal enough to
cross without stopping. The Pacific Is wider from Honolulu to
the coast of Asia than It is from Puget Soun J to the coast of
Asia. We have traveled 2,000 railes to get farther away, and
then declare that our vessels can not carry coal enough to get
across the water.
I contend that we could coal In Yokohama, in Japan;
that we could have started our ships from Puget .Sound
within five days, if we had^Leen carrying on war, after we told
Dewey to go to Manila. But we made no move then until
he had gone there and destroyed the Spanish fleet. Now it is
over fifty days, and we have offered no reUef. We have
started it by the longest route. A ship can sail from Puget

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 141
Sound to Manila and save a thousand miles as compared with
going from San Francisco by way of Honolulu to Manila. A
ship can, therefore, save four days' time. A ship can go frora
Puget Sound to Manila in twenty-one days, and it Is fifty
days since Dewey's battle, and during aU these dreary fifty
days there has been no fighting anywhere except by the Insur
gents on the PhlUppine Islands.
If we had had an active Adrainistration, the raoraent
Dewey was sent to Mamla we would have started our fleet
frora Puget Sound and sent hira assistance and relief. In
stead of that, we raust wait, day by day, fifty days, tiU foreign
governments have had to interfere to protect their own people,
this country having produced a condition of anarchy and dis
order there which made their lives unsafe. So we dragged
in European complications. If we had started our ships by
the way of Yokohama frora Puget Sound, they would have
sailed a thousand miles less than the ships will sail which we
have finally sent, and we could have coaled at Yokohama and
in Japan and reached Manila a raonth ago.
Mr. Mantle : If It will not interrupt the Senator from
South Dakota, I should like to ask him a question. I have
heard him say during the progress of this debate, and I have
also heard it stated by other Senators, that It Is much nearer
to reach Japan or China or the Philippine Islands by what is
called the Aleutian route — that is up north; north of Hono
lulu — than it is by way of Honolulu. I wish to ask Senators
If, as a matter of fact, comraerce does not take the Honolulu
route to those countries. I ask for Inforraation.
Mr. Pettigrew: It Is a matter of fact that commerce
does not take the Honolulu route, but, on the contrary, every
vessel leaving San Francisco for Japan, unless It has special
business in Hawaii which makes it pay, goes straight across
the Pacific. It saves three days' time. When I returned frora
the Orient last summer I wished to remain In Japan nine days
longer, but If I had waited nine days longer the next ship
belonging to the same line, the Occidental and Oriental, would
not go to Honolulu at all. It would come straight across the
Pacific and save three days and save the coal and save the

142 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
expense. Every ship that they send goes that way unless it
has business at Honolulu sufficient to raake It profitable to sail
900 railes farther and three days longer.

Here is a map of the northern Pacific, drawn as near as
possible like a globe, showing the exact location of islands
and countries and their relation to each other. Most- maps
we look at are drawn upon a plane, and parallels of longitude
are the sarae at the equator as at the poles, giving a deceptive
idea as to the location of countries upon the globe and their
relation to each other. It will be seen by this map that leaving
San Francisco a ship would never be nearer the Hawaiian
Islands than it was when It started. If it went the shortest
route it would go by the Aleutian chain, and would reach
Manila, sailing over 500 miles shorter distance than if it
went by Honolulu.
It would have to carry coal enough to sail, if it went to
Yokohama, Japan, 4,500 miles. The distance from San Fran
cisco to Yokohama is less by several hundred miles than the
distance from Honolulu to Manila. If a vessel could not carry
coal enough to go across from San Francisco to Yokohama,
then It could not carry coal enough to go frora Honolulu to
Manila. Therefore, the claim that they had to send their
boats there to coal falls to the ground, and its dishonesty is
obvious to every one. If a vessel wanted to reach Hongkong,
then it could save 900 miles if it went straight to Hongkong
rather than by way of Honolulu.
If it wanted to reach Yokohama, it could save 900 milesi
if it went direct to Yokoharaa, rather than going by way of
Honolulu. It would corae within sight of the Aleutian Islands,
islands which we already own. If we must have a coaling
station In the Pacific, we already have it if we will only use It.
The Island of Kiska — here is a map of it — is owned by the
United States. It is 25 miles in length. It has one of the
grandest bays in any ocean — a bay that will hold all the ships
in our Navy. Here are the soundings of this bay and its
size: It is 30 feet deep up within a hundred feet of shore;

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 143
it is 60 to 100 feet aU the way out. It is absolutely land
locked. There are no islands and no shoals on this side of
that Island out to the open Pacific. It can be entered, no mat
ter how hard the wind blows, no raatter what the storra is, at
any tirae of the year. That island is located at this point on
the map. [Indicating.]
Kiska is 2,628 raUes frora San Francisco. It Is 3,700
miles from Mamla. Honolulu Is 4,800 railes from Manila.
Our own land, our own port, our own harbor, is 3,700 miles
frora Manila. Why do we not occupy this port of our own
to command the coast of Asia? It Is only 1,964 miles from
Yokohama. It Is only 3,400 miles from Hongkong. We own
it; it is ours; it comraands the coast of Asia. If we want a
port to command the coast of Asia or to protect Alaska, why
do we not occupy our own port? I should like to have the
advocates of annexation answer that question. Why do we not
use our own port instead of going 1,000 miles out of the way
to use somebody's else?
From Vancouver, frora Port Townsend, from Puget
Sound, which we also own, the distance is 300 miles shorter
than from San Francisco. A vessel can go from Vancouver
to Yokohama by salUng 4,202 miles, and from Yokohama to
Manila by sailing 1,752 mUes, making 6,000 mUes; whUe to go
by way of San Francisco and the Hawaiian Islands It must saU
7,000 miles.
Kiska, this harbor, unsurpassed In the world, is within
3,700 miles of Manila. A vessel leaving this harbor for
Manila can sail much faster than a vessel that has to saU
5,000 railes. As we all understand, there Is great econoray in
the use of coal by sailing slow. If a vessel has to go 5,000
railes she must go very slow and economize coal, but if she has
to go 3,700 raUes she can make much greater speed. She can
make more miles in a day If she has a shorter distance to sail
than if she has a long distance to saU.
So where Is there sense or reason in this argument that
we must have a coaUng station? What is there that justifies
taking this raeasure up In time of war and dividing our people
over a coUateral contest ? Why do we not finish the war ? We

144 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
are all united upon that question. Why do we not finish the
war instead of bringing in this question that divides us ? When
we have fought the war out, let us fight out this great question
of acquisition of empire. It seems to me that that Is the
patriotic duty of the Administration instead of bringing In
questions of this sort that are unnecessary and trying to crowd
thera on our people when we are engaged in a contest with a
foreign foe.
I should like to know how they answer this contention.
Here is a harbor of our own that can be entered at any tirae,
no matter what the weather may be, and can be departed from
without one particle of difficulty.
Mr. Bate : Of what harbor is the Senator speaking?
Mr. Pettigrew: The harbor of Kiska. It is argued,
and that is the only argument, that this northern route, this
straight line, this shortest distance, runs through an undesir
able sea; that It is foggy; that it Is full of rocks; that it is
full of storras; that it is Impassable. Melville says that the
harbors are shoal, full of ice. I will read from Findlay's
North Pacific Ocean and Japan Directory with regard to the
harbor of Kiska :
Kiska Island — A hilly island, excepting its eastern part, which is
low. Its length, NE. by E. and SW. by W., is 25 miles.
The harbor of Kiska is a noble bay, perfectly protected from aU
winds, with good holding ground and a moderate depth of water.
The entrance is wide enough to enable a sailing vessel to beat in or
out at any time. There are no hidden dangers, and the depth of water
is sufficient for any vessel.
As an additional recommendation, Kiska Harbor never
has any ice in it. It is In the same latitude as the city of
London. It Is In the Japan current. It never freezes. No
ice ever forms. There is a lake of fresh water right on the
shore. Why do we not take our own harbors ? Oh, you say,
there was no coal there when the war broke out. It has been
fifty days since the war broke out. We could have got coal
there. By saiUng 2,628 miles from San Francisco or 2,300
from Seattle we could have put coal there, plenty of It.
Now, let us see what the conditions are concerning the

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 145
climate. I asked the Weather Bureau with regard to the har
bor of Unalaska, which is east of Kiska and on the same
line, right on the route to the Orient. This is their reply :
United States Department of Agriculture,
Weather Bureau,
Washington, D. C, June 10, 1898,
Dear Sir: In reply to your letter of the 9th instant, I beg to in
close herewith a manuscript copy of the monthly mean temperatures
for each year during which observations were made, at St. Paul Island,
Bering Sea, and Unalaska.
Unalaska is 2° north of Kiska, andthe Pribilof Islands are
4° farther north.
Our reports indicate that the harbor of Unalaska is, on rare oc
casions, covered by floating ice, which in an unusually cold season
may freeze over and become a permanent sheet. Ordinarily, how
ever, the harbor would seem to be free from ice.
Very respectfully, WILLIS L. MOORE,
Chief of Bureau,
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
The fact of the matter is that I talked on this subject with
the Senator from CaUfornia [Mr. Perkins]. He says that
there never has been ice known in the harbor but once, and
his ships have gone there for the last quarter of a century.
That once was sufficient. I have seen New York Harbor fuU
of ice, when it was not unnavigable or unusable. But the har
bor of Kiska, which Is 2° farther south than Unalaska, is in
the Japan current, and from all the information I can secure
there is never any ice within It.
Now, let us see about Unalaska. The Pribilof Islands are
directly north of Unalaska.
*******
It was never either hot or cold. It never reached the
freezing point during the whole year. The lowest point the
mercury reached in 1875 was in Deceraber, when it was above
zero The harbor of Unalaska, which Mr. MelviUe says
in his statement is fuU of ice, I have the observations given
here :

146 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The minimum observed in 1872 was 13° Fahrenheit.
Continued northers may fill the harbor with fragments of drift
ice, but this is of rare occurrence. The small harbor is sometimes
covered with skim ice. Further data may perhaps be obtained from
the Chief of the Weather Bureau.
Respectfully yours, HENRY S. PRITCHETT. Superintendent.
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
' United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
i^S V V ^ !p 5p JJS
Mr. White : My attention Is directed to a tabular state
ment contained on page 6607 of the Congressional Record,
and also to a note written to Hon. Hugh A. Dinsmore, of
the House of Representatives, on the previous ^page, which
contaihs a statement as to the temperature at Kiska. I sug
gest in this connection that the Senator from South Dakota
might put in the letter and also the tabular statement. It
would be interesting to read thera.
Mr. Pettigrew: The note referred to Is as follows :
United States Department of Agriculture,
Weather Bureau,
Washington, D. C, June 9, 1898,
Dear Sir: I beg to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
even date in regard to the climate of certain of the Aleutian Islands.
I have pleasure in transmitting herewith a copy of the daily ex
tremes of temperature at Kiska Island for November and December,
1885, January and February, 1886, the only time during which ob
servations were made at this place. I also inclose a tabular statement
of the lowest temperatures ever recorded at Unalaska during a period
of seven years. At the latter point the lowest temperature ever re
corded was 9° above zero. Westward the weather is not quite so
cold. Just as I said, Unalaska is 450 railes east of Kiska. Kiska
is in the Japan current, which flows up between Kiska and the
peninsula of Karachatka into Bering Sea and through Bering
Strait into the Arctic Ocean.
We have little data as regards the freedom of the harbor from ice.
At Unalaska moving ice obstructed the harbor during a short period
in the winter of 1872. We should say that interruptions to naviga
tion due to ice at Kiska, to the westward, are not serious.

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 147
It is very serious that there was a Uttle Ice once, In 1872,
at Unalaska. That conderans that as a harbor, I suppose.
No ice since, according to this statement, for our ships visit
Unalaska Harbor every month In the year.
The mean winter temperature at Atka Island, longitude 185° 45'
W. from Greenwich, is 33°. The sea temperature is, of course, a few
degrees higher. Very respectfully, WILLIS L. MOORE,
Chief of Bureau.
Mr. Hugh A. Dinsmore,
United States House of Representatives, Washington, D. C,
Then here are the tables of the temperature at Kiska, given
each day from January, 1886.
On the ist day of January, 1886, the maxiraura terapera
ture was 37°, the minimum 31" above zero; on the 2d, the
maxiraura was 37°, the ralnlraum 30°; on the 6th, the maxi
mum was 36° and the miniraura 29° above zero; on the nth
of January the maximum was 37° and the miniraura 23°;
on the I2th the raaximura was 36° and the minimum 20°.
I am giving the last stages, when It was the coldest, selecting
those, but will publish all the tables as a part of my remarks.
On the 2 1st of January the maxiraura was 36°, the ralnl-
raura 29°; on the 27th the raaximum was 37°, and the mini
raura 32"; on the 31st the maximum was 39°, and the mini
raura 35°; on the 1st day of February, 1886, the raaxiraum
was 38° above zero and the minimum 33", only a difference
of 5 ° night and day, and no freezing, of course ; and on Feb
ruary 28th, the last day of observation, the maxiraura was 36°,
and the minimum 27°. In 1885 it runs just about the same.
It never freezes. Therefore there is never ice, and the con
sequence Is that here is one of the best harbors in the world,
free from Ice, and we own it, and It is only 3,700 miles from
Manila ; but Honolulu, that we are making such a fuss about,
is 4,800 miles frora Manila. Why do we not go up to our
own harbor, the shortest way, and save the tirae and rescue
our sailors in the Bay of Manila sooner than we can do it by
this tropical foreign missionary^ port? I should like to have
the Triends of annexation answer that.

148

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

But what is more, Mr. President, when you get the harbor
of Honolulu, most of the ships in our Navy can not carry
coal enough to get from there to Mamla. There are several
of them in this list. I sent to the Navy Department for In
forraation and on January ii, 1898, they sent me the follow
ing letter: Department of the Navy,
Bureau of Steam Engineering,
Washington, D. C, January 11, 1898.
Sir: i. Your letter of January 5, 1898, addressed to the Secre
tary of the Navy, requesting certain information as to the coal capacity
and steaming radius of first-class battleships and cruisers of the first
rate, has been referred to this Bureau.
2. In reply the Bureau transmits the following table, which con
tains the information desired:

Name

Type

Coal-
bunker
capacity

Steaming ra
dius on this
coal at most
economic rate

Steaming ra
dius on this
coal at maxi
mum speed
with forced
draft

Iowa 
Indiana 
Massachusetts.
Oregon 
Brooklyn 
New York 
Columbia. . . . . .
Minneapolis. . .
Olympia 

First-class battle ship
...do 
...do 
...do 
Armored cruiser 
...do 
Protected cruiser 
...do 
....do 

Tons 1,790 i.SSO1,560 1.54°1,300 1,2001,600 1,5201,100

Knots *6,ooo 4,805 4.797 S.20S
4.3424,486
*7,ooo 6,824 6,105

Knots t2.3SS 2,671 2,265
12,448 1,404 1.3441,840
¦1,565 ti,4o8

* Estimated.
t From official trial on basis of 2.4 pounds of coal per 1 horse power.
t From official trial, actual figures.
Very respectfully, GEO. W. MELVILLE,
Engineer in Chief, United States Navy, Chief of Bureau.
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Now we will take the Massachusetts. The Massachusetts,
steaming at the most economical rate, can sail 4,797 railes.

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 149
She can just get from Honolulu, by the shortest route, to
Manila if nothing happens, and this distance that she can
travel is from the official trial. She can not do it In practice.
Everybody knows that the official trial is in excess of what
these ships can accompUsh at sea. And so that vessel, which
can only carry coal enough to get 4,797 railes, according to
the test at her official trial, can not carry coal enough to get
quite to Manila. She would be 3 railes short with every
favorable circumstance, with no adverse winds or storms. Yet
that Is a coaling station for Mamla, and we are going to annex
this undesirable people and their possessions for the purpose
of getting a place where we can coal ships that can not carr^
coal enough to get to the place we want to get to, when we
have a coahng station at our own harbor in the Aleutian
Islands on the shortest route, within 3,700 miles of where
fit want to go.
There is not a vessel in the Navy that can not coal at
Kiska and get to Manila. There is not a single vessel in the
Navy but what could carry coal enough to take it frora Kiska
to Manila. There are several of thera that can not travel
frora Honolulu to Manila, and yet we are deterrained right
In the raidst of war to change the policy of this country frora a
Republic to Imperialism in order to secure a coaling station so
as to send ships to Manila.
Now, let us see what there Is further. The Brooklyn, an
armored cruiser. If she sails with the most economic use of
coal, can sail 4,342 railes, and she would be 500 railes away
from Manila when she ran out of coal if she coaled at Hono
lulu. But If she coaled at Kiska she could reach Manila and
have coal for 600 miles left in her bunkers.
And yet this Adrainistration is bound to send them by
this foreign island to stimulate the Interests of the sugar
planters. If this ship, the Brooklyn, the armored cruiser,
sailed as fast as she can sail, she could only cover 1,404 miles,
because with forced draft the consumption of coal Is simply
enormous. But, saiUng by the most econoraical use of coal,
sailing slowly, about 8 knots an hour, she can get within
500 railes of Manila. And yet you want Honolulu to coal

150 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
ships for Manila, and so you force this thing here as a war
raeasure. The New York, another cruiser, can sail 4,486 miles, and
then she is out of coal, and she is 400 railes frora Manila
If she coals at Honolulu.
If you are going to make the American people believe
that this is a war measure and is necessary in order to rescue
Dewey, answer these things; do not sit silent and refuse to
debate this question, but give us soraething to justify aban
doning the century-old poUcy of our country. If this ship,
the New York, should sail as fast as she is able to sail under
forced draft, she would only go 1,344 railes.
We have other vessels. The Iowa, a first-class battle
ship, according to these figures, could sail 6,000 railes, but
there Is not a ship In the whole list that can travel under
forced draft from Honolulu to San Francisco and have any
coal left.
But it is said the Aleutian route is obscured by 'fog. Mr.
President, I crossed the ocean on this route, and I asked the
sailing master of the ship, anticipating this debate, to give rae
a map of the ship's course and the number of railes It sailed
each day and our exact location every noon. The sailing
raaster raade me out this raap and gave rae the route traveled,
the distance we traveled every day, and the point we were
at every noon. This was In August. We started from Van
couver. We sailed 4,260 railes to Yokohama. By this route
from Vancouver, from our own port to Manila, it is 6,012
miles. It is a thousand miles shorter than from San Fran
cisco via Honolulu to Manila.
We sailed the first day 309 railes; the next day 350 miles;
the next day 347; the next day 348; the next day 352; the
next day 345; and August 7, when we were exactly opposite
Unalaska, we made the biggest day's run — we made 352 miles.
August 8 we raade 345 miles; August 9 we raade 307 miles.
We were then exactly south of the Island of Kiska and within
70 mUes of it. We had been going along the Aleutian chain
for three or four days. We had not seen the sun since we
started. It was foggy, but not so foggy as to Irapede navi-

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 151
gation; not so foggy as to do other than obscure the sun;
not so foggy that you could not see for mile's.
I asked the sailing master and the captain of the ship if
they traveled that route suramer and winter. I was told that
they did, and that in winter there was no fog; that the fog
giest season was In the warraest weather, and that that never
irapeded their progress or was any irapediraent to navigation.
That line of stearaers, the Canadian Pacific Line, as fine a line
of steamers as crosses any sea, follow that route sumraer and
winter, and they have raade the quickest trips that were ever
made across the Pacific Ocean. One of their ships covered the
entire distance in ten days, and could have gone from Van
couver to Manila, at the sarae speed, in less than fifteen days.
Yet Senators seera deterrained to have a coaling station in
the Tropics off frora the line of travel. To the assumption
that this route Is covered with fog and obstructed by ice, that
it has shoal water, Is it not a complete answer that this Une
of stearaships travel year In and year out along that line?
Mr. Gray: Is that the great circle route?
Mr. Pettigrew: It is the great circle route. It is a
straight line. It is called the great circle route.
Mr. Gray: It is the shortest distance on the surface of
the globe.
Mr. Pettigrew : On the surface of the globe. This is
practically the great circle. However, the great circle would
carry a ship north of the Aleutian Islands. Of course they
do not go north of the Aleutian Islands, because it is unneces
sary for the slight advantage that would come in saving dis
tance to go in and out between these Islands when they have
a plain, clear, open ocean by holding to a course south of the
islands. The ocean within 30 miles of the Aleutian chain, on
the south side, is 18,000 feet deep; there are no rocks and
no shoals ; it is absolutely an open sea, and there is no impedi
ment and no obstruction whatever to navigation.
I notice some of the officials of the Navy Department
insist upon claiming that this route is not a good one, and
Mr. MelviUe — I never met hira — tells us that we raust have
the Sandwich Islands in order to guard Alaska. The raan who

152 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
will make such a proposition must be suffering from softening
of the brain.
The Coraraittee on Foreign Relations have chosen to pub
lish as an appendix to their report a statement by Melville
that we must have the Islands of Hawaii In order to protect
our possessions in Alaska. He proceeds to relate the story of
a streara of coramerce going to Alaska. Here Is the state
raent of George W. Melville, Engineer In Chief of the United
States Navy, on Alaskan commerce exposed to hostile fleets.
He says :
In the event of conflict between the United States and a mari
time power this throng of richly laden but helpless vessels will present
to the enemy a noble field for attack by the "guerre de course," that
"commerce destroying" which first formed a factor of naval war dur
ing the reign of Elizabeth of England, which was followed with
such deadly effect by the Alabama and her consorts, and which has
at this time many strong advocates, notably in the United States and
France. Now, Hawaii commands fully this ocean route, at a distance
from it of less than 2,500 miles — not five days' steaming for the
cruiser Columbia,
If the (^olumbia covered the distance in five days, she
would not have a pound of coal, because she would have to
sail at her greatest speed, and her coal would be exhausted.
What could she do in the way of attacking coraraerce after
sailing a distance of 2,500 railes at the rate of 500 railes
a day? She could only go 1,800 railes at that rate of speed
when she would be out of coal, and yet the Chief Engineer of
the Navy sends to the Committee on Foreign Relations this
sort of stuff, and they retail It to us.
Then he tells us what a large comraerce we will have
with Alaska — how the ships will speed back and forth loaded
with gold and raen. How they would be protected from
Honolulu I can not understand. Here is Honolulu, here Is
San Francisco, and here is Alaska. According to Mr. Mel
ville, when we want to protect Alaska and the Aleutian chain
we shall have our fleet at this point (San Francisco) and run
down here to Honolulu, 2,100 miles directly away from

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 153
Alaska. What Is his opinion worth under these circura
stances? Who cares anything about the testiraony of experts when
they teU us such stuff as that? How wIU we protect the
Aleutian chain, fortify Unalaska, fortify the harbors of the
Aleutian chain, fortify the splendid ports that we have aU
along this chain ? I do not think we ought to fortify thera ; I
do not think It is necessary; but if we raust have fortified places
and ports In the Pacific, those are the ones to fortify. Protect
Alaska from here, from Kiska and Unalaska ; and yet that is
Melville's proposition. Here is Unalaska Bay; here is Kiska,
and here Is Ala'ska, and he is going to protect It frora this
point. He starts frora Honolulu, from two to three thousand
railes frora Alaska — farther from Alaska by a thousand miles
than Seattle — goes down to within 20° of the equator to San
Francisco to protect Alaska, which extends from 50" north
latitude to the North Pole. That Is the proposition of Mr.
Melville, the Chief Engineer of the United States Navy. I
have never met him and do not know how old he is, but he is
certainly suffering from softening of the brain.
I read frora a raeraorandura prepared for Hon. C. H.
Grosvenor, M. C, with respect to the question of the route
from San Francisco to Yokohama:
Any one at all familiar with the sea is aware that one of the
greatest dangers to navigation is fog, and the sea about Unalaska is
one of the foggiest regions in the whole world. Probably nearly every
body present has enjoyed reading the poems of Rudyard Kipling known
as "The Seven Seas," which include a short one called "The Rhyme
of the Three Sealers" —
I think he has studied Rudyard Kipling more than he has
geography or the weather —
and he there depicts in most graphic style the density of the fog which
is found in the neighborhood of this port which my friends have adver
tised as so desirable as a port of call. Of course I have not rested
content with Mr. Kipling's poem alone, but have taken pains to verify
the statements there made by inquiring of naval officers and others
who have spent considerable time near the Aleutian group, and they
have told me that Mr. Kipling's picture is not overdrawn at all —

154 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
So he was never there himself; and that is what I sup
posed —
There are times, however, in the winter when there is clear weather,
but then this most attractive port is closed by the ice —
And yet there has been no ice In It since 1872 —
for, in spite of the Japan current, which corresponds to the Gulf
Stream in the Atlantic, the region round Unalaska is blocked with
the floe ice —
This is raore testiraony from a man who is certainly suf
fering from softening of the brain, for our own Weather
Bureau tells us that there has been no ice in Unalaska Harbor
since 1872, and their record of temperature shows that Ice
can not forra there; and yet this is what our Chief Engineer
of the Navy sends to the House of Representatives — ^,
There are, of course, openings in this ice, and vessels that make a
business of arctic cruising might utilize them, but it can be readily
appreciated that the fine passenger and freight steamers sailing from
San Francisco are not going to run this risk.
Those openings extend frora 1872 up to the present time;
and yet there is no ice there, and those openings will continue
until there Is sorae Ice, I suppose; and yet Mr. Melville says
that vessels used to Arctic cruising can get through those holes
in the ice, when there is no Ice, and this stateraent is paraded
to the country as an argument against a route over which all
comraerce travels, unless it is given an Induceraent to go out
of its way. He then says :
Now let us compare with this region of ice and fc^ the earthly
paradise which Hawaii will furnish us.
He then draws the coraparison, and those can read it who
choose to do so.
Another letter, which was used in the other House by Mr.
Grosvenor, was frora John R. Bartlett, captain United States
Navy, Chief Intelhgence Officer, and former Fiydrographer.
He says:

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 155
On the accompanying chart, which is a copy of the pilot chart of the
North Pacific Ocean, published by the Hydrographie OflSce, No. 1401,
are shown the various routes between San Francisco and Manila which
may be discussed.
The route B is the great circle route, and is the shortest. Its length
is 6,254 miles. This route is best adapted for the eastward voyage at
nearly all times of the year, and possibly the westward voyage in the
summer months.
I took this very route in August over this very track, and
the former Chief Hydrographer of the Navy Departraent, one
of Mr. Melville's subordinates, who has been drawing these
raaps and charts and seems to have studied the subject, and
even now would not take his information secondhand or in
any other way, absolutely contradicts Melville's stateraent,
and says :
The route "B" is the great circle route, and is the shortest. Its
length is 6,254 miles. This route is best adapted for the eastward voy
age at nearly all times of the year.
Why? Because by the eastern voyage you go with the
Japan current, and possibly the western voyage In the summei-
months.

Of course Kiska Is south of the shortest Une. The great
circle route, the route ships sail, passes about 70 miles south
of this island, instead of 300 railes. Ships take this route
because they do not wish to pass in and out between the
islands, and therefore it Is a slight modification of the great
circle route.
Let us see if what he says about currents, etc., is justified.
If you have an adverse current going one way, you will have
It in your favor going the other way; and the Canadian
Pacific ships foUow the route the year around both ways.
As I say, Mr. President, the route which we took In
crossing from Vancouver to Yokohama, in Japan, went within
70 miles of the harbor of Kiska. We went within 30 miles of
the Aleutian Islands. Ordinarily in winter vessels go within
4 or 5 miles of the Aleutian Islands. It is the route to the

156 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Orient and is along the shore of our own country to within
3,700 miles of Manila and to a point within 500 railes of the
coast of Asia.

Mr. President,^ If a coaling station at a certain point
in the globe has a current In favor of the ship going to that
point, the same current has to be encountered coming back.
If favorable currents flow toward Manila by the Hawaiian
Islands when a ship starts frora San Francisco, unfavorable'
currents frora the same spot encounter that ship on its re
turn. It is as essential to have favorable currents to return as
to go. Therefore steara vessels follow the shortest route.
Their course Is dictated by reason. Comraerce on the Pacific
follows the shortest route.
The fact of the matter is that the Japan current flowing
along' the western coast of the United States turns west below
San Francisco and passes by the Hawaiian Islands. Its speed
is from half a knot to one knot per hour. A vessel going west
goes with it. When that vessel returns it comes against it, for
it flows the year round. Of what use Is such a current In
utilizing a coaling station unless It is good both ways?
If a vessel going west from San Francisco should follow
the shortest route, it Is said it would corabat the Japan current
in crossing the Pacific. This is not true. The Japan current
reaches only to the forty-fourth degree of north latitude.
South of that line It flows east. A vessel crossing the Pacific
south of the forty-fourth degree of north latitude would com
bat the Japan current, but the vessels that cross the Pacific
upon the shortest route frora San Francisco or Vancouver pass
north of the fifty-first degree of north latitude, in a calm sea,
going and coraing, without any current to corabat or any cur
rent to assist. The consequence is that a vessel sailing from
Vancouver to Manila would sail only 6,000 railes, and in that
6,000 railes could touch at Unalaska and at Kiska, two harbors
of our own. A vessel salUng 10 knots an houi: can reach
Manila in twenty-four days from Puget Sound.
I. Speech in the Senate July 2, 1898.

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 157
Our transports carrying troops for Manila have been on
the way raore than a raonth, and the slowest ship in the lot
can sail raore than 10 knots. They left San Francisco by the
7,000-raile route. They went down into the region of the
equator instead of going the northern route. Our boys have
been cooped up now for raore than a raonth. It is thirty days
since they left Honolulu, in the Tropics, where the heat is
alraost intolerable. Instead of being sent by the northern
route, a thousand miles less in distance, through a cool and
comfortable cliraate, we sent them into the region of typhoons
and storras along the Tropics at this time of the year — an
affair unheard-of. They started over that broad expanse of
the Pacific frora Honolulu to Manila, 5,000 railes, without a
haven or a harbor, without any chance to be coramunlcated
with, while if the flotilla had started from Puget Sound, going
along our own coast across the Pacific, through cool and com
fortable waters. In fifteen days it would have been in Yoko
hama, Japan. There we would have heard frora it. It could
have stopped again at Nagasaki.

As I said before, a vessel leaving Puget Sound (and from
Puget Sound our operations should be carried on In the
Pacific), sailing 10 knots an hour, would reach Manila in
twenty-four days. Our vessels left Honolulu on the 3d of
June. It is now the 2d of July, and stiU they have not arrived
at Manila. They have been cooped up in those ships In the
Tropics, with disease and discomfort, when we had a route a
thousand miles shorter and a cooler cliraate on a healthful
course, without ocean currents either way; a route traveled
by aU the great steamship companies, a route traveled by every
ship that crosses the Pacific, unless it has business at Honolulu
which compels it to go three days out of its course. And
yet this absurd proposition, that we need these Islands as a
coaling station, is presented as a reason why we shaU intro
duce into this country an undesirable, tropical, incompetent
population. 1 • j
Oh, but it is said that the northern route has ice and

158 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
snow. As I showed the other day, it never freezes at Una
laska and it never freezes on the Island of Kiska. I find the
following item In the Post of this city:
Acting Secretary Spaulding has been advised that twenty-five
steamers and barges are building at Unalaska, making that subport
fifth in rank in the number of vessels under construction, though the
vessels are all light draft for Yukon River travel.
Here is a harbor, one of the very best in the world, a har
bor we own, a harbor on the track of comraerce across the
Pacific, a harbor 1,700 miles from Seattle in Puget Sound. Its
area is sufficient to hold every vessel in the Navy of the United
States and nearly our entire raerchant raarine besides. It has
20 fathoras of water. I read from Findlay's North Pacific
Ocean and Japan Directory. This work I secured from the
Navy Department, and it Is authority with all navigators of
the Pacific:
Dutch Bay Harbor of Ulakhta Bay is a fine landlocked harbor with
15 to 20 fathoms of water throughout. It stretches southward from the
northeast point of Amongnak 1I4 miles. The holding ground in the
center is good — 14 to 15 fathoms over black mud and shells.
On the eastern side of Unalaska is the small bay of Killiliak (Kiliu-
luk). Unalaska here presents the appearance of being divided into two
parts. The bay is perfectly sheltered from all winds — depth, 10
fathoms. Unalaska Bay is on the north side of the Island of Una
laska and contains within itself two harbors absolutely land
locked, and It has already become the fifth shipbuilding point
in the United States. But, independent of Unalaska, there are
several bays and harbors extending along the Aleutian chain
that are accessible at all times of the year — that never have
any Ice — and the last one, Kiska, is within 500 miles of the
coast of Asia.
I submit that no man of sense or reason In managing his
private affairs would neglect this chain of islands, these splen
did harbors on the shortest route to where he wants to go, and
purchase or annex a country in the Tropics off frora the route
he wishes to travel. If I were going to build a cable to the

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII 159
Asiatic coast, I would build it from Puget Sound, and it
would be a thousand miles shorter than to build It from San
Francisco by way of Honolulu, and I would touch at the
points in Alaska where there are forty tiraes raore Americans
than there are In the Hawaiian Islands. Thus I would assist
In developing that great empire In Alaska which we already
own, 500,000 square railes of country. In a cliraate so cold that
it can raise men capable of self-government. I would touch
at Kiska. I would make that splendid bay, if you want a coal
ing port, the coaling port upon the route to Asia, Instead of
going down into the center of the Pacific a thousand miles
off from the route and getting possession of a few tremulous
islands gathered around active and extinct volcanoes.
Suppose an enemy should attack us from the Pacific, front
Asia, and we had acquired the Hawaiian Islands and fortified
Pearl Harbor and left the Aleutian chain untouched. Mel
ville says that we can protect the Aleutian chain from Hawaii.
The eneray would take possession of Dutch Harbor, 1,700
railes frora our coast, and operate frora there, sending their
barges and coal to that point. They could occupy Kiska, or
the Bay of Islands, half way between Kiska and Unalaska,
and operate frora there nearer our coast than Hawaii; and
yet we propose to get Hawaii in order fo protect Alaska.
If we are going to protect Alaska, we must go there to protect
it. Everybody knows that, and yet It is one of the arguments,
fooUsh, flimsy, worthless, that are offered up in order to make
an array in favor of annexation, for the Committee on For
eign Relations sends In that argument in their report.
Would we protect the coast of California frora Hawaii if
we acquired those islands? From what would we protect it?
Armed cruisers? Vessels of war? Our cruisers at those
islands would be of no assistance whatever In protecting our
forts along the Pacific. We have no guns that have a range
of 2,000 railes, not an effective range, and scarce a ship can
sail that distance under forced draft without getting out of
coal. So the enemy, concluding to attack San Francisco, starts
around by the Aleutian chain. We expect it will come by
Honolulu, so we wIU have our whole fleet down there. They

i6o . THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
attack San Francisco and their base of supplies is perhaps in
British Araerica, or they have brought barges along loaded
with coal.
They appear before San Francisco and begin to bombard.
We cable at once to Hawaii for our fleet, and It hurries and
comes under full speed. Of course it comes -in great haste,
because the enemy are destroying the lives of our people.
The Brooklyn, an armored cruiser, coming at its best pace,
can trayel 1,470 miles, and then it is out of coal. It is 2,100
railes to San Francisco. The New York could travel 1,345
railes, and then It would be out of coal. The Columbia could
travel 1,814 railes, and then Its coal would run out. The
Minneapolis could travel 1,565 railes and the Olympia 1,408
miles; and not one of these could reach San Francisco, and
some of thera could not get two-thirds of the way up there.
But we will suppose they have not hurried, but instead
have corae at the slowest pace, because a ship would consurae
less coal and go more miles if it goes exceedingly slow than
if it goes exceedingly fast. So the Indiana, steaming at the
most econoraical rate in knots, could steara 4,805 miles and
get to San Francisco, 2,100 railes, and engage in a fight for a
day or two, and then, of course, it consumes coal the same as
at the greatest possible speed. She finds she can not enter the
harbor, because the enemy's fleet is all around the entrance,
and therefore she starts back to Honolulu for coal. She Is
obliged to sail In the most econoraical fashion in order to get
back. If she should fight one day, she could barely get back.
and if she would fight two days she could not get back to this
base of supply to renew her coal.
The Brooklyn can sail 4,342 miles by the most econoraic
^se of her coal. She could get up to San Francisco and have
just coal enough to get back to Honolulu, but would not have
time to fight at all. The New York would sail 4,486 miles.
She could get up there and get back, and she could fight part of
a day, if pretty careful; then she would have to return to
Honolulu for more coal to go back and fight another part of a
day. The enemy operating against San Francisco frora Hono
lulu would be in the sarae bad fix.

THE STRATEGIC VALUE OF HAWAII i6i
So we can not defend our coast from Honolulu and the
eneray can not attack us from Honolulu. They would be in
the same situation if they owned the Islands that we would
be in if we owned thera. The type of modern fighting ships
is the sarae the world over. If they undertook to attack us
frora Honolulu, their vessels could not carry coal enough to
more than get to our coast and go back by the most economic
steambg. ^ Suppose we engaged thera and prevented them
from getting back, and should fight thera around a circle for
three or four days, then what wiU we have to do? FoUow
them back? They would not get near to Honolulu when they
would be out of coal and absolutely helpless and forced to
surrender. So we are not afraid of naval attack.
By the way, Mr. President, if we were afraid, suppose
we had no navy, and the eneray did attack our coasts, they
could not lanH a great force of raen. Sarapson borabarded the
coasts of Cuba for six weeks, and the only authentic report
we have of the daraage was that he killed a raule at Matanzas.
We have shown how useless fleets are to bombard a coast
unless you have men to back up the work of the fleet and land
with them. We have been dodging around the shores of the
West Indies for the last two months, and have accoraplished
absolutely nothing in the world. It is useless.
Modern warfare does not perrait the destruction of an
unfortified city. You can fire away at earthworks all you
choose, and when night comes the enemy can repair them.
Without a landing party you can do nothing. It is idle, it is
fooUsh, to attack the coast of an enemy unless you occupy
it with an arraed force. Therefore, we do not fear their ships
along the coast of the Pacific.
What is it, then, we fear? "Oh, we need these islands for
safety," some Senator says. To cross the Pacific to these
islands, spanning the 7,000 miles of water, with an army that
could even land and stay a day upon our shores, would tax
all the ships In the world to carry it and aU their resources,
and such vast quantities of food and ammunition that it is an
impossibiUty, for that array must first cross the 5,000 railes of

1 62 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
water to Honolulu and then 2,000 railes to our coast. There
fore there is nothing to fear, and we know it.
Mr. President, England, with a strip of water 20 railes
wide, has resisted the assaults of Europe during all tirae.
What would have hindered Napoleon from marching across
that island with his victorious forces If it had not been for
that strip of water? What did hinder him? Transportation
by sea. No great army In modern times has been or can be
transported long distances by sea. The greatest preparation
ever made was made by Spain in 1588, when she sent her
great fleet into the English Channel to transport the army in
Flanders to the soil of England, but that 20 miles of water
proved an impassable barrier. The history of the Arraada
is well known to the world.
In 1 28 1, Kubla Khan, the conqueror of China, the raighty
Mongolian, overran all southern Asia, conquering it from Bur
mah to Siberia. He thought he would also add the Islands
of Japan to his crown, and he gathered an army to cross
that 100 miles of water — an army oi 150,000 raen and a
thousand ships. Japan at that time had a population of about
one-tenth, or less, of the population of China and Mongolia,
and yet no one of that great arraaraent ever returned to China
to tell the tale. The wind and the sea destroyed raore of them
than were destroyed by the arraies of Japan. They never
made a landing. The hundred railes of water between Japan
and Asia have always proved a sufficient protection to preserve
the independence of Japan.
And yet, Mr. President, we are told that we fear sorae
thing if we do not acquire this worthless spot in the Pacific,
the nearest land being 2,000 railes away. We fear what?
Not ships of war, but the vast arraies that will cross this
Intervening space and conquer our coast! What nonsense!
Yet that is the only argument that is presented, except the
argument that we need a coaling station in Hawaii to reach
the coast of Asia. That arguraent we have corapletely ex
ploded by showing that Hawaii is a thousand railes off the
shortest route of travel.

CHAPTER VIII
ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM
I BELIEVE 1 the people of this country wiU resist with
aU their power this scheme of territorial aggrandize-^
ment, which aims to amalgamate with our hardy, thrifty,'
active, overcoming race this raass of Indolent, filthy, leprous,
nerveless savages of the southern seas. Our area is great
enough, our cUmate is varied enough, our population is hetero
geneous enough, our vegetation has range enough to give us,
without inviting new perils, a task sufficiently difficult within
our own borders in the education and elevation of our own
people and In the maintenance of the Republic as It was
transraitted to us.
Mr. President, I shall always consider it my duty to
enter my protest against the acquisition of territory in the
tropics, against adding to our population people who live in a
climate which Is so warm that civiUzation and self-government
are Impossible, beUeving, as I do, that the decay of the Re
publics of the past has resulted frora the desire for glory and
conquest. I am bound by ray oath of office, by ray duty to
the people I represent, to resist this desire to add to our
area. Our duty is to enact laws that will Increase the happiness
of our own people, to enact laws to give every man an equal
chance, to control trusts and corporations that they may not
control us, to increase the distribution of wealth and intelli
gence, and thus grow grand as we grow great as a people.
J|! ***** *
1 2 had hoped that the controversy with regard to the
acquisition of new territory, that the contest over changing
I. Speech in the Senate July z, 1894.
i. Speech in the Senate June 22, 1898. 163

1 64 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the policy of this country as It has existed for a century, that
the question whether we ought to adopt an iraperial policy
and acquire distant colonies to be ruled by us against their con
sent, would, In view of existing circurastances, have been de
layed until this war was over, until the whole question could
be considered, until the Araerican people could have thought
upon the subject, until we could have decided upon a policy
as to whether we would revolutionize the purposes of this
Government, and that next winter we would take up this
question, when we would have time to deliberately act upon
the proposition to formulate a colonial policy.
No one for one moment pretends that we Intend to admit
the Asiatic people of Hawaii or of the PhiUppines into full
citizenship under the Government of this country; but, instead
of that, propelled by an interest which has gathered around
this Capitol for the past several months or years, an interest
in the production of sugar by Hawaiian labor, certain gen
tlemen, having less of patriotism than I hoped they might pos
sess, bring this question here now and undertake to force it
through Congress as a war measure.
I contend that the area of this country is great enough,
if we would maintain free institutions under a republican form
of government. For in a republic, founded upon the principles
of equality and universal suffrage, it is essential that the
individual voter shall have a knowledge of, and be familiar
with, the methods of government; and if the country is so
vast and the problems of government are so complicated that
it is impossible for the voter to have or acquire this familiar
knowledge, how is it possible for hira to act Intelligently?
How Is It possible for hira to know that by his vote he is sus
taining free institutions?
In the past repubhcs have been of small area — a single
city perhaps — with a comparatively sraall population. The
founders of this Government, recognizing the difficulty of
raaintaining as a unit a repubUc of extensive proportions, inau
gurated the Federal systera, a union of sovereign States, hop
ing thereby to extend self-governraent over vast areas and to
raaintain therein the purity of repubUcan principles, each State

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 165
being in itself a republic, each State of necessity containing a
population Indigenous to its cUraate and possessing a soil that
would bountifully respond to the energizing touch of raen
capable of governing themselves. Therefore the founders of
our Governraent raade It an unwritten law that no area should
be brought within the bounds of the Republic which did not
and could not sustain a race equipped in all essentials for the
maintenance of free civilization and capable of upholding
within Its boundaries a republican forra of governraent.
For the purpose of unifying a vast area within the bounds
of the Republic it was enacted that the central Governraent,
the Governraent of the United States, should be a government
of limited powers, a government possessing only such powers
as were conferred upon It by the Constitution, all other sover
eign rights, all other powers common to a sovereign, being re
tained by the States theraselves, retained by the people thera
selves as inhabitants of the States. Therefore, If we adopt a
policy of acquiring tropical countries, where republics can not
live, and where free, self-governing people have never lived
since the world had a history, we overturn the theory upon
which this Government is established and we do violence to
our Constitution.
The whole theory of our Government precludes centraliza
tion of power; the whole theory of our Government sustains
the idea that the United States as a government shall do only
those things delegated to It in the Constitution.
But, Mr. President, our Federal systera has not accora
pUshed the purpose for which it was created; it has not ful
fiUed the expectation of its authors. Before we acquire raore
territory, before we start upon a policy of iraperlalisra and of
conquest, it is our duty to inquire whether our area and popu
lation are not already too great. Centrahzation has gone on
so rapidly since the war of the rebeUion that already our
people are looking to the Governraent of the United States
as the source of all power through which aU relief must
come. Mr. President, the concentration of power in the hands
of the Federal Government has been foUowed by encroach-

1 66 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
ments by the Federal courts upon the sovereignty of the States
and upon the legislative and executive branches of the Gov
ernraent itself, and it has raade the courts alraost supreme in
our affairs.
Within the past thirty years the wealth of the United
States, which was once fairly distributed, has been accumulated
in the hands of a few; so that, according to the last census,
250,000 men own $44,000,000,000, or over three-fourths of
the wealth of this country, while 52 per cent, of our population
practically have no property at all and do not own their
homes. It would naturally be supposed that the 48 per cent.
of the people who still have an interest in the property of the
nation would be the governing classes. Recent events, how
ever, point unmistakably to the fact that the 250,000 people
who own nearly all the wealth have combined with the 52
per cent, of our population who have no property, and by
gaining control of a great patriotic political organization
have usurped the functions of government and established a
plutocracy. Among all plutocracies of the past, as weU as araong all
raonarchies of the past, whenever all power and all property
have been gathered Into the hands of the few and discontent
appears among the masses, it has been the policy to acquire
foreign possessions, to enlarge the army and the navy, to
employ discontent and distract its attention. The recent
attempt on the part of the United States to acquire foreign
territory, coming as it does along with an ever-increasing
claraor for the enlargement of the army and for the creation
of a great navy. Is sufficient to alarm patriotic citizens and
lead to an anxious inquiry as to whither we are drifting.
Rome was organized as a Republic, and for the first six
hundred years of her history had the best governraent then
existing on the globe. To be a Roraan citizen was greater
than to be a king. She consolidated her power until she ruled
all Italy. She began to spread out along the northem coast
of the Mediterranean; but when the policy of acquiring and
governing a people who could have no part in her republican
form of government began, Rome ceased to exist as a Republic

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 167
and became an Erapire. The misery and ruin of her people
began. When she conquered Egypt and Asia, having popula
tions the same as those countries possess to-day, of low con
suming power and great tenacity of life, the Roman found he
was no competitor In the growing of crops and in other indus
trial enterprises.
The Roman of those days was as the Anglo-Saxon of
to-day — a man of great vitality, requiring exceUent nurture,
the best of food, and plenty of It. When he came into com
petition with, when he conquered and undertook to govern,
when he absorbed the Asiatic races, people with a low vitality
and great tenacity of life, human raachines who could subsist
upon the least of food and perforra the most of work, the
Roraan farraer was destroyed and the Roman Empire passed
away. James Bryce, In speaking of this period of Roraan history,
says: The ostentation of humility which the subtle policy of Augustus had
conceived and the jealous hypocrisy of Tiberius maintained was gradu
ally dropped by their successors, until despotism became at last recog
nized in principle as the government of the Roman Empire. With an
aristocracy decayed, a populace degraded, an army no longer recruited
from Italy, the semblance of liberty that yet survived might be swept
away with impunity. Republican forms had never been known in the
provinces at all —
Will they be with ours? —
and the aspect which the imperial administration had originally as
sumed there soon reacted on its position in the capital. . . . This in
creased concentration of power was mainly required by the necessities of
frontier defense. For within there was more decay than disafEection.
The fact of the matter is that when the Roman Republic
was founded raost of its people were farraers. Their farms
did not exceed 12 acres In area, indicating a dense rural popu
lation. No foreign foe could raarch through that compact
rural population of landowners to the wall of Rome. They
were successful farmers and prosperous, and they made mighty
soldiers. Cincinnatus left the plow and led legions on to vic
tory. But during the first century of the Christian era central-

1 68 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
ization had done its work. The lands had been absorbed by
the usurer and gathered Into vast estates, cultivated by tenants
and often by slaves; the mines of gold and silver In Spain and
Greece had been worked out.
The price of farm products had fallen, as they were cora
pelled to corapete with the rich granaries of Egypt. Roraan
legions were no longer recruited araong the farraers who tilled
the soil. The soldiers were foreign raercenaries. Roman
institutions faded away under the influences which gradually
took possession of that erapire and destroyed Its vitality; and
the sarae story can be told of every nation through all history
frora the very moment It departed from its policy of peace, its
internal policy, and entered upon a career of conquest.
One of the oldest nations in the world to-day is Japan.
She has had a succession of rulers for two thousand seven
hundred years. For two hundred and fifty years previous to
1859 no foreigner was allowed to set foot upon the soil of
Japan. She lived within herself. There was no desire for
conquest, and no foreign debt. The result is that, in ray
opinion, to-day she possesses the raost civihzed people upon
the globe, adopting everything that Is good and rejecting every
thing that is bad in modern civiUzation. Japan holds every
thing within her own Government. There is no foreign debt.
No foreigner Is allowed to own stock In any of her companies
or to own her soil. There is that peace and satisfaction, that
corafort and contentraent among the masses of her people that
no other nation I know of possesses. But If she starts upon a
career of conquest, if she allows the best blood of her people
to depart to foreign lands to conquer and make serfs of an
inferior people, from that day will date the ruin and decline
of Japan. I beUeve these problems, as they have been wrought in the
crucible of the past, are the ones that should absorb the
thoughtful consideration of our people. I believe attention
should not be taken from these great questions of econoralcs
and governraent, frora the great questions now revitalized in
gigantic trusts and corporations, and should not be distracted
by a career of conquest.

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 169
I believe it is my duty, under these circurastances, to resist
on all occasions the acquisition of any territory beyond our
borders not contiguous to our present territory and peopled
by an unwiUing and an Inferior race.
To-day we have no territory that It requires a navy to
defend. The United States is so situated that she can say
whether she will have peace or war. We possess no territory
that can be acquired or held by a foreign foe, even if we
owned not one single ship ; and no nation, however great or
strong, can gain any advantage by a war with us. But the
raoraent we acquire distant possessions, we raust build a navy
to defend them, for In case of war these possessions would be
first attacked and taken from us. France, England, and Ger
many have possessions scattered all over the world, and are
consequently compelled to maintain Iraraense navies to defend
thera. These possessions, in case of war, furnish so raany
points of attack, so raany embarrassments, so many oppor
tunities for national hurailiation, that the strife is to see who
can raaintain the greatest fleet upon the sea. Shall we enter
the arena of this contest?
Frora our earliest history we have insisted that we would
engage in no entangling alUances, that we would acquire no
territory that requires a navy to defend. We have said that
we would attend to our own affairs, and that our interests
deraanded that no European country should gain further foot
hold upon the Western Hemisphere ; and so strong has been
our raoral position that without a navy we have been able to
enforce this doctrine. ' _ _
When the French entered Mexico, we had but to indicate
our displeasure and they departed; but the very raoment we
adopt the poUcy of acquiring distant territories, the very mo
raent we enter upon a policy of acquisition and annexation,
upon a colonial system of government, the moral force of our
position is gone. I apprehend that, instead of being opposed,
France and England would be glad if we would acqmre dis
tant islands and thereby place ourselves in the position they
occupy in relation to the balance of the worid.

170 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The foUowing from Henry Clews's Weekly Financial
Review of June, 1898, is in point:
The following is an extract from a letter which I recently received
from an influential member of Parliament representing one of Great
Britain's largest cities, which speaks for itself:
"Just a line to say that I do not agree with your circular letter,
which I have just read, where you suggest that the Philippines should
be given back to Spain for Cuba. I hope you will keep the Philippines.
It is time your people began to do some work in the world outside
your own country. You will have to do it eventually, and you may as
well begin now as wait. I am afraid it will not be many years until
we have to do some joint-account fighting with continental countries
for possession of the parts of the world which are misgoverned at
present." They know too well that colonial acquisition would be an
eleraent of weakness; that distant possessions would be
hostages for the safety of which we would yield points of
right and surrender questions of principle.
How could we invoke the Monroe doctrine and insist that
foreign countries should not acquire territory In North and
South Araerica If, after our repeated declarations that we had
no Intention to annex Hawaii, we should proceed to annex it?
Would they not justly claim that we would pursue the same
course In regard to the republics of North and South America,
with the purpose of ultiraately acquiring them ourselves ? How
could we longer argue that we only seek to do right; that we
only seek to furnish an example to the world of man's capacity
for self-governraent, the golden rule of doing to others as you
would be done by?
What lirait can be set to our future acquisition if we once
coraraence a colonial policy and acquire territory in the Tropics,
where self-governraent Is irapossible?
Mr. President, I contend that it has been the tradition
and policy of the people of the United States to acquire no
territory that would require a navy to defend.
Mr. Jefferson, in writing to President Madison April 27,
1809, said:
It will be objected to our receiving Cuba that no limit can then be
drawn to our future acquisitions. Cuba can be defended by us without

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 171
a navy ; and this develops the principle which ought to limit our views.
Nothing should ever be accepted which would jrequire a navy to defend
it- — S Jefferson's Works, 443.
Secretary Frelinghuysen, In a note to Mr. Langston dated
June 20, 1883, says:
The policy of this Government, as declared on many occasions in
the past, has tended toward avoidance of possessions disconnected from
the main continent.
In 1884 he said to the same minister:
A conviction that a fixed policy, dating back to the origin of our
constitutional Government, was considered to make it inexpedient to
attempt territorial aggrandizement which would require maintenance
by a naval force in excess of any yet provided for our national uses,
has led this Government to decline territorial acquisitions. Even as
simple coaling stations such territorial acquisitions would involve re
sponsibility beyond their utility. The United States has never deemed it
needful to their national life to maintain impregnable fortresses along
the world's highways of commerce.
I wish to state distinctly, on the general question of annexation of
outlying islands or territory — except in the North, and I make an ex
ception there — that I trust we have seen the last of annexation, and in
this remark I include the whole group of the West India Islands and
the whole of the Mexican territory contiguous to the United States, in
habited as it is by a portion of the Latin races, strangely mixed and de
generated by their mixture with native races; a population and a
territory that naturally enfeebles man — a population and a territory
that I earnestly hope may never be made an integral part of the people
and a territory of the United States. We occupy a portion of that
great northern zone which girdles the world and which has been the
theater of the greatest achievements of civilization, especially in the
history of the Anglo-Saxon races; but should we extend our posses
sions into the tropical (Hawaiian) belt, we would weaken the power
of our people and Government.
Although the treaty is not now before us, In view of the
fact that we are considering a subject kindred to the treaty
made by Mr. Sherraan for the annexation of Hawaii, I will
read what Mr. Sherraan had to say upon the subject:
The events of the future are beyond the vision of mankind, but I
hope that our people will be content with intemal growth and avoid
the complications of foreign acquisitions. Our family of States is

172 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
already large enough to create embarrassment in the Senate, and a
republic should not hold dependent provinces or possessions. Every
new acquisition will create embarrassments. The Union already em
braces discordant elements enough without adding others. If my
life is prolonged I will do all. I can to add to the strength and pros
perity of the United States, but nothing to extend its limits or to add
new dangers by acquisition of foreign territory.
I hope those sentiraents were largely held by aU prominent
members of the Republican party. I am sorry to know that
the great Secretary of State, through the exigencies of pohtics,
felt that he was compelled to place himself in syrapathy with
an Adrainistration which held a contrary view upon so great
and iraportant a question.
Mr. Bayard, during Cleveland's first Adrainistration, raade
the following announcement, and I take this from page 580 of
Wharton's Digest of International Law:
The policy of ¦ the United States declared and pursued for more
than a century discountenances and in practice forbids distant colonial
acquisitions. Our action in the past touching the acquisition of terri
tory by purchase and cession and our recorded disinclination to avail
ourselves of voluntary proffers made by other powers to place terri
tories under the sovereignty or protection of the United States are
matters of historical prominence.
For the purpose of showlrig the unvarying policy of this
country up to the Administration of President Harrison, In
dorsed by Democrats and Republicans alike, I will read from
the first message of Grover Cleveland in 1885. Grover Cleve
land had then just corae frora the people; he had not been
contarainated and corrupted by association with the business
raen who afterwards disgraced the Republic by their influence
over its President. He then spoke the real sentiraents, in my
opinion, of an honest man. He said :
Maintaining as I do the tenet of a line of precedents from Wash
ington's day, which proscribe entangling alliances with foreign states,
I do not favor a policy of acquisition of new and distant territory or
the incorporation of remote interests with our own.
It has been said on this floor that Mr. Cleveland, up to
the tirae he appointed Mr. Blount to go to Hawaii, was in

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 173
favor of the annexation of those islands. This message, sent
to Congress in 1885, certainly tends not only to disprove that
statement, but to refute it altogether, without some positive
contrary declaration on the part of Mr. Cleveland hiraself.
It is true that in the past we have acquired territory, but
it has been in pursuance of the policy which I have already
Indicated. We have acquired territory, but always within the
temperate zone, always contiguous to the United States,
always adjoining that which we already owned, a territorj'
which possessed cliraate, soil, and (if people it had) people
capable of governing theraselves. We purchased by treaty
Louisiana and Florida, and we annexed Texas by a joint reso
lution, admitting her as a State into the Union after securing
the consent of her people and under those provisions of our
Constitution which allow us to admit new States. Florida and
Louisiana we also adraitted by constitutional raethods, under
the power granted by the States to the Federal Government —
adraitted by treaty.
John Quincy Adams argued in favor of the acquisition of
Florida on the ground of Its being contiguous territory, and
by Inference all through his argument he also argues that he
would have been opposed to its annexation If It had not joined
us. Let us Inquire as to what territory, we have rejected, and
see how closely we have adhered to the doctrine laid down.
In December, 1882, the Government of San Salvador, one of
the Central Araerican States, lying weU within the Tropics,
proposed annexation to the United States and we refused to
receive it.
President Polk, In his raessage of April 29, 1848, after
reciting an offer from Yucatan "to transfer the dominion and
sovereignty of the peninsula to the United States," said:
Whilst it is not my purpose to recommend the adoption of any
measure with a view to the acquisition of the dominion and sovereignty
over Yucatan, yet according to our established policy we could not
consent to a transfer of the "dominion and sovereignty" to any other
power.

174 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Congress took no action on this raessage.
It was not even discussed, so far as I can find. If it was,
such discussion occurred in secret session; but the idea of ac
quiring sovereignty over a tropical country attracted so little
attention that I can find practically no other record referring
to the subject. Of raore recent date efforts have been raade
to acquire territory In the Tropics, always with the same result.
In 1866 a proposition was made to acquire Santo Domingo.
Santo Domingo Ues east of Cuba, having an area of 28,000
square railes, including the Republic of Hayti. It Is a tropical
country. It lies about 1,000 railes from our shore. General
Grant, in his second annual message, In 1870, makes a state
ment In regard to the acquisition of Santo Domingo, and I am
going to read It, because It Is word for word and line for line
the argument raade for the acquisition of Hawaii. The Cora
raittee on Foreign Relations raust have read this raessage.
Every advocate on the stump and In the Senate urging the
acquisition of Hawaii must have read this raessage, for they
corae so near copying the language that we certainly can not
believe they were ignorant of It.
During the last session of Congress a treaty for the annexation of
the Republic of San Domingo to the United States failed to receive
the requisite two-thirds vote of the Senate. I was thoroughly con
vinced then that the best interests of this country, commercially and
materially, demanded its ratification. Time has only confirmed me in
this view. I now firmly believe that the moment it is known that
the United States have entirely abandoned the project of accepting
as a part of its territory the island of San Domingo, a free port will
be negotiated for by European nations in the Bay of Samana. A large
commercial city will spring up, to which w^e will be tributary without
receiving corresponding benefits, dnd then will be seen the folly of our
rejecting so great a prize. The Government of San Domingo has
voluntarily sought this annexation. It is a weak power, numbering
probably less than 120,000 souls, and yet possessing one of the richest
territories under the sun, capable of supporting a population of I0,000,-
000 people in luxury. The people of San Domingo are not capable
of maintaining themselves in their present condition, and must look
for outside support. They yearn for the protection of our free insti
tutions and laws — our progress and civilization. Shall we refuse
them ? —

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 175
Exactly the sarae arguraent, a threat of injury, the promise
of a prize, together with a proposition to furnish a worthless
people with a decent government. There Is the very argument
presented by the advocates of the annxatlon of Hawaii; first,
the danger to our Pacific coast If we do not accept these
islands ; second, a prize in the great richness of tropical prod
ucts; third, that we shall furnish these people a share of the
Government we possess and protection against incursions
which they Imagine may arise from foreign foes —
The acquisition of San Domingo is desirable because of its geo-,
graphical position. It commands the entrance to the Caribbean Sea,
and the Isthmus transit of commerce. It possesses the richest soil, best
and most capacious harbors, most salubrious climate, and the most valu
able products of the forest, mine, and soil of any of the West India
Islands. Its possession by us will in a few years build up a coastwise
commerce of immense magnitude, which will go far toward restoring
to us our lost merchant marine.
The same argument exactly. We have been told about the
vast comraercial relations with Hawaii and the number of
ships that come and go bearing the Araerican flag.
It will give to us those articles which we consume so largely and
do not produce, thus equalizing our exports and imports. In case of
foreign war it will give us command of all the islands referred to,
and thus prevent an enemy from ever again possessing himself of
rendezvous upon our very coast. At present our coast trade between
the States bordering on the Atlantic and those bordering on the Gulf
of Mexico is cut into by the Bahamas and the Antilles. Twice we
must, as it were, pass through foreign countries to get by sea from
Georgia to the west coast of Florida.
San Domingo, with a stable government under which her immense
resources can be developed, will give remunerative wages to tens of
thousands of laborers not now upon the island.
The same argument exactly — annex Hawaii and the Ameri
can laborer will go there. "Annex Santo Domingo," Grant
said, "and American laborers will go there." Then, as. now,
we were inviting laborers from other lands to come here, our
own country being undeveloped, with vast resources untouched.
This labor will take advantage of every available means of trans
portation to abandon the adjacent islands and seek the blessings- of

176 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
freedom and its sequence — each inhabitant receiving the reward of his
own labor. Porto Rico and Cuba will have to abolish slavery, as a
measure of self-preservation, to retain their laborers.
San Domingo will become a large consumer of the products of
Northern farms and manufactories. The cheap rate at which her
citizens can be furnished with food, tools, and machinery will make
it necessary that contiguous islands should have the same advantages
in order to compete in the production of sugar, coffee, tobacco, tropi
cal fruits, etc. This will open to us a still wider market for ouf
products. The production of our own supply of these articles will
cut off more than one hundred millions of our annual imports, besides
largely increasing our exports. With such a picture it is easy to see
how our large debt abroad is ultimately to be extinguished. With a
balance of trade against us (including interest on bonds held by for
eigners and money spent by our citizens traveling in foreign lands)
equal to the entire yield of the precious metals in this country, it is not
so easy to see how this result is to be otherwise accomplished.
The acquisition of Sari Domingo is an adherence to the "Monroe
doctrine" ; it is a measure of national protection ; it is asserting our
just claim to a controlling ' influence over the great commercial traffic *
soon to flow from west to east by way of the -Isthmus of Darien ; it is
to build up our merchant marine; it is to furnish new markets for the
products of our farms, shops, and manufactories.
vfr ^ ^ ^ viff yfr
In view of the importance of this question, I earnestly urge upon
Congress early action expressive of its views as to the best means of
acquiring San Domingo. My suggestion is that, by joint resolution of
the two Houses of Congress, the Executive be authorized to appoint a
commission to negotiate a treaty with the authorities of San Domingo
for the acquisition of that island, and that an appropriation be made to
defray the expenses of such commission.
Such a joint resolution was introduced; it passed the Sen
ate, went to the House, and they refused to concur In It. With
this glowing picture, with the great power Grant possessed —
however, I understand there is no record that Grant exerted
that power In an unconstitutional manner — but with the great
power Grant possessed, he was unable to secure from Congress
one step in the direction of the acquisition of Santo Domingo.
So firmly in the minds of our people at that time was the deter
mination that our area was large enough, and that only people
could be admitted to the privileges of citizenship within this
Republic who were capable of self-governraent, that even the

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 177
great power and Influence of Grant were unable to overturn
the practice, precedent, policy, and principle upon which this
Government was founded and which up to that time had raain
tained Itself.
There Is no record, however, that Grant used unfairly,
unjustly, unconstitutionally, the power of his position. I be
lieve that Grant was too patriotic to have done such a thing.
But rumors come to our ears that in this contest Senators and
Members are caUed to the White House and told that this Is
the Administration policy and that they must support it, and
intimations of favors, not direct, for that is unnecessary, are
used tOi force the Senate of the United States to break down
the century-old policy of this country and compel the acquisi
tion of territory within the Tropics and beyond our own
borders. Mr. Blaine says in his book, speaking of Santo Domingo :
The territory included in the Dominican Republic is the eastern
portion of the island of San Domingo, originally known as Hispaniola.
It embraces perhaps two-thirds of the whole. The western part forms
the Republic of Haiti. With the exception of Cuba, the island is the
largest of the West India group. The total area is about 28,000
square miles — equivalent to Massachusetts, New Hampshire, Vermont,
and Rhode Island combined. President Grant placed extravagant esti
mates upon the value of the territory which he supposed was now
acquired under the Babcock treaties. In his message to Congress he
expressed the belief that the island would yield to the United States
all the sugar, coffee, tobacco, and other tropical products which the
country would consume. "The production of our supply of these
articles," said the President, "will cut off more than $100,000,000 of
our annual imports, besides largely increasing our exports."
Mr. President, that is true. If we should acquire a
tropical country where they produce sugar and coffee enough
for our needs, we would no longer levy a tariff upon those
products, but they would be admitted free of duty. It would
decrease the balance of trade against us and make it larger in
our favor. But what advantage would, the people of the
United States derive frora that if the""p*8'pii1[ation which pro
duced those products were in(iapable of self-government, in-

178 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
capable of helping us maintain this Repubhc,' if they were an
inferior race?
The next effort at acquisition was the Danish West Indies,
and that is pending. The proposition is before us to-day. A
resolution is now, I believe, upon the Calendar of the Senate
to acquire the Danish West Indies. The simple acquisition of
Hawaii is not all that is in this contest. It is the adoption
of a pohcy of conquest and acquisition that must destroy the
very fundaraental principles upon which this Government is
founded. Years ago the proposition was presented to acquire the
Danish West Indies. They are three little Islands east of
Puerto Rico in the Tropics, in the West Indies. They are
Inhabited not by white men, for there are none, and never
have been. The Danes tried to live there two centuries ago.
The climate was so unhealthy that they found It impossible
to do so. The population there Is coraposed of negroes. They
produce sugar. If we adrait the Danish West Indies, we remit'
the duty we now collect upon sugar from that country, which
will amount to $600,000 a year. It is simply another sugar
job. It is another chance to acquire enormous wealth by taxing
the people of the United States. That, added to the reraission
of duties to Hawaii, would araount to nearly $10,000,000 a
year. Mr. Wharton says:
There is no printed executive summary of the negotiations for the
Danish West Indies.
So far as can be learned from the archives of this Department, ne
gotiations were commenced by Mr. Seward, Secretary of State, on July
17, 1866, by a note to the Danish minister. General Raasloff, offering
$5,000,000 gold for the three islands to be delivered, with all fixed pub
lic property therein, without conditions or incumbrances. General
Raasloff having shortly afterwards returned to Denmark to accept the
ministry of war, the negotiations were transferred to Copenhagen,
where they were conducted by Mr. Yeaman, our minister there, on our
part, and for the Danish Govemment by Count Frijs, minister of
foreign affairs, and General Raasloff. No counter proposal was made
until May 17, 1867, by the Danish Government. Then Count Frijs
told Mr. Yeaman that Denmark expected $15,000,000 gold for the
three islands, and that it would not cede them without the consent
of the inhabitants ; but that as his Government could not dispose of Santa

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 179
Cruz without the consent of France, he was wilhng to cede St. Thomas
and St. John for $10,000,000 gold, and to treat separately as to Santa
Cruz. On May 27, 1867, Mr. Seward sent Mr. Yeaman the draft of a
convention such as he desired. In it he offered $7,500,000 for the
three islands on the conditions above stated. And in addition he in
structed Mr. Yeaman that in no case was a stipulation for the consent
of the inhabitants to be inserted in the convention; that permission
would be granted them to leave the island at any time within two
years after the United States took possession of it, if they preferred
their original allegiance to that of the United States; and that the
convention must be ratified on or before August 4, 1867.
These terms not proving acceptable to Denmark, the negotiations
were prolonged until finally Mr. Seward gave up the attempt to fix
the date of ratification, concurred in a stipulation in the convention for
the consent of the inhabitants, and offered $7,500,000 for St. Thomas
and St. John.
On this basis a treaty was concluded on October 25, 1867. This
was promptly ratified by Denmark, but the United States Senate delayed
action on it, and finally rejected it in the session of 1868, as appears
by the records of the Department of State.
^ ^ i^ ^ ^ ^ ^
Denmark had no particular desire to sell to the United States, but
was persuaded to do so. The inhabitants of the islands had already
voted to accept the United States as their sovereign. The late Mr.
Charles Sumner, then chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations
of the Senate, who was engaged in a personal quarrel with the Admin
istration, simply refused to report back the treaty to the Senate, and he
was supported by a suflScient number of his committee and of Senators
to enable the matter to be left in this position. It required new negotia
tions to prolong the term of ratification, and it was with great difficulty
that in a subsequent session the treaty was finally brought before the
Senate and rejected. As may be imagined, our friendly relations with
Denmark were considerably impaired by this method of doing business.
So we have refused on all occasions to acquire territory in
the Tropics, where the population Is not capable of self-
governraent. [At this point, without having concluded his speech, Mr.
Pettigrew yielded for a raotion to proceed to the considera
tion of executive business.]
*******
Those^ who favor a different policy now and who favor
I. Speech in the Senate June 23, 1898.

i8o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
a departure from those customs and practices that have cre
ated the proudest pages of our history say it is manifest des
tiny. Throughout all recorded time manifest destiny has been
the murderer of men. It has committed raore criraes, done
more to oppress and to. wrong the Inhabitants of the world
than any other attribute to which mankind has fallen heir.
Manifest destiny has caused the strong to rob the weak
and has reduced the weak to slavery. Manifest destiny built
the feudal castle and supplied the castle with Its serfs. Mani
fest destiny Impelled republics that have heretofore existed
and perished to go forth and conquer weaker races and to
subject their people to slavery, to impose taxation against their
will, and to inflict governments odious to them. Manifest
destiny is siraply the cry of the strong In justification of their
plunder of the weak. This cry sent forth the nations of
Europe to divide among them the weaker nations of Asia
and of Africa. This cry has allowed Great Britain to gather
the harvests on the banks of the Nile, to lay burdens upon
the people of Egypt unusual. Intolerable, worse than that of
Individual slavery.
It Is this cry of manifest destiny which causes the guns of
Great Britain to echo daily around the world and excuses the
massacre and assassination of the weaker people of the earth.
Her operations In Africa she justifies by this specious plea.
During the last seven years she has killed twenty or thirty
thousand of the people of Africa, bombarded towns fiUed with
women and children, and herself has lost in this unequal con
test but seven raen — all this In the name of manifest destiny.
So colonies have been planted by the nations of Europe. They
have gone forth to conquer the weaker nations of the world.
But the result upon themselves has not been such as to induce
us to eraulate their exaraple.
Great Britain to-day, with all her mighty power and her
vast possessions, has not conferred upon the people of England
the comfort and satisfaction and happiness which should come
with a proper and honest national policy. One-tenth of her
people are paupers. Two out of three of her laborers who
reach the age of 60 years either are or have been paupers.

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM i8i
Two hundred and twenty-two thousand of her people own all
the property. More than two-thirds of the people of Great
Britain have no property at all. This is a result of her course
in working out to its legitiraate conclusion the theory of mani
fest destiny.
If we pursue it, if we annex the weaker nations of the
world and undertake to govern them, such will be the result
with us. If we annex nations to which we can not apply our
system of government, if we acquire territory In the Tropics
where men can not live who are capable of self-government,
then republican forms can not exist In those distant posses
sions. The vigorous blood, the best blood, the young men of
our land, will be drawn away to mix with Inferior races and to
hold them in subjection. Gradually the reflex action of the*
conquest and government of these Inferior races by tyranny,
by a new form of government unknown to us will work its
effect upon our own people, and free Institutions will disappear
from this land as well as frora the land we conquer and under
take to hold in subjection. Why should we change our policy
as a people? Why should we go back upon our history and
our past? What arguraent can be presented in behalf of an
abandonment of the principles and policies that have made us
a great nation?
If these islands contained a population as dense as that of
Iowa to-day, they would be occupied by 240,000 people ; If a
population as dense as that of IlUnois, they would have
460,000 people.
But, Mr. President, tropical countries produce and main
tain populations much more dense than countries In the tem
perate zone, because it takes less to clothe and feed and care
for their people, because their demands and wants are less,
and because of the wonderful food-producing power of the
soil of the Tropics.
The Island of Java has an area no larger than the State of
Iowa, and it contains 24,000,000 people. It Is within the
Tropics. It is reasonable to suppose that the Hawaiian
Islands will maintain a population in proportion to their area
equal to those of other tropical countries.

1 82 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
But what kind of a population, Mr. President? The
raore of thera the worse. What kind of a population is It,
then, that we propose to adrait Into this country? But our
friends who are favoring annexation say Am,erlcan laborers
vyill go over to Hawaii to till the soil and gain easy subsistence.
There Is not a colony of European or Anglo-Saxon laborers
within 22° of the equator anywhere on the globe. No Eng
lish, no French, no Germans, no Scandinavians, no Russians,
none of the people whose blood flows in the veins of our people
have colonized any portion of the globe within 22" of the
equator. American enterprise and Anglo-Saxon thrift seek
the region in the northern hemisphere or the southern hemi
sphere, if you will, between the thirtieth and fifty-fifth degrees
of north or south latitude. They will not go elsewhere.
Is It claimed that these people are not colonists ; that they
have not gone forth to conquer the world and settle new coun
tries? On the contrary, they have planted their colonies
around the world, though never within this tropical belt, for
the reason that they do not flourish there.
Jamaica has been an English colony for two hundred years.
Jamaica has 4,200 square railes, two-thirds as rauch as the
islands' of Hawaii. It lies within the Tropics. It has a popu
lation of 633,000 people. How raany Englishraen; how raany
Europeans? Including the garrison, including the officers,
including the attaches of the Governraent, 14,600, and that is,
all. The rest are blacks. This Island lies within the Tropics.
It has an elevation of 7,000 feet. It is one of the most health
ful of all the tropical islands.
That which may be said of It may be also said of Hawaii.
And yet the European will not locate there. He goes to New
Zealand, to southern Australia, to Canada. He abides where
the frost chills man's blood and where clothing made of the
wool of the sheep helps to keep him warm. I think you can
lay it down as a proposition which can not be refuted that
self-government and Independence and high civilization are
only embraced by the people who find it necessary to wear
warra clothes and who feel the tingle of the frost in their veins
during a portion of a year.

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 183
The Leeward Islands have 701 square railes. They have
123,000 people, 5,000 of whom are Europeans. It Is another
EngUsh colony.
British Guiana, on the north coast of South America, has
109,000 square railes and a population of 280,000 people —
negroes, contract laborers, cooUes from India raising sugar,
with 2,533 Europeans, Including the garrison.
Haiti has a population of 600,000 people. It has 10,204
square miles. The language is French. Nine-tenths of the
population are negroes, and the rest are mulattoes. You can
say a thousand things about Haiti, about Its healthful cliraate,
about Its wonderful productiveness, about its desirability.
White men will not Uve there because of the cUraate.
New Guinea, a British colony, Ues between 8° and 10" of
the equator, has 88,000 square railes and a population of
350,000 people, 250 of whom are Europeans.
New Zealand has an area of 104,000 square mUes. It is
near New Guinea. It Is between the thirtieth and thirty-fifth
degree of south latitude, and therefore outside of the Tropics.
I give this illustration for the purpose of showing that it Is a
question of climate whether the white race will occupy a local
ity or not. Its population Is 628,000 Europeans, 41,000
natives, and 4,400 Chinamen. It is in the Temperate Zone.
So the Anglo-Saxon went there and settled, and he built up a
government freer, in my opinion, and better than ours, because
untramraeled by interference, untrarameled by older influences.
This colony was planted later than ours, and, unhindered by
greed, by a combination of circumstances which have oppressed
us and the English people, the people of New Zealand have
worked out what Anglo-Saxon raen untramraeled will always
work out — a free government participated In by all the people.
In my opinion they have better laws. In fact, they furnish
about the only exaraple of a first-class English government on
the globe to-day.
The Straits Settleraents are within the Tropics. There is
there a population of 512,000 natives. Singapore, the com
mercial city. Is a great city, one of the emporiuras of the East,

I §4 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
right under the equator. It is on the route frora the Suez
Canal to China and Japan. It contains 512,000 natives,
6,500 Europeans and Araericans. The Europeans are the
English garrison and the English officeholders. The few
Araericans who are there are engaged in trade and business
with the East, and they go away in the summer. They go up
to Japan; they go to the health resorts of that delightful
country to escape the evil effects of a tropical climate.
It was supposed that the French people would occupy the
Tropics, but they do not. The Latin race, more or less, has
occupied the Tropics, but the frost of winter has touched the
veins of the Frenchman. It has overcome the tendency of his
Latin blood to live within the Tropics, and although they have
conquered Tonquin, with 9,000,000 of people, and Cochin
China, with 3,000,000 more, there are only 3,000 Frenchmen
in the whole country, including the officers and the garrison.
The rest of the troops are natives.
Martinique is an island on the north' coast of South
America, of which we have heard much of late. Martinique
has 187,000 people, and only 1,307 Frenchmen and Euro
peans of all classes. The balance of the population are blacks.
French Congo has a population of 7,000,000, and only 300
Europeans, besides the garrison.
So it goes the world over. Look where you will, tropical
countries are not Inhabited by the people of our race.
There are no Araerican laborers In Hawaii, and there
never will be. Annex the Islands If you will. A number of
American laborers who were taken there years ago to work
upon sugar ^ plantations have abandoned the business, and
to-day not one is employed in any of the tropical Industries.
Between 1895 and 1897 even the eighty-seven Americans who
were put down in the census of Hawaii as being engaged in
the sugar Industry as employees have disappeared entirely.
They turn them off. They were foremen, they were book
keepers, but the Jap carae in, skilled as he Is in every art and
in every business. He would work for $12 a raonth, and the
American who was being paid $50 and $75 was dismissed.
So even In Hawaii, since 1895, every American eraployed as

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 185
a laborer on these plantations has been disraissed and his place
fiUed by an Asiatic.
It Is argued by the friends of annexation that these islands,
although In the Tropics, have a very salubrious climate and
that Americans flourish and grow and reproduce their kind
and are wonderfully happy. Without investigation they give
the climate of these Islands an average temperature and say
that the trade winds have raodified It so that It is an exception
to the rule of countries within the Tropics. This subject will
bear investigation on the part of those who oppose annexation,
and I propose to show the teraperature of various tropical
countries in coraparison with Hawaii to see whether the claim
Is well founded. I quote from the Hawaiian Annual, by
Thrum, a book Issued in the interests of annexation, contain
ing many falsehoods in furtherance of the designs of the gang
of sugar planters who own that country. Therefore state
raents upon subjects which are against them can at least be
supposed not to contain untruths which are to their disadvan
tage. It is the only possible indorsement the book is entitled
to from anybody, and, with this apology, I quote frora it :
For seven years the average teraperature of Honolulu,
which is one of the raost northern points In these islands, was
74" 32' (for the whole seven years, taking them altogether)
and the thermoraeter ranged from 54° to 88°. I have not the
observations from the other portions. The main portion of
these islands is embraced in the Island of Hawaii, which Is
very rauch nearer the equator and, along the coast, undoubt
edly very much hotter.
Honolulu being on the southwest side of a range of moun
tains, the trade winds blowing from the northeast lose their
raoisture against the face of these raountains. Consequently
the cliraate of that locality is dry for the Tropics, but its tera
perature ranges about the same as that of tropical countries
generally. The range Is from 54° to 88° and the average Is
74° 32'.
We will take Havana, Cuba. For ten years the mean
temperature was 76.8°; the range was Troni^49° to 100°. It
gets slightly colder and slightly hotter in Havana. That is

1 86 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
no indication of unhealthiness, but the contrary, for In Dakota
it ranges between 40" below and 110° above. It is the even
temperature, the continuing temperature at the same range,
that makes these countries unhealthy and unfit for the habita
tion of the white race. At San Fernando, Cuba, the average
Is 75°; the highest range was 87°, and the lowest 51". In
Hawaii the highest range was 88°, the lowest 54°, average
74.32"; while at San Fernando, Cuba, the- range was from
51° to 87°, and the average was 75". The range in Kingston,
Jamaica, was, lowest 66°, highest 89°; there being only 1° of
difference between that and Hawaii, and the average was 78°.
San Juan, Puerto Rico, another tropical country, and al
raost the same distance from the equator as the Hawaiian
Islands, the average was 78.9°.
The chmate, then, of Hawaii is not different from the cli
mate of every tropical country. The climate of tropical coun
tries Is pretty even throughout the year. The thermoraeter
ranges but little. There is scarcely a tropical country on the
globe where the thermometer ranges above 88°, but the con
tinuous heat, the perpetual heat, the average heat from one
year's end to the other, of 73" or 75° or 76°, which Is about
the average of every tropical country on the globe, is what
tells upon the people who are born in the north. Therefore
our aggressive, eneregtic, active, dominating race will never
Inhabit those islands. If they would, why have they not gone
there? *******
Mr. President,^ for a century the United States has
held a position In relation to the other nations of the world
different from that of any other nation that ever existed. One
hundred years ago we promulgated the first written Constitu
tion. We said that governments derived their just powers
from the consent of the governed; and, copying after that
Constitution, 400 other constitutions have been made during
these 100 years, and the name of this great Republic has gone
forth throughout the world as a beacon of light to all nations
struggling for liberty.
I. Speech in the Senate, July 2, 1898.

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 187
We occupy a position on this continent reaching from
ocean to ocean, lying between the civilization of Europe and
that ancient civilization across the Pacific. On the one hand,
to the people of Europe we have furnished an asylum. Down
trodden as they have been In the past, our example has liberal
ized their governments and conferred a measure of freedom
on their inhabitants. On the other hand, we have furnished to
the people of Asia an example of just government; an exaraple
of a governraent founded on right; an exaraple of a govern
raent which has abandoned the old doctrine that might raakes
right, that what you can do it is lawful to do, and set up a
new doctrine as protectors of the oppressed as a pattern to
those who desire individual and national liberty.
So great has been the moral force of this grand position
that no Araerican can travel In any Asiatic country without
being constantly reminded of It. No American can travel in
those countries without being constantly assured that he Is .
welcome, that his nation Is admired; and when you seek the
reason you are told that It is because the United States recog
nizes and respects the rights of other nations and is not
engaged in a career of conquest. \
The people of China and Japan fear England, fear Rus
sia, fear Gerraany; but they love and respect the United States.
Shall we break down this splendid position? Shall we aban
don the policy of a century? Shall we conquer and govern an
unwilling people because we have the power?
The people of Hawaii do not seek this alUance. Their
Government was overturned by the armed forces of the United
States. We landed our marines and our guns and our armed
men, and we seized and abrogated a governraent satisfactory
to those people. We did this in the interest of a sraall body
of sugar planters, sons of the missionaries, who beUeved their
financial interests would be promoted thereby; and the friends
of this measure dare not submit it to a vote of the people of
Hawaii, because those people are nine to one opposed to
annexation. Where Is our long-time boast that government derives its
just powers from the consent of the governed? Some one says

1 88 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
that this Is an old-fogy notion. It Is not; it Is new. That Idea
is only a hundred years old, and nations are thousands and
thousands of years old, and all of them before we established
that principle enunciated the doctrine that raight made right.
It is not an old-fogy Idea. Is it to be abandoned in Its youth?
Is this great Government to recede frora that splendid position
and to take Its first step in wrong, in crime, as a people, by
overturning the doctrine that governments derive their just
powers from the consent of the governedj and without the
consent of those people force them to become part of this
Union? Oh, Mr. President, I hope not.
Around this doctrine Is the idea that comes along with it,
that wherever our flag Is planted there It shall forever remain.
It sounds fine, It is good Fourth of July stock, that wherever
the Araerican soldier has fallen and been buried that region
shall become part of this country. Mr. President, this Gov
ernment is maintained for the living, not for the dead. What
can we do to contribute to the happiness and prosperity and
comfort of our people alive? is the problera for us to solve.
No such sentiraent as that, based on bad morals, as it seems to
me, can ever take hold of the people of the United States.
Our sons' bodies lie raoldering In the soil of Cuba; and
yet, because they do, is that a reason why we should annex
that Island against the will of those people and force them to
becorae a part of this Government? Would we not build a
higher, a grander, and a more splendid raonuraent to the raen
who fall upon the soil of Cuba if we there establish a free
republic, if we there say to those people : "Govern yourselves
under a constitution like ours, and we will see that no nation
interferes with you?" What grander raonuraent could be
erected to the heroes of the Maine than the construction of
three republics where Spanish despotism has heretofore cursed
the earth — in Puerto Rico, the PhlUppine Islands, and Cuba?
The Malays and the Cubans are capable of self-governraent
under a protectorate, or, hardly that, for the raoral power of
our position would be so strong that no protectorate would be
necessary. An intimation. on our part that no nation should
Interfere with the government adopted by the people of those

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 189
islands would be enough, and that would be a grander tribute
to our dead than the mere sentiraent that because their bones
rest in that soil we wiU conquer and subjugate an unwiUing
people. But, Mr. President, what Is the reason we want to annex
these islands? The raiUtary reason, the naval reason, is not
good. It has not been sustained by arguraent ; it has been abso
lutely refuted and destroyed. Some have said these islands
possess comraercial advantages ; that they are rich In tropical
products, and therefore we wIU annex them, so that we may
grow tropical products within our own borders.
Certain reasons were urged In the pubhc prints and in
executive session by the advocates of annexation, and I regret
very much that we have to go outside of this Charaber to find
what Induces thera to support this raeasure. It seeras reraark
able that a great and raoraentous question like this should have
no defenders on this floor. It Is siraply stated that a majority
will vote for It. That Is the entire plea in Its behalf. It Is
reraarkable that a majority wIU vote for It when in sentiment
and at heart a majority of this body are opposed to it. The
excuse is given that the President is pushing the matter; that
he has for a tirae abandoned his Executive functions to inter
fere with legislation; that Senators are constantly iraportuned
and sent for and lectured to compel thera to vote for this
iniquitous measure, and that such influences pursuade men to
insist on staying here under the discomforts of hot weather,
induce men to vote against their own clear judgment, against
the Interests of their country, and in favor of abandoning the
policy of a century merely to acquire territory and a people
unfit to assimilate with us or become a part of this great
Republic. Such is the situation. Induced by these arguments, of
course you are dumb. You can not tell your true reason, and
you have no other, and so you say, "Talk as long as you
choose ; we can not meet your argument, but we are going to
beat you anyhow." I do not blame you for being silent. I
would be silent if I had been bulldozed by a President, con
trary to my 'convictions, to vote for that which I did not

190 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
approve. It is the only way you can account for your silence.
You have no honest arguraent. You dare not teU the real
reason. So you sit here or run Into the cloakroora to prevent
being harried by the truth and to escape the chastiseraent
which you deserve.
There are only four of you present, on the average — six
or eight at the outside — and you have nothing to say. Keep
silent. We will present this great question to the Araerican
people. It is better for you to remain silent than to tell the
truth. It is better for you to sit in your seats or escape to the
cloakroom or flee from the corabat than it is to tell the Ameri
can people that you do not dare to vote as you want to, be
cause if you do you will not get the appointments of generals,
raajors, and captains for your friends.
Are there not sorae of you who have convictions on this
subject? Are we forced to go into the public prints and tell
what occurred In executive session to find out what your sup
posed reasons are ? I do not expect we will smoke any of you
out. We shall talk all next week, but we shall not bring one
of you to the front, because you do not dare to appear in ,
defense of your position. If you undertook to give reasons,
they would not appeal to your reason and judgment; they
would be so flimsy that you would be asharaed of them your
selves, and you dare not tell the truth.
It has been argued raost earnestly, Mr. President, that
if we do not take these islands Japan will take thera. There
I^ one thing certain : Our relations have been such with Japan
for the last fifty years that Japan will never Interfere with
these Islands so long as we express a desire that they raaintain
a government of their own. Japan disclaimed it. Then we
are told that there was difficulty between these people and
Japan last year. Mr. President, that difficulty was created
by the unjust act of the sugar-raising missionaries who now
control the Government of Hawaii, under the guns of Araeri
can war vessels. They created that difficulty. They picked a
quarrel with Japan as an excuse, in order to influence the
Araerican people. First, they said that England was going to

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 191
take the Islands. England disclaimed it and said she had no
desire to take them. In fact, the Islands were taken once by
England in 1843 ^.nd turned back. England refused to accept
thera. Nobody has seemed to want them.
Then It was said that Germany was going to take the
islands. Gerraany disclaimed It; and, having gone the rounds
and annexation not yet being accomplished, it was then said
that Japan was going to take the islands. So they picked a
quarrel with Japan and they turned back her immigrants, al
though since they Instituted that quarrel with Japan they have
adraitted over 6,000 Japanese. They turned back her imrai-
grants, claiming that their coming was In violation of the
Hawaiian law, and yet since that time they have adraitted over
6,000 Japanese laborers under the same conditions.
I talked with one of the officers of the Hawaiian Govern
ment upon this raatter, and he said that their law required
when Imraigrants arrived that they should have $50 each.
He said those Iraraigrants did not have it, or if they did have
It he did not believe it was their own money; that they had
$50 drafts on the bank of Honolulu, and the officers believed
that they would go and cash the drafts at the bank and return
the raoney to the people who had furnished It. I said, "Why
did you not cash the drafts and give them the money?" He
said, "We did in some cases give them the money, as we have
done since." But there was no Indication and no proof that
it was not their money. However, since then the Hawaiian
Government have admitted over 6,000 Japanese under these
same conditions, showing conclusively that they picked this
quarrel for the purpose of affecting sentiment in the United
States. Japan disclaims any desire to interfere. I wiU have placed
in the Record a clear statement of this controversy ; but I will
first have read President Dole's Interview, pubUshed In the
New York Journal of the 24th of last January, on this same
subject. *******
The Secretary read as follows:

192 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
"There is absolutely no foundation for these stories of Hawaii being
menaced by Japan. There is absolutely nothing in it. There is nothing
in the relations between our country and Japan that hurried me to
America." And yet for weeks and days the American people were humbugged
with the statement that unless the United States annexed Hawaii
Japan or some other nation would.
And Mr. Dole is reported to have also said, in answer to a ques
tion as to what would become of the present Government should the
United States refuse to annex the islands:
"Well, the Republic is there. I don't know that anything would
happen except that things will go on as usual. I don't see any imme
diate danger from possession by any other country."
And so, too, the "commercial" argument has ceased to be used.
So that the reasons on which this annexation "scheme" were originally
based, to a very considerable extent, have dropped entirely out, and we
have mere sentiment left. The latest scheme to secure free sugar for
the Hawaiian trust is to have Mr. Dole duplicate the visit of King
Kalakaua here.
Mr. Pettigrew: I ask to have the Secretary read a
statement in relation to the controversy between Japan and
Hawaii with regard to this labor question. I propose to set at
rest forever this talk that Japan Is trying to capture the Islands.
*******
The Secretary read as follows:
During the months of March and April, 1897, the Hawaiian
Government refused permission to 1,185 Japanese subjects to land
in Hawaii, and compelled the steamers which brought them to Hawaii
to take them back again to Japan.
The first case was that of the Shinshiu-maru, which arrived at
Honolulu on the 27th of February, 1897, having on board 864 Japa
nese immigrants, 463 of whom were expelled.
The second case was that of the Sakura-maru, which arrived at
Honolulu on March 19, 1897, having on board 315 Japanese immi
grants, 164 of whom were expelled.
The third case was that of the Kinai-maru, which arrived at Hono
lulu on the gth of April, having on board 684 Japanese immigrants, 558
of whom were expelled.
All of the persons thus expelled while in Hawaii were detained
on shore and practically deprived of their liberty. They were not
allowed to hold communication with their friends and countr5rmen in
Hawaii, or to employ lawyers or agents or to take legal advice. During
their detention they were examined by the Hawaiian minister for for-

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 193
eign affairs, the collector-general of customs, and the deputy collector
of customs, but by no one else, regarding their rights and qualifica
tions under the law to land in Hawaii.
For the purpose of conveniently describing the grounds upon which
the Hawaiian Government based its action the immigrants who were
expelled may be divided into two classes.
The first, 1,039 in number. Were refused permission to remain in
Hawaii and were expelled therefrom because they had in their posses
sion agreements with the immigration companies under whose auspices
they went to Hawaii, by the terms of which the companies bound
themselves to endeavor to find employment for the immigrants in
Hawaii, and in case of failure or inability to do so, or in case of illness
or other misfortune, to provide the immigrants with means of sub
sistence or, if necessary, with return passages to Japan. These agree
ments are required by the law of Japan, and are intended to protect
the immigrants and to prevent the immigration companies from induc
ing immigrants to go to any country where they can not find employ
ment and where they might consequently become a public charge.
The Hawaiian authorities construed this agreement to be a con
tract, and this was the sole reason alleged for the expulsion of the
I1O39 persons in question at the time. Subsequently, however, in the
correspondence which ensued between the two Governments, it was
alleged that these immigrants were not the bona fide possessors of $50
each, as required by the law of Hawaii, although it was not denied
that each one of the 1,039 was found to have at least that much money
in his possession when examined by the Hawaiian authorities. From
June, 1894, to December, 1896, between 1,500 and 2,000 Japanese
subjects, whose case was precisely similar to that of the 1,039 thus
'expelled, were permitted by the Hawaiian Government to land and
reside in Hawaii; and previous to April 2, 1897, when the Hawaiian
minister for foreign affairs first informed the Japanese diplomatic rep
resentative at Honolulu of the reason for the expulsion of the immi
grants, no notice was ever given to the Japanese Govemment that the
possession of agreements of the kind above described would be held to
disqualify Japanese subjects for admission into Hawaii.
It may also be added in this place that no decision of the Ha
waiian authorities respecting the qualifications of the 1,185 expelled im
migrants to land in Hawaii was ever communicated by the said authori
ties to the immigrants, neither were the latter ever informed by the
said authorities of the reasons why they, the said immigrants, were
refused permission to remain and reside in Hawaii and were expielled
therefrom. The other immigrants who were expelled, 146 in number, came
by the Shinshiu-maru. They were all contract laborers employed by
the Kobe Immigration Company, a company organized under the laws

194 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
of Japan, doing business in Hawaii and recognized by the Hawaiian
Government. The company has applied in due course to the Ha
waiian board of immigration for authority to employ these laborers
(as was the usual custom) ; but the Hawaiian minister for foreign
affairs, on the 19th of March, 1897, after the laborers had arrived,
informed the Japanese diplomatic representative that these persons also
would be expelled, because the application for permission to employ
them was not accompanied by a bond whereby the applicants bound
themselves to introduce into Hawaii, within eighteen months from
the date of the application, 10 European or American laborers for every
100 Japanese.
On the loth of March, 1897, petitions for writs of habeas corpus
were filed in the supreme court of Hawaii on behalf of the Japanese
passengers on board the first steamer, the Shinshiu-maru, who were
then detained on shore and restrained of their liberties. The collector
of customs, in his return to the said writs, gave as his reason for the de
tention of the petitioners that they were aliens and foreigners; that it
had been decided that they were not entitled to enter the Hawaiian
Islands, and that they should be deported therefrom. The supreme court
decided on the 17th of March that the decision of the collector was
final and could not be inquired into by the court. This left the im
migrants entirely without remedy under the laws of Hawau.
The Japanese Government hold that these acts of the Hawaiian
authorities were in complete reversal of all precedent, in derogation
of the laws of Hawaii, and in violation of the treaty between the two
countries. By reason of the construction of the law and of the treaty
thus enunciated by the Hawaiian Govemment, without warning and
contrary to its previous practice, a number of Japanese subjects have,
without any fault of their own, been subjected to great loss and in
convenience, and the steamship companies have incurred large losses,
including the expenditure of considerable sums paid to the Hawaiian
Govemment. For this reason the Japanese Government is convinced that it has
a valid claim against, Hawaii for damages suffered by the immigrants,
the immigration companies, and the steamers, which can be traced di
rectly to the action of the Hawaiian authorities. The arbitration of
these claims has been proposed and accepted, but the negotiations have
not yet been definitely concluded. This has certainly not been owing
to any delay occasioned by the Japanese Government, which earnestly
desires to have the whole question finally settled at the earliest prac
ticable moment.
It may be added that since the expulsion of the Japanese immi
grants above described the Hawaiian Government has voluntarily ad
mitted a large number of Japanese laborers under contracts approved by
the board of immigration. More than 800 such laborers came in

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 195
during the month of November alone, and it is stated on good author
ity that at least 2,000 altogether will be so admitted during the present
season. This would seem to dispose of the charge that the Ha
waiian Government has reason to dread Japanese domination or that
its action last spring had a valid excuse in the danger of such domi
nation. Note. — In the correspondence between the Japanese and Ha
waiian Governments regarding the claims for damages on account of
the expulsion of the Japanese immigrants, the amount of the claims
has not yet been stated. It is, roughly speaking, about 260,000 yen,
or $130,000 United States gold.

WilP Senators vote to take this title tainted by fraud?
Will Senators vote to ratify this robber revolution brought
about by us and refuse to consult the people most interested?
If they will, it is an astonishing thing, if they will, then you
can well suppose that we will go on with our career of conquest
regardless of the honor of our flag and the honor of our name.
We will go on to acquire other lands. There will be no halt
with this acquisition.
The Senator from Massachusetts [Mr Hoar] says that
this is wrong; that it is a sin; that It Is wicked; but the islands
are so little that if we will forgive him for taking that country,
he will sin no more ; he will be virtuous and resist a like crime
If it Involves a larger acquisition of territory. But, Mr.
President, the first step In wrongdoing Is the dangerous step.
If we set the example, regardless of honor, of acquiring title
to a territory from puppets whora we have set' up, what will
we not do? The Philippines next, with its 7,000,000 Asiatics;
Puerto Rico and Cuba must corae In, and then the conquest of
South Araerica.
Travel over the course that has caused the death of every
repubUc In the past, and see our flag go down In raisery and In
sharae. The glory of this Republic has been that we have
offered an asylum to the oppressed and a hope to raankind
which has been foUowed wherever freedora has burst Into
bloom throughout the world. Shall we stain that record?
ShaU we abandon that history? ShaU we be one of the robber
I. Speech in the Senate July 6, 1898.

196 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
nations of the world, and have it said of our flag, as Labou
chere, in the London Truth, said of the flag of England?
WHERE IS THE FLAG OF ENGLAND?
Let the winds of the world make answer !
North, south, east, west —
Where'er there is wealth to covet
Or land to be possessed ;
Where'er are savage nations
To coddle, coerce, or scare.
You may look for the vaunted emblem —
The flag of England is there.
Aye, it waves o'er the blazing hovel
Whence its African victims fly.
To be shot by explosive bullets
Or wretchedly starve and die.
Or where the beachcomber harries
The isles of the southern sea.
From the peak of his hellish vessel
The English flag flies free.
The Maori full oft hath cursed it
With his fleeting, dying breath.
And the Arab hath hissed' his curses
As he spat at its folds in death.
The hapless fellah hath feared it
On Tel-el-Kebir's parched plain.
And the blood of the Zulu hath stained it
With a deep, indelible stain.
It has floated o'er scenes of pillage
And flaunted o'er deeds of shame;
It has waved o'er the fell marauder.
As he ravished with sword and flame;
It has looked on ruthless slaughter
And assassination, dire and grim.
And has heard the shrieks of its victims
Drown even the jingo hymn.
Where is the flag of England ?
Seek the land where the natives rot.
And decay and assured extinction
Must soon be the people's lot.
Go to the once fair islands
Where disease and death are rife.

ANNEXATION AND IMPERIALISM 197
And the greed of a callous commerce
Now battens on human life.
Where is the flag of England ?
Go sail where rich galleons come
With their shoddy and loaded cotton.
And beer and Bibles and rum.
Seek the land where brute force hath , triumphed
And hypocrisy hath its lair.
And your question will thus be answered —
For the flag of England is there.
Mr. President,^ It is late in the session and I will
draw my remarks to a conclusion, but I wish to speak of one
more thing before I do. Is It the desire of the jingoists in this
Charaber that they shall have the pleasure of seeing this worth
less population represented on this floor? I Iraagine I see the
Senator frora Hawaii pleading for an additional appropria
tion for the relief of 1,200 lepers or urging on the floor of the
Senate that we must repeal our contract-labor laws because of
the declining sugar industry carried on by contract labor. It
seems to rae we already have problems enough; that we can
not afford to add raore of the dark-skinned races to our popula
tion. With the negroes of the South, the Chinese of the Pacific
Coast, the Indians of the West, and the dagoes of the East,
I believe that every problem we are able to solve will be pre
sented to us In the near future ; and that it is out duty rather
than to add this unfit population to ours to maintain our pres
ent area and pass those laws which will give every man an~
equal opportunity and promote the more even distribution of
wealth throughout our borders.
Our duty is to educate and elevate the population we al
ready have, and thus perpetuate our Institutions. In the past
every republic has sown the seeds of Its final destruction by
gratifying the desire for conquest and for glory. Let us profit
by their example and pursue a course that wiU make the raasses
happy and prosperous rather than dazzle and allay the rautter-
ings of misery and discontent by the march of armies and the
glory of conquest.
1. Speech in the Senate March 2, 1895.

CHAPTER IX
WHO STARTED THE WAR?
THE Senate having under consideration the following resolution,
submitted by Mr. Pettigrew on the 3d instant.
"Resolved, That the Secretary of War be, and he is hereby,
directed to inform the Senate whether General Torres, one of the officers
of the Philippine army, came to General Otis with a flag of truce on
February 5, 1899, the day after the fighting commenced between our
forces and those of the Filipinos, and stated to General Otis that General
Aguinaldo declared that fighting had been begun accidentally and was
not authorized by him, and that Aguinaldo wished to have it stopped, and
that to bring about a conclusion of hostillities he proposed the estab
lishment of a neutral zone between the two armies of a width that
would be agreeable to General Otis, so that during the peace nego
tiations there might be no further danger of conflict between the two
armies, and whether General Otis replied that fighting having once
begun must go on to the grim end. Was General Otis directed by
the Secretary of War to make such an answer? Did General Otis
telegraph the Secretary of War on February 9, 1899, as follows:
'Aguinaldo now applies for a cessation of hostilities and conference.
Have declined to answer.' And did General Otis afterwards reply?
Was he directed by the Secretary of War to reply ; and what answer, if
any, did he or the Secretary of War make to the application to cease
fighting?" —
So far^ as I am concerned, I am perfectly willing that
both of the Senators from Massachusetts should make such
inquiries as they choose and seek such Information as they
desire. I think it is entirely proper. If they believe the
inforraation Is necessary In order that they may the better
discharge their duties, they ought to seek It, and the Senate
ought to give them the opportunity to seek it.
Of course the details of the amendment offered by the
junior Senator from Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] might be
i. Speech in the Senate January 11, 1900.
198

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 199
considerably extended In the pursuit of valuable inforraation
for the pubhc. We might inquire whether our soldiers did not
desecrate churches and plunder sanctuaries ; whether they did
not kill prisoners, murder women, burn houses, rob the persons
of the Inhabitants of the country, both men and women, of
their jewels, and so on, covering the usual train of horrors
that foUow the operations of hostile armies in the field.
It seeras to rae that my resolution Is exceedingly pertinent.
It pertains to questions the people of the United States ask to
have answered. They want to know what our course has been
in regard to the Philippine people previous to the comraence
raent of hostilities, what our course was immediately after„
hostilities began, what our relations were to those people, and
whether or not war on our part is justifiable. Certainly no
nation should wage war unless there Is the best of cause and
unquestioned justice on the side of the aggressor. For the
purpose of ascertaining these pertinent facts, as they seem to
me to be, I introduced a resolution on the 12th of December,
which read as follows :
Resolved, That the Secretary of the Navy be, and he is hereby,
directed to inform 'the Senate whether the flag of the Philippine repub
lic was carried by vessels in the bay of Manila, and whether the flag of
the Philippine republic was ever saluted by Admiral Dewey or any
of the vessels of his fleet at any time since May i, 1898. Were
Spanish prisoners delivered over to the Philippine forces at the tiriie
of the surrender at Subig Bay? Did a vessel commanded by the forces
under Aguinaldo, flying the Philippine flag, accompany the vessels
Concord and Raleigh back to Subig Bay in June, 1898, in order to
compel the surrender of the Spanish forces?
One object In offering this resolution was to ascertain
whether or not the Filipino people had been the allies of the
United States Army and Navy; whether we had operated with
them against a common enemy. The resolution was laid upon
the table on the raotion of the Senator from New Hampshire
[Mr. Chandler], and the only reason given for the at
tempted suppression of Inforraation was that if the Senate
passed the resolution, such action would be telegraphed Imrae
diately to the insurgents.

200 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The object in concealing conditions or operations in time
of war is to keep from an enemy information it does not
already possess. If what I state In the resolution is true, the
facts were well known to the Insurgents at the tirae the facts
were established. If we saluted their flag, they knew It; If
their vessels came from Subig Bay to Manila, and if the in
surgents asked Adrairal Dewey to assist thera in the conquest
of the Spanish garrison at that place, and our vessels went
back and captured the garrison and turned the prisoners over
to the insurgents, the insurgents knew It at the time. There
fore the passage of the resolution or the promulgation of the
facts to the American people could not encourage the enemy.
Mr. President, the object In this suppression of informa
tion is to keep from the Araerican people certain transactions
which after history will record. The trouble with these Im
perialists is that they confound the government of the United
States with their puny President. The trouble is that his inter
ests are paramount to the Interests of the whole people of this
country, and that the desire for political success has more
bearing upon grave questions than the raere encouragement or
non-encouragement of the Insurgents. My resolution was laid
upon the table. The inforraation asked for was denied. I
want It answered specifically, because I think it is pertinent to
this controversy. !fl ^ -p sp -t" sp ^
This resolution erabodies direct questions. They are per
tinent questions, and upon them I desire information.
Mr. Allen. I should Uke to ask the Senator If he has
inforraation that the contents of the resolution are true?
Mr. Pettigrew. I do not assert in the resolution that the
contents are true, but I beUeve they are true; for if they were
false, every Iraperlalist in this body would be In great haste to
secure replies, and they would have passed ray resolution with
out any delay whatever.
Mr. Allen. Has the Senator any inforraation in his own
possession about the truth of the assertion contained in the
resolution? *******

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 201
Mr. Pettigrew. I wIU come to that, Mr. President.
The facts recited In the resolution are facts, and they are
therefore true. I ara rauch obliged to the Senator frora
Nebraska for bringing out this fact at this tirae. I wiU pro
duce abundant proof of these facts later on in my remarks.
Mr. President, is war such a flippant thing to engage in
that when an enemy with whom we are fighting declares that
the conflict was not Intentionally coramenced and desires to
cease fighting in order that peace may be restored and the
killing of raen stopped, we should answer that the war having
coraraenced, it shall go on to the grim end, and when later —
but a few days later — the request for a cessation of hostilities
Is again made, our general telegraphs to the Administration
that he has declined to answer. It seems to me the questions
are so pertinent, so pointed, so Important, Mr. President,
that they ought to be the subject of a separate resolution; not
be clouded by a series of events which have occurred since,
not clouded by those horrible deeds which occur on both sides
when men are engaged in shedding each other's blood.
Therefore I believe that resolution is important. Any
other resolutions which may be presented covering other
phases of this controversy will not be objected to by me. If
Information is wanted by the junior Senator from Massa
chusetts [Mr. Lodge], I am willing he shall secure it. But
I want these questions — these two or three pertinent questions
— answered, and answered directly and at once. That is why
I object to the substitute. The subtsitute of the Senator from
Massachusetts Is what? It reads as follows:
Resolved, That the President be requested to send to the Senate, if
not inconsistent with the public interest, all reports and dispatches re
lating to the insurrection in the Philippines, and especially any infor
mation as to communications or correspondence with the insurgents,
from the 1st of January, 1898, on the part of any officer in the mihtary,
naval, consular, or diplomatic service of the United States.
I have no objection to that information being secured, but
I do not wish to have action delayed on these two great impor
tant questions until the information desired by the Senator
from Massachusetts can be secured; neither do I care to leave

202 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
discretion to the President as to whether his reply shall be in
accord or consistent with public Interests. The people of the
United States, who are sovereigns In this country, have a right
to know the facts regarding which I ask.
Leave it to the discretion of the President! Why, this
resolution, Mr. President, should be amended so that it will
accord with the facts. The President himself Is unable to
distinguish between his own interests and the interests of his
country, between the political contest which is about to corae
on and the question of the destiny and duty of the United
States. This resolution raight be changed so as to read: "If
not Inconsistent with the Interests of the President as a candi
date for reelection," for that will govern the answer we shall
get. The concealraent of news, the suppression of facts, has
marked fhe course of this miserable and wretched transaction
from the beginning.
Even the report of General Otis, which Is sent to us pur
porting to give a history of the war, does not contain all the
facts and was either censored at this end of the Une or the
other. It does not contain his report of the 6th of April,
which gives an account of how the fighting coraraenced and
who inaugurated the war. It does not contain MacArthur's
report, before whose forces the fighting was begun. Mac-
Arthur describes the opening of hostilities, but that report
was not Included. It does not give any recital since the war
coraraenced of repeated efforts on the part of the Insurgents
to cause the cessation of hostilities; it does not give the tele
gram which Otis sent to the Department dated the 9th of
February, 1899, and which is as follows:
Aguinaldo now applies for a cessation of hostilities and conference;
have declined to answer.
His report does not contain that exceedingly Important
telegram. Fighting commenced on the 4th. On the 9th Gen
eral Otis telegraphed the Department that Aguinaldo desired
to cease fighting and have a conference, and that he had not
answered. There is no reference in the report to so iraportant

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 203
an incident as the officially expressed desire of the coraraander
of the enemy to stop the effusion of blood.
There were Innumerable efforts on the part of Aguinaldo
to stay the tide of war. He sent flags of truce time and tirae
again, accorapanied by coraraunications, asking if hostilities
might cease; and what General Otis did with those raessages
of good wiU, and what the Departraent here did with thera. Is
not contained In Otis's report; all were censored out of it.
For what purpose? The facts are known to the Insurgents.
They are not known to the people of the United States. Tbey
were omitted to conceal the true situation from the people of
the United States.
That is not all, Mr. President. This process has been
going on at both ends of the line. Of Otis's telegrams, of
Otis's reports, it Is well known that only portions were given
to the American people. Negotiations with regard to the Sulu
agreeraent were mangled and partially denied until after the
election In Ohio. The President himself sent a proclamation
to General Otis, which I will read. It is dated the 21st of
December, 1898 :
With the signature of the treaty of peace between the United States
and Spain by their respective plenipotentiaries at Paris on the loth
instant, and as a result of the victories of the American arms, the
future control, disposition, and government of the Philippine Islands
are ceded to the United States. In fulfillment of the rights of sov
ereignty thus acquired and the responsible obligations of government
thus assumed, the actual occupation and administration of the entire
group of the Philippine Islands becomes immediately necessary, and
the military government heretofore maintained by the United States in
the city, harbor, and bay of Manila is to be extended with all possible
dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory.
Here, then, is a declaration on the part of the President
that we had acquired sovereignty by purchase, and that we
proposed to extend a military government over the entire
group of the Philippine Islands. What was the situation on
that day? We occupied simply the city of Manila and a small
proraontory about 20 railes from the city.
Mr. Hoar. What is the date of that proclamation?
Mr. Pettigrew. The 21st day of December, 1898. The

204 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
city of Manila was Invested by the army of the Philippine
repubUc. That army had built earthworks from water to
water, fourteen miles In length, clear around that city, hem
raing In the Spanish garrison at the time the city was sur
rendered, and the position of the Filipinos was maintained up
to the date of this proclaraation. This was the message sent
to a government exercising jurisdiction over millions of people,
raaintaining an array of 30,000 raen surrounding the city of
Manila, occupying only the country they had conquered and
captured frora Spain. Then the President goes on :
In performing this duty, the military commander of the United
States is enjoined to make known to the inhabitants of the Philip
pine Islands that, in succeeding to the sovereignty of Spain, in severing
the former political relations of the inhabitants, and in establishing
a new political power, the authority of the United States is to be exerted
for the sovereignty of the persons and property of the people of the
islands and for the confirmation of all their private rights and rela
tions. It will be the duty of the commander of the forces of occupa
tion to announce and proclaim in the most public manner that we come,
not as invaders or conquerors, but as friends, to protect the natives
in their homes, in their employments, and in their personal and re
ligious rights. All others will be brought within the lawful rule we
have assumed, with firmness if need be, but without severity so far as
may be possible.
Here was a direct declaration of war. Lay down your
arras, subrait to our sovereignty, to our railitary rule through
out the whole of these islands, or we will proceed against you
by force of arras and corapel you to do so. What is the use,
after the issuance of this proclamation, of quibbling about who
coraraenced the war?
But General Otis, fearing that something might occur that
would be disagreeable In this connection, did not give out the
proclaraation sent to hira. He altered It raaterially. He
altere4 it so that it was not the sarae proclaraation. He
altered It so that It reads as I shall now read. This is to the
people of the Philippine Islands :
Instructions of His Excellency the President of the United States
relative to the administration of affairs in the Philippine Islands have
been transmitted to me by direction of the honorable the Secretary

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 205
of War, under date of December 28, 1898. They direct me to pub
lish and proclaim in the most public manner to the inhabitants of
these islands that in the war against Spain the United States forces
came here to destroy the power of that nation and to give the blessings
of peace and individual freedom to the Philippine people; that we are
here as friends to the Filipinos; to protect them in their homes, their
employments, their individual and religious liberty, and that all persons
who, either by active aid or honest endeavor, cooperate with the Gov
ernment of the United States to give effect to these beneficent pur
poses will receive the reward of its support and protection.
The President said all those who surrender, all those who
yield, will have protection, and those who do not will be caused
to yield by force of arras. Mr. Otis, feeUng that this proc
laraation of the President was too harsh, that It might Involve
trouble, censored it, as the President has evidently censored
Otis's report. So Otis was willing to deceive, swindle, and
defraud the people of the Philippines by putting out a proc
lamation which was not transmitted to hira to Issue, and the
Administration is willing to humbug the American people at
this end of the line with a raeager report of the facts in regard
to this whole subject.
The entire wretched business is one of duplicity and con
cealment — an evident effort not only to deceive the people of
the United States, but the people of the Philippine Islands.
But as soon as General Otis received this proclamation he sent
it to General Miller, down at Hollo, and Miller proraulgated
It exactly as he received It, and within four days the genuine
proclaraation was back in Manila, and all Its brutal phrases
were presented to the people there. They were suddenly
stunned by the edict which declared war against thera and
which so unexpectedly announced that they should not have
their liberty, for which they had sacrificed so rauch life and so
rauch property.
Mr. Gallinger. What were those brutal phrases? I
should like to have one or two of them read.
Mr. Pettigrew. I will read them to the Senator.
All others will be brought within the lawful rule we have assumed,
with firmness if need be, but without severity, so far as may be
possible.

2o6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
A straight and square declaration of war — an announce
ment that if you do not surrender, if you do not lay do,wn
your arms, if you do not give up your liberty, we will make
you do all these things by force of arms. The other is as
foUows :
The military government heretofore maintained by the United
States in the city, harbor, and bay of Manila is to be extended with all
possible dispatch to the whole of the ceded territory.
The military government of the United States was to be
extended over those 30,000 men in arms and over that govern
ment of a sister republic, founded upon a constitution similar
to ours. I am glad the Senator frora New Harapshire asked
the question, for I have thought for a long tirae that those
who are raaintaining this policy on the part of the United
States were Ignortant with regard to the facts and stood In
need of Information.
Mr. Gallinger. Mr. President, if the Senator will per
mit me. It strikes me that his declaration that those expressions
of the President's message are brutal is absolutely refuted by
reading them. The President of the United States used no
brutal language and has not done so during the period of
hostilities. Mr. Pettigrew. Now, Mr. President, let us see what
General Otis says about this matter. If we have an ally and
he has been fighting with us and has lost thousands of raen in
contact with a coramon eneray, for his advantage and for ours,
and he has established a governraent and has helped us cap
ture a city with a garrison of 13,000 raen, and we then turn
around and say to him. We have purchased title, from the
persons whom we have been jointly assailing, to your country
and to your land, and if you do not lay down your arras and
surrender to us the liberties for which you have been contend
ing, we will raake you do it by force of arms. And if that is
not brutal language and that is not a brutal course, then the
estiraate of these things placed upon them by the Senator from
New Hampshire must be quite different from what has been
placed upon thera by the history of the world through all time.

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 207
Otis says, with regard to this proclamation, as follows :
Before publication of this proclamation I endeavored to obtain from
able Filipino residents of the city an expression of opinion as to its
probable effect upon the population, but was not much encouraged. A
few days thereafter they declared the publication to have been a mistake,
although the foreign residents appeared to believe the proclamation,
most excellent in tone and moderation, offered everything that the
most hostile of the insurgents could expect, and undoubtedly would
have a beneficial influence.
Perhaps the proclamation which Otis put out, if It had not
been for the President's proclamation Itself, which came to
them from Hollo, might have been tolerated. How do we
know? Otis sends out a lie to insurgents; Miller sends out the
truth. A few days afterwards the truth comes out, and then
the difficulty of course ensues. Here Is what be says with
regard to the President's language:
After fully considering the President's proclamation and the temper
of the Tagalos with whom I was daily discussing political problems
and the friendly intentions of the United States Government toward
them, I concluded that there were certain words and expressions therein,
such as "sovereignty," "right of cession," and those which directed im
mediate occupation, etc., though most admirably employed and tersely
expressive of actual conditions, might be advantageously used by the
Tagalo war party to incite widespread hostilities among the natives.
Remarkable, is it not, that such words as "sovereignty,"
and "cession," such words as "conquest" and "oppression,"
might have disturbed the Inhabitants? How gratifying it must
be to the President to have this censor of his praise the Execu
tive language !
So, Mr. President, the war was commenced, and yet the
Insurgents used every effort and every endeavor to prevent
actual hostilities. I think I can prove from the record that
such was their course.
But before I conclude with regard to this censorship ques
tion I want to call attention to the report of the Associated
Press. Robert M. Collins, who represented the Associated
Press In Manila, In connection with the concealment of facts
and of truth from the people of the United States, makes the

2o8 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
following statement In an interview which the press repre
sentatives had with General Otis. He threatened to court-
martial the correspondents for sending the truth to the United
States. Mr. Collins says :
But when General Otis came down in the frank admission that it
was not intended so much to prevent the newspapers from giving in
formation and assistance to the enemy (the legitimate function and,
according to our view, the only legitimate one of a censorship), but to
keep the knowledge of conditions here from the public at home, and
when the censor had repeatedly told us, in ruling out plain statements
of undisputed facts, "My instructions are to let nothing go that can
hurt the Administration," we concluded that protest was justifiable.
In other words, Mr. President, the purpose of the censor
ship in Manila was not to keep facts from the enemy, not to
keep inforraation from the enemy, but to keep it from the
people at horae, the people of this great Republic. We have
adopted a new policy along with the adoption of an erapire
and a pseudo eraperor — a pohcy of no longer taking the
Araerican people into our confidence and consulting thera with
regard to questions of great national moraent. Our railitary
censors are Instructed not to cut out from the dispatches sent
to the newspapers In this country that which might help the
enemy, but that which might hurt the Administration at home.
Such instructions are Issued by the Administration itself, and
the Coraraander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy must be
obeyed by his subordinates. Military power Is imperial, and
the iraperlalist employed It not for the country's good, but to
attain personal political ends.
Continuing, Mr. Collins says:
Otis had gained the idea, from the long submission by the news
paper men to his dictation, that it was a part of the duty of the Gover
nor-General to direct the newspaper correspondents as he did his officers.
Much of the censorship was conducted by him personally, the censor
sending a correspondent to the General with any dispatch about which
he had doubts. The process of passing a message was identical with
the correction of a composition by a schoolmaster, Otis or the censor
striking out what displeased him and inserting what he thought should
be said ; or, what came to the same thing, telling the correspondent
he must say certain things if his story was to go.

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 209
And in this way these correspondents say they were com
peUed to send falsehoods home to us. What is more, Mr.
President, further, Mr. ColUns says:
Recently I filed what I thought a most inoffensive statement that
the business men who had appeared before the commission had advo
cated the retention of the existing silver system of currency. The cen
sor said: "I ought not to let that go. That would be a lift for
Bryan. My instructions are to shut off everything that could hurt
McKinley's Administration. Th'at is free silver."
Now, then, Mr. President, I object to the resolution or
amendment offered by the Senator from Massachusetts be
cause he proposes to leave to the President the discretion as
to whether I shall have my questions answered or not. How
can I leave that to the President and expect to get the inforraa
tion when he Instructs a censor to deny to the Araerican people
the facts for fear that the truth will hurt his Administration?
How can we expect to be given the facts when Otis's reports
suppress everything alraost that would be of iraportance as
against the conduct and course of the Adrainistration and give
us that only which he chooses to divulge?
Now, Mr. President, who commenced the war? I con
tend. In the first place, that the President inaugurated hostili
ties before the treaty with Spain was ratified, when he sent his
declaration of war to Otis to bfe transmitted to the people of
the Philippine Islands. What is more, Mr. President, Mr.
Otis, In his report. In the first letter he wrote to Aguinaldo
after he took comraand, raade the stateraent which I shall
read. I might preface this by saying that at the tirae Manila
fell the Insurgents had conquered the island of Luzon. The
Spanish flag floated over only one port. They (the Filipino
repubUc) had occupied raany of the other islands, and shortly
afterwards captured the city of. Hollo.
Their troops had taken 10,000 Spanish prisoners. They
had captured garrison after garrison. They had several sraaU
vessels which patroled the coast flying their flag. They sur
rounded Manila with a cordon of earthworks. They had
30,000 raen in the trenches. When General Merritt went
there he asked the insurgents to aUow him to land his forces

2IO THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
on the beach In order to take the city of Manila. He sent
General Greene, who was Instructed not to recognize Agui
naldo or his forces, to try and avoid that, but, nevertheless,
by some hook or crook, to get a lodgment upon the beach.
I will read from the statement of Francis V. Greene, major-
general, with regard to this matter:
General Merritt arrived at Cavite on the Newport on the after
noon of July 25, and, after examining the ground the following day,
promptly decided two points: First, that the attack would be made
along the shore ; and second, that it was necessary to get the insur
gents off to one side, so as to give us the right of way. He was very
anxious to avoid any entangling alliances with Aguinaldo, with whom
he had no direct communication. He therefore sent his chief of staff,
on the afternoon of July 28, with a verbal message directing me to
persuade the insurgents, if possible, to evacuate a jjortion of their
trenches ; but I was to do this on my o-wn responsibility and without
intimating that I had any instructions to this effect from him. I had
previously met General Noriel, who commanded the brigade of insur
gents nearest to the beach, and on receiving General Merritt's mes
sage I sent my orderly, who spoke Spanish fluently, to find this general
and give him a most polite message that I desired to see him on matters
of common interest.
What was the purpose of the President? When General
Merritt was sent to the Philippines he went with different
instructions from those which had been previously given. Pre
vious to that time Aguinaldo had been arraed by us, taken to
the islands by us, had declared constantly that he wished to set
up a governraent of his own, and that his people desired Inde
pendence and had adopted a constitution, had established a
government, and that they had consulted with Dewey about it.
Dewey had said in one of his dispatches that he went ashore
to consult with the Filipino people with regard to the establish
ment of a civil governraent. Their flag had been saluted.
Spanish prisoners had been turned over to their govern
raent. But suddenly the policy of the Administration changes,
and the departure was instigated by England, in my opinion,
for the tone of the English papers about this tirae changed.
They began to talk about our duty In the Philippines. The
raen who were dominating England were opposed to war with

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 211
Spain because they held Spanish bonds. They were in favor
of our conquering the Fihplnos because they would like to get
raore of the bonds of the United States. The great raoney
oUgarchy which has ruled the world for the last twenty or
thirty years, dictated the march of armies, and the raoveraent
of navies, bidding war to commence or war to cease, has now
crossed the Atlantic, and is to-day wielding the destinies of the
great republic and directing every moveraent, every thought
of the servile President of this raost corrupt and un-American
of all Administrations.
So General Merritt was to try to fool the Filipinos and
prevail upon them to do what he wanted and not let them
know what was his purpose. He was arraed with different
instructions frora those that had been given to any one else.
He tells General Greene to get possession of a piece of the
shore ; to do it without letting the Filipinos know that he recog
nized thera in any way, but to accomplish It. Aguinaldo said
he would give possession of the shore if they would make the
request In writing. Upon that he withdrew his troops from
the trenches and our troops took possession of 400 yards of
Aguinaldo's works, frora the shore part way around Manila.
Without giving the request In writing, we simply promised that
It should be sent the next day. This is contained in General
Greene's statement.
Now what occurred? Manila surrendered. It was 14
railes around Mamla, and of that 14 miles aU but 400 yards
was occupied by the FiUpIno forces. When the city sur
rendered we took 13,000 Spanish prisoners, according to
General Greene's report, and there was no fighting. In fact,
the surrender had been arranged. We were simply to make a
deraonstration and then the Spanish garrison was to lay down
its arms. They were to give themselves up to us that they
might avoid capitulating to the Filipinos, who had surrounded
them. Thus the surrender of the Spanish forces was secured
without bloodshed, except for an accident, or except for such
bloodshed as the generals coramanding our armies thought
was necessary in order to humbug the insurgents, so they
would be content to allow us to enter the city without them.

212 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Iraraediately upon our occupation of the city we began to
push the Insurgents back. We gave thera nice talk. We told
thera we were their benefactors. We pointed to our resolu
tion with regard to Cuba. We declared th^t we had the high
est raotives and that conquest would not be thought of — that
it was immoral. Thus we gained possession of one point after
another. In demanding the retirement of the Filipino troops the
first letter which Otis wrote to Aguinaldo is as follows :
Aguinaldo had protested against retiring from territory which
he had conquered by sacrificing the blood of his raen. A parley
ensued. On Septeraber 8, 1898, GeneralOtls forwarded to Agui
naldo this coraraunication, the first one he had sent to that
officer :
It only remains for me to respectfully notify you that I am com
pelled by my instructions to direct that your armed forces evacuate
the entire city of Manila, including its suburbs and defenses, and that
I shall be obliged to take action with that end in view within a very
short space of time should you decline to comply with my Govern
ment's demand ; and I hereby serve notice on you that unless your
troops are withdrawn beyond the line of the city's defenses before
Thursday, the 15th instant, I shall be obliged to resort to forcible ac
tion, and that my Government will hold you responsible for any un
fortunate consequences which may ensue.
Here, then, on the 8th of September was a declaration of
war, a threat to an ally who had done as much against the
common enemy as we had done.
Permit me to believe that my confidence in the sound judgment and
patriotism of yourself and associates is not misplaced.^
We were parleying with Spain. It was long before the
treaty was made and many months before it was ratified.
You will please pardon me for my apparent unnecessary delay in
replying to your communication of the 27th ultimo, but press, of the
duties connected with the administration of the affairs of this city is my
excuse. In conclusion, I beg to inform you that I have conferred freely
with Admiral Dewey upon the contents of this communication and

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 213
am delegated by him to state that he fully approves of the same in all
respects; that the commands of our Government compel us to act as
herein indicated, and that between our respective forces there will be
unanimity and complete concert of action.
Now, this Is Otis's report, from which I read:
On September 13 a commission sent by Aguinaldo and consisting
of three members, one of whom was the treasurer and another the at
torney-general of the insurgent government, called for the purpose of
discussing the subject of my letter of the 8th. They asked me to with
draw it and simply request in writing that the insurgent troops retire
to the line designated by General Merritt, which I refused to do,
stating that unless they withdrew as directed we would be obliged to
resort to force.
Pretty talk, is it not, toward an ally who was fighting with
us? If this Administration had a spark of honor when they
sent General Merritt there they would have told the whole
truth In his instructions to the insurgents, would have told
them that they had nothing to expect but slavery at their
hands. Instead of still parading as their friends.
They then asked that I withdraw the letter and issue a request un
accompanied by any threat to use force, as Aguinaldo was fearful that
he would be unable to remove his troops upon a demand, to which I re
plied that the letter of the Sth instant would stand. They then said
that as the demands of that letter must remain unchanged, the insur
gents would withdraw as directed therein, but that if I would express
in writing a simple request to Aguinaldo to withdraw to the lines which
I designated — something which he could show to the troops and induce
them to think that he was simply acting upon a request from these
headquarters — he would probably be able to retire his men without much
difficulty ; that, of course, ' they themselves understood the direction to
withdraw, which he obeyed, and thereupon repeated their desire to
obtain a note of request, whereupon I furnished them with the following.
Then coraes a request siraply to withdraw, designating the
line, and this request was compUed with.
Now we complain and the Adrainistration justifies its com
mencement of the war upon these people because they were
uneasy during this time; that threats were heard; that asser
tions were raade that they had a right to independence.
Aguinaldo Issued a proclaraation in answer to the President's

214 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
proclamation, declaring that he sought independence for his
people. Now, Mr. President, who did begin the war? Here Is
Otis's letter of the 8th of September, saying that he would
resort to war If they did not surrender to hira sorae of the
territory which they had conquered frora Spain. Here is the
President's proclaraation, saying, "If you do not surrender the
islands on the 2ist of December, I will wage war against you
to the death."
What is more, it is well to inquire who fired the first shot.
It appears that there was a town between the lines of the two
armies, occupied by the forces of Aguinaldo — a town 150
yards in advance of the line of the Araerican troops — and that
Otis wished to obtain possession of It. He therefore entered
into an agreeraent to have Aguinaldo withdraw his pickets
therefrora and retire to a greater distance.
This was done. On the night after this had been accom
plished a patrol of the insurgents entered the abandoned town.
A patrol is not a war party; a patrol Is simply to pick up
stragglers. They had occupied the place the night before, and
they sent a patrol in the evening to see if any of their raen had
reraained behind — if there were any stragglers In this village.
We had occupied the place as a picket station, and when
these Malays, who do not speak our language, came along, a
Nebraska boy ordered them to halt, and they did not halt.
It is very strange, is it not, that the Insurgents did not
understand the Spanish or the Malay tongue of the Nebraska
boy? He fired upon them and killed a lieutenant, and within
a few minutes two or three more Filipinos were killed; and
thus the war was begun. And who started It? We com
menced It by the declaration of war on the* part of our Presi
dent, by every act of ours which indicated that we did not
propose to give them their freedom. We inaugurated the
conflict by kilUng the first man. But what does General Otis
say about this? On page 92 of this report you will find the
following statement:
It is not believed that the chief insurgent leaders wish to open hos
tilities at this time —

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 215
It is not beUeved they wished to open hostilities. Let us
see. On the same page he describes the battle of Manila :
The battle of Manila commenced at half past 8 o'clock on the eve
ning of February 4 and continued until 5 o'clock the next evening.
The engagement was one strictly defensive on the part of the in
surgents and of vigorous attack by our forces.
Here, then, Mr. President, is the kiUing of two or three or
four Filipino soldiers who composed the patrol, which was not
a war party, by a picket of ours; and then what? "The en
gagement was one strictly defensive on the part of the insur
gents and of vigorous attack by our forces." Then we rushed
upon their works, and the killing and destruction were well
under way. We took their trenches and drove thera back.
And yet it is clairaed by the President, in his proclaraation,
that the Filipinos struck a foul blow. Who really struck the
foul blow? Who was guilty of duplicity? Who was guilty
of deception through the whole of this raiserable transaction?
General Otis conceals the rest of the facts. The report of
General MacArthur is not here, but I have read the reports of
various soldiers, for the South Dakota troops were along this
line. I have talked with many of them, and there is no pos
sible question but that we were first guilty of shedding blood;
that we began the attack, and that we followed It up.
What occurred, Mr. President? General Rives, of Minne
sota, who was In charge of the city of Manila at the time fight
ing coraraenced, in an interview said:
But I can tell you one piece of news that is not generally known
in the United States. On Sunday, February 5, the day after the fighting
began, General Torres, of the insurgents, came through our lines under
a flag of truce and had a personal interview with General Otis, in
which, speaking for Aguinaldo, he declared that the fighting had been
begun accidentally and was not authorized by Aguinaldo; that Agui
naldo wished to have it stopped, and that to bring about a conclusion
of hostilities he proposed the establishment of a neutral zone between
the two armies of any width that would be agreeable to Greneral Otis,
so that during the peace negotiations there might be no further danger
of conflicts between the two armies. To these representations of Gen
eral Torres General Otis sternly replied that the fighting, having once
begun, must go on to the grim end.

2i6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Mr. Spooner. What date was that?
Mr. Pettigrew. February 5.
Now, Mr. President, under aU these circumstances, I
would like to know what more Aguinaldo could have done.
What more could he have done than to continue tq fight as
long as resistance was possible? If I were a Filipino, I would
fight until I was gray, if I were not killed before, against this
unholy and Infamous aggression.
I do not indorse the sentiment, Mr. President, of the
Senator from Nevada, that having once commenced we must
go on. That would compel him to join his brother if he
found him stealing. That would compel him, if he found his
comrades comraitting any crirae, to join in the crime until it
was consummated. If we are wrong, this Government can
take no higher or grander position before the nations of the
world than to acknowledge it.
My country, right or wrong, is a sentiment I indorse with
this qualification : When right, to keep It right, and when
wrong, to make it right. Neither do I confound the Presi
dent with the Government. He is but our servant, and If he
pursues a wrong course, If he precipitates us into a war un
justly and wrongfully and undertakes to override the Con
stitution of the United States and the Declaration of Inde
pendence, then I ara against hira, and It Is my privilege to
attack his position.
I believe he is wrong in this contest. I believe my country
can only be great and grand by pursuing that honorable course
which has marked our career in the past, and by exercising
that powerful influence which we can exercise and have exer
cised all over the world since we became a nation, because of
the honor and dignity of our course and the respect we have
always maintained for the rights of others. We have reached
the turning point.
Are we to abandon this grand history; are we to pursue
a course of" aggression and wrong, plunder and robbery, on
the English principle that having once coraraenced we raust
continue to the end? What would we think of the greatest
athlete of the world to-day In insisting that, having begun the

WHO STARTED THE WAR? 217
beating of a boy of 12, he should beat the boy to death in
order to convince the world that he was strong.
Mr. President, If it takes more courage to do right than
to do wrong, then the Araerican people and the American
nation should commence at once. Empire has been acquired
before only to ruin the nation that started upon a career of
conquest. Rome with her legions robbed the world. When
the Roman Erapire was founded most of the people owned 12
acres apiece — 12 acres per family — indicating a dense rural
population. But during the first century of the Christian
era centralization had done Its work; the lands had been ab
sorbed by the usurer and gathered into vast estates, cultivated
by tenants and often by slaves.
Spain once had an empire which covered alraost the world
— greater than Rome or any other people ever acquired.
Where is Spain to-day? No nation can pursue a course of
wrong toward others and long preserve its own liberties. No
nation can long give to its people happiness and prosperity,
equality, necessary to the preservation of Its institutions, when
it proceeds to disregard the rights of other nations or plunder
other men, no matter what the color of their skin.

CHAPTER X
DEWEY AND AGUINALDO
WHEN^ the present session of Congress convened six
months ago, the Senate expected and had a right to
expect, and the American people expected, that the
Administration In charge of the Government, in charge of
events which were occurring In the Philippine Islands, would
report to Congress the results of our operations In that dis
tant country. A complete resume of everything that had been
done by our Array and our officers should have been laid
before both Houses of Congress, but it was not done. The
public was well aware that some Information in regard to
what had been occurring In the PhiUppines had reached us
through the censored press and the correspondence of our
soldiers. That such information was meager, that It was un
certain, and that the facts were hard to secure, was known to
all. When Congress asserabled, those stateraents regarding
the situation which we had a right to expect were not forth
coming. Deceraber passed, and In January resolutions were
introduced in this body calling for important facts In connec
tion with the war on the Filipinos.
The resolutions Introduced were proraptly laid upon the
table by the Administration majority in the Senate. Finally
a resolution prepared by the Senator from Massachusetts
[Mr. Hoar] passed the Senate, asking the Administration for
a detailed account of all its doings in connection with the
Philippine Islands. We waited piany weeks, and finally a
partial stateraent was sent in. It did not cover the scope of
the inquiry, and at the close of the session we are without
the inforraation. The report of the Presidefit in answer to
our resolution of inquiry concerning transactions in the Phillp-
1. Speech in the Senate June 4 & 5, 1900.
218

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO 219
pines did not convey all the truth. It contained only frag
mentary selections frora the record. All that has corae to us
in a direct way has been printed. I believe It is insufficient;
that it does not cover the ground; that such information was
withheld as the Adrainistration desired to suppress; that the
Araerican people are no longer trusted by the party in power ;
they are no longer taken into the confidence of their adrain
istrative servants and Intrusted with the facts. Proof con
clusive that facts were withheld was furnished by the Senator
from Wisconsin [Mr. Spooner] in his speech a few days ago.
He read from the printed reports which came from the Ad
ministration in reply to our resolutions; but, Mr. President,
he also read from manuscript, more than from anything else,
that which was withheld from Congress, that which had not
been furnished to the whole people. He read what was
accessible to Administration Senators and not accessible to
other raembers of the Senate.
Congress Is about to adjourn, the facts are withheld, ahd
the Araerican people are to go on another summer with such
information as they are able to gather without the confidence
of an Administration that again asks for their votes.
The friends of the Administration, the imperialists In
this body, have complained that we were unwilling to believe
the officers of the Government and their statements regarding
the situation In the Philippines. Mr. President, up to the
time the treaty with Spain was sent to this body there is no
doubt that the Administration sent us all the facts In Its pos
session. Document 62 contains the story of our operations
in the Philippines up to November, 1898. Since that time,
owing to a change in the policy of the Governraent, inforraa
tion upon this Important subject has been withheld. We base
our case on the arguments that have been made upon informa
tion drawn frora Document No. 62, transmitted to us, accom
panied by a message frora the President. Aside from the
matter contained in Document 62, we have been unable to
secure facts, and we are accused of not believing what is said
by the officers of the Government.
We have reason, Mr. President, to question the veracity of

220 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the officers of the Government in their later utterances.
There is no doubt that when our representatives first went to
Manila they promised the people of those islands liberty and
independence If they would help us destroy the Spanish power
in the East. There is no doubt but that every Araerican who
talked with Aguinaldo and his followers gave thera to under
stand that they would be assisted in setting up a government.
There is no doubt that our consuls and our generals and
Admiral Dewey gave Aguinaldo such promises In abundance;
but since we decided to conquer the Philippines, to destroy
republics In Asia — since we decided to deprive those people
of the right to govern themselves, the reports we have re
ceived frora our own officers are subject to question and to
doubt — in the first place, because all the facts In possession of
the Governraent have not been placed before us; and, in the
second place, because we find our officers willing to pursue
the course which Otis pursued, that of distorting the facts,
or of changing the reports and placing a wrong construction
upon words. It has been the general policy, from the Presi
dent down, to deceive the public.
The commission we sent to the Philippines came back and
made a partial report just before the election. This report
Is signed by Mr. J. G. Schurman, Admiral Dewey, Charles
Denby, and Dean C. Worcester, and in it they say:
On the arrival of the troops commanded by General Anderson at
Cavite, Aguinaldo was requested by Admiral Dewey to evacuate that
place, and he moved his headquarters to the neighboring town of
Bacoor. Now for the first time arose the idea of national independence.
This appears to have been on the 4th day of July, 1898,
and Admiral Dewey had been In the islands and had had deal
ings with Aguinaldo since the previous May. Mr. Schurman
had undoubtedly thoroughly investigated the question, but in
order to raake out a case which would justify the position they
took in this report, they raust Insert a statement that
Aguinaldo never had a notion that he desired Independence
until July 4, 1898.

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO 221
What are the facts? They were known to Admiral Dewey.
He must have known thera, and Mr. Schurraan must have
known them; and yet they were willing to put forth a mis
leading statement, because it better suited the purpose for
which they made their report. It Is statements of this sort,
not founded upon the exact truth, but enunciated for the pur
pose of deceiving the Araerican people, that causes us to
question what this commission, headed by Mr. Schurman, may
say, and makes us doubt the Information which we receive
from the Administration.
Let us look back In the authentic record to the time when
the Filipinos first declared that they desired Independence.
Consul Wildman tells us that a delegation of Filipinos carae
to hira in Noveraber, 1897, and said that in case of war with
Spain — and this was months before war was declared — the
Fihplnos then in revolt would be glad to join us and be our
alUes; that they aspired to independence; and Mr. Wildman
so notified the State Department; and the document is official:
I read from Senate Document No. 62, part i, third session
Fifty-fifth Congress, on pages 360 and 361. This is a letter
from Aguinaldo to President McKinley, dated June 10, 1898:
I come to greet you with the most tender effusion of my soul, and
to express to you my deep and sincere gratitude in the name of the
unfortunate Filipino people for the efficient and disinterested protec
tion which you have decided to give it to shake off the yoke of the
cruel and corrupt Spanish domination, as you are doing to the equally
unfortunate Cuba, which Spain wishes to see annihilated rather than
free and independent. * * *
I close by protesting once and a thousand times in the name of this
people, * * * a people which trusts blindly in you, not to abandon it
to the tyranny of Spain, but to leave it free and independent, even if
you make peace with Spain.
Again, on June 18, 1898, on page 432 of Docuraent 62, I
find the following:
I have proclaimed in the face of the whole world that the aspiration
of my whole life, the final object of all my efforts and strength, is
nothing else but your independence, fot I am firmly convinced that that
constitutes your constant desire and that independence signifies for us

222 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
redemption from slavery and tyranny, regaining our liberty and en
trance into the concert of civilized nations.
Here, then, was an aspiration, an aspiration clearly ex
pressed in the proclaraation by Aguianldo on June i8, and yet
our coramissioners say and Dewey, in whose hands this proc
lamation was, says to the American people. In Noveraber,
1898, that the first thought Aguinaldo and his people had
of independence was on the 4th of July, 1898.
On page 434 of the same report appears the first article
of the provisional constitution proraulgated June 23, 1898, in
which I find the following:
The dictatorial government will be entitled hereafter the revolu
tionary government, whose object is to struggle for the independence
of the Philippines until all nations, including the Spanish, shall ex
pressly recognize it, and to prepare the country so that a true republic
may be established.
What can be raore plain, raore distinct? And yet because
it suited the purpose of the Administration previous to the
election of 1898, our commissioners, Dewey joining, stated to
the people of this country the falsehood that the Filipinos first
thought of independence on July 4, 1898.
On page 437 of Document 62, from the message of the
FiUpIno president to his Congress, on June 23, 1898, on the
desires of the Filipino government, I find the following:
It struggles for its independence in the firm belief that the time
has arrived in which it can and ought to govern itself.
But back further than this we find the same record on page
351 of Document No. 62, which was sent to us by the Presi
dent of the United States. Here is an address to our consul,
Mr. Pratt, by the FlUpInos resident in Singapore, dated June
8, 1898: Our countrymen at home and those of us residing here, refugees
from Spanish misrule and tyranny in our beloved native land, hope
that the United States, your nation, persevering in its humane policy,
will efficaciously second the program arranged between you, sir, and
General Aguinaldo in this port of Singapore, and secure to us our in
dependence under the protection of the United States.

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO 223
On page 352 we find Consul Pratt replying to the above
address ; and in that reply he says :
I am thankful to have been the means, though merely the acci
dental means, of bringing about the arrangement between General
Aguinaldo and Admiral Dewey, which has resulted so happily. I can
only hope that the eventual outcome will be all that can be desired
for the happiness and welfare qf the Filipinos.
Then, on page 346 of Document 62 I find the following
proclamation of the Filipino leaders in Hongkong before
Aguinaldo sailed for Mamla :
Compatriots: Divine Providence is about to place indei)endence
within our reach, and in a way the most free and independent nation
could hardly wish for.
Aguinaldo, in a proclaraation of May 8, 1898, to be found
on page 431 of Document No. 62, says:
Filipinos: The great nation. North America, cradle of true lib
erty and friendly on that account to our people, oppressed and sub
jugated by the tyranny and despotism of those who have governed us,
has come to manifest even here a protection which is decisive as well as
disinterested toward us, considering us endowed with sufficient civiliza
tion to govem by ourselves this our unhappy land.
So I say, Mr. President, It is not without cause that we
doubt the recent stateraents of the officers of the Government
so long as the Administration refuses to send to the Senate
or to give to the American people the complete facts.
Here is a report frora Consul Wildman, at Hongkong,
found in Document No. 62. It is dated Hongkong, July 18,
1898, and addressed to Mr. Moore, the Assistant Secretary
of State: Mr. Wildman to Mr. Moore.
Consulate of the United States,
Hongkong, July i8, 1898.
Sir: The insurgents are fighting for freedom from Spanish rule
and rely upon the well known sense of justice that controls all the
actions of our Government as to their future.
In conclusion, I wish to put myself on record as stating that the
insurgent govemment of the Philippine Islands can not be dealt with
as though they were North American Indians, willing to be removed

224 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
from one reservation to another at the whim of their masters. If the
United States decides not to retain the Philippine Islands, its 10,000,000
people will demand independence, and the attempt of any f6reign nation
to obtain territory or coaling stations will be resisted with the same
spirit with which they fought the Spaniards.
I have the honor, etc.,
ROUNSEVELLE WILDMAN,
Co nsul-General.
I
What does Admiral Dewey say about this matter? On
June 27, 1898, Admiral Dewey sent to Secretary Long the
following :
I have given him (Aguinaldo) to understand that I consider insur
gents as friends, being opposed to a common enemy. He has gone to
attend a meeting of insurgent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil
government. "For the purpose of forming a civil government!" And
yet Adrairal Dewey says to the people of the United States
that the Insurgents urider Aguinaldo and Aguidnaldo hiraself
never thought of independence until the Fourth of July, al
though he telegraphed to the Secretary of the Navy on the
27th of June that he had gone to attend a meeting of insur
gent leaders for the purpose of forming a civil government.
Now, the fact of the matter Is that in this Interview Dewey
advised with Aguinaldo about the form of that government
and about the steps to be taken to set it up.
Admiral Dewey said:
Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron, but has kept
me advised of his progress, which has been wonderful. I have allowed
to pass by water recruits, arms, and ammunition and to take such
Spanish arms and ammunition from the arsenal as he needed. Have
advised frequently to conduct the war humanely, which he. has done
invariably. And yet he now declares that Aguinaldo is not an ally;
and Admiral Dewey further says In his recent utterances that
there was no alUance; that his purpose was only to use Agui
naldo to whip Spain. Yet Dewey telegraphed to the Secre
tary of the Navy that Aguinaldo was allowed to pass recruits,
arms, and araraunition, and to have such Spanish arras and am-

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO 225
munition from the arsenal as he needed. He armed and con
sulted the Insurgents about the whole operation; his (Aguinal
do's) progress' was officially announced to have been wonder
ful; and yet there was no alliance! Mr. President, It is
hardly necessary to comraent further upon this subject. Any
person who will look to ascertain what an alUance is will find
that the Philippine situation at that time constituted an al
liance in every particular.
I do not propose to question Admiral Dewey's veracity;
but I am going to leave the public to decide that question upon
the record which he has raade. Corapare his statements then
and now and let them stand. Adrairal Dewey says :
I never promised him, directly or indirectly, independence for the
Filipinos. I never treated him as an ally except so far as to make use
of him and his soldiers to assist me in my operations against the Span
iards. He never uttered the word "independence" in any conversation
with me or my officers. The statement that I received him with mili
tary honors or saluted the Filipino flag is absolutely false.
He never treated Aguinaldo as an ally except for the pur
pose of using him and his soldiers to "assist me in my opera
tions against the Spaniards." Well, who ever raade fuller
use of an ally In the world? Where was there ever a case?
We raight as well have clairaed that in the Revolutionary war
France was not an ally of the United States because we' only
used the French and their arraed forces and soldiers to assist
us In operations against England.
But let us see, Mr. President, whether this is a fact. In
the first place Adrairal Dewey says he never saluted the flag of
the Filipino republic. It is well known that shortly after
Aguinaldo had organized his forces a flag was adopted; that a
ship was donated by one of the wealthy Filipinos to the gov
ernment; that upon It was placed a battery of guns, and that
It was used In operations against the Spanish garrisons at dif
ferent points.
I looked up the question of a salute In the Century Dic
tionary. This Is the definition of a salute:
In the Army and Navy a compliment paid when troops or squadrons
meet. There are many modes of performing a salute, such as firing

226 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
cannon or small arms, dipping colors, presenting arms, manning the
yards, cheering, etc.
Webster says:
A token of respect or honor for a foreign vessel or flag by a dis
charge of cannon, volleys of small arms, dipping the colors or the top
sails, etc.
Johnson's Universal Cyclopasdia gives about the sarae defi
nition. I therefore wrote to Lieut. C. G. Calkins, who was on
Dewey's ship In Manila Bay through the suramer of 1898,
one of the officers on Dewey's own vessel, and here is what he
says about it:
Branch Hydrographic Office,
San Francisco, Cal., March 28, 1900.
Dear Sir: In regard to salutes to the Philippine flag in Manila
Bay or elsewhere, I am satisfied that no regular naval salute was ever
rendered by any vessel of Admiral Dewey's fleet. A naval salute in
volves the firing of guns, and none of the vessels cruising under Agui
naldo's authority had a saluting battery or made any attempt to offer
a formal salute.
The references to saluting in Filipino reports are probably due to
the fact that their vessels in passing through our lines, as they were
freely allowed to do, dipped their colors, and the Olympia and other
ships did the same in response. This might be called a salute by per
sons unacquainted with naval routine.
Very respectfully,
C. G. CALKINS.
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
Senate of the United States, Washington, D. C.
In other words, Mr. President, Admiral Dewey brands as
an unqualified falsehood the statement made by Aguinaldo and
by others that he saluted their flag; and when we look to the
Century Dictionary, to Webster's Dictionary, or to Johnson's
Universal Cyclopsedia, we find that a salute raay be dipping
the colors; and the executive officer of the Olympia says that
they did dip their colors in response to the dipping of the
colors of the FiUpIno ships as they passed by.
Murat Halstead, who was one of the officers of the-present
Administration in the city of Manila, says in his book, The
Story of the Philippines :

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO 227
The Philippine flag is oriental in cut and color^ having red and
blue bars — a white obtuse angle — the base to the staff, and a yellow
moon with fantastic decorations occupying the field. This flag is one
that Admiral Dewey salutes with respect.
Halstead was over there In an official capacity. He says
that: On the 17th I was appointed to take charge of the duties per
formed by the intendente general de hacienda or minister of finance
and all fiscal affairs.
Now, let us see how It was upon land. I have here a letter
addressed "To whom it raay concern." It is signed by C. P.
Van Houten, Captain Corapany D, South Dakota Regiraent,
United States Volunteers. He says:
State Headquarters American League,
Canton, S. Dak., February 8, 1900.
To whom it may concern:
On or about the middle of September, 1898, the Philippine troops
marched by the First South Dakota Regiment in columns of four, and
the First South Dakota Regiment, through general orders, saluted the
Philippine army by turning out guard.
C. P. VAN HOUTEN,
Ex-Captain Company D, South Dakota Troops,
United States Volunteers.
H. E. GREENE, Sergeant.
I have another:
The Fifty-first Iowa Regiment saluted an armed body of insur
gents near Calumpit during the stay of hostilities, and our men saluted
the Filipino officers at Cavite.
E..E. HAWKINS,
Late Second Lieutenant Company B, First South Dakota Infantry.
So it appears, that we did salute the Filipino flag. It
seeraed to be very important on the part of the imperialists to
show that such was not the fact. They seeraed to think it
absolutely necessary that it should not be established, because
If they did salute the flag, if our officers helped arra thera to
fight the common enemy, they becarae our allies, and then In
attacking them we attacked our allies.
Mr. Schurraan, one of these commissioners who went over

228 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
there to negotiate with these people, makes the following
statement : Cornell University, Office of the President,
Ithaca, N. Y., February 3, 1900.
Dear Senator Depew: I see, from page 1362 of the Congres
sional Record, that Senator Pettigrew, speaking of myself, says:
"The fact of the matter is that he tried to bribe the insurgents, as
near as we can ascertain, and failed; but they would not take gold for
peace." Had this preposterous statement been made anywhere else I should
not have paid any attention to it, but as it has been made in the
Senate of the United States I desire to say to you that it is absolutely
without foundation. Very truly yours,
J. G. SCHURMAN.
Hon. Chauncey M. Depew,
United States Senate, Washington, D. C.
Now, let us see whether It is without foundation or not.
I go into this raatter in detail, because I propose to show by
the record that these men are not entitled to credit. Their
statements will be used on the stump during the entire suramer
and fall. I quote from the Chicago Tribune of September 15,
1899, an Interview purporting to be with Mr. Schurraan, said
to be authentic, never disputed except in this letter, which
does not dispute the Interview, but undertakes to dispute my
statement that they undertook to bribe the insurgens:
It is stated on authority that the Schurman Peace Commission of
fered every possible inducement short of absolute self-government to
Aguinaldo and his followers. Aguinaldo was promised as the price
of the restoration of peace in the Tagalo tribe a bonus of more than
$5,000 a year while the Tagalos remained peaceful. He was told
that he could choose men from his tribe for the minor municipal offices.
The commission, it is asserted, went so far as to promise Agui
naldo the moral support of the United States Government, if such
were needed, to make his leadership of the Tagalos thoroughly secure.
With all these inducements, tempting as they must have been, Agui
naldo, as the recognized head of the insurgent movement, declined to
yield. He insisted upon immediate self-government, and, as his in
sistance was so firm as to make an agreement impossible, the American
commissioners ceased negotiations.

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO 229
I quote from an editorial in the Chicago Tribune of Sep
tember 2 1 :
President Schurman says Aguinaldo rejected with scorn an offer to
take a salary of $5,000 and become governor of Tagalos.
It seems to me it Is clearly proved that they did undertake
to bribe the insurgents. Further, we all know they offered,
and the offer Is still open, $30 a gun for every arm they will
surrender. Now, I ara going to read frora the only continuous, con
secutive, and truthful, so far as I can ascertain, stateraent of
affairs in the Philippines that has been published, and that is,
the stateraent by Aguinaldo, giving a history of the Philippine
revolt from its beginning up to last fall. It is the only consecu
tive stateraent we have. The Administration refuses to fur
nish one; has concealed the information, and has refused to
send to us the facts which are in Its possession. So far they
have been unable to irapeach this statement In any material
particular, and It has been corroborated in very many par
ticulars. Aguinaldo says that the flag of the Filipino republic
was saluted.
Ah 1 what a beautiful, inspiring, joyous sight that flag was, flutter
ing in the breeze from the topmasts of our vessels, side by side, as it
were, with the ensigns of other and greater nations, among whose
mighty warships our little cruisers passed to and fro dipping their colors,
the ensign of liberty and independence!
Admiral Dewey said his reply to the French and German admirals
was — with his knowledge and consent the Filipinos used that flag, and,
apart from this, he was of opinion that in view of the courage and
steadfastness of purpose displayed in the war against the Spaniards the
Filipinos deserved the right to use their flag.
I am going to ask to place in the Record as a part of my
remarks, without reading, the report of Robert M. Collins, of
the Associated Press, In which he makes a statement in detail
In response to the Associated Press managers of this country,
with regard to the suppression of news and the total unrelia
bility of Mr. Otis in his statements during the sumraer of
1899, last year.^ I wiU read the protest of the Manila
I. See Appendix V.

230 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
correspondents, presented to Otis July 9 and cabled frora
Hongkong July 17, 1899.
The undersigned, being all staff correspondents of American news
papers stationed at Manila, unite in the following statement: We be
lieve that owing to official dispatches from Manila made public in
Washington the people of the United States have not received a correct
impression qf the situation in the Philippines, but that these dispatches
have presented an ultra optimistic view that is not shared by the gen
eral oflScers in the field.
We believe the dispatches incorrectlj' represent the existing condi
tions among the Philippines in respect to dissension and demoralization
resulting from the American campaign and to the brigand character
of their army.
We believe the dispatches err in the declaration that "The situa
tion is well in hand," and in the assumption that the insurrection can
be speedily ended without a greatly increased force.
We think the tenacity of the Filipino purpose has been underesti
mated, and that the statements are unfounded that volunteers are
willing to enlist in further service.
The censorship has compelled us to participate in this misrepresen
tation by excising or altering uncontroverted statements of facts on the
plea, as General Otis stated, that "they would alarm the people at
home," or "have the people of the United States by the ears."
Specifications: Prohibition of hospital reports; suppression of full
reports of field operations in the event of failure; numbers of heat pros
trations in the field ; systematic minimization of naval operations, and
suppression of complete reports of the situation.
ROBERT M. COLLINS,
JOHN P. DUNNING,
L. JONES,
The Associated Press.
JOHN T. McCUTCHEON,
HARRY ARMSTRONG ,
Chicago Record,
OSCAR K. DAVIS,
P. G. McDonnell,
New York Sun.
JOHN F. BASS,
WILL DINWIDDIE,
New York Herald.
E. D. KEANE,
Scripps-McRae Association.
RICHARD LITTLE,
Chicago Tribune.

DEWEY AND AGUINALDO 231
The Associated Press thereupon wrote to their corres
pondent in the Philippines to ascertain the truth of this state
raent, and Mr. CoUins raakes a reply which I ask to have
printed in the Record. I will read an extract frora it :
The censorship enforced during the war and before the beginning
of it was, according to newspaper men who had worked in Japan,
Turkey, Greece, Egypt, and Russia in war times, and in Cuba under
the Weyler regime and during our war, so much more stringent than
any hitherto attempted that we were astonished that the American
authorities should countenance it, and were confident that public opinion
would be overwhelmingly against it if its methods and purposes be
came known.
Here, then, was a censorship of the press more thorough
than that practiced by any despotic nation in the world, ac
cording to these newspaper correspondents, and yet we are
asked to believe everything that Mr. Otis says.

CHAPTER XI
the PHILIPPINE REVOLT
MR. PETTIGREW. Mr. President,^ the ship which
brought General Lawton's body to this country
brought also the body of one of my dearest friends,
the adjutant of the First South Dakota Regiraent, killed after
the treaty of peace was signed, killed in a service in which he
did not enlist, killed In a service which he believed was wrong.
Yet, brave boy that he was, he led his forces to victory raany
a tirae and finally fell in that distant land.
Mr. President, I want a truce. I wanted It before my
friend was killed. I wanted a truce before the sixty South
Dakota boys were killed. Aroused by a just indignation and
a grand patriotism and a splendid enthusiasm, they enrolled
their naraes to drive from this continent the despotic power of
Spain. But they are gone, drafted into an unwilling service
and killed in an unwilling service, after they had a right to go
home — after their terra of enlistraent had expired. With
unparalleled bravery and courage they obeyed the coraraands
of their President and went to their death.
The day after fighting began at Manila, Aguinaldo asked
for a truce. He said, "Fix the liraits of a zone which we shall
occupy, and let us try, without bloodshed, to settle this dif
ficulty;" and the answer was, "Fighting having once begun, it
raust go on to the grim end." But if the request had been
granted, if the truce had been given. General Lawton would
be living to-day and the South Dakota boys would be in the
bosoms of their famiUes Instead of raoldering In the soil of
Luzon. Day by day, constantly from that time to this, the
Filipinos fighting for freedom have sent their envoys asking
I. Speech in Senate January 31, 1900. '
232

THE PHTLIPPINE REVOLT 233
for peace, begging a truce. The President at Fargo says
Aguinaldo offered peace for Independence. Peace for inde
pendence !
He said he had another price for peace a short time ago,
but the United States never gave gold for peace. Aguinaldo
did not ask gold for peace. He asked for that boon, dearer
than Ufe, which made our forefathers found this Governraent
and which has brought into being every republic throughout
the world. Fight until they surrender! If that rule had been
applied, the war of the Revolution would stiU be going on.
No self-respecting people would lay down their arras at such
a challenge. That the Fihplnos have the capacity of self-government is
demonstrated by that fact. All we have to do to stop blood
shed In the Philippines is to say to those people they shall
have that priceless boon which is so dear to us and which they
have shown is dear enough to thera that they are willing to lay
down their Uves for it. Why shall we not do It? Why shall
we continue this war of aggression? But a few provinces
only in those islands have been conquered. Our troops oc
cupy less than one-quarter of the area, and over the rest
Aguinaldo's governraent still prevails. That is the situation
to-day. All the provinces of northern Luzon are untouched,
and the peaceful government which Sargent and Wilcox de
scribe is still being carried on. Much of the southern part of
Luzon Is StUl unoccupied by our troops. Almost no portion
of the other islands of the archipelago have been occupied
by us. We are on the shore and In but a fewplaces; and this
war, in ray opinion, will go on and on for years unless we say
to those people that which we ought to say and say it at once,
"You shaU have your independence."
This talk about revolt, about fighting insurgents, it seeras
to rae. Is absurd. How can we have title without possession?
I think it is a fair proposition, well sustained in International
law, that when a country is purchased, possession must corae
in order to give sovereignty. Spain could not give any pos
session, because her power was ousted and another govern-

234 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
raent existed in its place. There is no revolt; If we stop
fighting, the war will be over.
The other day the Queen of England, in her message to
the Parliament, raade this stateraent:
In resisting the invasion of my South African colonies by the South
African Republic and Orange Free State my people have responded
with devotion and enthusiasm to the appeal which I have made to
them, and the heroism of my soldiers in the field and my sailors and
marines who were landed to cooperate with them has not fallen short
of the noblest traditions of our military history.
Here, then. Is a charge that the Boers have attacked
Great Britain. The same charge is made against the Filipinos,
although the facts to not bear it out any raore than they do
in the case of the Boers. The excuse, then, is the cry of the
flag, the appeal tq patriotisra, the effort to raUy our people to
sustain an Administration In doing the greatest wrong ever
perpetrated by a government in the history of the world. It
is the policy Great Britain has followed always, and she has
become our teacher and our director In our affairs. Great
Britain In all her conquests for the last fifty years got In where
she had no business to be, and has placed her armed forces
in antagonism to the liberties of other people, and then when
the flag was fired upon she has raUied her people to the defense
of the flag.
She has said, "We can not talk peace. We can not listen
to the proposition of right or wrong, or questions whether we
had a right to be there or not, until the enemy surrenders."
It was so in Ireland from the earliest day. Trouble occurred
in Ireland because of resistance to oppression and aggression
and wrong, and fhen they said, "The strong arra of British
power raust be used to suppress discontent in Ireland, and
when It Is suppressed then we will try and do right," never
doing right when Ireland was pacified by power. Outbreaks
again occurred, and then the same plea was made to the Eng
lish people ; and so it has been around the world.
The South African Chartered Company have killed in
South Africa in the last twelve years 4,000 men and them
selves have lost but five or six men, with the same old plea,

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 235
adding territory after territory to their possessions; and now
it is argued In the English Parliaraent, now it is insisted by
the Queen of England, that the fighting must go on in South
Africa until the two Republics in South Africa are destroyed.
The same argument is heard here. Fighting must go on to
the grim end, until these raen struggling for freedora are all
killed or lay down their arms and surrender, and then we will
determine, without their being consulted, what shall be done
with what is left.
Against this, Mr. President, I protest. I believe that it is
an attack upon our institutions, a reversal of the history of
this Government, and an abandonraent of those doctrines
which we have held so dear through all the years of our ex
istence as a nation.
I yield to no man in my devotion to my country and my
flag. I ara jealous of her honor, and I believe that her honor
can only be saved frora stain by a reversal of the pohcy into
which this Administration has led us. I believe that only by
protesting against the violation of our pledges and against
the overthrow of all the principles upon which this Govern
ment is founded, by Insisting upon returning to the doctrines
of the fathers, to the principles of the Declaration of Inde
pendence — that governraents raust derive their just powers
only frora the consent of the governed — can we save our flag
frora stain and country frora dishonor.
That is as much of a reply as I care to make to the insinu
ations of the Senator frora Connecticut [Mr. Hawley] or
the stateraent of the Senator frora New Jersey [Mr. Se
well] .
Now, with regard to Aguinaldo, they charge that I ara
defending a forger and a bribe taker and a scoundrel upon
this floor. I will simply read from the record sent to us by
the President upon that subject. I will read from Document
62, frora the official reports by our officers in Luzon, and we
wIU see whether the statement is sustained by the facts.
Last year the President of the United States In sending the
Spanish treaty to this body accompanied it with a document

236 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
which contained the reports of our consuls in the East and
our officers in Luzon. It is presumed that he knew the con
tents of the docuraent, that he was not ignorant of the records
of his own departraent. Yet October 13, 1899, the President,
at Fargo, in North Dakota, said:
The leader of the insurgent forces says to the American Govern
ment, "You can have peace if you give us independence." Peace for
independence ! He had another price than that for peace once before,
but the United States pays no gold for peace. We never gave a bribe
for peace in all our history, and we never will.
Wherever that standard is raised, it stands for liberty, for civil
ization, and humanity.
The President thus charges that Aguinaldo sold out to
Spain, reiterating a charge that had been proven false by the
repeated stateraents of his officer; repeating a charge that was
conclusively proven untrue by the records of the Department
of State. The charge is now made by the chairman of the Com
mittee on MiUtary Affairs of this body [Mr. Hawley], the
Senator from Connecticut, that Aguinaldo sold out to Spain.
In Document No. 62, transmitted to us by the President, on
pages 380 and 381, General Merritt says:
There are a number of Filipinos whom I have met, among them
General Aguinaldo and a few of his leaders, whom I believe thoroughly
trustworthy and fully capable of self-government. * * * Aguinaldo,
honest, sincere, and poor; not well educated, but a natural leader of
men, with considerable shrewdness and ability, highly respected by all.
In a memorandum which General Greene presented to the
peace conference at Paris he says:
In August, 1896, an insurrection broke out in Cavite under the
leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo, and soon spread to other provinces on
both sides of Manila. It continued with varying successes on both
sides, and the trial and execution of numerous insurgents, until De
cember, 1897, when the governor-general, Primo de Rivera, entered
into written agreement with Aguinaldo, the substance of the document
which is in the possession of Seiior Felipe Agoncilla, who accompanied
me to Washington.
In brief, it required that Agoncilla and the other insurgent leaders
should leave the country, the Government agreeing to pay them $800,-

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 237
000 in silver and promising to introduce numerous reforms, includ
ing representation in the Spanish Cortes, freedom of the press, general
amnesty for all insurgents, and the expulsion or secularization of the
monastic orders.
Aguinaldo and his associates went to Hongkong and Singapore. A
portion of the money, $400,000, was deposited in banks at Hongkong,
and a lawsuit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one of his subordi
nate chiefs named Artacho, which is interesting on account of the very
honorable position taken by Aguinaldo.
"On account of the very honorable position taken by
Aguinaldo." Artacho sued for a division of the money among the insurgents ac
cording to rank. Aguinaldo claimed that the money was a trust fund,
and was to remain on deposit until it was seen whether the Spaniards
would carry out their promised reforms, and if they failed to do so,
it was to be used to defray the expenses of a new insurrection. The
suit was settled out of court by paying Artacho $5,000.
No steps have been taken to introduce the reforms, more than 2,000
insurgents, who have been deported to Fernando Po and other places,
are still in confinement, and Aguinaldo is now using the money to
carry on the operations of the present insurrection.
This was written August 30, 1898. He took that money
and used It as our ally to fight Spain, to buy guns and ammu
nition to carry on the contest against the common enemy; and
yet he is charged with being a bribe taker and a scoundrel.
Oscar F. WiUiams, our consul at Manila, writes to Mr.
Day, the Secretary of State, May 25, 1898, on page 328 of
Document 62 :
To-day I executed a power of attorney whereby General Aguinaldo
released to his attorneys in fact $400,000 now in bank in Hongkong,
so that money therefrom can pay for 3,000 stand of arms bought there,
and expected here to-morrow.
Mr. Wildman, our consul at Hongkong, reports to Assis
tant Secretary Moore exactly the same story, on pages 336
and 337, In Document No. 62. I wiU not read It, because It
Is long, but I wIU Insert it, if there Is permission, in my re
raarks. The raatter referred to Is as foUows:

238 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
I have lived among the Malays of the Straits Settlements and have
been an honored guest of the different sultanates. I have watched
their system of government and have admired their intelligence, and I
rank them high among the semicivilized nations of the earth. The
natives of the Philippine Islands belong to the Malay race, and while
there are very few pure Malays among their leaders, I think their
stock has rather been improved than debasejl by admixture. I con
sider the forty or fifty Philippine leaders, with whose fortunes I have
been very closely connected, both the superiors of the Malays and the
Cubans. Aguinaldo, Agoncilla, and Sandico are all men who would
all be leaders in their separate departments in any country, while among
the wealthy Manila men who live in Hongkong and who are spending
their money liberally for the overthrow of the Spaniards and the an
nexation to the United States, men like the Cortes family and the Basa
family, would hold their own among bankers and lawyers anywhere.
?1P (^ ^ v^ ^ ^ *
There has been a systematic attempt to blacken the name of Agui
naldo and his cabinet on acco.unf of the questionable terms of their
surrender to Spanish forces a year ago this month. It has been said
that they sold their country for gold, but this has been conclusively
disproved, not only by their own statements but by the speech of the
late Governor-General^ Rivera in the Spanish Senate June ii, 1898.
He said that Aguinaldo undertook to submit if the Spanish Govern
ment would give a certain sum to the widows and orphans of the in
surgents. He then admits that only a tenth part of this sum was ever
given to Aguinaldo, and that the other promises made he did not find
it expedient to keep.
I was in Hongkong September, 1897, when Aguinaldo and his
leaders arrived under contract with the Spanish Govemment. They
waited until the ist of November for the payment of the promised
money and the fulfillment of the promised reforms. Only $400,000,
Mexican, was ever placed to their credit in the banks, and on the 3d of
November Mr. F. Agoncilla, late minister of foreign affairs in Agui
naldo's cabinet, called upon me and made a proposal, which I trans
mitted to the Statb Department in my dispatch No. 19, dated November
3, 1897. In reply the State Department instructed me "to courteously
decline to communicate with the Department further regarding the
alleged mission." I obeyed these instructions to the letter until the
breaking out of the war, when, after consultation with Admiral Dewey,
I received a delegation from the insurgent junta, and they bound them
selves to obey all laws of civilized warfare and to place themselves
absolutely under the orders of Admiral Dewey if they were permitted
to return to Manila. At this time their president, Aguinaldo, was in
Singapore negotiating through Consul-General Pratt with Admiral
Dewey for his return.

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 239
On page 347 of Document No. 62 Mr. Pratt, our consul
at Singapore, June 2, 1898, makes the following statement to
Mr. Day:
No close observer of what had transpired in the Philippines during
the past few years could have failed to recognize that General Agui
naldo enjoyed above all others the confidence of the Filipino insurgents
and the respect alike of Spaniards and foreigners in the islands, all of
whom vouch for his high sense of justice and honor.
Mr. Schurman, in his Chicago interview (and this Is the
only authority I will read which Is not vouched for by official
documents) August 20, 1899, said:
[President Schurman, Chicago interview, August 20, 1899.]
General Aguinaldo is believed on the island to be honest, and I
think that he is acting honestly in money matters, but whether from
moral or political reasons I would not say. — Oriental Anierican,
page 99-
The fact of the raatter Is that he tried to bribe the insur
gents, as near as we can ascertain, and failed; they would
not take gold for peace.
Now, I should like to ask the iraperialists in this body
what they think of a President who will go about the country
saying that Aguinaldo had another price for peace, in the face
of the official documents from his own officers in the State
Department, where they declare that he acted with the high
est sense of honor, that he took no bribe, but, on the contrary,
deposited the money, and used it, wheji Spain failed to carry
out her proraises, to help us fight the Spanish forces?
What do you think of a President that wIU state that the
United States never did give gold for peace, and never will,
and then approve of the treaty with the Sultan of Sulu, which
provides that we shaU pay to the Sultan $250 per month and
to his subchlefs a sum which In aU amounts to $9,200 per year?
In view of aU these facts, of what future value is any state
ment the President raay make upon this subject? Mr. Presi
dent, I can not contemplate the fact without great sorrow that
a man can occupy so high a position as that of President of
the United States and yet disgrace that great office by re-

240 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
peated falsehoods — falsehoods proven so by the record of his
own officers sent to us.
*******
Mr. President,^ we have before us a bill to continue the
authority which the President has been heretofore exercising
until the revolt in the PhiUppines is suppressed:
A bill (S. 2355) in relation to the suppression of insurrection in,
and to the government of, the Philippine Islands, ceded by Spain
to the United States by the treaty concluded at Paris on the lOth
day of December, 1898.
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the
United States of America in Congress assembled. That when all insur
rection against the sovereignty and authority of the United States in
the Philippine Islands, acquired from Spain by the treaty concluded
at Paris on the loth day of December, 1898, shall have been com
pletely suppressed by the military and naval forces of the United States,
all military, civil, and judicial powers necessary to govem the said
islands shall, until otherwise provided by Congress, be vested in such
person and persons, and shall be exercised in such manner as the
President of the United States shall direct for maintaining and protect
ing the inhabitants of said islands in the free enjoyment of their liberty,
property, and religion.
And this, after a six months' session of Congress, Is all
that the Adrainistration offers In this connection. We are told
that when all resistance Is suppressed the President is to gov
ern the PhUippine Islands as an emperor (without restraint,
without advice, absolute despotic power enforced by an army)
would govern his empire. We are asked to vest In him au
thority greater than that enjoyed to-day by any other person
ruling over any other people on the face of the globe. Yet,
while this bill when it was Introduced was undoubtedly the
policy of the Administration, It appears that it has now been
abandoned, and the intention Is that Congress shall adjourn
and that nothing will be done. I read in the morning paper
what purports to be an Interview sent back from ManUa by
Judge Taft, of the new peace coraraission which we have sent
to the Orient. He says:
X. Speech in the Senate June 4, j, igcx).

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 241
I am surprised that Manila has not received news regarding the
Spooner bill, a measure calculated to help us greatly in our work here.
In other words, when Mr. Taft sailed for the PhUippInes
the programme evidently was to pass the Spooner bill and
make him the civil governor, or rather the despot, of the
Philippine Islands, with all power In his hands ; and he is sur
prised that the news has not reached ManUa of the Spooner
bill. Why? Because the Administration has changed Its
pohcy and there is no jpurpose or intention on the part of the
party In power to pass this measure.
It Is said that we are encouraging the Filipinos by discuss
ing this question. Mr. President, I hope my voice will never
be raised except in encouragement of every aggregation of
people throughout the world of every race who are strug
gling for independence, I care not what color or where they
live, who are striving to establish a government based upon
the principles of our Constitution and our Declaration of In
dependence. Mr. President, I offered the following amendment as a
substitute for the bill introduced by the Senator from Wis
consin, which I present as embodying what I think ought to
be done In this connection:
That all hostile demonstrations on the part of the armed forces of
the United States in the Philippine Islands shall at once cease, and
that we offer to the people of said islands self-government based upon
the principles of our Constitution and the Declaration of Independ
ence, and that negotiation on this basis be at once opened with the
existing native government for a settlement of all differences, with a
view to the speedy withdrawal of our armed forces, and that full au
thority is vested in the President of the United States to carry out the
provisions of this act.
I propose that we shall cease all armed hostile deraonstra
tion against the people of those islands, that we shaU nego
tiate with thera and at once set up a governraent patterned
after our own, after the Declaration of Independence and
the Constitution of the United States.
It is said on the part of the imperialists in this body that by
advocating this course we are giving aid, comfort, and en-

242 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
couragement to the eneraies of our country. Th.is I deny.
Mr. President, the people of the Philippines are not the ene
mies of my country. What have they done to us that we can
charge them with being the enemies of the people of the
United States? They joined us in a contest to drive Spain
from the Philippine Islands. They were our allies and fought
by our side. They took 9,000 Spanish prisoners. They laid
down their lives In great numbers in order to fight a comraon
foe. They captured the entire Spanish garrisons in the Phil
ippine Islands, except in the city of Manila, and Invested that
so that the Spaniards were unable to escape. What have
they done to us? Nothing but resist aggression, nothing but
corabat our forces attacking thera and undertaking to destroy
their liberties. If we would cease hostile demonstration
against the people of the Philippines, do you think they would
attack us ? Do you believe for one raoraent there would be any
difficulty in establishing the raost cordial and friendly rela
tions? Why should we go on with this war of conquest?
Have we any other title to these islands than conquest?
It is true that our opponents dispute upon that question. Some
of them say that we acquired title by purchase. I think that
is the view of the Administration ; I think that was the view of
the Senator from Wisconsin ; but others who undertake to jus
tify this course of aggression claira that we acquired title by
conquest. Mr. Fairbanks. Will the Senator frora South Dakota
perrait me to interrupt him? I think he raisunderstood the
position of the Senator frora Wisconsin. He expressly de
nied that the Governraent acquired the Philippines by pur
chase. Mr. Pettigrew. Does he contend that we acquired thera
by conquest? Mr. Fairbanks. That is as I understand the Senator's
position; at least, he disclairaed the proposition that we ac
quired thera by purchase.
Mr. Pettigrew. I think he was perfectly right in dis
clairaing the proposition that we acquired thera by purchase;
and if that is the case, and I presurae the Senator frora In-

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 243
diana is right, I accept the correction. I will read frora Kent's
Commentaries, volume i, page 177:
With respect to the cession of places or territories by a treaty
of peace, though the treaty operates from the making of it, it is a
principle of public law that the national character of the place agreed
to be surrendered by treaty continues as it was under the character of
the ceding country until it be actually transferred. Full sovereignty
can not be held to have passed by the mere words of the treaty with
out actual delivery. To complete the right of property, the right to
the thing and the possession of the thing must be united. This is a
necessary principle in the law of property in all systems of jurisprudence.
* * * This general law of property applies to the right of territory no
less than to other rights.
I read also from a treatise on international law, by Mr.
Baker, published recently in Boston by Little, Brown & Co. :
In modem times sales and transfers of national territory to another
power can only be made by treaty or some solemn act of the sovereign
authority of the state. And such transfers of territory do not include
the allegiance of its inhabitants without their consent, express^ or im
plied. At page 355 the same author says:
The rule of public law with respect to the allegiance of the in
habitants of a conquered territory is, therefore, no longer to be inter
preted as meaning that it is absolutely and unconditionally acquired
by conquest, or transferred and handed over by treaty as a thing assign
able by contract and without the assent of the subject.
On the contrary, the express or implied assent of the subject is
now regarded as essential to a complete new allegiance.
What are the facts in regard to the Philippines ? We could
not purchase title unless they could deliver possession of the
property purchased. The facts are simply these: When we
decided to attack Spain, when Dewey was ordered to sail from
Hongkong and to destroy the Spanish fleet, a rebellion was
going on in the Philippine Islands. The inhabitants of those
islands were trying to throw off the Spanish yoke. Knowing
that at Singapore there was a man the raost capable among
the Fihplnos who led a former revolt, our officers In the East
induced this man to go back to Manila and organize the in
surgent forces. Aguinaldo arrived on the 17th day of May,

244 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
1898. He imraediately organized the Insurgent forces. He
purchased arras In Hongkong. Admiral Dewey furnished him
with arms taken from the Spanish forces, and he attacked the
Spanish garrisons all over the province of Cavite and secured
arms from his prisoners. He pursued this course during the
summer of 1898, until he had captured the entire island of
Luzon except two Spanish garrisons, very small ones, and
before winter he captured those. Dewey In his report says his
progress was wonderfuL He took 9,000 prisoners. After
having captured the entire island he set up a government, which
was a peaceful government, a government suitable to those
people, a government which protected life and property
throughout the entire area of that country. He also cap
tured the southern Islands, the island of Panay, of Cebu, and
Negros, and organized governraents there.
He asserabled an army of 30,000 men and surrounded
Manila. His army was Intrenched. He Invested the city on
the land side, while our Navy blockaded the port on the oceaa
side. We acted In absolute concert with each other, consulted
together, and when Manila was finally taken our troops landed,
asking the Insurgents to give up about a quarter of a raile of
their trenches. They marched out and allowed our troops to
occupy a portion of their works. They beUeved that they
were to act In concert with us in the attack upon Manila.
When the attack was ordered, their troops marched into the
city along with ours. They took the principal suburbs of
Manila. We took and occupied the walled city. When they
came to the walled city, which contained less than one-fifth
of the population of the city of Manila, they found our bayo
nets turned against thera. They were told that they could not
enter. They had lost thousands of lives In their contest with
Spain. They were in possession of that entire country, and
yet, although in the assault upon the city of Manila they had
lost more men than we did, they were denied adraittance to
the city, and they yielded and occupied the suburbs for sorae
tirae. Finally we-requested that they retire frora the suburbs, and
they retired. Aguinaldo asked that he raight be permitted to

THE PHILIPPINE REVOUP 245
retire slowly, as It was difficult to govern his people and con
vince them that It was right that they should surrender pos
session of territory which they had conquered and for which
many of their comrades had laid down their lives. He also
asked that in case we made a treaty with Spain the territory
which he had conquered should be restored to hira, and this
we refused. So we did not conquer the Islands from Spain,
for Spain had been conquered and driven out by the govern
ment of Aguinaldo. We had siraply helped to take the city of
Manila. Therefore we took no title by conquest from Spain,
for at the time of making the treaty with Spain we had not
conquered any territory from her.
We did not acquire title by purchase, because title by pur
chase requires delivery of possession; and as Spain was not
In possession, she could not and did not deliver the islands to
us. By what right, then, are we there? By no right in raorals
or law: by no right that can be defended before God or man.
We are there as conquerors, we are there as the armed banditti
would enter your premises In daytirae, and we have no better
right to be there than the bandit has to enter and despoU your
home. If our title is by conquest, then it is as yet Incomplete. If
our title is by conquest, we did not acquire it from Spain, and
it is nearly two years since the war with Spain ceased, and yet
the conquest Is In progress.
In October he was again asked to give up more territory.
He was again asked to retire his troops beyond not only the
city of Manila, but the adjoining towns. Then he called the
attention of General Otis to the fact that the towns which
Otis desired him to surrender were not a part of Mamla —
you wUl find it on pages 20 and 21 of General Otis's report.
General Otis said, "You are right; the territory which I now
deraand I xan not find as embraced in the city of Manila or
its suburbs; but," he said, "that makes no difference; I Insist
upon the possession of the territory anyway." So our lines
were pushed out constantly, creating Irritation and bad feeUng.
Finally Dewey seized the ships of the Filipinos in the har
bor. Was not that an act' of war? ,Why talk longer about

246 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
who coraraenced the war in the PhiUppines, when In October
we seized the vessels of our allies — and they were vessels of
war — dismissed the men who manned them, took down the
Filipino flag and removed It from the sea?
On the 24th of November Otis again wrote to Aguinaldo
saying that he must retire beyond the viUage of Santa Mesa,
and that If he did not he would attack him. On the 21st of
December the President sent a proclamation to be published
in the Philippines telling the inhabitants that the United
States had assumed sovereignty over the Islands — a proclama
tion which was a clear declaration of war — a declaration that
we would extend our military control then existing in the city
of ManUa throughout the entire area of the group.
This proclamation was published in the Philippines on the
4th of January, 1899. What necessity, I say, Mr. Presi
dent, is there for trying to ascertain who coraraenced the war,
when it Is deraonstrated that we seized their ships In October,
when we drove thera beyond the territorial limits of the city
of Manila, the only country we had occupied or had a right
to occupy under the protocol with Spain, when we on the 4th
day of February attacked their forces and fired the first and
the second shot, and killed three of their people? I say of
what use Is it to try to contend that those people began the war.
And after that, on the 5th day of February, the day after hos
tilities were inaugurated, Aguinaldo asked to have hostilities
cease, and said that he had no notion of making an attack upon
our people and had not done so. The reply was that, fighting
having once commenced. It should go on to the grim end.
I say under these circumstances we are precluded from
taking any other position than that we betrayed and attacked
an ally, that we are now undertaking to conquer an unwilling
people, and that the only honest and honorable course for us
to pursue is to withdraw our armed forces and negotiate with
the Filipinos for the estabUshraent of a governraent.
To-day our array occupies a few towns. Out of the 1,100
villages in the Philippines having raore than 2,000 people we
occupy, according to the Array reports, less than one-fourth.
We occupy to-day and hold possession siraply of the territory

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 247
upon which is planted the feet of our soldiers, and beyond the
range of their guns we have no possession whatever. Those
people are furnishing their own government and are pursuing
the peaceful course of life described by the two officers of the
Navy who traveled through the islands in the sumraer of
1898. Mr. President, It is custoraary when the English nation
wishes to conquer a weaker people to deprive them of their
rights, their liberties, and their governraent, to begin a sys
teraatic course of slander and libel against thera, to begin to
assert that they are in every way bad and possess infaraous
customs, and after public prejudice has been manufactured,
England marches an array into the coveted territory and begins
killing the inhabitants and conquering the country.
Aguinaldo and his followers are a grand people. You can
not find a line In Document No. 62, sent to us by the President,
that does not describe the people of the Philippines as a Chris
tian people, 6,000,000 out of the 7,000,000 being members of
the Catholic church, having schools and churches in all their
towns ; not a line that does not describe Aguinaldo and his fol
lowers as men worthy to act with us.
When we decided to conquer that country our course was
changed. Then we began to Iraitate England and to slander
the people ; then Aguinaldo was a half-caste, without character,
and had taken a bribe, and after that we heard rumors that he
had issued orders, or one of his chief officers had Issued orders,
for the murder of the Inhabitants of Manila, sparing no one.
The Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. Spooner] repeated and
repeated again a document purporting to have been signed by
Sandico, a member of Aguinaldo's cabinet, and he commented
on it. It purports to have been a proclamation. It is unsigned.
It was picked up in Manila. It was anonyraous as sent to us.
It never was signed by anybody, and yet when Otis was asked
who Issued It he reported back that Sandico was the author.
Now, I deny that Sandico ever issued it, and I assert that It Is
a forgery. Yet It is brought in here to prove that these people
are a bloodthirsty race, and that they intended to murder the
Inhabitants of Manila who were foreign born.

248 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
There Is nothing iri Aguinaldo's history or the history of
his people since the difficulties commenced to justify the charge
We captured the Spanish garrison In Subig Bay, 1,300 prison
ers were surrendered to us, and Admiral Dewey turned them
over to the insurgents. If they were bloody raonsters and
savages, would we have done that? Aguinaldo captured Hollo
when our fleet anchored off that city and threatened to bora-
bard it. The English and the Gerraan residents sent out a
delegation of citizens to ask us to desist, saying that life and
liberty were thoroughly protected and that there was peace
within the town. General Miller reported these facts to Gen
eral Otis. He said the Fihplnos were collecting the customs,
were administering the government, and he advised an im
mediate attack upon Iloilo, because he said If they discovered
they could do these things they might want to continue to do
thera. This information can be found in Otis's report.
To offset all this; to offset the adraitted facts that they
treated their prisoners kindly; that they did not even kill the
raerabers of the religious orders against whom they had their
greatest grievances, but preserved their lives and cared for
thera — against all this an anonymous circular Is produced and
commented upon in order to prove that the Filipino people
are savages.
The Senator from Wisconsin coraraented upon this section
of the circular:
Second, Philippine families only will be respected; they should not
be molested, but all other individuals, of what race they may be, will
be exterminated without apprisement (or) compassion, after the exter
mination of the army of occupation.
And so on. Now, let us go deeper into the facts touching
upon this circular. I hold in ray hand an article frora Harp
er's Magazine of August, 1899, entitled "Filipino insurrec
tion of 1896," written from a study of the Spanish archives
left in Manila, by Lieut. Carlos Gilraan Calkins, of the
United States Navy, one of the officers of Dewey's flagship.
He says:

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 249
In August (1896) the champion of denunciation, the chief of
clerical detectives, came forward. Fray Mariano Gil, of the Augustin
ian order, parish priest of a huge-domed church at Tondo, a northern
suburb of Manila. A native was led to make avowals which enabled
this friar to discover certain articles which might pass for "concrete
proof" in the curious legal system of the Latin races. One of them
was a stamp used in receipting for monthly dues of members in a
lodge of the Katipunan. Incriminating documents and lists were
taken from the same locker in the office of the Diario de Manila,
the oldest journal in the island. Fortified with these, the police hur
ried to make arrests, and the period of panic began on August 20. This
amateur detective was hailed as a savior to society, and his services were
compared with those of Father Urdaneta, the Augustinian who piloted
the expedition for the conquest and conversion of the archipelago in
1564. j£f A|£ ^ Jl£ Al£ Jj/L
On August 30 Blanco had to proclaim martial law throughout the
Tagalo provinces. He was also forced, much against his will, to accept
the services of volunteers, including all able-bodied Spaniards. Magis
trates hurried to join their companies. Courts were closed and civil
law was extinguished. The lives of some 2,000,000 people lay at the
mercy of courts-martial — of summary courts-martial, since sumarisimo
is the watchword of Spanish military justice.
The principal document cited in justification of these extraordi
nary measures is a proclamation attributed to the chiefs of the Katipu
nan, of which the essential clause is as follows: "When the signal H.
2 Sep. is given, each brother will perform the duty imposed by this
grand lodge, murdering all Spaniards, their women and children, with
out consideration for kindred, friendship, or gratitude." Other sav
age directions follow, but they were never carried into execution.
The document may be, in some degree, authentic. It may have
been drawn by some native agitator, and even adopted by some lodge
of the Katipunan ; but we can not accept the assertion that Rizal and
other intellectual martyrs were responsible for this atrocious jargon.
There is a recurrent legend that plots have been formed "to kill all
Spaniards, each servant slaying his master." This was the charge
against the native priests shot in 1872, and the rumor was revived on
December 15, 1898, substituting Americans for Spaniards.
This old docuraent, issued In 1872, to justify the butchery
of the FiUpinos, is repeated, changing the word "Spaniards"
to "Americans," and is issued again to prove that Aguinaldo
is a savage.
Let us see what Mr. Foreman says. On page 589 of

250 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Document No. 62, Part II, Fifty-fifth Congress, third session,
which was transmitted to us by the President, a statement be
fore the Peace Coraraission at Paris, signed by John Foreman,
reads as follows:
Any governor-general who displeases the monks is recalled. In
recent times General Despujols had to leave in 1892, after eight months
of office, because he ceased to be a persona grata to the priests. A
native. Dr. Rizal, had written and published some facts about the
monastic orders, and Despujols refused to have this man put to death
for it.
Then, again, he ordered a search to be made in a convent of the
Austrian friars, and there he found a printing press and seditious leaflets
being printed for the priests, who intended, by distributing them, to
attribute to the natives an attempted revolt.
It had been the custom, Mr. President, in order to justify
the course of the Spanish Government toward these people,
to find an excuse for the Spanish authorities to the persecu
tion of the Filipinos to Issue these anonymous or forged cir
culars, in order to excite the animosity of mankind against
the Filipinos, and we are following this same practice. That
Is all there is to the Sandico circular.
The other document which has been circulated and which
carae to us, anonymous as it was, purporting to have been
found among Aguinaldo's papers, was a letter written to the
commanding Spanish officer at Iloilo In October urging that
officer to surrender and join the Insurgent forces. Even if the
document Is genuine — but I believe it Is spurious — it was writ
ten after we had seized the ships of war of the Filipino re
public in the harbor of Manila, and had thus begun a conflict
against them. They could regard us no longer as allies and
friends after that act.
Mr. President, it has been said that we were forced to
take title to those Islands from Spain because, if we had not
done so, Spain would have reconquered thera, and that we
could not turn them over to Spain. With what grim satisfac
tion Spain must look upon our efforts to acquire a title which
she could not deliver ! What grim revenue It must be to her to
view the loss of nearly 2,000 soldiers by us and the expendi-

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 251
ture of the vast sums of raoney which it has cost us not to con
quer the Philippines, but to occupy 20 of the 1,100 towns of
that country, to feel that we possess nothing except the terri
tory which we actually occupy with our armies ! How Spain
must rejoice to know that not a soldier of ours can step any
where in the islands outside of the protection of our guns
without loslng'his life!
What page In history gives an account of a more noble
and determined effort to secure their Independence than that
written by the Filipinos? I say, Mr. President, that If we had
not taken title from Spain, she could not have recovered the
islands. Crippled, her fleet destroyed, bankrupt, Spain had
not the power to reconquer the Philippines, and if we had
simply left them out of the treaty to-day they would be free
and independent; to-day they would be administering the quiet
and the peaceful government which we found after the de
struction of the Spanish fleet; to-day a republic would exist
there founded upon our Constitution and our Declaration of
Independence. I say Spain could not have reconquered the
islands; that they would have been free and independent, and
for proof of that I read from Document 62, page 369. This
Is a hearing before the Paris Peace Commission. The wit
ness is General Merritt, fresh from the Philippines, fresh from
the capture of Manila. The query was put to hira by Mr.
Gray, one of the coraraissioners:
Suppose by final treaty with Spain we should abandon Luzon and
all the Philippines, exacting such terms and conditions and guarantees
as we should think necessary, and abandon them entirely, reserving
only a coaling station perhaps, what do you think they would do
about it?
General Merritt. I think in the island of Luzon they would
fight to the bitter end. I have talked with a number of them, intel
ligent men, who said their lives were nothing to them as compared
with the freedom of their country and getting rid of Spanish govern
ment. Mr. Davis. Do you think Spain would be able to reduce them ?
General Merritt. No, sir.
Where, then, goes all this talk about turning thera over to
Spain? At the time General Merritt gave that testimony the

252 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Filipinos had captured every Spanish garrison In the island
of Luzon; they were in possession of the entire territory; and
two naval officers, traveling for sixty days, give an account of
the peaceful government they found. They testify that In one
of the towns they entered they found Spanish merchants pur
suing their business, unmolested and protected by the people.
Day by day the account of their journey through those peaceful
coramunities raust convince any unbiased person that those
people are capable of self-governraent, and were actually prac
ticing it. Turn them back to Spain ! That was Impossible.
I also read from Document No. 62 a statement by Gen
eral Merritt before the Paris Peace Coraraission. This ques
tion was asked by Mr. Frye, the chairraan of the coraraission :
Q. Where they of material assistance to us ?
General Merritt answers:
A. Very great. If the protocol had not been signed, I think the
Spanish at home would have insisted upwn their army doing some
thing. They dismissed Augustin because he was not disposed to fight,
and I think if they had not had this experience of having been driven
back into the city and the water cut off, so even that Jaudenes said he
could not remove his noncombatants, the Government would have in
sisted on his making a fight, and he could have made a very good one,
for his position was strong, if they had any fight in them at all. But
every place had been taken from them by the Filipinos, who managed
their advances and occupation of the country in an able manner.
General Whittier, page 500, Docuraent 62.
The Chairman:
Q. How many men did he get together?
A. His forces went around the city, taking the waterworks and
the north part of the city, and running up the railroad. I asked that
question of several, and the opinions differed widely — all the way from
8,000 to 30,000 or 40,000 men.
Q. Do you think he had as many as 8,000 men before the sur
render? .
A. Yes, sir; the environment of the city took a great many men.
There is a vast extent of countiy there, including the waterworks and
running around the city, and they certainly had to have more than
that to do so.
Q. How many arms did Dewey turn over to them ?

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 253
A. I never knew exactly. I asked him that question, and he said
a very few.
Q. Where did they get the rest of their arms?
A. Some captured from the Spanish, some brought to him by de
serters, and there were some shipments of arms from Hongkong — I be
lieve Americans brought them in — and they have lately taken some to
Batangas, in the southern part, and have taken some new Maxim guns
in there, too.
Mr. Gray:
Q. To the insurgents?
A. Yes.
Q. Since the capitulation?
A. Yes; they changed the name of a vessel and used it. She had
had a Luzon name, the Pasig, and they changed it to the Abby. Dewey
sent down and seized the boat, and the insurgents followed to Manila
Bay, hoping to reclaim it. In other respects their demands, from their
point of view, have not been unreasonable, and show a proper apprecia
tion of the status.
The whole country had been captured by Aguinaldo and
his people; the Spanish soldiers had been taken prisoners,
their arms taken from them, and those who were left had
been driven into Manila; the town had been surrounded, and
yet Senators stand here and say, "We had to take title to those
Islands because we could not turn thera back to Spain I" France
raight as well have said to us after our Revolution that she
would take title to the Araerican colonies, because she could
not turn thera back to England. If the French had done what
we did in Manila, we would not have waited for their forces
to be augraented by new levies ; we would not have waited for
ship after ship to corae across the sea loaded with troops, as
the Filipinos did with us. If France had said that she as
serted sovereignty over this country and that she proposed to
extend her military rule over the American colonies, without
waiting for any more troops we would have destroyed those
she had here; but the Filipinos trusted in our promises; having
fought side by side with us and having been our aUIes they
still further trusted and trusted until we had Increased our
army and our navy in those waters, and then we turned our
guns against them.
Senator Frye seeras to have understood the situation at

254, THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Paris, for he asked Coraraander Bradford, of the United
States Navy, the following question (Docuraent 62, page
488): Mr. Frye:
Q. I would like to ask just one question in that line. Suppose the
United States in the progress of that war found the leader of the
present Philippine rebellion an exile from his country in Hongkong
and sent for him and brought him to the islands in an American ship,
and then furnished him 4,000 or 5,000 stands of arms, and allowed
him to purchase as many more stands of arms in Hongkong, and ac
cepted his aid in conquering Luzon, what kind of a nation, in the eyes
of the \vorld, we would appear to be to surrender Aguinaldo and his
insurgents to Spain to be dealt with as they please?
A. We become responsible for everything he has done ; he is our
ally, and we are bound to protect him.
The day after the surrender (August 13) four representatives of
Aguinaldo called on General Merritt, who assured them in general
terms that "we are the friends of the Filipinos." At that time they
occupied a portion of Manila. We soon demanded that they should
give that up, to which Aguinaldo's representative agreed, but in seek
ing confirmation from him the condition was made that in case we
gave up the country they should be restored to the positions then occu
pied and which they had taken greatly by their own merits. However,
matters have been amicably settled. Aguinaldo's headquarters are at
Malolos, 23 miles up the railroad. His troops control all the settled
part of the island (except Manila), as well as much of the southern
country.
The Chairman:
Q. What do you mean by the "southem country" — those islands
below ?
A. Yes.
Their conduct to their Spanish prisoners has been deserving of the
praise of all the world. With hatred of priests and Spaniards, fairly
held on account of the conditions before narrated, and with every
justification to a savage mind for the most brutal revenge, I have heard
no instance of torture, murder, or brutality since we have been in the
country. Here Is what General Anderson says in the North Araeri
can Review of February, 1900:
On the 1st of July, 1898, I called on Aguinaldo with Admiral
Dewey. He asked me at once whether "the United States of the
North" either had recognized or would recognize his govemment — I am

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 255
not quite sure as to the form of his question, whether it was "had"
or "would." In either form it was embarrassing.
Not erabarrassing to us, Mr. President, If we had been
honest, not embarrassing to us if we did not Intend to deceive.
Why was It embarrassing? It was because he had orders to
use those people to fight the common foe. Would it have
been embarrassing if he had been instructed to pursue an up
right and an honorable course, and to say to Aguinaldo, "I
have been ordered to take this country and annex it to the
United States, and you can expect nothing from us?" That
was the only decent course a great and raighty nation like
this could have adopted; but we did not do it. So he says:
My orders were, in substance, to effect a landing, establish a
base, not go beyond the zone of naval cooperation, to consult Admiral
Dewey, and wait for Merritt. Aguinaldo had proclaimed his govern
ment only a few das's before (June 28), and Admiral Dewey had no
instructions as to that assumption. The facts as to the situation at that
time I believe to be these: Consul Williams states in one of his let
ters to the State Department that several thousand Tagals were in
open insurrection before our declaration of war with Spain. I do not
know as to the number, yet I believe the statement has foundation in
fact. Whether Admiral Dewey and Consuls Pratt, Wildman, and
Williams did or did not give Aguinaldo assurances that a Filipino gov
ernment would be recognized, the Filipinos certainly thought so, prob
ably inferring this from their acts rather than from their statements.
Anderson says they inferred probably frora their acts
rather than frora their statements. I care not the ground
upon which they Inferred it, whether from a definite and
specific act or frora their statements, the fact remains that
our officers knew that the FiUpinos expected Independence :
If an incipient rebellion was already in progress, what could be
inferred from the fact that Aguinaldo and thirteen other banished
Tagals were brought down on a naval vessel and landed in Cavite?
Admiral Dewey gave them arms and ammunition, as I did subse
quently, at his request. They were permitted to gather up a lot of
arms which the Spaniards had thrown into the bay ; and, with the 4,000
rifles taken from Spanish prisoners and 2,000 purchased in Hongkong,
they proceeded to organize three brigades and also to arm a small
steamer they had captured. I was the first to tell Admiral Dewey that

256 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
there was any disposition on the part of the American people to hold
the Philippines if they were captured.
Anderson, then, was the first who told Adrairal Dewey. I
say the inference is that Admiral Dewey did, as Aguinaldo
says, promise him Independence. When Anderson came over
he was the first, he says, to tell Admiral Dewey that there was
a disposition on the part of the American people to hold the
Philippines If they were captured. Why did they not tell the
Filipinos so? Why did he allow them to sacrifice their lives
in assaulting the city of Manila and act with us until the city
fell? Who is it that pretends to stand up here and say now,
in the face of these facts, that the FiUpinos began the war
against us? No; there Is no example in the history of the
world of such a spirit of forbearance as was manifested by
these people after they discovered that we had turned against
them. The current of opinion was setting that way when the first ex
peditionary force left San Francisco, but this the Admiral had had
no reason to surmise. But to return to our interview with Aguinaldo.
I told him I was acting only in a military capacity; that I had no
autHority to recognize his government; that we had come to whip the
Spaniards, and that, if we were successful, the indirect effect would
be to free them from Spanish tyranny.
Here he knew that we were going to keep the islands, and
yet he told the Filipinos that we wanted to act in conjunction
with Aguinaldo and his forces to whip the Spaniards and to
free them from Spanish tyranny; and he went there bearing
information to Dewey that we proposed to keep the Islands.
I say, Mr. President, that If any people in America to-day
are contending for the honor of the American flag it Is the
people who protest against the course pursued against these
people in the Orient. If any people in America to-day are
slandering the flag and covering it with shame and smearing
it with dishonor, it Is this Adrainistration and the Senators on
this floor who defend its course.
I added that as we were fighting a common enemy I hoped we
would get along amicably together. He did not seem pleased with
this answer.

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 257
I do not wonder. At this time he had conquered the whole
of Luzon and several other islands to the south, had driven
Spain into Manila, and drawn a line of earthworks from ocean
to ocean, clear around that city. He had acted with us; he
had been brought from Singapore because he was considered
fit to be our ally, and because he was considered a raost capable
raan to assist us in crushing out Spanish power.
He did not seem pleased with this answer. The fact is, he hoped
and expected to take Manila with Admiral Dewey's assistance.
He had a right to so hope. Admiral Dewey said he could
take Manila at any time, and therefore there was no necessity
for our sending a single soldier to Manila. These men
were good enough for us to turn our prisoners over to at
Subig Bay, were good enough to act with our fleet in
taking the city, and after we had taken it and after we had
acted with thera and compelled a surrender, we would never
have lost the life of a soldier In the Philippines, not one, for
we need not have sent a soldier there; and yet we have treated
them in this sharaeful manner. Dewey telegraphed before a
soldier had arrived that he could take Manila any day, and
that telegram is in his official report. Why did he not do it?
Why did he invite those people to come and assist us and
promise them independence? He had advised with them in
regard to drawing up a constitution and establishing a civil
government. Now, I ask, why did they not take Manila and
save all this bloodshed, and save, above all, the honor of our
flag and the honor of our country and build a republic there?
"Oh," Senators say, "the Filipinos would have sacked
Manila." There is no proof of it. They took possession of
cities of 40,000 people ; they took possession of cities of 20,000
people; they took possession of cities of 10,000 people; and
there is not an instance where there was any massacre of the
inhabitants or the destruction of any property. Read again
the report of Sargent and Wilcox, two naval officers who
traveled through that Island, and you wIU find that they stated
there was peace and protection such as has not existed where
our occupation has gone.

258 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
And he was bitterly disappointed when our soldiers landed at
Cavite. In a few hours after our interview two of my staff officers.
Major Cloman and Lieutenant Clark, who were walking through the
streets of the town, were arrested and taken before Aguinaldo. They
were told by him that strangers could only visit the town by his
permission, but that in their case he was pleased to give them permis
sion to proceed. We at once landed our forces and on the 4th of July
Aguinaldo was invited to witness a parade and review in honor of our
national holiday. He did not come, because he was invited not as
President but as General Aguinaldo.
Dewey says that he never saluted or treated Aguinaldo
with railitary honors. The proof is conclusive that he did.
He was invited as "General Aguinaldo."
This led me to write him a letter stating that while we hoped to
have amicable relations with him, I would have to take Cavite as a base
of operations, and closing with this sentence:
"I have therefore to ask your excellency to instruct your ofiicials
not to interfere with my officers in the performance of their duties and
not to assume that officers or men can not visit Cavite without your
permission." A few days thereafter he made an official call, coming with cabinet
and staff and a band of music. On that occasion he handed me an elabo
rate schedule for an autonomous govemment which he had received
from some Filipinos in Manila, with a statement that they had reason
to believe that Spain would grant them such a form of govemment.
With this was an open letter addressed to the Filipino people from
Pedro Alexandre Paterno advising them to put their trust in Spain
rather than America. The day before two German officers had called
on Aguinaldo, and I believed they had brought him these papers. I
asked him if the scheme was agreeable to him. He did not answer,
but asked if we, the North Americans, as he called us, intended to
hold the Philippines as dependencies. I said I could not answer that,
but that in one hundred and twenty years we had established nd
colonies. I Anderson says, "I could not answer that." I have just
read where he says to Adrairal Dewey — and he was the first
one to advise Admiral Dewey that we proposed to keep the
islands — that he could answer It. What were his Instruc
tions? To Ue to the Filipinos? Did he go over there with in
structions to deceive and falsify? Of course if he did he could
not answer, because as an officer of the Army he raust obey

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 259
his instructions. He says, "I could not answer that," and yet
he knew it, because he says he was the one who bore the in
telligence to Dewey.
I said I could not answer that, but that in one hundred and twenty
years we had established no colonies. He then made this remarkable
statement —
That is, Aguinaldo —
"I have studied attentively the Constitution of the United States, and
I find in it no authority for colonies and I have no fear."
He understood the Constitution better than some of the
merabers of this Senate and a good deal better than the Ad
rainistration. "He had studied our Constitution attentively."
If the President would do that he would not be undertaking.
In violation of that Constitution, to conquer a people and to
govern thera by despotic power against their will.
The prevailing sentiment of the Filipinos towards us can be shown
by one incident.
About the middle of July the insurgent leaders in Cavite invited
a number of our Army and Navy officers to a banquet. There was
some postprandial speech making, the substance of the Filipino talk
being that they wished to be annexed but not conquered. One of our
officers in reply assured them that we had come, not to make them
slaves, but to make them free men. A singular scene followed. All
the Filipinos rose to their feet and Buencomeno, taking his wineglass in
his hand said: "We wish to be baptized in that sentiment." Then
he and the rest poured the wine from their glasses over their heads.
Statements have been made to the effect that Manila was taken by
agreement —
And then General Anderson goes into that question. I
will read the portion with regard to the taking of Manila by
agreeraent, and I wiU leave the people of this country to judge
whether It was not taken by agreeraent, and whether every
Ufe that was lost In the taking of ManUa was not sacrificed
to Spanish pride. The Dakota boys were raurdered in that
assault, an assault absolutely unnecessary. It was made be
cause they were afraid that, if we did not pursue the course
we pursued, the Filipinos would get Into Manila:

26o ' THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The negotiations by which it was attempted to secure a surrender
without resistance were carried on through Mr. Andre, the Belgian
consul. His method was to go to the Governor-General and get a
statement, which he wrote down in a memorandum book ; then he would
go to General Merritt and Admiral Dewey and get a statement from
them, which he would carry back to the Governor-General. This was
apart from some formal correspondence. After the surrender, Andre
translated to me the notes in his memorandum book, for they were
written in Spanish. The substance of the agreement seemed to be
that if the fleet did not throw shells into the walled city or the Spanish
part of Manila the Spanish artillery would not open on the fleet.
We could shoot at the part of the city occupied by the
native Filipinos all we pleased, kill as raany of thera as we
had a mind to, if we would not shoot at the Spaniards. Whom
were we fighting? Spain. Whom had our boys enlisted to
fight? Spain. And yet the agreement was that we were not
to shoot at the Spanish part of the city, where the Spanish
garrison was, and then they would not fire back at us !
There was no agreement, as the memorandum was read to me, that
our land forces would not be fired on.
Dewey said he could take the city at any time with his
fleet alone.
On the contrary, there was a statement that the honor of Spain re
quired that there should be resistance, and that under the Spanish
army code their officers surrendering without resistance or giving a
parole would subject themselves to trial by court-martial. Accord
ingly; we were fired on from the trenches and back through the
streets of the city.
We could take the city with the fleet without losing a man,
and yet our boys — boys from Dakota, boys frora the West —
were raarched up and sacrificed and shot down to gratify
Spanish pride; so that these Spanish officers would not be
court-raartialed after we paroled them. That Is the state
ment of General Anderson. It is but a chapter in this wretched
business. Then he goes on to the subject of controversy. I propose
to relate just briefly right here how Manila was taken. The
city was surrounded with earthworks and an army of Filipinos

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 261
frora shore to shore. We landed on the western side of the
city upon the shore, having previously secured frora the Fili
pinos permission to occupy a quarter of a mile of their trenches.
Aguinaldo asked that this permission be requested in writing,
so that his authority and rights would be on record. Our
officers promised to put it In writing. Depending upon their
honor, Aguinaldo surrendered his trenches — a quarter of a
mile of them — to our forces, and they occupied them.
I should like to ask whether that written request was ever
sent. It does not appear in the docuraents sent to us. It
does not appear in any record sent to us. Undoubtedly it
never was sent. It was another piece of treachery practiced
by our array over there. When I raake this charge of treach
ery I draw It as an inference frora the facts I state, and If it
is not a just inference then people have a right to differ with
rae. We landed our array on the strip of coast. Intrenchments
running back from the sea, 14 miles around, were occupied by
Filipino troops and then we ordered the assault — I mean this
play at an assault. We started our forces down along the
beach to the corner of the walled city. The wall was covered
with armed Spaniards. When we got down there they did
not fire upon our troops. We were in between the Spanish
troops who had occupied Paco, a suburb of Manila, and Agui
naldo had driven them out, a thousand of thera, and they had
started for the walled city and they met our troops. We did
not stop thera. We had no fight with thera. They were al
lowed to go into the walled city. General Anderson got notice
that representatives of our coraraanding officers were inside the
city receiving the surrender. Then he says he rushed his
troops up along the waU to take possession of the bridges, so
as not to let the FiUpinos get into the Spanish city and Injure
and harra those poor Spaniards whora we supposed we were
fighting. But Aguinaldo assaulted aU along the line, 13 J/2 raUes. Do
you think he would have given us possession of his earthworks
but for the fact that he expected to work with us? He lost
raany raen. He took of the city of Mamla raore than we did.

262 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Outside of the wall is the principal part of the city, and he
took those parts of the suburbs. He took thera at the cost of
lives. He took them at the loss of many of his raen. Whfen
he carae to the walled city, he found not the Spaniards resist
ing his course, but the bayonets of the troops of the United
States. He found his ally turned against him. From that day
on our course was one of constant aggression, constant irrita
tion, constant attack upon him. Seven or eight officers of his
army were killed by our sentinels. We pushed our sentinels
out beyond the boundaries of Manila, out beyond the boundar
ies of the country we had a right to occupy.
Late In the fall Aguinaldo objected. He said: "I oc
cupy Pandancan and Santa Mesa, and General Merritt has
admitted that they are not within the boundary of Manila."
Otis replied, "You are right. I have also examined the raaps
of Manila, and these places are not within the boundary. I
can find no Spanish decree that places them within the boun
dary of Manila, but I ara going to take thera anyhow." That
was the substance of his statement.
Aguinaldo's letter had recited what towns were not and
what towns were within the boundary of Manila. The pro
tocol stated that we were to keep possession of the city, bay,
and harbor of Manila. Otis replied to Aguinaldo that the
protocol said that we must keep possession of the city, sub
urbs, and defenses of Manila, and that because of that pro
vision in the protocol we were obUged to corapel hira to raove
back. Now, Mr. Otis stated what was absolutely false, and he
discredits himself again. I should like to have any Senator
read the protocol and then read Mr. Otis's report, on pages
20 and 21. He lied as to the area of country that we had a
right to occupy. He did it purposely, and then he had to admit
that even on that statement he was not entitled to the occupa
tion of Pandancan and Santa Mesa. He did occupy them. He
was at Santa Mesa, more than a mile beyond the boundary
where we had a right to be under the protocol, violating the
protocol with Spain by occupying territory beyond the boun
daries agreed upon.

THE PHinPPINE REVOLT 263
TERMS OF PROTOCOL OF AUGUST 12, 1898.
Art. 3. The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay, and
harbor of Manila pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which
shall determine the control, disposition, and govemment of the Philip
pines. The fighting coramenced, and we commenced the fighting.
Now, let us see what Anderson says about that:
The origin of our controversies and conflicts with the Filipinos
can, as already explained, be traced back to our refusal to recognize
the political authority of Aguinaldo. Our first serious break with them
arose from our refusal to let them cooperate with us.
We sent for him, brought him from Singapore on our
vessel, and had given hira arras, anxious to have him cooperate
with us.
About 9 o'clock oh the evening of August 12 I received from Gen
eral Merritt an order to notify Aguinaldo to forbid the Filipino insur
gents under his command from entering Manila. This notification was
delivered to him at 20 minutes past 10 that night. The Filipinos had
made every preparation to assail the Spanish lines in their front. Cer
tainly they would not have given up part of their line to us unless they
thought they were to fight with us.
We had got posseslson, we were in their trenches, pretty
close to the waU of the old or Spanish town, and we got pos
session by lying to them, because Anderson refused to answer,
and said he could not answer ; and then also said that he was
the bearer of the news to Dewey that we were going to con
quer and keep that country.
They therefore received General Merritt's interdict with anger
and indignation. They considered the war as their war, and Manila as
their capital, and Luzon as their country.
That is what our forefathers thought as to this country.
Knowing that they would disregard any remonstrance on our
part, I sent a battalion of North Dakota Volunteers to hold a bridge
they' would have to cross if they followed us into Manila when we
made our assault on the next morning, but when the battle began they
broke in by way of Santana and got into the city as soon as we did.
After the white flag was raised and the firing ceased, it was found that

264 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
fully 4,000 armed insurgents had taken possession of Paco and part of
Malate, two important suburbs on the south of the Pasig. To hold
them within these limits and stop any attempt at looting, a cordon of
troops was thrown around them.
It has been said that a letter has been discovered in which
Aguinaldo clairaed a part of the share of the spoils of war,
and therefore that has been clairaed as justification for the
stateraent that he was going to loot Manila. What he claimed
his share of was what has heretofore always been considered
legitimate spoils of war. That was the $900,000 of public
money which was captured when the city fell. That he would
not have looted, that he would not have burned and' destroyed,
Is proved conclusively by the fact that nearly the entire popula
tion of the city of Manila were of his race and tribe, and fully
half of his array were recruited in that city, and their families
were living there. They were not permitted even to go In to
see their families.
The situation was exceedingly critical. Our soldiers believed that
the Filipinos had fired on them, and the Filipinos were almost beside
themselves with rage and disappointment. The friendly relations we
had with Generals Recati and Morial alone prevented a conflict then
and there. At 7 o'clock I received an order from General Merritt to
remove the Filipinos from the city. Had we attempted to use force we
would have had to fight to carry out our orders. In that event we
would certainly have had a serious complication.
The Filipinos would have been justified in fighting right
there, before our army was Increased. They had been shown
that we proposed to conquer their country, and still they fore-
bore. With 10,000 men we would have had to guard 13,300 Spanish
prisoners and to fight 14,000 Filipinos. I therefore took the responsi
bility of telegraphing Aguinaldo, who was at Bacoor, 10 miles below,
requesting him to withdraw his troops, and intimating that serious
consequences would follow if he did not do so. I received his answer
at II, saying that a commission would come to me the next morning,
with full powers. Accordingly the next day Sefiors Buencomeno,
Lagarde, Araneto, and Sandeco came to division headquarters in Manila
and stated that they were authorized to order the withdrawal of their
troops if we would promise to reinstate them in their present positions
on our making peace with Spain.

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 265
If that was not a reasonable request I should like to know
how one could be raade.
Thereupon I took them over to General Merritt. Upon their re
peating their demands, he told them he could not give such a pledge,
but that they could rely on the honor of the American people. The
general then read to them the proclamation he intended to issue to the
Filipino people. The commission then went back to Aguinaldo for
further instructions. A member of the commission had brought me a
letter from Aguinaldo, complaining that he had been harshly treated,
and that his army had given up a part of their lines to us on the under
standing that there was to be a cooperation between us in future mili
tary movements. I showed this letter to General Merritt after the
commission had withdrawn. He directed me to reply that if Aguinaldo
had been apparently harshly treated, it was from a military necessity,
and that while we might recognize the justice of their insurrection, it
was thought judicious to have only one army in Manila at one time.
On the 15th the commission retumed with a paper containing ten
unreasonable demands. There was an astonishing change, from one
very reasonable condition one day to ten aggressive demands the next.
Their one reasonable deraand had been denied.
The change can only be accounted for on the theory that Aguinaldo
and his counselors plainly perceived from General Merritt's proclama
tion that we intended to hold the Philippines under military rule. Upon
this they determined to obtain the best conditions for themselves at
once. There was subsequently ample confirmation of this, from the fact
that General Otis suppressed that part of the President's letter (De
cember 24, 1898) to the Secretary of War which directed our military
forces to take possession of all the Philippine Islands by right of transfer
from Spain and by right of conquest.
This, mark you, is Anderson's statement, the man who took
Manila, who was In coraraand of our forces. He said that
Otis struck out of the President's proclaraation to the people
those words because he thought they would create trouble,
clairaing the right to the Island by transfer and by right of
conquest. What had we conquered? The city of ManUa had
been surrendered to us upon an agreement. We had not con
quered another foot of the territory of the island. All the
rest of the island had been conquered by the insurgents, and
the Spanish power absolutely destroyed; and yet he claimed
the islands by conquest. We have been trying since to enforce

266 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
our title. But It is said that the title came more from God
than from Spain. If that is true, It Is expensive business clear
ing up the abstract.
There is a great diversity of opinion as to whether a conflict with
the Filipinos could not have been avoided if a more conciliatory course
had been followed in dealing with them. I believe we came to a part
ing of the ways when we refused their request to leave their military
force in a good strategic position on the contingency of our making peace
with Spain without a guarantee of their independence. From what was
known of the situation, our Government was justified in not recognizing
Aguinaldo's authority as a de facto government. For, even if it had
been determined to recognize an independent Filipino government it did
not follow that we should recognize a self-appointed junta as con
stituting a government.
I beg leave to quarrel with that statement of General An
derson's, and I have a right to do It, because we brought
Aguinaldo from Singapore on our vessel, and, advising with
Admiral Dewey, he formed a governraent, the government
which we helped to set up. Therefore It was the very govern
raent we were bound to recognize the very eleraent we ought to
recognize to-day.
On the other hand, the dicta of international law that, in war, fhe
powers of the military occupant are absolute and supreme, and im
mediately operate upon the political conditions of the inhabitants —
which the President made the basis of his instructions to General Mer-
ritt^could only be made to apply to the Philippines by a very liberal
construction. Let us see what Anderson goes on to say:
Was Luzon a conquered country? We held Manila and Cavite.
The rest of the island was held not by the Spaniards, but by the
Filipinos. On the other islands the Spaniards were confined to two
or three fortified towns.
"The rest of the Island," raark you, every acre of it, was
In the hands, according to General Anderson, of the Filipinos;
cities and towns, with populations of twenty and twenty-five
thousand, all In the hands of the Filipinos, not of the Span
iards.

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 267
On the other islands the Spaniards were confined to two or three
fortified towns.
On all the other Islands in the group the Spanish power
was destroyed. Iloilo was one of those other towns, on the
island of Panay, with a population of 40,000 people, and
before the treaty with Spain was consummated the Filipinos
were In possession of that city administering its government.
At the time referred to we could not claim to hold by purchase,
for we had not then received Spain's quitclaim deed to the archipelago.
Making allowance for difference of time, we took Manila almost to the
hour when the peace preliminaries were signed in Washington. But,
no matter when Manila was taken, it was unfortunate for us that we
felt so bound by the meshes of diplomatic amenities as to permit Spain's
insurgent subjects to levy war against us and attack us when they
felt fully prepared — a philanthropic policy which has cost us many
valuable lives.
To return to the question of conciliation, one of Aguinaldo's com
mission, who was subsequently a member of his cabinet, said to me:
"Either we have a de facto government or we have not. If we have,
why not recognize the fact ? If not, why have you recognized us
at all?" Pretty good logic; pretty hard to meet. All the sophistry
of the Senator from Wisconsin never touched this case. I
wondered when I heard It why he admired Otis until I read
Otis's reply to a dispatch of a few days ago asking hira if
Aguinaldo had not sent a request, after the fighting cora
raenced on the 4th of February, to cease the conflict. Otis
went all around that, but did not deny It, and so the Senator
from Wisconsin did in his entire speech. His admiration for
Otis must have resulted from the excellent example of how
to get around the facts which Otis had furnished him.
This last remark referred to General Merritt's conceding them the
control of the Manila waterworks and to General Otis's attempts to
negotiate with them without committing himself.
There were other causes of antagonism. Our soldiers, to get what
they considered trophies, did a good deal of what the Fihpinos con
sidered looting. A number made debts which they did not find it
convenient to pay. They called the natives "niggers," and often treated
them with'a good-natured condescension, which exasperated the natives
all the more because they dared not resent it.

268 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
So this is the report of General Anderson with regard to
the capture of Manila and the situation over there, which must
condemn before the civilized world forever the conduct of this
Adrainistration as the blackest and raost infamous that ever
was placed upon the pages of history.
I am going to read, althpugh I think it is not In the Con
secutive order of ray reraarks, from page 424 of Document 62 :
Memoranda concerning the situation in the Philippines on August
30, 1898, by General Greene.
General Greencywas over there. This was raade to the
Paris Peace Commission for the purpose of furnishing our
commissioners with inforraation.
Greene says:
The United States Government, through its naval commander, has
to some extent made use of them for a distinct military purpose, viz, to
harass and annoy the Spanish troops, to wear them out in the trenches,
to blockade Manila on the land side, and to do as much damage as
possible to the Spanish Government prior to the arrival of our troops;
and for this purpose the Admiral allowed them to take arms and mu
nitions which he had captured at Cavite, and their ships to pass in and
out of Manila Bay in their expeditions against other provinces.
Webster says an ally is "anything associated with another
as a helper, an auxiliary;" and the Century Dictionary says an
ally Is "an auxiliary, a friend." If they were not allies, and
if the record does not starap. the stateraent of Dewey that he
never raade allies of thera as untrue, then I ara unable to un
derstand the English language.
I ara now going to read an account of the first fight. This
Is by a Colorado soldier, Mr. Abram L. Mumper:
The Filipinos who did enter the city August 13, 1898, were ordered
out a month later. They obeyed the order, but formed upon the luneta
and marched past and saluted the spot where these patriots died. As
that barefoot army of men and boys marched past our barracks one of
their bands, to show good will toward us, struck up A Hot Time in the
Old Town, our national air for the Philippines, made such by the
Colorado band playing it as they entered the city August 13 — an air
every Filipino boy in Manila could whistle a week after we were in
the city. We gave them a rousing cheer. They answered, "Vive los
Americanos." No, they did not want to fight us. We did not want to
fight them, and if we had to fight it was because the master magician in

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 269
this drama, behind the screens, by some trick of the black art, brought
us together. You have heard much of Filipino taunts and insults. But we were
the aggressors. We first turned the cold shoulder the 13th of August.
Then followed in a succession, made more aggravating by the time
that intervened, the order to evacuate Malate and Paco ; the order for
insurgents to quit Singelong and Pandacan. Dewey seized their boats
upon the bay ; then General Otis sends a map to Aguinaldo and notifies
him to remove his forces beyond a line he marked. Disputes along the
outposts are settled invariably against the natives. Each time we sol
diers are ordered under arms ready to fight if they failed to yield, and
judging from the talk you might have concluded that fight was pre
ferred. But each time they yielded. Aguinaldo counseled peace. He
trusted to the Peace Commission, and finally the Senate, to recognize
his claims. He knew he would sacrifice everything by pursuing the
other course.
The order of the President establishing sovereignty over the islands
greatly excited the natives. Hundreds quit their stands. Carrimetto
drivers passed through our lines to join Aguinaldo's army, and it be
came next to impossible to hire a carrimetto. So we soldiers had to
walk. I was in^town the day the President's proclamation was posted.
I heard Filipinos who had trusted us till now say we were "No more
amigo." I saw this proclamation, which you will remember says so
much of the rights of property, torn down by the Filipinos and another
put up by them that dealt more with the rights of man. A little later —
January 21 — a Filipino captain was shot down by an American sentry
at the Tondo bridge. I never heard of any cause. It was already the
seventh or eighth insurgent shot down in passing our lines. The com
mand "Halt" given in English was often misunderstood, and though
most of our soldiers were humane, there were a few that would as
soon kill as eat, and were thirsting for their man. The press en
couraged this reckless work by making a hero of the man that did the
killing. Back of the press, judging from the full-page advertising,
stood the beer kings, and upon the ocean were ships loaded with their
beer. Trade was following the flag, and the flag must be advanced to
make more room for trade. In the very ashes of the cities we burned —
Mr. Beveridge. What cities does he say we burned?
Mr. Pettigrew. He does not give the naraes. We
burned, according to the stories, sorae of the cities. I have
talked with soldiers about it. This man does not give the
names of the cities. As a matter of fact, I talked with several
of the South Dakota boys, and they said the soldiers thera
selves set cities on fire ; that when fighting first coraraenced the

270 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
intention was to make the situation so unbearable and so in
tolerable that the Filipinos would yield, and we did the burn
ing as .a part of that policy. That is the testimony of the
soldiers with whom I have conversed. But afterwards when
It was found that our inhumane policy was not bringing the
desired results the order was changed. The men were fur
nished with matches with which to perform their Incendiary
tasks under the original plan of warfare.
When this captain was killed the insurgent newspapers called for
war. The Filipino women of Cavite held a mass meeting and begged
to be allowed to serve upon the firing line. Aguinaldo again quiets the
rising storm. But the armies are approaching a clash. Both forces are
becoming impatient under restraint. But a spark is needed. The
authors of the drama look on, no doubt, in pious grandeur and say, "It
is well." The Nebraska regiment had been sent to Santa Mesa. Aguinaldo
had vigorously protested against this and pointed out to General Otis
that Santa Mesa was outside the line of the protocol. General Otis
looks it up and admits to Aguinaldo that such is the case (pages 20 and
21, General Otis's report), but holds fast to the position. Here, outside
the limits of the protocol, in an effort to make the insurgents move back
a sentry post, the first shot was fired. Grayson, the man who fired that
shot, told me, on board the Hancock, as his regiment was ready to sail
for America, that it was "the damn bullheadedness of the officers in
invading insurgent territory" that was responsible for that shot. But
we fired the second shot and third shot before we got a response. And
this was two days before the Senate was to vote upon the peace treaty,
and many of the insurgent officers away from the firing line! This is
the way the insurgents made what the President calls a "foul attack"
upon us. But the Fihpinos returned the fire and the war was on.
The fact of the matter Is that General Otis's report says
that the insurgents were not ready. They did not intend that
war should coramence then. He says the battle was one con
tinuous attack on our part and simple defense on theirs. It
was aggression on our part. Furthermore, It Is well proved
that firing did not commence all along the Une. Several
rainutes elapsed between the killing of the first and the killing
of the second FiUpIno. It took an hour and a half for the
firing to reach the length of our line, showing that they were
not ready and did not intend to fight. Aguinaldo says they
did not Intend to fight. His officers were in the city. They

THE PHILIPPINE REVOLT 271
had been given a holiday. I will not read his statement of
this fact, but I will read the words Otis used:
The battle of Manila, which commenced at half past 8 o'clock on
the evening of February 4, continued until 5 the next evening. * * *
The engagement was one strictly defensive on the part of the insurgents
and of vigorous attack by our forces.
I supplement that with the statement which I made orally,
which Is copied frora the Record.
protocol of AGREEMENT, AUGUST 12, 1 898.
Art. 3. The United States will occupy and hold the city, bay, and
harbor of Manila, pending the conclusion of a treaty of peace, which
shall determine the control, disposition, and government of the Philip
pines.

CHAPTER XII
atrocities
MR. PRESIDENT :i I voted against the passage of
the Army bill and I would have been glad If I could
have defeated it entirely. I do not believe It ought to
have been passed or that any necessity has been shown why it
should pass. The report of the Committee on Military Af
fairs disclosed nothing beyond an arguraent In favor of Army
canteens. The only argument the committee made was one
in favor of enlarging the usefulness of that institution by en
larging the Army. The Senate having beaten that portion of
the bill, which received such earnest attention on the part of
the Committee on MiUtary Affairs, the necessity for enlarging
the Army, from the standpoint of the committee, disappeared
with the defeat of the canteen. If there exist other reasons
why the Array should be enlarged the committee have not dis
closed it to the Senate or the country. Their report contains
nothing on the subject.
I was surprised that the minority found no objection to
this remarkable report. They seeraed to think that the en
largeraent of the Army was necessary in order to enlarge
the scope of the civilizing influences of a barroom at every
post. What lulled them to sleep I know not.
We sought inforraation as to why the Array should be
enlarged, what use was to be raade of it, what was the neces
sity for increasing it to 100,000 raen, and our inquiries were
not answered. I introduced a resolution calling upon the
Secretary to furnish us desired Inforraation regarding the op
erations of our Army in the Orient, and the resolution was re-
I. Speech in the Senate January 31, 1901.
272

ATROCITIES 273
ferred to the Coraraittee on the Philippines, and there it slura
bered. Inforraation is denied and refused, not only to the
Senate, to the Congress, which is expected to create legisla
tion, but to the people of the United States, who give their
raoney to sustain our legislation. Ever since the conflict began
in the PhUippines a steady practice of concealraent has been
carried on by the Administration. There has been a constant
refusal to furnish information that might justify Array opera
tions. This was not because it was feared the eneray raight
secure Inforraation, but with the purpose of keeping inforraa
tion from the people of the United States.
In the first place, the correspondents found their news
censored, and when they raade inquiry and protest they were
told by General Otis that he took that course because he
wanted to do nothing that would hurt the Administration at
home; that practicaUy he censored their news to keep the facts
frora the people of the United States. When we asked by
resolution for Information, It was denied, and to-day there are
concealed in the archives of the State Department a vast
amount of inforraation that, in ray opinion, if disclosed to
the Araerican people would be deeraed by thera as discredit
able to the Adrainistration.
I beUeve, Mr. President, from what little inforraation we
can get from this source that the battle which coraraenced on
the 4th of February near Manila, in 1899, was begun under
orders from Washington, and that If we could procure access
to the records they would disclose that fact. We began the
war, and I fully believe that General Otis was ordered to begin
the war. He says the battle of Manila, which began on the 4th
of February, was one of vigorous attack upon our part and
one exclusively of defense upon the part of the FiUpinos.
Important Inforraation Is denied. Only such portions of
the official record are given to the public as it seeras in the
Interest of the party in power to disclose. V^e were told that
if it were not for the syrapathy of the people at horae the war
In the PhUippines would cease. It was said to us that If we
had not encouraged the insurgents, as they were caUed, they

274 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
would lay down their arms and surrender their liberty. This
policy of concealraent has continued up to date.
Just before the election In 1899 In Ohio the State Depart
ment practically denied that It had made such an agreeraent
as the contract with the Sultan of Sulu, and when the Asso
ciated Press sent for a copy of that infaraous agreeraent they
were given one written in Arabic — Sulu Arabic — that nobody
in the United States could translate. By such subterfuges the
contract or agreeraent with the Sultan of Sulu was kept from
the pubUc until after the election In Ohio.
Just before the election the Schurraan coraraission raade a
partial report, setting forth only such facts as would Inure to
the interest of the Adrainistiation and concealing the re
raainder. Last year during the carapaign, although the in
structions to the Paris coraraissioners were sent to the Senate
in secret, the President in his letter of acceptance quotes co
piously frora the Instructions to those coraraissioners, leaving
out lines and paragraphs and words which changed the raean
ing, in order to deceive the voters during the election cam
paign. And yet the Senate refuses to make these Instructions
public and all information Is denied to the people except that
which the Administration finds It politically safe to disclose to
the public.
The Taft Philippine Coraraission during the carapaign was
reported in the newspapers to have said that the insurgents
were raaintaining war because of a hope of the election of
Bryan and that the Insurrection would fall to pieces in case
he was defeated. Now that the election is over we find the
insurrection raore vigorous than ever, having thus continued
up to date. When we asked for the real facts conceming the
war frora official sources — and such facts would have been
serviceable pending the passage of this bill — the' desired in
formation was refused. After the bill passes and has gone
into conference we are flooded with telegrams stating that the
insurgents are about to surrender, that the war is nearly over,
and thus the Taft coraraission again coraes to the relief of its
masters, the Administration.
One purpose having been accorapUshed by a partial dis-

ATROCITIES 275
closure of the truth, they shift their position and say the rebels
are surrendering and that the war is about over. What new
purpose they now expect to accomplish I know not, but under
all these circumstances the American people are entitled to
full disclosures on both sides of the question. As a coordinate
branch of the Government, it is our right to know what has
been done and what is being done. We ought not to be re
quired to glean our information from a partisan commission,
whose raerabers raerely obey the orders of the Administration
in promulgating an opinion which suits the particular political
exigency of the case.
When this bill came before us I supposed an elaborate
report, showing the operations of our Army, the extent of
territory which had been conquered, the details, the necessity
for the continuation of an armed force In the Philippines,
would be forthcoming. All we received was a book of testi
mony In favor of the canteen and sorae evidence with regard
to the re-formation of the Army upon different lines frora
those heretofore eraployed and the rearrangement of the staff.
The debate in this body has been upon those subjects, and
to-day we are ignorant as to what the situation is, though we
have passed an iraportant raeasure, based upon our supposed
knowledge of the situation.
I am credibly informed that the United States has not con
trol of one-quarter of the area of the Philippines ; that the en
tire population are arrayed agamst us. These people are not
In revolt, Mr. President. How can they be rebels to a Con
stitution which the Administration Insists never extended over
thera? How can they defy a Constitution which does not exist
within the area of their country? How can they be rebels
against a sovereignty which they never acknowledged?
No, Mr. President, they are not rebels. Any citizen of the
United States has the privilege of sympathizing with them
without being open to the charge of treason. Our Constitu
tion, so our Administration states, does not extend to them.
The sovereignty of the United States does not encompass the
environment of these Orientals. How can our sovereignty ex
tend beyond the jurisdiction of our fundamental law? Through

276 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
what process has such a feat been accoraphshed? Not through
conquest. Once we made this claim, but the cold terras of
the Paris treaty dissipated it, and instead of sovereignty by
conquest we are now proclaiming ownership of the Philippine
Islands by right of cession, with a sordid purchase behind the
deal. It seems to matter Uttle that,i under our Declaration of
Independence and Its resultant forra of govemment, we are
precluded from establishing sovereignty over any people with
out their consent.
So far as anything can be ascertained officially, Mr. Presi
dent, the United States Is trying to conquer the Filipinos and
impose a governraent upon them, and up to date the effort has
not succeeded. It is not a single tribe in that far-off archipel
ago that is resisting us. It Is the entire population, if coraraon
report raay be relied upon, and we have little else to guide
our legislative course. We are asked to vote for a perraanent
enlargeraent of the Array and are denied the inforraation upon
which we can justify our acquiescence.
But a few days ago I asked the Secretary of War for a
copy of General MacArthur's report, and found that it had
been suppressed. No citizen can procure a copy of MacAr
thur's report. Why has it been suppressed? Why is not the
inforraation It contains given to the Araerican people? Upon
this subject I have received a letter from the Secretary of
War only a few days old. It is as follows:
War Department, Washington, January 14, 1901.
Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your letter of
the 2d instant requesting a copy of Major-General MacArthur's last
report in, relation to conditions in the Philippine Islands.
In reply I beg to inform you that the same is not at present avail
able for distribution, and that volume I of the Report of the War De
partment, a quota of which, it is understood, will be placed to your
credit in the document room of the Senate as soon as published, will
contain the annual report of General MacArthur.
Very respectfully, ELIHU ROOT, Secretary of War.
Hon. R. F. Pettigrew,
United States Senate.

ATROCITIES 277
So I say that I am justified In charging that for political
purposes the Administration keeps from the American people
information which Is necessary for a justification of the pas
sage of this Army biU. I beUeve that if the Information was
secured the justification would not be found within It. I be
Ueve the American people would say, if they could have access
to all the facts, that the way to stop the war Is to stop fighting.
The people of the PhiUppines are not our enemies. In speak
ing for them I ara not encouraging the enemies of my country.
All they have done to us is to resist the invasion of their Islands
and the destruction of their liberties. All they have done to
us Is to insist upon their freedora, their Independence as a na
tion, and, as evidence of their earnest intentions, they partici
pated as our allies in a contest to overthrow the power of
Spain. Stop fighting, cease to try to conquer them and to rob
them of their country, and the war will be over and bloodshed
will cease.
Mr. President, I hope the Fihpinos will be successful. I
want them to secure their liberty. I believe that they ought
to succeed. They are struggling for freedora — for that which
has raade our history as a nation grand in all its past. I hope
the day will never come when I shall fail to sympathize with
any people who are struggUng for Uberty, no matter where
they are.
While opposed, Mr. President, to this entire measure, I ara
especially opposed to one of Its features. I ara opposed to
that paragraph in the bill which requires the United States
to copy the Infamous policy of Great Britain In the present and
in the past — the paragraph which provides that we may enlist
soldiers among the FiUpinos to fight their own people. I ara
especially opposed to the legislation covered by that para
graph. It reads as foUows:
That when in his opinion the conditions in the Philippine Islands
justify such action the President is authorized to enlist natives of those
islands for service in the Army, to be organized as scouts, with such
officers as he shall deem necessary for their proper control, or as troops
or companies, as authorized by this act, for the Regular Army. The
President is further authorized, in his discretion, to form companies.

278 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
organized as are companies of the Regular Army, in squadrons or bat
talions, with officers and noncommissioned officers corresponding to
similar organizations in the cavalry and infantry arms. The total
number of enlisted men in said native organizations shall not exceed
12,000, and the total enlisted force of the line of the Army, together
with such native force, shall not exceed at any one time 100,000.
I oppose this action, Mr. President, because, while the
raajority of the population of these islands, in fact frora 70
to 80 per cent of them, are educated and civilized, and 6,000,-
000 of them worship the same God that we do, and believe
in the sarae religion erabraeed by over 8,000,000 of our own
population, still within the borders of that country as well as
within the borders of the United States there are savage and
uncivilized tribes — not raany, but In ray opinion enough to
supply the 12,000 troops which It is proposed to enlist. Those
are the only people you can secure soldiers frora — the bar
barous tribes of that country.
We have had experience with those people. We enlisted
200 of thera, and their conduct was outrageous. I propose
to show from the testimony of the Secretary of War that
such is the fact. Secretary Root says :
By far the most economical way to take the place of the outgoing
volunteers is to put regulars in their place. I do not believe we could
get volunteers. There is not the enthusiasm, the opportunity for ad
venture, which would attract volunteers. No doubt we could get
regulars. Senator Warren. If we got into a scrap with England or Germany
we would be able to get volunteers easy enough?
Secretary Root. We could get them quick enough then. We got
them quick enough when there was real, sure-enough fighting in the
Philippines. Senator Shoup. Have you considered the question of enlisting na
tives over there?
Secretary Root. Yes ; and there is quite a good deal of discussion
of that in this year's report. I said in that everything I have to say.
I think no doubt it will be practical, but we have to do it slowly. We
can not take them in fast. We have to take them in slow, as we have
officers to discipline them and instill in them the spirit of discipline,
because they murder and burn and rob like the rest of the crowd until
they get some idea of discipline and the necessity of following the
lines of civilized warfare.

ATROCITIES 279
And yet, Mr. President, this bill provides for recruiting a
class of soldiers who, according to the testimony of the Sec
retary of War, murder and burn and rob. I intend to give
the facts in regard to this burning and robbing in the Philip
pines on the part of our Army. We enUsted 200 Macabebes.
These savages are accustomed to fighting the white man's bat
tles, 300 Macabebes serving in the Spanish army. They were
enUsted frora a town of that name on one of the western
islands of the group. When the Spanish war closed they sur
rendered to us and were paroled. The captured Macabebes
offered their services to Aguinaldo, but he declined their offer
and refused to take thera into his army, because they had been
fighting with Spain after the revolt of 1896 and had been so
barbarous In their conduct. Our officers then recruited 200 of
them, and we sent out this band of marauding robbers to mur
der and burn. In perpetuation of uncivilized methods of war
fare this bill provides that 12,000 more of them raay be secured
and turned loose upon the Christian people of that country.
You can get no other native troops there, and these 12,000
soldiers must be gathered from araong the savages In the
archipelago. The Taft Coraraission the other day passed a law raaking
it a crirainal offense, subject to Iraprisonment, for natives to
refuse to take office under the coraraission and perform the
functions of civil governraent. If we have raade it a crirae
for the civilized natives to refuse to take office and perform
the functions of civil governraent under us, how are we going
to get thera into the Army to fight their own countrymen ?
No, Mr. President, this paragraph in the bUl means the
enUstraent of 12,000 of the savages of that country, the Moros,
If you please, to fight against the civilized and Christian people
of those Islands. This provision alone ought to prevent us
from agreeing to the conference report.
Whether or not the crimes which have been committed in
the Philippines against civiUzed warfare were the result of
enlisting these Macabebes I can not teU. But I ask that the
Secretary read a letter frora the railitary governor and cora
raander in chief of one of the provinces of the Philippines, he

2 8o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
being railitary governor and comraander-in-chief under the
native government, which letter describes some of the things
we are doing In that country.
The Presiding Officer (Mr. Kean in the chair) : In the
absence of objection, the Secretary will read as requested.
The Secretary read as follows :
To the American people:
To you, noble people, model of civic virtues and champion of liberty,
the present appeal is addressed, setting forth the inhuman proceeding
of your imperialist Army in the present war, which it is maintaining
against the Filipino people in order to impose on them the yoke of
slavery. Since General Otis, the blind instrument of the ambitious Mc
Kinley, has declared war on us, with the infamous purpose of snatching
from us our sacred independence, which we have conquered by dint of
very costly sacrifices and at the cost of numberless victims offered up
at the altar of our freedom ; since the 4th of February, when, trusting
in the friendship which linked us with the army in occupation, we were
surprised by the latter; finally, since the first booming of the imperialist
cannon, threatening to destroy our defenseless towns if they would
not submit to the dominion of the invader was heard ; since then our
land has been the theater of all kinds of vandalic acts, performed by
the said army. They have violated the most sacred rights, trampled
down even the very laws dictated by the sentiments of humanity, and,
not contented with the superiority of their arms and machines of war
over ours, they have resorted to all kinds of destructive elements, whose
usage in a campaign is entirely forbidden by international law, in order,
doubtless, to thus secure the destruction of our race, which is struggling
for its freedom. That international law is transgressed in this cam
paign is proven by the fact that the American cannons are loaded with
dynamite and other infernal substance, and by the fact that when the
bullets of their rifles penetrate into the body they expand and when
they come out they make an ugly and uncommon wound, giving the
victims horrible sufferings.
When the American troops occupy a town after it has been cleared
by the nationalist troops the noncombatants thereof become the objects
of all kinds of abuses and cruelties. Robbery, pillage, violation, and
murder, in certain cases, are the first proofs of "protection" which we
receive from those who, under pretext of educating the Filipino people
and leading them into the way of prosperity and modern culture, violate
our homes and deprive us of our properties without even respecting the
persons of our wives and daughters.
I wish, however, to pass over this savage conduct in silence, for its

ATROCITIES 281
bloody proceedings may be the effect of triumph, drunkenness, and of a
thirst for blood, which are generally the consequences of a fierce combat.
I am not going to narrate these ferocious deeds. I will only relate
such facts as are taking place in the towns they occupy and in those
which are not garrisoned by our troops. In these places such tragical
scenes as are only comparable to the savage Roman spectacles in the
times of the Neros and Caligulas are witnessed. Savage attempts on
the persons of the peaceful inhabitants of the towns are of daily occur
rence, both in public and in private. To them right is an empty word
and void of sense. Prosperity is a mite and personal security a laughing
stock. These tyrants have invented such cruel torments as never oc
curred to the Spaniards to invent during three centuries of despotic
dominion, and, in a word, they have revived in these days of iniquity
more torturing and refined punishments than those which the most
bloody executioners of the inquisition have devised in Europe.
It is doubtless because we do not behave ourselves in the same way
as they do that we are called "savages."
In order to give a slight idea of the beastly proceedings of the
American troops I am going to relate some of the deeds they practice
and which are seen and testified by a great number of people in almost
all the towns of these provinces of Zambales and Bataan under my
jurisdiction. Whenever an American post in any of the two provinces is attacked
by my forces, the first step which the commander thereof takes after
the attack is to seize all the well-to-do and reputed people in the town
under pretext that they are supporting the revolution and maintaining
relations with us who are on the battlefield. Such unwarranted and
unconfirmed imputation is enough motive to imprison those persons,
compelling them to acknowledge the crime they are charged with, and
exacting from them to make some disclosures regarding the number and
position of the enemies, and, in general, all kinds of information which
may occur to the commander of the post to ask. If the prisoner denies
to have any relation whatever with us, and if he declares to be entirely
neutral, the commander proceeds to inflict on him the most cruel tor
ments, som.e of which I will here describe:
I. The water cure. — This is applied in two different ways. The
one is performed by binding the hands of the person who is to be
tortured, after which they lay him down on his back, and once in this
position they introduce an iron tube into his mouth so as to keep it
largely open. Then water is steadily poured through the tube down
his throat and through the holes of his nose until he is choked to death
or compelled to make any declaration which would at least justify his
arrest. The other way consists in fixing a pulley on an arch placed over a
well. The tormented is suspended by the legs upon the pulley and

282 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
rapidly lowered down till he is plunged into the water, where he is kept
for some time, more or less long, according to the resistance of the
patient. After a while he is pulled up in order to plunge him again into
the water until any of the above-mentioned effects is obtained.
2. The whipping torment. — This is inflicted upon the supposed
culprit by striking him with the barrel and the butt end of the rifle on
the thorax cavity, on the abdomen, and on the most sensible parts of
the body. If this proves insufficient to compel him to admit the in
famous accusation made against him, they tie him to a post and wljip
him with thorny sticks till his flesh is all torn into pieces, thus killing
him by force of hemorrhage, amidst infernal sufferings.
3. The sun torment. — This is done by submitting the presumed
criminal to hard labor during the day in the square of the American
barracks, suffering on his head the burning and deadly rays of the
tropical sun, without giving him a drop of water even after meals.
Thousands of other tortures and proceedings such as only beasts
could do are employed by the Americans to martyrize the peaceful in
habitants of the towns, but the pen, full of horror and shame, refuses to
picture them. With what I have stated, however, and in spite of the
faint colors with which I have related the facts, I think to have said
enough to enable the least intelligent to understand how the includible
principles of humanity are performed and respected in this unfortunate
country by the very people who have proclaimed to the whole world
to Ije the defenders of downtrodden liberties and violated rights, that
they have come to the Philippines to bring the light of civilization.
If, as. result of these torments, the sacrificed person admits the
charges made against him — although he had never thought of com
mitting them — he is soon relieved from these tortures and taken into
the famous "calabus" (jail), where he is kept on a miserable and scanty
food till our soldiers in one of their combinations attack the garrison.
Then the prisoner is shot to death in order to reckon him as a casualty
made to our forces.
There is reason for supposing that the intention of such tigers in
treating the Filipinos savagely is to frighten them with utterly iniquitous
and terrible torments in order to thus oblige them to submit themselves
and lay down their arms; but this has a quite contrary effect insomuch
as such unspeakable iniquities only create concealed hatred and eternal
vengeances which make the war the more bloody.
Besides these proceedings, which might be called "political proceed
ings," the imperialists have others which are, so to speak, "mercantile
proceedings," because in so doing their only aim is to enrich themselves
at the cost of their victims. The following are the most common
ones: They pretend sometimes to have received a denunciation that some
nationalists are hiding themselves in a "barrio" or district, or that some

ATROCITIES 283
rifles are stored therein. Thereupon the commander starts out with'
some soldiers and arrests all the male inhabitants of the said "barrio."
Having done this, the same commander orders every one of the house to
be searched in case there are some contrabands of war hidden therein.
It is wonderful how the soldiers fulfill such orders. The examination is
carried only on the safe in which the little money and the jewelry of
the family are kept. All the contents of the safe disappear as per
enchantment and land in the pockets of the officer and soldiers. After
this most shameful robbery, the soldiers, attacked with a monstrous lust,
assault defenseless women and satiate in them their brutal desires.
Having performed this robbery and assault, the officer, in order to
show to the public that he has found revolutionists in the said barrio,
compels, by force of horrible torments, some of the prisoners to avow
themselves as such, and whether they so confess themselves or not they
are shot to death and their houses are burned.
Other commanders of garrisons, who are perhaps more human but
as rapacious as the rest, content themselves, in order to carry out their
greedy desires of appropriating other people's property, with summoning
a well-to-do man of the town and intimidating him to give a certain
amount of money on pain of being shot.
There are, nevertheless, some honorable exceptions, but they are
very rare.
And if these arbitrarinesses are frequent in towns garrisoned by
the Americans, they are more so still in those places which, because they
have no conditions for defense, are left ungarrisoned. These places are
visited once a week by a gross column of Americans who shoot against
the houses, loot them, and ravish all the women.
I am ready to prove all that I have stated, either with authentic
documents or with the declarations of the victims themselves of such
cruelties. I once more affirm that all that I have set forth is nothing
but a reflection of what is really and truly happening.
Now, noble American people, I leave to your enlightened judgment
and generous sentiments to pronounce a verdict on the infamous pro
ceedings of those imperialists who, in their hunger after conquest and
thirst for riches, not only violate the legitimate holy rights of a people
and break formal promises, but commit the most atrocious barbarism
to the towns, and to the persons the most unspeakable crimes.
McKinley and his followers have thrown on the glorious pages
of your brilliant history an ignominious blot, which your noble and
worthy conduct alone could wash away by protesting energetically
against the aggression made on the Filipino people.
We trust that you, who love justice, who respect the holy principles
contained in the Declaration of your independence and affirmed in your
Constitution, which made you great, who feel your hearts beat with
sentiments of humanity and went to war against Spain with the purpose

284 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
of freeing oppressed peoples and releasing them from barbarism and
tyranny to which they were submitted, who are not blinded by am
bition, who, worthy of your forefathers and tradition, do not wish to
put a miserable handful of riches above an immaculate name, who
prefer the name of "liberators" to that of "masters," who respect the
rights of others and abhor the blood which is iniquitously being shed in
an unjust war, who consider all men as brothers, will stop this accursed
war in which many of your sons are dying, in which defenseless and
weak people are murdered, and in which hyenas in man's disguise tear
into pieces in a delirium of madness honor, liberty, conscience, con
victions, and sacrifice innocent blood, including children, women, and
old men, and destroy entire inoffensive towns and abandon now and
then neutral cities to the flames.
Yes, you will stop it with all the energies of your soul, obliging
your cruel and greedy rulers of to-day to recognize what by natural
right belong to us; what we have conquered with our blood, and for
which they have promised us to recognize our absolute independence,
without which the country is determined to go to her total destruction
and annihilation.
For the provinces of Zambales and Bataan, the military govemor
and commander in chief:
TOMAS MASCARDO.
July i, 1900.
Mr. Pettigrew: Mr. President, I should not put this
paper in the Record were It not for the fact that our own
soldiers have written back accounts which justify the belief
that the barbarities complained of by Governor Mascardo
are being practiced, and, I believe In almost every instance, by
the Macabebes, whom we have enlisted In that country. Yet
this Army bill proposes to enroll 12,000 raore of thera-;— raen
who, the Secretary of War says, raurder and burn and rob
and torture their prisoners.
I am going to read a paragraph from a paper entitled
"City and State," published In Philadelphia, under the head
of "IraperiaUsm — Torture." It is as foUows:
imperialism — torture.
Very recently our attention was called to a paragraph, which we
herewith reproduce, that appeared in the Friends' Intelligencer. We
ask our readers to note it carefully:
"A. F. Miller, a member of the Thirty-second United States Volun
teers, writing from the Philippine Islands to the Omaha World, under

ATROCITIES 285
date of March 5, describes the means used by United States soldiers to
compel captured Filipinos to give up their concealed arms. He says:
" 'We go out, catch a negro, and ask him if he has a gun ; he will
give us a polite bow and say, "No sabby," and then we take hold of
him and give him the "water cure." After which he can get us two
or three guns. Now, this is the way we give them the water cure:
Lay them on their backs, a man standing on each hand and each foot;
then put a round stick in the mouth and pour a pail of water in the
mouth and nose, and if they don't give up pour in another pail. They
swell up like toads. I'll tell you it's a terrible torture.
" 'We went up the bay the other day to get some robbers, and
secured three. They would not tell where they had their guns, so we
gave them the water cure (salt water), and two of them gave us their
guns. We gave the other one so much water we nearly killed him,
yet he would not tell. Guess he was an old head. They have lots of
grit. They will stand and see you half kill one of their friends and
won't tell a thing. When it comes to their time to take the cure, they '
will take their clothes off, lie down, and take two or three pails of
water before they will say a word. One of them said, "You can kill
me, but you can not make me tell.' "
Upon first reading the above item we could scarcely credit its state
ments. It seemed so short a time since the nation began a war for
humanity and shuddered at "Spanish methods." There is a difference,
however, between resisting another man's temptations and one's own.
Happening to meet the editor of the Intelligencer at Lake Mohonk,
we asked him about the "water-cure" story. He replied, in substance,
that it seemed sufficiently authenticated to print, the name, etc., of the
soldier who told it being given. A few days later a gentleman well
known to us placed in our hands, for perusal and for anonymous quota
tion, an autograph letter from a correspondent in the Philippines, who
holds an official position in our Army. We herewith print an extract
from this letter, asserting at the same time that we have entire confi
dence in the veracity and credibility of the writer:
 , Philippine Islands, April 25, 1900.
My Dear  : As this is the last day for some time that I will
have a chance to write, I thought this would be a good time to begin
one. We are still at it, and making preparations for the rainy season,
which is expected about the middle or latter part of June.
Any of the natives who have a gun can turn it in to us and get $30
Mex. [Mexican money] for it, so a good many are bought in that way.
We have a company of Macabebe scouts here who go out with white
troops, and if they can not get any guns voluntarily they proceed to give
the fellow a water cure-^that is, they throw them on their backs, stick
a gag in their mouths to keep it open, and proceed to fill them with
water until they can hold no more ; then they get on them, and by sud-

286 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
den pressure on the stomach and chest force the water out again. I
guess it must cause excruciating agony, as they nearly always disclose
where guns are hidden. Of course there is no pay for guns gotten
in that manner. It is rather a harsh way for us to use them. I wonder
how we would feel were we used in such a manner. The soldiers
who look on think it a huge joke.
War is brutalizing, of course. American boys on leaving
horae would resent the suggestion of such a torture and prevent
Its accoraplishraent; but after being engaged In war for months
or years the brutahzing effect of the business they are engaged
in not only numbs their consciences and perverts their opinions
and their judgment, but has its reflex action upon the mass of
the people, brutalizing the sentiment of the whole nation.
Continuing, the newspaper says :
These Macabebes are a people who have always been held in con
tempt and subjection by the Tagals. They are not very numerous,
and not the equal of the latter in anything except ferocity. Had the
former known a j^ear ago that they would take arms for us, I think
they would have exterminated them. Between the two there is little
to choose, except that the Macs, are more cowardly and indulge their
craven ferocity under the protection of Americans.
And yet this bill proposes to enlist 12,000 raore of thera.
The newspaper concludes its article with this paragraph :
I saw two American prisoners who came in here a few days since;
one is a Fourth Cavalryman, the other from the Twelfth Infantry.
They were with General Macabolas's command. They say they got
used pretty well, on the whole. They stole away in the night and
arrived here after five days' travel. They looked pretty tough. They
say that Macabolas has 4,000 men, all armed, and plenty of ammu
nition, and that they can get all the food and clothing they want from
the people through whose districts they pass. He is presumably wait
ing for the rainy season to start in. It looks like a concerted plan on
his part to make it warm for us. If there is fun, we will not be
surprised. I am sorry to say that we will have to call for more
troops. I have read these extracts for the purpose of showing that
the soldiers we will enUst under the provisions of this bill
will be Macabebe savages. They are the kind of people that
England enlisted against us in the war of the Revolution, and

ATROCITIES 287
when Pitt or Fox protested on the floor of ParUaraent the Eng
Ush rainister said it was their duty to use every Iraplement God
had placed In their hands to accomplish their work. Is that
the position of the Araerican Senate? Is that the position of
the RepubUcan party to-day? What justification is there for
placing weapons In the hands of these barbarous people, whom
the Secretary of War in his testiraony says murder and burn
and roT), and whom, our soldiers say torture their victims?
Has there been an argument raade on this floor in justification
of this outrageous clause in the Array bill? Mr. President,
this provision In the Array bill should be rejected and the
report rejected, with Instructions to the conferees to provide
in the bill that our military Indulgences be confined to civilized
warfare. There has been much said, Mr. President, about the char
acter of the people in the Philippines, and the President of the
United States himself — I will not characterize his purpose —
has stated that a fragment of one tribe alone was fighting us;
that there were eighty tribes; that the majority of the FiUpinos
were willing to accept our rule. The facts are that two tribes
compose the bulk of the population and of the Christian peo
ple, and that those two tribes are one race, speaking .a, cora
raon language. These two tribes are united to a raan in
resisting our efforts to deprive thera of their liberty, except it
be an occasional individual who has been bribed or induced by
offers of some character to join with us. Such raen existed
during the Revolution by which we gained our liberty. Such
men exist in every country, no matter what may be the cause
for which their countryraen are struggling.
For the purpose of showing what the tribes of the Philip
pines are, I propose to have read a coraraunication frora Sexto
Lopez on the tribes of the Philippines, so as to clear up the
false stateraent and erroneous Irapression which the Adminis
tration has studiously undertaken to distribute, in order to
create a sentiraent against these people. I will ask the Sec
retary to read the article. It is an exceedingly interesting
one, by the best authority in the world, and I should like very
rauch to have the Senators pay sorae attention to it.

288 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The Presiding Officer: The Secretary will read as
requested. The Secretary read as follows:
the "tribes."
It has been suggested that I should say a few words about the so-
called "tribes" of the Philippines.
Statements have been made to the effect that we are divided into
84 tribes, speaking different languages and of all degrees of barbarism
and civilization; that these "tribes" are at enmity with each other ;^
that they would never agree to form a united, strong government, and
that one warlike "tribe" is seeking to dominate all the others and to
rule with an iron hand the weaker and peaceable citizens of our
country. These statements are entirely incorrect.
That there are a few uncivilized or semicivilized peoples still in
habiting the northern part of Luzon and the interior of the island of
Mindanao is a fact which no one disputes. They correspond roughly
to the uncivilized or semicivilized remnants of the Indian tribes still
inhabiting certain parts of the United States.
The Schurman Commission is responsible for the statement about
these 84 different "tribes." But it is clear that the commissioners' list
has been compiled from imperfectly kept and still more imperfectly
spelt Spanish records. The confusion into which they and others have
fallen in reference to the so-called "tribes" is due to the fact that
our country is divided not only into provinces, but into provincial dis
tricts, wherein slightly different dialects are spoken. The inhabitants
of those provincial districts have been confused with the few mountain
peoples. The latter have been subdivided by purely artificial boundaries,
by which means the small community has been subdivided into two or
more "tribes."
Additional "tribes" have also been created by the incorrect spelling
of local Spanish officials and by giving two native equivalents for the
same people, as, for instance, when two "tribes" are created by calling
the one Buquils and the other Buquiles, which is equivalent to saying
that there are two "tribes" in England, the English and the British.
Examining the list still more in detail, we find that there are said
to be two tribes of Aetas, two more of Attas, and one of Atas. These
are not tribes at all. The word Aeta is the Tagalog equivalent of
Negrito. This word has been spelt in three different ways by careless
Spanish officials and thus multiplied by the commissioners into three
separate and distinct "tribes." The word Baluga is another native
equivalent for the Negritos, and this word is also given by the com
mission as the name of a separate and distinct "tribe." It would be

ATROCITIES 289
just as absurd to regard the Americans as one tribe and the "Yankees"
as another and then to increase these two tribes into four or more
by misspelling the word "Americans'! or by translating it into French.
The names are also given of "tribes" which do not exist in the Philip
pines at all, as for instance, the Manguianes of Masbate, the Manguianes
of Ticao, the Negritos of Tayabas. I have been in all of these places,
but I never saw or heard of these "tribes," nor have I ever met any
one who had seen or heard of them.
Thus, by the processes of imagination, bad spelling, translation,
subdivision, and multiplication, the 15,000 Negritos are split up into
21 "tribes." There are also said to be 16 Indonesian "tribes" in the island of
Mindanao. It would be interesting to know where the commissioners
obtained this information. The interior of Mindanao has never been
explored; all that is known of it with any degree of certainty is that
the inhabitants are Indonesians and that they are divided into sections
under small chiefs or headmen.
It would be impossible, in the time at my disposal, to even attempt
to explain all the errors and confusions of this list prepared by the
Schurman Commission. It is sufficient to say that by the processes which
I have indicated the few semicivilized people and the civilized in
habitants of the provincial districts in Luzon and the Visayas have been
multiplied into 84 "tribes." ,
Now, as a native of the country and as one who has given some at
tention to the ethnography of the archipelago, both by personal research
and by study of the best works on the subject, I may be permitted to
give a brief statement of the facts.
There has been a considerable amount of speculation about the
Negritos, who are erroneously regarded as the aboriginal inhabitants of
the whole archipelago. But Pedro A. Paterno, one of the most
capable ethnologists, and others have shown that the Negritos are the
surviving remnant of the slaves brought to our islands by the Moros
in the eleventh and subsequent centuries. They are not specially
Negroid in appearance, and only those inhabiting the province of
Bataan in Luzon have curly hair.
In the large and only partially explored island of Mindanao there
are several Indonesian "tribes," the chief of which are the Subanos,
estimated to number from fifty to seventy thousand, and the Mendayas,
who are estimated to number 35,000; and the Tagabauas, comprising
about 30,000. The Mendayas and the Manobos are said to practice
— the one human sacrifice and the other ceremonial cannibalism. It is
also said that the small "tribe" of 4,000 Ilongotes in Luzon are head-
hunters. This has been denied and asserted on equally untmstworthy
authority. I have never met nor heard of any one who has witnessed
any of these practices. The information has always come from a

290 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
neighboring people. The idea has probably arisen by travelers having
seen the heads of criminals erected on spears, just as one might have
witnessed the same thing a century or two ago on Temple Bar or
London Bridge. But if that proved head -hunting on the part of the
Ilongotes, it also proves that the English people were head-hunters.
If, however, these statements are true, they are paralleled by the
scalp-hunting Indians of the United States and by the human sacrifices
and ceremonial cannibalism of the Canadian Indians.
There are also the Moros of Mindanao and the Sulus. They are,
of course, Mohammedans, and some of their institutions are contrary
to the true ideals of morality and liberty.
There are a few natives on Mindoro who have not been Christian
ized nor tyrannized by Spain. But they have a religion and a code of
morals of their own, the latter of which they adhere to, and which in
many respects is superior to that practiced by the Spaniards. They
believe in one God and are monogamists. They are a moral and hos
pitable people, who do their duty to their fellow-man, worship God in
their own way, and do not believe in any kind or form of devil.
The so-called wild men of Luzon are the Igorrotes, who are "war
like but semicivilized people, living in villages, owning farms and cattle,
irrigating their rice fields, mining and working gold and copper and
forging swords and spearheads of iron," but who have never been con
verted to Christianity or subdued by Spain. They are, however, pre
pared to submit to and recognize Aguinaldo's government, and have
sent him presents of gold dust to assist in the war. The Igorrotes are
probably an early branch of the Malayan race, which originally popu
lated the island.
These' uncivilized and semicivilized people are not separate genea-
^logical tribes. The inhabitants of Mindanao are a homogeneous people
of common Indonesian descent, who have become divided into sections
under petty chiefs or head men, some of which have slight differences of
dialect which have arisen gradually, owing to there being little or no
intercommunication. But most of them speak the same dialect.
Let us now glance very briefly at the remaining millions of Filipinos
who are generally regarded as belonging to the Malayan race.
They constitute more than nineteen-twentieths of the entire popu
lation of the archipelago, and are divided into provincial districts, in
habited by the Visayans, the Tagalogs, the Bicols, the Ilocanos, the
Pangasinans, and the Cagayans. All of these provincial people belong
to one race, and all of them are Christian people practicing the morals
and arts of civilization, and speaking dialects which are as similar to
each other as are the dialects of the different provinces in England.
The divergence between these dialects is much less than that between
the Spanish and Italian languages. I have traveled alone in Italy; I do
not know Italian ; but I have had no difficulty in understanding and in

ATROCITIES 291
making myself understood by the Italians. Similarly, I have traveled
in the Visayas and elsewhere in the Philippines and have had very much
less difficulty in communicating with the Visayans and the Bicols. A
Tagalog will become proficient in the Visayan or other dialects within
a fortnight, and vice versa.
As a matter of fact, the difference between the dialects of the seven
provincial districts would not be a real difficulty to independent self-
govemment: First, because the difference is so slight, and, secondly,
because Spanish is the official language of our country, spoken by the
educated people of all provinces ; and the Schurman Commission declares
that these educated people are far more numerous than is generally sup
posed. When Tagalogs, or Visayans, or Bicols meet they never dream
of speaking in their own dialects; intercourse between them is carried
on in Spanish. And I may state, parenthetically, that the Filipinos have
so excelled in Spanish as to have won valuable literary prizes in competi
tion with the Spaniards themselves. Dr. Jose Rizal at the age of 17
took the first prize in the Cervantes literary competition at Manila,
¦which was open to Spaniards and Filipinos alike in both Spain and the
Philippines. But if language were a difficulty under Filipino rule, it would be a
still greater difficulty under American rule, due to the necessity of the
introduction of English, which would form a third language in our
islands. Other countries do not find that a difference in language forms
difficulty to self-government. In every country in the virorld, with per
haps the exception of the United States, there are two or more lan
guages or dialects spoken by the people.
The only difficulty with regard to language in any of these coun
tries has been due to jealousy as to which language should become the
official one. This difficulty has already been settled in the Philippines.
Now as to the supposed enmity between the so-called "tribes." Such
enmity is quite unknown among our people. There may be, and no
doubt there is, enmity between individuals, but the enmity does not
exist between the so-called "tribes" or provinces. During the short
term when our government was not interfered with the most perfect
harmony and unanimity existed, and provincial and racial differences
were never even thought of.
When our govemment was first established, emissaries came from
almost all the provinces and islands declaring their support on behalf of
those from whom they came. Even the Moros of Mindanao and the
Igorrotes of north Luzon, who had never been subdued by Spain, ac
claimed Aguinaldo, and were prepared to recognize his government.
Our "asamblea" or representative chamber, under the new constitution,
comprised representatives of all the provinces. Some of these provinces
include two or more islands, while some of these islands are divided into

292 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
two or more provinces. Thus, the province of Romblon includes the
islands of Romblon, Tablas, Sibuyan, and other smaller islands, while
Panay is divided into four and Luzon into many provinces. It should
be remembered that these provinces are separated by artificial boun
daries. They are geographical but not racial areas. Frequently in one
province two dialects are used, as in north Camarines, where Tagalog
and Bicol are spoken. On the other hand, in some cases two or more
provinces use only one dialect, as in the thirteen provinces where
Tagalog is spoken.
A Spaniard or other foreigner can not distinguish any difference in
the accent of the inhabitants of these thirteen provinces, although a
native may in some cases, but not in all, be able to tell whether a
speaker is from, say, Batangas or Bulacan. But to imagine that the
inhabitants of these provinces generally are at enmity with each other or
that they would be likely to tear each other's throats is as absurd as to
suppose that the inhabitants of Massachusetts would naturally desire to
rend the men of New Hampshire or Rhode Island.
The interrelations of the people of the several provincial districts
show that no such enmity has existed or does now exist. For instance,
in the schools and colleges, especially in Manila, there are representa
tives of all the chief provincials, and it would be impossible to tell which
were which. I may be pardoned for here referring to myself. I am a
Tagalog, but it would be impossible for another Filipino to say, judging
from external appearance only, whether I am a Bicol, a Visayan, a
Tagalog, or a Pangasinan. The only way of discovering from which
provincial district I came would be by means of the dialect.
There are many institutions in the Philippines the "benefits of which
are not confined to the people of any one province. For example, there
is one educational institution (purely Filipino) granting scholarships
which enable the winners to study in Europe. These scholarships are
open to all Filipinos in the archipelago.
In Japan the official representative of the so-called "Tagalog despot
ism" is an Ilocano. In Madrid all the Filipinos have formed themselves
into a committee and are working unitedly for independence. The
president of the committee is a Bicol, the vice-president an Ilocano,
the secretary a Visayan, the treasurer a Tagalog, and the remainder of
the committee are Tagals, Visayans, Bucols, Ilocanos, and Panga
sinans. In Barcelona, in Paris, and in London, the same diversity of
province and the same unanimity of purpose obtain. Among all the
Filipinos resident in Europe who represent the educated and moneyed
classes, and who know something of European government, there is not
one "Americanista."
This is an important fact, because all these men are entirely free
from the supposed despotism of Aguinaldo or General MacArthur.
They are thus free from all external influences, yet every one of them has

ATROCITIES 293
voluntarily chosen to support Aguinaldo and to work for the indepen
dence of our country. As a matter of fact, with the exception of the
few uncivilized tribes in central Mindanao and the Sulus and the semi
civilized Igorrotes and Negritos of Luzon, to which I have referred, the
Filipinos are a homogeneous people belonging to the Malayan race.
They speak several dialects, but they are one people. They constitute
an ovenvhelming majority of the inhabitants of the Philippines. They
are opposed not solely to American but to any foreign rule, and they
are united in the desire for independence and for the purpose of main
taining a stable, independent govemment.
In conclusion, I again assert, without any fear of contradiction, that
the alleged antagonisms between the inhabitants of the provincial dis
tricts or between the so-called "tribes" have arisen, not in the minds of
the Filipinos themselves, but in the minds of those who do not under
stand our people and who have reached conclusions in no way warranted
by the facts.
I have been asked to say a word about the so-called "tribes" not
included in the Commissioners' list. It has been stated that the "Maca
bebes are fighting on the American side." The statement has been made
in a manner which would convey the idea that the Macabebes are a
large tribe, somewhat like the Tagalogs, and that it is therefore clear
that all the Filipinos do not desire native rule. You will no doubt
be surprised to learn that the Macabebes or Macabebians, as they should
be called, are simply the inhabitants of the town of Macabebe in Pam-
panga. The population of this town has been estimated at from four
to ten thousand all told, and of these only 200 are scouting for the
American forces. If that shows disunity on the part of 10,000,000
of Filipinos — ^well, "make the most of it."
I should like to mention that these same Macabebians also fought
for Spain against the Filipinos in the insurrection of 1896. Apparently
they prefer foreign rule of any kind, whether it be Spanish or American,
to that of their own. We are glad, therefore, that such men as these
are not fighting on our side.
Mr. Pettigrew : Mr. President, it appears from this
paper by Lopez that the so-called innumerable tribes of that
country fade away upon investigation; that they were created
on paper by dividing names and translating names Into other
languages until one tribe counted for a dozen, and that in
reality we are fighting a united people who are struggling
for independence. We are trying to deprive them of their
liberty by force of arras. We are doing exactly what has been
done by every conqueror who has set out to rob a nation of its
freedom during aU history, declaring to the world we are doing

294 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
it for the good of our victim. That the Philippine war will
continue for years, if we choose to continue it, I believe is
Inevitable. It may outlast our own Republic. One hundred
thousand raen are not a sufficient number to send upon a liberty-
destroying mission against 8,000,000 people who have shown
theraselves to be as brave as the Fihplnos. We have killed but
35,000 of them in all our murderous work. The Impression is
but slight. One-half of their area has never been seen by our
soldiers. Less than one-quarter of It is In our possession. If
we pass the Army bill and send to that country such men as
we can spare, it siraply raeans that we will continue to occupy
with scattered posts less than a third of the villages and cities
within the Islands.
I have in ray hand an extract frora a leaflet containing let
ters and notes coraraunicated by the Insurgent generals to a
general FiUpIno coramittee outside of the island, and I am
going to read it because It not only describes our methods
of warfare, but indicates clearly the purpose of the Filipinos,
for it was written before the election, to continue the contest
indefinitely :
On the contrary, the defenders of the nation do not sleep nor rest,
dealing more or less heavy blows to the enemy and demonstrating by
their audacity and persistence that they are fully cognizant of the rights
which they are defending. No, never shall we give in. We desire,
we want, and we are striving for peace, but peace only on the basis of
the recognition of the independence of the Philippines, the only hon
orable, lasting, and feasible peace possible. Our honorable president
tells me that you are to work unceasingly for that recognition; that
you are not to enter into any negotiation unless it be on the basis of
that condition, and that you are to tell the whole world and America
especially, that independence is the only thing we are striving for; that
this is the desire of the whole healthy-minded nation, and that only a
few whose minds have become diseased by the geiTns of power differ
from that wish, and that there can be no peace whatever in the archi
pelago until independence has been gained.
A great battle is being fought between imperialists and anti-imperial
ists, on whose respective banners our slavery and our freedom have been
inscribed. I can not tell, nor do I think that I am justified in express
ing an opinion as to what will be the final result. All I can say is that
I have implicit faith that the voice of justice, properly aided by the

ATROCITIES 295
tenacity, conviction, and heroism shown by our soldiers, will finally
triumph in the conscience and heart of the American people. I fully
trust that the vicious intention of McKinley to subject us by force will
never succeed and that we shall not require the iron rod of his educa
tion to get a proper government. But if his fate and our misfortune
should cause him to obtain by purchasing them a majority of the votes,
and therewith the power, I am ready to maintain the same activity that
I am showing to-day; ready to remain unreconciled and warlike, not
only for four years IJut for ten and more — in fact, for such a length of
time as will be needed to recover that which all of us consider our right
and our property. I am of the opinion that to remain unreconciled
would be one of the most potent factors in obtaining our longed-for
independence and in banishing from our shores those Stars and Stripes
to which we once looked with such adoration.
The Americans are issuing orders in which they quote the laws of
civilized warfare and in which they promise that they will treat their
prisoners fairly ; but, very far from fulfilling what they promise, they
are treating the officers of our army with the utmost cruelty when they
chance to fall into their hands. As, for instance, Capt. Ceferino
Francisco, whom they condemned to 50 lashes a day in a prison at
Laoag (Ilocos Norte), exposing him then to the heat of the sun, and
condemning him afterwards to hard labor. The same was done to
Lieut. Andres Gabriel and a captain of "Sandatahan," whom they are
whipping daily in the district of Cabugao (Ilocos Sur).
More yet. Many countrymen that are suspected of being partici
pants in the war are subjected to every class of torture. They are
exposed to the sun for hours and hours at a stretch, water, vinegar, or
wine being poured into their nostrils or their mouth, and a thousand
other tortures, all more or less cruel. The deaths of Messrs. Jose Ber
and Juan Avila, living at San Miguel de Sanat, San Nicolas (both in
Ilocos Norte), are due to such treatment. Commander Panganiban is
now working as a prisoner in the public streets of Taal (Batangas), in
the same place where under the Spanish dominion he had been a gober-
nadorcillo (sort of subgovernor and justice of the peace)'; and we
understand that he is not the only one, either, who is suffering such a
shameful treatment in the same province. Information is pouring in
from all parts of that district showing us that the rudest treatment, the
most humiliating punishments, are dealt out to those whom they take
prisoners, without stopping to make any inquiries and without distinc
tion of classes.
A great many inhabitants of the province of Cebu have been also
condemned to convict labor, all of them political criminals, amongst
whom was the local president of Siloan, a man 70 years old, who more
than once has fallen fainting to the ground, without the slightest com
passion being shown to his advanced years.

296 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The Americans think, perhaps, that by means of such Neronean
conduct they will succeed in intimidating the other islanders, but they
will be disappointed; for, like true patriots, they have disregarded the
threats of their enemies, and have flatly refused, as did the 329 electors
of the capital, to participate in the election to avoid signing the oath of
acknowledgment by which they were to recognize the American sove
reignty, and they were unanimous in the decision that to give their vote,
even without swearing, meant nothing more than the tacit acknowledg
ment of the legitimacy of the dominion claimed by the enemy, since in
doing so they would concede his right to create, even against our wish,
authorities and institutions on our soil. The district chiefs and the
inhabitants in crowds presented themselves to the American governor,
openly declaring that they did not care to swear, that they had their
own nationality and authorities; and the local president of Danao and
his subordinates, though captured and illtreated, £ould not be shaken
in their firm decision not to acknowledge in any manner the new system
nor to assist in introducing the same, because it is the order of an in
vading government, not our own, and the chief persons have declared
that they will rather be shot than submit to any other but a Filipino
govemment. Thanks to the samples of an imperialistic education that have been
offered them, the uncivilized Filipinos, as the Americans are accustomed
to call them, are now getting thoroughly undeceived as to the civiliza
tion and kindness of those who pretend to be their masters, and, far
from thinning our ranks, they are strengthening them daily, for to the
love of their country there is added now the desire for revenge, and
these together will render the Filipinos immovable in the defense of their
country and their rights.
Mr. Gallinger: Who is the author of that paper?
Mr. Pettigrew: It is an extract from a leaflet con
taining notes communicated by the insurgent generals to the
central FUipino coraraittee, outside of the island. It was sent
to Europe, to this country, and to Hongkong.

Now, Mr. President, it seems deplorable that the American
Army has to be lectured by the people whom it Is fighting —
has to be asked to raaintain the rules of civilized warfare
and to conduct its operations huraanely. Dewey says that
Aguinaldo was wonderfully successful against the Spaniards,
and that he advised hira to conduct the war huraanely, and he
had done so invariably. Dewey turned over to the Filipinos

ATROCITIES 297
many hundred Spanish prisoners taken at Subig Bay. There
has been no complaint of their brutal treatment. On the con
trary, it is a raatter of history that they were treated kindly
and humanely, and finally they escaped or were released.
No, Mr. President; war is brutahzing, and as we con
tinue year by year In the Orient brutality will Increase and the
disgrace to this great Republic wIU deepen. The way to
escape criticism for our acts is to give the Filipinos their
Uberty, their own governraent.
Who are the people we are fighting? No longer is it
clairaed that they are savages, because the unvarying testiraony
is that a greater per cent bf them can read and write than
can be found in the population of raany of our States or within
half the countries of Europe. It can no longer be maintained
that they are savages, because the proof is conclusive that all
the people we are fighting are merabers of the Catholic Church.
The benign Influence of the Christian religion has been over
thera for centuries. Our soldiers testify that they found books
In almost every house and that they found schoolhouses every
where. In fact, they set up a government and continued it for
six months, and this government was raaintained throughout
the entire group of Islands, covering every portion of It but
the dominion of the Sultan of Sulu and the city of Manila,
which was occupied by our Army. They had adopted a postal
systera, had engraved and Issued their own postage staraps, and
were In control of a telegraph Une owned by their governraent
and operated by It. They organized a central school system,
under the control of the general governraent. Peace and pros
perity and happines^ existed throughout aU this great popula
tion, now sadly destroyed over about a quarter of the area of
the islands by the presence of the despotic power of our
Iraperial array of invasion.
I have, Mr. President, a letter frora a gentleraan who was
taken prisoner and was for a long tirae m the hands of the
Filipinos. For the purpose of corroborating what I have said
I wiU ask to have the Clerk read this letter.
The Presiding Officer : The Secretary will read as re
quested.

298 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The Secretary read as follows: New York^ December 26, 1900,
Dear Sir: In answer to your letter of the 20th I hereby offer you
any assistance that lies within my power. After a consultation with
Messrs. Scribner's Sons, with whom I have made a contract to publish
my book on the Philippines, I find that they have no objection to my
position as an anti-imperialist before the public, although my narrative
takes rather an unbiased stand. It gives merely an account of my ten
months' experience as a prisoner of war among the insurgents of Luzon,
stating facts as they presented themselves to my eyes, regardless of
political factions, leaving the reader to draw his own conclusions, which
can not,, however, but be in favor of the Filipinos.
With regard to the authentic facts for which you have asked me, I
am rather puzzled as to what you could make the best use of. If you
mean anything that comes within my own personal experience, I am
only too glad to serve you. Possibly I had best give you a brief outline.
On January 27, 1899, I left Manila in company with a friend and
entered the insurgent lines for the purpose of taking photographs. We
were arrested as spies and taken on to the insurgent capital at Malolos,
and there held until hostilities broke out, a week later. The Filipinos
certainly had every right to take us for spies, since we were dressed in
civilian clothes and had a camera in our possession, my companion being
recognized as a member of the American Army.
Upon learning that the outbreak had occurred, great excitement
prevailed at Malolos. A wild rabble gathered before the gates of the
prison in which we were confined and attempted to drag us out, but
our guards, the insurgent regular soldiers, threw themselves in between
us and the mob, fighting in our defense until we were removed to safer
quarters. This rather goes to prove that the insurgents are neither
savages nor armed rabble, but well disciplined and acquainted with the
rules of international law.
We were also informed by Filipino officials several days later that
the outbreak was the, result of a sentry's blunder and that they had
hastened to apologize and offered to make reparation, but that General
Otis had refused to consider all advances made by them for a peaceful
settlement. In March the renewed activity of the Americans forced the insure
gents to retreat to San Isidro, taking us with them. Our treatment was
at times hard, but owing rather to circumstances than to the Filipinos
themselves, who seemed on the whole inclined to make our lot as
bearable as possible.
In San Isidro we were joined by Lieutenant Gilmore and several
of hjs men on April 22.
In May we were once more on the march, together with several

ATROCITIES 299
hundreds of Spaniards, retreating constantly until, in June, we found
ourselves in Vigan, the capital of the northern province of Ilocos.
Here several of us became seriously ill and were sent to the local
hospital. Medicines and medical skill were sadly in want. Still we
were treated equally as well as the wounded Filipinos themselves, the
women nursing us as they did their own.
In September we were taken up the Abra River to Bangued, in
the heart of the Abra Mountains, and here we were allowed the full
liberty of the town, well treated and cared for. I was able to teach
school here, for which I received a pay almost equal to that of a second'
lieutenant in the insurgent army. Many of my companions were able
to do likewise; all, in fact, that were capable of speaking the Spanish
language. Even during the war the Filipinos established schools in
every town, and Vigan could boast of an excellent college which fol
lowed its daily routine as in times of peace. Upon the arrival of the
Americans these schools and colleges were broken up, and the buildings
ever since have been confiscated as barracks.
I also observed that every Filipino under 30 could read and write,
if not Spanish, at least his native dialect. The Spanish friars dis
couraged the study of Spanish, and for this reason the poorer people
were unable to learn more than what was taught in the convent schools
— reading, writing (in native dialect) Bible history, psalm singing, and
the rudiments of arithmetic. Whenever given the opportunity, how
ever, the people of all classes are anxious to learn and improve them
selves. In November I succeeded in effecting my escape, and was appointed
guide and interpreter to Geqeral Young's forces. In this capacity I was
able to make comparisons between the two governments and am forced
to say that I drew my conclusions in favor of the Aguinaldo govern
ment. The people were more discontented, becoming more and more
so every day. Our officers do not seem to understand the natives, and
inspire fear rather than respect. Cock fighting, which is strictly for
bidden by the insurgents, is freely allowed in American territory.
Taxes are heavier than formerly, and our soldiers have so raised the
prices of food products that the poorer people are suffering heavily
from want.
These are the facts which I present to you now, but whether they
are suitable for your purpose or not I can not say. Should you wish
further details, I am willing to oblige you — or the cause rather — of
which I am strongly in favor. Respectfully yours,
Albert Sonrichsen.
Mr. Pettigrew: Mr. President, this letter, written by
an Araerican who was a prisoner in the hands of the insurgents

300 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
for weeks, discloses a condition of peace and good govern
raent broken into by our Army. What are the conditions in
that country to-day, where we are practicing the Spanish policy
of concentrating these people in the towns? Already the
newspapers inform us that the vacant room and space intended
to be used for the accoraraodation of these reconcentrados in
Manila are overcrowded. Not only are we collecting the
population together as prisoners, after the Spanish raethod,
removing thera frora their horaes and congregating thera in
barracks, but we are deporting the leaders. This was what
Spain did, and we coraplained about it. I suppose we are doing
this to raake the Filipinos love us and trade with us; that Is
what our statesmen say. In the interest of civilization we are
concentrating this population In the barracks of the cities and
deporting their leaders. For what ? Simply because they have
offended us by demanding their own government; simply be
cause they ask for Independence.
For my part, I can not understand how any American citi
zen can justify such a course or support It for a raoraent.
Perhaps Senators do It because they neglect or refuse to In
form themselves concerning the situation ; because they neglect
or refuse to call upon the Departraent for information, decline
to Usten, and refuse to read. It can not be that they hunger
for information. They say they will not read in order to equip
theraselves for Intelligent discussion. We are pursuing a
course so contrary to everything In our history that our action
certainly must be a matter of great astonishment araong think
ing men throughout the world.
I have here a letter written by A. Mablnl, whora our ira-
perialized Govemment has deported In an arbitrary, mon
archical manner to the island of Guam. Mabini Is a cripple,
deforraed and distorted by hardships inflicted upon him in an
Inquisitorial Spanish prison, because he rebelled against Spain
when Spain maintained the sovereignty of the sword over that
country. This punishraent was bestowed upon him because he
undertook to secure freedora for his people. He was deported
by us because, when the FiUpinos had thrown off Spain's dorain
ion, we tried to deprive his people of their liberty and he

ATROCITIES 301
resisted the effort. I ask unaniraous consent to have the Sec
retary read this letter. It is brief, and it states what the Fili
pinos want, frora one of the ablest raen araong thera, written
by a raan who would do honor to any country if he were a
citizen thereof.
The Presiding Officer: The Secretary will read as
requested. The Secretary read as foUows :
[Letter of A. Mabini, addressed to the correspondents of the principal
American newspapers then at Manila.]
Manila^ January 22, 19QO.
Messrs. William DinwiddiS, John F. Bass, and John F. Mc
Cutcheon^ Correspondents of Harper's Weekly, New York Her
ald, San Francisco Call, and the Chicago Record.
Gentlemen : Being convinced that you are treating the Philippine
questions with an impartial mind and with a tendency to prevent that
the public opinion in the United States be led astray, and that it be
such as becomes a great, free, and civilized people, I take the liberty of
requesting you herewith that you make generally known the following
points :
(i) The Filipino nation does not cherish any systematic hatred
against the foreigners; on the contrary, it is ready to receive with the
greatest gratitude all who evince the desire of cooperating with it in
the pursuit of its freedom and happiness.
(2) The Filipinos maintain their fight against the American troops
not because of an especial hatred, but in order to show to the American
people that, far from being indifferent as to their political situation,
they know how to sacrifice themselves for a govemment which assures
them their individual liberty and which governs them in conformity
with the wishes and the needs of the people. They have been unable
to avoid that fight, owing to the fact that they have been unable to
obtain from the American Government any kind of formal and clear
promise regarding the establishment of such a kind of government.
(3) The present condition and state of war deprives the people of
the chance to manifest freely their aspirations; therefore the Filipinos
desire most ardently that the Congress of the United States provide
for some means to listen to them before adopting a resolution that
would mean a definite decision regarding their future.
(4) To bring about that, the Filipinos request the Congress that
it nominate either an American commission, which would have to find
ways and means to meet such Filipinos who enjoy a positive influence
both with the peaceful part and with that part of the nation which is
now in arms, or that it call for a commission composed of such Filipinos,

302 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
in order to be informed by them directly as to the wishes and needs of
the people. (5) In order to provide a possibility of receiving a complete in
formation of this sort and in order that the work of the commission,
whichever may be its composition, have for a final result the establish
ment of peace, it is requested that the American army of occupation do
not interfere with the free and unhampered manifestation of the
opinion of the people in either the press or in peaceful meetings; that
the same suspend for the time being their attacks on the Filipino posts,
while, of course, also the latter would bind themselves not to undertake
anything whatever against the American troops, and, further, that the
commissioners be given the greatest liberty to communicate with the
revolutionists. (6) In view of the obvious success of the American arms, even the
least rational Filipino can not help admitting that all concessions of
the class would mean nothing else but an act of liberality on the side
of the North American people, which appears to me to be one addi
tional reason why the Congress should show benevolence and indulgence.
I confidently hope that when the Americans and Filipinos have
come to know each other better not only the present conflict will come
to an end, but that also any future ones will be avoided. The opinion
prevailing among the impartial part of the American nation appears
to tend toward adhering to its old traditions and the spirit of justice and
humanity, which constitute at the present time the sole hope of all
upright Filipinos.
Thanking you beforehand for the great favor which you will confer
upon me by complying with my request, I have the honor to be, with
the greatest esteem. Your most obedient servant, AP MABINI.

Mr. Pettigrew: Mr. President, I ara very glad to have
a choice raade and to find out what is the raost important
business before the Senate and the country. Yesterday it
looked as though it was more Iraportant that the carapaign
debt should be paid and that the subsidy job should be the first
thing to be considered, no matter If we kept our -volunteers in
the PhiUppines and refused to relieve them when their terms of
enlistment had expired, and that the haste over the Army bill
had disappeared from the horizon.
I ara very glad to find out to-day (and I thought I would
try and test the question) that after all the Army bill is the

ATROCITIES 303
most Important to consider. I fear, however, If there were
not time to consider both, the Army blU would have to give
place to that raost Iraportant consideration, the question
whether the trail of corn, as the Senator frora Tennessee [Mr.
TurleyJ designates it, should be strewn from the crib to the
hungry mouths of the so-caUed shipbuilders of this country.
The Presiding Officer: The question is on agreeing to
the report of the committee of conference.
Mr. Pettigrew: Mr. President, I do not care to con
tinue this discussion. I must regret that such a discussion is
necessary In an Araerican Congress. StIU more do I regret
that it is made possible; that It Is true that we are engaged
in an effort to subjugate another people against their will to a
rule distasteful to them. I would have said four years ago
that It could never happen that this Republic would be pursu
ing a raurderous warfare against another people for no offense
In the world but their refusal to surrender their own liberty
and become either a State In the Union against their will, or a
colony outside of the Constitution. Who would have believed
It? We thought we were writing a new page In the history
of the world, declaring to all mankind that nations could do
right; that the obligation was upon thera as strongly as upon
the individual; that the Integrity and character and honor of
the people In the aggregate was as sacred as the integrity
and character and honor of the Individual, who Is a component
part of the aggregation. And that this nation, dedicated to
liberty, an example for the world. Inviting all the oppressed
of every land to share our freedom, should be proposing to
raise an army to crush out the liberty sought for and fought
for by another people, certainly raarks an era In our affairs,
and writes a page Ih our history burdened with everlasting
disgrace and sharae.
If Mr. McKInley's opponent had triuraphed In the last
campaign, to-day there would be no effort to pass an Army
bill, no effort to raise taxes to carry on a conquest across the
sea. This bill would not have been brought in; and on the
5th of next March the first act of the Incoming Executive
would have been to withdraw our troops frora that country and

304 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
give Its people their liberty. Five thousjlnd men only would
have been needed to protect Araerican interests until the
governraent could be restored, which we have partially de
stroyed in that country, which would have been to the satisfac
tion and contentment of the people who reside In those islands.
I wish this might have happened. I believe it might have hap
pened if the Araerican people had not been deceived by with
holding information and by disseminating among them false
information concerning the issue.
I do not believe the great heart of the Araerican people
throbs in response to this policy of conquest; that the people
favor this enlargeraent of an array for the single purpose of
unprovoked conquest. I do not believe they will do other
than conderan the paragraph In the bill which allows us to
enlist savages to murder, burn, and rob the Christian people
of the Philippines, as the Secretary of War says has been
their practice.

CHAPTER XIII
THE SULTAN OF SULU
MR. PRESIDENT,! the Sulu group of islands &re
located between the island of Borneo and the island
of Mindanao, of the PhlUppine group. They are 150
in nuraber. These islands were conquered by the Mohara-
raedans about eight centuries ago, and they have raaintained,
as long as we have any history of thera, a governraent of their
own, having an absolute monarch for a ruler. Spain clairaed
ownership over these islands, and has undertaken at various
times to take possession of thera. Her power and authority
reached the distance only frora the shores of the islands which
could be traversed by projectiles frora the cannon of her fleet.
These people have been pirates and slaveholders and polyga-
-raists from the earliest record of their transactions.
In 1876 Spain undertook to conquer their islands and assert
her authority over them, but the effort failed; and finally the
aggressive powers entered Into a treaty with the Sultan by
which Spain was to keep an officer representing that Govern
raent and a small number of troops at the capital of the Sulu
group. The Sultan agreed to recognize the suzerainty of the
King of Spain and proraised to suppress piracy. He received
from Spain certain salaries as compensation for his recognition
of the suzerainty of the King of Spain.
Whether or not the coraraissioners at Paris knew what they
were buying I can not tell; but In sorae way we purchased the
entire group. Including all the Philippines; and we now find
that the Sultan not only has the Sulu group under his jurisdic
tion and control, but also the large Island of Mindanao, em
bracing an area as large as the State of Indiana, and also the
I. Speech in the Senate January 24, 1900.
305

3o6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
island of Palawan. These two islands, or portions of them,
nearly their whole area, are under the iramediate control of a
subsultan, who owes some sort of allegiance to the Sultan of
the Sulu Islands.
The Island of Mindanao has never been explored by the
white people, and it was never under the jurisdiction of Spain,
except that two or three of its coast ports were occupied by
that power. In our treaty with Spain we take title to this
entire group, as well as to the Philippines. Last summer we
made a new agreement with these people, which I desire to
read in order that it may go In the Record. I will read first
this dispatch from Manila, dated July 12, 1899 :
Manila special, July 12, 1899.
General Bates, in the capacity of agent of the United States Govern
ment, sailed for Jolo this moming to negotiate with the Sultan of
Jolo regarding the future relations of the Jolo (or Sulu) Archipelago,
including the Basilans, as a naval station. The Sultan assumes that
the Jolos reverted to him, the evacuation of the Spaniards nullifying
the treaty of 1878. General Bates will explain to the Sultan that the
Americans succeeded the Spaniards in the treaty, assuming its obliga
tions and continuing the annuities it provides for. He will also present
to the Sultan $10,000 in Mexican money as an evidence of good vrill.
The local administration of the Jolos will remain unchanged. The
Sultan will enforce the law, and will also be expected to fly the Ameri
can flag continuously and cooperate with America to maintain order
and suppress piracy. The Sultan will retain possession of the pearl
fishing and the island trade, which will be conducted in such a way as
to forward the development of the resources of the islands for the
mutual benefit of Americans and natives.
General Bates then entered into the following agreement :
Agreement between Brig. Gen. John C. Bates, representing the
United States, of the one part, and His Highness the Sultan of Sulu,
the Dato Rajah Muda, the Dato Attik, the Dato Kalki, and the Dato
Joakanain, of the other part; it being understood that this agreement
will be in full force only when approved by the Governor-General of
the Philippine Islands and confirmed by the President of the United
States and will be subjected to future modifications by the mutual con
sent of the parties in interest.
I deem it proper to state that this agreeraent has been
confirmed by the President of the United States in a letter

THE SULTAN OF ^ULU 307
transmitting the treaty to the Senate. However, this is a
treaty apparently with a quasi sovereign power, over which the
Senate, according to our new doctrine of iraperlalisra, has no
other authority and- no control, and It requires no ratification
by the Senate and no consideration on our part.
Article i. The sovereignty of the United States over the whole
archipelago of Sulu and its dependencies is declared and acknowledged.
Art. 2. The United States flag will be used in the archipelago of
Sulu and its dependencies on land and sea.
Art. 3. The rights and dignities of his highness the Sultan and
his datos shall be fully respected ; the Moros shall not be interfered with
on account of their religion; all their religious customs shall be re
spected, and no one shall be persecuted on account of his religion.
Art. 4. While the United States may occupy and control such
points in the archipelago of Sulu as public interests seem to demand, en
croachment will not be made upon the lands immediately about the
residence of his highness the Sultan unless military necessity require
such occupation in case of war with a foreign power, and where the
property of individuals is taken, due compensation will be made in each
case. Any person can purchase land in the archipelago of Sulu and hold
the same by obtaining the consent of the Sultan and coming to a satis
factory agreement with the owner of the land, and such purchase shall
immediately be registered in the proper office of the United States
Government. Art. 5. All trade in domestic products of the archipelago of Sulu,
when carried on by the Siultan and ¦ his people with any part of the
Philippine Islands and when conducted under the American flag, shall
be free, unlimited, and undutiable.
Art. 6. The Sultan of Sulu shall be allowed to communicate
direct with the Governor-General of the Philippine Islands in making
complaint against the commanding officer of Sulu or against any naval
commander. Art. 7. The introduction of firearms and war material is for
bidden, except under specific authority of the Governor-General of the
Philippines. Art. 8. Piracy must be suppressed, and the Sultan and his datos
agree to heartily cooperate with the United States authorities to that
end and to make every possible effort to arrest and bring to justice
all persons engaged in piracy.
Art. 9. Where crimes and offenses are committed by Moros
against Moros, the Government of the Sultan will bring to trial and
punishment the criminals and offenders, who will be delivered to the
Government of the Sultan by the United States authorities, if in their

308 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
possession. In all other cases persons charged with crimes or offenses
will be delivered to the United States authorities for trial and punish
ment. Art. io. Any slave in the archipelago of Sulu shall have the right
to purchase freedom by paying to the master the usual market value.
And I will show later on that slavery exists in its worst
forra. Art. 12. At present Americans or foreigners wishing to go into
the country should state their wishes to the Moro authorities and ask
for an escort, but it is hoped that this will become unnecessary as we
know each other better.
Art. 13. The United States will give full protection to the
Sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation should attempt to
impose upon them.
Art. 14. The United States will not sell the island of Sulu or
any other island of the Sulu Archipelago to any foreign nation without
the consent of the Sultan of Sulu. '
Art. 15. The United States Government will pay the following
monthly salaries:
To the Sultan, $250; to Dato Rajah Muda, $75; To Dato Attik,
$60; to Dato Calbe, $75; to Dato Joakanain, $75; to Dato Puyo, $60;
to Dato Amir Haissin, $60; to Habji Buter, $50; to Habib Mura, $40;
to Serif Saguin, $15.
Signed in triplicate, in English and Sulu, at Jolo, this 20th day of
August, A. D. 1899 (13th Arakuil Akil 13 17.)
The SULTAN SULU.
Dato RAJAH MUDA.
Dato ATTIK.
Dato CALBE.
Dato JOAKANAIN.
Signed: J. C. BATES,
Brigadier-General, U. S. V,
The annual aggregate of these salaries Is $9,120. The
Spanish agreement was for $6,300 a year. This agreeraent
was one we offered to the Sultan, not one that he insisted upon.
It is our own proposition that we are to maintain slavery in
the Sulu Islands.
Further than that, Mr. President, an Investigation would
show that, although this agreement was made on the 20th day
of August, it was not possible to secure frora the State Depart
raent a copy of the agreeraent until after the election in Ohio.

THE SULTAN OF SULU 309
More than that, the Associated Press endeavored to secure a
copy of the agreeraent, and as a response to the application of
that great news-proraulgating organization, its representative
was handed a copy of the agreeraent in Arabic — Sulu Arabic
at that ; and they could not find anybody in the United States
who was able to translate it. The State Department had a
copy in EngUsh, for the last paragraph of the treaty says,
"Signed in tripUcate, In English and Sulu, at Jolo, this 20th
day of August, 1899."
From this it would appear that the State Department does
not hesitate to withhold Information or mislead and deceive
the public. I therefore expect but little in the way of the real
facts in answer to our resolutions.
I wonder If our State Departraent has two branches, as
the English state departraent has — one that is secret, where
secret raatter is concealed forever from the pubhc and never
published In the Blue Book, and one which is given to the
people In order to justify English robbery, English plunder,
and English annexation. In which Is filed the Information that
goes in the Blue Book to silence the conscience of the English
people. Have we adopted the sarae policy of concealment,
the same policy of refusal to let the public know what exists?
I say this agreeraent, when the Associated Press tried to
get a copy of It before the Senate convened, was furnished in
Arabic, and an Arabic used In the Sulu Islands. Therefore it
was not possible to have it translated in the United States, and
we only got this copy which I have read after Congress con
vened and after the elections last fall were over. This is on a
par and In line with the whole business of concealing from
the Araerican people the facts In regard to our raaiden foreign
venture. We are unable to procure the truth through General
Otis. Mr. Collins, of the Associated Press, says the censor
told hira he was to send nothing and they were going to allow
nothing to be sent that would injure the Adrainistration or help
Mr. Bryan.
Here is an agreeraent by which we are to raaintain not only
slavery, but polygaray in the Sulu Islands. Here is an agree
raent by which our flag is made to float over two crimes ; and

310 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
we further soleranly agree that no nation In the world shall
be perraitted to interfere. It Is the chief part of the business
of the Sultan of Sulu to get into quarrels with the natives
of the interior in the island of Mindanao; then to declare that
they are in revolt against his authority. Upon this pretext he
takes prisoners and sells thera Into slavery, the planters of
Borneo being the purchasers. That has been his business here
tofore whenever he needed raoney. We now propose to main
tain that sort of thing under the flag of the United States, and
we stipulate, and the stipulation is approved by the President,
that no foreign nation shall be permitted to interfere.
Mr. Spooner : Does the Senator wish to be understood
as asserting that the President approved article lo of this
agreement, which refers to slavery in the archipelago of
Sulu?
Mr. Pettigrew : I do.
Mr. Spooner: Well, the President says In his raessage
— and If the Senator will permit me I will read it —
I have confirmed said agreement, subject to the action of the Con
gress, and with the reservation, which I have directed shall be com
municated to the Sultan of Jolo, that this agreement is not to be
deemed in any way to authorize or give the consent of the United
States to the existence of slavery in the Sulu Archipelago. I com
municate these facts to the Congress for its information and action.
Mr. Pettigrew: The President approves of an agree
raent which provides that the slave may purchase his liberty
at the usual market price, and according to the first paragraph
of the agreement it goes in full force .upon the approval of
the President and can not after that be altered except by
another agreeraent. This transaction is on a par with all the
other inconsistencies attached to this raiserable business. He
then says that he wants the Sultan to understand that he does
not authorize slavery; though he has approved the agreeraent
which ratifies slavery. How could be transrait the agreeraent
to us with his approval and then send word back to the Sultan
that he did not wish to be understood as approving slavery?
Who knows whether or not the word will ever get to the Sui-

THE SULTAN OF SULU 311
tan? It is raerely an effort at double dealing and can not be
otherwise construed, in ray opinion.
The President sends a proclaraation to Mr. Otis to be
announced to the people of the Philippines, and Mr. Otis edits
it, censors it, and then inserts other raatter in the place of that
taken out, so as to convey a wrong irapression to the people
of the PhiUppines. After it has been sufficiently doctored he
pubUshes the revised proclaraation. After this sort of decep
tion he still continues to hold his office. He Is stiU raaintained
there with the approval of the President, and now we are told
that word has been sent to the Sultan of Sulu that the Adrain
istration does not mean that which It has approved. I say it is
in line with the whole policy from the beginning to the end.
Almost everything we receive here In regard to this matter
is on a par with the transmittal to the Associated Press of a
copy of the Sulu agreeraent in Sulu Arabic to conceal the
infamy until after the elections were over last fall. It is on a
par with the statement of the coraraissioners who raade this
agreeraent, which I shall proceed to read. Mr. Schurraan In
an interview says :
It seems to me that were it not for the ignorance displayed the
present hue and cry about polygamy and slavery in these islands would
be absolutely criminal.
If It were not for the Ignorance displayed, the present hue
and cry about polygamy and slavery would be absolutely crim
inal ! I suppose the hue and cry about slavery before our civil
war was criminal. Many people so asserted, many people
honestly so believed, and I presurae that Mr. Schurraan hon
estly believes that the hue and cry about polygaray and slavery
again existing under the flag of the United States would be
crirainal but for the ignorance of the people who cause it.
In taking over the Sulu group we have acquired no rights of any
sort there except those bequeathed us by Spain.
And yet the President, tirae and again during last fall in
his speeches everywhere raade to the people, asserted that the
flag raeant the sarae thing everywhere, raeant the sarae here,
In the Sulu group, and In Hawaii ; that it raeant In every place

312 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the same, and that its presence conferred Uberty and happiness
upon the people under It.
She was bound by her agreement with the Sultan not to interfere
with the religion or customs of the islands, and it would be most
unwise for us to attempt this by force when it can be ultimately ac
complished by the slower method of civilization and education.
Mr. President, we tried the slower method of disposing
of slavery and polygamy In the United States, also the slower
raethod of civilization and education, but finally we resorted
to war — the greatest war in modern times — ^^and thereby suc
ceeded In destroying slavery under our flag. It has been re
stored by the act qf a President elected by the Republican
party. How will It strike the veterans of that war to annex
slavery after all these sacrifices and then propose to abolish it
when the slaveholders conclude It Is wrong and give their
consent ?
The Sulu group proper contains about 100,000 inhabitants. They
are all Mohammedans. To attempt to interfere with the religion
of these people would precipitate one of the bloodiest wars in which
this country has ever been engaged. They are religious fanatics of
the most pronounced type, who care nothing for death and believe that
the road to heaven can be attained by killing Christians. Polygamy
is a part of their religion, and slavery, about which so much is being
said just now, is a mild type of feudal homage. The Sultan beheves
from what he has seen of Americans that they are ready to be friendly
and deal honestly by him.
Mr. President, I will show what kind of feudal horaage
this slavery In the Philippines Is. Owing to the fact that those
people will fight, we prefer to Indorse slavery and polygamy,
and we attack the Christians In the Island of Luzon and com
pel them to surrender — ^what? Surrender their desire for a
governraent of their own. We prefer to turn from polygamy
and slavery and indorse them, put our flag over thera, and
declare that nobody shall Interfere with thera, and then turn
our arraies and our navies to the destruction of the indepen
dence and freedora of a Christian population, which we also
purchased from Spain.
I will read frora the second edition of Mr. Foreraan's

THE SULTAN OF SULU 3^3
book, which was pubUshed in 1899, and brought up to date.
He says:
The Sultanate is hereditary under the Salic law. The Sultan is
supported by three ministers, one of whom acts as regent in his ab
sence (for he might have to go to Mecca, if he had not previously done
so), the other is minister of war, and the third is minister of justice
and master of the ceremonies.
Slavery exists in a most ample sense. There are slaves by birth
and others by conquest, such as prisoners of war, insolvent debtors, and
those seized by piratical expeditions to other islands. A Creole friend
of mine, Don A. M., was one of these last. He had commenced clear
ing an estate for cane growing on the Negros coast some years ago, when
he was seized and carried off to Sulu Island. In a few years he was
ransomed and returned to Negros, where he formed one of the finest
sugar haciendas and factories in the colony.
I now read from Social History of the Races of Mankind,
by Featherman :
Slavery exists on Sulu Island, and the slaves, who were formerly
brought from the Philippines, are not well treated, for their masters
exercise the power of life and death over them, and sometimes kill
them for trifling offenses. The datos frequently punish a disobedient
or fugitive slave by drawing their campilan or kris and cutting off
his head at one stroke without process of law.
And this is the raild forra of feudal horaage Schurraan
would have us believe should enjoy the protection of our flag
until we can persuade the slaveholders that it is wrong.
Why did Schurman make this stateraent? The reason is
plain. He did It just before the elections — about the time the
State Department gave out the Sulu copy of the treaty for the
Information of the people of the United States. I contend that
after this statement, made at the time It was, raade by Mr.
Schurraan with an evident purpose to deceive, he has forfeited
all right to be believed by anybody hereafter, and that his
stateraents on all subjects in relation to the Philippines are not
worthy of credence.
I read also from St. John's Far East, volume 2, page 192,
as follows:

314 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The slaves are collected from all parts of the archipelago, from
Acheen Head to New Guinea, and from the south of Siam to the
most northern parts of the Philippines. It is a regular slave market.
Then he describes the people. Not only have the slave
holders the right of life and death over their slaves, but the
monarch himself has coraplete and full right to take the life
of any of his subjects whenever he so chooses. There is no
restraint upon him. In Senate Document No. 62, Fifty-fifth
Congress, third session, there is printed from the Contempo
rary Review of June, 1898, by Claes Ericsson, what I shall
read upon this subject. It Is a description of a visit by Mr.
Ericsson to the subsultan of the island of Palawan In 1894.
It appears he went there for- the purpose of gathering orchids,
and he thus describes his visit to the Sultan of Palawan :
The Sultan was not in state attire; at least there was no suggestion
of the imperial yellow in his close-fitting white trousers and vest, slip
pers embroidered with seed pearls, and scarlet' fez. The two attendant
nobles were much more gaily clad. Both wore tight jackets of blue
silk, decked with gold buttons, and trousers of salmon red, ornamen-
tated with buttons of gold or gilt from the knee downward.
His Highness, who appeared to be about 50 years of age, had
rather a pleasant expression, with a twinkle in his eye that reminded one
of Arabi Pasha. A chair was brought, also vermouth and chocolate.
With a cup of the last in my hand, I explained the purpose of my visit,
which was to crave the Sultan's assistance in exploring Marangas Moun
tain. Smiling, he promised as many coolies as I needed, and I took my
leave. After visiting the mountains Mr. Ericsson returned for the
purpose of securing another escort. He says:
Leaving men to collect the plants, I retumed with the Sulus to the
coast and embarked for Marangas. Wanting coolies for a joumey to
Dato Guah's village and an ascent of Panilingan Mountain, I paid
the Sultan another visit; but the master of the ceremonies whispered
that the moment was unfavorable. His highness was susa — that is,
he had been vexed or troubled.
By means of discreet inquiries I learned the nature of his susa. It
is a rather common story in the far east. Unable to lodge the whole
of his wives in the "palace," His Highness boarded a few of them —
not the prettiest, I suspect — in the houses of his followers. One of
these peris, an outcast from the Palawan paradise through want of

THE SULTAN OF SULU 315
room, consoled herself in the usual way — quite innocently, I was
assured. The news reaching the Sultan, he sent for the venturesome
lover and smilingly bade him be seated opposite himself. Not being
altogether an idiot, the man had come armed. From his sarong the
jeweled handle of his kris protruded, plain to see. After a few compli
mentary commonplaces had been exchanged His Highness remarked
the weapon.
"Allah has been good to you, S'Ali," said he. "Those emeralds are
very fine, and the diamonds are as stars in the heavens. If the blade
match the hilt, you have a treasure. Show it to me."
Thrown off his guard, S'Ali drew the kris from its sheath and,
holding it by the wavy blade, presented it to the Sultan. Instantly
half a dozen of His Highness's attendants threw themselves upon the
unfortunate fellow. He was overpowered in a moment and his hands
securely tied behind his back. i
"Take him out," said the Sultan, still smiling.
S'Ali was led away and lowered to the ground. Not a word did
he utter. It was kismet. Why waste his breath? I did not leam
the manner of his end, but it would be either by kris or bowstring. Let
us hope it was the first. In the hands of a skillful executioner the
kris is a merciful weapon. He was buried in the jungle behind the
Sultan's "palace." Such was the susa of Muhammad Harum Narrasid,
lang de per-Tuan — :"he who ruleth" — in the year of our Lord 1894.
And the Spaniards were supposed to govern the island of Palawan!
And SO are we supposed to govern these Islands, and Old
Glory floats over the throne.
I could understand why the Sultan did not care to see a European so
soon after his crime. However, I obtained the coolies and sent them on.
I do not care, Mr. President, to delve deeper into the
character of those people. I simply desire to show what
we have secured by this purchase. It has developed that we
Jiave bought about 6,000,000 Christian people who are raem
bers of the Catholic Church, occupying the northern jslands
of the Phihppine Archipelago; that we have purchased frora
one to two hundred thousand Moharamedan slaveholders,
polygaraists, who live by prosecuting the slave trade against
the native population of' the southern islands of the group ;
that we have agreed to maintain this condition of affairs;
and the treaty Is so arranged that It goes into force without
the legislative bodies of this Government having anything to
say about it.

3i6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
It seems to rae, under these circurastances, that it Is incum
bent upon the Senate and upon the House of Representatives
to take up this matter at once, and take such action upon it
as will blot out the stain upon our flag placed there by the
Administration.

CHAPTER XIV
the failure or imperialism
EARLY^ in the session, nearly a raonth ago, I introduced
a resolution asking whether the vessels of our Navy,
the officers of our Navy, had saluted the flag of the
Philippine republic; whether two of our vessels accorapanied
a Filipino vessel to Subig Bay for the purpose of capturing
a Spanish garrison, and whether after the surrender of that
garrison we turned the prisoners over to Aguinaldo's forces.
That resolution was tabled by the Senate without allowing
me the privilege of speaking upon it. The facts contained in
that resolution. In my opinion, were true. We raade Aguinaldo
and his forces our ally by saluting their flag and by accompany
ing them in the capture of a Spanish garrison, the prisoners
of which were turned over to them.
I Introduced the resolution In good faith. I was not sure
then, but I feel sure now, that the facts contained in the reso
lution were true, and I wanted the record evidence. Infor
mation has come to ray knowledge since — the stateraent of an
officer who accorapanied this expedition to Subig Bay^cor-
roborating the facts contained In the resolution, and thus Is
disclosed the reason why the Inforraation was denied. The
resolution was in the proper form ; it was a proper question.
The storm of Indignation on the part of the American
people and many of the RepubUcan newspapers throughout
the country at the suppression of this resolution led to a
change of tactics, and then I Introduced the second resolution,
asking if the insurgents, after fighting had commenced, did not
send General Torres with a flag of truce and ask that fighting
I. Speech in the Senate January 17, 1900.
317

3^8 THE COUkSj^ kj¥ EiviriKt!.
be stopped, and that a neutral zone should be agreed upon,
the boundaries of which were to be established by General
Otis and satisfactory to him, until negotiations could be had
to see whether the difficulties could be settled, and I also asked
In that resolution what reply was made and whether General
Otis did not reply that fighting having once coraraenced, it
raust go on to the grim end.
That resolution was not laid upon the table at the time,
but an araendraent or a substitute was offered by the Senator
frora Massachusetts [Mr. Lodge] asking for all the inforraa
tion and all the dispatches which raay have passed between
our officers and the insurgents, as they are called. But on yes
terday ray second resolution calling for these facts was laid
upon the table. I conceived these facts to be pertinent. If we
had recognized Aguinaldo's forces and Aguinaldo's govern
raent by saluting their flag, and had acted with thera and
raade thera our aUies, then we are now fighting our allies.
If we began the war, as General Otis indicates in his report,
by killing the first man and then acting on the aggressive while
the enemy acted upon the defensive, it seeras to me the proof
Is conclusive that the war was coraraenced by us, and If, after
two days' fighting, the Insurgents wanted to stop the war, to
stop the kilUng, and we said it must go on to the grim end,
then I assert, Mr. President, that the blood of every soldier
Ttvho has fallen since that time Is on the head of this Admin
istration and there is no escape from It; the puerile and silly
talk about those who oppose the policy of the Administration
'being guilty of the death of our brave raen disappears abso
lutely, and the responsibUity goes where it belongs; the sixty
(boys from South Dakota who lost their lives, conscripted into
an unwUUng service, retained after their term had expired,
lies at the doors of the Adrainistration, and there Is no chance
to avoid it.
This Information has been withheld. My resolution to
acquire It has been laid upon the table. I hope the resolution
which we are now to pass wiU bring the Inforraation. It is
pertinent to the issue.
But, Mr. President, I offered another resolution yesterday

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 319
— a resolution calling for all the instructions to our commis
sioners at Paris and the correspondence between the Adminis
tration and the commissioners at Paris; but that was laid
upon the table, and then the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr.
Spooner j charged rae with trying to put the Administration in
a hole. Mr. President, it seeras to rae. In the light of the facts
which .have been developed In this contest to secure Informa
tion, that the only thing that can put the Administration In a
hole Is the truth and that It is the purpose to keep the truth
from the American people In order to keep frora putting the
Adrainistration in a hole. If getting the truth before the
people of the United States will erabarrass the Administra
tion, I can not help It, and I shall try to get It. I charge that
this censorship of the press, this concealment of facts, was
for the purpose of protecting the interests of the Administra
tion for reelection, and now I am charged, because I tried to
get the facts by a proper resolution, with trying to put the
Adrainistration In a hole.
Now, let us see. It is asserted by the iraperialists that this
situation was brought upon us by an act of God; that these
Islands are in our hands by the act of Providence. The Presi
dent alludes to this fact In his message, and in speeches he has'
stated that God has placed a duty upon us, or similar language.
Many of those who advocate this poUcy, not of expansion but
of imperialism — the governraent of colonies against their will
and by conquest — declare that we are doing God's service.
Now, Mr. President, if this information which is asked
for by this last resolution discloses the fact that the President
of the United States immediately upon the signing of the
protocol which led finally to the treaty of peace instructed
our commissioners to take nothing less than the island of
Luzon, and If afterwards he Instructed thera to take the whole
group, the only way I can see that God's hand Is in this
work is that He raust have raade Mr. McKinley His prophet.
He raust have appeared in a vision to the President. Of
course, if this is true, the disclosure of these instructions and
this information would put the Administration In a hole.

320 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
What are the facts which led up tb the treaty with Spain ?
I find in the report of the Secretary of the Navy for 1898,
on page 122, volume 2, the following telegrara:
Washington, August 13, 1898,
Dewey (care American consul), Hongkong:
The President desires to receive from you any important infor
mation you may have of the Philippines; the desirability of the sev
eral islands; the character of their population; coal and other mineral
deposits; their harbor and commercial advantages, and in a naval and
commercial sense which would be the most advantageous. If you
have other information which may be of value to the Government in
their negotiations, the President may desire your presence here. If he
should request you to come, take the quickest route of travel.
ALLEN.
Here, then. Is a telegram the day Manila fell and the day
after the protocol was signed, sent by Mr. AUen, the First
Assistant Secretary of the Navy, to Mr. Dewey to know which
island or whether all the islands were worth grabbing or not.
Dewey answered as follows : Manila, August 20, i8g8.
Secretary of the Navy, Washington:
Referring to the Department's telegram of August 13, important
islands are: Colon, Luzon, Panay, Cebu, Negros, Leyte. Others,
owing to the nature of the inhabitants, have a small amount of civiliza
tion, want of cultivation. They may be neglected, especially isles
of southem group.
The isles of the southern group are where the Sultan of
Sulu reigned, where they have polygamy and slavery. Dewey
said, "They may be neglected, especially the Isles of the south
ern group."
Luzon is in all respects the most desirable to retain. Contains most
important commercial ports. Manila is farthest north. Produces all
of the good tobacco. Friendly natives. Civilization somewhat ad
vanced. Not yet developed. Possible rich minerals. Population, 825,-
000. Subig Bay best harbor for coaling purposes and military. Water
deep; landlocked; easily defended. Strategically, command of bay and
city of Manila, with arsenal at Cavite, most valuable.
Panay, Cebu, Negros thickly populated, most civilized, and well
cultivated. Iloilo second commercial port; center of sugar trade; a
good harbor strategically; in view of the situation, good for defense.

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 321
Cebu third commercial port; a good harbor, very desirable. No coal of
good quality can be procured in Philippine Islands. Some has been
mined on Cebu, English company. I trust it may not be necessary
to order me to Washington. Should regret very much to leave here
while matters remain in present critical condition.
DEWEY.
Now, Mr. President, it appears that Iraraediately upon
signing the protocol the President atterapted to ascertain the
value of these islands, whether they had coal and raineral,
etc. — ^their resources. Was It an inspiration that led the
President to make this Inquiry? Certainly if God had any
thing to do with this transaction the inspiration must have
come to the person who had the power and did direct that we
should take nothing less than the Island of Luzon.
Afterwards we took all the group, polygamy and every
thing else. Who directed that? Was that God's work also?
Who Insisted that our flag should fly above a harem and a
slave market? Why, Mr. President, It seems to me that If a
man did a philanthropic act, if he did something prorapted by
the better nature of raan, it would be well to charge It to the
Suprerae Being. But if a man is going to plunder somebody
else and wants to know whether what he has Is worth stealing
or not, the inspiration ought to corae from the devil and not
frora God.
But, Mr. President, this extreme philanthropic view of
the subject, this extrerae responsibility thrown upon the Deity,
Is not shared in by all men. They are divided on the sub
ject. The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Beveridge] is ex
tremely Intense In this direction, and also in the direction of
taking the islands, because they are rich and will be so profit
able to have, while the Senator from Colorado [Mr. Wol
cott] objects to the sordid view of the Senator frora Indiana
and does not want quite so rauch philanthropy mixed up with
the transaction.
Now, what I want to ascertain is what the argument is on
the part of the imperialists. Are we going to rely on the doc
trine that we are going to bless those people with our civiliza
tion ao-alnst their will, and that God has ordered us to do a

322 THE C0Uk;5E ut t^iviriKH
great work? That is the EngUsh doctrine, the doctrine which
has justified the plunder of every colony she has conquered on
earth. Are we going to do that, or are we going, after all,
to fall back on half of the position of the Senator from In
diana and the whole position of the Washington Post on this
subject, and are we siraply going to say, "They are rich and
worth seizing, and therefore we will seize thera, no matter
how rauch blood and treasure it costs"? If the contest is to
settle down to this proposition, then perhaps the inforraation
asked by ray araendraent which was tabled yesterday, for the
instructions to the coraraissioners, is Iraraaterial.
If we are going to settle down to the proposition that here
is a foothold frora which we can join the other robber nations
of the world in plundering China, and the foothold itself Is
worth having, then I ara prepared to show, Mr. President,
that the islands are not worth having; that they will confer no
happiness upon the people of the United States ; that they will
siraply Increase the burden of the raen who produce the wealth
of this country, for we raise our taxes by a per capita le-vy
upon consuraption.
It will siraply lay a burden upon the people who raise the
revenue and pay the taxes, and compel them not only to fur
nish the money, but to furnish the common soldiers, to be
officered by the wealthy classes, who own and control the Ad
ministration. Our boys will look forward to a career to end in
unknown graves In a tropical land. A high aspiration, is it not,
for the descendants of raen who established, as they believed,
a perpetual and eternal republic In this country?
No revenue can corae frora these islands to the United
States. We have spent raore raoney already than every dollar
of the comraerce, if their commerce is no greater than it has
been in the past, that those islands will have for the next
fifteen or twenty years. Their total coramerce, their imports
and their exports, were not to exceed $15,000,000 a year.
We have spent $200,000,000 already, besides the $20,000,000
we gave Spain.
Did Spain insist on our taking the Sulu Islands, with its
slavery and polygamy, when we offered her $20,000,000 for

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 323
these islands? The correspondence would show. We are in
the dark on that subject.
If she did, with what irony, with what concealed satisfac
tion, she raust look upon the act ! I imagine the Spanish people
enjoying great satisfaction at the wonderful victory which
they have gained over us by the overthrow of every principle
we ever advocated and the adoption of the Spanish pohcy.
Did Spain force upon us this Sulu group? I should Uke to
have known that fact. But If, after all, this debate Is simply
to be that this is a profitable venture and the elements of
philanthropy are to be discarded and abandoned, if cant and
hypocrisy are no longer to be the chief reason given, before
this debate is over we shall show that a constant loss and
drain must corae to the people of the United States if we
undertake to hold the group.
The^ President of the United States, In his speech at
Sioux Falls, S. Dak., in October last, said:
That, from the hour the treaty was ratified it became our territory;
there was but one authority and but one sovereignty that could be
recognized anywhere in those islands, and it became our duty to restore
order, to preserve peace, to protect life and property.
Yet he went to war with the Christian people of that
country, with those who believed In the Catholic religion, and
raade a treaty with the Mohararaedans by which they were
to set up and raaintain their own governraent alraost absolutely
independent and free frora us. If he had granted to the Chris
tians of the Philippines the sarae rights he granted to the
slaveholders and polygamists of the Philippines, there would
have been no war whatever. And yet we, as a great Christian
nation, select for self-government the slaveholding Moham
medans, occupying raore than one-third of the area of the
entire group, and proceed to establish what? Not Chris
tianity, for they are already Christians; but we raake the
effort to shoot Protestantisra Into the CathoUc population of
the rest of the islands.
I. Speech in the Senate January 15, 1900.

324 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
If our flag floats over that entire region, and if, as the
President said, it is absolutely under the dominion and control
of the Constitution of the United States, It seems to rae that
he violated the Constitution when he raade the treaty with
the Sultan of Sulu, and that he ought to be Irapeached.
Mr. President, It would be in accord raore with ray ideas
of Araerican Institutions, if we had gone to the Sultan of Sulu
and said, "You must abandon polygamy and slavery, and if
you do not do it and recognize the power and authority of
the Government of the United States over the whole group
of Islands under your control we will wage war upon you until
you do it," instead of going to the people who had been our
alUes, the Christian people of the northern islands, and saying
to them, "Unless you surrender your constitution which you
have adopted, and which is fraraed after our Constitution,
unless you surrender your right as a governraent of a free
people, we will proceed to kill you until you do." Instead of
drawing a trail of blood over those islands, where the popu
lation can read and write, where they have embraced the sarae
religion as ours and pray to the sarae God, it would have been
better had we attacked the so-called barbarous people of the
southern island.
I might read several other extracts frora the President's
speech all to the same effect. He has hardly made a speech
without an allusion to the flag, until I ara alraost convinced
that he receives his direction from the English minister, for It
Is the same song always that England sings whenever she pro
poses to rob soraebody. Whenever Ehgland concludes to go
upon an expedition and plunder sorae of the weaker nations
of the world, she raakes her first appeal to patriotism, and then
step by step, goes on until she has coramitted the wrong, has
transgressed, and then declares that the flag has been fired
on, and that no 'Englishman must question the right or wrong
of what they are doing until the eneray is defeated and the
country annexed.
We are pursuing the same course. Our Minister of State
was trained in the English school, and he has come horae
with their ideas and their notions, and Is going to try their

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 325
way of humbugging the people of this country as the people
of England have been humbugged. You can do It In Eng
land, but you can not do it here. More than a mlUIon of
the people of England do not vote. Most of the population
have been degraded by being herded In manufacturing towns
until a very large per cent of her population have no prop
erty, no capacity, and no opinions except to toady to the
aristocracy. How appropriate, Mr. President, that the restoration of
slavery and the new Interpretation of the Declaration of
Independence should come together. It seeras to rae, however,
that it marks the saddest chapter in the history of that great
political organization, the RepubUcan party. It came into
being as a protest against slavery, as the special champion
of the Declaration of Independence, and It goes out of being
and out of power as the charapion of slavery and the repu-
diator of the Declaration of Independence.
The President says that raoral reasons compel us to stay
in the Philippines, and that we, under God's direction, owe a
duty to mankind, and more of siraUar cant. Here is what
John Morley, the English statesraan and writer, and bio
grapher of Gladstone, says with regard to England's pohcy
in this sarae connection:
First —
Speaking of England —
you push on into territories where you have no business to be and
where you had promised not to go; secondly, your intrusion provokes
resentment, and, in these wild countries, resentment means resistance;
thirdly, you instantly cry out that the people are rebellious and that
their act is rebellion (this in spite of your own assurance that you
have no intention of setting up a permanent sovereignty over them) ;
fourthly, you send a force to stamp out the rebellion, and, fifthly, hav
ing spread bloodshed, confusion, and anarchy, you declare, with hands
uplifted to the heavens, that moral reasons force you to stay, for if
you were to leave, this territory would be left in a condition which no
civilized power could contemplate with equanimity or composure. These
are the five stages in the Forward Rake's progress.

326 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
There Is not a thing there that does not absolutely accord
with the excuses given by the Imperialists why we should
abandon our former form of government and conquer and
rule against their will an unwilling people. What blessing has
England given to her colonies that has justified this plan
throughout the world? Ireland came first, and the persecu
tions of Ireland were justified on a doctrine of benevolent
assimilation — ^that they were Catholics, and therefore, unless
they were converted from Catholicism, they would go to the
devil, and it was England's great and grand raission to raake
them Protestants anyhow. She has succeeded neither In the
one nor the other. Her" course in Ireland has been one of
the blackest pages in the history of the world — starvation
and plunder.
If England will govern Ireland as she has done, what
right has she to the claim that she can confer benefits upon
any country? What Is there In England's example that can
justify us In undertaking the same work. The raiserable,
raiserable, contemptible rot of Rudyard Kipling, where he
talks about the white man's burden It seems to me In the
light of English history Is conteraptible — the white raan's
burden to confer the curses of English rule upon the other
nations of the world.
England coramenced with Ireland. How is it with India?
They have raade no converts practicaUy to Christianity in
India ; neither have the natives learned the English language.
None of the people of India talk EngUsh. They have to keep
an army of 210,000 men to hold them In subjection and pre
vent thera frora securing raodern arms, modern Implements of
destruction, while they traraple upon their rights as a people.
What blessing has England conferred upon India? Nothing
but the fact that taking away her food supply has caused the
starvation of a railUon of men In India every year for years,
and some years six or seven raiUions of people in a year.
One hundred and fifty mlUIon dollars' worth of the food,
products of India are shipped away to pay pensions in Eng
land, and the result Is that the want of that food causes the
people of India to starve.

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 327
Compare the provinces of India that do not recognize
English rule, that are under an English protectorate, and you
wiU find that there is no starvation there. The native princes
rule, and the people govern themselves, and England siraply
has a suzerainty over thera. There is no starvation in those
provinces ; the starvation is In the English part of India, where
the English systera of robbery and plunder holds sway. India
gives no money to the English treasury, but India is a field
for exploiting private enterprise, and thus further enriching
the already over-rich classes that govern the EngUsh Empire.
What of New Zealand? Did the conquest of New Zea
land confer the blessings of ChristIanity«upon New Zealand?
Why, It resulted In the destmction of the inhabitants. To-day
a great colony of English people is in New Zealand, but the
inhabitants who forraerly occupied that land have disappeared
as the result of English governraent.
How Is it In Egypt. The Egyptian governraent was ba^,
and bad for the sarae reason that the EngUsh Governraent was
bad; but England went into Egypt to enforce the collection of
a usurious debt for money which Egypt never received. Eng
land went there to force upon that people a debt which was
coraposed alraost entirely of Interest at 26 per cent on a sraall
sura of money, until to-day every acre of Egypt that Is tillable
is taxed $10 a year.
Every man, woman and child in Egypt of native popula
tion, toiling and tilling the soil, is a slave to the English
taxgatherer. Three thousand five hundred Englishmen wring
the taxes by imprisonraent and by the lash frora those people,
and yet the so-called civilized world looks on with approval.
In order to better enlarge their capacity to pay taxes and bear
burdens, the English officials have corapelled those people to
toil In a systeraatic manner, leaving nothing for themselves
but a bare existence and a bare subsistence. So It is every
where that England has gone.
As I said before, England's first conquest was Catholic
Ireland, and the excuse for oppression there was that the
Irish were Catholics. How appropriate that In our first act
in the draraa of iraperlalisra we should undertake the conquest

328 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
of another Catholic country, should undertake the conquest
of the PhUippines, and should raake the sarae raiserable and
conteraptible excuse which has justified England's atrocities in
Ireland during all tirae. Frora the pulpits of this country
we hear prayers for our success in order that we may intro
duce Christianity. Oh, Mr. President, if we are to go to war
against Catholics, it Is not necessary to go half way around
the world to do so. We have more of them at home, although
there are 6,000,000 of thera In the Philippines.
If these islands were rich In every raineral men desire, if
their supplies of gold surpassed those of the Transvaal, if
every other raetal precious and desirable were in unliraited
quantities, If their soil were so fertile that it surpassed even
the faraous valley of the Nile, if they could produce every
corafort with half the effort with which it can be produced
elsewhere throughout the world, yet I would oppose the an
nexation of these islands because it is wrong, because it leaves
those who have sneered at us in our claim that we were
advocates of freedora a justification for their 'sneer in the
future. Mr. President, we are told by the President of the United
States and by the orators who fav;or IraperiaUsm that this wiU
be a paying venture — that trade follows the flag. "Well, the
morality of that argument can be fairly illustrated, I think.
In this way: If a boy of a numerous faraily should cross a
wide desert and find at the foot of a mountain an old man
with a family of children, possessed of vast wealth in gold,
jewels, horses, and cattle, and should return to his brothers
and say, "There are nine of us, and I believe, if we go to
gether, we can overturn the old raan, who Is not fit to bring
up those children anyway, and rob hira of his wealth, and I
think It will be a profitable venture," and they should start out
and accomplish that act, it seems to me they would stand upon
exactly the same plane as the man who stands upon this floor
and advocates taking all the Phllippme Islands because It
would pay.
But, Mr. President, trade does not foUow the flag. If It be
true that trade follows the flag, then England's trade with her

^ THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 329
colonies ought to be a goo'd example and an argument in its
favor. That ought to settle that question. Trade follows the
best markets, and England's experience Is a refutatlc^n of the
doctrine that trade foUows the flag.
Let us see. The total Iraports to England in 1856 were
$860,000,000 frora all countries, and frora her colonies and
dependencies, $215,000,000'. England's Iraports from all
countries In 1896 araounted to $2,080,000,000, and from her
colonies and dependencies, $475,000,000. Twenty-five per
cent of all her imports carae frora her colonies or dependen-
" cles In 1856 and but 22.8 per cent in 1898. After forty years,
if trade follows the flag and has such a treraendous influence
upon It, the percentage of England's trade with her colonies
ought to have increased rather than declined. This Is not
conclusive, but the other facts taken in consideration with it
are conclusive that trade does not follow the flag.
The total exports from England to the whole world and
to her colonies in 1856 were $575,000,000, and of this araount
to her colonies and deipendencies $165,000,000. In 1895 her
exports to the whole world were 81,125,000,000, and to her
colonies and dependencies $350,000,000.
These figures show that the trade has not increased in
proportion to the general increase. In the four years 1856
to 1859, inclusive, the colonies took 32.1 per cent of Eng
land's exports, and for the four years 1891 to 1895 they took
32.4 per cent; in other words, there was an increase of three-
tenths of I per cent of her exports to her colonies during that
tirae, although there were forty years of growth.
Now let us see how the total trade of her colonies cora
pares with the trade of the colonies with the raother country.
In 1856 $340,000,000 was the total value of the exports frora
the EngUsh colonies to aU the world, and $215,000,000 of
that trade went to England. The per cent of the colonial
exports to England was 63.2 per cent of the total trade of the
colonies in 1856. How was It forty years thereafter? In
1895 their total trade with aU the world was $1,310,000,090,
and with England $475,000,000, or 36.5 per cent— instead of
an increase, a very great decrease.

330 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Let us see how It Is about the import trade. The English
colonies Imported from all the world $385,000,000 worth of
Imports in 1856 and $165,000,000 from England, or 42.8
per cent. In 1895 It seems the value of the iraports to the
English colonies and dependencies from all the world was
$1,110,000,000, and from England $350,000,000, or 31.5
per cent.
Thus the Imports to the colonies frora the raother country
had declined from 42.8 per cent in 1856, forty years ago, to
31.5 per cent. In 1895, showing that the colonies constantly
decreased in the relative amount of their purchases frora the
mother country. If trade follows the flag, then more and
more of their purchases ought to have been, it seems to rae,
frora the mother country rather than a steady decline.
Let us see whether there is any cause why this should be
so. We will take the English trade with the United States.
In 1856 the total imports into England frora all the world
amounted to $895,000,000, and from the United States to
$170,000,000, or 19 per cent of her total trade. In 1898
England's imports from all the world amounted to $2,055,-
000,000, of which $530,000,000 were from the United States,
or 26.7 per cent of her total trade. In other words, our ex
ports to England had grown frora 19 per cent of all Eng
land bought to more than one-fourth of all she bought, while
her trade with her colonies had continuously declined. Why
was this? Not because trade follows the flag, but because
trade seeks the cheapest and best raarket. .
It will thus be seen that the increase frora the United States
Is very raarked as compared with the trade of England when
compared with her own possessions. If we corapare the
total Iraports into England frora the whole world and the
United States for four years from 1870 to 1873 and from
1895 to 1898 we will find that the increase from the United
States was very rauch greater In proportion than the increase
of English iraports frora all countries. In other words, our
Iraports increased 183 per cent as against England's Iraports
frora the rest of the world of 121 per cent.
EngUsh exports to the United States have declined frora 13

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 331
per cent of her total exports in the four years frora 1859 to
1862 to 9 per cent of her total exports for the years 1895 to
1898, caused by tariff restriction. But If trade foUows the
flag this tariff restriction which we place upon English goods,
thus causing a decrease of iraports to this country, certainly
ought to have affected their purchases In the direction of her
flag, and ought to have been an additional reason and Induce
raent to purchase more instead of less of her colonies, where
she could sell and not be restricted by tariff provisions and
could bring back cargoes.
Frora another view of the subject, let us see how England's
trade with her colonies and the United States corapares with
relation to population. Frora 1892 to 1897 England iraported
frora her colonies $1.25 worth of goods for each Inhabitant of
those colonies. Frora the United States she imported goods
to the value of $6.68 for every inhabitant of the United States
each year. While the United States purchased of England
$1.50 worth for each inhabitant, the EngUsh colonies only
purchased frora England $1.02 worth of goods for each In
habitant, purchasing 48 cents' worth for each Inhabitant less
than we bought frora England, even with our purchase of only
$1.50 per capita.
So far as the English tropical colonies are concerned Eng
land only sold to thera 71 cents worth of goods last year for
each Inhabitant in those colonies, and most of that was to
supply her own army and her own officeholders, who wanted
EngUsh goods. Her trade would have been infinitesimal,
alraost absolutely nothing, with her tropical colonies, except
for her array In India of 70,000 EngUshmen and her equally
great army of officeholders there. So, such an argument is
aU nonsense. Trade does not follow the flag.
The United States can only secure tropical countries as
colonies. As Schurman, our coraraissioner to the Philippines,
said, the Sultan of Sulu and his people would fight, and there
fore it was not weU to bother with thera. So the people who
inhabit the teraperate zone will fight, and our only place to get
a people who are easy to control, a people who wIU not fight
too hard, a people who are not armed with raodern imple-

332 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
raents of war, a people who can be run over with battalions
of our troops. Is in the Tropics.
How, then. In the Ught of England's experience, in the light
of the fact that England has practically no trade with the
Inhabitants of her tropical colonies, except the trade that coraes
from supplying her officeholders and her array, can we expect
to have rauch trade with the people of the Philippines ? How
are we going to get rich keeping a standing array In the
PhiUppines, so as to raake people whose wages are not over
5 cents a day trade with us ?
Mr. President, in the Philippines we do not even supply
our own Array. If trade follows the flag it seems to me that
the trade with our own army ought to 'follow the flag. So
prone is trade to seek the best raarkets that our Army is
supplied with potatoes and beef and butter and pork from
the English colonies; practically none of it coraes frora the
United States.
Our soldiers are clothed by the English contractors at
Hongkong. Only shoes and a few canned goods go frora the
United States, and the reason they go Is because we export
shoes and that people everywhere can buy shoes cheaper in
this country than anywhere else, thus proving conclusively thar
trade does not follow the flag, but goes to the best raarkets.
The coal that propels our ships across the Pacific is English
coal. We do not even patronize our own coal mines on the
western coast. Every vessel coraing this way or going that
way In passing Nagasaki, takes on a load of English coal !
Our transports are chartered by the Governraent, and, there
fore, every transport carries goods frora the United States
free of cost to the producers. It seeras to rae exceedingly
strange why, if trade will follow the flag, it does not get under
the flag and just float over and supply our own array In the
tropics. What is there in the future to warrant us to believe that
trade will hereafter follow the flag in the Philippines? I
should like to have soraebody tell rae. We raade a treaty with
Spain by which we agreed that the Philippines should have the
"open door," so that all the world could trade there through

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 333
all time to corae. Therefore we broke down the barriers of
protection, abandoned the policy upon which the Republican
party has ridden into power for years. We declared that we
would have the "open door," thereby destroying absolutely
aU hope of any trade in the future with the people of the
PhUippines, for, under the decisions of our Suprerae Court,
we cannot impose a tariff on their products unless we amend
the Constitution.
So their products wIU corae to us free of duty. The
tobacco raade into cigars by the nirable fingers of those capable
Malays will close the tobacco and cigar factories of this coun
try and drive our labor into other channels of eraployraent.
There is no reason why they cannot supply unllmltedly the
cigars for Araerican consuraption. Labor there is cheap, labor
Is abundant, and New England's raoney — the vast fortunes of
the raen who have accumulated by the control of monopoUes
in our country — will go there to exploit this labor, go there to
make cotton goods out of Chinese cotton to be sold In the
Araerican market. 'P I* I* ¦(! tS 'K "P
It seems to me the sum and substance of the whole scherae
is to find a field where cheap labor can be secured, labor that
will not strike, that does not belong to a union, that does not
need an army to keep It In leading strings, that will make
goods for the trusts of this country; and, as the tmsts doral-
nated the St. Louis convention and own the Republican party.
It is a very proper enterprise for them to engage in.
England has not been enriched by her conquests. To-day,
what is the happiest country in the world ? It is little Switzer
land. Where is there the best distribution of wealth, the
best opportunity for man? Where is there the least poverty,
misery, and distress? It Is in Switzerland, without colonies.
It is not in England. Her conquests have bestowed no bless
ings upon her people. Most of her people have no property;
most of the people of England own nothing. Two-thirds of
them — 66 per cent of them — own nothing, while about 222,000
persons own all the property of Great Britain.

334 THE COURSE OP EMPIRE
They are the people who exploit the tropical colonies ; they
are the people who build railroads and charge what they
choose, and raake loans at usurious interest, thus piling up
higher and higher their great aggregations of wealth. Do
we want to follow this example? From it no money will come
Into the Treasury for the benefit of the people of the United
States. The laborers of this land, frora whora we raise our
taxes In the same way England raises hers — by a per capita
levy upon consumption — are Invited to contribute this taxatloA
to support an army of occupation and subsidize ships to carry
the trade In order that those people may be exploited by the
trusts of the United States. I do not believe the people of this
country will do it.
There is another object. It Is well when people becorae
restless, when people becorae dissatisfied with the conditions
which exist, when the tollers of a land begin to believe they are
not receiving their just share of the products of their toil, to
give thera arausement, to distract their attention by distant
problems, to do as England has done, begin the killing of
raen in sorae distant land, and then appeal to the patriotism
of the people and talk about the flag being fired upon in order
to take the attention of the people from those great problems
the right of solution of which Is essential to the happiness of
the tollers of the nation.
You ask' me what I would do with the Philippines. I
would draw our army back to Manila. I would send to the
Philippine people assurance that they could set up their own
government — a republic, such as they have set up under their
constitution, framed after ours, providing, as it does, for
universal education, for the protection of life and property,
and I would say to the world, "Hands off!" Then I would
try to neutralize that country — that is, I would try to make a
treaty with the nations of the world by which those islands and
their waters should be neutral ground, where any vessel of
any country could go and coal and trade — not free trade, if
they chose to put up a tariff wall against all the world, but
It should be equal to aU; but no nation could go there to
fight.

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 335
I would do what Europe has done with Switzerland and
what they have done with the Suez Canal; and if the nations
of all Europe would not agree to It, I would say, "Hands off;
we wIU plant a repubUc on the shores of Asia." The Malay
race have shown their capacity for governing in th^Ir triuraph
in Japan. No nation in the world stands higher In the scale
of civilization than the Malays of Japan, a kindred race to the
people of the PhiUppines. Give thera a chance, and they wIU
plant republican principles on the shores of Asia that will
spread to that continent and undermine and overthrow the
despotism of colonial mle and the despotism of raonarchies,
Mr. Spooner: WIU the Senator from South' Dakota
allow me to ask him a question?
Mr. Pettigrew: Certainly.
Mr. Spooner: The Senator frora South Dakota would
not do that, of course, without the consent of the Filipinos?
Mr. Pettigrew: No, sir; I would not do It without
their consent. It seems to me a superfluous question if that
is all there Is to It.
We are precluded by our Constitution and by the Declara
tion of Independence and by every claim we have ever made,
by every speech of every person who has addressed a Fourth
of July audience, from buying sovereignty over a people with
out their consent first obtained. Piychaslng sovereignty and
transferring from one nation to another the rights of their
fellow-raen Is simply a species of slavery. How can we justify
It with all our boasted eloquence once a year for a century
past? I say this RepubUc, above all the nations of the
world, ought to refuse to be a party to the purchase or the
effort at purchasing sovereignty over anybody.
In 1867, when we talked of buying the Danish West Indies,
Denmark refused to sell until a vote of the inhabitants could
be taken, to see whether or not they would consent to be
sold. Even Denmark, touched by the Influence of our Con
stitution and our example, refused to sell the sovereignty
without the consent of the people, and for this great Republic
to stand up to-day before the world and claim title because

336 THE COUk:>E ut emfike
they have bought from dispossessed Spain sovereignty over
those people it seeras to rae is remarkable indeed.
I think the words of the immortal Lincoln are applicable
to this situation: "A house divided against itself can not
stand." Under our flag you can not have a republic and an
empire. You can not have self-governraent and a governraent
by force. One or the other wUl triuraph. Either the republic
will go down and the empire survive, qr we will at once
retrace our steps to the old safe ground and anchor our ship
of state to the declaration and to the doctrine that all govern
ments derive their just powers frora the consent of the
governed.

Mr. President, the Senator from Colorado says that I
never speak a kind word of my fellow-Senators. I am not
going to dispute that assertion except to say that my relations
are raost pleasant with alraost all ray fellow-Senators, and I
hope he will not undertake to hide the whole Senate behind his
large personality. I have not spent rauch tirae in laudation of
hira, because I never saw anything in his public career or
private life worthy of praise ; but I will confess one thing, and
that now, which ought to be to his praise and to his advantage
— he has a loud voice. It seeras to rae that his attack upon rae
is not worthy of reply, and I shall not reply to It.
As far as his arguraent is concerned, he has divided his
attention between rae and the Senator frora Indiana [Mr.
Beveridge]. I should like to know, I should like to hear, I
should like to ascertain some settled policy upon this ques
tion. We are told by the Senator from Indiana that it is
greed, conquest, for the purpose of getting rich, with the idea
of despoiling somebody, and we are told by the Senator from
Colorado that we are prorapted by ideas of philanthropy, but
not quite so rauch philanthropy as the Senator frora Indiana
wishes to exercise.
Now, Mr. President, this cant about doing soraebody
good was the very argument which justified Spain In her con
quests of the western world. No people ever went forth for

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 337
conquest and for plunder who paraded raore their pretext that
they wished to civilize and Christianize the world. They
drew their trail of blood across Mexico. What men in aU
the world had more religious zeal than Cqftez and his fol
lowers and his priests? Pizarro destroyed the grand civiUza
tion of Peru, butchering her people right and left Io the narae
of God. They said they did it because they wanted to confer
blessings upon the people of these countries, and they made
thera desolate for centuries afterwards.
Russia in her conquest raises the same banner, and her
newspapers are full of the same arguraent, the same cant.
You can pick out Spanish authors whose books are in
our library, hundreds of them, who parade this excuse for
conquest better than even the Senator frora Colorado. And
so it is with England. Wherever she has gone, wherever she
has carried her conquest, as I read a short tirae ago, the
sarae excuse has been raade : "We are going to carry the bless
ings of English civilization." If you should ask the people
where she has been — ^If you ask Ireland, and India, and the
natives of New Zealand — what their opinion is of the blessing
and benefit she has conferred, it seems to me It would deter us
from undertaking the task.
I should like to know what the arguraent Is? You can
not sraother debate or drive rae from a discussion of the
question by ridicule or abuse. Call me a traitor if you will.
Men have been called traitors before because they stood up
for what they believed to be right. Lincoln, in the House
of Representatives, denounced the Mexican war and voted
against Its approval, and so did Alexander Stephens, of the
South, and so did BoutweU, of Massachusetts, and so did
raany other names that might be added to the list.
Mr. Hoar: Mr. Boutwell was not In the House at that
time. Mr. Pettigrew : The Senator from Massachusetts says
that Mr. BoutweU was not there then, and I presurae I ara
wrong in regard to that, although I heard him In a speech
say that he took that position, which perhaps was not In the
House of Representatives, and he beUeved that, more than

33^ ' THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
anything else, had made hira twice the governor of Massa
chusetts. What is more, Mr. President, Daniel Webster de
nounced the Mexican war and afterwards was charged with
being a traitor to his country by these same people who have a
philanthropic mission.
Fox and Pitt In the English Parliaraent denounced the
war against the Araerican colonies. Is it Lord North and his
raiserable cabinet who live in the rainds of the people of the
world to-day? No; it is those champions of freedom who
dared to stand up in the British Parliament and denounce the
course of their government of that day. Pitt said:
What has the Government done? They have sent an armed force,
consisting of 17,000 men, to dragoon the Bostonians into what is
called duty; and we are told in the language of menace that if 17,000
won't do, 50,000 shall. If I were an American as I am an Englishman,
while a foreign troop was landed in my country I would never lay
down my arms — never, never, never.
I should like to know what course this debate is to take.
If those who are in favor of imperialism are afraid to embrace
the doctrine of greed and of conquest for profit and disagree
about the amount of philanthropy that is necessary In order to
justify their position. It Is hard to tell what we shall answer or
combat. In this connection, Mr. President — for I do not care to
talk longer — I wish to put in the Record an editorial en
titled, "Let us be honest," from the Washington Post, of this
city. It seeras to rae it is quite pertinent in this connection
as showing how badly divided are the hosts of imperialisra.
LET US BE honest!
Why can not we be honest in our utterances touching the terri
tories we have recently acquired? Really it would save time and
trouble, to say nothing of life and treasure, to come out frankly with
the announcement that we have annexed these possessions in cold
blood, and that we intend to utilize them to our profit and advantage.
All this t^lk about benevolent assimilation; all this hypocritical pre
tense of anxiety for the moral, social, and intellectual exaltation of
the natives; all this transparent parade of responsibility and deep

THE FAILURE OF IMPERIALISM 339
seated purpose; all this deceives nobody, avails nothing, helps us not
an inch in the direction of profit, dignity, and honor.
We all know down in our hearts that these islands, groups, etc., are
important to us only in the ratio of their practical possibilities. We
value them by the standard of their commercial usefulness, and by no
other. All this gabble about civilizing and uplifting the benighted bar
barians of Cuba and Luzon is mere sound and fury, signifying nothing.
Foolishly or wisely, we want these newly acquired territories, not for
any missionary or altruistic purposes, but for the trade, the commerce,
fhe power, and the money there are in them. Why beat about the
bush and promise and protest all sorts of things ? Why not be honest ?
It will pay.
As a matter of fact, we are not concerned in the ethical or religious
uplifting of the Filipinos. After all, the difference between a breech-
clout and a starched shirt front is a mere matter of climate and personal
opinion. Dishonesty, untruth, crime, and general wickedness are here
in our midst — present with us as part of our daily life and growing
with our growth. We need not go to the West Indies or the Philip
pines in search of material for moral rescue. Our own slums abound
with opportunities for missionary zeal.
Why not tell the truth and say — what is the fact — that we want
Cuba, Puerto Rico, Hawaii, and Luzon, together with any other islands
in either ocean that may hereafter commend themselves to our appetite,
because we believe they will add to our national strength, and because
we hope they will some day become purchasers at our bargain counters?
We might as well throw off the pious mask and indulge ourselves in
a little honest candor. It will cost us nothing, and it may profit much.
At any rate, we shall have the comfort and satisfaction of being honest
with ourselves and the privilege of looking into the mirror without
blushing. — Washington Post, Sunday, January 14, igoo.
I present that as an answer to the whole philanthropic
portion of the speeches of the Senator from Indiana and the
Senator from Colorado.
But in order to bring this debate back, it seems to rae, to
a higher plane and better character, I will read briefly, sorae
verses by Howard S. Taylor, of Chicago :
THE CREED OF THE FLAG.
Who will haul down the flag? — President McKinley.
"Who will haul dovm the flag?" quoth he.
Why no hand of flesh and bone
Can lower that flag, on land or sea.
Till the faith of the flag is gone!

340 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Till a few shall rule and cunningly keep
The bunting to garnish their greed;
Till dollars are dear and humanity cheap
By the force of a tory creed 1
Then will it fall ! — but answer us, clear.
Do you fancy that hour is drawing near?
Did our Liberty Bell ring in vain?
Was our Declaration a lie?
Must /we turn to the Old World again.
With the penitent prodigal's cry?
Must we arm us and march in the van
Of Europe's barbaric parade.
And boom out a gunpowder gospel to man
To open a pathway for trade?
Shall we strut through the world and bluster and brag
With the dollar mark stamped on the brave old flag?
Nay, haul up the flag — raise it high —
Not yet is its spirit spent!
Let it "sing to the wind and the sky
The truth that it aWays meant !
Let it sing of the birthright of man.
Of progress that never can lag.
Let it sing that trade may go — where it can.
But liberty follows the flag!
Yea, haul up Old Glory — but, comrades, take heed
That no man part the old flag from the creed !
HOWARD S. TAYLOR.
Chicago, January 7, 1899.

CHAPTER XV
THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT
MR. PRESIDENT,! I did not at this tirae Intend to
address the Senate at length upon this subject, for I
had expected that the resolutions of inquiry which I
had offered would be adopted and the Inforraation thus fur
nished from official sources before the debate commenced.
But the discussions which arose and the impressions which
were made seem to have precipitated a general discussion of
the question. I shall begin ray remarks to-day by reading from
one of Lincoln's speeches the following paragraph : *
Those who deny freedom to others deserve it not for themselves,
and under the rule of a just God can not long retain it.
I believe that Is true. I believe the reflex action upon
our own people of the conquest of other peoples and their
governraents, against their will, will gradually undermine free
institutions in this country and result In the destruction of the
Republic. What are the arguments urged why we should
force a government upon the people of the PhUippines? The
President of the United States says they are not fit for self-
government. From my observation of history I believe there
are no people fit for any other form of government. Govern
ments are instituted, not bestowed, and therefore derive their
just powers from the consent of the governed.
Any nation of people are capable of maintaining as good
a governraent as they are entitled to have, and when they
can raaintain a better governraent they wIU evolve it, and you
can not give them a better government than they can main
tain for themselves. A form of governraent Is the result of
1. Speech in the Senate January 15, 1900.
341

342 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the social compact, and therefore the government of a people
will be as good as the average of the individuals composing
the community are willing to have. The American Indians
maintained a government, and for them a better one than we
have been able to bestow upon them. The Esqulraos in the
arctic region maintain a government of their own, suited to
their condition and their circumstances, and It is a better
governraent than anybody else can give them. Would their
condition be improved by sending to them foreign governors
and a foreign council to enact laws and direct their course
and method of life, to guide them in their civic and civil
affairs? So with every other people the world round. There
Is nothing in the history of the colonies of the so-called Chris
tian nations of the world to encourage the Idea that we can
give to this people a better government than they are able
to maintain theraselves.
The old doctrine of the divine right of kings, of the
hereditary right to rule, is a doctrine that we disputed and
controverted when we established our Government and when
we announced the doctrine of the Declaration of Indepen
dence. So proud have we been of that discovery that each
year we have celebrated the birth into the world of a new
theory, a new doctrine with regard to governraents; and
four hundred constitutions have been fraraed after ours. So
powerful has our exaraple been throughout the world, that
nation after nation struggling to be free has adopted our forra
of government. No nation, no people, In all time and in all history ever
Irapressed such a powerful influence upon the huraan race as
this Republic, and for this reason alone. Empires have been
established, a trail of blood has been drawn across the world,
and vast aggregations of people have been brought under the
rule of an emperor or a raonarch since history began, but no
people, no nation, in the history of the world has ever pro
duced such a powerful effect for good upon the human race
as this great Republic, and simply because of the doctrine laid
down by our forefathers in the Declaration of Independence.
Is it an old doctrine that all governraents derive their just

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 343
powers frora the consent of the governed? Some have said
that it was a nursery rhyme sung around the cradle of the
Republic. The doctrine is new. It was announced but a cen
tury ago, a day In the birth and Ufe of nations, and yet this
great Republic, boasting as we have on each recurring cele
bration of the event, proposes now to abandon it for the old
doctrine and the old theory and the old idea of selfishness.
The Senator from Indiana [Mr. Beveridge] says that the
Declaration of Independence does not conteraplate that all
governraents raust have the consent of the governed; that only
those raust have the consent of the governed that we think
capable of self-governraent. Under that theory no people in
the world are capable of self-governraent unless they first get
our consent that they are fit to give their consent to a forra
of governraent which they wish to set up. The Senator frora
Connecticut [Mr. Platt] says that governraents derive their
just powers frora the consent of some of the governed. Thus
the Senator from Indiana would extend the doctrine of Ira
periaUsm to whole nations of people, while the Senator from
Connecticut would extend the doctrine o^ imperialisra to every
nation and every people, for he declares that the consent of
sorae of the governed only Is required.
Thus we drift back to the divine right of kings, to the
doctrine that those who govern shall deterraine who of the
governed shall give their consent. Thus construed, our glori
ous declaration becoraes a raockery and a fraud. Therefore,
when we meet each year to celebrate the Instrument's birth
Into the world, the orators of the Republican party will have
to explain Its meaning and tell the multitude that our notions,
our opinions, of the Declaration have been wrong for a hun
dred years.
Lincoln, in his speech at Springfield, on June 26, 1857,
thus defined his notions of the Declaration of Independence :
In those days our Declaration of Independence was held sacred
by all and thought to include all ; but now, to aid in making the bondage
of the negro universal and eternal, it is assailed and sneered at, and
construed, and hawked at, and torn, till, if its framers could rise from
their graves, they could not at all recognize it. All the powers of

344 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
earth seem rapidly combining against him. Mammon is after him, am
bition follows, philosophy follows, and the theology, of the day is fast
joining the cry. *******
I think the authors of that notable instrument intended to include
all men ; but they did not intend to declare all men equal in all respects.
They did not mean to say all were equal in color, size, intellect, moral
developments, or social capacity. They defined with tolerable distinct
ness in what respects they did consider all men created equal — equal
with "certain inalienable rights, among which are life, liberty, and the
pursuit of happiness." This they said, and this they meant. They did
not mean to assert the obyious untruth that all were then actually, en
joying that equality, nor yet that they were about to confer it imme
diately upon them. In fact, they had no power to confer such a boon.
They meant simply to declare the right, so that the enforcement of it
might follow as fast as circumstances should permit.
They meant to set up a standard maxim for free society, which
should be familiar to all, and revered by all, constantly looked to, con
stantly labored for, and even though never perfectly attained, con
stantly approximated, and thereby constantly spreading and deepening
its influence and augmenting the happiness and value of life to all people
of all colors everywhere. The assertion that "all men are created
equal" was of no practical use in effecting our separation from Great
Britain, and it was placed in the Declaration not for that but for
future use. Its authors meant it to be, as, thank God, it is now proving
itself, a stumbling block to all those who, in after times, might seek to
tum a free people back into the hateful paths of despotism. They knew
the proneness of prosperity to breed tyfants, and they meant when such
should reappear in this fair land and commence their vocation, they
should find left for them at least one hard nut to crack.
It seems to me that Lincoln, with his prophetic vision,
raust have seen this day, when prosperity, breeding tyrants,
should undertake to declare that the Declaration of Inde
pendence no longer applies to anybody but the people whom
we decide are capable of self-government. It stands to-day
as a sturabling block; it is the hard nut to crack that the
ImperiaUsts of this country find on this occasion, and It will
confront thera in this contest on every stump and on every
platforra in the land. Now, let us see what Stephen A. Doug
las in that controversy said about the Declaration. I beUeve
my imperialist friends must have been reading Douglas's«
arguraent. Said Lincoln :

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 345
I have now briefly expressed my view of the meaning and object of
that part of the Declaration of Independence which declares that "all
men are created equal."
Now let us hear Judge Douglas's view of the same subject, as I find
it in the printed report of his late speech. Here it is:
"No man can vindicate the character, motives, and conduct of the
signers of the Declaration of Independence, except upon the hypothesis
that they referred to the white race alone, and not to the African,
when they declared all men to have been created equal — that they
were speaking of British subjects on this continent being equal to British
subjects bom and residing in Great Britain — that they were entitled
to the same inalienable rights, and among them were enumerated life,
liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. The Declaration was adopted
for the purpose of justifying the colonists in the eyes of the civilized
world in withdrawing their allegiance from the British Crown and
dissolving their connection with the mother country."
Lincoln says:
My good friends, read that carefully over some leisure hour, and
ponder well upon it; see what a mere wreck, mangled ruin, it makes
of our once glorious Declaration.
"They were speaking of British subjects on this continent being
equal to British subjects born and residing in Great Britain."
Why, according to this, not only negroes, but white people outside
of Great Britain and America, were not spoken of in that instrument.
The English, Irish, and Scotch, along with white Americans, were in
cluded, to be sure, but the French, Germans, and other white people of
the world are all gone to pot along with the Judge's inferior races.
I had thought the Declaration promised something better than the
condition of British subjects. But no ; it only meant that we should be
equal to them in their own oppressed and unequal condition ! Accord
ing to that, it gave no promise that, having kicked off the King and lords
of Great Britain, we should not at once be saddled with a king and
lords of our own in these United States.
I had thought the Declaration contemplated the progressive improve
ment in the condition of all men everywhere. £ut no; it merely "was
adopted for the purpose of justifying the colonists in the eyes of the
civilized world in withdrawing their allegiance from the British Crown
and dissolving their connection with the mother country." Why,
that object having been effected some eighty years ago, the Declara
tion is of no practical use now- — mere rubbish — only wadding left to
rot on the battlefield after the victory is won.
I understand you are preparing to celebrate the "Fourth" to-morrow
week. What for? The doings of that day had no reference to the
present; and quite half of you are not even descendants of those who

346 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
were referred to at that day. But I suppose you will celebrate, and
will even go so far as to read the Declaration.
Why, Mr. President, when we quote the Declaration of
Independence or the words of Lincoln, the imperialists of this
country say that our words are telegraphed to Manila and give
encourageraent to the insurgents. If, on the last Fourth of
July, I should have read here Lincoln's words, that people
who disregarded the rights of freedom In others can not
long retain their own liberty, I suppose Otis would have had
me arrested for an insurgent and insisted that I was giving
aid and comfort to the enemy; and if I had there read the
Declaration of Independence or the words of Lincoln as re
ferring to all people, no matter what their color, I would have
been driven from the Islands or placed In prison. Has it
reached the point that wherever our flag floats raen can no
longer, without being called rebels, quote from Abrahara
Lincoln or read the Declaration of Independence. Lincoln
goes on to say :
Suppose, after you read it once in the old-fashioned way, you read
it once more with Judge Douglas's version. It will then run thus:
"We hold these truths to be self-evident that all British subjects who
were on this continent eighty-one years ago were created equal to all
British subjects born and then residing in Great Britain."
Could you raake it any more absurd if on the next Fourth
of July you should amend It to accord with the opinion
of the Senator from Indiana or the Senator frora Connecticut?
Lincoln says:
And I now appeal to all — to Democrats as well as others — are you
really willing that the Declaration shall thus be frittered away; thus
left no more at most than an interesting memorial of the dead past;
thus shorn of its vitality and practical value and left without the
germ or even the suggestion of the individual rights of man in it?
On another occasion, in Lincoln's speech In Chicago, IU.,
July 10, 1858, he raakes this allusion to the Declaration of
Independence, and It is so very pertinent to the present occa
sion and to this debate that I read it as an absolute refutation
of the position of the Imperialists on this subject.

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 347
I raight say here, Mr. President, that I allude to those
who advocate the conquest of the PhiUppines as IraperlaUsts
and not as expansionists, ior the reason that expansion Implies
the enlargement of the same thing, the adding of raore of
that which you already have, the acquisition of countries
holding a population capable of Uving and supporting our
Constitution to be adraitted as States into the Union; while
the imperialist doctrine is the acquisition of tropical colonies
where it is admitted that self-government can not exist, as we
understand it ynder our Constitution; and therefore the people
must be governed perpetually and forever as crown colonies
of this Republic.
The holding of such countries, the conquest of an unwilling
people, their retention in subjugation by a standing array,
raeans of necessity not a republic where all the people raust
be consulted, but a despotism where the will of one man can
march armies, declare war, and act with great rapidity. A
republic Is naturally slow in action, because the people must
be considered and must be consulted.
We have taken on many of the semblances of monarchy
and of Iraperlalisra In the conduct of this Administration —
concealraent of facts from the people, denial of news and
Information, no knowledge -of what is going on, no announce
ment of policy and purpose; and the excuse for it all was
that if we should allow the people to know the facts there
was danger of creating disapproval of the course of our
raonarch, and if the eneray should secure those facts It would
be of sorae assistance to them. This Is necessary in a mon
archy. Press censorship, too, is a necessary adjunct of im
perialism, one of the things our forefathers would not have
tolerated for a day. And yet our people are becoming so
numb that they are willing to accept It, and even criticise raen
who protest. Lincoln says :
Those arguments are made that the inferior race are to be
treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that
as much is to be done for them as their condition will allow. What
are these arguments? They are the arguments that kings have made
for enslaving the people in all ages of the world. You will find that

348 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
all the arguments in favor of kingcraft were of this class. They al
ways bestrode the necks of the people, not that they wanted to do
it, but because the people were better off for being ridden. That is their
argument, and this argument of the judge is the same old serpent that
says, "You work and I eat ; you toil and I will enjoy the fruits of it."
Turn it in w^hatever way you will, whether it comes from the mouth
of a king as an excuse for enslaving the people of his country or from
the mouth of men of one race as a reason for enslaving the men of
another race, it is all the same old serpent —
It Is as true to-day as it was when Lincoln uttered It, and
It will continue through all tirae and as long as men struggle
for freedom —
and I hold if that course of argumentation that is made for the pur
pose of convincing the public mind that we should not care about this
should be granted, it does not stop with the negro. I should like to
know if taking this old Declaration of Independence, which declares
that all men are equal upon principle, and making exceptions to it,
where will it stop? If one man says it does not mean a negro, why
not another say it does not mean some other man? If that Declaration
is not the truth, let us get the statute book, in which we find it, and
tear it out! Who is so bold as to do it?
While Lincoln lived and uttered these words forty years
ago, there are raen to-day in the Senate of the United States
who are so bold as to be willing to go and tear them out.
A voice in the audience said, "No, no." Lincoln then
said: Let us stick to it, then ; let us stand firmly by it, then.
Henry Clay took the same view on the subject, and I will
read very briefly frora what he said:
What is the foundation of this appeal to me in Indiana to liberate
the slaves, under my care in Kentucky? It is a general declaration
in the act announcing to the world the independence of the thirteen
American colonies, that "men are created equal." Now, as an abstract
principle, there is no doubt of the truth of that declaration, and it is
desirable in the original construction of society, and in organized so
cieties, to keep it in view as a great fundanjental principle.
But the difference, Mr. President, between the doctrines
of the Republican party as founded'by Gi<idings and Hale and
Lovejoy and the party of Platt and Beveridge is not as

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 349
great as the distance between Lincoln, the first President of
the Republican party, whose greatest title Is that of the
Eraancipator, earned by issuing on New Year's Day, 1863, the
proclaraation of emancipation, and McKinley, whose name
must go down In history as the last of the Presidents of the
Republican party, and whose chief claim for reraerabrance
will lie In the fact that he restored slavery to our country and
that under his Adrainistration, under the protection of our
flag — the Stars and Stripes — the slave driver plies the lash
to the back of unrequited toil. Lincoln in his eraancipation
proclaraation said:
And by virtue of the power and for the purpose aforesaid, I do
order and declare that all persons held as slaves within said designated
States and parts of States are and henceforward shall be free, and that
the executive Government of the United States, including the military
and naval authorities thereof, will recognize and maintain the freedom
of said persons.
President McKinley approved the treaty with the Sultan
of Sulu, which provides:
Art. 3. The rights and dignities of His Highness the Sultan and
his datos shall be fully respected, the Moros shall not be interfered with
on account of their religion, all their religious customs shall be re
spected, and no one shall be persecuted on account of his religion.
And within that clause is embraced slavery and polyg
amy, both of them religious customs under the practice of
Mohammedanisra by the Sultan of Sulu.
But further than that, Mr. President :
Article 10. Any slave in the archipelago of Sulu shall have the
right to purchase freedom by paying to his master the usual market
value. Nothing is said about where he Is to get the considera
tion. The business of the Sultan of Sulu has been in the past
to get Into a quarrel with some of the negro tribes of the island
of Mindanao, the largest island of the group, having an area
nearly as great as the State of Indiana, and then, as an
excuse for punishing them for having rebeUed against his
authority, to take prisoners and sell thera as slaves to the

350 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
planters raising sugar upon the Island of Borneo. This is the
way he gets raoney to carry on his business. Yet we have
agreed in this treaty, ratified and sanctioned by the President
of the United States, that we will not interfere with any
controversy which exists between the Sultan and his sub
jects, but that they shall be tried and dealt with under the
laws which he raay raake.
He is an absolute monarch, having the power of life and
death. No one can question his right. If he coramands his
assistants to assassinate any one of his subjects, no one can
call into question the act; yet we make an agreement with him
whereby we pay hira $250 a month to fly the flag of the United
States over his slave ships and over his harem.
Art. 13. The United States will give full protection to the
Sultan and his subjects in case any foreign nation shall attempt to im
pose upon them.
Nobody else. And we have agreed not to again interfere
to stop his slave ships or stop the practice of slavery and polyg
amy in that country. And yet the President says that the
Stars and Stripes mean the same thing wherever they float !
Article XIII of the Constitution of the United States
provides, in section i, that:
Neither slavery nor involuntary servitude, except as a punishment
for crime whereof the party shall have been duly convicted, shall exist
within the United States, or any place subject to their jurisdiction.

Now,^ Mr. President, the Senator from Wisconsin
[Mr. Spooner] complained that we raised the issue of im
perialism and he objects that it shall- be raised at this time.
He says it Is a political issue; that we have truraped it up and
have undertaken to charge it against the Adrainistration for
political purposes. Mr. President, we did not raise the Issue
of iraperiaUsra. Who raised the issue of Iraperialisra? The
men who In sending our flag to Porto Rico refused to send
our Constitution there. Who raised it before that? Every
1. Speech in the Senate June 4, 1900.

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 351
acquisition of territory that we have ever made up to the
time we took Hawaii and the Philippines has contained a pro
vision that the ceded territory should be incorporated into
the Union of States and its inhabitants made to share with us
the duties of a repubUc.
Mr. Hansbrough: The Senator should except Alaska
In that statement.
Mr. Pettigrew: I will read the provision with regard
to Alaska. After we had adopted the Spanish treaty we first
voted down the Bacon resolution and then we voted this reso
lution :
Resolved, etc.. That by the ratification of the treaty of peace with
Spain it is not intended to incorporate the inhabitants of the Philip
pine Islands into citizenship of the United States, nor is it intended
to permanently annex the said islands as an integral part of the terri
tory of the United States.
There Is your doctrine of imperialisra. By It we propose
to hold a people against their will as a colony of this Repub
lic — a one raan power, absolute despotism government under
the resolution. After bringing in that resolution the Senator
from Wisconsin complains that we raise the Issue of Imperial
isra. You raised It when you said we wUl take and hold that
country without proraising to Its people citizenship or ever
raaking It an integral part of the territory of the United
States. Now, let us see. When we annexed Alaska the treaty
contained the following provision:
The inhabitants of the ceded territory, according to their choice,
reserving their national allegiance, may return to Russia within three,
years, but if they should prefer to remain in the ceded territory they,
with the exception of uncivilized native tribes, shall be admitted to the
enjoyment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of citizens of
the United States, and shall be maintained and protected in the free
enjoyment of their liberty, property, and religion.
What are the rights, advantages, and immunities of citi
zens of the United States? Why, participation to the fullest
extent in our Government and, as understood and practiced
in aU our Territories, adraission as States. But the PhiUp-

352 THE COUkSE ut t^iviriRE
pines were not to have that. They were never to becorae citi
zens of the United States. It Is not intended to incorporate
the Inhabitants of the PhUippine Islands into citizenship of the
United States. So the Senator Is answered with regard to
Russia and Alaska.
Now with regard to Louisiana :
That the inhabitants of the ceded territory shall be incorporated in
the Union of the United States, and admitted as soon as possible, ac
cording to the principles' of the Federal Constitution, to the enjoy
ment of all the rights, advantages, and immunities of the citizens of
the United States —
"Rights, advantages, and iraraunities!" The same words
exactly are used In the treaty with Russia with regard to
Alaska —
and in the meantime they shall be maintained and protected in the free
enjoyment of their liberty, property, and the religion which they pro
fess. Words absolutely the same except the promise that they
should be admitted Into the Union of the United States.
They are superfluous words if used in connection with the
pledge, with the contract that they shall enjoy all the rights,
privileges, and iraraunities of citizens of the XJnited States.
In the treaty when we purchased Florida there is the pres
ent provision :
The inhabitants in the territories which His Catholic Majesty cedes
to the United States by this treaty shall be incorporated in the Union
of the United States as soon as may be consistent with the principles
of the Federal Constitution, and admitted to the enjoyment of all
privileges, rights, and immunities of citizens of the United States.
In the treaty with Mexico, the treaty of Guadalupe
Hidalgo, Article VIII is as follows:
Mexicans now established in territories previously belonging to
Mexico, and which remain for the future within the limits of the United
States, defined by the present, shall be free to continue where they
now reside, or to remove at any time to the Mexican Republic, retain
ing the property which they possess in the said territories, or disposing
thereof, and removing the proceeds wherever they please, without their

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 353
being subjected, on this account, to any contribution, tax, or charge
whatever. Then the treaty goes on to say:
The Mexicans who, in the territories aforesaid, shall not preserve
the character of citizens of the Mexican Republic, conformably with
what is stipulated in the preceding article, shall be incorporated into
the Union of the United States, and be admitted at the proper time (to
be judged by the Congress of the United States) to the enjoyment
of all the rights of citizens of the United States, according to the prin
ciples of the Constitution ; and in the meantime shall be maintained
and protected in the free enjoyment of their liberty and property, and
secured in the free exercise of their religion without restriction.
Then in the Gadsden treaty, where we purchased from
Mexico a large portion of territory, there Is this provision :
That all the provisions of the two articles of the Guadalupe Hidalgo
treaty —
Just quoted —
and that the same articles should also apply to all the rights of persons
and property, both civil and ecclesiastical, within the same.
So I fail to find a single Instance where we did not pro
vide that they should be citizens of the United States. Who
then, I say, raises the Issue of imperialism? Why, It is
those who voted for the resolution declaring that those people
should never be citizens of the United States, and that their
country should never be an Integral part of our Governraent;
in other words, that they should never be admitted into the
Union of States.
Who Is apologizing, Mr. President, for the Declaration
of Independence and the Constitution of the United States?
Who Is it that has suddenly discovered that the theories of
governraent contained in these great instruments are inap-
pUcable to human affairs ? Why, the Senator from Wisconsin
and those who agree with him. The rest of us can read the
Declaration of Independence on the Fourth of July, and we
can hope that other people will throw off the yoke of despot
isra and tyranny and adopt our Constitution as a raodel of
free government. But the iraperialists, those who are apolo-

354 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
gizing for the Declaration, those who think we have outgrown
the Constitution, of course can no longer hope that people
anywhere in the world shall adopt our form of governraent
as a raodel. We who disagree with this Infernal Iraperial
poUcy can vote for a resolution of sympathy with the stmg-
gling RepubUcs of Africa, but the .Imperialists in this body
can not. Such a change in their heart, such a change in their
methods of thought, was never before heard of, outside of a
miracle, in the history of the world.
Last Fourth of July Admlnlstratlonlsts began to drift from
their raoorings, and could no longer celebrate that glorious
day without apologizing for the docuraent which It commerao-
rates; but three years ago, after the carapaign of 1896, when
the great money power took control of this country and of its
affairs, they could have read the Declaration and loved and
praised It and wished that others would follow it as well
as we can to-day. What they will do next Fourth of July
I know not, but I am sure they can not read that Declara
tion with any heart or pleasure; and after they have done
it, they must apologize to the listening crowds for their inter
pretation of it.
Who is It that Is apologizing for Lincoln and asserting
upon this floor that he fought the war of the rebellion to
overthrow the fundaraental position around which was woven
his entire poUtical life? Who is it that undertakes to say
that the war of the rebellion was waged on his part to destroy
the doctrine that all governraents derive their just powers frora
the consent of the governed? I say not those of us who are
opposed to imperialism and aggression and robbery and wrong;
but it is the Senator from Wisconsin, it is the iraperialists of
this body, who find it necessary to blacken the character of
Abraham Lincoln. Let us see what Abraham Lincoln said
about this. Lincoln said :
The Chief Magistrate derives all his authority from the people,
and they have conferred none upon him to fix the term for the sepa
ration of the States. The people themselves can do this also if they
choose, but the Executive, as such, has nothing to do with it. His duty
is to administer the present Government as it came to his hands and to

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 355
transmit it, unimpaired by him, to his successor. By the frame of the
Government under which we live this same people have wisely given
their public servants but little power for mischief, and have with equal
wisdom provided for the return of that little to their own hands at very
short intervals. While the people retain their virtue and vigilance no
Administration, by any, extreme wickedness or folly, can very seriously
injure the Government in the short space of four years.
Here, then, Lincoln refutes the slander placed upon him.
He says that this Government and the relation of the States
and how they might be separated was only for the people to
deterraine — the whole people — for the States to deterraine by
an understanding or an agreement; that his duty was to carry
out the doctrine around which his whole life centered — the
doctrine of the Declaration of Independence.
Mr. Hawley: Will the Senator perrait rae to read a
little from the Declaration of Independence, three or four
lines ?
The good People of these Colonies, solemnly publish and declare.
That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be, free And
independent States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to
the British Crown, and that all political connection between them and
the State of Great Britain is, and ought to be, totally dissolved; and
that as FREE AND independent states, they have full Power to levy
War, conclude Peace, contract Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do
all other Acts and Things which independent states may of
right do.
Mr. Pettigrew: Very good, Mr. President. I indorse
every line of it, according to the spirit of the document itself,
according to the ideas that all governraents derive their just
powers frora the consent of the governed. That docuraent
— ^the portion of it read — absolutely refutes the idea that any
power is given to conquer other people and hold thera In
subjection. Let us see what Lincoln said:
Let us discard all this quibbling about this man and the other man —
this race and that race and the other race being inferior, and therefore
they must be placed in an inferior position, discarding our standard that
we have left us; let us discard all these things and unite as one people
throughout this land until we shall once more stand up declaring that
all men are created equal. * * * I leave you, hoping that the lamp

356 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
of liberty will burn in your bosoms until there shall no longer be a
doubt that all men are created equal. \
This was in Philadelphia, on his way to Washington to
take the oath of office as President of the United States. He
further said :
Your worthy mayor [of Philadelphia] has expressed the wish, in
which I join with him, that it were convenient for me to remain in
your city long enough for me to consult your merchants and manufac
turers, or, as it were, to listen to those breathings arising within the
consecrated walls wherein the Constitution of the United States and,
I will add, the Declaration of Independence were originally framed
and adopted. I assure you and your mayor that I had hoped on this
occasion, and upon all occasions during my life, that I shall do noth
ing inconsistent with the teachings of these holy and most sacred walls.
I have never asked anything that does not breathe from those walls.
All my political warfare has been in favor of the teachings that come
forth from these sacred walls. May my right hand forget its cunning
and my tongue cleave to the roof of my mouth if I ever prove false to
those teachings. I have often inquired of myself what great principle
or idea it was that kept this Confederacy so long together. It was
not the mere matter of the separation of the colonies from the mother
land, but that sentiment in the Declaration of Independence which
gave liberty, not alone to the people of this country, but hope to all the
world for all future time. * * * Now, my friends, can this country
be saved upon this basis? If it can, I shall consider myself one of the
happiest men in the world if I can help to save it. If it can not be
saved upon those principles it will be truly awful. But if this country
can not be saved without giving up that principle I would rather die
than abandon it.
Yet Senators stand here upon this floor and say that Lin
coln spent four years of his life and went to a martyr's grave
to overturn that very principle. Then he goes on:
Those arguments that are made, that the inferior race are to be
treated with as much allowance as they are capable of enjoying; that
as much is to be done for them as their condition will allow —
He must have prophesied or seen in advance the speech
that the Senator from Wisconsin [Mr. Spooner] was going
to raake, and the speech of the Senator frora Indiana [Mr.
Beveridge] also, Mr. President —

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 357
what are these arguments? They are the arguments that kings have
made for enslaving the people in all ages of the world. You will find
that all the arguments in favor of kingcraft were of this class; they
always bestrode the necks of the people, not that they wanted to do it,
but because the people were better off for being ridden.
To-day we revive the arguraent that those people are In
ferior, and that we have got to bless thera with our presence
and we have got to shoot civiUzation Into them ; that we have
got to butcher them by tens of thousands In order to make
thera raore happy, and then that we are going to send our
raissionaries to christianize them, when already the percentage
of their people who are merabers of the Christian church is
rauch greater than ours.
But this argument that the Constitution is worn out or
outgrown and this argument that the Declaration of Inde
pendence Is simply bne of the nursery rhymes sung around
the cradle of the Republic Is not new. I read again
frora Lincoln. Lincoln, July 17, 1858, In a speech, raade this
statement :
Mr. Brooks, of South Carolina, in one of his speeches, when they
were presenting him canes, silver plate, gold pitchers, and the like,
for assaulting Senator Sumner, distinctly affirmed his opinion that
when the Constitution was formed it was the belief of no man that
slavery would last to the present day. He said that "I think the
framers of our Constitution placed the institution of slavery where the
public mind rested, in the hope that it was in the course of ultimate ex
tinction." But he went on to say that the men of the present age by
their experience have become wiser than the framers of the Constitu
tion, and the invention of the cotton gin had made the perpetuity of
slavery a necessity in this country.
Why, Mr. President, I do not suppose that the advocates
of Iraperialisra or the doctrine of conquest, the burlesquers of
the Constitution, the repudiators of the Declaration of Inde
pendence, had read that speech of Lincoln or had studied
Brooks very much; yet they are not new, it appears, In their
position. Brooks then thought that he had outUved the
Constitution; the cotton gin raade It necessary that slavery
should continue; and here to-day the new Interpreters of the
Constitution and of the Declaration of Independence tell us

358 THE COURSE OP EMPIRE
that It is necessary to abandon those docuraents In order that
we may conquer people In the Interests of trade.
The gist of the argument of the supporters of the Admin-
Istratloh is that we wish to extend our trade and comraerce
throughout the world. It is of interest In this connection to
see what success we have had in the Philippines.
I hold in ray hand the monthly suraraary of the commerce
of the Philippine Islands for July, August, and Septeraber,
1899, prepared by the division of custoras and Insular affairs.
War Department, Washington, D. C, Governraent Printing
Office. This paraphlet shows the total trade of the Philippine
Islands for the three raonths stated herein: Iraports, $7,-
077,000 frora all over the world. Frqm the United States
they imported $331,000, or one dollar to every twenty of their
Imports came frora the United States. I find by examining
the different pages of this document that of the $331,000 of
trade with the United States $110,300 was liquor. So, after
all, if trade follows the flag It raust be the liquor trade.
This certainly is not an encouraging prospect for the vast
expenditure of life and money in order to conquer the Philip
pines and extend the trade relations of' the United States.
Three hundred and. thirty-one thousand dollars out of an
Import trade of $7,077,000, and $110,300 of that was Amer
ican liquor!
This cry that we are going to bless the Filipinos, this talk
that we are there for their good and their happiness and
their prosperity, is also old. It has been heard before. It Is
the plea of the hypocrite. It is well personified In one of
Dickens's works as follows :
Stretching forth his flabby paw, Mr. Chadband lays the same on
Jo's arm and considers where to station him. Jo, very doubtful of his
reverend friend's intentions and not at all clear but that something
practical and painful is going to be done to him, mutters, "You let me
alone. I never said nothink to you. You let me alone."
"No, my young friend," says Chadband, smoothly, "I will not let
you alone. And why? Because I am a harvest laborer, because I am
a toiler and a moiler, because you are delivered over untoe me and
are become as a precious instrument in my hands. My friends, may I

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 359
so employ this instrument as to use it toe your advantage, toe your
profit, toe your gain, toe your welfare, toe your enrichment ! My young
friend, sit upon this stool."
Jo, apparently possessed by an impression that the reverend gentle
man wants to cut his hair, shields his head with both arms, and is got
into the required position with great diificulty and every possible mani
festation of reluctance.
So it appears human nature is about the same whether in
England or in Asia. But let us see. This doctrine that
we are going to do them good, is older even than Dickens.
I have read McKinley's proclamation to the Filipinos, and
I have put together the proclaraation to the people of the
PhiUppines and the proclamation of the King of Assyria, writ
ten eighteen hundred years before Christ. A man would think
McKinley had plagiarized his proclamation from that.
Ragozin, In his history of Assyria, gives a literal transla
tion of a proclamation Issued by Asshurbanipal to the people
of Elam. The Elaraltes had gone to war. No, their country
had been invaded by Asshurbanipal's forces, he had overrun
the land, cutting down the trees, filling up the wells, killing
the inhabitants. He captured their capital city, killed their
king, took 208,000 of their people Into captivity as slaves,
drove off raost of the cattle of the rest of thera, and then sent
thera this affectionate proclaraation :
The will of the king to the men of the coast, the sea, the sons of
my servants.
My peace to your hearts; may you be well.
I am watching over you, and from the sin of your king, Nabubel-
zikri, I have separated you. Now I send to you my servant Belibni to
be my deputy over you ; I have joined with you, keeping your good and
-your benefit in my sight.
Mr. McKinley says to the Filipinos :
Finally, it should be the earnest and paramount aim of the Admin
istration to win the confidence, respect, and affection of the inhabitants
of the Philippines by insuring to them in every possible way the full
measure of individual rights and liberty which is the heritage of a free
people and by proving to them that the mission of the United States
is one'of benevolent assimilation, which will substitute the mild sway
of justice and right for arbitrary rule. In the fulfillment of this high

360 THE COURSji KJt EMPIRE
mission, while> upholding the temporary administration of affairs for
the greatest good of the governed, there will be sedulously maintained
the strong arm of authority to repress disturbance and to overcome all
obstacles to the bestowal of the blessings of good and stable govem
ment upon the people of the Philippine Islands.

How rauch like King George this reads. King George
said: I am desirous of restoring to them the blessings of law and liberty
equally enjoyed by every British subject, which they have fatally and
desperately exchanged for the calamities of war and the arbitrary
tyranny of their chiefs.
This Is what King George said to us when we rebelled.
Here is another saraple of how God is in all these things.
We have done it to the glory of God and for the good of
those people. How coramon it is for men, especially when
they want to do mean things, to undertake to silence their
conscience by appealing to the Deity :
Los Angeles, Cal., June 10.
I am not given to talking about prize fights, and I fear the public
will not understand me when I say that the Lord of Hosts was in the
battle of last night. Like all other battles, this is a victory for our
Lord and Saviour —
This is Jeffries's father after he had licked Fitzsimmons —
My boy won it because the Lord so willed it, and if he had been
defeated it would have been through a power greater than we know of.
I supposed he won It because he butwelghed Fitzsimraons
and outfought hira.
Thus reflected the preacher father of Jim Jeffries, the world heavy
weight champion prize fighter, when asked his opinion upon the results
of the now celebrated contest. The fact can not be disguised that
Mamma and Papa Jeffries, the big brother, and three sisters are su
premely happy that the big boy won the battle, and that the possibilities
of defeat have caused serious reflection. All day the curious, idle, and
jubilant friends of the family have crowded around and about the Jef
fries home in East Los Angeles.

THE RIGHT OF SELF-GOVERNMENT 361
Now, Mr. President, I wish to read siraply an extract from
Professor Creasy In his Fifteen Decisive Battles of the
World:
There has never been a republic yet in history that acquired do-
niinion over another nation that did not rule it. selfishly and oppres
sively. There is no single exception to this rule, either in ancient
or modern times. Carthage, Rome, Venice, Genoa, Florence, Pisa,
Holland, and Republican France all tyrannized over every province
and subject state where they gained authority.
Mr. President, I beUeve that if this policy is continued
there is no limit to its bounds ; that if we can justify taking the
people of the PhUippines and governing thera against their will,
if we can justify conquering countries where our Constitution
can not go, our armies will soon be seen marching across
Mexico, down the Isthmus of South America, laying death and
desolation in their track, rearing upon the ruins of those free
governraents a tyrannical, despotic policy, and when it is done
our liberties will be gone.
Oh, you can not control this question in the United States
without an iraraense navy and a standing army. You must
have one raan given supreme control of all, so that he can
raove with rapidity, so that decisions can be raade In a day
and arraies marched and ships moved where danger is seen,
and therefore despotism must be the result.
Mr. President, a repubUc and an erapire can not exist under
the sarae flag. No country should be brought within our
bounds where our Constitution can not go, and no people
should ever undertake to send their constitution to a country
whose inhabitants have not the capacity and ability to maintain
and support It.

CHAPTER XVI
free land and a free people
THE Senate having under consideration the bill for free
horaesteads on the public lands.
Mr. Pettigrew: Mr. President,^ the biU now
under consideration, as amended by the Committee on Indian
Affairs, provides that the lands erabraeed in Indian reserva
tions where the Indian title has been extinguished since 1889
shall be subject to entry under the homestead law, and where
the homesteader resides upon the land for five years, making it
his continuous horae and exclusive residence, he shall receive
title to the same upon paying the land-office fee, no other pay
ment being required. Under existing law these homesteaders
are required to pay to the Treasury of the United States not
only the fees but also the price per acre which the Indians
received for the land when their title was extinguished. This
price ranges, from 50 cents to $3.75 an acre. These lands
are, however, subject to entry under the raineral laws of the
United States where there Is raineral.
This bill does not affect that provision, but requires that
the land shall be purchased as other raineral land. It also
provides that these lands may be entfered under the town-
site law, and that payraent shall be raade if so entered. It
also provides that wherever any settler, having taken a horae
stead upon these lands, chooses to prove up and pay for the
same after fourteen months' residence, he shall pay the Indian
price, but where he resides upon the land the full five years,
such residence and occupation and cultivation shall be equiva
lent to payraent. The bill is therefore Intended to restore
these lands to entry under the horaestead law and raake its
I. Speech in the Senate January 6, 1897.
362

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 363
provisions apply to them the same as they had been appUed
to all the vast area which has been occupied by American
citizens during the last thirty or forty years under the provi
sions of that act.
In fact, Mr. President, it has been the custora of the Gov
ernraent not to hold its pubUc domain for the purpose of
revenue, to strive to see how much raoney can be acquired on it,
but, on the contrary, it has been the custora of the Govern
raent to extinguish the foreign or Indian title, to dispose of the
land and to encourage Its occupation and settleraent by the
people of this country.
I think the first homestead law passed by this Governraent
was in the closing days of the last century. In 1795. In
the early days of the Republic the public lands were disposed
of by direct act of Congress. A settlement of people existed
on the Ohio River near the Big Sandy River. Congress passed
an act setting out 24,000 acres of land and providing that it
should be divided araongst those settlers and patents issued
to thera on condition that within five years after the survey
and allotraent of the land they should take up their residences
upon the allotments and reside continuously thereon for five
years, and that If they failed to do so the title should revert to
the Government.
Before the passage of the original horaestead law In
1862 the Governraent had disposed by grants to Individuals
of more than 15,000,000 acres of public domain. Beginning
with the very earliest days of our history that course has been
followed up by the grant of 63,000,000 acres for railitary
services in the different wars In which we have been engaged..
We have donated 30,000,000 acres for educational purposes
to the different States, and also made other large grants to aid
in the construction of canals and public works of different
kinds, the buUding of roads, etc.
So it has been the policy of the Government to use Its
lands to develop and build up a new country. The theory of
the homestead law was that If a man would go forward Into
the wilderness beyond civUization, beyond schools, where there
were no roads, tak? his faraily, cultivate the soil and raake it

364 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
his perraanent home, the act would be regarded as equivalent
to payraent, and he would be entitled to the land.
This pohcy has been pursued since 1862 up to 1889, and
the great States of the West have been built up under it.
Millions of acres of public land have been disposed of. Dur
ing the dark days of the war, In 1862, this Governraent was
not too poor to encourage the occupation of the public doraain
by the hardy pioneers, and Uncle Sara was willing to give
to each man a horae If he would go forward and subdue
the wilderness. It seeras to rae at this late day to change this
policy is turning backward. Perhaps, Mr. President, it is In
accord with the econoraic Interest of the age that we should
turn back, for already our census shows that 52 per cent of our
people are without horaes; already our census shows that the
property of this country is accuraulated In the hands of less
than 250,000 people. The objection to this raeasure seems
to corae frora that locality in this country where the people
Uve who own the wealth; but I doubt, Mr. President, if it Is
wise to check the effort of our people to becorae independent
land-owners, and I believe that that policy, inaugurated and
approved in the past. Is one that we should pursue In the
future. In the early days of this country President Jackson, in his
annual message to Congress in 1832, said:
The wealth and strength of a country are in its population, and the
best part of the population are the cultivators of the soil. Independent
farmers are everywhere the basis of society and the true friends of
liberty. * * * To put an end forever to all partial and interested legis
lation on the subject, and to afford every American citizen of enterprise
the opportunity of securing an independent freehold, it seems to me,
therefore, best to abandon the idea of raising a future revenue out of
the public lands.
Now, Mr. President, we do not propose to change the
poUcy which has heretofore existed as to the disposal of the
pubhc lands, but we do propose by this legislation to make
that policy apply to those areas recently purchased.

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 365
I want to say in this connection that hope of revenue from
this source. If this bill does not pass, will be a disappoint
ment. These lands are In the seraiarld area of this country,
where the rainfall is inadequate to produce crops in raore than
half of the seasons. The people went out upon these lands
beUeving that they were like the lands of Iowa, Minnesota,
and IlUnois, fit to be cut up into sraall farms; but they have
found that it is impossible to raise the raoney to pay for
thera. I will review very briefly, Mr. President, the reservations
In my own State. Take the great Sioux Reservation. Eight
and one-half million acres were opened up to settlement under
the provisions of the horaestead law in 1889, but only 700,000
acres have been entered. The reraainder of that land is high
prairie, the ridges between the streams only fit for grazing,
and will not be entered under any provisions of the homestead
law. By the passage of this proposed legislation we can re
Ueve and retain in that country the people who have already
entered 700,000 acres ; but If you fail to pass it, you siraply
drive thera from their homes to crowd the ranks of the idle
and unoccupied people all over this country. They cannot
produce upon those lands money enough to pay for them. But
the people who are there have begun to raise stock. While
agriculture does not normally flourish, they have begun to
store water frora the strearas and to raise gardens, and if
they are relieved from the payment required from them under
existing law they will remain there to develop and build up
that country; but if the Government forecloses Its claira upon
these people, it will simply drive them from their homes. You
can drive thera frora their horaes on the land they now occupy,
and the rest of these reservations will be siraply occupied by
the great cattle kings, whose cattle already roam over that re
gion. No one will buy the land, as the Senator from Minne
sota suggests. If the Government wishes to dispose of that
land to obtain revenue, then you must make sorae other pro
vision than the provisions of the homestead law; you must
raake provision for its appraisal and for Its sale. If the Gov-

366 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
ernraent is ready to adopt that policy In order to acquire reve
nue, you raust lease the land for the only purpose for which It
Is fit to be used.
The report of the Commissioner of the General Land Of
fice figures the revenue from these reservations at between
four and five million dollars; while, on the contrary, the reve
nue will be practically nothing. The people who live there will
leave and others will not go there under the provisions of the
homestead law. It Is for these people that I plead.
Mr. President, the counties adjoining these reservations in
my State lost 18,000 in population between the years 1890 and
1895. WhUe the State itself gained slightly in population, the
people left the lands in the vicinity of these reservations be
cause they were mortgaged and unable to pay the interest.
I recollect an Incident which occurred there. A citizen of
the State of New Hampshire held a mortgage of $600 on a
quarter section of land near the Great Sioux Reservation. He
concluded he would go out to the Dakotas, as the debtor had
failed to pay the Interest for two years, to see what was the'
trouble. This citizen of New Harapshire visited ray State,
drove 12 miles from the railroad station to see the farra upon
which he held a raortgage and of which he was very liable
to becorae the proprietor. He found a sraall house, one story
in height, with two rooms, and a sod barn near by, three cows
picketed out and grazing not far away, a young woman, and
two young children. He drove up and asked the narae of the
resident, and found it was the place he was looking for. He
asked the lady where her husband was. She said he was away
working for one of the neighbors, but she would send one of
the chUdren for hira, which she did. When the raan came,
the visitor told him that he was the person who held the
raortgage on his land, and said, "I should like to know when
you can pay rae the interest." The settler said, "I think if we
have two or three good crop years I can pay up the back
interest." The gentleraan frora New Hampshire then asked
If this was all the property the man had, and he replied,
"Yes; this Is all I have. I have just this quarter section of
land, these three cows, a few chickens, a pair of horses, and

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 367
sorae farm machinery which I have not paid for yet." The
New Harapshire raan then asked the settler If he could stay
there and work It out. "Yes," was the reply, "I think I wiU
stay and try to do it." The gentleman from New Hampshire
then took the papers out of his pocket, turned thera over to
the settler, and said, "If you can stay here and support your
faraily, you will have no occasion to pay the raortgage."
Mr. President, you can go into the State of South Dakota
and Into the western portion of Nebraska and Into Kansas
and buy these lands for less than the Indian price. Take the
best lands in my State which are open to settlement — the Sisse-
ton and Wahpeton Indian reservations. On these reserva
tions we opened for settleraent about 550,000 acres. About
one-half has been taken by actual settlers, who have been
trying to raake horaes and raake a living. They began in
1 89 1. Five years have expired. We have extended the tirae
for thera to raake payment for the lands, but they are unable
to pay. The price Is $2.50 an acre. Each settler must produce
$400. He can not borrow the money at any bank In the
State and he can not borrow $100 a quarter section from
anybody in New England. This bill must pass or the settlers
will leave that reservation and give up the struggle, and I
think they would be wise to do it, for they can go 50 or
100 railes away and purchase lands for a dollar or a dollar and
a quarter an acre from the people of the East who have been
obliged to take up the lands by mortgage foreclosure from
homesteaders who had previously made the effort to pay
for thera and had failed.
I have received a telegram to-day from people on that
reservation, which reads :
People on reservation all deeply in debt. Crop failure three years
out of four. Banks will not loan enough to prove up. Not one in ten
can save land. Statement mailed delayed by storm.
So I have not received It. The simple question now is,
whether we shall drive those people from their land or
whether we shall give them an opportunity to remain there?

368 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
There is no chance for revenue to be derived from it.
Before I allude to the raap, to which I desire to call the
attention of the Senate, I wish to raake some reference to the
rainority report.
Mr. Allen : I should like to ask the Senator to explain
raore fully who it Is that says that four millions and a half
of revenue can be derived from this land, and whether it can
be derived annually, and in what manner?
Mr. Pettigrew: I suppose the Senator refers to the
Sioux Reservation, which is opened to settleraent, and lies
partly In North and South Dakota and Nebraska.
The diagram furnished in the minority report of the cora
raittee coraes frora the Coraraissioner of the General Land
Office, and with it he says :
Loss to the United States, if settlers are relieved from payment,
$4,624,000.
Mr. Allen: How?
Mr. Pettigrew: Of course that is based upon the idea
that that land will all be taken up by horaesteaders, that they
will live there five years, and then pay the raoney for it, which
is absolutely impossible and can never occur. After seven
years but 700,000 acres of these lands have been taken, and
those are lands along the streams where there Is water, the
best of all of thera. The rest of the land can not be occupied
by horaestead settlers, for they will not produce crops which
will support a faraily.
Mr. Platt: May I ask the Senator a question?
Mr. Pettigrew : Certainly.
Mr. Platt: There were a little over 9,000,000 acres
of the Great Sioux Reservation, said to be eight million and a
half, opened to settlement or entry. I suppose It will be ad
mitted that the Government will have to pay 50 cents an acre
for those lands, somehow.
Mr. Pettigrew: Anyhow; and it has to do It right
away. Mr. Platt: That is $4,000,000, is It. not?
Mr. Pettigrew: There are 8,550,000 acres.

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 369
Mr. Platt : Four raillion two hundred and fifty thousand
dollars. Mr. Pettigrew: That is tme. The Government raade
an agreeraent with these Indians by which it proraised ten
years after the treaty was ratified to pay 50 cents an acre for
the land not taken by settlers, and as It is nearly all vacant
and untaken, the Governraent will have to pay the Indians for
It, as the ten years have nearly expired.
I wish to call attention to another fact. This land was
bought frora Indians who received It In compensation for the
lands which they yielded in Minnesota, Iowa and Nebraska,
and It Is part of the purchase price of the lands in those States
which have been given to homesteaders.
Mr. Platt: I merely referred to that point to answer
the question of the Senator from Nebraska [Mr. Allen] as
to how the Government could lose that araount of revenue.
It will have to pay for it.
Mr. Pettigrew: The Government has to pay for it any
way. It makes no difference whether or not the settlers pay
for It. I will read to the Senator, if he desires, the provision
of the law in regard to that subject.
Mr. Allen: WIU the Senator frora South Dakota per
rait rae?
Mr. Pettigrew: Certainly.
Mr. Allen : I wish to ask the Senator from Connecticut
a question. If the Government takes back the lands — and it
will be compeUed to take them back; that is aU there is to it —
from what source is it likely to derive any revenue after they
are taken back? What are you going to do then?
Mr. Platt : The Senator from South Dakota says the
Government can not get any revenue; that it can not seU or
dispose of the lands.
Mr. Allen: I, too, say you can not get any revenue.
I say those lands are not only seraiarld, but arid. _ Ordinarily
they are not worth 15 cents a quarter section outside of their
use for grazing purposes.
Mr. Platt : Then It wUl not help anybody to pass the
biU except a few settlers already on the land?

37^ THE COURoi^y ox- rjiVAx xixr^
Mr. Allen : Except a few people who are on this land,
trying to raake a living, and who are raaking a precarious sort
of living. If they are not relieved, you will throw thera on
the balance of the nation to be supported in sorae forra.
Mr. Pettigrew : That Is it exactly.
Mr. Allen : And they would be self-supporting In their
way if they were perraitted to go on and make a pioneer
stmggle. Mr. Stewart : Are these lands similar to those In west
ern Kansas?
Mr. Pettigrew: Yes.
Mr. Stewart: I had occasion in connection with a cora
raittee to make an investigation there some years ago with a
view to irrigation. I ascertained that there had been three
sets of settlers. When there was a good year, when there was
rain, a large number of settlers would go out. Then there
would be drought for five or six years and the settlers would
have to be taken away, and they were, taken away by contribu
tions of benevolent people, and large tracts of land were aban
doned. Then, again, there would be a rainy season or two,
and the raUroads would represent that there was a chance for
settlement there, and another set of settlers would go upon
the land. They would have to leave in the sarae way. There
were three atterapts In the course of the preceding years to
settle a vast region of land — and I presurae people will con
tinue to raake such atterapts — but they were not able to sup
port their farailies and stay there. Some of them even starved
to death. The distress was very great araong those who
attempted to make horaes there.
Now, if these are similar lands, and anybody is trying to
live upon them, it seeras to me the United States had better
let the settlers stay there, because there is no possibility of
their paying anything to the Governraent. The Governraent
will get nothing in any event if they are sirailar lands, and I
understand they are, to the lands in western Kansas, where
I spent several weeks Investigating the irrigation question, for
I am satisfied those lands will never be worth a cent.
Mr. Carter: Mr. President 

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 371
Mr. Pettigrew: I yield to the Senator frora Montana.
Mr. Carter : The chairman of the Coraraittee on Indian
Affairs yields to rae. I wiU ask him to state whether It Is not a
fact that the Indians from, whom these various lands have been
frora time to time purchased by the Government are under the
control of and dependent on the Federal government for sup
port, and if those titles were extinguished by and through the
purchase, would not the Governraent without the Intervention
of any transaction be corapelled to appropriate raoney directly
frora the Treasury for the support of those people?
Mr. Pettigrew : There Is no question that that is a cor
rect stateraent. Further than that, the Government has al
ready paid for nearly all these reservations. In the case of
the Sioux Reservation a payment is yet to be made. It Is not a
very large payment. Three million doUars has already been
deposited In the Treasury, and at the end of ten years after
the ratification of the treaty, which will occur in 1899, the
Government will be obliged, whether or not It disposes of any
of the lands, to pay the remainder of the money to those peo
ple; to put it In the Treasury, where It will bear interest for all
time for their benefit.
I wish to state. In reference to the remarks of the Senator
from Nevada [Mr. Stewart], that I have here a table of the
western counties of Kansas — there are twelve or thirteen
counties — showing the population in 1887 and the population
In 1896. The population of those counties has fallen off
60,000 during that time. That number of the people have
raoved away. The remainder can stay there and make horaes
In that country — Inasrauch as they can graze cattle on the
lands that the other people abandoned, because they were
mortgaged, because they could not pay the interest, much less
support their famiUes.
Mr. Frye: What percentage Is that?
Mr. Pettigrew: It Is 60,000 out of 101,000.
Mr. Platt: Sixty thousand people have gone?
Mr. Pettigrew: They have gone. There were 101,000,
leaving 41,000 people In that country. They can remain; but
when we undertook to settle that country and put a man on

372 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
each quarter section It was Irapossible for thera to stay there.
Those who are left in western Kansas irrigate sraaU tracts of
land, the same as the people do in my State, and graze cattle
on the surrounding unoccupied country.
If we wish to get revenue out of the sale of Indian reserva
tions we shaU have to change our policy. We shall have to
appraise the lands and sell thera for what they wiU bring.
The area of the pubUc domain fit for homestead entry has
already disappeared. We provide for the entry of lands under
the desert-land act in the arid regions of the country where
there is no water, and we do not pretend to say that It is possi
ble to occupy the land und-er the homestead law. So it is with
nearly all the lands embraced within the provisions of the
proposed law. ¦"
I wish to caU attention to some portions of the minority
report. The burden of the report Is that the Government can
not afford It; that it can not spare the raoney; that it must
wring it out of these poor people if it can get it. Perhaps,
Mr. President, that would be very well if we could get It, but
Shylock was unable to collect his claim, and we shall be equally
unable to collect "this one. In the first place the report goes
on to say that there are other treaties with other tribes for
ratification, and It rather Intimates that if the pending bill
passes, then the other bills will not be considered favorably;
that these Indian reservations will continue as such, I suppose,
forever. I propose to look into that branch of the case for a
moraent. The Senator says we are negotiating, and so we are today,
with several Indian tribes for the cession of their small reser
vations. The area of the reservations for which we are nego
tiating embraces so small a portion of the public doraain that
I will not enter into that question in particular, but I will state
that as far as I ara concerned when those treaties corae in for
ratification I shall be decidedly In favor of changing the pohcy
of the Governraent In regard to disposing of lands thus ac
quired. I think the water should be saved; I think the tiraber
lands should be reserved from sale forever. I rfilnk the timber
should be sold, only the ripe trees being cut; that agents of

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 373
the Government should be put In charge to see that when trees
are cut down new trees are planted In their places and the
forests protected and preserved from sale; that the sources of
water should be taken charge of, and the lands that can be
reached by water disposed of under some provision by which
It wiU be possible to inhabit that country.
The minority also says there are bills pending before the
coraraittee which wiU be affected by this legislation, and the
first one named Is an agreement with the Turtle Mountain
band of the Chippewa Indians in the State of North Dakota.
If that agreeraent Is ratified, and It ought to be ratified by
Congress, it wIU not be affected by this legislation, for that
treaty does not provide that the lands shaU be sold and the
proceeds applied to the support of the Indians. It simply
provides for extinguishing the Indian title to those lands In
North Dakota, rauch of which has already been disposed of
under the horaestead law and other land laws of the United
States. Those lands were opened up to settlement without
m.aking an agreement with the Indians. Now the agreeraent
which Is raade proposes to pay them about 10 cents an acre
and extinguish their title, and It ought to be done. But there
is no provision for selUng the lands under the homestead law
or otherwise, and a large portion has already passed out of
the control of the United States.
The next agreement which the minority say is here for
ratification is one for the Shoshone or Wind River Reserva
tion In Wyoming. This, again, Involves the purchase of a
very large spring, supposed to have medicinal properties. A
smaU tract of land is to reraain as a public park if the treaty
Is ratified, and the land Is not to be opened to settleraent or
disposed of at all.
The next agreement is one with the Kiowas, Comanehes,
and Apaches of Oklahoma Territory. I understand it relates
to a tract of land which has already been purchased from other
Indians, and now those Indians come in and claim they have
sorae right to it.
Mr. Platt: Oh, no; It is a very large tract of land now
in possession of the Indians and largely rented to cattleraen.

374 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Mr. Pettigrew: The Senator from Connecticut says I
am raistaken about it. If that is the case, then, the question
as to how we shall dispose of those lands will corae up when
the treaty is ratified. It has no bearing upon this question
whatever. The Pend d'Oreille or Calispel Reservation in Washington
Contains about a township of land, and is hardly worth con
sidering; and those are the only ones which are pending before
the coramittee.
Now, Mr. President, we have pursued thp policy of dis
posing of these lands under the homestead law from 1862 to
1889. The minority say that the policy was changed In 1880,
when we purchased certain land of the Ute Indians in Colo
rado. Such Is not the fact. That provision did not change
the policy, for under that treaty the lands were not to be
opened for settleraent under the homestead law or to be dis
posed of under the public-land laws of the United States, but a
special provision was inserted for the sale of those lands and
the appropriation of the proceeds for the benefit of the In
dians. As those lands were largely arid lands, mineral lands,
it was a wise provision, and ought to be considered in the
future. The rainority intiraate that since 1880 we have
changed the policy, practically repealed the horaestead law,
and that reservations since purchased have been opened only
under a provision requiring the settler to pay for his home
stead after he had already paid for It by conquering the wilder
ness. '
Let us see. In 1888 the Government purchased from the
Blaekfeet Indians In Montana 17,570,000 acres of land, and
paid $4,300,000 for it without any provision whatever for
reimbursement; and the Government paid four tiraes what it
was worth at that. It is grazed over to-day and undisposed
of, and It will continue to be grazed over and will never be
disposed of under the horaestead law. Although it Is open to
settlement under the homestead law, nobody wIU occupy it,
and there is no provision requiring payment.
We purchased, March 20, 1889, 2,000,000 acres of land
of the Seminole Indians in Oklahoma, and it cost $2,000,000.

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 375
We opened that land to horaestead settleraent without any
provision in regard to repayraent when the settler had lived
five years upon the land. In 1882 we purchased 1,553,000
acres of the Crow tribe In Montana, at a cost of about
$1,000,000. These purchases between 1882 and 1889 aggre
gate 21,000,000 acres, costing the Governraent $7,300,000.
Most of the land was purchased In 1888 and 1889, and we
threw It open to settleraent under the horaestead law, without
any provision as to payment.
Mr. President, aside from the lands in Montana, the lands
In North Dakota and South Dakota, the lands in Minnesota,
the remainder of the lands affected by the provisions of the
proposed law are located in the western part of Oklahoma,
and almost the sarae conditions apply to those lands, at least
they apply to most of them, that apply to lands on the Great
Sioux Reservation in South Dakota.
These lands were purchased from the Indians and opened
to settlement, requiring the settler, after residing five years,
to pay $2.50 an acre for lands east of the ninety-seventh
meridian, and $1.50 an acre for lands west of that meridian.
Two-thirds of the tract are grazing lands. It is true that there
was wild excitement; that thousands of people rushed Into that
country. They supposed that because it was an Indian reserva
tion it must be raore valuable. The very proceedings In both
Houses of Congress tended to excite araong the horaeless peo
ple of this country the feeling that perhaps there was a region
where they could thrive and prosper. Our own acts, provid
ing that the Array should be used to prevent people frora enter
ing that country until a certain day, when a proclaraation
should be issued; the talk in the Senate; the talk in comraittees,
in order to boom the price and get as much as they could on
the part of the exceedingly shrewd Cherokee Indians ; the state
ment often made that they could sell the land for $5 an acre
and that a syndicate was ready to take it, in order to get a
good bargain out of Congress, excited people in this country,
and they did rush in.
How did they rush In? If you had required that they
should pay for the land in advance-^and the same remark will

376 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
apply to the reservations In my State — these homeless people
could not have made the payment, and therefore they would
not have gone. But If the land was fertUe, they hoped at the
end of five years to produce enough to make the payment.
So we trapped them, as it were, into the purchase, by giving
thera five years of tirae In which to raise the raoney. They
have gone upon the land. They have taken their faralhes.
They have taken what they had. They have mortgaged their
personal property, everything that is movable. In order to
sustain life. They have just begun to learn how to make a
living on those seraiarld lands; to learn to store such of the
water as they can store to irrigate their gardens; to learn to
raise and graze stock, and eke out an existence. In the past
two years they have corae to Congress and asked for an exten
sion of tirae in which they should raake this payment, and we
have granted it; and yet conditions do not improve.
It will be absolutely Impossible for the people upon those
lands for years to come, until they have accuraulated capital,
to earn more than a living, or to make any payment whatever
to the Government. I believe that for those people it is the
better and wiser policy on the part of the Government of the
United States to give them their homes than It Is to drive them
frora thera, and that Is all that can be accoraplished if the
pending bill shall be defeated.
Mr. Allen: How raany acres have been taken?
Mr. Pettigrew : I do not know. The stateraent of the
Land Departraent does not show just the number of acres that
have been taken. In Oklahoma the area is large, covering
quite a large portion of the reservations purchased, but in my
State the area Is not large. On one reservation. It is about
250,000 acres; on another, 700,000 acres, and on another, the
Yankton Reservation, which was opened recently, about 80,000
acres. The remainder in ray State, which covers an area of
between nine and nine and a half mllUon acres, is still un
occupied. Mr. Teller: One mUlion acres out of about 9,000,000
acres? Mr. Pettigrew: One raillion out of 10,000,000 acres,

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 377
although those reservations have been open to settlement for
the last six or seven years.
I have had prepared a raap, which I hope Senators will
observe. It shows the original area of the United States, the
purchase frora Spain, the purchase from France, the annexa
tion of Texas, and the two purchases from Mexico. Any
Senator can readily see that In those purchases from foreign
governraents most of the lands disposed of under the home
stead law are included — the great States of the West, Florida,
Louisiana, Arkansas, Missouri, Iowa, Minnesota, Kansas,
Nebraska, and the two Dakotas, and so on west to the Pacific
Ocean. In addition to the purchases frora foreign nations,
we have purchased frora Indian tribes in this country very
rauch raore than is shown on this raap.
I have had drawn upon the raap a line showing the average
annual rainfall. The east line on the map shows that the
average rainfall Is 30 inches along that line. The next line
shows that the average rainfall is 20 inches. The average
rainfall then decreases from the first line to the second line.
From the second Une to the third line the rainfall decreases
from 20 inches to 15 Inches per annum.
Now, between those two lines lies nearly every acre of land
affected by the proposed legislation, and every one who has
Investigated the subject at all knows that an average rainfall
of less than 25 to 30 Inches is Insufficient to mature crops.
Mr. Davis : What Is the rainfall in the great space?
Mr. Pettigrew: In the great space between the two
lines, marked 15, is the arid region of the United States, and
the rainfall there Is from none at all to 15 inches. Vast areas
of that country have from 5 to 10 Inches of rainfall. There
are some mountain peaks and groves of timber at high altitudes
where the rainfall Is greater. That country is almost entirely
undisposed of. The only large reservation outside of this area
where the rainfaU Is from 15 to 30 Inches, and where it Is
insufficient to mature crops, is the Crow Reservation in Mon
tana, which is In a region where the rainfall is less than 10
Inches. Mr. Allen: Will the Senator perrait me to direct his

378 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
attention to the fact that the rainfall, even where It amounts
to 1 8 or 20 Inches, does not come at the season of the year
that would mature crops? It comes early in the spring, leav
ing the crops half grown, and they are withered up by the sun
and the atraosphere afterwards.
Mr. Pettigrew: That Is undoubtedly true, and from
that fact arises another, that it does mature a scanty growth
of very exceUent grass. Those lands are excellent for grazing,
although it takes several acres to maintain one animal. There
fore they are not adapted, except In very small areas, to home
stead settlement.
The 1 Fort Berthold Reservation In North Dakota was
opened to settlement In 1890, and the Government has not
sold one acre of It yet. The report of the minority of the
coraraittee shows that not an acre of that land has been dis
posed of. The report also shows that although those reserva
tions have been opened to settleraent from 1889 up to the
present tirae, the total receipts of the Governraent frora all of
thera have been $446,000, and most of that sum has come
from the sale of town sites In Oklahoma and from settlers
who have corarauted lands where there were, perhaps, valuable
water rights. Wherever there is a valuable water right the
horaesteader would go In and prove up and sell it to cattlemen,
who use it to water the cattle that graze upon the adjoining
lands. This is not the proper method to pursue if we wish to gain
revenue from the disposal of those lands. If the pending bill
is not passed, and we undertake to dispose of those lands under
the provisions of existing law, the revenue from homesteaders,
in my opinion, will not exceed two and a half raillion dollars,
and even that sura will not be realized for several years. The
revenue from other sources, from the disposal of the lands for
town sites, from the disposal of mineral lands — for these
smaller reservations in the western portion are mostly rain
eral, and therefore not subject to horaestead entry — will not
exceed five or six million dollars more. In other words, we
must change the policy if it Is the desire of the Government
to obtain revenue. In the meantirae. It seeras to rae the only

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 379
wise thing we can do is to relieve the people who are struggling
to maintain a foothold In that country. Let us give them the
land they now occupy and allow them to go on and try to main
tain homes. If it is thought desirable that another method of
disposing of the remainder of the land shall be adopted, I shall
be glad to assist In Its adoption.
*******
Since^ 1889 '^^ have been gradually providing that lands
purchased from the Indians shall be paid for by the settler,
even though he has resided five years upon them. Previous
to that time all the lands purchased from Indian tribes were
thrown open to settlement under the homestead and other
land laws of the United States. But In 1889 we began the
practice of providing that these lands purchased from Indians
should be paid for by the settler who occupied them. Against
that practice we of the west did not complain so long as it
related to all entries except those which required five years'
residence. Where a settler goes upon these lands, goes into
a country where there are neither roads nor schools nor
churches nor any of the comforts of civilization, plants his
home, reraains five years, and builds roads, builds schools and
builds churches, we insist that he shall have the land without
other corapensation; that Is corapensation enough.
Yet we have since 1889 pursued the practice requiring such
a raan to pay from $200 to $400 for his entry. Thousands of
those people have gone upon those lands and have found that
they are in the arid belt, and if they undertook to produce the
crops which they had produced in the regions whence they
came, where there was sufficient rainfall, they were unsuccess
ful ; that the method of farming had to be changed. So these
five years have rolled around, and these men are barely able
to exist. They have learned gradually that in that arid region
methods of farming different from those pursued in Iowa and
Illinois must be pursued.
They have learned that they raust Irrigate, that they raust
plant in the lowest places along the river valleys, where the
soil is raolst; and that they raust graze the uplands. It is a
I. Speech in the Senate June 20, 1898.

38o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
slow process. The consequence Is that these people are unable
to pay for their horaes. The government, then, has a mort
gage upon these homes for the purchase price. We have re
fused to foreclose these mortgages. Therefore each year we
pass appropriation bills and we extend the tirae of payraent.
We have done that for the last four years. The House of
Representatives this year extended the time again, and we
araended the House provision in the Senate, which was entirely
gerraane and proper and In order, by providing that these
people. Instead of having the time extended, raight raake their
proof without payraent.
A measure providing for these free homes passed the
House of Representatives In 1896. It was provided that those
homesteaders who had gone to Oklahoma and had taken 160
acres of land purchased from the Indians — for all Oklahoma
was purchased from the Indians — might secure a home after
five years' residence without paying the government price for
the land. The House of Representatives passed that bUl to
relieve those people. It carae to the Senate and was referred
to the coramittee on Indian affairs, and that committee
amended it by providing that all settlers, whether in Oklahoma
or elsewhere, who had settled upon Indian reservations, lands
purchased from Indians, if they resided on the land five years,
built their homes, and raaintained them, should have the land
without payment.
In pursuance of this policy the republican convention In St.
Louis in 1896 adopted, and It went into the campaign and
made the campaign on, this plank in their platform :
"We beUeve In an iraraediate return to the free-horaestead
pohcy of the republican party and urge the passage by Con
gress of a satisfactory free-horaestead raeasure, such as has
already passed the House and is now pending In the Senate."
They went into the carapaign with that plank In their plat
forra. They paraded the fact that they were the authors of
free horaesteads. This measure Is word for word the bill
pending at that time in the Senate, absolutely the same pro
vision, word for word, with no change, and yet the republicans
In the House of Representatives, having won their election and

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 381
won many a vote upon that plank In their platforra, now repu
diate Its provisions. It Is not strange that the party which
repudiated Its forraer plank with regard to trusts and which
has become absolutely the tool, the implement, of the gold
standard and all Its infaraies would also betray the people In
regard to the horaestead law which has been the proudest
boast in all Its history. Let us see. Here is the bill which was
pending when the St. Louis convention raet and adopted that
plank, and I will put It In the Record :
"Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives
of the United States of Araerica in congress asserabled. That
all settlers under the horaestead laws of the United States upon
the public lands acquired by treaty or agreement from the
various Indian tribes, who have or who shall hereafter reside
upon the tract entered In good faith for the period required
by existing law, shall be entitled to a patent for the land ,so
entered, upon the payment to the local land officers of the
usual and customary fees, and no other or further charge of
any kind whatsoever shall be required from such settler to
entitle him to a patent for the land covered by his entry:
Provided, That the right to commute any such entry and pay
for said lands, in the option of any such settler and in the tirae
and at the prices now fixed by existing laws, shall remain In
full force and effect: Provided, however, That all sums of
raoney so released, which if not released would belong to any
Indian tribe, shall be paid to such Indian tribe by the United
States." That bill was reported frora the coraraittee on Indian
affairs May 16, 1896, and placed upon the calendar. The
repubUcan platform, which was adopted one month later, June
18, 1896, says:
"We believe In an Immediate return to the free-homestead
policy of the republican party, and urge the passage by Con
gress of a satisfactory free-homestead measure, such as has
already passed the House and is now pending in the Senate."
That was done in the convention on the i8th of June,
1896, and the bill which I have just read was on the calendar,
and therefore was pending in the Senate on the i6th day of

382 THE COURL

J_JlViX i±\J_j

May, 1896, more than a month before the convention con
vened. Therefore the convention indorsed this very raeasure
word for word. Now let us see what Is the provision in this
bill; and I will put them side by side In the Record.
Mr. Cannon: From what page does the Senator pro
pose to read?
Mr. Pettigrew: Frora page 72.
Mr. Spooner: Does the Senator know who drew the
free-horaestead resolution In the repubUcan platform?
Mr. Pettigrew : I do not know who drew it. I was not
a raeraber of the coraraittee on resolutions.
Mr. Hoar: What year was that?
Mr. Pettigrew: Eighteen ninety-six.
Mr. Spooner : Had the blU passed the House ?
Mr. Pettigrew: It had passed the House and had been
reported a raonth before In the Senate and was pending on the
calendar, and In words and terms specific the platform In
dorsed that very raeasure. That is the measure which the
House now refuses to agree to, and here it is :
"That all settlers under the homestead laws of the United
States upon the public lands acquired prior to the passage of
this act by treaty or agreement from the various Indian tribes,
who have or who shall hereafter reside upon the tract entered
in good faith for the period required by existing law, shall be
entitled to a patent for the land so entered upon the payraent
to the local land officers of the usual and custoraary fees, and
no other or further charge of any kind whatsoever shall be
required from such settler to entitle him to a patent for the
land covered by his entry : Provided, That the right to cora
raute any such entry and pay for said lands, in the option of
any such settler, and in the tirae and at the prices now fixed by
existing laws, shall remain in full force and effect: Provided,
however. That all sums of money so released, which if not
released would belong to any Indian tribe, shall be paid to such
Indian tribe by the United States."
That is the raeasure which the St. Louis convention specifi
cally and in terras indorsed and said they were In favor of.
The Senator frora Connecticut [Mr. Platt] says to rae they

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 383
did not do any such thing. Let us see whether or not they did.
This blU was reported to the senate on the i6th of May, 1896,
and on the i8th of June, 1896, the St. Louis platform was
adopted. Now, let us see what the platform says :
"We believe in an immediate return to the free-horaestead
policy of the republican party, and urge the passage by Con
gress of a satisfactory free-homestead measure, such as has
already passed the house and is now pending In the senate."
Mr. Platt of Connecticut: Did they indorse the bill
which passed the House?
Mr. Pettigrew: "And Is now pending in the Seriate."
What bill was pending in the Senate? The bill reported by
the committee on Indian affairs, the bill I have read here in
terms and words.
Mr. Platt of Connecticut : What did they indorse? Did
they indorse the bill which passed the House or the bill that
was pending in the Senate?
Mr. Pettigrew: Both; the bill "such as has already
passed the House and Is now pending in the Senate."
Mr. Platt of Connecticut : Does the Senator think they
knew what was pending in the Senate?
Mr. Pettigrew : I think they did.
Mr. Platt of Connecticut: Or that this bill was any
diflerent from the bill pending in the Senate ?
Mr. Pettigrew: They knew all about it. There is no
question about it.
Here is the difference between the two bills. The House
bill provided for free horaesteaders in Oklahoraa, every bit
of which had been bought frora Indians, and the Senate bill
provided that the same provisions should extend to the other
States of the west. Now, the republicans went into the cam
paign in South Dakota, and on every sturap they told these
people that they should have free horaes If the republican
party won and that they could not get thera if they did not,
and you pointed to the record of the repubUcan party as being
the party in favor of free horaesteads, and you showed them
that the democi;atic party had voted against it way back In
i860. You gained thousands of votes by that pretense and

384 THE COUR

OJLj K^r JJ^iVli' 11\J_L,

by that plank In your platform; and now you go back on It.
It is not the only plank you have gone back on. You have
gone back on your whole record as a party. You have left the
side of the people of this country. You have abandoned the
principles that raade your party great and respectable and-
have become the champions of everything that is corrupt and
bad in American politics. That is the trouble. You aban
doned this.
What Is more, we passed this bill as a separate raeasure at
the last session of Congress and it went to the House of Repre
sentatives exactly in words and terras as in this bill, being the
same measure. Has the House done a thing with It? It Is
referred to the Calendar — the graveyard of the House. They
will not even araend it and pass the provision In regard to
Oklahoma; and one of the prominent merabers of the House
stood up the other day and stated that it was made for the
purpose of getting votes. One of the most prorainent raera
bers of the House said that the plank was put In the platform,
but the election was over. I wish I had his speech here. I
should like to put it in the Record along with ray stateraent in
regard to it.
Mr. Gallinger: If ray friend the Senator frora South
Dakota will permit me, we ought to be somewhat exact in
these historical matters. Do I understand that that plank
was in the platform of the republican party in 1896?
Mr. Pettigrew: Yes.
Mr. Gallinger : And the carapaign was waged in South
Dakota In behalf of that plank by the republican party?
Mr. Pettigrew: Yes.
Mr. Gallinger: And the Senator who is speaking
fought the repubUcan party in that carapaign.
Mr. Pettigrew: I did.
Mr. Gallinger: The republican party had not gone
back on that plank at that tirae. How does it happen that the
Senator was with the opposition in that carapaign?
Mr. Pettigrew: Oh, Mr. President, that is a long story,
but I am willing to answer it. I left the repubUcan party at
the St. Louis convention, and I ara proud of it. There has

i^REE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 385
never been a day from that time to this that I have not been
glad of it. I stated in that carapaign that if McKinley was
elected I never could return to the party, because the forces
which would control his adrainistration would raake it Irapossi
ble, but there was a chance to return to the party if he was
defeated. Repeatedly on the sturap I raade that stateraent.
I left the St. Louis convention, first, because it declared for
the gold standard, which will ruin every producer In this coun
try and every other country that adopts and adheres to it.
I left the repubUcan party because the trusts had captured
your party and had complete control of your convention, and
you left out the plank against trusts, which you had hereto
fore adopted, because the trusts, owning you and your party
and In possession of your convention, did not want to abuse
each other. Reason enough, reason sufficient to justify my
course before the people I represent, and enough, in my
opinion, to consign the repubUcan party to eternal oblivion.
What has been your course since ? It is known throughout
this country that vast sums of money are collected and that
you are In alUance with the accumulated and concentrated
wealth of this country, and that you rely upon them not only
to carry your carapaigns and furnish money to corrupt the
elections, but to elect your senators ; and after you have done
it, after you have elected by corrupt raeans a raan to this body,
the great convention of the State where it occurs passes reso
lutions congratulating theraselves upon the infaray and declar
ing that they are glad of it.
Mr. Gallinger: Will the Senator perrait me again?
He seems to be soraewhat specific now, and he says that a man
has been corruptly elected to this body and that the party has
not only condoned It, but applauded.
*******
I wish to ask the Senator if there is any proof that any
man occupying a seat on this floor as a republican was cor
ruptly elected?
Mr. Pettigrew : Oh, yes ; and the proof is with the cora
raittee on elections. The proof is before the people of the
United States, and they all know it, and it is conclusive.

386 THE COUKbii \jt JiiviFiKE
Mr. Gallinger. That might be said of an accusation
against somebody whose case was before a grand jury and
where the grand jury had not reported. I do not understand
that the coraraittee on elections has raade a report to this body
giving it as their deliberate conviction, after proper Inquiry
and investigation, that any accusation against a republican oc
cupying a seat here has been proved : and until that is done
I think the Senator ought to be a little more careful about
his statements on that point, with all due deference to his
rights as a senator.
Mr. Pettigrew. I am willing that the statement I have
made shaU go to the country. The proof was sufficient to
satisfy the Senate of Ohio, and they sent the case here weeks
ago. An Innocent man would deraand that our coraraittee act
before we adjourn. Why does the case sleep in the Senate
committee ?
Mr. Wilson. May I intermpt the Senator frora South
Dakota, not on the raatter of his last observation, but raore
particularly in regard to the history of the free-homestead
business? The Senator has been upon the coraraittee on Indian af
fairs for raany years. It so happened that in another branch
I was on the coraraittee on Indian affairs also, and it so hap
pened that I In part had charge, so far as that branch was con
cerned, of the appropriation bill for Indian affairs. During
that tirae, and I think the Senator will corroborate my state
ment, every treaty which was ratified for the cession of lands
to the United States contained a clause that they should be sold
for so much per acre and the United States thereby reimbursed.
It was so, if my raeraory is correct, with the reservations in
South Dakota, with the reservations in Montana, with the
reservations in Idaho.
I recollect distinctly that all along the line, whenever a
senator or a representative, contending for the throwing open
of those reservations, presented hiraself to the coraraittee on
appropriations for the ratification of such a treaty he stated
that the governraent of the United States would be reirabursed.
The claim was the same. I do not now recollect whether it

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 387
was In the Fifty-second or the Fifty-third Congress, but I
recoUect distinctly that they said, "Open these reservations
and the governraent of the United States will be reirabursed
by those who settle upon the land."
Mr. Pettigrew: There is sorae truth In the suggestion
raade by the Senator from Washington. However, It does not
apply to any reservation in the State I represent. I do not
care, however, to go Into the question for one single moment.
We imposed these conditions. We said to the homesteaders,
"Go upon the pubUc domain and buUd your horaes, live there
five years, and then pay us for the land."
We found the conditions were hard. We found that, al
though the country was fertile, instead of Its being a country
where there was sufficient rainfall. It was a dry country, and
the conditions of agriculture were very different frora what
these people had been accustoraed to in Illinois, Indiana, Ohio,
Wisconsin, Minnesota, and Iowa. Therefore we placed In
the political platforms of 1896 a provision for releasing the
settlers frora this onerous provision. The plea of the Senator
frora Washington has been heard before.
Because the representatives of the poor people who have
gone upon the frontier have stated in this hall or in the other
hall or before the coraraittees that the settlers would pay for
the land, are we still to insist upon payraent, although It drives
them from the land and leaves thera horaeless ?
Are we still to insist upon their leaving their homes be
cause they can not pay for the lands ? The argument which he
presents is the sarae argument which made another, in tiraes
gone by, say: "I crave the law.
The penalty and forfeit of ray bond."
Shylock wanted the pound of flesh nearest the heart, but
we would drive the horaesteader from the home upon which
he has struggled for five years. Which is the worse — the an
cient or the modern Shylock?
This reUeves the people who live five years upon the land.
It does not relieve the speculator. The speculator proves up
before that tirae. He never stays. The raan who enters land

388 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
fit for a town site, a particularly valuable property, Is not re
lieved under the provisions of this law. We never propose to
relieve him. But the man who Uves five .years and made a
home and who has found In that dry country that he cannot
raake a Uving and pay for the land. It is a question with him
whether he will leave his home and Improvements after five
years of struggle and let Uncle Sara have the land back or
whether we will let him have it and let hira go on with his
iraproveraent and his horae and his developraents and keep a
settler there. *******
The^ government of the United States owns 500,000,-
000 acres of arid and seraiarld land, and it also owns the
strearas and the lakes in the locality of its Irrigable possessions.
Those strearas run to the seaboard, and their lower courses are
navigable and carry an enorraous commerce. During floods
they overflow their banks and destroy temporarily or perraa
nently large areas of fertile and cultivated land, together with
the crops growing thereon. For the purpose of preventing this
destruction, frora the earliest day of the Government Congress
has appropriated raoney for the construction of levees along
the banks of these strearas, under the theory that such work
was for the benefit of coraraerce. We of the arid States now
propose that the storra water M'hich causes periodical floods
shall be accuraulated In reservoirs at or near the sources of the
strearas, and liberated as needed for Irrigating purposes during
the suraraer and fall raonths. This would prevent the over
flow of the strearas In their lower courses, and Incidentally
furnish water to refresh the valleys through which the streams
flow. It is estimated by the Governraent authorities that 72,000,-
000 acres of land can be thus reclairaed and raade to produce
crops sufficient to support 15,000,000 people. In the Interest
of comraerce no more beneficial expenditure could be Inaugur
ated than would be Involved in an appropriation of one or two
hundred million dollars for building such reservoirs and bring
ing about this result.
I. Speech in the Senate March 3, 1899.

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 389
But we have started upon a career of conquest rather than
one of Internal improvement. Many of our people and the
Administration beUeve that It is of great benefit to this country
that we should annex 10,000,000 people In the Philippines —
10,000,000 people who live In the Tropics, where the white
man can not live, and where self-government, as understood
by us and under our Constitution, can not exist. Instead of
spending hundreds of millions In conquering the Philippines,
would It not be better economy and better business judgment
to spend it in reclairaing the arid lands of the West, covering
thera with our own race, a people capable of self-governraent,
adding tenfold to the coraraerce of this country, than can
possibly be secured by the acquisition of the tropical countries
we are now trying to conquer and occupy?
A general policy of arid-land reclamation applied to the
West would bring to the coffers of industry the proceeds of a
vast volume of comraerce. This would come from the pro
ducing people who would inhabit that region under its changed
conditions and who would cause its revivified soil to produce
abundantly of the fruits of the earth.
And what is more, Mr. President; they would be a people
capable of helping to maintain our Constitution and our forra
of governraent. I think it can be safely said that the ease with
which raan secures an existence In the Tropics makes it im
possible for him to participate In the form of self-government
under which we live ; that a man adapted to our form of gov
ernraent can not be produced in latitudes where he never feels
the tingling of the frost in his veins or where woolen clothing
is unnecessary. Mr. President, this question has been before Congress for
the last ten years. It becomes more urgent and more pressing
each year. The people who Inhabit the far Western States are
determined that some proper, econoraical, and beneficial use
shall be raade of their arid lands and of the waters which drain
their vast area. These lands are not adapted for homesteads;
they can only be used after irrigation; and the Congress of
the United States must expect that we will continue this con
troversy until one of two courses is pursued, that either the

390 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Governraent of the United States shall enter upon a policy
which shall reclaira our arid lands and utilize the water flow
ing over thera, or else the Governraent of the United States
shall rehnquish Its title thereto to the States themselves. To
day these vast areas are roamed over by milUons of head of
cattle, owned by imraense and wealthy corapanies, who enjoy
the profits of free pasturage.
If the arid lands in the State in which I live were conveyed
to the State we could rent those lands to the cattleraen. We
could receive for those lands lo cents an acre.
We Insist upon it that the Government make some use of
this Idle property, that the 500,000,000 acres of arid lands
and their waters shall be put to some useful purpose. Under
existing conditions, as I said before, these are not homestead
lands, though homesteaders are acquiring gradually the water
fronts along the streams, and as they get title to It they control
the lands beyond and engage In cattle raising, securing pastur
age for which they pay nothing. The Governraent is an im
provident owner. No country can prosper so long as the title
to the lands reraains In the Governraent, and for this reason:
Frora such lands we receive no revenue ; we can not tax them.
And yet the Government is the greatest landed proprietor of
the State in which I live.
There are 20,000,000 acres of Governraent lands within
the State. They would rent for $2,000,000 a year. This
revenue would build reservoirs that would utiUze every drop
of water in the State, and reclaim every acre susceptible of
reclaraation. It would afford means for the creation of arte
sian wells, and these applied to lands unfit for agricultural
uses would transform them into rich grazing grounds, and the
prosperity of the State would be enormously enhanced.
So it Is with aU the arid States. Each would receive in
revenue from cattleraen millions of dollars, and the States
could then build reservoirs and reclaim lands, and thereby add
enormously to our national wealth.
It is the condition I have outlined, Mr. President, that
causes the protests before this body every year, that brings us
to the floor insisting on soraething being done. Our deraands

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 391
will continue, gathering volurae and force, until Congress is
corapelled to raake appropriations to build resejvoirs and
reclaim arid western land or else turn the property over to
the States in which It is located.
For ray part, I would prefer to have Congress turn over
its arid and seraiarld land to the State of South Dakota, be
cause I believe the problera would be practically and honestly
worked out to the great advantage of the State. I believe we
could then develop and iraprove that country and bring vast
areas under cultivation, and thus secure a revenue to help
support our Governraent and contribute to the welfare of the
whole. The sarae is true of Idaho, of Montana, of Wyoraing, of
Colorado, of Nevada, of Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, west
ern Kansas, western Nebraska, and North Dakota. I do not
believe that the nation can afford longer to neglect this great
opportunity for raaterial advanceraent. I consider it of fully
as rauch importance, if not of more iraportance to the future
greatness and prosperity of this country than the clearing out
of harbors along the sraall streams of the coast, or even the
development of the great harbors theraselves.
The intemal comraerce of this country is. the important
factor. Our foreign comraerce araounts to 5 per cent of all
our commerce; and the Internal condition and prosperity of
this country is therefore of vastly more concern than the cora
raerce that goes across the seas. Business with our own people,
business with a kindred race, the exchange of products araong
ourselves. Is of greater coramercial value than any exchange
we can secure with the other nations of the world.
The proposition that ownership of arid and seraiarld land
should be transferred frora the General Governraent to the
several States within which such land Is located is one that
may not, at first glance, strongly irapress the public. It is a
new proposition. Yet I have faith to believe that study, in
vestigation, and reflection along utilitarian lines wiU induce a
large proportion of those who legislate for the people to coin
cide with my present views.
Primarily, the State should own the land, because the State

392 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
can regulate its use and secure revenue therefrom, whereas It
is now a burden upon the States, for the reason that necessary
governraental functions in connection with such nonproductive
areas raust be raaintained at the expense of those taxpayers
who operate within the arable sections of the State. These
arid and seraiarld tracts are peopled by an aUen class who
raove hither and thither with their herds as the seasons ad
vance and decline, so timing their raigrations as to generally
avoid contact with an assessor. Theirs is a vocation which
deraands the strongest protection of law. Thus, while they
receive rauch, they contribute little to the cost of such pro
tection, and the difference raust be raade up by those who have
no share in the lucrative business of the ranges.
Under governraental ownership the land not occupied for
agricultural purposes now affords free pasturage to aU who
choose to place their herds upon it. Under State ownership a
price per acre per year would be exacted from those who raise
and fatten cattle for their own pecuniary profit. The revenue
thus secured could be invested by the State In irrigation meth
ods and through this process a large proportion of the arid
land would be fitted for agricultural uses.
I would favor, Mr. President, an arrangement 'whereby the
General Government would convey to the several States a
limited title to their arid and seraiarld land — a title which
would not convey the power of alienation, but would fix owner
ship in perpetuity upon the State, with authority to lease, im
prove, and reclaim. This would give the State continuous and
increasing revenue. As the land was Iraproved by irrigation Its
annual value would enhance and in tirae it raight become suf
ficient to lift the burden of taxation from the citizen.
There are In the West two sources of successful Irrigation.
There are surface strearas and subterranean waters. The
strearas could be so trained as to discharge their annual flood
volurae into storage reservoirs, and the underground accurau
lation, wherever It exists, can be released through artesian
wells and conveyed to the soil. During the period of melting
snow in the mountains the great rivers of the West flow down
their slopes in resistless torrents, gathering raagnitude and

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 393
force as they traverse the continent, and finally, along their
lower stretches, inundating the adjacent country, carrying de
struction to life and property.
These experiences are repeated year after year, the Gov
ernment, wfth large purpose and small results, attempting to
meet the rush of waters with feeble walls of soluble alluvium,
when It might go to the source of the trouble and there restrain
and retain the dangerous element and harness it for the use,
of the agricultural producers of the West. With the arid
land transferred to the custody of the States of the West, they
would In time be able to perforra this great task frora their
own resources. It would be but fair to assist them In the
beginning, as the project contemplates in Its maturity the sav
ing of enorraous annual expenditures by the General Govern
raent upon the lower rivers.
The problem of irrigation would raore rapidly approach
its solution in the hands of the States than under the auspices
of the General Government. The law-makers of the nation
have no personal interest in matters local In their character and
are lacking in the requisite knowledge that practical contact
inspires. The people of a State depending to a considerable
extent upon irrigation as a means of development would give
to the subject the intelligent and earnest attention that would
rapidly reclaim all nonproductive tracts relegated to their
custody. These conclusions receive support In the experiences of
Colorado, which leads all the irrigable States in effective legis
lation upon this branch of Western Industry. Colorado has
pioneered the way and contiguous States are profiting by its
developments In legislation, acquired and crystaUized in the
school of experimental effort. It Is vain to expect that a na
tional legislature will descend to the details of such compre
hensive enactments as have rescued the deserts of Colorado
from the domain of the wilderness and caused their fields,
gardens, and orchards to contribute to the wealth of the
world's comraerce.
In ray own State the opportunities for irrigation by raeans
of artesian wells are unusual. Almost anywhere in the middle

394 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
half of the State the artesian basin can be tapped at depths
varying frora 300 to 2,000 feet, each weU releasing a flow al
raost marvelous In quantity. Many of these wells exhibit a
pressure strong enough to drive heavy raachinery, and frora
most of them water can be elevated 30 or 40 feet Into reser
voirs by the force of the head behind the artesian supply. Na
ture has thus made provision for irrigation on an extended
scale in South Dakota, and all that Is needed Is the raoney with
which to provide for the distribution of the water.
There are also large rivers in South Dakota. The Mis
souri cuts the State In twain, flowing southward through its
central valley. Tributaries go down to It frora the east, the
west, and the north, and they arfe generally streams of large
proportions. In the flood season these rivers are filled beyond
the confines of their banks. If even a comparatively small
proportion of this surplus water could be stored for the later
growing months of the year and then distributed over the
productive area of the State, South Dakota would respond
with food for millions of mouths. All that is required is suf
ficient money with which to build storage reservoirs and con
necting channels for the moveraent of the water.
The possibilities of irrigation applied to the rich and ex
haustless soil of the far West are beyond coraputatlon. H. H.
Wilson, in his reports to the United States Geological Survey,
gives an idea of attainable results when he cites a few facts in
connection with Irrigation in India. In one district, naraed
Punjab, where no crops had ever grown, an investment of
$31,000,000 was made in irrigation works. Two-thirds of
thi's vast sura was returned frora the first year's crops. Ex
amples like this abound in Mr. Wilson's report. He says :
Irrigation by wells is common in all parts of India. In Sind 220,000
acres are covered with water obtained from wells; in the central
provinces, 120,000; in Madras, 2,000,000 acres; in Coimbatore, 200,-
000 ; in the northwest "provinces, 400,000. It is estimated, indeed, that
in the various provinces of this great e;mpire water is drawn for irriga
tion purposes from not less than a million wells.
There exists In South Dakota, and, in fact, in raost of the
States of the far West, a soil equal to that of the richest lands

FREE LAND AND A FREE PEOPLE 395
of India: a soU capable of the largest returns. AU that is
there lacking is moisture sufficient to grow and raature the
crops. This provided, and It will raaintain a population of
250 to the square raile as readily as that proportion Is main
tained In India. I have shown the possibilities of artesian Ir
rigation and the possibilities of water-storage irrigation. All
that is needed is to apply the forces at hand.

CHAPTER XVII
THE railroads
The Senate having under consideration the joint resolution (S. R.
73) authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to foreclose the Gov
ernment lien on the Union Pacific Railroad and the Kansas Pacific
Railway —
MR. PETTIGREW said:
Mr. President:^ I now ask that Senate joint
resolution No. 73 may be laid before the Senate and
read at length.
The Secretary read the joint resolution (S. R. 73) author
izing the Secretary of the Treasury to foreclose the Govern
raent lien on the Union Pacific Railroad and the Kansas Pa
cific Railway, as follows :
Resolved, etc.. That the Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is
hereby, directed to foreclose the Government lien upon the Union Pa
cific Railroad and the Kansas Pacific Railway, and pay the prior lien
upon said roads, and take possession of the same for the Govemment
of the United States. The Secretary of the Treasury shall also pay the
floating debt of said railroad companies, and take up the bonds and
stock pledged as security therefor, and take possession of all branch
lines that have been constructed in whole or in part out of the eamings
of the Union Pacific Railroad. Said Secretary is also directed to take
possession in the name of the Government of all the lands granted to
said railroad and not conveyed to innocent third parties for a valuable
consideration. For the purpose of carrying out the provisions of this resolution the
Secretary of the Treasury is hereby authorized to issue, sell, and dispose
of, at not less than par in coin, coupon or registered bonds of the
United States, to an amount sufficient for the object stated in this
resolution, bearing not to exceed 3 per cent interest per annum, payable
semiannually, and redeemable at the pleasure of the United States, in
coin, after five years from their date, and payable in ten years after their
1. Speech in the Senate February 13, 1896.
396

THE RAILROADS 397
date. And the Secretary of the Treasury shall use the proceeds thereof
to carry out the the provisions of this resolution.
Mr. Pettigrew: Mr. President, I wish to caU the es
pecial attention of the Coraraittee on Pacific Railroads to this
resolution, for I think It outlines a method by which to solve
this rauch discussed question In a businesslike raanner, and in
the only way It can be solved with credit to the Governraent.
We have only the Inteirests of the whole people to consider.
There are no equities in this case in favor of the present stock
holders of these roads, and I will show that the reorganiza
tion coraraittee of the stockholders of the roads are entitled
to no consideration whatever, as they represent the heartless
and unscrupulous scaraps that have been robbing the Govern
raent and the public for a generation, casting reproach upon
our Government and our people that must raake every honest
citizen blush with shame.
The stockholders and owners of the first-mortgage bonds
on the Union and Kansas Pacific Railroad have appointed a
coraraittee to reorganize the road and to settle with the Gov
ernment for its second mortgage upon the property. This
reorganization coraraittee proposes to Issue one hundred mil
lion of fifty-year 4 per cent bonds on about 1,900 miles of
road; that is, the road frora Omaha to Ogden, which is the
main line of the Union Pacific, and about 400 miles of road
from Kansas City west, which is the Kansas Pacific Railroad.
They also propose to Issue seventy-five millions of preferred
stock upon this 1,900 miles of road, and assess the present
coraraon stock of these corapanies, which araounts to $60,000,-
000, at 15 per cent, and thus raise $9^000,000. The preferred
stock represents nothing. All of it_but $20,000,000 goes to
the manipulators of this proposed swindle. If this plan is
carried out, then we will still as a Governraent be in partner
ship for fifty years with the same men who have been our part
ners for the past thirty years. As our partners In the past they
have swindled us, stolen our property, bribed, debauched, and
disgraced our servants, plundered the people along the line of
road by extortionate rates, while at the same time by a systera
of rebates and discriraination they have enriched a favored

398 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
few, and where these favored few were private persons they
were raen who It was supposed had influence in the coraraunity
where they resided and could influence public opinion; but usu
ally their favors were bestowed upon corporations engaged in
trade whose stockholders were the officers and directors of
these railroads.
We are now asked' to continue this partnership, to con
tinue to have relations with these sarae raen, and upon what
basis? Upon a basis of fraud; upon a plan by which this
Governraent is to be a party to the issue of stock for which no
consideration is paid, and upon which the public will be called
upon to pay interest. There are 1,900 railes of road, one hun- .
dred raiUions of bonds, seventy-five raiUions of preferred stock,
and sixty raiUions of common stock; in all, two hundred and
thirty-five milUons of bonds and stock, or $123,600 per mile.
This 1,900 railes of railroad can be reproduced for $23,-
600 per raile, and yet the Government of the United States
Is asked to go into partnership with a party of dishonest men
and bond and stock the road for $123,600 per mile, and the
public whom this road serves is to he called upon to pay In
terest on this va.st sum. That any set of men could corae to
Congress with any such proposition as this and expect it to be
ratified by the representatives of a free people Is an impeach
ment of the Integrity of the people of the United States. But
these raen have so learned the habit of raaking corrupt prop
ositions to each other by which the public shall be plundered
and robbed In the reorganization of overstocked companies
of every sort that they do not hesitate to make the proposition
now in open daylight to the American people, and it seems to
me it Is a raatter for severe coraraent and censure that a com
mittee of either body of the Congress of the United States can
be found who will entertain it for one moment.
But they go further than this, and tell us how they will
distribute this vast araount of stocks and bonds. They propose
that the Government shall take $34,000,000 of the bonds,
which is just equal to the principal of the Government's claim
against the roads, and shall take $20,000,000 of the preferred
stock In fuU payment for all the defaulting interest; that the

THE RAILROADS 399
first-raortgage bonds, which araount to $34,000,000, shall be
taken up and a like nuraber of these new bonds issued In their
place; and for every $1,000 of bonds Issued to the present
holders of the first-raortgage bonds of these roads $500 of
preferred stock shall be Issued as a bonus, the' remainder of the
stock and the reraainder of the bonds to be the property un
doubtedly of the conspirators In this stupendous transaction.'
Let us see who are the raen who compose this reorganiza
tion coraraittee of the Union and the Kansas Pacific railroads.
This reorganization coramittee Is coraposed of five raerabers,
Louis Fitzgerald, T. J. Coolidge, and Oliver Araes being three
out of the five raerabers of the reorganization committee (who
represent the old manageraent of the road, the Goulds of New
York and the Araeses of Boston), the other two being Marvin
Hughitt and Chauncey M. Depew. While every one of the re
ceivers who are now raanaging and operating the road is In
the Interest of this gang of highwaymen who have plundered
the public with this Instrumentality in the past, three of the re
ceivers, namely, S. H. H. Clark, who was formerly raanager
and for years president of the road, has been and is the repre
sentative of the Gould Interest; Mr. Mink, of Boston, was
comptroller of the corapany, and has been for years its vice-
president, and is also an executor of the will of the late Fred
L. Ames, and Is, of course, the direct and Immediate repre
sentative of the Boston crowd of highwaymen who, through
the use of this highway, the Union and the Kansas Pacific rail
roads, have robbed the public and the Governraent for the past
thirty years. The third receiver, who has always acted with
this interest, is E. Ellery Anderson, who has also been for sev
eral years a Governraent director, and was placed there for
the purpose of protecting the Government's interests, but has
never undertaken to protect the Government's interests, but
has always acted in the Interest of the old and dishonest man
ageraent. The other two receivers of the road, Coudert and
Doane, seem to have a leaning in the same direction, for they
have been Government directors, and have never remonstrated
against the frauds which have disgraced the manageraent of
these roads and of which they must have had knowledge.

400 THE COURSE Ot EMriRE
Mr. Anderson, one of these receivers and one of the Gov
ernraent directors of the road, stated to the Senate coraraittee
that the net earnings of this systera of roads were. In 1894,
$4,000,000, and in 1895 $5,000,000, yet they refused to pay
the interest on the first-raortgage bonds and caused the de
fault, evidently for the purpose of allowing the representatives
of the first-mortgage bonds to foreclose their mortgage and
take possession of the whole property. If receivers would
raanage private property In this manner alraost any court in
the land would insist upon their iraraediate removal ; yet these
men, with irapudence and Irapunity, seera to have set out de
liberately to assist the reorganization coraraittee or the people
they represent to carry out a conspiracy to swindle the Govern
raent out of Its whole claira.
If this reorganization plan Is carried through with the as
sistance of the Governraent the road will have to earn 4 per
cent on $100,000,000 of bonds and 5 per cent, at least, on
$75,000,000 of preferred stock, and the people along the
line of the road will be charged a rate sufficient to accomplish
this result, even If no dividend whatever is paid upon the
$60,000,000 of common stock. This Interest charged, then,
will araount to $7,750,000 a year, which would be an unjusti
fiable burden upon the people who are served by the road.
The only reasonable and proper thing for the Governraent of
the United States to do is to take possession of the road, issue
Its own bonds bearing 3 per cent interest as provided by the
resolution which I have offered, pay the first-raortgage bonds
of $34,000,000, refund to the Government of the United
States the $53,000,000 now due the Government frora these
corapanies, take up and pay the floating debt of these roads of
$12,000,000, and thus get possession of the bonds and the
stocks which are held as collateral security for this floating
debt, and thus acquire title of $98,000,000 par value of the
branch Unes' bonds and stock, the raarket value of which Is at
least $42,000,000 at the present time, thus taking possession
of all the branch lines of these roads, amounting to 4,000 railes
of track, and operate the whole as one great system.

THE RAILROADS 401
In this way the Government would reaUze every doUar
these roads owe It. The Interest charged would only be 3 per
cent on $100,000,000 of bonds, or $3,000,000 per annum, in
stead of $7,750,000 under the plan proposed by the reorgani
zation coraraittee. The rates for carrying freight and pas
sengers could therefore be rauch less. There would be no In
centive for discrimination in favor of persons or places ; every
man and every town would have an equal opportunity, and the
scandals of our Governraent connected with the Union Pacific
raanageraent would disappear from the pages of our history.
I think It is well In this connection to call attention to the
methods of the management of these roads in the past if we
are going to deterraine whether we wish to continue that sys
tera of manageraent in the future. In the past we have been
siraply creditors, but under the plan now proposed by these
men we become parties not only to the issue of stock for which
there is no consideration, but partners In a transaction the
future of which will be described as the past has been de
scribed. I read from the report of the Union Pacific Railroad
coraraissioners of 1888, by Robert E. Pattison, one of the cora
raissioners, in Vv'hich he says:
The aided companies combined with others to tax the communities
which they served, and they forced the consuming classes in all sections
of the country to contribute to the payment of interest and dividend
upon the fictitious capital which they had created. They increased the
cost of living. They laid proprietary claim to the traffic of large sec
tions of the country. They squandered millions of their money to
"protect" their territorial claims, while expending other millions in en
croachments upon the territory claimed by other companies. They con
stituted themselves the arbiters of trade. They attempted to dictate the
channels that trade should follow and fixed rates of transportation that
were extortionate. They charged all that the traflSc would bear, and
appropriated a share of the profits of every industry by charging the
greater part of the difference between the actual cost of production
and the price of the article in the market. They discriminated between
individuals, between localities, and between articles. They favored par
ticular individuals and companies. They destroyed possible competi
tors, and they built up particular localities to the injury of other locali
ties, until matters had reached such a pass that no man dared engage in
any business in which transportation largely entered without first
soliciting and obtaining the permission of a railroad manager. They

402 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
departed from their legitimate sphere as common carriers and engaged
in mining articles for transportation over their own lines. They ex
erted a terrorism over merchants and over communities, thus interfer
ing with the lawful pursuits of the people. They participated in
election contests. By secret cuts and violent and rapid fluctuations
in rates they menaced business, paralyzed capital, and retarded invest
ment and development.
And yet they corae and say that we should continue this
partnership and becorae owners with them in the preferred
stock, they having a raajority of it, so that they can control its
operations and continue this method of doing business;
Mr. Gallinger. Frora what document has the Senator
been reading?
Mr. Pettigrew. From the rainority report of Robert E.
Pattison, of the United States Pacific Railway Coraraission.
Mr. Allen. I should like to ask the Senator from South
Dakota if the Republican party is not directly responsible for
this condition, it having been in control of the Government
from the time of this report until 1 893 ?
Mr. Pettigrew. I do not care to furnish campaign ma
terial for the Populist party in Nebraska. The people of Ne
braska may settle that question among theraselves.
Mr. Allen. Does the Senator decline to answer?
Mr. Pettigrew. I have made all the answer I care to
make to the Senator on that subject.
Mr. Allen. I should like to ask the Senator another
question. I infer from his reraarks that he is in favor of the
Governraent taking possession of this road. Is that correct?
Mr. Pettigrew. Most certainly.
Mr. Allen. And owning it ?
Mr. Pettigrew. I can see no possible objection to the
Government owning the road and operating It.
Mr. Allen. I then beg to call the Senator's attention to
the fact that that Is paternalism and Populism, according to
the Republican definition of those two words.
Mr. Pettigrew. I do not know whether or not that Is

THE RAILROADS 403
the Republican definition of the two words. Perhaps It Is the
Populist definition.
I can see no objection to the Government owning the road
and operating it. It seems to me that the raUroad manage
raent of this country has been a total and coraplete failure.
Our systera of governraent is that every raan shall have an
equal, fair, untrammeled chance to do business, that the law
of corapetition shall prevail. Yet in this respect not only these
railroads but the railroads throughout this country have pur
sued a course that has hindered and pfevented the exercise of
the law of competition between individuals and between cities
and towns. If the Government should own this road and oper
ate it, how different would be the picture when peace and quiet
prevailed, when fair and equal opportunity was bestowed upon
all the people and all the towns along the line.
But if it is not thought best that the Government shall own
the road and operate It, If It is not thought wise that we shall
try the experiment and compare Governraent ownership, now
when the opportunity is so easily offered, with private owner
ship, we should foreclose the raortgage and take possession of
this property. There Is no reason why we should not do It,
even though the Governraent should afterwards conclude not
to operate the road.
I appeal to the Committee on Pacific Railroads, who are
considering the question to dissolve forever this partnership
with these corrupt manipulators, to refuse to deal or to have
any further business relations with them whatever. If there
is a strong prejudice against the Governraent ownership and
operation of the roads, let us at least reorganize them upon
an honest basis, upon a plan that will not disgrace us as a peo
ple ; let us purge thera of all association with the corrupt raan
ageraent of the past; and when this is once done there Is no
doubt but the roads can be sold and the Governraent reaUze
every dollar it has Invested In them. By so doing we would
recover also several milUon acres of land which have not been
patented to these corapanies and are still held by them. The
plan which I propose would require the Issue of $46,000,000
of 3 per cent Government bonds In addition to the present Gov-

404 THE COURSti. ut tsiviriKE
ernraent claira against these railroads, and with this $46,000,-
000 we would cancel the prior Uen or mortgage upon the prop
erty; we would pay off the floating debt; we would secure title
to $98,000,000 of bonds and stocks of branch Unes, the market
value of which is $42,000,000; we would secure, free from in
cumbrance, 1,900 miles of road, and also recover 7,000,000
acres of land, and, above all, we would have dissolved a part
nership which has been a disgrace to the nation.
What individual would entertain for a moraent a proposi
tion to renew a partnership for fifty years with a man or a set
of men who had for thirty years previous thereto been engaged
In systematically plundering him, not only of the profits of the
business but of all the Interest upon his original Investment, by
the practice of almost every crime known to the law? And
yet this is just what these raen propose to the Government of
the United States, and a coraraittee of this body Is seriously
entertaining It, holding conferences day after day with these
raen. Instead of pursuing the honorable, upright, and raanly
course so apparent to all. Not only ought we to take posses
sion of these roads and reorganize them In the interest of the
public and In the interest of pubhc morality, but suits should
be coraraenced against the estates of the original conspirators
who are deceased, and against all the individuals who are liv
ing, to recover the money diverted to their own use fraudu
lently, and also recover the $24,000,000 converted by thera
when the Kansas Pacific and Union Pacific were consolidated.
These questions I will raake the subject of another resolution.
Mr. President, I have not airaed to discuss this great ques
tion on this occasion, but to briefly outline a plan, which I hope
the coramittee will at least consider, by which the people of the
United States could at least escape disgrace In this connection.
He ***** *
Yesterday^ I introduced a joint resolution (S. R. 182)
authorizing the Secretary of the Treasury to take up and pay
the Union Pacific Railway Company's 6 per cent trust notes,
and making an appropriation for that purpose, which I asked
to have Ue on the table. I now desire to have the joint resolu-
1. Speech in the Senate December 2Z, 1896.

THE RAILROADS 405
tion read at length, and I wish-to raake a brief statement in
regard to the sarae before Its reference.
The Vice-President. The joint resolution will be read.
The joint resolution was read, as follows :
Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives, etc.. That the
Secretary of the Treasury be, and he is hereby, directed to pay to the
holders of the Union Pacific Railway Company's 6 per cent trust notes
the amount due thereon, and take possession of the bonds and stocks
now held as security for said notes, said bonds and stocks being the
property of the Union Pacific Railway Company.
Sec. 2. That for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of
this act the sum of $10,000,000, or so much thereof as may be necessary,
is hereby appropriated out of any moneys in the Treasury not otherwise
appropriated. Mr. Pettigrew : Mr. President, I wish to call the atten
tion of the Committee on Pacific Railroads, to whom I desire
to have the joint resolution referred, to certain facts in con
nection with this raatter.
I am of the opinion that the Union Pacific Railroad was
not and is not Insolvent, inasmuch as previous to Its going into
the hands of receivers Its Income was sufficient not only to pay
the operating expenses but all the Interest upon its indebtedness
except that which it owed the Government. Nevertheless a
floating debt was created for the express purpose, in my opin
ion, of securing the securities of the company which now are
collateral to the trust notes Issued for the floating debt.
In 1 89 1 the company issued its 6 per cent gold notes for
$8,500,000, or at least the principal and Interest amounts to
that Slim at the present time, and deposited bonds and securities
of the Union Pacific Railroad, the bonds and securities of the
branch Unes of the Union Pacific Railroad, with Morgan &
Co. to secure these trust notes.
The notes have been past due for two years. The Interest,
I understand, remains unpaid. It is now proposed on the part
of the owners of these notes to foreclose upon the securities,
organize a corporation that is to hold those securities, issue
bonds to the amount of $10,000,000, and issue $5,000,000 of
stock, and deliver the stock to the people who take the bonds

4o6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
and furnish the money to pay the trust notes, the stock to be
given as a bonus with the bonds, without any consideration
whatever being paid for the stock.
Their apparent purpose is to get possession of the bonds
and stocks of the branch lines of the Union Pacific Railroad.
These stocks and bonds amount to $93,000,000 and are worth
on the market today frora $35,000,000 to $40,000,000. Yet
it Is proposed to sell them to pay these trust notes, to obtain
possession of the branch lines, and then In case the Govern
raent assumes possession of the main line of the Union Pacific
Railroad to divert the branch lines so acquired to the North
western or other roads which nearly parallel the Union Pacific,
and greatly decrease the value of the property and the security
of the Government.
It seems to me that any business man under these circum
stances would step in and protect his interests, and It is the
duty of the Government of the United States to step in and pro
tect its interests and redeem these securities, to pay the trust
notes, to take these stocks and bonds, for In case we take the
property (and it seems to me likely that we shall take the
property of the Union and Central Pacific railroads) these
branch lines will be absolutely essential. The money of the
Union Pacific Railroad has gone Into their construction — $30,-
000,000 or $40,000,000 of It. Twenty-eight million doUars
of these securities are bonds, most of which are worth par, and
over $50,000,000 — ^yes, $65,000,000 — represents stock of the
branch line, the Oregon Short Line, and other lines built as
feeders to the Union Pacific Railroad.
Now, unless this matter is attended to at once, there Is no
question but that these people will carry out their scheme for
securing control of the branch lines, so as to divert business
frora the main line of the Union Pacific Railroad to other
lines, greatly decreasing the value of the property against
which the Government has Issued Its own bonds.
There Is no raention, that I know of, in the report of the
coraraittee with regard to this asset and no notice taken of It,
and yet It is one of the raost Iraportant assets the Government
has. An advertiseraent has been placed in the Wall Street

THE RAILROADS 407
Daily News, signed by Mr. G. Moore, Mr. Jaraes W. Alex
ander, and Mr. John F. Adkin as a committee for the purpose
of carrying out this project.
Mr. Platt. Who are they?
Mr. Pettigrew. I understand this committee represents
the- estates which control the Union Pacific Railroad, which
have made great fortunes out of the raanageraent of the road,
and have so managed the property as to swindle the sinking
fund and prevent the Government frora securing its pay; and
have discriralnated In such raanner against the people they have
served as to cause great scandal in relation to these roads. But
the sarae people who propose to carry out this plan of divert
ing the property are the people in reality who control the
Union Pacific Road today; and a part of this plan was a failure
to pay interest on the first raortgage bonds of the road,
although the revenue was sufficient to pay the interest, so that
the appointraent of receivers would be necessary. The re
ceivers appointed are men In the Interest of men who con
trolled these roads at the time of their appointment, and the
receivers refused to use the revenue for the payraent of In
trest on those prior bonds for the purpose of coraplicating this
question and better faciUtating the means used to defeat the
claim of the Governraent against this property.
Mr. Gear. May I ask the Senator a question?
Mr. Pettigrew. Certainly.
Mr. Gear. Can a receiver pay any raoney without the
order of the court?
Mr. Pettigrew. I ara not certain that he can or can not.
Mr. Gear. It is the general rule that where a receiver
Is appointed by a court, he is governed by the instruction and
order of the court, and that he raust pay in accordance with the
order of the court.
Mr. Pettigrew. The sarae people who controlled these
roads previous to the appointment of receivers have succeeded
in securing the receivers they wanted. The people who con
trolled the road before the receivers were appointed and failed
to pay this interest, although the roads earned the interest,
followed up that same policy. They have not applied to the

4o8 THE COUK&li UP KMPIRL
court to bring about the payment of the Interest. They do not
desire to pay It. They propose to control this question. It
seems to me it is the duty of the Government of the United
States to pay off its first indebtedness, to pay off the trust notes,
to take possession of these roads, and take possession of the
branch lines of the roads and operate thera, if necessary, in the
interest of the people who dwell along the line. Certainly the
Governraent of the United States can operate the roads to the
greater profit and, satisfaction of the people they serve than
the raen who have operated thera In the past or the raen who
are engaged in this reorganization scherae.
Mr. Gear. May I ask the Senator a question? The
Senator frora South Dakota, I understand, advocates the
policy that the Government shall take possession and operate
these roads, if necessary. * * * * In that event, does not
the gentleman recognize the fact that upon roads operated by
the Governraent the charges for transportation and passengers
are frora 30 to 40 per cent higher than upon roads operate4
by corporations? Mr. Pettigrew. I ara glad the Senator has asked that
question, and I shall be glad to answer it. In the first place,
I do believe it would be well for the Governraent to take pos
session of these roads and operate thera. Our experience in
the past in the operation of roads by private corporations has
been such that It can not possibly be worse If the Governnient
takes control. On the contrary, I believe that it would be far
better. I will now answer the second part of the gentleman's ques
tion. In some of the countries of Europe I am well aware
that the apparent rates are higher than they are on the trunk
lines of the United States. But, Mr. President, It is not the
rates that the people of this country complain against; it Is
the discrimination which makes the corporations the arbitra
tors of the destinies of men and of places; it is discrimination
and rebates and fraudulent practices in violation of law, com
binations and pools, which give to individuals advantages over
their neighbors and which give to towns advantages over cora-
petlng towns. That is the difficulty more than anything else.

THE RAILROADS 409
If the people of this country could know that the rate was the
sarae to everyone, and if the people could know that every man
had an equal and a fair chance in the stmggle for existence
and In competition for business, the complaints and protests
against the railroads of this country would be far less than
they are.
Mr. Peffer. I wish to inquire whether the Senator frora
South Dakota desires to be understood as stating that in coun
tries where the governraent as a government exclusively man
ages the roads the rates are higher than they are in this
country ?
Mr. Pettigrew. In some of them they are higher than
In this country, upon a mileage basis. In some of them they
are not. In Australia they are higher, but that is a very
sparsely settled country. In Austria, I understand, they are
not so high, although the passenger rate for first-class pas
sengers Is higher than those in the United States. Sxsrae of
the European countries are deeply in debt and the roads are
operated for the purpose of paying off the debt. However,
I think that In Austria this Is not as rauch sought after, and
that therefore the rates in that country are less than they are
in the United States. I understand that in Belgium the rates
are not rauch different frora what they are here. So it Is in
Italy, and so It Is In France.
Mr. Gear. May I be allowed to state to the Senator that
the ordinary rates In the United States are less than they are
in any other country in the world?
Mr. Pettigrew. I think not.
Mr. Gear. It Is the case, I will say to the Senator.
Mr. Pettigrew. I think not. I think It will be found on
a thorough exaraination of the question that the rates in the
United States are not lower than In any other country. Take,
for instance, the roads In Austria, where the passenger rates
have three grades. If you would arrive at an average of the
highest rates and the lowest rates, you would find Austria pas
senger charges to be fully as high as they are in this country.
The rates for third-class passengers are much less than they

410 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
are in this country, and the rates for second-class passengers
are lower than they are in this country, while the rate for first-
class passengers Is very rauch higher than It is in the United
States. Mr. Gear. I will call the attention of the Senator to the
accommodations. They are far inferior in those countries to
the accoraraodations in the United States, and they are such
as the American people would not submit to. That is a matter
of history. Then there Is one other stateraent I wish to make. It will
be borne In mind that the PopuUst party at St. Louis declared
In favor of the Governraent ownership of railways. It is a
raatter of well-known Inforraation that that party during the
recent carapaign just clos.ed Investigated this question with the
Intention of preparing a stateraent to give to the public to show
how rauch cheaper the Governraent could operate railroads
than a private corporation, and It is a raatter of fact that when
they found the facts In the case they desisted, that they did not
and never have put out such a stateraent.
*******
Mr. Pettigrew. I said In the first place that It was not
so rauch an objection to the rates in this country as against
discriminations which led to the dissatisfaction with regard to
Araerican railroad raanagement. I say again that if this diffi
culty was reraoved, if absolute control on the part of the Gov
ernraent was secured, if the interstate-coramerce law was
amended so that the rates could be absolutely fixed by the In
terstate Comraerce Commission, and if such steps were taken
as absolutely to prevent discrimination, it would answer the
purpose as well as Government ownership.
But here is an opportunity, Mr. President, to acquire own
ership of a transcontinental line. Here is an apportunlty to
try the experiment and at the same time protect the Interests
of the Government through the operation of a railroad by the
Governraent itself. If the experiraent prove a failure, and If It
does not give peace and prosperity to the people it serves, we
can very easily afterwards dispose of the property and recon
sider our action. It Is at least worth the trial.

THE RAILROADS 411
What has been our experience with railroads? The rail
roads In the United States perhaps clamor more loudly than
anyone else against legislation which shall In any way interfere
with business, and yet they, of all others, undertake to over
turn the very fundaraental principle of Anglo-Saxon civiliza
tion in clairaing that competition Is killing, and therefore they
ask to be allowed to corabine, so as to destroy competition.
The great trunk lines west of Chicago are in combination.
When their representatives were placed on the stand, they
testified that they were not, but the evidence disclosed that they
were. This was testiraony taken last fall before the Interstate
Coraraerce Commission to show that these lines were in com
bination to control business and control rates, and distribute
araong theraselves the profits of their unlawful act. The great
railroad pool east of Chicago, erabracing every road running
to the seaboard, is in corabination — a corabination to control
rates, a corabination to divide and to distribute the business.
This corabination will say to one raan In a city or town that
he may do business and that his neighbor shall not, and says
it by giving to favored ones a better freight rate, a freight
rate so much better than that offered to the public that the dif
ference Is a good profit upon the business In which they are en
gaged, thus destroying competition, and thus gradually accum
ulating the property of this country in the hands of a few.
They discriminate between towns. They say that one town
shall be a wholesale point and that another, struggling also
for a wholesale trade, shall not, by giving a special rate to the
favored localities. Against these transactions the American
people protest, and one of the loud outcries against existing
conditions results from the raonopolistic acts of the railroads
of this country.
Therefore, Mr. President, I do believe it would be well
if we would take possession of the Union Pacific Railroad,
operate it, and take possession of the branch lines and operate
them in the interests of the people they serve. I believe that
it is the fear that this will be done that has led these people,
beginning away back five years ago, to handle this property
so as to enable thera to sever branch lines from the main Une,

412 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
upon, which the Governraent has its security, and at the sarae
tirae enrich theraselves.
Mr. President, the proposition which they propose to carry
out Is similar to their usual operations. There are $8,500,000
of these trust notes. They propose to issue $10,000,000 of
bonds. They propose to divide to the holders of these bonds,
without any consideration whatever, $5,000,000 of stock, thus
increasing the indebtedness from $8,400,000 to $15,000,000,
and thus compelling the Governraent, if it ever redeeras this
property, not only to pay to these people the araount due them
upon their trust notes, but also to redeem the stock which has
been issued without consideration.
Mr. President, no wealth can be acquired In that way un
less it is acquired at the expense of men who produce it. Stock
issued without consideration upon which some one hereafter
Is to pay interest Is a raeans of taking from the producers of
wealth the result of tlieir toil, for no wealth can be produced
except by toil. No wealth can exist except some one has tolled
to produce it and raanifested self-denial and other traits of
character which raake good citizenship. If we allow the issu
ance of stock without the payraent of raoney for it and corapel
the payment of interest upon it, those who tolled have had
taken from thera the product of their toil. It seeras to me it
Is time to call a halt; It is tirae to stop such transactions; and
in this case in particular, where the Government is directly
interested, it is our duty to act at once.
*******
The^ question of pay to the railroads for transporting
the mails has received some attention, and the coraraittee have
placed In the bill an amendment which provides for a com
mittee composed of merabers of this body and the House of
Representatives to investigate and report upon this whole ques
tion; and there certainly seeras great necessity for it.
After all, the railroad raail service Is but an express service,
for the average speed of the railway mail trains of this coun
try is but 26 miles an hour, and the average distance the mail
Is carried is but 448 miles.
1. Speech in the Senate February 28, 1897.

THE RAILROADS 413
Yet we are paying, according to the report of the Post-
Office Department, 8 cents a pound for the transportation of
mail raatter, a rauch larger sura than the express companies
charge for a like service, and they not only pay the railroads
for the service, but pay their own officers and gain a profit
besides, and in raany instances a very large profit. In dealing
with this raatter the Government of the United States has
paid no attention, it seems to rae, to the ordinary methods of
business, and In no Instance for years has It pursued that course
which any prudent business raan would have pursued.
We pay as rauch per pound today for carrying the mails
upon the railroads in this country as we paid In 1878. What
business raan in the United States doing an express business
for which he paid frora twenty to thirty raillion dollars a year
would have continued to have paid without raurmur or com
plaint the same price today that he paid In 1878? The cost
of carrying the mail since 1878 has been reduced nearly one-
half, and yet no effort has been raade on the part Of the United
States to secure any reduction whatever. Nineteen years have
rolled by, the volume of mail has increased enorraously, and
yet nothing has been done. To-day the New York Central
Railroad between New York and Buffalo, receives frora the
Government of the United States compensation sufficient to
pay the interest on the cost of a double-track railroad every
year. The railroad company obtains interest at 5 per cent
on a cost of $60,000 a mile of road for the raail service alone,
and yet no effort is raade to secure a reduction. The raaUs of
the country would be carried at a profit to the Governraent if'
we paid only what the service is worth for railroad trans
portation. This one reform would wipe out the deficiency In
postal revenue.
Further than that, instead of decreasing the amount of
raail that can be carried at a i-cent rate, it ought to be in
creased. It can be carried for that rate at a profit. Second-
class raail raatter in this country can be carried by the rail
roads of this country at a profit at i cent a pound, and yet we
are paying 8 cents. I beUeve I can deraonstrate that proposi
tion to the satisfaction of every person within the sound of

4^4 THE COUksh ut n.ivifiRii
my voice; yet Senators rise and talk about econoray, and cut
off an appropriation of $10,000 for necessary surveys in the
West, whUe year after year they have voted to pay raiUions
upon millions more than It Is worth for the rallway-raail serv
ice. I believe we can save eight or ten raillion dollars a year
frora this one item alone and then pay all the mail service Is
worth. Inthe report of the Postmaster-General for 1890 he makes
this statement, calling the attention of Congress and the peo
ple of the United States to this question, and yet nothing has
been done about it :
In the past twelve years no reduction of rates has taken place,
though the freight rates upon all railroads have been steadily lowered.
During this period the weight of the mails has largely increased. It is
quite reasonable to say that the reduction in freight rates generally be
tween 1878 and 1890 is not less than 20 per cent, and in many instances
it is much more. The largest expenditure of the Department is for
transportation. The estimates just sent to the Treasury for the next
fiscal year cover $22,610,128.31 for railroad transportation alone.
This bill carries $29,000,000, and there is no reduction
yet, although years have rolled away since that report was
made. Finally we have this bill. In which provision Is made for
Investigating this subject, and I am making these reraarks for
the purpose of calling the attention of the Senate and the
House of Representatives to the question, so that this provi
sion shall reraain In the bill if the bill becoraes a law.
Now, let us see what it Is worth to perforra this service.
The report of Postmaster-General Bissell in 1894, page 53,
shows that the average price paid for carrying mail was 8 cents
a pound. Mr. Wilson, in his report of 1895, on page 31,
makes the same statement. The report of the Postmaster-
General for 1889, page 90, shows that the average haul of
postal raatter was 448 railes. You can raake money carrying
it in wagons at the price paid. The freight rate Into the Black
Hills before the days of the raUroads, a distance of 205 mUes,
was $20 per ton. Yet we are paying $160 per ton for carry
ing the raails a little more than twice that distance.

THE RAILROADS 415
True, we get a greater speed, but because we get the speed
is no answer to the objection to this high rate unless the serv
ice Is worth the price.
Mr. President, the Texas Pacific and Southern Pacific rail
roads carry caps, boots, casslraeres, and hardware frora New
Orleans to San Francisco for eight-tenths of a cent a pound, a
distance of 1,500 railes, three tiraes as far as the average dis
tance the mail is carried, yet we pay 8 cents a pound for carry
ing the mails, or more than ten times as rauch. That, however,
is not express service. But before I get through I will show
that freight rates are but a little larger than those charged for
express service.
The distance from New York to Boston, In round num
bers, is about 250 railes. The Adams Express Company car
ries 100 pounds for a cent a pound, and they carry the same
amount frora New York to Cleveland, a distance of five or six
hundred railes, for a cent and three-quarters a pound.
The weight of the raail between New York and Boston or
New York and Cleveland is greater than the weight carried by
the express corapany on any of Its trains, and yet we pay 8
cents a pound.
But here Is a raore interesting Illustration. Milk Is shipped
by the railroads on the express trains, on the passenger trains,
to New York, a distance of 396 raUes, and the cans returned
for nothing, for one-sixth of a cent a pound, and cream for
one-fourth of a cent a pound, a uniform rate for the whole
distance. In an Investigation had before the Interstate Comraerce
Commission last year, Mr. George R. Blanchard, representing
the roads, testified that the distance could be extended to 1,000
miles with a uniform rate from every station, and that milk
could be carried at a profit for one-sixth of a cent a pound over
the whole distance, and one-fourth of a cent a pound over the
whole distance for cream; yet we pay 8 cents for 448 mUes.
Mr. Joseph H. Choate, who appeared for the railroads in
one of those investigations, stated that a rate of one-half cent
a pound on 40-quart cans of cream, and at one-third of a cent
a pound on 40-quart cans of milk, and half those rates on

4i6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
bottled creara, brought a profit of frora two to three hundred
per cent, and he Insisted on continuing the transportation. The
dairymen near New York objected, and made complaint be
cause the railroads brought the cream 400 miles and the milk
for 400 miles at the same price that they charged for bringing
it 50 or 60 railes. The railroad companies resisted a reduction
of the rates for the long haul, which shows conclusively that
they could do the business at a profit.
Mr. President, the express companies carry 100 pounds
from New York to New Haven for a half cent a pound, to
Boston for i cent a pound, to Cleveland for i Y/^. cents a pound,
to New Orleans for 5 cents a pound, and we pay 8 cents a
pound from New York to New Orleans, when our average
haul Is but 448 miles. The express corapanies will haul ev-
press raatter a thousand railes for 5 cents a pound; they will
carry express packages frora New York to Elizabeth, 25 miles,
for four-tenths of a cent per pound; to Jersey City for one-
quarter of a cent ; and this includes the delivery from doralcile
to doralcile. What raore, Mr. President? As I said, this bill carries
an Item of $3,600,000 for the use of postal cars. Let us see
how the railroads have responded to this generosity on the
part . of the Government ; let us see how they have met these
gifts; let us see how they have felt toward this Government
for Its enorraous contributions, which In the last fifteen years
have araounted to raiUions upon raiUions of dollars.
In the first place, they cheat every time they weigh the
raails. Mr. Wilson. How often is the mail weighed?
Mr. Pettigrew. It Is weighed once in four years, or
oftener If they desire It.
Mr. Wilson. Does the Senator know whether there is
or is not a reweighing?
Mr. Pettigrew. Last spring — I will read first from the
report of the Postmaster-General under the head of "Weigh
ing the Mails," from the report of 1896:

THE RAILROADS 417
The Department takes eveiy precaution at its command to insure
honest weighing of the railroad mails. But this has not prevented one
or two attempts on the part of railroad officials to pad the mails during
the weighing season.
In the case of one of the more important lines the effort to do this
was so clear —
It must have been very clear to awaken that Depart
ment —
and the Department secured through its inspectors such detailed and
damaging evidence that I transmitted the papers to the Attorney-Gen
eral, with request for criminal prosecution.
It must have been a very bad case.
Existing statutes, however, are so defective that some changes in
the criminal law are imperatively necessary to insure the conviction and
adequate punishment of those who attempt or who perpetrate such
frauds on the Government.
What are the facts? The Seaboard Air Line procured 16
tons of public documents, franked by some raember of the
House of Representatives or of the Senate. They can secure
them without the connivance at all of the persons who frank
thera. They ship them back and forth to their station agents.
They ship this franked matter during the weighing season to
a station, and have their agents take out the packages frora
the bags, redirect thera, and raail thera again. So they kept
these 16 tons of frankable raatter going for thirty days. The
Department determined to have a reweighing. They had a
reweighing for thirty days more, and then the railroad cora
pany secured an extra edition of a newspaper that weighed
5 tons; they shipped that back and forth along the line and
distributed it over the Une during the thirty days, and when
the Postmaster-General complained, they asked him what he
was going to do about it. And Mr. McBee, the manager of
the road, asked the Postmaster-General why the Seaboard Air
Line had been singled out as a subject for criticism for stuffing
the mails during the reweighing period, when it was well
known that all railroads practiced the same fraud upon the
Government. So it is the general practice. There is no doubt

4i8 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
about it. Everybody knows It. We do not need to investigate
the raatter rauch to learn that fact.
What is raore, Mr. President, in addition to that they have
set up a maU service of their own. Not only have they carried
their own letters, which is the paying part of the mail service,
but they carry each other's mail and distribute it from one road
to another, and they set up a regular system of post-offices to
carry the railway mail. There is great profit in carrying the
mail which should pay 2 cents postage, and so the railroads
have organized on their own hook a postal system which de
frauds the Governraent out of hundreds of thousands, and I
believe millions, of dollars a year because that branch of the
service, the carrying of letters, is profitable.
In the Postmaster-General's report made In 1896, page
215, attention is called to this point by the Second Assistant
Postmaster-General. It seems at first glance very astonishing
that the Second Assistant Postmaster-General should call at
tention to this matter, but the eraployees began to use this
railroad post-office. The eraployees handling the railway raail
put their own letters into it, and the Second Assistant Post-
raaster-General then began to call attention to the raatter. It
got to be an enorraous abuse. The railroads received nothing
for performing the service. So long as they could do it for
each other, it was a saving of their revenues — these foreign-
owned corporations of ours ; our raasters rather than our serv
ants — and they found no fault, but the very raoraent the era
ployees began extensively to send their letters through the rail
way post-office service, the only way to get around it was to
abolish the systera. So the Second Assistant Postmaster-Gen
eral calls attention to it and asks that legislation may be had
to stop this practice. •
The following from the report of the Postmaster-General
for 1896 Is of Interest In this connection:
It was found upon close investigation, which was brought out more
particularly by the detection of private correspondence being carried on
under the cover of what is known as a "railroad business" envelope, that
in some cases the families of employees were using this method of com
municating with outsiders as well as those connected with the railroads.
A careful investigation also disclosed the fact that the railroad companies

THE RAILROADS 419
themselves were misusing the privileges granted them by the Depart
ment in the character of their own correspondence and acting as inter
mediate carriers of mail between other companies and individuals. In
connection with this misuse of the postal privileges granted the rail
road companies, schemes had been worked out and interchange oifices
had been established which formed a complete system of postal facilities.
July 2, 1896, the Postmaster-General issued Order No. 422, calling
the attention of the railroad companies to the impropriety of their ac
tions in such matter and requesting them to conform to sections 3985
and 3993 of the Revised Statutes, and notifying them that the statutes
would be rigidly enforced.
So this is the response we have received to this enorraous
payraent, to this generous treatraent. They cheat us in regard
to weighing the raails; they set up post-offices of their own, and
a post-office raail service of their own to carry first-class mail
raatter, upon which class of matter there is a large profit to
the Government. If there is a necessity for the reduction of
expenses, here Is a field where economists can profitably ex
ercise their talents.
Mr. President, when the Indian appropriation bill was
under consideration the Senator from New Hampshire [Mr.
Gallinger] was clamorous for economy. He talked about
the deficiency of revenue and the depleted Treasury. He
wanted to strike off an item of four or five thousand dollars
for an Indian school In the West. Here Is a chance for hira
to develop his genius. Here is a chance for hira to exercise
his talents in the interest of real economy, and yet he Is silent
upon this subject. *******
Mr. President, I did not Intend when I rose to discuss this
question to occupy the time I have devoted to It. I intended
simply to call attention to these figures, to these facts, to cora
pare the prices we are paying with the prices individuals pay
for sirailar service, for the purpose of eraphasizing the ira
portance of retaining this provision in the bill, which creates
a coraraission to investigate the frauds connected with this
service. I think, however, that we ought to araend It by pro
viding that not more than 80 per cent of the araount paid last
year shall be paid in the next fiscal year for this service. That

420 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
would strike off one-fifth of the araount we are now paying at
once, and thus save nearly $6,000,000.
I will not raake that raotion, however ; and I will not make
It for the reason that under existing law if the araendraent
offered by the Senator frora North Carolina Is adopted, the
Postraaster-General can apply the reraedy if he pleases, and
I hope he will do so.
*******
The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, resumed the considera
tion of the bill (H. R. 9008) making appropriations for the service of
the Post-Office Department for the fiscal year ending June 30, 1 899,
the pending question being on the amendment of Mr. PETTIGREW.
Mr. Quay. I ask that the amendment of the Senator
from South Dakota [Mr. Pettigrew], Introduced yesterday
evening, be read.
The President pro terapore. The Secretary will read
the pending araendraent.
The Secretary. On page 8, line 6, after the word "dol
lars," it is proposed to insert:
Provided, That the Postmaster General be, and he is hereby, author
ized and directed to readjust the compensation to be paid from and
•after the ist day of Jujy, 1898, for transportation of mails on railroad
routes by reducing the compensation to all railroad companies for the
transportation of mails 20 per cent per annum from the rates for the
transportation of mails on the basis of the average weight heretofore
fixed and allowed by law.
Mr. Pettigrew. Mr. President,^ under this (the Post-
Office appropriation) bill, we appropriate $30,500,000 for
carrying the mails by railroad. In addition, we appropriate
$4,000,000 for postal cars. I propose addressing myself
largely to the appropriation for carrying the mail by weight,
and very slightly to the appropriation for paying for the extra
service of railway postal cars.
In the beginning, after a careful investigation of this evi
dence and of such other evidence as I could secure, I believe
that if the Governraent of the United States should pay only
I. Speech in the Senate June 6, 1898.

THE RAILROADS 421
what it is worth to transport the mails, there would occur no
deficiency in the Post-Office Department. On the contrary,
I believe we could then reduce letter postage to i cent per let
ter, and give to the people of the country. In cheapened post
age, the fifteen or sixteen million dollars which today we give
as a gratuity to the railroads. '
I ara not alone In this position; neither is It a new subject.
On the contrary, the question has been called to the attention
of the people and of the Senate of the United States for years,
and yet we have been unable for twenty years to secure any
reduction in the price paid for carrying the raails.
I read frora the report of the Postraaster-General in 1890,
In which he raakes this stateraent :
In the past twelve years —
That was eight years ago.
*******
^ In the past twelve years no reduction of rates has taken place, though
the freight rates upon all railroads have been steadily lowered. During
this period the weight of the mails has largely increased. It is quite
reasonable to say that the reduction in freight rates generally between
1878 and 1890 is not less than 20 per cent, and in many instances it
is much more. The largest expenditure of the Department is for
transportation. The estimates just sent to the Treasury for the next
fiscal year cover $22,610,128.31 for railroad transportation alone.
Secretary Vilas had previously called attention to this
question, and last winter when It was discussed in the Senate
the senior Senator from Maryland [Mr. Gorman] made this
stateraent :
The fact is, Mr. President, that the great power of these corpo
rations, who control everything, who are powerful enough to make
and unmake public men, is so omnipotent that no executive oflScer has
been found in the last twelve years, except in the single case of Post
master-General Vilas, who has attempted to reduce the compensation for
mail transportation, and within six months after he had left the De
partment every economy which he introduced had been wiped away,
and they received not only what they had received before, but their
compensation was increased, and never, during his long service in this
body — the United States Senate — except in this one instance, did he
know of a Postmaster-General who had made a bona fide effort to con
trol this railroad extortion which everybody knows to exist.

422 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Everybody does know it except the Committee on Appro
priations and the Committee on Post-Offices and Post-Roads.
Mr. President, the statements taken before the Committee
on Appropriations were not evidence. We did not examine
a single witness. The representatives, attorneys, and officers
of the railroads came before the committee and made state
ments, citing their own facts, and then from their own facts
drew their own conclusions; and we occasionally asked them
questions. Yet this Is the sum of the evidence presented.
If they had not made a case showing that the railroad com
panies were getting too little for carrying the mails, the cora
panies that employed them would have discharged thera from
their service. What more did we do? We took the state
ment of the Second Assistant Postraaster-General and his
clerks, and every word they said is now erabraeed In the state
raents of the railroad attorneys who appeared before us. I
can not but entertain the behef, after hearing the statements
of the railroad attorneys, that they also wrote the report of
the Post-Office Department. There exists an absolute parallel.
Their arguments are identical. They follow the same line.
There Is no variation, and I have reason for making this asser
tion Independent of the parallel between the statement of the
Department and the stateraent of the railroad attorneys.
Eight years previous to the incurabency of the present Ad
ministration, and through Harrison's Administration, J.
Lowrle BeU was the Second Assistant Postmaster-General. He
had been in the employ of a railroad corapany as freight or
traffic raanager and resigned a position with twice or three
times the salary of that of Second Assistant Postmaster-Gen
eral to assume the duties of the latter office; and when his
four years expired and Cleveland came to appoint his suc
cessor, J. Lowrle Bell went again to the railroad corapany and
Is today in the employ of the company. His successor was
Mr. Neilson.
Mr. Sewell. WiU the Senator frora South Dakota allow
rae to Interrupt hira? It is well to state facts. J. Lowrle BeU
was out of eraployraent by the failure of his road at that time.
He was not in the service of any railroad when appointed, and

THE RAILROADS 423
he was the man above all others in this country who knew his
business in relation to transportation.
Mr. Pettigrew. It Is barely possible that at the tirae he
was appointed he was teraporarily out of raUroad eraployraent.
Mr. Neilson succeeded hira. He was a railroad raan. He
was then employed as a railroad superintendent, receiving a
large salary, when Cleveland selected him. He resigned to
become Second Assistant Postraaster-General. I understand
that since he has departed he has again gone into the railroad
service. Last year we had an investigation before the Coraraittee
on Appropriations, and here is a part of the testiraony. I read
frora the testiraony taken before the Coraraittee on Appropria
tions last year. Mr. Neilson was before the coraraittee.
Mr. Sewell. Will the Senator allow rae to interrupt hira
again ? We had better confine these things to facts. Mr. Neil
son is not In railroad service, and has not been. He is a patent
lawyer In Washington, I think, at the present tirae.
Mr. Pettigrew. I have understood that he had gone
again into railroad service. However, I will read Mr. Neil-
son's testiraony:
You told us something of your business before you went into the
Post-Office. Mr. Neilson. Yes.
Senator Pettigrew. What was that?
Mr. Neilson. I was in the railroad service.
Senator Pettigrew. What railroads?
Mr. Neilson. I was on the Northern Pacific and on the Erie.
I was on the Erie for twelve years and on the Cincinnati, Hamilton and
Dayton for eight years.
Senator Pettigrew. Which road did you leave at the time you
went into the Department?
Mr. Neilson. The Cincinnati, Hamilton and Daytofi.
Senator Pettigrew. What is the full name of that road?
Mr. Neilson. The Cincinnati, Hamilton and Dayton.
Senator Pettigrew. What was your position on that road?
Mr. Neilson. General superintendent of the road.
Senator Pettigrew. Who was your predecessor in the Post-Of
fice service?
Mr. Neilson. Mr. J. Lowrie Bell.

424 THE COURStL uF t^MflKt.
Senator Cullom. He was a railroad man, too, was he not, or
had been?
Mr. Neilson. He is now the general traffic manager of the Cen
tral Railroad of New Jersey.
It Is hardly necessary to coraraent further upon that sub
ject, Mr. President. We will try to confine ourselves to the
facts. I said I understood Mr. Neilson had gone into the
service of a railroad corapany. If that is not correct, then my
information was incorrect; but Mr. J. Lowrie Bell, his pre
decessor, did enter the service of a railroad corapany, and Mr.
Neilson resigned as superintendent of a railroad corapany to
go Into the Departraent.
Now, what Is there further? When Mr. McKInley's Ad
rainistration carae in it was not deeraed a good plan to continue
the eraployraent of a railroad official in this position. The
attention of the country had been called to the fact. Neither
was it necessary, as the facts show, for the railroads controlled
all the Departraent clerks, all the subordinates. They went
up into Pennsylvania and got, no doubt, a very estimable gen
tleman, a cashier In a b^-nk, perhaps clever, and a reasonably
capable raan. He has been captured, as any nuraber of the
heads of our Departraents are captured by the clerks beneath
thera, as every Senator knows, and the inforraation he has
given us is the information of his subordinates, and it contra
dicts itself. It is inforraation fumished hira by those era
ployees who were put into the Departraent when the railroad
officers were at the head of it. That is all there is to It.
Now, let us see how it will bear investigation. The web
spun by the railroad attorneys and representatives who ap
peared before the investigation coraraittee was Ingenious, in
tended to cloud the situation, intended to befog the people.
It was so constmcted that a layraan could not understand It;
that the terras used by railroad officers would be such that It
would be difficult to coraprehend their real raeaning. The
sarae terras, the sarae effort to befog the situation, the sarae
coraparisons absolutely are used all the way through by the
officers of the Departraent.
It seems to rae that this is one of the clearest, plainest.

THE RAILROADS 425
easiest probleras in the world to solve. The Second Assistant
Postraaster-General says that rates have decUned 49 per cent
in fifteen years, and then he proceeds to juggle with figures In
order to sustain and substantiate that proposition. It requires
no juggling with figures to ascertain whether or not the price
for carrying the raails, charged by the railroads, and paid by
the Governraent, has declined. All we have to do Is to ascer
tain the araount we appropriated fifteen years ago and the
amount we propose to appropriate this year, and then find
the weight of the mail. It is a pure, siraple question of divi
sion, and yet if anyone will read the stateraent of Mr. White, to
Mr. Shallenberger, the Second Assistant Postraaster-General,
he will wade through page after page of per cent, per ton, per
raile, and space and raotive power, and all sorts of stuff of
that kind, finally to conclude, after pages of figures misleading,
intended to raislead, that the rate has decUned 49 per cent In
fifteen years.
I sent to the Post-Office Departraent and asked them to
furnish me figures showing the weight of the raaUs. I can
myself get frora the- appropriation act what we pay for carry
ing the mails. That made it not a difficult question to solve.
For instance, in the first place. In 1890 Mr. Wanaraaker had
the raails weighed, and he reports in his official report that
they weighed 369,000,000 pounds. The total weight for 1897
was five hundred and twenty-eight raillion and sorae hundreds
of thousands of pounds. In 1897 we paid to the railroads for
transporting the raails $30,788,000.
Now, assuming that the railroads carried every pound of
mail, calculating that the railroads carried all the mail, and
that the star-route and stearaship corapanies did not carry any,
and that no mail was distributed through the cities without
being transported by railroads — and there is, no doubt, a vast
bulk of that raail — the cost per pound in 1897 would be 5 4-5
cents. It is a siraple matter of division. In 1890 the cost for
railroad transportation was $21,106,000. The weight was
365,000,000 pounds. Therefore it cost to transport the raails
5 7-9 cents per pound. So In eight years there has been no
decUne whatever In the cost of transporting railroad raails, yet

426 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the Second Assistant Postmaster-General tells us in a statement
which is pubUshed In the Record that the decline has been 49
per cent in fifteen years.
Let us go back fifteen years and see. In 1884, fourteen
years ago, the weight of the mail was 196,000,000 pounds.
Dividing the compensation received, $12,750,000, It gives
6 2-5 cents a pound. There has been, then, according to his
own figures, a decline from 6 2-5 cents to 5 4-5 cents a pound,
or a decline of a slight fraction over half a cent a pound. This
decline was brought about In the way he states, no doubt. It
was brought about by the fact that the ratio of compensation
decreases as the weight increases. In other words, where
trains carry over 5,000 pounds a day, they get a slightly less
rate per pound than where they carry less than 5,000 pounds
a day. So this very slight decrease has occurred In the manner
mentioned. It seems to me that the best coraparison which can be raade
with this service Is a coraparison between what the railroads
charge for carrying express and what they charge for carrying
mail. Express is carried on passenger trains entirely and ex
clusively. It Is collected by the corapany and delivered to the
train, the same as In the case of the mail. Mail Is carried on
passenger trains. So Is express matter. Where the express
business is small it is done In a baggage car, and there is where
the mail is handled. I will corroborate this by the testimony
of Mr. Weir.
There is nothing stipulated in our contract as to facilities that we
shall have, but it is generally understood, for illustration, that on local
trains we shall have so much of the baggage car, but always with the
reservation that if the amount of baggage presented should prove to be
greater than the space allotted to baggage they would have the right
to occupy the express space.
v^ W 1^ W 'P V ^
If the average business warrants the use of a baggage car only, or
the unoccupied space in a baggage car, that is allowed to us. If our
business is greater than that they will put on a car If, now, the busi
ness decreases so that there is no necessity for a car, we will be relegated
back to the baggage car again. We have no right to call for a car
and have that car every day unless we can fill it.

THE RAILROADS 427
The maU is carried in the baggage car, but if the quantity
becoraes too great to carry in a baggage car, a raail car is put
on. Mr. Weir says:
The actual working of it is that, first, if our business has grown so as
to require more space, a larger baggage car is put on, taken from some
other branch of service, which car is at that time ample for our busi
ness, and when that has become insufficient for our business, they give
us a small express car, which we can come pretty near filling.
The raail is carried in the sarae kind of cars that express
matter is assigned to.
A great deal has been said about the difference between
mail and express cars; about the fact that a raail car contains
an outfit of furniture. The question was asked Mr. Weir, and
he said, "Yes, express Is carried in cars built for the purpose,
with passenger trucks." If it were not, they could not run In
passenger trains.
Then Senator Allison asked :
Is there any special sort of construction for an express car?
Mr. Weir. No.
Mr. Faulkner. A stove and a lamp, he says, is all that it con
tains. That was In regard to furniture. That is the furniture in
an express car. Then Senator Allison asked :
They are freight cars, are they?
Mr. Weir answered :
Well, they are on passenger trucks. The running gear is the same
as that of a passenger car.
Now, what more? I find in the railway report for the
State of New York for 1896 a stateraent which I wIU read.
It gives the average cost of cars — first, passenger cars; second,
second-class passenger cars ; third, baggage, raail, and express
cars. Baggage, raaU, and express cars are placed under one
head as costing practically the sarae. These are reports from
the railroad corapanies in the State of New York. There are
eleven companies who report. The average cost of the bag
gage, mail, and express cars, according to this statement, is

428 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
$2,323, and the express car and mail car are put under the
sarae head.
Mr. Sewell. Will the Senator allow rae to raake a sug
gestion to hira? The baggage, mail, and express car is all
one car. It has a compartment for raail, a corapartraent for
baggage, and a corapartraent for express raatter In the sarae
car. Mr. Pettigrew. I understand that perfectly. They
explain that that Is the case where their business Is not great
enough to warrant an exclusive car for the express raatter and
an exclusive raail car.
Mr. Sewell. There Is a separate space, perhaps 10 feet
by 12, allotted to the mail departraent for the raessenger and
the boxes, and It raakes no difference whether the car carries
5 or 500 pounds of raail.
******:([
Mr. Pettigrew. Under the head, I say, of the average
cost of cars the New York railroads, eleven of thera, accord
ing to the railway report of New York for 1896, put baggage
cars, mail cars, and express cars under the same head, and the
average cost per car was $2,323 each.
Some of them cost as low as $1,500, and the highest
$3,600. The Postraaster-General for the purpose of exploit
ing the importance of the raail cars testifies In his stateraent
that they cost $6,000 each. All the way through his testiraony
contains stateraents of that sort for the purpose of raisleading,
and (I will leave it to any Senator who will read his state
raent) for the plain and apparent purpose of raaking out a
case for the railroads.
According to the stateraent of the Second Assistant Post- ,
raaster-General, and of Mr. White, Superintendent of the
Railway Mail Service, we paid last year for the use of these
cars $6,250 apiece, while they cost but $2,323. Yet they
talk about the wonderful service they are furnishing. I do
not intend to go into that branch of the subject, however,
but I do Intend to hold this discussion down to the question of
the corapensation for the raail that is carried by weight. Why?

THE RAILROADS 429
Because, eliminating postal cars from the discussion, the busi
ness becomes an express business, and the question whether
they have too rauch or too little pay for hauling the cars is a
question that Is not alUed to the corapensation for transporting
the mails for this reason :
The compensation for transporting mail by the pound was
fixed before there were any postal cars in the service. After
wards we added that faciUty. When we added it we fixed the
corapensation, and you can depend upon it, Mr. President,
if it was not araple, and raore than araple, the railroads would
never have accepted it. They did accept it, and that is another
branch of this case. For the purpose of elirainatlng that
question, in order to raake a coraparison between the raail
service and the express service, I discuss siraply the corapensa
tion for transporting the raail, and not for the extra facilities.
Let us see what further parallel there is. Express raes
sengers are carried free. So are the postal clerks In the Rail
way Mail Service. In raany cases the baggage raen handle the
raail. So do they handle the express. Mr. Weir testifies what
I shaU read. I asked hira this question :
You employ the employees of the railroads sometimes as express
agents ?
Mr. Weir. Yes.
Senator Pettigrew. Do you pay them extra besides what the
roads pay them ?
Mr. Weir. In some cases; in most of the cases. In some of the
cases it is stipulated by the railroad company that they will furnish
the service. I suppose that the Government pays nothing extra when
a railroad official handles the mail, and this creates a slight
variation frora the parallel, but in some instances they handle
the express matter without any extra corapensation.
Mr. Weir says the railroads furnish storehouses or store
express raatter In their stations^ — that they furnish the space.
So do the raUroad corapanies store the raail. There is an
exact parallel in that case except that at great terralnal points
the railroad puts in sidetracks for the express corapany and
buUds a warehouse whUe at the great terralnal points the Gov-

430 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
ernraent of the United States takes the mail direct frora the
cars to the post-offices without any expense whatever to the
railroad corapany.
Well, they allege that there is a wonderful difference In
furniture; that an express car has a larap and a stove. Is this
a wonderful difference? It is so sUght that the New York
railroads did not think it worth while to mention It in esti
mating or stating the average cost of cars. What Is the differ
ence between the furniture of raail and of express cars? It
consists of pigeonholes and a rack upon which to hang raail
bags. This is the great difference so rauch talked about in the
stateraents before the committee between an express car and
a raail car.
The express matter Is always taken, as I understand it,
frora the railroad by the express corapany and delivered to the
railroad by the express corapany, but the mail is not always
handled in that way. Where the post-office Is within 80 rods
of the deport the raail is delivered by the railroad corapany.
Where the distance Is greater than 80 rods It is handled by the
Governraent. At all great stations where it is expensive to
handle the raaU it is raore than 80 rods frora the depot. In
every great city — in every one, without exception — the Gov
ernraent handles the mail to and frora the railroad trains.
Here Is an Itera, then, the cost of transporting mail from
train to depot or to the post-office at the small station, where
the parallel is broken. But what does it araount to? On the
Louisville & Nashville road it costs the Governraent, on an
average, $46 to carry raail frora the train to the post-office and
back for every single station, except the eight great cities,
where the corapensation of course is very rauch larger. In
other words, for 221 stations the Govemment pays an average
of $46 a year for transporting mail from the station to the
post-office where the distance is over 80 rods.
Mr. Teller. The Senator stated that the express com
panies carry their express matter frora the cars. They not
only do that, but they send around the town and gather it up
and then send It to the cars. So they do raore.

THE RAILROADS 43 1
Mr. Pettigrew. That is a subject I wiU get to.
Mr. Faulkner. I suppose the Senator frora South Da
kota means the $46 at each of those stations he raentions on
the LouisviUe & Nashville Is paid by the Governraent not to
the railroads, but to the raessenger service.
Mr. Pettigrew. The Governraent hires its own raes
sengers to carry the raail to and frora the depot for 229 post-
offices on the Louisville & Nashville road, and for supplying
those post-offices it pays about $58,000.
Mr. Faulkner. That Is to the raessenger service, not to
the railroads.Mr. Pettigrew. Not to the railroads. I ara going to
show what the corapensation Is that the railroads have to pay
for this service. There are 229 post-offices where the Gov
ernraent supplies the service frora the train to the post-office.
Eight of these are great cities like Louisville, Cincinnati, Mo
bile, New Orleans, Lexington, Nashville, Memphis, Evans
ville, all of them large cities, and in those great cities the com
pensation is between $46,000 and $48,000 per year for raes
senger service,/but for the 221 post-offices it Is $10,300 a year,
or $46 for each office. Now, why Is it so small? Because a
great raany of these post-offices carry the raail for nothing;
the postmaster performs the service.
In the United States there are 20,000 post-offices which
are supplied by the railroads and 7,000 which are supplied by
the Government. Taking the Louisville & Nashville road as
the data from which to raake our calculation, and it Is the only
data we have, for it Is the only road that gave us this evidence,'
It appears that if the Governraent should pay the sarae for all
the post-offices, for all of the 7,000, that it pays In this case
for the rate per office for the 229 offices on the Louisville &
Nashville road. It is $252 per year.
That erabraces the $16,000 paid In Cincinnati and the $48,-
000 paid in the nine offices. It would, therefore, raake the
compensation the Government pays for transporting the raail
frora the railroad to the post-offices In the 7,000 stations $1,-
778,000, whUe the Second Assistant Postraaster-General testi
fies that we pay over $1,000,000 for the service. Therefore

432 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the average in the case of the Louisville & Nashville road is
very rauch higher than the average for the 7,000 offices.
Mr. Faulkner. Mr. President, I think the Senator
frora South Dakota ought to be fair to the Second Assistant
Postraaster General. That officer said it was over a raillion.
He did not say how rauch. He had no figures, but he said they
paid over a million for the 7,000 post-offices.
Mr. Pettigrew. Yes ; that is correct.
Mr. Faulkner. He had no figures.
Mr. Pettigrew. No. It was not hard to get figures, I
suppose. Buf If it is over a raillion dollars It naturally would
be supposed that an officer would state soraewhere near the
figure. Nearly two raillion Is not very close to one raillion.
However, I ara using this siraply as a raatter of corapari
son. I say that according to these figures the rate Is too high.
If It Is only over a raillion, these figures work out $1,778,000,
and that places the country offices outside of the great cities
at $46 per annura. Therefore, figuring the 20,000 offices
which the railroads supply at $46 per annum — and many of
those are siraple catch stations, where the train does not stop
at all, but catches a bag as It passes — the compensation the
railroads pay for getting the mail frora their trains to the post-
offices is only $920,000; and yet all through this testimony
they raake great ado over the transportation of the raail from
the railroad to the post-office. Out of a total compensation
carried by this bill of $34,500,000, $30,500,000 for the weight
of the mail and $4,000,000 for the cars, they make a great fuss
about this $920,000, which they pay for carrying the maU from
the cars to the post-offices.
Mr. Faulkner. I should like to understand the Senator
there. I do not exactly catch the way in which he reached his
conclusion. The evidence before us was that the cost of this
service, In the opinion of the Department, was $3,000,000 to
the railroads; but they claira, and in the testiraony of one of
the witnesses for the railroads It was clairaed, that It cost four
million five hundred and sorae odd thousand dollars. Figuring
on the two hundred and odd routes on the Louisville & Nash-

THE RAILROADS 433
ville, I do not see how lit I^ possible that 20,000 should cost the
Governraent so rauch less than 7,000 for the Governraent.
Mr. Pettigrew. Mr. Shallenberger stated the cost —
Mr. Faulkner. His opinion was that it cost about $3,-
000,000. Mr. Pettigrew. Here Is just what he did say:
Mr. Shallenberger. No; but I know it costs us over $1,000,000
for the 7,000 post-offices. On that basis it would be $3,000,000 per year
or over for the railroads. They estimate it at over $4,000,000 a year.
This Is the kind of testiraony they furnish us — no data, no
figures — simply a conclusion; and whose conclusion is it? Sira
ply the railroads' and nobody else's conclusion ; for, taking the
Louisville & NashviUe road as data, leaving out the great sta
tions, 221 post-offices cost $46 apiece. Now, as the railroad
corapany does not carry the raail in the great cities from the
post-office to the cars, you must leave out the great cities. They
are left out. Not one of them Is Included In the 20,000 offices
which they supply. Figuring those 20,000 offices at $46 apiece,
you have $920,000 which it costs thera to transport the raail
frora station to post-office. If this Is not correct, it is all the
data they have furnished us. We have nothing but the raate
rial they furnish us from which to draw our conclusion.
Mr. Spooner. Will the Senator allow me to ask him a
question? This is a subject about which I know absolutely
nothing, but it has occurred to rae that it is entirely corapetent
for the Senate to make an exhaustive investigation of the sub
ject, to authorize a coraraittee or a coraraission to explore it
thoroughly, to send for persons and papers and put witnesses
under oath, and be able to lay before the Senate the exact facts.
Has that been done at any time ?
Mr. Faulkner. We have provided in this bill for that
very investigation.
Mr. Spooner. I did not know it had been provided for.
Mr. Faulkner. It has been adopted.
Mr. Pettigrew. Last year the Coraraittee on Appro
priations brought In a provision of that nature, and the Sen
ate struck it out at the instigation of the Coramittee on Post-

434 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Offices and Post-Roads. The Coraraittee on Post-Offices and
Post-Roads, I think, have never raade sucli an investigation.
They are too busy, as our coraraittees generaUy are, to enter
into an elaborate and extensive investigation of these ques
tions; and although the clamor has been here constantly for
years and years, we are unable to secure an investigation. The
provision we have Inserted here will go to a conference and
perhaps be stricken out. In the meantime are there facts
enough to warrant us in reducing this compensation?
Now, that is the question. Are there facts enough? To
ray raind they are araple. There has been no reduction by law
for twenty years. It is fair to corapare the corapensation
these railroads receive frora the Government with the com
pensation they charge the express companies, because there is
almost a coraplete parallel between the two services. When
I asked these railroad lawyers who carae before us to furnish
their express contracts, they all promised to do it, and not one
of them did it. One of thera said: "Give us a week and we
will furnish thera." We gave thera a week. In fact, this was
on the 22d day of last raonth.
Mr. Cullom. I think the Senator is not quite stating the
fact as to the proraise on the part of the companies to furnish
the contracts. I think the gentlemen who were before us stated
that they were not authorized to promise any such thing, but
they would be glad to do, It if those in authority were wUling.
Mr. Pettigrew. Sorae of thera said they would do it,
and sorae of them made the stateraent the Senator makes.
However, I care nothing about that question. They did not
do it. We could not get it. What I wanted was the weight
of the express carried and the corapensation to the railroads
for carrying it, and I could not get it frora anybody, as Sena
tors know. They would not testify. They talked about dis
closing their business. Mr. Weir talked about letting other
corapanies know what they were doing; and the railroads
would not furnish it and did not furnish It. I could not get
the inforraation.
Mr. Faulkner. If the Senator frora South Dakota will
perrait rae, I will state that the testiraony is conclusive frora

THE RAILROADS 435
all sources that the miniraura price paid to the raUroads by the
express corapany is 40 per cent of the gross receipts, and that
it varies from that up to 60 per cent. Now, that Is conclu-
sive; and the Senator ought to do justice to the president of
the Adarns Express Company, who said that he did not think
it was fair to ask hira. In a collateral Investigation he had no
interest In, to show his contract. He stated to the coraraittee
that there were not two contracts of the sarae character; that
the corapensation was not the sarae with any two roads; and
that it would disclose entirely the private business of that com
pany in a matter in which they had no interest before Congress.
Mr. Pettigrew. WeU, Mr. President, it matters not
what explanations are raade, we did not secure the inforraa
tion. We tried to get it. Now, how are we going to deter
mine It? The express matter Is carried on the same train with
the mail. It is carried for 40 per cent of the gross receipts of
the express company. For that 40 per cent they carry ex
press agents free. Where an express agent does not go, some
times they hire and employ the baggageman of the railroad
company. Soraetiraes they pay him, and sometimes their con
tract provides that the railroad company shall pay him and
his services shall be given to the express corapany for nothing.
Therefore we have a fair basis of coraparison.
But fortunately In 1890 the express companies furnished
this Information for the census^ I asked Mr. Weir If he
furnished the figures in the census report for the Adams Ex
press Corapany in 1890, and he said he believed he did. So
we have this authenticated in the figures of the express busi
ness of this corapany for 1 890. Now, let us see what they say :
The number of express freight waybills was 44,475,000.
Packages carried, not valuable, like second-class mail matter, 98,-
1 1 8,000. Weight of the same in pounds, 3,292,000,000.
Number of valuable waybills, 11,614,000.
Number of valuable packages, 17,258,000.
Number of money orders, 4,598,000.
Now, let us see. The express corapanies carried 3,292,-
000,000 pounds of express raatter, not counting the 17,000,-

436 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
ooo packages of valuable raatter. Giving them the benefit as
far as weight is concerned, and throwing in the 17,000,000
packages of valuable matter, we find that they paid the rail
roads for transporting everything $19,327,000, which is 5
28-33 mills per pound. In other words, the railroad cora
panies received for transporting express matter in 1890 one-
tenth what we paid per pound for carrying maU raatter last
year, giving them the benefit, throwing in the weight of all the
17,000,000 valuable packages. The express companies paid a
little less than 6 mills per pound, while the United States paid
for carrying the raails a little less than 6 cents per pound, or
$30,000,000 for a service which the railroads would have done
for the express corapanies for $3,000,000.
The railroad attorneys say the reason there is no compari
son between the express business and the mail business Is be
cause the express is in bulk, large packages, carloads.
In the statement made by the LouisviUe & Nashville road,
which was read and placed in the Record, there is this state
ment: There are probably more apparent points of comparison between
the express service and the mail service than between any, other, but
even here there are only a few common factors.
Then what does Mr. Knott say?
To relieve our minds of the erroneous impression that there is some
common standard by which the express service and the mail service may
be measured we have only to consider the fact that much of the ex
press service is in fact simply the expeditious movement of perishable
freights, being solid carloads of fruits or vegetables, sometimes solid
through carloads of fine stock, and not infrequently solid carloads of
merchandise. Now, let us see. According to the census report of 1890,
the express companies of this country sent 115,000,000 pack
ages, and the total weight of all the packages not counting 17,-
000,000 of them as weighing anything because their weight is
not given, was 3,292,000,000 pounds. Dividing the 3,292,-
000,000 pounds of weight by the 115,000,000 packages, we
find that the average weight of express packages was 28
pounds. Yet we are regaled with this statement, which is

THE RAILROADS 437
deeraed worthy to be put into the Record upon which to rest
their case, that most of the express matter is in carload lots —
great quantities of vegetables and fruit. Why, Mr. President,
fruit does not go as express matter, and this raUroad manager
knows It. It goes as fast freight. Fruit and perishable stuff
coraes to the North as fast freight; not as express. Occasion
ally a Uttle is sent by express, but the average weight of express
packages sent In this country in 1890 was 28 pounds.
Again we have a parallel between the raail and the express,
and what is raore, the corapensation received for these express
packages was 16 2-3 cents apiece. Yet you wIU find all through
the stateraent of these lawyers that they never carry a package
for less than 25 cents by express. Then proceed to figure
what the result would be If they got 25 cents apiece for all the
packages they carried. Here, then, is a service perforraed
on the same trains, and In an identical manner, for which the
Government of the United States pays 5 4-5 cents per pound
and the express corapanies pay 5 28-33 ™Us.
In other words, the Government pays ten times as much
per pound for carrying the mails, to say nothing about the
railway postal car service, as the express corapanies pay; and
yet the recipients of this bounty insist that we are not paying
enough. The fact Is we are paying ten tiraes too rauch. If
we paid the $4,000,000 for the use of the cars and $3,000,000
for the weight of the raail, we would pay for the mail in pro
portion to Its weight what the express companies are paying
today. But granting them five tiraes that and paying thera
$15,000,000, there would be a saving of $15,000,000 to the
Governraent and the Treasury, and we would then pay five
tiraes what the express corapanies pay for their transportation.
The Second Assistant Postraaster-General takes up the
question of paying for hauUng passengers, and says that is the
proper basis of comparison. Then he proceeds to say that
on the Pennsylvania RaUroad they carry thirty passengers to
a car at 2 cents a mile per passenger. The raUroad corapany
would receive 60 cents a car per raile for carrying that car
with those passengers, while we only pay thera, he says, 26
cents for carrying the mail car, aod therefore the corapensa-

438 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
tion is too Uttle. The whole stateraent is full of just such rais
leading parallels as that.
The Interstate Coramerce report shows that the average
trainload of passengers In this country is only 45, with 5 cars
in a train, which would be 9 persons to a car, and therefore, at
2 cents a mile, the railroads would get 18 cents a raile, while
the Governraent pays, according to the official figures quoted,
26 cents. I say that is the sort of stuff the Second Assistant
Postraaster-General, coached by the railroad eraployees In the
Departraent, has retailed to us as evidence in this case.
You will find on certain railroads in this country that they
carry 40 people to a car. Is that any basis for calculation?
Another thing. The corapensation for carrying passengers is
not only for carrying the passenger over a mile of track, but
for securing the business, soliciting, station agents, passenger
stations, advertising, railroad offices, and all the attendant
expenses ; more than half of all the revenue received goes for
procuring the business, and yet the Second Assistant Postmas
ter-General stands up before our committee and tells us that
is the only sort of service with which you can draw a correct
parallel. Aside from that, incident to the passenger service Is
the baggage car, which he did not take into consideratioh.
They have to haul. Incident to the passenger service, a dining
car, and Incident to It all Is the sleeping car.
He goes on then to isolate a car on the Pennsylvania Rail
road, and says they can carry 30 passengers, making a rate a
little less than 2 cents a mile for a passenger, which would be
58 and some fractions of a cent per raile, while the Governraent
pays only 26 cents. That sort of evidence, given intentionally
and purposely to deceive the coramittee, is the basis upon which
the raajority of the coraraittee make this report.
Now, let us see. The Governraent charges i cent a pound
for second-class raail, and we pay the railroad companies about
5 4-5 cents for carrying the sarae raail. The express compa
nies compete with the Government for a distance of 500
railes all over the United States at i cent per pound. In other
words, they will carry express packages for less than a cent a
pound, seeking to drive the Governraent out of the business;

THE RAILROADS 439
and that Includes their compensation from domicile to doral
cile, from house to house, over a distance of 500 miles.
The express companies will take freight, take packages,
take express business, for i cent a pound. What is their rate?
From New York to New Haven It is three-fourths of a cent
per pound; to Boston it Is i cent; to Philadelphia, three-fourths
of a cent; to Cleveland, i>4 cents; to Cincinnati, 2 cents, whUe
on the long distances they can not compete.
Here is the cause of the effort to Increase the pay for sec
ond-class mail matter. If they could Increase that compensa
tion and raake the Government charge more for second-class
raatter, the three hundred and sorae odd raillion pounds of maU
raatter which goes as second-class would be driven to the ex
press companies and would thus enlarge their receipts. So
they made the effort to secure the Increase of corapensation for
second-class mail matter.
The Government can carry second-class raail raktter, at a
profit, at I cent a pound all over the United States, without
reference to distance, if it only pays the railroad corapanies
what the express corapanies pay them for doing their service.
This concession ought to be made. We ought to reduce the
rate to the railroads on second-class matter, so that frora sta
tion to station throughout the United States, without reference
to distance, we would pay less than i cent a pound, or six-
tenths of a cent, which the express corapanies pay. I say this
for the reason that the express companies now corapete with
the Government within a radius of 500 miles. The average
distance the mail is carried is 328 miles. Therefore, without
reference to distance, there Is a profit In carrying the raaU at
I cent a pound if we pay the railroad corapanies only what the
express corapanies pay.
But let us see what the Second Assistant Postraaster-Gen
eral gave us on this subject. It is rather interesting, and I call
especial attention to this branch of his testiraony. He first
goes on to say :
Each road gets a certain rate per mile per annum of its mileage.
Perhaps I had better read a paragraph from the very carefully pre-

440 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
pared statistics of Captain White, the General Superintendent of the
Railway Mail Service. He says :
"By taking into consideration all the routes above mentioned and
making them overland routes between New York, N. Y., and San
Francisco, Cal., we get these figures: The Government pays for the
transportation of the mail $4,265,267.23 ; for the use of cars, $833,-
812.30; making a total cost per annum for transportation and cars,
$5,099,079.53 . The average weight carried daily the whole distance is
100,295 pounds. The distance as figured from New York to San
Francisco is 3,554.84 miles. By dividing the total cost for transporta
tion and cars by 365 we get $I3,9'70 as the daily cost, whole weight,
whole distance.
"This divided by the weight carried ( 100,295) gives 1-256 of a cent,
being the daily cost per pound per mile. This multiplied by the distance
(3,554.84 miles) gives $0.1389, being the daily cost per pound for
the whole distance; that is, between New York and San Francisco.
The figures for transportation alone would be for the daily cost, whole
weight, whole distance, $11,685.66; for the daily cost per mile, whole
weight, $3.28 ; for the daily cost per pound per mile about 1-305 of a
cent, and the daily cost per pound for the whole distance would be
$0.1165." I call attention to the conclusion. He says :
In other words, if we include in that computation the post ofiice
cars, the daily cost per. pound is nearly 14 cents for the whole distance.
Exclusive of the post-office cars it is nearly 12 cents a pound.
Then he proceeds to corapare that with the express charges,
in order to show that the railroads are carrying the mail for
less than what the express companies will carry it. Here is
the fallacy and folly and falsehood of his whole arguraent
plainly and clearly exposed:
I have here the latest tariff rate of the Adams Express Company from
Washington, D. C. I open it at Alabama. I find the rates from
Washington to Abbeville $3.25 per 100 pounds, and to Abbeville Junc
tion, $3.75; to Arlington, $4; to Bear Creek, $4.50; to Deef Park, $4;
to Delmar, $4.50; to Guntersville, $4 — all per 100 pounds.
Turning to Arizona, I find the rate to Alhambra from Washington,
D. C, to be $15.75 per 100 pounds for merchandise by express. Here is
another point — Canyon Diablo, $12.50 per 100 pounds; Yuma, $14.25
per 100 pounds, and so on.
Turning to Arkansas, I find various rates to various points — ^4.75
per 100 pounds to one point, $5.50 per 100 pounds to another point, $3

THE RAILROADS 44 1
per loo pounds to another point, making, say, about an average of
$4 per loo pounds for Arkansas.
I will now read what he says as to the rate between San
Francisco and New York, for there is where he has figured out
what we pay for carrying the mails. He says :
Our rate from New York to San Francisco — and I think it is
about the same from Washington to San Francisco — is $11.65 per
100 pounds.
Senator Allison. As against their $14 or $15?
Mr. Shallenberger. As again their $15; or to other points on
that coast, still higher sums.
In other words, he shows that we pay for carrying the maU,
exclusive of the raail car, nearly 12 cents a pound, while the
express corapany charges 15 cents to San Francisco. Is that an
honest basis of comparison? Let us see. We are comparing
what the express company pays for service and what the United
States pays for service. It has been agreed on all hands that
the express company-; — and Mr. Weir states It in his testiraony
— pays 40 per cent of Its receipts. If the express companies
charge $15 a hundred for carrying express matter frora New
York to San Francisco, the railroad corapanies would get 40
per cent of $15, or just $6, out of it; and yet Mr. Shallen
berger, without raaking any explanation whatever, and know
ing these facts, stated to the coramittee that we pay 12 cents
and the express corapany charges 15 cents.
Mr. Quay: If the Senator will allow rae to intermpt
hira, I desire to say that the Senator from South Dakota was
present in the coramittee when the stateraent was raade.
Mr. Pettigrew : But I did not rayself notice the discrep
ancy until I began to examine the testimony, when I read it,
and I believe every other member of the committee was de
ceived the sarae as I was. I know the Senator frora West Vir
ginia [Mr. Faulkner] was so deceived, for I have since
talked with him about it. It seemed to me that that was a
just basis of coraparison at the tirae.
It is rather difficult for a person not experienced in raatters
of this character to go through a lot of such testiraony and
get at the facts, where the absolute purpose is to deceive and

442 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
raislead. If the testimony was not so full of raisleading
statements, I would not make these comments in regard to
it. I know ray strictures are rather severe upon the Depart
raent, but they are borne out by the testiraony of the officers
of the Departraent themselves. Now let us see. He goes on
with further comparisons. He says :
Now, take the rate from New York to Ogden. The express quo
tations to Ogden are $10.25 per 100 pounds; to Frisco, Utah, they
would be $12.75.
The mail compensation from New York to Ogden is $8.61 per 100
pounds, the distance being 2,198 miles.
And the railroad company receives from the express cora
pany, from New York to Ogden, at 40 per cent of its receipts,
$4.08 a hundred pounds, and the Government pays $8.61 per
100 pounds, according to the figures of the Second Assistant
Postraaster-General himself; yet he would have us believe that
the raUroad corapany gets $10.25 for carrying express raatter
and $8.61 for carrying the raail. But here is raore Interesting
stuff: Mr. Shallenberger. From New York to Omaha, Neb., the mail
compensation is $4.37 per 100 pounds. The express charge is $4.25 per
100 pounds.
Therefore the express company pays the railroad com
pany for an exactly parallel service 40 per cent of $4.25, which
is $1.70; and the Government pays for carrying, the mail $4.31
per hundred pounds.
But, Mr. President, a more Interesting case is the follow
ing: From New York to Chicago I find the mail compensation rate $3.51
per 100 pounds. The actual compensation paid, as shown in the table
that I have previously presented, is $3.51 per 100 pounds for 965
miles. Senator Cullom. Is that mail matter or express matter?
Mr. Shallenberger. Mail matter. Taking the Adams Express
Company rates to Chicago, I find them to be $2.25 to Chicago proper;
to Ashland avenue and the Heights, $2.65 per 100 pounds ordinary mer
chandise.

THE RAILROADS 443
According to his figures, we pay $3.5 1 per 100 pounds, and
the express company pays 40 per cent of $2.25 per 100 pounds,
which is 90 cents. We pay $3.51, and the express company
pay 90 cents for the same service. You wiU find soraething
still worse in this stateraent. by turning to page 137. I will
show how useless this whole testimony Is. On that page is a
statement from Mr. White, the Superintendent of the Railway
Mail Service, in which he says that we pay for carrying the
maU over the New York Central road from New York to
Chicago $2,873,518 per year, and the weight Is 66,500,000
pounds, or $4-33 per 100 pounds, while the Second Assistant
Postraaster-General says, coraparing it with the express rates,
we pay $3.51 per 100 pounds.
Of course, $3.51 to a man who is working for a railroad
corapany, and wants to raake out a case for it, raakes a better
coraparison with $2.25 than $4.33 raakes. I do not know that
this is done purposely, but presurae It was figured out by sub
ordinates. I believe Mr. Shallenberger, so far as he Is con
cerned, is an honest raan; but I do believe that he has been
deceived into raaking this statement; I know it, for the railroad
companies have furnished the material to the subordinates,
who were trained under the two previous Second Assistant
Postmaster-Generals, who were railroad eraployees, and conse
quently we cannot get the truth from that Department until It
is wiped out, the service changed, and every one of those fel
lows discharged and a new crop put In.
*******
Mr. President, I sent to the Interstate Coraraerce Com
mission and asked them to furnish rae the data with regard
to the decline in passenger and freight rates since 1878. It
was in 1878 that we raade the last reduction in the compen
sation for carrying the mails. There has been no reduction
since that time. Twenty years have rolled away and every
thing else has declined but the pay of the Government to rail
road corapanies for carrying the raails.
I find that the charge for carrying freight has been reduced
by the railroad corapanies 33 per cent since 1882; and from
1878 to 1882 there was no doubt a considerable decline. The

444 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Interstate Commerce Coraraission did not have the figures for
the forraer period. I have here the figures showing that the
railroads have voluntarily decreased the price for carrying
freight 33 per cent and ray araendraent provides for decreasing
the price of carrying the raail but 20 per cent, although the
rate for carrying the raails has always been over 100 per cent
too high.
I find frora 1882 to 1894 the cost was reduced for carry
ing passengers by the railroads voluntarily over 20 per cent,
and that frora 1894 to 1896, according to this statement, the
charge for carrying passengers has Increased a little.
It seems to me, taking all the facts into considera
tion, that we would be abundantly justified In reducing
the corapensation for carrying the raails 20 per cent. Go to
the farmer of this country, and you will find that his products
have decreased nearly one-half, more than one-half, rauch raore
than one-half, since 1878. The cotton raiser's price of cotton
has gone down from 16 to 18 cents a pound to 5 cents per
pound. So it is with the wheat raiser; so It is with the producer
of alraost everything that is produced by huraan toil ; and inas
much as these producers are the people who pay the taxes, It
seems to rae we are justified in reducing the pay for raail trans
portation 20 per cent, and then go on with our Investigation,
which, in ray opinion, will show that next year we should reduce
it 30 per cent raore.
As I said before, the express corapanies In this country —
and I ara going over that again, because I want to thoroughly
fix that In the minds of Senators — the express companies in this
country In 1890 sent 98,000,000 packages, weighing 3,299,-
000,000 pounds, and they sent 17,000,000 packages which
were not weighed. They paid the railroads for carrying all
those packages $19,327,000, or 5 28-33 miils per pound, while
last year the Government paid for the carrying of 528,000,000
pounds of maU nearly $30,000,900, or 5 4-5 cents a pound, or
ten tiraes as rauch as the express corapanies paid for carrying
their property. It seeras to rae that all these facts would
justify the proposed reduction.

THE RAILROADS 445
I am going to review very briefly the testiraony subraitted
by the railroad corapanies In this connection, because it seeras
to rae a case raade up by the railroad companies upon which
those who favor the present high rate of compensation rely.
Mr. Quay: I desire to say, Mr. President, to the Sena
tor from South Dakota, that it Is not upon the case made out
by the railroad companies alone, but upon the case raade out
by the Post-Office Departraent, and upon the case made out
by the express companies, on which the Coramittee on Appro
priations rely.
Mr. Pettigrew : They are all in partnership.
Mr. Quay: That is only a supposition upon which the
Senator bases his stateraent.
Mr. Pettigrew: AU I ask of any person is that he
read the majority report of the coraraittee in corroboration of
ray stateraent.
Mr. Baldwin, representing the Chicago, Burlington and
Quincy railroad, raakes this statement, on page lo of the
printed evidence :
Upon these heavy routes also the question of weight is controlling,
and in them only will be found a fair basis for determining the rate per
pound that is being paid, and for comparing the rates with those paid
by other customers of the railroad company, and for deciding whether
the Government is getting the benefit of fair reductions in price, having
in view the constantly increasing service it demands, and which re
quires a constantly greater expense. The routes carrying in excess of
5,000 pounds per day receive $22,641,000 out of a total expenditure
of $33,876,000, or over two-thirds of the whole mail compensation,
and they carry nine-tenths of the total weight.
I am going to accept that as true for the purpose of this
arguraent. I do not know whether it is true or not, but for
the purpose of this arguraent I will accept It as true. Then
he goes on to say :
A small portion of this tonnage, namely, -up to 5,000 pounds, on
these heavy routes, goes at 4 cents a pound for the haul of 448 miles;
but the great weight (over 4,000,000 pounds per day) is carried at the
legal minimum of 1.3 cents per pound.

446 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Let us see how this works out. He says that these roads
receive $22,641,000 out of a total corapensation of $33,876,-
000, and that they carry nine-tenths of the total weight of the
raaU, which that year was 528,000,000 pounds. Take nine-
tenths of 528,000,000, which Is 475,300,000, and divide the
$22,641,000, which he says they receive, and you will find that
they receive 4 19-24 cents per pound for every pound they
carry; and yet he tells us in the next paragraph (and this is
the sort of rubbish they present to the Coraraittee on Appro
priations) that —
A small portion of this tonnage, namely, up to 5,000 pounds, on
these heavy routes goes at 4 cents a pound for the haul of 448 miles;
but the great weight (over 4,000,000 pounds per day) is carried at the
legal minimum of 1.3 cents per pound.
But the Departraent says the average distance raail is car
ried is 328 miles.
Then he says —
It is a matter of mathematical demonstration.
I, should think it was; and so on, aU through the state
raents of these railroad attorneys we have this same mislead
ing, confusing and deceptive testiraony. I do not say that
these raen coraraitted perjury, for we did not swear any of
thera. They raade stateraents.
You recoUect, Mr. President, that in the exaraination of
the trans-Mississippi freight rates, the railroad raanagers all
carae in and swore that there was not a pool, and finally Mr.
Stickney, who was raanager and president of the Great West
ern Railroad, carae in and swore that there was a pool, and
that he was in it. In other words, they protect the service
they are engaged to protect, and to protect the railway service
of this country requires a peculiar conscience.
On page 65 is the stateraent raade by the Louisville and
Nashville road. I noticed this stateraent when it was being
read by the Secretary and I raade a raeraorandura of it:
I think it is proper to suggest that the railroads have the right
to expect the Government to pay them at least as fnuch for the use
of their passenger trains, in proportion to the labor performed and the

THE RAILROADS 447
services rendered, as the public using the same trains pay. But the
company's statistics show that the Louisville and Nashville Company
secured for the year ended June 30, 1897, net earnings per car mile
for the transportation of passengers, after the payment of operating
expenses — not including interest and taxes — 6.23 cents, while from the
mail they only secured 4.96 cents, a difference of over 25 per cent in
favor of the passenger account.
You wiU find on page 124 Mr. White's stateraent that the
average pay per raile for every single one of the postal cars
used by this country Is 6.84 cents per mile, as against 4.96
cents according to this statement.
Then on page 66 we have the price they charge for carry
ing freight 10 miles. That Includes not only the transporta
tion, but the cost of getting the freight, the depot charges,
terminal charges, which make up the bulk of the cost of doing
the freight business ; and in this connection I will put Into the
Record the statements of various roads as to the cost of han
dling freight cars and freight trains after the trains are loaded.
The Government loads the mail on a train. Then it Is car
ried by the railroad corapany, and yet the railroad attorney
who raakes this stateraent compares the total freight rate with
the amount that the Governraent pays simply for hauling the
freight over the road, and then he takes the sraaUest possible
distance they have — 10 railes — and therefore the highest rate.
He says for 10 miles or less the charge is 12 cents per 100
pounds, while the Government pays only 5.6 cents per 100
pounds, leaving out entirely the cost of securing the business,
which Is the chief itera In a short haul of 10 railes for freight.
COST OF hauling FREIGHT CARS ON THE UNION PACIFIC ROAD.
In 1890 the cost of hauling a loaded car (on the Union Pacific
Railroad) i mile, that is, including all the expense of the locomotive
and car departments, was 3.17 cents a mile; in 1891 it cost us 3.05
cents; in 1894, 2.65 cents, and in the month of October, 1895, it cost
us 2.01 cents to haul a loaded car I mile. — Statement of J . H. McCon
nell, superintendent locomotive power, the Union Pacific Railroad. See
Railroad Review, February 29, 1896.
COST OF HAULING FREIGHT CARS ON THE SOO LINE.
On May i, 1895, the Soo Line commenced rating its locomotives on
a tonnage basis. The cost per mile of hauling freight cars in 1894

448 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
was 1. 1 8 cents, and in 1895 it was i cent. — Railroad Review, March
28, 1896.
In his paper on "Locomotive Service," published in'the Railroad Re
view of January 18, 1896, Mr. McConnell stated that on the Union
Pacific 26 loaded cars are now hauled by the same engine that used
to haul 22 cars, and in one case the increase had been from 28 to
35 cars. He also said that the additional cost to a train by attach
ing thereto an additional loaded car would only be the value of 5
pounds of coal per car mile, and in a yearly course of 36,000 miles the
increased cost would only be the value of 90 tons of coal.
As to the wastefulness of our private railway managers in the use
of their freight equipment, the following is of importance.
In a paper read at the December, 1896, meeting of the St. Louis
Railway Club, J. R. Cavanagh, superintendent car service of the Cleve
land, Cincinnati, Chicago and St. Louis road, said:
"There are about 1,750,000 freight cars owned by railroads in North
America, representing an investment of about $500,000,000. From the
best information obtainable these cars average a little over 6 tons per
mile, or about 10 tons per loaded car mile. Freight equipment is idle
an average of 75 per cent, or in service about 25 per cent of the
time. What causes this large percentage of idleness? Delays inci
dental to loading and unloading, switching, terminals, etc., consume
a portion of it; but as much time is lost waiting for loads, giving
loads preference over empties, holding for home routes, for trans
fers, etc."
Car Accountant Wheatly of the West Shore road, says that of the
freight car equipment of the United States in 1892, 248,000 cars were
absolutely idle, and these cars representing a capital of $124,000,000, oc
casioned not only a loss of the interest on their cost, but an additional
loss of $10,000,000 annually for their maintenance, to say nqthing of
the cost of track room to hold them, locomotives to move them, and
the other minor yet necessary expenses which their existence involves;
and still, he says, the private managers of the railroads pay over $30,-
000,000 a year for the use of private cars, and Mr. Wheatly's fig
ures as to the cost of private cars are supported by the testimony of
Mr. Aldace F. Walker. — Railroad Review, September 3, 1892.
I may also add that S. P. Bush, superintendent of locomotive
power of the Pennsylvania lines west of Pittsburg, makes the cost of
hauling loaded and empty cars the same. In the Engineering News
of June 3, Mr. Bush states that on a run of 115 miles from Chicago
to Logansport, In4., an increase in the load of a freight train of 32
cars from 750 to 1,050 tons occasioned the use (the additional cost)
of but 400 pounds of coal. There was no other increase of expenses. In
other words, the cost to the road for the haul of the additional 300 tons
of freight for a distance of 1 1 5 miles was but the cost of 400 pounds of
coal, certainly less than 50 cents.

THE RAILROADS 449
For further information on these points note pages 145 and 146
of my book, A General Freight and Passenger Post.
As to passenger trains, the railroad reports of the year 1897 show
that the trains run with only about one-sixth of the seats occupied.
JAMES L. COWLES.
I find that Mr. Dudley, in raaking his stateraent for the
railroads for which he is attorney, says :
The report of the Interstate Commerce Commission for 1897
gives the cost of the railroads of the United States at $12,179,865,771.
That is the araount they are bonded and stocked for, but
nobody pretends that that is what they cost, and Mr. Dudley
knows they did not cost that sura. But he lays that down as a
preraise frora which to make an arguraent and draw conclusions
to convince us that the railroads receive too little corapensa
tion for carrying the mails.
So with these half falsehoods, these raisleading stateraents
all through this evidence, on alraost every page of it, they
undertake to raake up a case to justify thera in charging ten
tiraes as rauch per pound for carrying the raail as they charge
for carrying express raatter.
I beg pardon of the Senate for presenting this subject In so
disconnected a way; but the investigation was a hurried one,
and we have had little opportunity since the Investigation to
look into the matter and digest this mass of testiraony. I
wish I had more time and could have presented It in a better
manner.

CHAPTER XVIII
MORGAN AND CO.
The Senate having under consideration resolution submitted by Mr.
Peffer, providing for a committee of five Senators to investigate and
report generally all the material facts and circumstances connected with
the sale of United States bonds by the Secretary of the Treasury in
the years 1894, 1895, and 1896 
MR. PRESIDENT,^ I simply wish to give a history,
so that It raay appear in the Record, of the numerous
bond sales raade by the present administration.
It has been the policy of the present administration to de
stroy the use of silver as a raoney raetal, and to manipulate the
credit of the United States in such a manner as to enrich its
favorites, while piling up a load of debt to oppress the whole
people. The first step was the extra session of Congress called
for the purpose of repealing the purchasing clause of the Sher
man act. The call for the extra session was a direct attack upon
the credit of the United States, and it was preceded by a con
certed raoveraent of the banks of New York, inspired from
Washington, to curtail raercantile credits and bring about the
panic of 1893 as an object lesson to Congress. The panic
started by the banks soon passed beyond their control, and
Involved the country in disasters from which it has not yet
recovered. Then came the enactraent of the Wilson tariff for a deficit,
a raeasure fraraed upon sectional lines, and Intended to protect
all Southern Industries and those of districts represented by
Dernocrats, while the industries of Republican States and Con
gressional districts were intended to be left defenseless against
foreign corapetition. Fortunately for the country, the rules of
I. Speech in the Senate May 5, 1896. 450

MORGAN AND CO. 45 1
the Senate of the United States afforded an opportunity for
debate and for careful consideration of the provisions of the
tariff as it came to us, and It was amended so as to be a Uttle
less obnoxious. In fact quite satisfactory, to the iron, cotton,
and most Eastern Industries before It becarae a law without the
President's signature.
As soon as the Democratic Administration carae into
power the revenues began to decrease, because the expectation
that the tariff would be reduced checked the iraportation of all
foreign goods, and thereby dirainished the receipts frorn.
custoras. The act repeaUng the purchasing clause of the act of July
14, 1890, known as the Sherraan law, was signed by the Presi
dent Noveraber i, 1893, it having passed the House August
28 and the Senate October 3 1 ; but though it had been promised
that this would restore confidence, it failed to do so, but
rather increased the distress and raisery by further contracting
the volume of money, driving prices to a still lower level,
closing mills and factories, and causing a steady increase in
the number of bankruptcies In all producing industries to the
present tirae.
On Deceraber 27, 1894, the cash balance of the treasury
was reduced to $88,914,096, the lowest on record. The Sec
retary of the Treasury then applied to Congress for rehef,
suggesting an issue of 3 per cent five-year bonds for the pur
pose of augraenting the gold reserve and meeting deficiencies.
January 15, 1894, Mr. CarUsle, in a coraraunication to the
chairman of the Senate Finance Coraraittee, stated that unless
new legislation could be obtained he would feel corapelled to
resort to the resumption act of 1875, and Issue bonds for the
purpose of replenishing the gold reserve.
The chairman, the senior Senator frora Indiana [Mr.
Voorhees], replied to Mr. CarUsle that he could not give an
assurance of prompt action upon any new financial measure,
and therefore Secretary CarUsle decided to issue $50,000,000
5 per cent ten year bonds, and arrangeraents were accordingly
made.

452 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The price fixed for the Issue was 1 17.223, which would net
about 3 per cent Interest. The large premiura would reduce
the interest which the governraent would have to pay to 3
per cent.
The question was raised that no portion of the proceeds
of those bonds could be used for any other purpose than for
the redemption of United States notes, and this brought out a
statement by Mr. Carlisle that the gold reserve was and always
had been held as a part of the Treasury cash, and not as a
separate fund.
The raising of this question had soraewhat of a deterring
effect upon Intending subscribers, and Mr. Carlisle went on
to New York and had a conversation with sorae of the
bankers. One result was the forraation of a syndicate arranged by
Mr. John A. Stewart, of the United States Tmst Corapany,
through whose influence subscriptions araounting to $58,002,-
250 were obtained at frora 117.223 to 120.829, and the award
was raade January 30, on which day the net gold In the treasury
was reported at $65,598,871, and the general cash, including
this sura, $82,975,908. Payment for the bonds resulted in an
increase in the net gold in the treasury to $106,539,703 at
the end of Febmary, 1894.
But the expenditures of the government were running
ahead of the receipts. Gold was wanted In Europe to carry
out the Rothschilds' contract with Austria by which that coun
try was placed upon a gold basis.
Consequently exchange advanced, and on March 2, 1894,
$1,250,000 gold was taken for shipment to Europe, followed
by a similar araount during the next week, raaking $2,500,000
for the raonth. In April $8,874,000 was shipped, and in May
$18,150,000; and the net gold In the Treasury at the end of
that raonth was $80,692,962.
In June the continued drain of gold from the Treasury
caused some apprehension, and a few of the New York banks
agreed to supply the demand for export, but only a little was
so furnished; and on the 22d of June the net gold was down

MORGAN AND CO. 453
to $61,903,746, and the total raoveraent to Europe that raonth
was $21,150,000.
, In July shipraents were $10,700,000, and the net gold was
reduced to $45,516,212.
The WUson tariff bill was passed on August 14, and it
became a law August 27 ; but the mischief had been done ; trade
and raanufacturing had been so far depressed by the contrac
tion of our currency by the repeal of the Sherraan law and the
export of gold that prices continued to decUne; trade and
manufactures had been so far depressed that recovery was Im
possible without a reforra of our financial systera. The de
ficiency in the revenue continued to Increase, and in September
there was some talk about a new Issue of bonds.
November 14 the Secretary of the Treasury issued a call
for $50,000,000 5 per cent ten-year bonds under the resump
tion act. The conditions prevailing at the tirae this issue was
raade were peculiar.
The bonds sold in January had been absorbed at horae
and none had been taken abroad. The Stewart syndicate had
been treated fairly by the governraent, and there was a dispo
sition on the part of these bankers freely to subscribe for the
new Issue.
Mr. Stewart and Mr. J. P. Morgan visited Washington In
the interest of the syndicate, and it Is represented and generally
believed that Mr. Stewart, at least, had a distinct understand
ing with the President and with Mr. Carlisle that nothing
would be done by the adrainistration In any way whatever to
interfere with the raarketing of the bonds.
These bankers went back to New York and forwarded a
bid for the round araount of the bonds at 1 17.077.
The total subscriptions were $178,341,550. The award
was raade to the Stewart syndicate on the understanding that
the gold to be paid for the bonds would not be taken frora
the treasury, and payraent was prorapt, $29,021,518 having
been turned Into the sub-treasury by the end of Noveraber.
The syndicate iraraediately arranged to sell the bonds they
had bought, and offered a lot of $5,000,000 at 119. It is
beUeved that this amount was sold at the price named, but

454 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
before they had an opportunity to dispose of raany raore the
President's message and the report of the Secretary of the
Treasury recoraraending changes in the currency effectually
stopped the raarketing of any more of the bqnds.
The particular section of Mr. CarUsle's blU which did the
business for the Stewart syndicate was section i :
"Be it enacted. That all acts which require or authorize the deposit
of United States bonds to secure circulating notes issued by national
banking associations be and the same are hereby repealed, and such
notes hereafter prepared shall not contain the statement that they
are so secured."
Now, Mr. President, let it be borne in raind that Messrs.
Stewart and Morgan visited Washington In relation to the
bond issue on or about Noveraber 24; that in all probability
had it not been for the assurance given by Mr. Carlisle and the
President that nothing would be done by the adrainistration to
interfere with the marketing of the bonds, these bankers,
and particularly Mr. Stewart, would not have bid for them
at all, rauch less have bid a high price for the whole or none ;
that the formation of a bill so important as that prepared by
Mr. Carlisle must have been under consideration for some
tirae prior to its presentation to Congress at the beginning of
the session, and the President raust have known the views of
his Secretary long before their publication In the annual re
ports, or had Inspired them ; and there Is the explanation of the
statement raade by Mr. Stewart early In Deceraber that his
syndicate would dissolve December 27, 1894. It was also
then stated that not raore than $10,500,000 of the bonds
bought by the Stewart syndicate of the governraent had been
sold, and only $5,000,000 at 119.
It is ray opinion that this- bad faith on the part of the
adrainistration was planned In advance and for the purpose of
depressing the price of the bonds and to ruin the credit of the
governraent, so as to compel Congress to enact such financial
legislation as the President might demand, and afterwards
turned to account in enriching the favorites of the President, if
not the President hiraself.
The net gold proceeds of the fifty-raiUion-doUar bond sale

MORGAN AND CO. 455
in January, amounting to $58,000,000, went to Europe during
the sumraer of 1 894, and there was no reason to expect that the
proceeds of the $50,000,000 sold in Noveraber, 1894, araount
ing to $53,472,319, would long reraain in the treasury.
Europeans were laughing at us, and sneeringly alluded to
the financial raethods pursued for rehabilitating our gold re
serve. Araerican bankers were coolly calculating upon the tirae
when a new Issue of bonds would have to be raade and won
dering who would buy thera.
On the 8th of Deceraber, 1894, gold again began to flow
out of the treasury to Europe, and even then rederaptions of
legal tenders for the purpose of hoarding gold were well under
way, having really begun toward the close of Noveraber, for
concurrently with the settleraent by the syndicate for the bonds
bought by thera there was a withdrawal of large suras of gold
with which to pay for the bonds.
By the end of December the net gold in the treasury had
been reduced to $86,244,445, against $111,142,020 December
6, and $9,680,000 gold was shipped to Europe during the
raonth. Withdrawals thus exceeding shipraents by over $15,-
000,000. In January, 1895, the withdrawals of gold for shipment
were large, and considerable amounts were taken for hoarding
by individuals and by banks. Confidence was unsettled, and
the situation was regarded by treasury officials at Washington
as grave, but none recalled the blundering of the administration
which had precipitated It by discrediting the bonds bought by
the Stewart syndicate.
January 30, Subtreasurer Jordan, at New York, reported
that he thought he could hold out until Febmary 2 with the
gold coin in the New York subtreasury, but the next day might
decide the situation.
The single day of January 25 had seen $6,902,081 in gold
withdrawn frora the New York subtreasury, and the evening of
Febmary 2 arrived with only $9,700,000 in gold coin available
for the rederaption of United States notes in New York. A
day and a half like the 25th of January raight have seen the
United States compelled to refuse the redemption of its notes

456 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
in gold at the subtreasury In New York, the only place at
which they are by law redeemable.
Gold was hurried from Philadelphia and every available
point, even at the risk of reducing below the point of safety
the gold fund at other subtreasurles for the redemption of coin
notes, with the result that on Monday, Febmary 3, 1895, the
avaUable gold fund had been increased about $1,000,000.
Assistant Secretary Curtis, who was then In New York, tele
graphed to Secretary Carlisle for authority to sell bullion to
exporters at a reduced rate In order to prevent the absolute
exhaustion of gold coin. The treasury had already violated
the law requiring gold coin to be held against gold certificates,
and had practically borrowed frora the trust fund of the cer
tificate holders several raiUions of dollars.
There was gold bullion still left in the Treasury to cover
the certificates, which would have been adequate if it had not
been feared that the certificates would be presented in large
quantities for rederaption.
The gold coin avaUable for all purposes at New York on
February 2 was $20,465,334, but It was absolutely known that
$10,765,000 in gold certificates were In New York In the hands
of a few holders, which were Uable to be presented at any
raoraent. The further sura of $37,069,869 was outstanding in gold
certificates, without exact inforraation at the subtreasury as
to where It was held, but with the probability that the bulk of
it was also held in New York and was liable to be presented at
any raoraent for redemption. This was a secret contract, from
which the public was excluded, participated in by the Presi
dent's former law partner. I will not coraraent on this trans
action. I leave It to the Araerican people to pass upon and
for the judgment of history. This rauch may be said, how
ever: If a similar negotiation had been conducted by the gov
ernor of any American State or the raayor of any city instead
of the President of the United States, Irapeachraent or criminal
prosecution would have followed at once.
The contract of February 8, 1895, is as foUows:

MORGAN AND CO. 457
"This agreement, entered into this Sth day of February, 1895,
between the Secretary of the Treasury of the United States, of the first
part, and Messrs. August Belmont & Co., of New York, on behalf of
Messrs. N. M. Rothschild & Sons, of London, Eng., and themselves,
and Messrs. J. P. Morgan & Co., of New York, on behalf of Messrs.
J. S. Morgan & Co., of London, and themselves, parties of the sec
ond part —
"Witnesseth: Whereas it is provided by the revised statutes of the
United States (section 3700) that the Secretary of the Treasury may
purchase coin with any of the bonds or notes of the United States
authorized by law at such rates and upon such terms as he may deem
most advantageous to the public interests; and the Secretary of the
Treasury now deems that an emergency exists in which the public in
terests require that, as hereinafter provided, coin shall be purchased witb
the bonds of the United States of the description hereinafter mentioned,
authorized to be issued under the act entitled 'an act to provide for
the resumption of specie payments,' approved January 14, 1875, being
bonds of the United States described in an act of Congress approved
July 14, 1870, entitled 'an act to authorize the refunding of the
national debt' ; now, therefore, do the said parties of the second part
hereby agree to sell and deliver to the United States 3,500,000 ounces
of standard gold coin of the United States at the rate of $17.80441 per
ounce, payable in United States 4 per cent thirty year coupon or regis
tered bonds, said bonds to be dated February i, 1895, and payable at the
pleasure of the United States after thirty years from date, issued under
the acts of Congress of July 14, 1870, January 20, 1871, and January
14, 1875, bearing interest at the rate of 4 per cent per annum, payable
quarterly. "First. Such purchase and sale of gold coin being made on the fol
lowing conditions:
"i. At least one-half of all coin delivered hereinunder shall be
obtained in and shipped from Europe, but the shipments shall not be
required to exceed 300,000 ounces per month, unless the parties to
the second part shall consent thereto.
"2. All deliveries shall be made at any of the subtreasurles, or at
any other legal depository of the United States.
"3. All gold coins delivered shall be received on the basis of 25.8
grains of standard gold per dollar, if within the limit of tolerance.
"4. Bonds delivered under this contract are to be delivered free of
accrued interest, which is to be assumed and paid by the parties of the
second part at the time of their delivery to them.
"Second. Should the Secretary of the Treasury desire to offer or
sell any bonds of the United States on or before October i, 1895, he
shall first offer the same to the parties of the second part; but thereafter
he shall be free from every such obligation to the parties of the second
part.

458 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
"Third. The Secretary of the Treasury hereby reserves the right
within ten days from the date hereof, in case he shall receive authority
from Congress therefor, to substitute any bonds of the United States
bearing 3 per cent interest, of which the principal and interest shall be
specifically payable in the United States gold coin of the present weight
and fineness for the bonds herein alluded to, such 3 per cent bonds to be
accepted by the parties of the second part at par, i. e., at $18.60465 per
ounce of standard gold. ,
"Fourth. No bonds shall be delivered to the parties of the second
part, or either of them, except in payment for coin from time to time
received hereunder; whereupon the Secretary of the Treasury of the
United States shall and will deliver the bonds as herein provided, at
such places as shall be designated by the parties of the second part.
"Any expense of delivery out of the United States shall be assumed
and paid by the parties of the second part.
"Fifth. In consideration of the purchase of such coin the parties of
the second part and their associates hereunder assume and will bear all
the expense and inevitable loss of bringing gold from Europe hereunder ;
and, as far as lies in their power, will exert all financial influence and
will make all legitimate efforts to protect the Treasury of the United
States against the withdrawals of gold pending the complete perform
ance of this contract.
"In witness whereof the parties hereto have hereunto set their hands
in five parts this Sth day of February, 1895.
"J. G. Carlisle,
"Secretary of the Treasury.
"August Belmont & Co.,
"On behalf of Messrs. N.M.Rothschild £5" Sons, London, and themselves.
"J. P. Morgan & Co.,
"On behalf of J. S. Morgan ^ Co., London, and themselves.
"Attest :
"W. E. Curtis—
Representing the treasury in the negotiation at New York.
Francis Lynde Stetson —
The law partner of Grover Cleveland at the time he was last
elected President.
After the contract was signed the right was reserved to the
Treasury Department, under the third section of the corapact,
to substitute any bonds of the United States bearing 3 per cent
interest, payable in gold.
The President, at once coraraunicated to Congress the
terras of the contract, at the sarae tirae asking for the passage
of a law authorizing the issue of 3 per cent gold bonds, but

MORGAN AND CO. 459
the authority was not given and the contract went into full
effect February i8th. Two days thereafter It was announced,
with great circurastantiality, that the syndicate had then paid
into the treasury $32,558,137.50 gold for the American half
of the bonds.
Immediately upon the signing of the contract there
was an earnest desire on the , part of American bankers
and capitalists to get In. AppUcation was raade to the syndi
cate, and the appUcants were let In; but under this stipulation:
All who were admitted were required to unite in a practical
underwriting of the entire issue of bonds. That Is to say,
as one-half of the bonds were reserved for Araericans, thes^
subscribers were required to deposit with the syndicate gold
coin, not obtained frora the treasury, to double the araount of
their subscriptions, which gold was to be placed under the
absolute control of Messrs. Morgan and Belmont, to be used
by them as they saw proper. The subscriptions carae frora
every quarter, and it was stated by the syndicate that they were
so large that not raore than 50 per cent could be awarded.
The bonds were offered in New York at ii2j4 and In
London at £227 per $1,000 bond, equal, with exchange at
$4.90, to 1 11.23.
The subscribers agreed to the stipulation of the syndicate,
and therefore these bankers were enabled proraptly to raake
full payraent for the bonds iraraediately after the closing of
the books.
But, Mr. President, the gold so paid did not go Into the
treasury, though it was credited in the treasury accounts, for
as late as June 21, 1895, $6,856,752 gold was transferred
to the treasury from one or more of the banks selected by the
syndicate as depositories of their raoney.
Iraraediately upon the signing of the contract it was an
nounced that £1,685,000 gold had been bought in London for
the syndicate, and on the 21st of February they paid over to
the treasury '143,102 ounces of gold on foreign account.
Not all the Araerican bankers who subscribed for the bonds
paid in full their quota of gold until sorae tirae in May, and
then the full araount due frora them was collected, and there

46o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
was turned over to the treasury on June 8 $10,449,462 and
credited on the foreign bond account.
As at that time $14,545,972 had been Imported, there re
mained to be paid $7,562,702. The Carapania arrived on Sat
urday, June 22, 1895, with about $880,000 gold for the syndi
cate, leaving $6,680,621.79 due, and this amount was an
nounced at the treasury as having been paid on Tuesday, June
25, 1895, thus closing the contract.
But the terras of the agreement were not literally complied
with by this payment, and It Is evident that either the President
or the Secretary of the Treasury waived that provision of the
contract which required tha.t one-half of the gold should be"
Iraported frora Europe.
The araount of gold to be iraported under the original
contract was $32,558,137. The amount actuaUy Imported was
a little over $15,000,000, the balance having been made up
from contributions of the banks which were interested in the
syndicate operations In the raanner just stated; that is, every
banker was required to deposit twice as much gold as he
received In bonds.
Now, Mr. President, why was this syndicate perraitted
to close its contract without having iraported from Europe
nearly $17,000,000 of the gold which they had agreed to bring
hither? I propose to read an extract from a New York paper of
that date, as it so clearly details not only what had happened,
but what would happen. It is as follows :
Washington, D. C, March 8.
"The administration contract with the bond syndicate was more
infamous than at first appeared.
"There was a secret verbal contract with the syndicate of bankers
to whom the administration intrusted the negotiation of the last batch
of bonds. "This contract was not reduced to writing for a very simple reason.
The Treasury Department has no authority of law to enter into such
an agreement with any person or combination of bankers.
"The written contract submitted to Congress was quite objection
able on account of the enormous profit which it permitted the bankers
to make, but the verbal contract constituted the syndicate the financial

MORGAN AND CO. 461
agents of the United States, in return for which the bankers who took
the bonds were to protect the treasury against any further raid upon
the gold therein.
"This they are to do by keeping the price of sterling exchange in
New York below the point at which gold can profitably be exported.
"In this way the gains of the firms who used to export gold whenever
there was a clear profit, however small, from the operation, have been
destroyed. But the syndicate is making much more, because the adminis
tration permits the bankers to hold in London the gold received from
foreign sales of bonds, so that they can sell exchange in New York
on London cheaper than any one else can afford to. They can do this
because the gold upon which exchange is drawn is already in London.
"In this way there is at present no demand upon the treasury for
gold for export, for no one could export gold except at a loss. The
fact that the syndicate is now operating under this verbal contract ex
plains the slowness with which gold is coming into the treasury. It also
explains the cheerfulness with which the administration contemplates the
situation. In fact, the administration flatters itself that the endless
chain is broken.
"But is the endless chain really broken? If there is a demand for
gold from this country, can the syndicate stop the endless chain from
working any longer than their gold receipts from the sale of bonds in
Europe hold out? Have not the bankers, who have been constituted
the fiscal agents of this country by a verbal contract not authorized
by law, always earned the reputation of taking the best possible care
of themselves in every transaction in which they have been engaged?
"Was not the clause in the written contract giving to them the
option upon all other issues of bonds until October drawn to meet this
very case? Did not the members of the syndicate know that they
could not continue to sell exchange low enough to prevent gold ex
portations during all of the next six months without sacrificing some
of their profits unless more bonds were given to them to sell in
Europe ?
"These questions need only to be stated, the replies suggest them
selves. From them can be seen what the administration has really
done. "It has not broken the endless chain, it has simply substituted for
gold, temporarily, an export of thirty year 4 per cent bonds. As soon
as the proceeds of these bonds have been exhausted by exchange drafts
and the gold received in New York for the sale of exchange has been
deposited in the treasury, the endless chain will begin to work again.
As soon as greenbacks and treasury notes begin again to be presented
for redemption more bonds will be issued to the syndicate and taore
profits will accrue to these patriotic bankers.
"While the endless chain was in operation the people knew what
the sale of bonds to buy gold to replenish the treasury was going to

462 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
cost them in the way of interest. They had public notice of the time
when bids for bonds would be received and opened, and that awards
would be made to the best bidders. They knew also that the bonds
were to be paid for at once and the gold deposited in the treasury in
plain sight of people of the United States, to whom it belonged.
Now, they knew that the men who undertook to negotiate the last
bonds were not only presented by the administration with an enor
mous gratuity of from $90,000 to $100,000 at least upon every mil
lion under the written contract, but by the secret verbal contract were
and are permitted to retain in their own hands in London the gold re
ceived from the sale of bonds in Europe until they can make an addi
tional profit by selling this gold to merchants and bankers in New York
in the form of exchange upon London.
"And all this without the expenditure of one cent by the members
of the syndicate, except traveling expenses to Washington, for these
patriotic bankers did not buy the bonds themselves; they merely con
tracted to sell them at a certain price, when they knew they could get
a great deal more for them.
"And yet the administration actually takes great credit to itself for
this transaction. But the syndicate takes the cash and lets the credit
go." In the face of these facts it seems to rae there is sorae
thing to investigate ; that It Is exceedingly proper to go to the
bottora of this transaction and ascertain all there is in con
nection with the secret bond contract. I presurae It is not to
prevent the disclosures which raust corrie frora laying bare
this secret transaction that the Senator from New York is
making such frantic efforts to prevent the proposed investiga
tion. I think the Araerican people deraand it, and the Senate
should probe this transaction to the bottora.
So this transaction was closed and the Araerican people
paid a preraiura of over eight millions of money for sixty-
three raiUions of gold which did not raaintain the gold reserve
seven months, or from February 8 until Septeraber, 1895;
for long before Congress asserabled In 1895 it was apparent
to everyone that another bond sale raust be resorted to, and
In November the gold reserve had been reduced to less than
eighty millions. Early in December members of the Morgan
syndicate visited Washington to negotiate for the delivery to
them of one hundred millions of bonds at 10434 and the trans
action was about completed by the 20th, but the President

MORGAN AND CO. 463
hesitated, and on the 21st of Deceraber the raembers of the
Morgan-Belraont syndicate and others joining, sent the Sec
retary or the President a telegrara that they would furnish one
hundred raiUions of American gold if their offer of 104%
was accepted at once; that the credit of the United States
was so bad that not a dollar of gold could be secured from
Europe, and that If the govemment delayed accepting their
offer this chance would be lost and the governraent would find
it irapossible to obtain gold at all. This telegrara was sup
posed to produce the desired effect, and I ara of the opinion
that this contract was closed.
It was, generally understood that the contract was closed
and reported that enough bankers had been taken into the
syndicate at an advance price over what Morgan-Belmont were
to pay to afford thera several raiUions of profit, and that these
bankers controlled all the available gold in the United States,
except what was in the Treasury.
Resolutions were Introduced in this body conderaning the
private sale of bonds, and the New York World began an
exposure erf this transaction that startled the country. I quote
frora the New York World of January i, 1895 :
"Morgan Et Al.'s Profits for 1895.
"If this new loan is negotiated the account of J. P.- Morgan and
his associated gold brokers with the government of the United States
will show the following handsome book profits for the year 1 895 :
How the Accounts Stand — First Transaction — Loan of February 18 Last
Face of loan  $62,3 1 5,000
Morgan-Belmont paid 104.49 ^s premium  2,797,943
United States got  $65,112,943
Morgan-Belmont got from bankers' syndicate at II2>^. 69,948,587
Morgan-Belmont syndicate's first profit  4,835,644
Bankers' syndicate got from public, at 118  73,531,700
Bankers' syndicate's second profit  3jS83,ii3
United States lost by transaction and the bond syndicate
made an apparent clear profit of  8,418,757
The United States, therefore, lost by this transaction the
difference between the price they took and the raarket price, the
sum of $8,418,757.

464 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Second Transaction {Proposed)— December 31
Face of loan (with $100,000,000 more in prospect)  $100,000,000
Morgan, as syndicate manager, pays about 104^ pre
mium  4,750,000
United States will get  104,750,000
Morgan's syndicate will get from public a premium of
117^ (yesterday's market price)  117,500,000
Morgan and other bankers' profit  12,750,000
Morgan and other bankers' profit in February  8,418,757
i<!% , 
Total for 1895 if new contract is accepted  $21,168,757
This Is an appalling sum, $21,000,000; a sura greater than
the average savings of 400,000 laborers for a year, donated
to raen who never produced one element of wealth, but who
have spent their lives In gathering together that which others.
have produced. >,
In the face of these facts and the attitude of the Senate
on this subject the administration did not dare to carry out its
contract, and so In January advertised for bids. No price was
stated, and the officers of the treasury did not expect the
popular loan to be successful. They looked and hoped for
failure. It was well known that the syndicate had most of
the gold In this country cornered. The people did not bid, as
they were afraid they could not get the gold to pay for the
bonds. A,t this juncture sprae of the banks that had been raerabers
of the syndicate put In independent bids, and Morgan & Co.,
fearing that they would be shut out of participation in any
profit In the transaction, bid 110.6877, or a fraction less than
1 10.7 for the whole one hundred raillion or any part thereof.
Sixty-seven raiUions of the bonds went for a higher price.
Thirty-three raillion dollars was awarded to the Morgan syn
dicate at their bid of 1 10.7 or 6 per cent raore upon the doUar
than their private contract with the Secretary called for, thus
saving to the people between six and seven raiUions on thi§
transaction. These bonds would have sold at ii7J^ on the
day the bids were opened, if this had been an honest effort
on the part of the Treasury Departraent to offer thera to the

MORGAN AND CO. 465
pubUc and a price or range of prices been published, showing
the terra of bonds and the rate of interest they would draw at
the various prices and payraent accepted in lawful money, and
thus over six mUUons more would have been saved to the peo
ple. It Is no excuse to say that this sale was for the purpose of
obtaining gold, for, if the bonds had been sold for lawful
money, for a fraction of a cent on the dollar lawful money
could have been exchanged for gold.
But other favors were to be showered upon Morgan &
Co. W. R. Graves, of New York', had bid 1 15.31 for $4,-
500,000 of the bonds and was unable to secure the gold to
pay for thera. Reliable parties thereupon bid 114.5 for these
bonds, but the Secretary sold thera to the syndicate for 110.7.
The Secretary should, in law and equity, have sold all bonds
not taken by bidders at the best obtainable price and looked
to the defaulting bidders for the difference. This would have
been done by any private individual, but the Secretary chose
to turn the bonds over to this syndicate for their bid price, or
at $190,000 less than the bid raade by responsible parties. I
will now.read the bid which the Secretary received on the 15th
of February and refused to accept :
"Washington, D. C,
"February 15, 1896,
"Sir: The Investment Corporation of New York hereby bids
114.50 for any or all bonds allotted to parties who did not comply
with the terms of their bids by the payment of 20 per cent or more of
the amount awarded them by noon Saturday, the 15th instant, in ac
cordance with the terms of the circular issued by you. We offer 114.50,
with the understanding and condition that none of the gold to be paid
for the bonds shall be drawn from the United States Treasury. We
are prepared to deposit the gold on the receipt of advice from you that
this bid will be entertained. The Investment Corporation insists that
the bid of J. P. Morgan & Co. is not entitled to any further allotment
of bonds, and we beg to hand you herewith our memorandum brief
upon that proposition. Very respectfully,
"Investment Corporation of New York,
"By H. L. McDonald, President.
"To the Honorable Secretary of the Treasury,
Washington. D, C."

466 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
This corapany had already bid for $5,000,000 of bonds
and had been awarded $2,000,000 of bonds at a higher price
than the bid of Morgan & Co., and had paid for the bonds
and received thera. They were entirely responsible and able
to carry out the bid which they had raade, and yet the Secre
tary of the Treasury chose to refuse a bid of 1 14J4 cents on
the dollar for this four and a half railUon of bonds and
turned thera over to the Morgan syndicate for no. 7, thus
apparently, openly, intentionally, taking out of the pockets of
the people $190,000 to turn over to this syndicate of bankers
already enorraously enriched at the expense of the people.
Mr. Hill: WIU the Senator allow rae? What would
the Senator have had the Secretary of the Treasury do after
the forfeiture of Graves's bid?
Mr. PETTlGREVi^ : I would have had hira do what any in
dividual would have done.
Mr. Hill: What is that?
Mr. Pettigrew : I would have sold thera at the highest
attainable price.
Mr. Hill : Would you have advertised them, or would
you have accepted a private bid?
Mr. Pettigrew: He should properly advertise them,
and if he did not advertise thera he should have accepted the
best bid which he could get.
Mr. Hill: And not accept any of the bids already In?
Mr. Pettigrew: No, sir; he should have done exactly
what an Individual would have done, and he would have pro
tected the Treasury thereby.
Mr. Hill: The Senator, then, would not have accepted
the next highest bid ?
Mr. Pettigrew: No, sir.
Mr. Hill : The Senator knows the fact, does he not, that
the bid of Morgan & Co. was the next highest bid?
Mr. Pettigrew: I think likely the bid of Morgan &
Co. was the next highest bid.
Mr. Hill: Is there any doubt about It In the Senator's
mind?

MORGAN AND CO. 467
Mr. Pettigrew : I have this .to say In regard to that
point: If their bid was the next highest bid, the Secretary of the
Treasury was not bound to give the bonds to thera, nor would
they have accepted the bonds if the price in the raarket that day
had been below 110.7. They would have laughed at the Sec
retary of the Treasury if he had offered the bonds to them If
the market price on that day had been lower than their bid.
But with a profit of $190,000 in the transaction, of course
Morgan & Co. took the bonds.
Mr. Hill : What would the Senator have said as to this
state of facts, which raight or raight not have occurred, de
pending on the market: If, after the forfeiture of Graves's
bid, the bonds had gone down and the governraent had refused
to accept the bid of Morgan & Co. and had placed the bonds
on the raarket again and the bonds had not realized the araount
of the Morgan bid? Where, then, would the Secretary of the
Treasury have been placed?
*******
If the bonds had gone below 11 0.7 in the raarket the Mor
gan syndicate would have refused to accept thera, and would
have said that their contract was closed when they received the
$33,000,000 of bonds. The Senator knows that very well.
If the raarket price of the bonds had gone below Morgan's
bid on the date when Graves defaulted, and Morgan was still
anxious to take thera at his price, of course It would have been
the duty of the Secretary to have accepted It, for that would
be carrying out what I beUeve proper — that the Secretary
should have obtained the best possible price for the bonds in
order to protect the interests of the people of the United
States, whose servant .he was.
*******
Mr. Stewart: In the proposal the Secretary reserved
the right to reject any and all bids, and he had a perfect right
to sell the bonds as he pleased under that reservation. He was
not bound when he was offered 1 14 to take no or 1 11. Cer
tainly not, because he had the absolute power reserved to him
self.

468 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Mr. Pettigrew : This seeras to have been a transaction
where there was a partnership as to profit between the Secre
tary and a syndicate of bankers and the interest of the people
of the United States was entirely left out of the reckoning.
That seeras to have been the sura and substance and gist of
the whole transaction, rotten and dishonest and corrupt to the
core. It seems to rae It Is entirely proper and tiraely for the
Senate of the United States thoroughly to Investigate the trans
action. Here is a telegram frora the Morgan syndicate sent on
the 2 1st day of Deceraber to the President and Secretary of
the Treasury, telling the government officials that the gold
cannot be procured in Europe because the credit of the United
States Is so bad and that if their bid of 104% Is not accepted
at once they will withdraw the bid and refuse to furnish the
gold In the United States ; knowing as they did, and as the
Secretary knew, that all the gold not already in the Treasury
had been thoroughly cornered by Morgan and the banks
associated with hira.
The Secretary of the Treasury could not have been Igno
rant of what Morgan was doing, because Morgan carae to
Washington — he says on the invitation of the President, which
the President denies, but admits the Interview when the nego
tiation with the syndicate took place. Morgan imraediately
after that interview forraed his syndicate, described the bonds
as mnning twenty-nine years, and assuraed that the price would
be 104^. The arrangeraents that Morgan was raaking with
the syndicate were, public, and It was understood at the time
that the gold In the country had been pooled or cornered for
the purpose of purchasing the $100,000,000 of bonds by the
syndicate. Under these circurastances the threat that they
would deprive the governraent of the means of obtaining gold
was most significant.
Mr. Hill: I understood the Senator to speak of what
Morgan & Co. would have done if the bonds had dirainished in
raarket value. I understood the Senator to say that they would

MORGAN AND CO. 469
not then have insisted upon them taking the bonds under their
bid. Is that correct?

Of course I ara not authorized to speak for Morgan &
Co., and I assurae the Senator from South Dakota is not au
thorized to speak for thera. Therefore I ask hira whether his
arguraent comes down to this, that whether the Secretary of
the Treasury should have given the Graves bonds to the next
highest bidder depends upon the fact as to what the market
value of the bonds was. In other words. If the market value
the next day was way below the bid, then he should have In
sisted upon Morgan & Co. taking the bonds, but If it was
higher, then he should not have let them have the bonds.
That is what I complain of.
Mr. Pettigrew: The Senator from New York seeras
deterralned-^-I do not know that he is trying to ralsrepresent
rae — not to understand what I say. I siraply say the Secre
tary of the .Treasury was bound to get the best price he could
get for the bonds after they were not taken by the original
bidders, and that Morgan & Co. were not bound in law to
take thera. Their transaction was closed. They had taken
the bonds that were not awarded to other people.
Mr. Hill: Then let rae see if I understand the Senator,
for I ara endeavoring to do so in good faith.
*******
In case the bonds decreased in value, the Senator says
that the Secretary of the Treasury was not bound In law, and
of course, then, he was not bound in fact, to corapel Morgan
& Co. to take the bonds. Now, what would he have done In
case the bonds went up in value?
Mr. Pettigrew : I said I would have sold the bonds ^t
the highest obtainable price. It is possible 
Mr. Hill : Then, in either event, no raatter whether the
bonds went below the Morgan bid or beyond and higher than
the Morgan bid, the Senator would have sold thera to the high
est bidder. He would haye raade a new advertiseraent.
Mr. Pettigrew: I wUl say further. In reply to the Sena-

470 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
tor from New York, that the Secretary reserved the right to
reject any and all bids.
Mr. Stewart : That Is It.
Mr. Hill : That is a different question.
Mr. Pettigrew: And Inasmuch as at the time Graves
failed to take the bonds the market price was very rauch higher,
the government could have raade $190,000 or raore than that
if the Secretary of the Treasury had put the bonds upon the
raarket, and it was his duty to protect the people and the
treasury by doing so.
Mr. Hill : Does not the Senator know that on the very
day before the gold was to be paid by the bidder on the
Graves bid the raarket value of the bonds was below the price
bid? Mr. Pettigrew : No ; I do not know that fact.
Mr. Hill : It Is the fact.
Mr. Pettigrew: But I do know that the Secretary on
the day Graves defaulted on his payraent was offered 114.50
for those identical bonds and for all bonds not taken.
It Is irapossible for the Senator frora New York to so
obscure the question as to deceive the public. The Secretary
reserved the right to reject any and all bids. He was under
no legal obligation to accept the Morgan bid for any part
of the loan. When he accepted the Morgan bid at 110.7 for
$33,000,000 the transaction with Morgan was closed. He had
no other bid and had no other claira upon the Secretary. Wlien
the Graves bid failed it was as If no bid had been raade. The
Secretary then was at liberty to advertise for new bids or to
sell to whorasoever he pleased, for if he had any power at all
to sell, the raode of sale was entirely discretionary with him,
provided he acted honestly. He did dispose of the Graves
bid at private sale. He was offered by another responsible
bidder nearly $200,000 more. It Is true the bid was not made
in pursuance of an advertiseraent, nor was the bid of Morgan
made In pursuance of advertisement. They were both private
bids. The siraple fact is that the Secretary of the Treasury
sold $5,000,000 of bonds to his friend on a private bid for

MORGAN AND CO. 471
nearly $200,000 less than another responsible bidder offered.
Is that honest?
Mr. Hill : What right had the Secretary, of the Treas
ury to take an outside and a private bid which had not com
peted with any of the others?
Mr. Pettigrew : It would have been better to have taken
an outside bid, a private bid, which would have saved the
Treasury, of the United States $190,000, than to have sold
the bonds to an outside or an inside private bid which lost to
the Treasury $190,000.

CHAPTER XIX
THE TRUSTS
The Senate, as in Committee of the Whole, having under consid
eration the bill (H. R. 379) to provide revenue for the Government
and to encourage the industries of the United States —
MR. PRESIDENT: ^ I do not care to address myself
to the pending araendraent, but I wish to submit some
remarks in regard to the araendraent which I offered
on the 25th of May, providing that all articles the subject of
a trust shall be admitted free of duty.
Mr. President, our civilization is founded upon the theory
of evolution, upon the doctrine of the survival of the fittest,
upon the law of competition, and Is opposed to socialism. We
say, as far as is consistent with the existence of protection un
der the law. Let man, untramraeled and unrestrained, work
out his destiny. The result of this theory in the past was
feudalisra, or the supremacy of brute strength and physical
courage, and Its resulting paternalism. But feudalism, by the
operation of the law of competition and evolution, destroyed
itself by the subjugation of the weaker by the stronger and
the creation of monarchical forras of government in Its place.
To-day, under the operation of this law of competition,
we are drifting toward socialism on the one side and plutocracy
on the other. It Is for us to say whether we will stop the
raarch of events in their course, and raake this again a gov
ernraent of the people, by the people, and for the people, or
allow the present to crystallize and thus continue to be what
we now are — a governraent of the trusts, by the trusts, and for
the tmsts — a plutocracy of artificial persons, sustained by
bribery. In the past all plutocracies have been of natural
1. Speech in the Senate June 14-15, 1899.
472

THE TRUSTS 473
persons, with something of conscience and huraan sympathy in
their composition, and they have kept discontent In check by
force and bribery, by a paid police, and by a standing array.
But as our plutocracy is of the worst forra, without heart and
conscience, being an artificial person, It is fitting and well that
it should be forced — If its existence shall be perpetuated — to
rely upon the one raeans of sustaining Its existence — that of
loathsorae bribery.
We have abandoned as a people the doctrine so oft re
peated and so rauch believed, that competition is the Ufe of
trade, and have adopted the doctrine that corapetition is kill
ing, resulting In the organization of tmsts and combinations to
restrict production, to raaintain or Increase prices, until to
day there are but few articles raanufactured in the United
States that are not the subject of a trust. There is a trust to
control coffee, coal, sugar, lead, oil, glass, all kinds of hard
ware, steel, cheraicals, and crockery. Thus the fundamental
principle of our civilization is overturned, and those who can
not combine — the farmer and individual proprietor and toilers
of the land — are at the raercy of those who do corabine.
When the Republican party carae Into being as the advo
cate of protection to Araerican industry by the means of a
tariff, it wisely based Its advocacy of the doctrine of protection
upon the theory on which our civilization rests — corapetition,
and declared that the building of Araerican factories to supply
the protected article would create corapetition and thus lower
the price of the article to the consuraer. In every carapaign
we have told the people the story of nails — how they were 6
cents per pound, and we put a duty on thera of 2 cents per
pound, and Araerican genius and energy produced the machin
ery, and competition reduced the price, and nails sold for i
cent per pound, and the Republican doctrine of protection was
triuraphantly vindicated.
Last year the nail trust was organized, and the price of
naUs rose from i cent a pound to 3% cents a pound, and
thus the Republican theory of protection was corapletely
overthrown. The sarae story can be told of alraost every
raanufactured article in this blU. How to reraedy this defect

474 THE COURSp; UP liiVLFlKt
so as to justify a tariff for protection in the future is the prob
lera which every Republican Is called upon to solve. The two
questions are so Intiraately connected that they raust go to
gether. No tariff bill can be defended that does not protect the
people against trusts. If the RepubUcan party undertakes it,
you will go down In defeat at the next election.
Mr. President, I offer ray araendraent In good faith as a
protectionist. If It Is not adopted, the theory of protection
falls to the ground. If it is adopted, you can defend this
bill before the people of the United States.
The araendraent provides —
That all articles on the dutiable list mentioned in this act shall be
admitted free of duty if said articles or articles of a like character of
dornpstic production are manufactured or their sale controlled or the
price affected by a trust or combination to increase the cost of said
articles to purchasers by preventing competition or otherwise. Every
contract, combination in the form of a trust, or association or corpo
ration whose effect is to restrict the quantity of production or increase
the price of any article, or any conspiracy in restraint of trade, shall
be deemed a trust within the provisions of this act.
Any citizen of the United States may file a petition, verified by oath
or affirmation, in any district court of the United States where the
defendant has an office or place of business or may reside, alleging the
existence of a trust as herein defined, and that articles or products sub
ject to duty under this act, or articles or products of like character of
domestic production, are manufactured, or their sale controlled, or the
price affected by said trust ; whereupon a summons shall be immediately
issued from said court directing the defendant to appear and answer
said petition, the case to be governed as to time and manner of service,
the pleadings and all proceeHings had therein, as is now provided by law
in civil causes instituted in the district courts of the United States.
If any citizen of the United States shall file with any district attor
ney for said district the petition herein set forth, it shall be the duty of
said attorney to institute proceedings forthwith in the district court for
said district in the name of the United States for the purpose of de
termining the issues made by said petition, like proceedings to be had
in such case as hereinbefore prescribed.
The summons to the defendant or defendants herein required
shall be served upon the president or chief officer, if a corporation, or
upon all the members, if an association or partnership, and the Sec
retary of the Treasury shall also be notified of the existence and nature
of the suit.

THE TRUSTS 475
All cases instituted as herein provided shall be advanced upon the
docket of the court so as to have precedence of trial over all civil causes
thereon, and an appeal may be taken from the decision of the district
court to the circuit court of the United States for the district, under
the same rules as are prescribed for like appeals in other civil cases,
but the judgment of the circuit court shall be final.
If the decision of the court shall be that the allegations of the pe
titions are true, an order directing the customs officers of the United
States to thereafter permit the importation of such article or articles free
of duty shall at once issue : Provided, That where a duty is levied
upon raw material or any article that is improved by any process after
being imported, the duty on the raw material or unrefined or unim
proved article shall be collected, and a like amount of duty upon the
refined or improved article as provided by this act ; but the differential or
additional duty shall not be collected if the improved or refined product
is found to bc the subject of a trust, as hereinbefore set forth: Provided,
That at any time after judgment the Secretary of the Treasury, upon
written grounds, or any party to the proceedings upon petition, verified
by oath or affirmation, may move the court to set aside or suspend the
enforcement of such judgment. If upon hearing it shall be adjudged
that the trust has ceased to exist, it shall be the duty of the Secretary
of the Treasury to withdraw or cancel his orders to the customs offi
cers, and such officers shall immediately resume the collection of the
duties imposed by this act. The parties to the original proceeding who
do not join in the motion shall have reasonable notice thereof, and the
motion shall be advanced and have precedence of trial over all civil
causes. Appeals may be taken as in the original proceeding to the
circuit court, but the -judgment of that court upon the motion shall
be final. But you urge that if this araendraent Is adopted it will
defeat the object of passing a tariff bill, as no revenue will be
derived therefrom. If this is true, then surely we are in the
hands of the trusts. But I contend that this tariff biU Is so
framed that the articles which are the subject of a trust are not
the articles from which rauch revenue Is derived, the evident
purpose of the fraraer of the biU being to give the American
market to the trusts and raise the revenue from other ar
ticles. Is It not more reasonable to suppose that the trusts will
dissolve rather than share the rich Araerican raarket with for
eigners ? For If the trusts do not disband, and thus allow the
various raanufacturers to corapete with one another, the opera-

476 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
tion of the araendraent I offer will be to corapel them to com
pete with the foreign manufacturer. Is It not sure to follow
that, rather than open our doors to the free competition of the
world, the trusts will cease to exist?
It is urged, however, that but part of the manufacturers
may be in the trust, and that this araendraent punishes the
Innocent with the guilty; but there can be no Innocent persons,
for the araendraent provides that in order to be a trust the
effect raust be to restrict the quantity of production or increase
the price of the article. Thus those not In the corabination
are the recipients of the benefits, and the willing recipients, or
they would have prevented the rise in price resulting frora the
trust. If the trust ceases to exist as to any article, the Secretary
of the Treasury raay coraraence proceedings to have that fact
declared by the court, and the duty again collected.
The rapid growth of trusts In the United States began
with the demonetization of silver, and the formation of trusts
was the raeans adopted by sorae of the raost far-seeing and
shrewdest men having control and direction of capital invested
in manufacturing and transportation to avert losses to them
selves by reason of faUIng prices, which lead to overproduc
tion and underconsumption. They reaUzed that the first effect
of a decline in prices is to stiraulate production, because the
producers hope to raake up the difference in price by larger
sales at a less expense. They also foresaw what the average
producer fails to see, that when the decline of prices Is general
the purchasing power Is less in the whole community, and there
fore an Increased production can find no market at any price,
so that there exists at the same time an overproduction of
things which are raost needed and an underconsuraption of
these very things, because of the inability to purchase thera.
The organizers of the tmsts did not go into the causes
of the falling prices. In most cases they knew nothing about
the natural effects of throwing the entire burden upon one
metal constituting the basis of the raoney of the world, which
had forraerly rested upon both gold and silver. So they raade
the coraraon error of raistaking effect for cause, and attributed
the decUne in prices to overproduction. Therefore they com-

THE TRUSTS 477
bined and forraed trusts to restrict production and keep up
prices. But the sole arguraent which the advocates of the gold
standard have offered to appease the producer of' farra prod
ucts for the lower prices which he raust take for the results
of his labor, and to the worklngraan for the enforced accept
ance of lower wages, has been the increased purchasing power
of what they call "honest raoney," whereby $i now will buy as
much of raost articles of general consumption as $2 would have
done twenty years ago.
The effect of the successful operations of tmsts is to com
pel higher prices to be paid for the finished product, or for
transportation, while they do not check the decUne in the value
of raw material nor In the rates of wages, nor do their man
agers wish to do so.
I do not desire to be understood as charging that the trusts
are able to withstand the general fall of prices. The ability
of the consumer to pay fixes the limit beyond which prices can
not be forced, and that is the only limit upon the powers of a
tmst to regulate prices when the combination of doraestic
producers is so perfect as to defy corapetition at horae and
the tariff duty upon the Iraported articles excludes the cora
petition in our raarkets of foreign producers.
Therefore the people of the United States are robbed by
the trusts of the only advantage, if it can be called an advan
tage, which the advocates of the gold standard offer as a reason
for the perpetuation of that standard.
Certainly, Mr. President, no consistent advocate of the
gold standard can refuse to give his vote in support of a
measure like my araendraent, which Is intended to destroy the
raonopolles held by the trusts in order to let the people get
the advantage, through competition, unhampered by tariff
duties, of the lower prices for all that they raust purchase,
which would naturally follow the maintenance of the "existing
gold standard."
I insist that so long as the gold standard prevails the legis
lation of this Congress ought to be such as to give to the
people who are the consumers of raanufactured articles, who

478 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
pay the freight on the railroads, all the advantage which would
naturally corae to them through the legislation of this and
other countries which increased the purchasing power of gold,
and that this Congress ought not to perrait the passage of any
tariff legislation for the protection of American manufactur
ers without taking good care that no benefit whatever shall
accme to tmsts frora such legislation, whether the trusts are
now in existence or raay be organized In the future.
Mr. President, the objections to trusts are not fanciful,
neither are they prorapted by aniraosity to wealth or wealthy
raen. They rest upon public principles which are Inherent and
fundaraental to our civiUzation. At comraon law bonds and
contracts in restraint of trade are void.
In the tirae of Henry V the judge declared, when such a
contract was presented and proven before hira, that if the
guilty party were present he should go to prison. In 1811
Judge Sedgwick said that bonds to restrain trade In general
are bad, as prejudicial to trade and honest industry (8 Mass.,
283). The coraraon law frora the first forbade agreeraents to
restrict the freedora of trade, and has been universal in its
appUcation and In accordance with the spirit of our institu
tions. The suprerae court of Pennsylvania, as early as 1832, in
declaring the illegality of an agreement between five coal
mining corapanies to fix the araount of each one's product,
to bring the price and sales under the control of the com
bination (Judge Agnew) said such a corabination is raore
than a contract; it Is an offense, and that where the public is
subject to the power of confederates a corabination is crirainal.
(68 Pa. State, 173.)
In New York, where the owners of canal boats had com
bined to divide profits and control rates, the court held such a
combination to be Illegal and void. (5 Denio, 434; 4 Denio,
349.) The principle of the comraon law was laid down in
England four hundred and sixty years ago that —
A monopoly has three incidents mischievous to the public: i, the
rise of the price; 2, the commodity will not be as good; 3, the im-

THE TRUSTS 479
poverishing of poor artificers and all those not parties to the combina
tion. '
It has been reraarked frequently in ray presence during
the last few days that there were no trusts; that corporations
existed, but that no trusts existed. Under ray araendraent. In
which I undertake to define trusts, any corabination to lirait
production or increase prices is a trust, and therefore subject
to the penalties prescribed in the araendraent. But I think,
perhaps, Mr. President, It is well to give the history of sorae
of these corabinations of capital, sorae of these corporations
which control prices and Uralt production, In order that we raay
best deterraine whether such corabinations actuaUy exist.
Prior to August, 1887, there was Ufe and free competition
in all branches of the sugar trade. The producers of raw
sugars all over the world sought In the ports of the United.
States a raarket In which nuraerous strong buyers were always
ready to take their offerings at a price varying with the supply
and demand. The duty collected by the United States upon
iraported sugar was specific, so raany cents per pound, accord
ing to the color and saccharine contents of the goods. The
seller knew what the duty was, and that it could not be changed
by any collusion with the buyer in regard to the price. The
buyer knew what the sugar was worth for his purposes, and
how to refine it for the home consuraption or to sell it for use
unrefined, as the case might be.
There was the same healthy corapetition araong the sugar
refiners as among the producers and Importers of raw sugar.
This was manifested by constant efforts to iraprove the product
and to lessen the cost of refining by the introduction of better
processes. The distribution of the raw and refined sugar to the con
sumer through the usual trade channels from the Importers
and the refiner by way of the jobber, the wholesale grocer,
and the retail grocer to the family was also untrararaeled.
Each bought where he could purchase to the best advantage
and sold upon terras agreed upon between hira and the buyer,
and not dictated by any third party.
In short, Mr. President, the sugar business was subject to

48o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the laws of trade as understood and expounded by the best
school of political econoraists.
But In 1887 the enorraous profits amassed by the Standard
Oil Tmst suggested to a few of the leading refiners the pos
sibility of controlling the sugar trade in the same way. It
was then claimed for the first tirae that the individual refineries
through corapetition were unable to raake sufficient raoney to
continue in business.
This seeras a little strange In view of the fact that raost of
the refiners who had the raisfortune to die or had retired frora
business before that time are known to have left or still pos
sess raany raiUions. These millions, however, no doubt seemed
Insignificant in coraparison to the potentialities of wealth of
fered by the adoption of trust methods.
So the sugar tmst was formed In the fall of 1887 by a
combination on the plan of the oil trust, between a number of
corporations, some of which were forraed out of existing
unincorporated firras for the express purpose of entering the
trust, which was called The Sugar Refineries Corapany.
The firras or corporations that composed it at that time
were: I. The Brooklyn Sugar Refining Company, New York.
2. The Decastro & Donner Sugar Refining Corapany,
New York.
3. The Dick & Meyer Corapany, New York.
4. The Haveraeyer Sugar Refining Corapany, New York.
5. The Haveraeyer & Elder Sugar Refining Corapany,
New York.
6. The F. O. Matthiessen & Wiechers Sugar Refining
Corapany, New York.
7. The Moller, Slerck & Co. Sugar Refinery, New York.
8. The North River Sugar Refinery, New York.
9. The Fulton Sugar Refining Corapany, New York.
10. The Knickerbocker Refining Company, New York.
II. The Haveraeyer, Eastwick & Co. Sugar Refining
Company, New York.
12. The Bay State Sugar Refinery, Boston.

THE TRUrSTS 481

131415 16
171819
20

The Boston Sugar Refinery, Boston.

The Continental Sugar Refinery, Boston.
The Standard Sugar Refinery, Boston.
The De Forrest Sugar Refinery, Portland, Me.
The Planters' Sugar Refinery, New Orleans.
The Louisiana Sugar Refinery, New Orleans.
The Belcher's Sugar Refinery, St. Louis.
The Araerican Sugar Refinery, San Francisco.
And a year or two later,
21. The Baltimore Sugar Refining Company, Baltimore,
was absorbed.
One of the first acts of the new tmst was to close up the
North River Sugar Refinery. This led to an action by the
attorney-general of New York in behalf of the people for the
forfeiture of the charter of the corapany, at the end of which
the court of appeals declared the trust illegal, and the charter
of the North River Corapany was forfeited. The trust was
thereby compelled to abandon its organization and reorganize
under the laws of New Jersey as the American Sugar Refining
Company, a single corporation, in which were combined all the
parties to the original tmst.
What the value or the valuation was of the properties and
plants which were thus united under one raanagement it Is ira
possible to say, but it did exceed $10,000,000. The capitali
zation of the whole was $50,000,000, which thus contained
$40,000,000 of stock for which no consideration was paid.
This was divided Into coraraon and preferred stock, one-half
of each. The coraraon stock was to pay quarterly dividends,
which have never been less than 3 per cent, or 12 per cent per
annura. The preferred shares are guaranteed to pay 7 per
cent per annum, and this Interest or dividend must be paid
before the comraon shares are entitled to any distribution of
the profits.
The properties which have since been acquired by the
tmst are the Spreckels Sugar Refining Corapany, the Franklin
Refining Company, and the E. C. Kni'ght & Co. Sugar Re-

482 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
finery, of PhUadelphia, and the CaUfornia Sugar Refinery, of
San Francisco.
Another refinery, built about a year ago at Camden,
N. J., was bought up and never opened. It was rumored
that the trust had bought the property. These new properties
cost the tmst $10,895,000 in stock.
The capital was now raised to $75,000,000, also one-half
comraon and one-half preferred shares. The comraon has
never paid less than 1 2 per cent per annura, and on one occa
sion — I believe it was in 1893 — an extra dividend of 10 per
cent was distributed. The preferred have always paid fhe
guaranteed 7 per cent, besides the Interest on ten raiUions
of bonds. All the above refineries are now owned by the trust, at
least I know of none having been disposed of. One has been
turned into a coffee-roasting establishraent, to run in cora
petition to the Arbuckle Bros., who have begun the building
of a sugar refinery. Quite a nuraber have been kept closed
since the trust was forraed. Those now in operation are :
At Philadelphia, the Franklin Sugar Refining Corapany,
the E. C. Knight & Co. Refinery, and the Spreckels Sugar
Refining Company have been corabined.
At New York, the Haveraeyers & Elder Sugar Refining
Corapany and the Brooklyn Sugar Refining Company have
been corabined; and the F. O. Matthiessen & Wiechers Sugar
Refinery and the Haveraeyer Sugar Refining Corapany have
been combined, and if needed, the Decastro & Donner Sugar
Refinery is opened.
At Boston, the Standard Sugar Refinery and the Boston
Sugar Refinery have been combined.
At San Francisco, the Araerican Sugar Refinery and the
California Sugar Refinery.
Further, one or both refineries at New Orleans part of
the year. All the rest are closed.
The average product of the tmst refineries Is 30,000
barrels per day. AUowing 300 working days in the year, this
would mean that they are melting up soraething like 1,400,000
tons of raw sugar per annura, or, say, 70 per cent of the total

THE TRUSTS 483
consuraption of 2,000,000 tons. The reraainder of 600,000
tons Is used by the Independent refiners, Including part of the
Louisiana cane crop which is consuraed without refining, and
the refineries using beet sugar, etc., grown in this country.
There are now only four independent refineries In opera
tion, and two are now being built at Brooklyn, one by Messrs.
Arbuckle Bros., the other by Mr. Claus Doscher, who was for
raerly connected with the Brooklyn Sugar Refining Corapany.
The four independent refineries now in operation are the
following: The MoUenhauer Sugar Refinery and the National
Sugar Refinery, New York; the Revere Sugar Refinery (Nash,
Spaulding & Co., owners), Boston, and the W. I. McCahan
Sugar Refinery, Philadelphia. Their combined product, I be
lieve. Is about 450,000 tons per annura.
The trust takes about 80 per cent of the Louisiana crop,
raostiy for the New Orleans refineries, and In order to get
the sugars cheap they generally reduce their own prices all
round as soon as the crop comes to market.
The Hawaiian sugars are bought under contracts with the
producers, who are thereby enabled to absorb a good propor
tion of the duty saved. The terms have varied, but I think
the present arrangeraent Is that the trust pay the New York
value of centrifugals 96 degrees test on day of arrival of any
cargo at San Francisco or any other United States port, less
one-fourth cent per pound.
Mr. President, in this connection there Is certainly a very
interesting state of affairs. It appears that the sugar trust
has bought the Hawaiian sugar, paying for It at the New
York price, less one-fourth of a cent a pound ; in other words,
the duty which would have been levied upon Hawaiian sugar
has been divided between the producers and the sugar tmst.
The contract between the Hawaiian sugar producers and the
sugar trust expires within a few weeks, and the trust Is trying
to force the producers to give thera a larger share of the duty.
They are not satisfied with one-fourth of a cent a pound, which
amounted last year to $1,200,000, but they want more of the
plunder. It Is very significant in this connection, Mr. President,

484 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
that the coraraittee of this body struck out the House provision
continuing the Hawaiian treaty. It looks as though the In
tended purpose was to help the sugar trust and corapel a
greater division of the spoils. We can judge whether this Is
so or not when the coraraittee bring In their provision to rein
state the treaty, and we can clearly, it seems to me, reasoning
from cause to effect, see that the job has been consuraraated
and that the producers have surrendered. It seeras to me the
Republican party is serving a curious purpose when It permits
Itself to be used In this manner.
It is said the trust is opposed to the continuation of the
remission of duties to the Hawaiian sugar planters, and that
has been used as an argument why the treaty should be con
tinued. Mr. President, frora the very raoraent the trust suc
ceeds In getting the planters to divide the great bonus we give
thera by reraitting duties, we shall find the sugar tmst as
ardent and as patriotic as the most enthusiastic jingoist from
Massachusetts In favor of continuing the treaty.
A portion of the beet sugar produced in California as well
as In Nebraska and other Western States Is refined on the spot
and goes into consumption. The rest is absorbed in the tmst
refineries, mostly In San Francisco.
I was a Uttle surprised the other day to hear the Senator
from Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] urge as a reason why the
duty should be increased upon refined sugar that it would
stimulate the production of sugar In this country. It seemed
to me to sound like the sarae old argument which has been
used to carry through alraost every scherae to enrich a few
people at the expense of the raany.
Beet sugar is refined by the factories which produce it.
The sugar does not go to the refinery at all. All the sugar
is ready for raarket when it leaves the mill. Therefore, to
stimulate the production of beet sugar In this country means
the destmction of the refiners now operating; It raeans the
absolute destruction of their property. The day that beet
sugar supplies the Araerican market the property of the re
finers, whose refineries are located all along the coast, will
be absolutely worthless. That will happen when the Araer-

THE TRUSTS 485
lean farmer produces beets enough to supply the Araerican
market. Therefore the trust is Interested in anything and every
thing which will prevent the growth of the beet-sugar Industry
in this country. How a duty in the special interest of a lot
of garablers in New York can be construed into stiraulating
the beet-sugar industry of this country is beyond the range
of ray iraagination. Neither will that argument be of any
value to obtain for the Republican party the votes of the peo
ple of the West. They are going to know the facts In regard
to this bill; they are going to know whether what we charged
in the last carapaign was true or not, that the RepubUcan party
has ceased to stand for anything but the gold standard and the
trusts. As a mle, we have always received about 80 per cent
of the Cuban crops each year, which yielded a total of 1,000,-
000 tons and over, but, owing to the insurrection, only about
200,000 to 250,000 tons have been raade during the last two
years. The 2,000,000 tons of sugar now used in the United
States per year are drawn frora the following sources :
About 1,550,000 tons corae frora foreign countries.
About 200,000 tons corae frora Hawaiian Islands.
About 250,000 tons are produced In this country — in
Louisiana and Texas from cane, say
about 200,000 tons; the remainder,
50,000 tons, from beet, maple, and
sorghura.

Say 2,000,000 tons.
I wish to call attention to this fact, Mr. President, that
all the Hawaiian sugar was not received at the port of San
Francisco. On the contrary, 49,000 tons of Hawaiian sugar
went to the port of New York and were adraitted there free
of duty, the sarae as that which was adraitted at San Fran
cisco.

486 THE COURSE OF EMPlKli
Two railUon tons, Mr. President, are 4,480,000,000
pounds. Estiraating the population of the United States at
76,250,000, the average annual consumption of each indi
vidual — man, woraan, and chUd, of all races — is 62 pounds,
and 70 per cent of this, or 43 pounds. Is supplied by the
tmst. Practically the entire sugar trade of the United States is
subject to the dictatorship of the tmst. The independent
refiners follow the trust quotations and place their product In
the sarae way. In buying raw sugars they are beUeved to have
an understanding. At any rate, no signs of corapetition are
visible. There are enough buyers disgruntled with the trust
to keep up the independent refiners, and the latter are glad to
be let alone by the tmst so long as the trust Is graciously dis
posed, as at present, to let thera live upon the crurabs which
fall frora Its table.
Let us consider the raanner in which the business of the
sugar trust Is conducted. From the date of Its organization
in 1887, Including as it did all the leading refineries, the trust
controlled the sugar trade of the United States. Recognizing
this fact, the Wholesale Grocers' Association of New York
requested to be informed by daily quotations from the trust
of the price of sugar, and otherwise how to manage their
business. The trust corapUed and began at once to issue
daily quotations of the price at which all grades of sugar
manufactured by It should be sold by the wholesale grocers
and jobbers, the profit of these to depend upon certain dis
counts and drawbacks allowed by the trust, but only paid at
the end of three months upon the affidavit of the wholesale
grocers and jobbers that the trust prices had been strictly
adhered to.
At first, before the grocery raerchants generally had be
corae accustoraed to subrait to trust raethods, the trust used
to Inflict severe punishment upon those who did not comply
with its rules by refusing to supply them with goods, and it
still continues to remind the trade of Its power by occasionally
sumraoning a raerchant to Its office to answer to the charge of
selling below the estabUshed quotations. There was a time,

THE TRUSTS 487
also, when it was not possible for a raerchant who handled
the product of any of the independent refiners to obtain sugar
frora the trust, but it Is said to be raore lenient in this respect
now. About a year ago, In order to avoid the charge of dis
criraination In sales, the trust deterrained not to sell their
goods to any one. They then established a systera of factors,
to whom all sugar for the trade Is consigned to be sold for
account of the trust, upon a coraraission of three-sixteenths
of a cent per pound, to be paid upon affidavit at the end of
three raonths from the date of each consignment that the trust
prices as established daily have been adhered to in selling.
There are also certain coraraissions allowed upon like terms.
By this system of factors the raanagers of the trust also secure
theraselves against loss. If a wholesale dealer in groceries,
sugars, teas, and coffees who is a factor of the trust fails,
the sugar trust takes possession of the sugar which he has
on hand, and also receives from the assignee of the failing
dealer all collections for sugar sold by hira.
One exception is raade by the sugar trust to the policy of
raaking no sales to any one, and that Is in favor of manu
facturers, such as bakers, confectioners, packers and preserv
ers of fruit, etc. Sales of sugar are raade to such persons
upon an agreeraent that the sugar is not to be sold except in
the form of confections, candy, cake, pies, preserves, etc. It
is a fact that a raanufacturer of candy or a canner of fruit must
sign a written agreeraent that he will not buy sugar of any one
but the tmst, and that he will not sell or dispose of the sugar
except' In a manufactured forra in connection with his own
product, and if he will not sign such an agreeraent, then the
tmst will furnish him no sugar whatever.
A factor or manufacturer who did not coraply with the
agreeraent as to prices and sales would be refused further
consignraents or supplies, and would thus be corapelled to go
out of business. Agents of the tmst are continually on the
watch to detect apparent violations of the agreement, and raer
chants and raanufacturers are subject to frequent annoyance
growing out of false and raalicious reports of the trust spies.

488 THE COUrs.oiL ut xLiviruM:.
The trust does not now atterapt to control the retail trade,
which can only purchase from the factor. Having raade sure
that the retail grocer pays the trust price for his goods, he^
may seU sugar to the consuraer at any price he pleases.
The raethods of the sugar trust can be best illustrated by
the evidence taken before the Lexow coraraittee in New York
last winter. I shall not read this testiraony, but I ask to have
it inserted in ray reraarks. I wIU say, however, that Francis
H. Krenning, of St. Louis, a wholesale grocer, refused to sign
the agreement which the tmst presented to him, and there
upon they refused to sell hira sugar upon any terras. He then
applied to the four independent refiners of this country to
secure sugar for his custoraers.
They also refused to sell hira a single pound of sugar
under any circurastances, showing that after all the trust
reaches every refinery in this country, and that the corabina
tion is absolute and coraplete. He was therefore compelled
to iraport sugar. But he says that If the duty on refined sugar
is increased above the present rate under the Wilson Act, he
will be corapelled to cease iraporting; that it will be impos
sible to do It, and he will be forced out of the sugar trade,
in fact. Francis H. Krenning, a St. Louis wholesale grocer, gave some clear-
cut testimony in regard to the methods of the sugar trust in controlling
middlemen and the absence of any real competition by the so-called
"independent" sugar refineries. Mr. Krenning said that, desiring to
maintain his independence, he refused to sign the latest sugar factors'
agreement, and was promptly turned adrift by the trust, which charged
him more for sugar than even the retailers were required to pay.
He tried to get sugar from the brokers of the "competing" refineries,
and they flatly refused to sell him a pound. Nevertheless, he has man
aged to get along and make money by buying sugar of the small inde
pendent refineries in Louisiana during the season and by importing
Dutch sugar at other times. The trust has not yet succeeded in closing
him up, though it has placed spies upon him and attempted to cut
off his source of supply. Mr. Krenning expects to be able to keep on
fighting unless the tariff on refined sugar is raised, in which case he
would have to go out of business or agree to the trust's conditions.
His testimony, which was substantiated by telegrams from the trust
and from the "independent" refiners, was so telling that Senator Mc-

THE TRUSTS 489
Carren could not let it pass unchallenged. The witness proved more
than a match for him. He told him that Dutch sugar could be im
ported because the Dutch refiners were satisfied with a small margin of
profit. He demonstrated that sugar labor was paid the same here as in
Holland, and when Senator McCarren tried to disprove by him the
theory that wholesale grocers can not exist without the consent of the
trust, he answered him by pointing out that he was only one out of
18,000, or the exception which proved the rule.
The first witness in the afternoon was Francis H. Krenning, of
St. Louis. Senator Lexow lost no time in getting down to business.
Q. Have you as a jobber had transactions with the American Sugar
Refining Company?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Did you accept the factors' plan of agreement?
A. No, sir.
Q. Is this the system of factors' agreement adopted in St. Louis
[handing the witness a document] ?
A. Yes, sir.
"What happened when you did not accept the agreement?" asked
Senator Lexow.
"The American Sugar Refining Company notified its St. Louis
broker that we were to pay 9 points more for sugar. We also lost the
rebate, which made a total difference of 36 points, or $1.30 a barrel."
Mr. Krenning here produced a copy of a telegram which he said
the American Sugar Refining Company sent the St. Louis broker on
November 22, 1895. It was as follows:
"Have no consignment of sugars to offer Krenning. Will sell
Krenning at $4.75, direct shipment."
"What price would that be, including freight?"
"It would give the factor $1.75 per barrel advantage over us."
Mr. Krenning also said that subsequent to this the MoUenhauer
Sugar Company and the Howell National Sugar Company, both "in
dependent," had declined to sell his firm sugar. He identified the copy
of a telegram which his firm had received from the Howell Company.
It was as follows:
"Howell declines to sell Krenning under any terms."
"What is the effect of the factors' agreement?"
"You can not do business without the factors' agreement."
"Are jobbers having the factors' agreement allowed to sell to you,
not having the factors' agreement?"
"No, sir."
Mr. Krenning said that because of his refusal to sign the agree
ment his firm had experienced considerable difficulty in securing any
sugar at all.

49° THE COURSE ut £mrir^.l:.
Q. Do you know whether an attempt has been made to exclude
the Louisiana planters' sugar from competition?
A. Yes, sir; they attempted to exclude the Louisiana planters'
sugar the same as the imported sugar.
Q. Are the factors allowed to sell the Louisiana sugar?
A. In 1896 they were prohibited from selling it, but in 1897 they
were allowed to sell it under certain restrictions.
Q. (Senator McCarren.) Why did you refuse to become a fac
tor? A. Because the factor system' stifled competition, and that is not
right. Mr. Krenning said that the American Sugar Refining Company,
during the grinding season, in which the sugar crop of the coun
try is being produced, lowered the price of sugar in St. Louis by one-
fourth of a cent a pound below the price at which it is sold in the
East, and that immediately after the grinding season . caused the price of
its product to be increased in St. Louis.
Q. (Senator McCarren.) Can you explain to the committee
why foreign refineries sell at a lesser price than the American Sugar
Refining Company?
A. The foreign refiners are content with a smaller margin of profit
than the American Sugar Refining Company.
Q. Is it not because labor is cheaper on the other side?
A. No, sir; the average wages of laborers in the sugar business
is about the same here as in Europe.
In reply to another question by Mr. McCarren, the witness said his
firm was selling more sugar than ever and that they were making
greater efforts to sell.
Q. (Senator McCarren.) Have you ever found it difficult to sup
ply your trade since October, 1895?
A. Sometimes.
Q. And your profits have been as great as when you dealt with the
American Sugar Refining Company?
A. About the same.
Q. Then why did you come here to testify ?
A. I want to show how that company has tried to prevent the im
portation of foreign sugar.
Q. And you are a living example of their failure to force whole
salers out of business?
A. I am the exception that proves the rule.
Mr. Krenning said that if the tariff on foreign sugar was increased
his firm would have to go out of business or else sign the factors'
agreement. Q. .(Senator McCarren.) Would you be in favor of paying a
slight increase for the American product if labor would benefit by it?

THE TRUSTS 491
A. Yes, sir.
Q. Then why don't you do it in this instance?
A. We can't get the American sugar without signing the agree
ment. The relation of the daily price of refined sugar fixed by the
tmst to the raarket price of raw sugar Is Illustrated by the
transactions of one day In May of the present year. On that
day the price of granulated sugar as fixed by the trust was
$4.56 per hundred pounds. Now the factor's trade aUow
ance on this of three-sixteenths of a cent a pound is 18%
cents, leaving the price to him $4.37%. From this is to be
deducted in his favor the trade discount of i per cent, say 4^
cents, leaving $4.32%, and frora this a further discount of i
per cent is raade for cash, leaving the net price to the factor
of refined, $4.28^ per hundred pounds. The price of raw
centrifugals, 96 degrees test, duty paid, on that day was
$3.3134 per hundred pounds.
The difference, or apparent profit, is 97 J4 cents; or if all
the declraals had been carried out, as they would be in large
transactions, say $97.29 on 10,000 pounds. Frora this, of
course, is to be deducted the cost of refining. This Is estimated
by men who have grown up in the sugar trade as samplers
and graders of sugar and have followed the cost of refining
for years, from the tirae when It was 4 cents a pound and raore
down to the present tirae, to be now frora 37 J/2 to 44 cents
per 100 pounds.
Taking the highest estiraate, and both cover everything
that enters Into cost of refining, Including labor, interest on
capital, wear and tear of plant, and deUvery of goods f. o. b.,
the net profit is $53.29 on 10,000 pounds.
The average product daily of the tmst refineries is 30,000
barrels of 320 pounds each, or 9,600,000 pounds, upon which
the profit thus estimated is $51,098.40. For three hundred
working days in the year it would be $15,329,520. The an
nual charge of 7 per cent upon $37,500,000 of preferred stock
is $2,625,000. The annual dividend of 12 per cent on $37,-
500,000 of comraon stock is $4,500,000. Together they
amount to $7,125,000, or less than one-half the estimated

492 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
net profit of the trust, for three hundred working days, of
30,000 barrels daily product of granulated sugar.
In this connection it Is well to remark that the work of
refining Is done alraost entirely by machinery; the number of
raen eraployed is very sraall; they are required to work twelve
hours a day, and during the suramer the heat is intense.
So to-day no American laborers are employed in the sugar
refineries of this country. The work is done by Huns and
Poles, who have largely been imported for that purpose, and
the nuraber Is exceedingly sraall — five or six thousand men at
the outside. Yet we hear so much about the protection of
American labor, and under the provisions of this bill we
actually raake a present to the sugar trust of $10,000,000,
not $2,000,000 of which will be paid to those laborers.
The product is not all granulated sugar, and the relative
quantity of hard and soft sugars made by the tmst is a trade
secret which is carefully kept. But the margin of profit on the
soft sugars is greater than on the hard, because they are made
frora a cheaper grade of raw sugars and the process of refin
ing is less expensive, so that the estiraate of the profits of the
trust based on all granulated sugar is not too large.
Moreover, the price of raw sugar in New York is subject
to raanipulation by the trust, as has been before alluded to In
speaking of the purchase of the Louisiana crop. The price of
raw sugar in New York is governed norainally by the prices
quoted by cable for cane and beet sugars In London and
Hamburg. But If the trust wanted to buy in New York, they
might sell In London or Haraburg, so as to put down the price,
and then buy in New York the next day.
SiraUar tactics are believed to be pursued In regard to the
purchases of sugar abroad, and if the invoices of sugar im
ported by the trust are raade out at lower rates than actually
paid, as has often happened in the case of raerchandise Im
ported by others, an explanation would be easy of the prefer
ence by the managers of the tmst for an ad valorem duty In
stead of a specific duty of so rauch per pound. If the trust
keeps out of the raarket for three or four weeks, the price of

THE TRUSTS 493
raw sugar goes down, because the other refiners can not take
enough to keep the raarket up.
In addition to the advantage which thus accrues to the
sugar trust through an ad valorera duty upon the raw sugar,
there is also in the Wilson tariff act, as well as In the biU now
before the Senate, a differential duty upon refined sugar. This
is estimated by the trade to be about 22 cents per 100 pounds
under the Wilson tariff. The trade also estimate that the
proposed differential in the bill now under discussion, as It
passed the House, was 35 cents per 100 pounds, and as orig
inally reported by the Senate Finance Corhmittee It was 45
cents per 100 pounds. As now reported by the Republican
caucus of the Senate, the differential duty in favor of the tmst
is 52 cents per 100 pounds.
It Is this differential duty the amendment of which I
gave notice on May 25, and which has been read to-day,
undertakes to abolish, unless the sugar tmst ceases to exist,
or, in other words, changes Its raethods of business so far as
they restrict and restrain trade.
How rauch reUef this would afford to the trade is a raat
ter that can only be tested by experience. At present the quan
tity of refined sugar imported is quite small In coraparison with
the total consuraption of this country.
Foreign refined sugar is now sold in Uraited quantities in
New York, duty paid, at one-eighth to three-sixteenths of a
cent lower than the net price of Araerican refined — that is,
the daily trust price — less the trade allowance and discounts.
But it is not so popular as the doraestic refined, partly because
of the raanner in which it Is put up in bags instead of barrels
and partly because it does not mn so regular In the qualities
of color and grain, although the saccharine test of most of it
is equal to that of the Araerican product.
It is quite probable that the repeal of the differential duty,
which araounts now to a Uttle over one-fifth of a cent per
pound, and was increased to nearly half a cent a pound by
the Senate Finance Coraraittee and by the Republican caucus
to over half a cent, would not enlarge to any great extent
the iraportations of foreign refined sugar in ordinary times,

494 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
but the chief value of the repeal would consist in the check
which It would impose upon the arbitrary Increase of the price
of refined sugar by the trust, for such an increase would be
sure to cause foreign refined sugar to be sent here in quantities
sufficient to affect the market.
The Senator from Rhode Island [Mr. Aldrich], in pre
senting the bill to the Senate, stated that at times raw sugar
and refined sugar brought the sarae price In Gerraany. There
is no doubt that is true, frora the fact that the raodern Ger
raan factories are refineries as well, and they turn out nothing
but refined sugar, and the cost of refining is therefore prac
tically saved. So they can sell refined sugar at about the price
of raw sugar, and if we were producing beets in sufficient
quantities to raake the sugar of this country, we would sell
refined sugar at about the same price, for every raodern fac
tory is a refinery as well.
So far I have only referred to the strictly revenue duty
upon sugar. I corae now to the consideration of the differen
tial duty iraposed for the protection of the refiners.
The refiners of sugar, when they are not corabined in a
tmst, are entitled to protection just as rauch as any other class
of Araerican raanufacturers. But this protection should, like
the duty upon the raw or unrefined article, be specific and so
stated that all can understand it. Upon this point the senti
raent of the public Is, I believe, expressed In the following:
"Put a round extra duty of one-eighth of a cent per pound
on all refined sugars, and If that is not enough, raake it one-
fourth of a cent. If the protection is too high, matters will
easily adjust theraselves by the building of raore refineries."
I have no objection to whatever measure of protection
to the sugar refiners may be satisfactory to a majority of the
Senate. If the araendraent which I have proposed to the
pending bill be adopted, the following provision will apply to
the sugar schedule as well as to others :
Provided, That when a duty is levied upon raw material or any
article that is improved by any process after being imported, the duty
on the raw material or unrefined or unimproved article shall be col
lected as provided by this act; but the differential or additional duty

THE TRUSTS 495
shall not be collected if the improved or refined product is found to be
the subject of a trust, as hereinbefore set forth.
I have already given a description of the raanner In
which the sugar trust conducts its business. Its raethods are
obnoxious to every free Araerican citizen. But, Mr. Presi
dent, the claira Is raade in behalf of the trust that It has cheap
ened the cost of sugar to the people.
I have therefore investigated the question, and find, on
the contrary, that the organization of the trust has raised the
price of sugar; not that sugar has not gone down since the
tmst was organized, for all things have gone down in value
as measured In gold, but I contend that the price of refined
sugar corapared with the price of raw sugar is higher to-day
and has been every day since the trust was formed than it
was before. In other words the difference Is greater. I have
prepared a table showing the price of raw centrifugal sugar
in New York In 1886 and each year since up to 1896, and the
price of refined granulated sugar at the same place, and also
the difference between the two.
I find that In 1886 the difference between raw and refined
sugar In New York was 71 cents a hundred pounds. In 1887,
the year the trust was organized, but previous to its going into
operation, it was 64 cents a hundred. In 1888, the year after
the trust was organized, the difference between raw and re
fined sugar In New York was $1.25 a hundred pounds. In
1889 it was $1.32 a hundred pounds. In 1890 the McKinley
bill was pending; we were going to put sugar on the free
list, and the trust was anxious for a differential protection, and
it reduced the price of refined sugar so that the difference
between raw and refined was but 70 cents a hundred pounds.
In 1 89 1, however, they raised It to 73 cents a hundred
pounds, and in 1892 to $1.03 a hundred pounds, and in 1893
to $1.15 a hundred pounds; but again a tariff bill was pend
ing, the Wilson bill was under consideration, and they reduced
the difference to 88 cents a hundred pounds. In 1896 It was
91 cents per hundred pounds, and to-day .there is 97^ cents
difference on the hundred pounds between the price of raw

496

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

and refined sugar as against 64 cents when the trust was or
ganized. Therefore we have between 30 and 35 cents raore to
pay for refined sugar than we would have to pay if the trust
had never been organized.
Average prices of sugar, raw centrifugals, g6 degrees, and granulated
, refined, in New York, for the calendar years 1886 to i8g6

Year

Raw
centrif ugal

Refined granu lated

Differ ence

Year

Raw

Refined

centrif

granu

ugal

lated

Cents

Cents

3-32

4-35

3-69

4.84

3-24

4.12

3-27

41S

3.62

4-53

Differ ence

Cents

1887*1888*1889*1890*i89it

392

Cents 6.236.027.187.896.27
4.65

Cents

0.71

1892

.64

1893

I,2S

1894

1.32

l89S

.70

1896

.73

Cents 1,03 IS

91

* Duty paid.

t Free of duty.

These figures are taken frora the Statistical Sugar Trade
Journal of New York. They show that at no time since the
trust was organized has the difference between the cost of raw
and refined sugars been so small as In 1887, before the for
mation of the tmst. In 1887 the average difference between
the cost of raw centrifugals and refined granulated was sixty-
four one-hundredths of i cent per pound. The next year the
tmst took advantage of their mastery of the situation and ad
vanced the price of granulated one cent and a quarter ?, pound
above the price of raw sugar. In 1889 they gave the screw
another twist and advanced the price to i cent and thirty-two
one-hundredths of a cent above the price of raw sugar.
In 1890 a tariff bill was pending which put sugar on the
free Ust, but in which the tmst wanted the protection of a duty
on refined, and so it reduced its raargin of profit to seventy
one-hundredths of a cent a pound. This was only increased by
three one-hundredths of a cent In 1891, but the raargin was
over a cent a pound in 1892 and 1893. The trust carae down
to eighty-eight one-hundredths of a cent a pound in 1894,
while the Wilson bill was pending, and kept that rate, on an
average, in 1895. Last year the difference was ninety-one one-

THE TRUSTS 497
hundredths of a cent, which Is about the average of the past
eleven years, or twenty-one one-hundredths raore than In 1886,
the year before the trust was organized. The difference at
present, as I have shown already, is a little over ninety-seven
one-hundredths of a cent a pound.
When the reduction in the cost of refining Sugar since
1886 is taken into consideration, when we take Into consid
eration the cheaper labor, cheaper raaterial of every kind which
can be had to-day than in 1886, this Increase between the
cost of raw and refined sugar shows how perfectly and how
corapletely the trust have been able to raanlpulate and control
the raarket.
Under these circumstances, owing to the fact that the
tmst charge practically all the difference they can possibly
charge under whatever tariff we levy, it seems to me the con
clusion raust be that they can refine sugar as cheaply as any
body, and that any differential duty that we may place upon
sugar Is absolutely in the interest of the tmst; and if we do
it, we do It with our eyes open, intending to put that much
In the pockets of the trust and take it out of the pockets of the
people of this country. There ought to be no differential duty
whatever in favor of refined sugar.
Mr. Haveraeyer testified before the House coraraittee that
he could refine sugar as cheaply In this country as it could be
refined any place in the world. Therefore what reason is
there — I would Uke to know what reason the coramittee can
give — ^why we should take out of the pockets of the people
of this country this sum of money and put it into the pockets
of raen who, owing to this fact, have succeeded in staining the
fair character of the Senate of the United States In the eyes of
the people of this country?
They carae In 1890, and what occurred? The House of
Representatives had placed a duty of four-tenths of a cent a
pound on refined sugar, all other sugar to be free. The biU
carae to this body. Every one knows that 40 cents a hundred
is a sufficient duty upon refined sugar, for It costs only 40 cents
to refine it. It is 100 per cent. Yet the Senate of the United
States deliberately increased the araount to 50 cents a hun-

498 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
dred, raaking the duty about 125 per cent upon the cost of
refining. Of course a sugar scandal grew up. Mr. Have-
raeyer testified In 1894 that under the operation of the Mc
Kinley law the sugar trust raade a profit In three years of
$35,000,000, and he said so long as the McKinley law con
tinued upon the statute books he proposed to take out of the
people of this country that profit.
Everybody understands how In 1894 the sugar trust was
on the ground and how close the fight was; but there was
always enough to protect the trust. If every Republican In
this body at that time had voted to strike off the one-eighth
differential duty in favor of the trust, it was well understood
that the Wilson bill could not pass.
It was well understood that unless the sugar trust had one-
eighth of a cent differential duty in their favor on refined sugar
they could beat the Wilson bill. And yet so potential was
the tmst, so all-powerful was their combination, that of the
Republicans most interested In the defeat of the Wilson bill
and in the perpetuation of the protective-tariff measure as
framed by Republicans, enough were found to vote with the
sugar trust to prevent striking off the eighth. In other words,
the Interest was so much greater in the sugar trust than in
the general policy of protection that they flew to the rescue
of the trust and abandoned the principle of protection.
When we corae to a test vote now, It Is very close, as it was
the other day, but enough votes are secured always to protect
the interests of the trust. It seeras to rae that unless the
Republican party wants to go into the next campaign ham
pered by this issue, unless It wants to have put upon it as a
party, in a way It can not avoid, the Issue that it exists simply
that the gold standard raay be perpetuated and that trusts may
thrive. It raust vote for the araendraent offered by the Senator
frora Kentucky [Mr. Lindsay] striking off all differential
duties whatever.
I should like to ask the RepubUcans frora the Western
States, who have no interest In sugar refiners and have no
sugar refineries in their States, what they get out of being used
for the purppse of perpetuating the Interests of this raonopoly?

THE TRUSTS 499
Do they want in the next carapaign to confront their con
stituents upon this Issue? Perhaps they can afford to sacri
fice their political lives, but I doubt It. They certainly can not
afford to sacrifice their consciences and their opinions.
There is no doubt that the price of refined sugar is less
now than it was when the trust was formed. At that time
the duty on raw sugar was specific, based upon the saccharine
strength, and averaged about 2 cents a pound. This duty
was taken off by the McKinley tariff In 1890. Sugar reraained
free of duty until August 28, 1894, but the difference between
the price of raw and of refined was greater In 1892 and 1893
than at any tirae since 1886, except during the two years 1888
and 1889, Imraediately following the organization of the trust.
Since the imposition of the Wilson tariff duty of 40 per cent
ad valorera, the apparent difference between the cost of raw
sugar, duty paid, and that of refined is less than in the years
referred to, but nearly 16 per cent greater than it was In
1886. So the reduction in the price of sugar to the consumer is
not due to the operation of the trust, but to changes in tariff
duties and a fall in the price of raw sugar, which has lowered
the price of refined sugar all over the world, and makes it pos
sible now for foreign refined sugar to be sold In New York,
duty paid, at a slightly lower cost than the net cash price
of the product of the trust.
All dealers in sugar have a feeUng of dread in their
dealings with this corporation that grates upon their Araerican
instincts. They know that they are but slaves of an iron-
handed and steel-willed despotisra, which has the power of
coramercial life and death, and is subject to no restraint but the
will of its raanagers. They dare not openly coraplain of the
conditions under which they are forced to do business for fear
that they may be deprived of the opportunity of doing busi
ness at aU.
Since the sugar trust does not sell Its product for general
consumption, but appoints Its own factors to sell its goods
upon coraraission. It raay dismiss a factor at its own discre
tion, and that raeans siraply ruin to a raerchant who has grown

500 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
up in the sugar trade frora boyhood and knows no other
business in which to raake a living for himself and his
faraily. Mr. President, the old treatises upon poUtical economy
must all be destroyed and new text-books written for the in
struction of the coming generation, no raatter whether they
are engaged in selling manufactured sugar or any other raanu
factures. If the rule of trusts Is to be perpetuated through the
neglect of Congress to enact the legislation necessary for their
suppression. We have been taught that the successful mer
chant buys in the cheapest market and sells In the dearest,
that prices are at all times subject to supply and deraand,
and that the wise raan In business foresees the deraand and
provides the supply.
But I have shown conclusively that these laws of trade
are absolutetly overthrown in the cases of the sugar trust, and
It is so with every tmst. I have taken the sugar trust, and
have largely exposed Its raethods, as an Illustration of the
entire business policy when conducted under trust raethods.
Not only the raerchants in the sugar trade and in every
other trade controlled by a trust, but also the entire Araerican
people who are not participants In the profits of such illicit
combinations are very Impatient of trust domination. They
do not listen with respect to the apostles of the new political
economy who assure them that greater benefits accrue to the
poor man under the modern systera of trusts than urider the
old free corapetition in business which used to be called the
life of trade.
But, Mr. President, there are many other trusts. I intend
to give briefly the history of some of the other trusts which
exist In this country. One of the greatest, most oppressive,
and most heartless tmsts is the anthracite-coal trust, and as
it Is a fair sample of many others, I will give a brief sketch
of its methods.
Here, again. It is asserted that no trust exists. It will be
fair, therefore, to examine somewhat the methods of this or
ganization. This trust has existed for years. Fifty years ago
the courts of Pennsylvania declared that the anthracite coal

THE TRUSTS 501
producers could not combing lawfully; but to-day they are com
bined, and the rise in the price of coal in every haralet in the
United States upon a single day last year proves conclusively
that a combination exists.
This trust has existed for years, but was reorganized at a
raeeting of the officers of the railroad corapanies engaged in
the anthracite coal traffic held In New York City January 23,
1896. The various corapanies were represented as follows:
Philadelphia and Reading, by Joseph S. Harris, president and
receiver, and C. E. Henderson, general raanager; Delaware,
Lackawanna and Western, by Sara Sloan, president, and E. R.
Holden, vice-president; Lehigh Valley, by E. P. Wilbur, presi
dent, W. H. Sayre, second vice-president, and H. S. Drinker,
general counsel; Central of New Jersey, by J. Rogers Max
well, president; Delaware and Hudson, by Robert M.
Olyphant, president; Pennsylvania Railroad, by George B.
Roberts, president, and W. H. Joyce, general freight agent;
Pennsylvania Coal Corapany, by Sarauel Thorne, president,
and Thoraas Hodgson, sales agent; Erie, by E. B. Thoraas,
president, and H. B. Crandall, coal freight agent; New York,
Ontario and Western, by Thoraas P. Fowler, president, and
J. E. Childs, general manager; New York, Susquehanna and
Westem, by Araos Lawrence Hopkins, president, and F. P.
Moore, coal agent; Delaware, Susquehanna and Schuylkill
Railroad, by Alfred Walter, president.
The trust Is created by a combination of the railroads who
handle the anthracite coal. In fact, the coal mines are con
trolled by the roads.
At this raeeting the clairas of the Reading Company were
admitted to produce 21 per cent of the total output, and the
percentage which should be produced and brought to market
by each of the other corapanies was agreed upon. The fact
that Reading was undergoing reorganization at the hands of
Mr, J. Pierpont Morgan, who was the manager of the no
torious bond deals with President Cleveland in 1895 and 1896,
by which It Is proper incidentally to remark that, as a sort of
corapliraent to the Cleveland Adrainistration somebody got

502 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
about $20,000,000, had rauch to do with inducing the other
corapanies to accede to the deraands of the Reading.
It was said at the tirae that "the chief difficulty hitherto
in handling the coal trade as a whole to advantage has been
the attitude taken by the Reading Corapany, which has claimed
that it was entitled to a greater proportion of the tonnage
than It was securing, and in the last two years had been enforc
ing this claim by Increased activity at its mines." The Reading
Company owns 33 per cent of the anthracite in the ground,
and in the last six raonths of 1895 it produced raore than 22
per cent of the total output.
With Reading reorganized and Its stock held In a voting
trust named by Mr. J. P. Morgan, the other coal compa
nies felt compelled to accede to whatever terms Mr. Morgan
authorized Reading to propose, for they knew the power
which he possessed and had seen sorae evidences of the re
lentless raanner in which he exercised this power when his
wishes were disregarded. So the matter was settled by giving
the Reading Company the tonnage which it deraanded, while
the distribution araong the other corapanies of the reraain
der of the anthracite production was raade upon the basis
recoraraended by the Reading Company — that is, by J. Pier
pont Morgan & Co. So Mr. Morgan decided finally exactly
how rauch coal should be produced by each one of the com
panies, and then decided just what price the Araerican people
should pay for the coal.
The anthracite-coal trust is not Incorporated, and the dis
tribution of the business is fixed by the percentage arrange
raent of January 23, 1896. The quantity of coal to be pro
duced each raonth Is agreed upon by the parties to the ar
rangeraent, and the prices of the different grades of coal are
fixed by a circular issued every raonth to the trade. The
control of the anthracite trade by the trust is absolute, but that
trade Is subject to corapetition by soft coal, gas, and electricity,
so that the trust is under sorae restraint as to prices. Never
theless, the statistics of the trade gathered by Mr. Rothwell,
of the Mining Journal, show that the value of anthracite pro
duced in 1896 was an increase of $7,855,000, although the

THE TliUSTS 503
number of tons rained In 1896 was considerably less than in
1895. The division of the business is substantially as fol
lows: Per cent.
Philadelphia and Reading Railroad  21.36
Lehigh Valley Railroad  16.72
Delaware, Lackawanna and Western Railroad  13 .22
Central Railroad of New Jersey  1 1 • 97
Pennsylvania Railroad  9-77
Delaware and Hudson Canal Company  9. 29
Pennsylvania Coal Company  4-44
Delaware, Susquehanna and Schuylkill Railroad  3 .79
Erie Railroad  3 . 65
New York, Ontario and Western Railway  2 . 97 ^
New York, Susquehanna and Western Railroad  2.82
It is estimated by the managers of the trust that the pro
duction for the current year will be about 40,000,000 tons,
which is 6,545,000 tons less than In 1895, the year before the
trust was reorganized. It is also positively assuraed that there
will be no reduction In prices, but rather an advance,^ if
the people will stand it.
It appears from the evidence taken before the Lexow Cora
raittee last winter that the price of anthracite coal was in
creased $1 per ton In 1896, and as the production was 40,000,^
000 tons, the profits must have been $40,000,000.
I wIU give an extract of the testimony taken before the
Lexow coraraittee which covers this point and shows that
these people met together and agreed to raise the price of
coal first 25 cents a ton. That worked' so well that shortly
afterwards they raised It 25 cents more, and then raised it
more, in each case on the same day throughout the United
States. It appUed even to coal in the hands of retail dealers.
President D'E. B. Thomas, of the Erie Railroad, was sworn. He
said he was present at the conference held by the presidents of the vari
ous coal carriers and that the Erie Railroad received a 4 per cent allot
ment of the coal to be carried.
Then Senator Lexow read the following allotments: Philadelphia
Coal Trade Journal, New York, June a, 1897.

I.

504 THE COURon ut Jiivifik£.
and Reading, 20.50 per cent; Lehigh Valley, 15.65; New Jersey Cen
tral, 11.70; Delaware, Lackawanna and Western, 13.35; Delaware and
Hudson, 9.60; Pennsylvania, 11.40; Pennsylvania Coal Company, 4;
Erie Railroad, 4; New York, Ontario and Western, 3.10; Delaware,
Susquehanna and Schuylkill, 3.50, and New York, Susquehanna and
Western, 3.20 per cent. Mr. Roberts said he thought these figures
were correct.
Q. ^Did your company live up to the agreement ?
A. Not entirely.
Q. Is it not a fact that the coal sales agents hold meerings at No. i
Broadway to fix the price of coal?
A. I don't know.
Mr. Roberts admitted that the restriction of output naturally in
creased the demand for coal, but said that the amount of coal to be
produced was never discussed at any meeting he had attended.
Q. Was not the object of the conference to get a fair price for
coal? A. That was one of its objects. In 1895 the output exceeded the
demand and there was a glut of coal on the market. We wanted to
get a fair price in 1896.
Q. Can you give us the prices that ruled from February, 1896,
until now?
A. The agents can.
Q. Do you remember that a month after the conference the price
went up 25 cents a ton, and that the next month it went up another
25 cents? A. I don't know.
Q. Is it not a fact that the price of coal has increased a dollar
a ton since the conference?
A. I don't know; the agents can give you the figures.
Q. Was it not a fact that the output was limited to 40,000,000?
A. No agreement was made to limit the output. I will give you
the figures since 1891. In that year the output was 40,000,000 tons;
in 1892 it was 42,000,000; in 1893 it was 43,000,000; in 1894 't was
41,000,000; in 1895 it was 46,000,000, and in 1896 it was 43,000,000.
The price of anthracite coal, Mr. Roberts said, had fallen some
what, owing to the use of oils and gas. Now, he said that the con
ference agreement terminated February i of this year. The witness
created some surprise by announcing that he did not know the price of
coal now.
F. H. Gibbons, treasurer of the Delaware, Lackawanna and West
ern Railroad Company, was then called and gave it as his impression
that the price of coal was increased 30 or 40 cents a ton in 1896.
R. H. Williams, sales agent for the Erie Railroad Company, was
then called. He admitted it was customary for the agents to hold

THE TRUSTS 505
"informal talks" monthly about coal. He also said that it was cus
tomary to discuss the possible output for each month, and the allot
ments were based on those estimates.
Q. Why was it that the price of coal was increased after the presi
dents' conference?
A. Because the price was so low in 1895 that there was no money
in the mining business.
Q. You believe you had the right to meet and agree upon a fair
price for your property?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. You fix the price for coal ?
A. We try to do it, but we can not do it. The price of bituminous
coal regulates the price of anthracite coal in New York.
Q. Was the first advance in coal in 1896 the result of the con
ference? A. Yes, sir.
Q. When was the second increase?
A. About May or June.
Q. That was an increase also of 25 cents per ton?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And there was another increase of 25 cents on July i ?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. And on September i the price was still raised 25 cents?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. So that between February i and September i, 1896, the price
of coal was increased $1 per ton?
A. That is so.
Q. And that $1 a ton increase was the result of the conference?
A. Yes, sir.
Q. What does it cost to mine coal?
A. From $1.60 to $1.80 a ton.
Edwin R. Holton, vice-president of the Delaware, Lackawanna and
Western Railroad Company, was then called. He said he had entire
charge of the fixing of prices and sale of coal in his company. He de
nied that there had been any conferences of sales agents, but there were
occasional informal "talks."
Charles W. Wisner, of Walden, N. Y., vice-president of the Stevens
Coal Company, was next called. He testified that his company sold
coal to the Lehigh Valley Railroad Company and that they got 60 per
cent of what the product brought at "tide water." The other 40 per
cent goes to the railroad company.
Q. What does it cost to produce a ton of coal at the mines ?
A. About $1.80 for anthracite coal.
Q. What does that sell for at tide-water prices?
A. I think the tide-water prices are $3.87 a ton for stove coal.

5o6 THE COUKbJi Ub h^MfiKh.
Q. So that you would receive $2.32 for a ton and the carrying
company $1.55?
A. Yes, sir.
The witness said when all expenses were cleared, the mine only
made 12 cents a ton profit.
Q. Does your company fix the price to the consumer?
A. No, sir.
Q. That price is fixed by the carrying company?
A. Yes, sir; after we sign a contract with them.
Q. If you don't sign the contract, what happens?
A. We would have to market our coal direct to the consumer.
Q. Would that be feasible?
A. No, sir.
It was a fine thing to have a corabination like this as a
contributor to the committee in the carapaign, was it not? A
raise of $1 a ton on 40,000,000 tons of anthracite coal would
be $40,000,000. A raise of 25 cents a ton would be $10,-
000,000. So they made a raise In September. The cam
paign was in full blast. They made another raise a httle
later. Four raises were raade, or a raise of $1 a ton during
1896. This combination must have been formed, I judge, in
anticipation of the carapaign which was coraing on. Who do
you suppose was the recipient of these great contributions,
if any were raade? Certainly It was not those who sup
ported Mr. Bryan. Twenty-five cents a ton would buy a great
many marching capes in a campaign; It would pay the ex
penses for speakers and railroad fare and all legitimate Items
in a contest of great magnitude, and get all the voters out.
Was this for the benefit of the candidate who was nominated
by the reform Democracy at Chicago? I hardly think so.
I have here a document which will prove conclusively, I
- think, that if any contribution was made, it was not made
to the parties whd supported Williara J. Bryan In the last
contest, for Mr. Bryan, In one of his speeches (and the ques
tion of trusts was one of the issues of the carapaign), said:
I have been called an anarchist because I have opposed the trusts
and syndicates which would manage this country. I am glad to have
the opposition of these men. I am glad that if I am elected there is

THE TRUSTS 507
not a trust 'or syndicate that can come to me and say, "We put you
there, now pay us back."
Again he said In another speech :
Mr. Harrison was to debate the question of the survival of our in
stitutions. I will tell him that the great trusts which are supporting
the Republican ticket are a greater menace to our government than
anything else we have ever had. The various trusts of this country,
by their representatives, are collecting tribute from the public, and when
we protest against it they call us disturbers of the peace and anarchists.
I am opposed to the trusts. As an executive I shall use what po-wer I
have to drive every trust out of existence.
I am glad to have supported that sort of a candidate, the
man who had the indoraitable courage In that heated cara
paign to raake that iraraortal declaration. It was followed by
a 25-cent raise In coal. That was a very convenient thing. It
is no wonder they had a surplus after the contest was over.
It is no wonder that they had a surplus in the treasury to go
out and manipulate legislatures In order to make sure of this
body. We heard It talked and whispered about this Charaber
— no, not whispered, but talked on the streets, talked every
where. It was a convenient thing.
The arguraent that trusts reduce prices is thoroughly
overthrown (and I have taken some pains to go into this
question because it has been so earnestly urged) by the experi
ence of the Standard OU Company. I wIU publish as part of
ray remarks a statement showing the cost of the crude oil
and the cost of refined oU, and the difference between the cost
of cmde and refined, frora 1870 to 1893.
Bearing In mind that the Standard Oil trust was formally
organized in 1882, although in process of formation several
years before that time, we observe that the average difference
in price between crude and fefined oil during the four years
1870-1873 was 14.697 cents per gallon, and during 1880-1883
was 5.885 cents, and during 1890-1893 was 4.97 cents.
The average difference during 1881, 1882, and 1883 was
5.577 cents, and during 1 89 1, 1892, and 1893 it was 5.55 cents.
This establishes the fact that the faU in the charge for
refining, which had been very rapid prior to the forraation of

5o8

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

Year

Price

Price

crude

refined

Differ

oil

oil

ence

Cents

Cents

Cents

9.19

26.3s

17.16

10.52

14

14

13.72

9-43

23

.?9

14.16

4.12

17

«7

13-75

2.81

12

98

10.17

2.96

13

00

10,04

S-99

19

16

13.17

S.68

IS

44

9.76

2.76

10

76

8.00

2.04

8

08

6,04

2.24

9

OS

6.81

2.30

8

01

S-7I

Year

Price

Price

crude

refined

oil

oil

Cents

Cents

1.87

7-39

2.S2

8

02

1.99

8

IS

2. II

7

93

1.69

7

07

1-59

6

72

2.08

7

49

2.24

7

II

2.06

7

30

1.67

6

85

1.32

6

07

1.50

S

22

Differ ence

187018711872187318741875 18761877187818791880l88i

18821883188418851886188718881889 18901 891
1892 1893

Cents

52SO 16
8238 13
41 87 24 18
7572

the trust, has almost disappeared since then. The Standard
Oil Corapany, although raore farsighted in forestalling public
attack by some concessions In price than the sugar and some
other trusts, has evidently Intercepted raany of the benefits
which the progress In arts would inevitably have conferred
upon the public under free competition.
Before the Lexow trust coraraittee, according to press re
ports, President Henry O. Haveraeyer thus testified:
It goes without saying that a man who can control 80 per cent of
the output can control the price if he chooses to exercise that power.
Q. Then by controlling 80 per cent of the output you really do con
trol the price?
A. Without a doubt.
Q. The trust fixes the price for itself, and when you fix it for
yourselves you practically fix it for your competitors, don't you?
A. That is undoubtedly and substantially the way it works.
Mr. Arbuckle said that his competitors in coffee "usually
adopt the scale of prices as fixed by us."
Thank* to these methods, the Standard Oil Company In
1896 made over 30 per cent on its capital of a little over
$90,000,000. In the formation of the sugar trust in 1887 it was stated
that $6 of stock was Issued for every dollar actually invested.
However, I think this statement is excessive. But that more

THE TRUSTS 509
than $3 of stock was Issued for every dollar of value that was
put Into the combination there can be no possible doubt.
One of the great evUs of the trust Is overcapitalization.
This deceives investors and the pubhc as to the araount of Its
exorbitant charges and Its rational basis for expecting a con
tinuance of these profits.
I think this overcapitah zation was designed In their case
for the purpose of deceiving the pubUc as to the araount of
their profit. Take, for instance, the sugar tmst. Half of its
profit was sufficient to pay 12 per cent on $37,500,000 comraon
stock and 7 per cent on a like amount of preferred stock, and
the Interest on $10,000,000.
But if stock had been issued only for the amount actually
invested, say $20,000,000, which will cover every cent —
$25,000,000 at the outside — these dividends would have been
raore than three times as large, and would have attracted
such attention that the Senate of the United States would not
dare longer to continue to be the charapion of this organiza
tion. On the question of overcapitalization I propose to read
a portion of the report of the Lexow Senate Coraraittee on
trusts in New York last winter, as follows :
Sufficient appears upon the record to justify the conclusion that of
at least coordinate importance with the plan of industrial concentra
tion was the scheme of the issue of stock certificates of greatly in
flated nominal values. That this was a purpose definitely formed and
not merely incident to industrial development was substantially admit
ted by the spokesmen for at least two of the principal combinations of
the five which were examined.
In one case corporate assets acquired by an officer of the combina
tion for the sum of $350,000 were capitalized over night in the new
combination by the issue of certificates of a nominal value of twice that
amount, less 15 per cent.
Other corporations, organized for the distinct purpose of absorp
tion by the combination on the basis of a stock issue of a nominal value
of $800,000, were simultaneously recapitalized in the combination by
an issue of a nominal share value of about $14,000,000. Corpora
tions representing in the aggregate share issues of less than $7,000,000
were recapitalized in the combination by a nominal share issue of $50,-
000,000, less a rebate of 15 per cent. In another case live assets were

5IO THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
valued at about $5,000,000 and made the basis of an issue of about
$25,000,000 of stock, the difference being made up in the assumed value
of "good will," "brands," "trade-marks," etc. In another instance
the live assets were capitalized in so-called debenture stock, while
the common stock was issued upon the basis of computing the average
percentage of profits over a period of years and multiplying these by 16.
The trusts, then, have adopted 16 to i; that Is, sixteen
shares at $1 each for every dollar they invest. Perhaps that
is what they were contending against In the last campaign. I
heard some of thera talking, and I did not believe they under
stood the Issue much better than to have taken that position.
In another instance both common and preferred stock were issued
in bulk for the several properties acquired, studious care being exer
cised to conceal the details of payments for particular properties and
to avoid the disclosure of the processes whereby values represented by
stock issues were computed.
The net result of each of these methods of capitalization was that
large overissue of capital stock was the important, if not the main,
purpose of consolidation. One of the witnesses, whose experience and
intelligence were especially marked, when interrogated upon this ques
tion, stated that the stock issued represented the prospective earning
capacity of the combination ; that is to say, its earning capacity considered
from the view-point of all those advantages attributable to a perfected
consolidation, the control of product, the ability to fix its price, and
the economy, so eloquently described by all the witnesses, flowing from
concentration of production, management, and distribution.
It is worthy of note that while these properties were separately com
peting with each other their stock issues were small and in a few hands,
and that as soon as the combination was effected artd the nominal values
were inflated, the shares were listed on the Stock Exchange and dis
tributed among the public.
Of course they would have distributed them araong the
public if they could get rid of thera. They would be willing
to take a part of the raoney acquired frora their inflated capi- .
tal to pay dividends for a while if they could get the public
to take the stocks which were issued, three or four for one. It
is no wonder that they were desirous of getting rid of thera.
It is no wonder that they raight justly fear that legislation
would affect their value when they were pursuing such a course
of wholesale robbery of the people of the United States.

THE TRUSTS 511
In one case properties controlled by not to exceed lOO owners and
stockholders became at once speculatively active, and their shares were
distributed in a short time among upward of 9,000 distinct stock
holders; in another, the holdings of not to exceed 35 people became sub
divided among about 6,000 stockholders, while in a third the properties
of a few men were finally represented by share certificates held by up
ward of 2,000 people.
This has been pointed to as one of the beneficent results of large
combinations, viz., the diffusion of ownership, whereby the control of
a few has been subdivided among many. This argument would have
some force were it not for the methods adopted in the capitalization
of the properties before indicated. The diffusion of shares does not
necessarily carry with it the control by many of the properties thus
represented. Stockholders, satisfied with the profits they receive, are
willing to leave the original management in permanent control. Reali
zation of dividends is the father of contentment, and the supreme
effort of management must be directed toward maintaining earnings
proportionate to the stock issued, whether for live assets or for properties
closed, abandoned, or dismantled.
All this tends to indicate that the net profits of a corporation thus
organized must be held at an abnormally high figure in order to justify
the payment of dividends upon live, dead, and inflated capital ; and that,
correspondingly, labor on th'i one hand and the consumer on the other
must relatively bear their proportion. And this without reference to
the fact that the change from a strictly industrial pursuit to one in
timately coupled with speculation in the certificates representing that
industry must naturally have some effect ; and volume of product, price,
and all the incidents of a purely industrial management must be affected
by the requirements of fluctuating values on the exchange. What shall
be purely industrial becomes the tender of speculation, and the law of
supply and demand, instead of remaining the constant regulator of
output and price, finds itself determined and disturbed by the exigencies
of speculation. So it Is, Mr. President, that Instead of pursuing the even
tenor of our way as a people and as producers of wealth, the
tendency is to organize for inordinate, unusual speculative
profits, and we therefore change our business raen frora the
plodding, honest. Industrious pursuit of a trade or calling to
garablers and speculators. This certainly raust have an effect
upon our Industrial life, upon our character as a people, which
is well worthy of consideration in this connection.
I believe that one of the raost Iraportant duties this Gov
ernraent has to solve to-day is the question whether we shall

512 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
drift until we become absolutely a nation of gamblers or specu
lators, or whether we shall raake an effort to return to that in
dustrial life which characterized the better and raore vigorous
days of the RepubUc.
Mr. President, I propose to give a list of many of the
trusts, of the araount of their capital, and the amount which
the properties were worth which were incorporated into the
trust, showing the vast amount of pretended capital upon
which the people of this country are corapelled to pay Interest.
I have summarized it. First is the sugar trust.
American Sugar Refining Company: Incorporated Janu
ary IO, 1 89 1, under the laws of New Jersey, to take overesti
mated assets and business of the companies represented by the
certificates of the Sugar Refining Corapany, which was re
organized in June, 1890:
Capital stock, common  $37,500,000
Capital stocjc, preferred  37,500,000
Total  $75,000,000
First mortgage bonds, bearing interest at 6 per cent  10,000,000
In January, 1892, an increase of $25,000,000 was voted,
half to be common and half to be preferred, the proceeds to be
used for buying up other refineries or for buildings. Accord
ingly a controlling interest was purchased In March, 1892, in
the stock of the E. C.^ Knight Company, of Philadelphia,
$800,000; of the Franklin Sugar Company, of Pennsylvania,
$5,000,000; of the Spreckels Sugar Refining Company, of
Pennsylvania, $5,000,000, and of the Delaware Sugar House,
$96,000. The $25,000,000 of additional stock is included In the
$75,000,000. Dividends of 7 per cent per annum have always
been paid on the preferred, and 12 per cent per annura on the
coraraon stock. Sixty railUon dollars of that $75,000,000 of
stock is water, and so is the $10,000,000 of bonds. The of
ficers of the corapany have always refused to raake a state
raent of their earnings. Since 1890 the company has paid In
dividends $43,000,000.
Directors — H. O. Haveraeyer, T. A. Haveraeyer, F. O.

THE TRUSTS 5^3
Matthiessen, John E. Parsons (their attorney), J. E. Searles,
WilUam Dick, W. B. Thomas.
Officers — H. O. Haveraeyer, president; John E. Searles,
secretary and treasurer.
General office — 1 17 Wall street. New York.
Then the Araerican Tobacco Corapany, which was incor
porated under the laws of New Jersey for fifty years on Janu
ary 21, 1890, for the purpose of curing leaf tobacco, to buy,
manufacture, and sell tobacco in all its forras, and to estabUsh
factories, agencies, and depots for the sale and distribution
thereof, and to do all things incidental to the business of trad
ing and raanufacturing, with power to carry on its business in
all other States and Territories of the United States, and in
Canada, Great Britain, and all other foreign countries.
The corapany pays 8 per cent on the preferred stock, and
has paid 12 per cent on the coraraon. The last three dividends
on the coramon have been at the rate of 8 per cent. About one
year ago 20 per cent in scrip was declared on both classes of
stock. The officers are now talking of redeeming it in cash.
Issued.
Capital stock, common, par $50  $17,900,000
Capital stock, preferred, par $100  11,935,000
Total  $29,835,000
Authorized issue  35,000,000
Amount not issued
Capital stock, preferred  $2,065,000
Capital stock, common  3,100,000
Total  $5,165,000
The corapany has paid in dividends since 1890 a little over
$19,000,000. National Linseed Oil Company: Incorporated In June,
1887, under the laws of IlUnois. The different properties now
owned by this company were brought together In an associa
tion called the National Linseed Oil Tmst. During 1890 the
tmst was dissolved and the properties were acquired by pur
chase. It appears that this trust organized just as the sugar
trust did in, the first place, by the combination of a large numr

514 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
ber of producers, and after the New York court declared
that that forra of organization was illegal under her Indus
trial laws, they dissolved the tmst and the properties were
acquired by purchase by the National Linseed Oil Company,
in April, 1850. They have 52 oU works, located In 42 cities
of the United States, besides real estate, raachinery, patents,
etc. Capital stock, par value $100, $18,000,000.
It is estiraated that the entire property in this tmst was
worth about $8,000,000, and that they added $10,000,000 at
the time of forming the combination.
*******
National Lead Corapany: This company was organized
December 8, 1891, under the laws of New Jersey. It has
plants In New York, Massachusetts, Maryland, Pennsylvania,
Ohio, Kentucky, IlUnois, and Missouri, manufacturing white
lead and like products.
Capital stock, common  $15,000,000
Capital stock, preferred  '.  15,000,000
Total  $30,000,000
A regular 7 per cent dividend Is paid on the preferred, and
occasionally a dividend on the comraon Is declared.
This is a garabling stock, and there is no doubt that the
preferred represents raore than the entire Investraent.
United States Leather Company: This company was in
corporated in New Jersey February 25, 1893, and coraraenced
the business of tanning and selling sole and belt leather on
May 2, 1893. At the time of the organization this corapany
acquired many properties connected with the business, and
since then raany properties engaged in the manufacture of
leather have been purchased, and to pay for the same the issue
of preferred stock has been increased, frora time to time, and
in addition to every share so issued one share of comraon stock
has been paid for the good will of the corapany.
In the State of Pennsylvania property was acquired by
corapanies organized under the laws of said State. These
separate corapanies are known as the Elk, the Penn, and the
Union Triraraing corapanies, their capital stock, $10,000,000

THE TRUSTS 5^5
each, being mostly owned by the United States Leather Com
pany.Capital stock, common  $61,509,900
Capital stock, preferred  60,909,900
Total  $122,419,800
Bonds, Debentures, 6 per cent, $5,700,000
The total araount of coraraon stock, $61,509,900, is water
pure and siraple — ^that Is, there was no consideration for it
whatever — and raore than $20,000,000 of the preferred stock,
raaking, out of this $122,000,000, $81,500,000 of stock Issued
for which there Is no consideration whatever.
The preferred stock is entitled to 8 per cent, and Is curau-
lative. It is now behind in its dividends on the preferred stock
20 per cent. The last four dividends were i per cent quar
terly. The last i per cent was paid March 15, 1897. So It is
not behind in its dividends, except It pays only about one-half
what it was supposed that the stock would pay.
The United States Rubber Corapany is an interesting ex
ample. This company was Incorporated In New Jersey in
1892, for the raanufacture of rubber boots, shoes, etc. The
organization Includes the following:
Araerican Rubber Company, Boston.
Boston Rubber Company, Boston.
Para Rubber Company, Boston.
L. Candee & Co., New Haven, Conn.
Goodyear Metallic Rubber Shoe Corapany, Naugatuck,
Conn. Lycoraing Rubber Corapany, WllUarasport, Pa.
Meyer Rubber Corapany, New Brunswick, N. J.
New Bmnswick Rubber Company, New Brunswick, N. J.
New Jersey Rubber Shoe Company, New Brunswick, N. J.
National India Rubber Company, Bristol, R. I.
Woonsocket Rubber Corapany.
Mervel Rubber Corapany.
Lawrence Felting Company.
Colchester Rubber Company.
Rubber Manufacturers' SelUng Corapany.

5i6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Capital stock, common  $20,166,000
Capital stock, preferred  19,400,500
Total  $39,566,500
*******
The coramon stock, $20,166,000, is all water. The pre
ferred pays 8 per cent, and very frequently the comraon gets
a dividend. The corapany claira it is earning 7 per cent on the
coraraon. The capital stock — the comraon stock — was issued for
what is called good will, brands, trade-raarks, etc. It was
Issued and divided araong the men who organized. Intending
in advance to compel the people "of this country to pay the in
terest or the dividends on this which was nothing.
Mr. President, wealth can only be created by toil. To
Issue stock is not to create wealth. No dividends can be paid
upon any of this watered stock unless somebody has toiled to
pay thera, and toil raust be plundered if such dividends are
paid. There is no possible chance to avoid that conclusion.
The rubber trust has decided to shut down indefinitely the
greater part of its iramense plant at Bristol, R. I., and hence
forth to manufacture there only tennis shoes. This raeans that
raore than 500 residents of Bristol who have depended upon
the factory for their UveUhood will be deprived of their only
raeans of subsistence in Bristol. About 1,700 others were
thrown out of work when the trust acquired the plant and
have never been taken back. This Is in perfect harraony with
the raethods of the rubber trust. After it was organized It
acquired possession of about 15 rubber factories which had
been corapeting with one another for nearly all the business in
the country.
Having paid a fee of $200,000 to Charles R. Flint, another
of $100,000 to H. B. Hollins & Co., and another of $100,000
to Joseph P. Earle for their services in promoting the tmst,
the trust shut down about l^alf its factories. Then it made
factors' agreeraents with the trade under which dealers re
ceived a rebate of 7 per cent If they did not sell under the
prices fixed by the trust. Though tiraes have been hard and

THE TRUSTS 517
the prices of other commodities have declined, the trust's prod
ucts have risen in price frora 20 per cent to 40 per cent. The
net annual profits were $2,239,791.50, the gross expenses
being only $293,148. This was during the year ended May,
1896. The trust made a profit of $7 on every dollar of ex
penses. December 23, 1896, the trust declared a dividend of
2 per cent on the common stock. This, after paying 8 per cent
on the preferred, left $1,921,712.38, to which must be added
the surplus earnings for the year ended April i, 1897. As
these will probably amount to fully $3,000,000, the net sur
plus of the trust to-day can not be less than $5,000,000.
In Bristol 2,200 persons were thrown upon the world. In
Woonsocket and MlUervIUe, R. I., 2,500 people are in dis
tress — 1,200 out of work. Since the trust acquired the plants
in these places, the MlUervIUe operatives have averaged only
one-third time, on reduced wages. In Woonsocket the fac
tory has been shut down nearly half the time, and wages have
also been reduced. August 13, 1896, the two big factories
closed, ostensibly on account of the agitation for biraetallisra,
and several thousand persons were left destitute.
They gave that excuse last suraraer. Whenever a factory
shut down they would say If people would quit talking about
silver the factories would all open, and the very raoraent that
it was defeated they would start up. Now we are hunting for
prosperity and the factories continue closed, and will continue
closed. If talking about silver will close the factories, we
will have them all shut up by the next campaign, for we Intend
to agitate the question.
An industrial structure that will not stand talking about,
that falls before the breath of discussion, had better be de
stroyed, and we had better buUd another one. The funda
mental principle of American institutions is free discussion, a
full review of methods, men, and measures, and then let the
people decide. Yet the forraers of this rubber trust closed this
factory, and said it was because we talked about bIraetalUsra.
August 21, 1896, for the sarae ostensible reason, the fac
tory in New Haven was closed and 1,200 persons were thrown
out of work. In February of this year, 1897, 500 persons were

5x8

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

deprived of eraployraent by the closing of the factory at
Setauket, Long Island. At other times three factories, em
ploying 3,000 persons, at New Bmnswick, N. J., have been
shut down; also one eraploying 700 persons at Colchester,
Conn., one employing 500 persons at Franklin, Mass., and one
employing 500 persons at MlUertown, N. J. In all cases wages
had been reduced by the trust, so that the average earnings of
the employees were not over 75 cents a day. Rubber shoes
that before the trust's forraation cost the jobber 35 cents, now
cost 6^ cents a pair, an increase of nearly 100 per cent.
In addition to all this, the trust has accumulated $5,000,-
000 in the treasury after paying dividends on watered stock.
Yet the Senate Is afraid it will interfere with some of these
so-called Industries!
I desire to print in the Record a table of these eleven
tmsts. It shows that they are capitalized for $432,000,000,
bonded for $43,000,000, and that the total actual investraent
was $171,000,000. In other words, the people of the United
States are called upon to pay dividends and interest on $300,-
000,000 more than the investment.
Somebody has got to toil to earn that interest. Not one
dollar of it can be earned except by the toil of soraebody, and
yet we are asked to legislate in favor of these corabinations,
these raodern pirates of the world !

Trusts

American Strawboard 
American Type Founders.
Diamond Match 
Debenture 
National Wall Paper Co. . .
New York Biscuit. Co 

Capital Stock

$4,CX3O,OO0 (*)
8,000,000
30,000,000 10,000,000

Bonds.

Size,or par
value.

$1,000

100 100

Amount
outstand ing.

$889,994 196,000
11,000,000

7,Soo,ooo
9,000,000

* Listed in Chicago.
I will also publish a table showing 5 other trusts, raaking
16 in all, who are capItaUzed in about the sarae proportion but
are sraaUer In size. I found It very difficult to secure informa-

STATEMENT SHOWING THE CAPITALIZATION, ESTIMATED ACTUAL INVESTMENT, ESTIMATED VALUE OF PRODUCTS, AND DUTIES ON
IMPORTS UNDER THE LAWS OF i8go AND 1894, AND THE PROPOSED LAW OF 1897, OF PRINCIPAL
PRODUCTS OF CERTAIN INDUSTRIAL TRUSTS

Capitalization (stock outstanding)

Bonded debt

Estimated actual
invest
ment (a)

Estimated value of
products (annual) («

Duties on imports of principal products

Trusts

Common stock

Preferred stock

Total

Law of 1890

Law of 1894

Proposed law of
1897

American Cotton Oil Co.-.
American Spirits Mfg. Co.
American Sugar Refining
Co.

$20,237,100 26,491,200
36,968,000 18,173,000
30,460,000 14,905,40018,000,000 4,450,700
12,000,000
61,509,000 20,166,000

$10,198,600 6,662,800
36,968,000 12,117,000 4,252,000
14,904,000

$30,435,700 33,154,000 73,936,000
30,290,000 34,712,000 29,809,40018,000,000 8,516,900
12,000,000
122,418,900 39,566,500

$3,068,800 2,000,000
10,000,000

$15,000,000 15,000,00020,000,000
10,000,000 20,000,00015,000,00010,000,000 4,500,000 7,000,000
40,000,000 15,000,000

$19,000,000 70,000,000
135,000,000 12,000,00015,000,000 6,500,000
13,000,000 5,000,000
20,000,00060,000,000 20,000,000

10 cts. per gallon
$2.50 per gallon.
Viocentperlbc.
$4.50 per lb. and
25 per ct. ad val.
45 per ct. ad val.
2 to 2 J cts.per lb.
32 cts. per gallon
2 cts. per pound
'/lo 10^3 cts.per lb.
10 per ct. ad val.
30 per ct. ad val.

$1.80 per gallon..
ict.pfer lb. and 40
per cent, ad val(c)
$4 per lb. and 25
per cent ad vai.
35 per ct. ad val.
Ito iJ cts.per lb.
20 cts. per gallon
li cts. per pound
loperct.ad val.e
10 per ct. ad val.
25 per ct. ad val.

$2.50 per gallon
ij cts. per lh.d
$4.50 per lb. and

General Electric Co 
National Lead Co 

8,750,000

25 per ct. ad val.
45 per ct. ad val.
2 to 2 i cts. per lb.

108,000
3,837,000
10,000,000 5,520,000
32 cts. per gallon
National Starch Co 
Standard Rope and Twine
Co.
U. S. Leather Co 
U.S. Rubber Co 
4,066,200
2 cts. per pound
I to 2 cts.perlb./
60,909,900 19,400,500
10 per ct. ad val,
30 per ct. ad val.
Total 
$263,360,400
$169,479,000
$432,839,400
$43,783,800
$171,500,000
$375,500,000
H
H
a These estimates are believed to be liberal, and it is thought that, could the facts be definitely ascertamed, the figures here given would be found to be largely m
ess of the real investments or values of the properties of the trusts named.
b These estimates are based upon the best obtainable data.
c Also, one-tenth cent per pound additional when produced by or exported from a country paying an export boxmty._
d Also, when exported from a country paying an export boimty, a duty equal to such boimty or so much thereof £^ is in excess of any tax coUected by such country
e Except binding twine, placed on free list.
/ Except binding twine, placed on free list, but subject to duty ot one-half cent per pound if imported from a country levying a duty on binding twine imported
{rom the United States.
h-l
SO
520 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
tion with regard to the organization of these tmsts. I found
it very difficult to get the details with regard to the araount
invested. They are very secretive people. They do not care
to talk very rauch, and nobody is responsible, because they are
a tmst. I found that the coraraittees In New York had diffi
culty In securing information. Books were lost; officers say
they do not know or that soraebody else was responsible. So
it is hard to get evidence with regard to these organizations.
It has been urged that this tariff bill will produce no reve
nue If ray araendraent is adopted. If that Is true, then we are
certainly In the possession of the trusts. If the object of this
bill can not be accoraplished, which Is supposed to be the rais
ing of revenue, If ray araendraent is adopted, then that argu
raent Is predicated upon the proposition that the trusts will
not dissolve; that they will continue; that they will be per
petuated and share the raarket of this country with the foreign
manufacturer. Of course I believe that they will dissolve if ray araend
raent is enforced. I know they will contest it in the courts,
and I ara well aware that raany of our courts are subject to
influences which make their decisions doubtful. I do not care
to attack the courts, Mr. President, but I believe the courts
will enforce this araendraent of raine. Of course you will oc
casionally find a judge who will not ; but it Is a significant thing
that in the testiraony taken before the Interstate Coramerce
Coraraittee of this body last winter this fact was disclosed,
and it is a fact which raakes the Araerican people afraid of
the courts.
When a case was to be tried In New York for the purpose
of dissolving the Joint Traffic Association, which was a com
bination of railroads frora Chicago to the seaboard. It was
found that out of eight judges In that circuit only one raan was
qualified to try the case, because all the others held the stocks
and bonds of the defendant corporations; all the others were
the owners of stocks and bonds of railroads ; and they had to
go up into Vermont and find some rural fellow, who had not
caught on to the raodern raethods of business, to try the case.
The evidence before the Interstate Coraraerce Coraraittee

THE TRUSTS S^i
of this body goes on to show that Judge Jennings said he had
afterwards quaUfied, because he had disposed of his stock and
bonds. Of course it is unpleasant to recite these things, but
when they corae in as sworn evidence before a coramittee of
this body, it is well to call the attention of the American people
to the facts.
I believe, after exaraining this bill, Mr. President, that
very many of the iteras contained In it are in the control of
tmsts, and that the loss of revenue, if not one single tmst be
disbanded, will not be very great. We will continue to collect
the revenue frora raw sugar. We will not collect any revenue
from refined sugar, because none comes In. As to the other
iteras, the duties are so high that nothing coraes In ; and on the
basis of last year's iraportations, if the tmst which erabraces
boilers and radiators, house furnaces, steara and hot-water
heating apparatus, etc., should refuse to dissolve, we should
only lose $163,000 of revenue, for that is all that was col
lected last year. The duties range frora 12 to 45 per cent.
On cheraicals, which erabrace nearly everything In the cherai
cal line In the bill, there is a trust, and if the trust should con
tinue, so that these cheraicals would be adraitted free of duty,
we should only lose $2,107,000. The duty on all these ar
ticles is frora 16 to 80 per cent. On Iron and steel the duties
are frora 17 to 82 per cent, and pretty nearly everything raade
of iron or steel is in a trust.
If the trust should continue and there should be no foreign
competitor coming in to take the raarket, the loss of revenue
would be $894,000.
On copper, lead, and zinc, which is in a tmst, the duty Is
frora 45 to I II per cent, and the araount of duty collected is
quite large, being $1,338,880. We consurae raore lead than
we produce in our country, and we shaU be obliged, no raatter
what the duties raay be, to Iraport some of it.
On glass the duty is from 48 to 62 per cent, and If the
glass trust should continue, we should lose but $2,211,000, for
that was the duty collected. The duty on leather Is 20 per
cent, and of that the duty on iraports last year was 'but $898.
On linseed oil the duty is 52 per cent, and on that the duty

522 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
collected last year was $2,420. On paper the duty is frora
28 to 50 per cent, and we coUected last year $113,000. On
rubber the duty is 34 per cent, and we collected last year
'$85,306. On saws and screws the duty is from 25 to 29 per cent, and
the duty collected last year was $1,574. On textile raanufac
tures we collected $205,320, and the duties range frora 29 to
102 per cent. On car wheels and other wheels the duty Is from
40 to 41 per cent, and we collected In duty last year $131,000.
On looking-glasses and on paints, varnish, arras, guns, fire
works, gun-powder — all of which are In a trust — collars and
cuffs, oilclothes, etc., are all erabraeed in trusts, and the total
loss of revenue if all the trusts I have naraed should continue
would be $8,189,000.
If the trusts were all to continue and Insist upon continu
ing and sharing the Araerican raarket with the foreigners, if
they have to corapete with the foreigners, they could not keep
up their prices, and the people of this country would get the
benefit of reduced prices. We can afford to lose $8,000,000,
and then collect the duty on sugar from the Hawaiian Islands.
According to the report of the Senate Coraraittee on Fi
nance, the duty on sugar frora the Hawaiian Islands will
araount next year to a little over $8,000,000. Two-thirds of
the plantations In Hawaii are owned by Englishraen, Germans,
Scandinavians, and native Hawaiians. What reason is there
why we should give them a bonus of $8,000,000 a year? If
we should collect this revenue and the trusts should not dis
band, the revenue would not be affected at all. If our action
and conduct are governed by reason and good judgment, there
will be no trouble about revenue, while we could save the whole
araount of the $8,000,000 by paying only what it is worth to
carry the raails. For twenty years there has been no reduction
in the cost of carrying the raails.
We pay 8 cents a pound where we ought to pay but i cent,
and we pay $30,000,000 where we ought to pay less than
$20,000,000. What raan in this country would. If he were
paying $30,000,000 a year for express, pay the sarae price
now as he paid twenty years ago? We pay $30,000,000 for

THE TRUSTS 523
that service, the sarae price we paid thirty years ago, and yet
we refuse to change It. I teU you it seeras to rae the Republi
can party will have a good deal to answer for If it passes this
bill and collects the revenues proposed by It, and continues to
spend our raoney to fatten the cooUe labor and the raiserable,
wretched native Inhabitants of the Hawaiian Islands, and pays
$10,000,000 more than It is worth to carry the raaUs of this
country. The expenses of this country have increased $100,000,000
In ten years. If they had increased according to the Increase
of population, they would have only increased $50,000,000.
Instead of wanting raore revenue, we want less expense. We
should spend $50,000,000 less. We have a surplus in the
Treasury of $125,000,000, and if we should spend $50,-
000,000 less there would be no deficiency and we should have
revenue enough. Yet it Is proposed to tax sugar in order, to
raise $52,000,000 under this bill; it is proposed to tax tea and
raise another $10,000,000; and, furtherraore, to tax beer and
things that go Into consuraption per capita, and thus take frora
the people of this country seventy-five or eighty raillion dollars
and give it In remitted duties to Hawaii, to the railroads, and
then to build fortifications where they are not needed, and also
to build ships to rot on the seas.
If the Republican party wanted to live, it ought to have
brought in a bill here to reduce the expenses one-half and gone
before the people on that issue, instead of coraing here and
being obliged to go before the people as the apologists of
trusts and the charapions of the infaraies of the gold standard.
The leading student of the problera araong the college pro
fessors of political econoray, J. W. Jenks, of Cornell Univer
sity, thus writes in the Political Science Quarterly for Sep
tember, 1894, in the best magazine discussion that has thus
far appeared upon this subject:
I expect to live to see the day when the political economists * * *
must consider that a very large proportion of the productive business
of society is on the monopoly basis.
This was written in 1894. He certainly lived to see the
day of which he had spoken.

524 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
In the report of the Lexow coraraittee on trusts of the New
York Senate, already referred to, dated March 9, 1897, the
proposition is stated thus:
One after another industrial pursuits are surrendering to similar
combinations, and it is safe to predict that, unless this movement sub
sides, most, if not all, of the industrial pursuits will reach a similar
concentration, and will be followed by results similar to those indicated
in this report.
In a recent able syraposiura on trusts In the New York In
dependent of March 4, 1897, the socialist view of the trust
was presented by Daniel De Leon, forraerly lecturer at Colum
bia University, New York City, and now editor of the socialist
organ The People. He holds, as do an increasing nuraber of
thinking people, that the tmst is an evolutionary raoveraent In
the line of progress and that it will go on until all lines of raa
chine industry are thus combined. The natural and Inevitable
end of the developraent Is held by these thinkers to be the
public ownership and operation of the tmst.
Certainly it would be far more in accord with justice and
equity, rather than to allow this condition of things to con
tinue, for the public to take, own, control, and operate all
these properties. However, I do not advocate anything of
that sort. I believe we can remedy the evil by other means,
and that It Is our duty to do so.
On the other hand, Otis Kendal Stuart, of Philadelphia,
arguing in the same syraposiura from the standpoint of the in
dividualist, denounces competition as developing waste, busi
ness raendacity, and fraud.
He has reached the point where it seeras to be raoral to
absolutely abandon the whole theory of Anglo-Saxon civiliza
tion, and It is well that sorae advocate should arise to justify
this condition of things, for we have already nearly approached
that point. "The trust," he says, "is not only the next natural
step in business, it is a step in social evolution; the trust is not
only a conservator of energy and of wealth, it is a conservator
of raorals and religion."
I wonder what kind of raorals and religion are taught by a
garabUng operation such as Is carried on, for instance, by the

THE TRUSTS 525
sugar trust. Of course it is time that on high raoral grounds
somebody should appear to advocate this new doctrine of
social existence. The new order of things needs a champion
if they are to continue and revolution be avoided.
Mr. President, there has never from the day of our inde
pendence been a tirae, until recently, when a genuine Araeri
can citizen did not resent the iraputation of being a poor raan,
even if he did not have a doUar in his pocket. He is rich In
his inheritance of reUgious and political liberty, rich in his
confidence of manhood, and he was rich In opportunities to
acquire wealth until deprived of them by legislation In the
interest of corporate trusts and monopolies and of the manipu
lators of the world's standard of values, who aimed to prevent
the masses frora rising above the condition of poverty in order
that their own accuraulations might acquire greater value.
The tirae has not yet corae when the Araerican people will
permit the plea of poverty to be entered in their behalf by
trust raagnates as an arguraent in favor of the continuance of
trust raethods. The sarae assertions that are raade in behalf of
the trusts raight be repeated with equal force In favor of the
establishment of a monarchy and the creation of orders of
nobility, to be coraposed of the Individuals who are so fond
of prating about their .regard for the welfare of the "poor
people." All that the Araerican people want for theraselves is a fair
field and no favor. In business, as well as in politics, they be
lieve that they can govern theraselves better than any self-
constituted dictators can govern thera. The history of the
Araerican people deraonstrates that this belief is well founded.
One State after another. In obedience to the will of the people,
has declared unlawful all trusts and corabinations in restraint
of trade. The Congress of the United States so declared seven years
ago by the passage of the act of June, 1890, which was Senate
bill No. I of the Fifty-first Congress. The Suprerae Court
only recently affirmed the application of that act to combina
tions among railroad corporations. It reraains for this Con
gress to enforce the provisions of the antitrust act of 1890

526 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
by providing an efficient penalty for Its violation through the
adoption of the amendment to the tariff act which I have pro
posed. The future may develop that even this reraedy may not
avail, and that other reraedies are required to be tried, but
It seems to rae that this remedy will be raost effective and ef
ficient, for I do not believe that the trusts in this country wIU
undertake to continue, and thus deprive themselves of the
exclusive control of the American market; but if this remedy
does not avail, there have been many suggestions upon this
subject, and I will briefly note two or three of them.
It has been suggested, first, that absolute publicity of ac
counts under Government control and audit must be insisted
upon, as Is coraing to be done in a feeble way by railroads.
This is the view of two erainent students of the problera. Prof.
Henry C. Adaras, of the University of Michigan, statistician
of the Interstate Coramerce Commission, and by Von Halle,
in a work on Trusts, published by MacmlUan & Co. in 1895.
It is the interesting suggestion of Professor Jenks, of Cor
nell University, that stock exchanges should not be allowed to
list any of the securities of capitalistic monopoUes without
pubUshing most complete and sworn returns of the cost of
construction, of capitalization, cost of products, etc., and that
no stock shall be issued in excess of the actual investraent.
The prohibition of factors' agreeraents. The New York
Senate trust coraraittee, in its valuable report (obtainable,
probably, from the secretary of state of New York), fully
describes, on pages 22-25, inclusive, these agreements.
The control by a national coraraission of maxiraura charges,
and the prohibition, some way, of discriraination in charges in
towns or counties contiguous to each other. That is, it raight
be possible to prevent a trust frora charging raore in one place
than in another except by the araount of the difference of
freight rates. One of the great weapons of the Standard Oil
and the raeat trusts is to min corapetitors by reducing the
rates In a place below what the same company is charging In
neighboring places.
There comes to ray raind in this connection a very inter-

THE TRUSTS 527
esting illustration. In Colorado there are oil wells. Petrol-
eura exists there In inexhaustible quantities and of excellent
quality. An oil refinery was constmcted at a cost of $2,000,-
000. That corapany was engaged in supplying that country
with oil, when one day the Standard Oil Company began busi
ness in Pueblo and In other towns in Colorado, and sold oil at
5 cents a gallon until they wrecked and mined the Colorado
refinery and closed its doors.
The day after that was done the Standard Oil Corapany
raised the price of their oU to 25 cents a gaUon and continued
to sell it at that price until they had raade an Iraraense profit
and recouped the loss they had previously sustained, and to-day
they charge 20 cents a gallon for their oil. In ray own town
an Independent oil corapany began selling oil, and It was selling
it at 8 cents a gallon, for the trust had put it down to that
price, and yet the Independent corapany was able to live and
did live and continued for two years of time.
Finally one day they sold out to the trust; and from that
day to this we have been paying 16 cents a gallon for oil. It
is argued'that we can not protect ouf selves against these things.
Certainly, Mr. President, if we can not, our Institutions totter
to a fall. What is this but socialism In the most odious form?
If these reraedies fail, we raust resort, unless others are
found, to the last remedy, that of pubUc ownership.
This may take the form of public ownership of such natural
sources of supply as anthracite coal raines and oil wells, or
possibly the leasing of their operation to private companies ;
or it raay take the forra of public ownership and operation of
all Industries that have becorae practical raonopolles. This
reraedy begins to loora up as a distant possibility, but is as
yet too reraote a contingency to come within the domain of
practical politics. But of one thing we can rest assured, so
cialism Is preferable to despotism, and the right of each citi
zen to enjoy the products of his toil raust be raaintained If we
are to raaintain our institutions.
Mr. President, the history of the past teaches this lesson.
Shall we follow the course of all other peoples In the past, or
shall we begin a new era? When was It that Rome was de-

528 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
stroyed? When the original landed proprietors becarae
paupers; when her farms became great estates. In the days
of Cincinnatus 12 acres sufficed for each family; farms of 12
acres, owned by freeraen, surrounded the walls of Rorae, and
no hostile legions could reach the city. When Rorae fell, the
individual proprietor was gone; the usurer had taken the land;
the Roraan citizen had been sold Into slavery, and was toiling
as a slave upon the estate of a part of which he was once the
proud owner.
The legions of Goths and Vandals that marched to the
walls of Rome would have been scattered like chaff before
the legions of Csesar recmlted frora the farras of Italy. So It
will be with us if we allow the usurer to further fasten his
grasp upon our people. If we continue this organization of
capital, by which those who can not corabine are deprived of
the products of their toil, I say the end is near.
Our last census shows that the earnings of 54 per cent of
our people are less than $100 per year per capita. How near
we come to European conditions. If $100 per capita by 54
per cent of our people is all they can earn and consurae ; and
yet we stand upon this floor and boast about the high wages
of the Araerican toller. It Is well to review the last census,
which shows that 250,000 raen own forty-four billion dol
lars of the wealth of the United States and 52 per cent do
not own their horaes and have no property whatever.
These probleras, Mr. President, are pertinent. We can
no longer satisfy the Araerican people by quarreling and by
fighting a sham battle over schedules In a tariff bill. We have
done that for the last several years, with first one party In
power and then the other, until to-day the tariff Issue has fled
frora our politics. Last week It \^jas demonstrated raore than
ever before that you can no longer divide the American people
upon a question of schedules in a tariff. Other and mightier
questions now do and must in the future divide parties and
press for solution.

CHAPTER XX
BIG BUSINESS IN POLITICS
DISCUSSION was proceeding upon an anti-trust bill
called from the table by Senator Pettigrew, when
Senator Bacon said {page 71 19, Congressional
Record) :
Mr. Bacon. In this connection I want to call the atten
tion of the Senate to the raost remarkable thing I ever heard
and the raost reraarkable thing I ever saw In the Senate. I
fancy that the country has never been the witness to what we
saw and heard In this Chamber two days ago.
A Senator in his place in this Chamber stated as a fact that
the manufacturer of ships, a prominent, and the raost prorai
nent, firm engaged in the manufacture of war ships for the
Governraent, had stated that in 1892 he was approached by
the officers of the Republican party and induced to give
$400,000 to the carapaign fund of that party upon the assur
ance that the raoney would be returned to hira or raade good
to hira In the contracts which he should have In the building
of warships. Now, Mr. President, the reraarkable thing that I want to
call the attention of the Senate to is this: I heard that state
ment. I did not doubt that it would then and there be proraptly
challenged. I did not believe that such a stateraent could be
raade in the Senate of the United States In the presence of the
leaders of the Republican party and no one deny it or call it
in question. Now, that was not raade In a thin Senate; it was raade in
a full Senate. It was made when the present chairman of the
national coraraittee of the Republican party was in his seat
and heard it. It was made when the chairraan of the na-
529

530 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
tional coraraittee of the RepubUcan party In the, carapaign of
1892 was in his seat and heard it; and yet no one either chal
lenged it or denied it.
Mr. President, in the absence of such a challenge and such
a denial, the country raust believe it is tme.
*******
\ Mr. Hanna. The Senator alludes to the fact that the
chairraan of the Republican coraraittee was in his seat and did
not deny the stateraent raade.
Mr. Bacon. If I ara incorrect in that, I certainly made
It in the utraost good faith. I think I saw the Senator present.
Mr. Hanna. If I undertook to reply to all such state
raents raade upon this floor, I would occupy raore tirae than the
Senator from Georgia does in the Senate. I considered It un
worthy of notice and declined to dignify it by a reply.
Mr. Pettigrew. Mr. President,^ I stated a few days ago
upon this floor that in 1892 the Cramps contributed $400,-
000 to the Republican carapaign fund and expected to be re
couped out of contracts for building ships for the Govemment.
My authority for that stateraent Is Mr. Cramp himself, who
told me on a return trip frora Europe on one of the ships of
the Araerican Line these facts. He did not raake it private.
He said he believed the raoney was not expended for the pur
pose for which It was collected; that he was assured that with
that sum the Republican party could certainly win the election;
that he was told where it would be expended; and that he had
put detectives out and found the money had not been expended
where it was proraised It would be, and the result was disas
trous ; they had been beaten ; and he consulted with rae as to
whether there was any possibility of his getting any portion
of'the money back from the coraraittee. He intiraated that
it had been used for sorae other purpose than for carapaign
purposes. Further than that, Mr. President, I stated these facts to
the gentleman who was that year chairman of the Republican
coramittee, and he srailed and said: "We did hit the old man
pretty hard." You can draw your own conclusions.
I. Speech in the Senate June 5, 1900.

BIG BUSINESS IN POLITICS 531
The Senator from Ohio [Mr. Hanna] says that if he
spent his time In answering such charges as that he would take
up more of the tirae of the Senate than the Senator from
Georgia [Mr. Bacon] consuraes, as though that were an
answer. No wonder that the Senator from Ohio makes that
reply; no wonder that he gives that as his answer to the charge,
for if he should spend his time In answering slmUair charges
to those contained In the docuraent which I hold In ray hand,
and if he spent tirae enough to convince the Araerican people
that the facts herein stated are untrue, he would spend a great
deal raore tirae In this body than is consuraed by the Senator
frora Georgia.
I hold in my hand the report of the Coraraittee on Privi
leges and Elections of the Senate on the election qf M. A.
Hanna to this body. The rainority report of this coraraittee
Is signed by Senators Turley, Pettus, and Caffery. I will
first read frora the report of the raajority:
The Committee on Privileges and Elections, to which was re
ferred the certified copy of the report of the committee appointed by
the Senate of Ohio to investigate the charges of bribery in the election
of Hon. Marcus A. Hanna to the Senate of the United States, having
considered the same, report back to the Senate said certified copy, and
further report as follows:
This certified copy of the report of the Senate of Ohio, being a
typewritten document, was presented to the United States Senate by
the Vice-President on May 28, 1898, having been received by him
through the mails, and was referred to the Committee on Privileges
and Elections on motion of the Senator from Colorado [Mr. Teller],
but no order for printing was made. It has, however, been put in type
for the use of the committee. The contents of the certified copy are
the "Report of the committee appointed by the Senate of Ohio," in
cluding the testimony, of which 500 copies were printed by the Ohio
Senate, and the report further ordered to be printed in the appendix of
the State Senate journal.
The closing paragraph of the report, signed by the chairman and
three members, recommends its adoption by the State Senate, and that
a copy thereof, with the testimony, "be transmitted to the President of
the Senate of the United States, of which Senator Hanna is a mem
ber, for such action as it may deem advisable." The clerk of the
State Senate in certifying on May 26, 1898, that the papers transmitted

532 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
were a true and correct copy of the report of the committee, adds as
to the report the words "and adopted by the Ohio Senate."
From the above statement it will be seen that no direct remon
strance, memorial, or protest setting out that Mr. Hanna was not
elected Senator or that he ought to be expelled, coming from parties
asserting readiness to prosecute their charges, has been presented to
the Senate. Nor has the reception on May 28, 1898, of the certified
copy of the State Senate report been followed up by any appearance be
fore this committee of any prosecuting parties or by the submission to
the committee of any additional papers from any source. Nevertheless
the committee have given an examination to the report of the Ohio
State Senate committee, the points of the same, concisely stated, being
as follows: The specific charge is what the committee call "four main facts"
stated in language as follows:
I have read that rauch frora the report of the majority
of the coramittee for the purpose of showing that they start
off by saying that no one appeared In an authoritative way
frora the State of Ohio to prosecute the case, and so the ma
jority report in favor of Mr. Hanna.
Now I will read frora the report submitted by the Senator
from Tennessee [Mr. Turley], from the minority of the
Coraraittee on Privileges and Elections, as follows:
IN THE MATTER OF THE REPORT OF THE COMMITTEE APPOINTED BY
THE SENATE OF THE STATE OF OHIO TO INVESTIGATE THE CHARGES
OF BRIBERY IN THE ELECTION OF HON. M. A. HANNA TO THE SEN
ATE OF THE UNITED STATES.
We cannot concur in the report of the majority of the Committee
on Privileges and Elections in the matter of the report of the commit
tee appointed by the Senate of the State of Ohio to investigate the
charges of bribery in the election of Hon. M. A. Hanna to the Senate
of the United States.
The charge is that early in January, 1898, an attempt was made by
H. H. Boyce and others to bribe John C. Otis, a member of the house
of representatives of the general assembly of the State of Ohio, to vote
for Marcus A. Hanna for the Senate of the United States.
Among other things, the majority of the committee say:
"Moreover, it seems clear to this committee that it would not be
justified in recommending any action to be taken by the Senate without
further testimony to be taken by the committee. The question whether
additional evidence should be taken has been the only difficult ques-

BIG BUSINESS IN POLITICS 533
tion which the committee has considered. It is clear that Mr. Otis
never had any intention of yielding to bribery. He encouraged Mr.
Boyce by the advice of others only in order to entrap him. Then he
carefully withdrew and substituted his attorney, Mr. Campbell, to
continue the negotiations. Mr. Campbell labored to induce Mr. Boyce
to offer money, and finally, as he says, obtained $1,750 from him as
part payment on $3,500 to be paid for Mr. Otis's vote for Mr.
Hanna, leaving $6,500 to be paid if Mr. Hanna was elected. At this
point public exposure, through Mr. Otis, Mr. Campbell, and their asso
ciates, took place. Mr. Boyce disappeared, and the incident was closed.
"That Mr. Boyce, operating in Cincinnati, where Mr. Otis lives,
had relations with Mr. Hanna's representatives at Columbus, the
State capital, the State Senate committee undertook to prove by the
evidence of various detectives, professional and amateur, whp listened
at telephone wires and shadowed Mr. Boyce, Mr. Hollenbeck, and
others. The effort of the committee was carefully and skillfully made.
It was not wholly devoid of results; it raises pregnant suspicion that
Mr. Hanna's representatives at Columbus knew what Mr. Boyce was
doing. But this whole line of inquiry would require verification by
testimony to be taken by the Committee on Privileges and Elections
before that committee would be willing to found conclusions thereon."
The quotation which I have just read Is from the report
of the raajority of the coramittee. Now, we will see what the
minority further say:
The attempt on the part of Boyce to buy Otis's vote for Mr.
Hanna is clearly proven by Campbell, who, from his testimony, seems
to have been a lawyer of large practice. One thousand seven hundred
and fifty dollars was paid in cash by Boyce to Campbell as attorney
for Otis. Boyce agreed to pay $1,750 more when Otis reached Co
lumbus and a balance of $6,500 if Mr. Hanna was elected.
We will now refer to portions of the evidence before the committee
of the State Senate of Ohio bearing upon the relations existing between
Mr- Boyce while at Cincinnati and Mr. Hanna's representatives at
Columbus. It is shown that Mr. Hanna and Majors Dick and Rath
bone — This is the school in which Rathbone was educated, it ap
pears, and became famUiar with the ideas of "benevolent as
similation." It is shown that Mr. Hanna and Majors Dick and Rathbone
¦(Dick and Rathbone being managers for Mr. Hanna) were at the

534 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Neil House in Columbus, Ohio, where Mr. Hanna had his headquar
ters, for a part of three weeks preceding January 12, 1898. The private
telephone used in Mr. Hanna's headquarters was No. 1092.
Otis testifies that on Friday, January 7, 1898, about 11 o'clock,
he was called up over the telephone from the Great Southern Hotel at
Columbus by a General Boyce. He had never heard of Boyce before.
Boyce stated that he "had come on from New York to see Otis on im
portant business and had reached Columbus on Wednesday about two
hours after Otis had left."
The result of the conversation was that Boyce and Otis agreed to
meet at the Gibson House that evening. Later in the day Boyce
telegraphed Otis that he would reach Cincinnati at 5 :30 o'clock. Otis
says he met Boyce at the Gibson House between 5 :30 and 6 o'clock
that evening and had a conversation with him in which the Senatorial
question was discussed, and they agreed to meet again the next evening.
Myers, a clerk at the Gibson House, testified that at about 6:40 p. m.
on the 7th of January a call came over the telephone from Columbus
for General Boyce, but he could not be found at the time. It was re
peated a little later on, at which time General Boyce was standing in
the lobby. He was at once called to the telephone in the hotel office.
Myers said he heard Boyce say, "Hello, Major Dick!" and speak of
Hanna being sore.
I will read It all.
This conversation, as far as he heard it, Myers says he repeated to
the manager of the hotel, who told him if Boyce wished to use the tele
phone again to arrange for him to use the one in the manager's private
office, which was numbered 548. It seems the two telephones were so
connected that a person listening at the telephone in the hotel office
could overhear everything which passed through the telephone in the
manager's private office. Now, the books of the telephone company in
Columbus show that on January 7 there was but one call from tele
phone 1092 at the Hanna headquarters to telephone 548, Gibsort
House, and that was at about 8 p. m. Myers testifies further that
Boyce went to the theater after supper on the night of the 7th, return-*
ing to the hotel somewhere at about 10:45 p. m. In the meantime an
other call had come for him from Columbus. He was so notified and
went to the telephone in the manager's private office and called up
telephone 1092 at Columbus.
Myers said he listened at the telephone in the hotel office and heard
all that was said, taking notes of same at the time. He says Boyce
addressed the person in Columbus as "Major," told him he had seen
"O," had arranged matters, and it would take $20,000 down; that the
Major replied: "They did not know about that; they would see
'H.' "—

BIG BUSINESS IN POLITICS 535
This is getting a Uttle closer than the communication of
the Senator frora Wisconsin [Mr. Spooner] undertook to
attribute to Aguinaldo. That seeraed to be very satisfactory
proof to the Republicans, and I hope this will be 
and that then there was an intermission of about five minutes, when the
person at Columbus said they would give $10,000 down and $10,000
when it was over; and that the conversation continued concerning Mr.
"O." and what they would pay him for his vote. The books of the
telephone company in Cincinnati show that on the 7 th of January,
1898, at about 11:20 p. m., Boyce, from telephone 548, called up Co
lumbus and talked with Rathbone eleven minutes —
I do not suppose they were talking about the postoffice
business in Cuba at this early day 
and the telephone books in Columbus show that telephone 548 in
Cincinnati called telephone 1092 in Columbus at about 11:15 p. m. on
that day.
Myers and two other employees of the Gibson House testify that at
about 12 o'clock the same night another call came from telephone
1092 —
You must remeraber that "1092" was the telephone in
Hanna's headquarters at Colurabus, Ohio 
at Columbus for Boyce. Myers claims to have overheard this conver
sation also, and to have taken notes of it, copies of which were pro
duced in full, and which are as follows:
* if * m * * *
Boyce. Hello, Columbus! This you. Major?
Major. (Major) Yes.
Boyce. What do you want?
Major. Have been talking to H. and he says: "Suppose he won't
put signature on paper — what will we do?"
Boyce. I will fix that all right; but if I was in his place I would
not sign paper, as it is a foolish play. His price is $20,000. (Dick is
speaking to Hanna).
Major. If he wants protection, exchange notes and accommoda
tion papers with him, as that will protect both of you. He don't want
him alarmed.
Boyce. How will you arrange matters?
Major. I will speak to Hanna —
It is not "H" this time, but "I will speak to Hanna" —
I will send Hollenbeck down in the morning. He will be therfe about

536 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
lo; may be a little late. We are afraid that if Mr. O. falls out the
rest will go to pieces. We wiil make it in a package and give it to
Hollenbeck, so he can transfer it and not know what he is doing.
Boyce. What shall I pledge him to do?
Major. To vote for Hanna and the Hanna wing of the Repub
lican party. I want you to make him feel as though he were among
friends. Give him to understand that he will be treated as one of us —
Mr. Teller. Who Is writing this ?
Mr. Pettigrev^^. This is a conversation that occurred
over the telephone between Mr. Hanna's headquarters at
Colurabus and Mr. Boyce.
Mr. Teller. Who else ?
Mr. Pettigrevs^. Major Dick.
Give him to understand that he wiU be treated as one of us, and we will
not overlook him when the fight is over. The terms are $10,000 and
the rest as soon as it is over. You want to meet Hollenbeck to-morrow
and stay with him until he is ready to come back to Columbus, and
then, if possible come up with him.
Boyce. I will do as you say. I think everything is all right and in
good shape. I am a very good judge of human nature, and I don't
think that Mr. O. will betray us. If he should I would have him
killed. Major (laughingly). Dead men tell no tales. Myers is up to
some tricks again to-night.
Boyce. What is he doing?
I Major. I only heard it mentioned.
Boyce. Major, you will hear good news from Washington Sun
day morning over the long distance 'phone.
Major. What is it about and who is it from?
Boyce. I can't tell you ; but it is away up and is of the best.
Major. As soon as your meeting is over to-morrow call me up
and let me know what you did.
Boyce. Justing, of Fairfax county, is all right.
Major. I think Governor Bushnell is tired of the whole thing, and
if he gets a chance he will give it up and drop out. Good night.
Now, I read from the minority report.
Hollenbeck, according to the evidence, did arrive at the Gibson
House next morning, January 8, and had one or more interviews with
Boyce. Miss Jacobs, a stenographer at the Gibson House, testifies that
on January 8, at i :30 p. m., she took notes of a conversation between
Hollenbeck and some one at telephone 1092, Columbus. Her notes were
produced and show the conversation to have been as follows:

BIG BUSINESS IN POLITICS 537
Saturday, Januaray 8, 1898 — 1:30 p. m.
Hello! Will you tell 1092, at Columbus, that Hollenbeck is now at
the Gibson House — that is, Mr. Hollenbeck. I will wait for him.

A little later:
Mr. Hollenbeck. Hello ! This is Hollenbeck.
Columbus. Is this Hollenbeck?
Mr. H. Yes.
Columbus. Say, hold that line and just wait a minute there.
[After a few minutes' pause.] Hello!
Mr. H. I did not succeed in finding Mr. Schmidlapp, but found
another man who got the matter.
Columbus. Who got the other matter?
Mr. H. The other man.
This Hollenbeck is said to be the "Mr. H." in this conversation.
Columbus. Who was the other man?
Mr. H. He is all right.
Columbus. But who is he?
Mr. H. One of your friends — all right. He was up at Columbus
the other day with you.
Columbus. To whom did you deliver the message?
Mr. H. General Boyce.
Columbus. What became of the letter to Schmidlapp?
Mr. H. The Schmidlapp letter was left with Mr. Schmidlapp.
Columbus. Did he see the letter?
Mr. H. He was not in, but it was left with his private man.
Columbus. What was done with the draft?
Mr. H. That was returned.
Columbus. What was done with the letter?
Mr. H. The letter was left. You can reach Schmidlapp by tele
phone at St. Louis, if you want him.
Columbus. I do not care for that.
Mr. H. The General feels very well over the outlook.
Columbus. Did you find the other rnan?
Mr. H. The other man has not come in yet.
Columbus. There is a telegram here, dated at Springfield.
Mr. H. I have not telegraphed. Have not said a word to any
body. . ,
Columbus. That is strange.
Mr. H. Shall I show the letter introducing me?
Columbus. Do as you think best. Here is the telegram I got.
It reads: "Springfield Depot, January 8, 1898. Party left train at
Springfield." That is the telegram received.
Mr. H. I did not send any telegram to anybody. That is very

538 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
funny. I was very careful not to be seen; went down dark alleys and
by-ways. Columbus. How about the General?
Mr. H. I am not supposed to know anything about him, but he is
very well and very happy over it.
Columbus. You have to be watchful.
Mr. H. I will be that. Good-by.
(And telephone rang off.)
The books of the telephone company in Columbus show that on
January 8, at i :30 p. m., telephone 1092 called up telephone 548 in
Cincinnati. Otis says he had his second interview with Boyce at the Gibson
House Saturday evening, January 8, 1898, at about 3 p. m.
Miss Jacobs says that about 6:45 p. m. on January 8 she took down
a conversation between Boyce and Rathbone. Her notes are produced
and show the conversation to have been as follows:
Saturday, January 8, 1898 — about 6:4.5
Major Rathbone. Hello! Is this Gibson House?
General Boyce. Yes ; we are still alive. My party has just gone.
He has been here ever since 3. We have gone over the ground pretty
thoroughly. A signed letter or telegram, which I am authorized to
give the President out of deference to him — do you understand? He is
all right; is very much interested. He is thoroughly convinced that
if he did not come in that others would do it without him, but he
says that neither Lane nor Droste will vote for Hanna. I want to
tell you that. He can not do much with Droste. He says that Droste
is jealous of him because he thought he got the inside of the speaker
ship, but both of these men have asked him to help them about the com
mittee. He thinks he could get Lane if he had somebody to go to
Lane. He wanted to know if we counted the majority without that.
Columbus. We do.
Boyce. But of course we want them both.
Columbus. Yes.
Boyce. Can you make any suggestion at all. Well, I think the
line for him to work on is that one to help out the committee, and
he will do as they want him to do. I think that is the line to work on.
We shall go up together on the train to-morrow, leaving here about
4 o'clock. Do not think that there will be an5'body else on the train
so far as we are interested. He thinks Droste is up there, and Lane
too. Columbus. I do not know.
Boyce. He is eager now to do something more — authorizing the
telegram. He is coming again to-night, and we will spend most of
to-morrow together — dine together.

BIG BUSINESS IN POLITICS 539
Columbus. How about telegrams?
Boyce. If he signed the statement and said he was going to vote
for Hanna — that will answer. Do not you think it will?
Columbus. Yes ; if he signs it.
Boyce. Well, I will tell you. One of the inducements you know
as thoroughly— but that was not enough. He wants to be protected,
etc. I told him he should be. I did not write any papers because I
did not want him to have any paper. He has not told anybody up
to this time that he has been talking with me. He is afraid of Mason.
Mason is going to give him some choice committee position, and, of
course, he is shy of Mason. I suppose there is no hope for him.
Columbus. I do not know.
Boyce. When Otis comes up there and goes to Mason and says,
"The thing is all up, I am going with the others," won't that help?
Of course, if Mason knew that they were all going to break away,
he would not be left in the lurch, would he?
Columbus. No; I do not think so.
This is a conversation, as I understand it, between Major
Rathbone, at Columbus, and Mr. Boyce, the agent of Mr.
Hanna, at Cincinnati, heard over the telephone. In fact, it
Is stated in the rainority report to be a conversation between
those two parties.
Boyce. I want to get your judgment. Both of us want to be
judicious. We do not want to expose him to fight. You will see
that he is taken care of in Washington.
Columbus. I can arrange at that end so there is no leak there.
About that dispatch ; if you send it, send it through the Postal and let
me know as quickly as it goes.
Boyce. He is coming back here about 9 o'clock or so, and we will
have another talk about these matters. Droste is a silver man and
would have voted for Gray, but Otis would not have voted for Gray
anyhow. In his mind was Kurtz and Bushnell when I opened the
campaign. Columbus. As soon as you come I would like to see you and have
a conference with you. Supposing we meet at 10 o'clock, unless I
notify you to the contrary, at 263 East Broad street at 10 o'clock.
Boyce. Will be at the Great Southern. We expect to leave
here on the Pennsylvania line about 4 o'clock, but we are going to
settle definitely to-night or to-morrow. Good-by.
Now, the rainority of the coraraittee say:
The telephone books in Cincinnati show that at 6:52 p. m., on
January 8, Boyce, from telephone 548, talked to Rathbone about

540 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
thirteen minutes; and the telephone books at Columbus show that at
6:50 p. m., on January 8, telephone 548, at Cincinnati, called up tele
phone 1092 in Columbus. According to Campbell and Otis, Boyce's
first interview with Campbell was on Saturday night, January 8.
Other interviews followed on Sunday, and it was in these interviews
that the terms for the purchase of Otis' vote were finally agreed upon
between Boyce and Campbell. Campbell says in these conversations
Boyce wanted to know if they could not arrange for the votes of Droste
and Lane, and other members of the legislature, mentioning the sums
that he could get for these votes, and stating that there would be a
large amount to divide between them.
Now, Miss Jacobs testifies further that on January 9, at about 1 1 :35
o'clock a. m., she took down another conversation between Boyce and
Columbus, which was in the following words:
Sunday, January 9, 1898 — about 11:35.
Boyce. Hello! Is this the Major?
Major. Yes; wait a minute. [After a moment's pause.] Hello!
Boyce. How are you. Major? '
Major. I recognize you.
Boyce. Well, I wanted to ask if you have any direct connection
with either Droste or Lane ? These men were all elected here on a
pledge, and our little friend, who is interested, would like to have the
others come, and he brought to me a lawyer, who wants to make
a deal. They would not do it unless they received a consideration for
it. He says that under no circumstances does he think Droste will vote
for the Senator unless for these reasons. Do you think I can put any
emphasis upon Lane coming our way?
Major. I do not know; we are catching them as fast as we can
bring them.
This Is what Major Rathbone said frora Colurabus.
Boyce. Do you put much faith in Jones?
Major. He can not get away.
Boyce. I said in the first place we did not need either Droste
or Lane, only for their strength. Now, you know there is going to
be a conference to-night with the other fellows. Is not it wise for us
to keep away and not come?
Major. I do not know. General.
Boyce. You know when a man is safe he is safe; that is all there
is about it.
Major. They telegraphed them all to come down.
Boyce. If anything should occur between now and 2 o'clock, will
you ring me up, please?
Major. Yes; I will.

BIG BUSINESS IN POLITICS 541
Boyce. The young lawyer is coming to see me again. You
understand these men were elected on a pledge saying that they would
not vote for Senator Hanna?
Major. I know that.
Boyce. It was a peculiar thing to get this man off Jones or Man
uel. This man had pledged himself. This man had pledged him
self to become elected. He has been afraid all the time, and is now
afraid, of the Enquirer.
Major. I do not think they will have much to say. During the
heat of the discussion the whole thing will be wiped out. I think we
are in good shape. We have got the men with us.
Boyce. We want a clear majority for our side without any ques
tion. There is no doubt but what we will have 17 of the senators.
Major. There ought to be 18. I don't see why Burke should not
come in.
Boyce. My man would like to have Mason for Hanna very much.
You see Mason votes before he does. He couldn't raise a question
then about it. If I will not come up there I will notify you. I shall
see in an hour or two whether Lane or Droste are both here, or one
of them. No one seemed to know last night and I couldn't find out.
I shall know in an hour or two. The latest information is that
Droste would nominate Gerrard.
Major. I am to have a conference a little later, and then we will
see what is to be done. I will let you know. Good-by.
The rainority of the coraraittee go on to say:
The telephone books in Cincinnati show that on January 9, at
ii:i8 a. m., Boyce, from telephone 548, talked to Rathbone in Co
lumbus for ten minutes, at a cost of $2.50, while the books in Columbus
show that on said day telephone 1092 at 11:15 a. m. called telephone
548 at Cincinnati, at cost of $2.50.
There was otlier evidence before the State Senate committee tending
to show the intimate relations between Boyce and Mr. Hanna's man
agers, but it would carry this report to unnecessary length to quote it.
We thipk that the evidence to which we have already referred,
standing as it does uncontradicted and unexplained, shows that cer
tain of Mr. Hanna's managers at Columbus not only knew the pur
poses which Boyce had in view in Cincinnati, but also that they
aided, abetted, and advised him in carrying out these purposes, and
that this state of affairs existed while Mr. Hanna was present at
his headquarters. This view is strengthened by two facts disclosed in the report of
the State Senate committee:
First. That many of the witnesses, whose testimony apparently

542 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
would have thrown much light upon the subject under inquiry, de
nied the jurisdiction of the committee and refused to testify under
the advice of counsel, who stated that they represented the interests of
Majors Rathbone and Dick and Senator Hanna; and
Second. That Mr. Hanna and his representatives had subpoenas
sent them by mail, which seemed to have reached them, calling upon
them to appear before the State Senate committee, to which they made
no response. The report of the majority says they "do not doubt that if facts
appeared from the report of the committee of the State Senate re
quiring the United States Senate, out of a proper regard for its own
reputation, to take further testimony concerning Mr. Hanna's elec
tion, it would be the duty of the Senate to proceed without waiting for
further prosecution of the case coming from residents of the State of
Ohio." We think such facts do appear from the report of the committee
of the State Senate, and that this body should direct further inquiry
and investigation to be made.
Now, the report frora the State Senate of Ohio, which
comes here, recites in substance the facts which are recited In
the report of the minority of the Senate committee; and the
minority who signed the report which I have read was com
posed of Senators Turley, Pettus, and Caffery.
Mr. President, these things are known to the American
people. It will not do for the Senator frora Ohio to stand
up here and say that charges of this sort — if he answered all
that were raade he would not do rauch else — are unworthy of
his consideration or notice. Frora the Senate of his own State
corae these charges ; frora a rainority of the coraraittee of this
body carae these charges ; and yet the Senator frora Ohio says
'they are unworthy of his notice; that they are little things.
I believe a raeraber of the House of Representatives from
Ohio stated that a vast sum of money was collected to carry
on the carapaign of 1896, and that It would take a bigger one
next tirae. I think I can turn to the record where he states
the sura ; and It runs into the raiUions. Where was the raoney
got? Mr. Haveraeyer testified that he contributed to the cam
paign fund of the pohtical parties. It is hard to get this testi
mony, of course. Men make armor plate at a profit of rail-

BIG BUSINESS IN POLITICS 543
Uons upon milUons, and the privilege is conferred upon them
by a poUtical party. Men build ships and say that they raade
vast contributions because of the enorraous profits they ex
pect to make. We deliberately pass a biU which aUows this
Administration, on the eve of a pohtical campaign, to raake
contracts for 35,000 tons of armor plate, raost of which Is
not to be used until long after the carapaign Is over, and we
fix a price so that there is a profit of $7,000,000 in the contract.
We let It out to two concerns which are known to be in col
lusion. We let it out to thera without corapetition. There
is no doubt In the raind of any raan who is farailiar with the
last carapaign that frora those people will corae vast contribu
tions for the coraing carapaign. What other sources are there?
As I stated this moming, the beer people want to get rid of
the war tax on beer. They are ready to negotiate and they
are negotiating. They will give their contribution with a
promise of relief next year.
There are so many of these things that it would take the
time of one meraber of this body to reply to thera. If he tried
to reply, and therefore he will not reply; and he then under
takes to escape the damaging facts by saying they are unworthy
of his notice. Oh, Mr. President, men who engaged In these
things, when exposed, can raake no other answer. They raust
say, "Oh, it is too small a matter In the course of ray great
Ufe." Bribery and corruption, collection of funds for corrupt
purposes, the securing of legislation In order that funds raay
be enlarged in quantity. A little raatter of $400,000 Is hardly
worth the notice of raen engaged In such transactions. So we
are to be called upon to pass legislation, extravagant legisla
tion. In order that funds may be collected.
It would be better if we would simply pass a bill saying
that so many million dollars shall go to the Republican party
out of the Treasury to conduct its campaign, and thus save the
difference between the amount they set and the amount that
goes In profit to the contractors In excess of what they are
rightfully entitled to.
I did not care to get into this controversy, but there is more
of It. I am not at all afraid of Senators staying here and dis-

544 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
cussing it just as long as they want to discuss It. There are
many raore things that can be said and told in regard to these
transactions, but I do not care further to take the time of the
Senate.

CHAPTER XXI
Vl^HO PAYS THE TAX?
The Senate having under consideration the report of the commit
tee of conference on the disagreeing votes of the two Houses upon the
bill (H. R. loioo) to provide ways and means to meet war expendi
tures —
MR. PETTIGREW said:
Mr. President : ^ I do not care to discuss the
bill, but I propose briefly to show who will pay the
tax. We are all agreed, no raatter what our political belief may
be, that money enough should be raised to carry on the war.
There Is no conflict upon that question, yet we have discussed
the revenue bill for weeks. And why? Simply because we
differ as to how the money shall be raised. We say, and by
the amendments we often have shown, that we desire to have
the accuraulated wealth of this country pay Its share of the
burden. The raajority say, "We will levy a per capita tax; we
will lay the burden upon the people of this country, the toil
ing raasses ; not upon wealth, but upon consumption, upon the
Individual." Your poUcy is that by which a man with $ioo,-
000,000 pays the sarae share of the burden of this war as his
coachraan who works for $1 a day.
That Is one of the Issues In this contest; that Is one of the
questions upon which there Is disagreeraent and one of the
reasons why we refuse to support this bill.
You say we will Issue Interest-bearing bonds. We say no
raore bonds shall be Issued until the necessity arises and that
the necessity has not corae yet. We say we will Issue $1,50,-
000,000 in currency. You say the currency is necessary, but
I. Speech in the Senate June lo, 1898. 545

546 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
we will issue interest-bearing bonds and the banks may issue
the currency, and that makes another Issue.
After all, what is the process? We issue $400,000,000 of
interest-bearing bonds and say we are going to allow the
public to subscribe. Every person within the sound of ray
voice knows the public Is unable to subscribe. The bonds will
go to the bankers; and what is the process. Four hundred
raillion dollars of bonds can be taken to the Treasury of the
United States and there they can secure 90 per cent of the
face value of the bonds In currency. Ninety per cent of cur
rency is $360,000,000 in raoney. The bonds can be taken to
the Treasury of the United States and exchanged for national-
bank currency. What Is the process ? The custora is when we
ask for subscriptions of bonds to require payraent of 10 or 20
per cent.
In this case perhaps we would require 10 per cent. Four
hundred raillion dollars of bonds are Issued. The banks sub
scribe for them and pay 10 per cent In cash. They Iraraediately
signify their desire to deposit thera and secure currency. They
are to raake another payraent In thirty days, and before the
thirty days are up the national-bank currency is printed by the
Governraent and handed over to thera, and the bonds are de
posited In the vaults of the Treasury Departraent. How does
it work out? The banks then have paid in currency to the
United States but $40,000,000. They have received $400,-
000,000 of bonds and exchanged thera for $360,000,00 of
currency. They are required to raake no other payraent what
ever, because the $36,000,000 of currency which they receive
can be imraediately turned over to the Treasury to pay for the
bonds. If they had paid for the bonds when the purchase was made
they could take then the $360,000,000 of currency which
they would then have, and for which. In fact, they have paid
but $20,000,000, and loan It to the people of this country at
6 per cent. Against this we contend, and it raakes another
issue. We say that currency is not as good as the greenbacks
which we propose to issue, because the greenback Is legal

WHO PAYS THE TAX? 547
tender, because it has behind it as security the whole property
of the people of the United States. You say It wIU make the
raoney better not to have It legal tender, which Is raoney good
enough to get in debt with but not fit to pay with'. You say it
will make the money better to have the bank draw 3 per cent
on your $400,000,000 worth of bonds.
Who Is behind this bank currency? Nobody, unless it is
the people of the United States. Why, then, should the people
of the United States be called upon to pay interest upon It?
Why not. In the first place. If you will issue bonds, put them In
the Treasury of the United States and then issue your paper
against thera, and thus aave the Interest on $400,000,000?
Who can raise any objection to that? Why, Instead of de
livering these $400,000,000 of bonds to the bankers, do we
not place thera in the vaults of the Treasury In the first place
and then say they shall reraain there as a sacred fund, secur
ing the payment or rederaption. If you please, of the green
backs you Issue ?
What arguraent can be made except the argument of greed,
except the desire to further promote special Interests? Why
should the bonds be delivered to the banks and the people of
the United States be forced to pay $12,000,000 a year interest
upon them, and then they lie in the Treasury as security for
money which the banks take out and loan to the people?
I should like to hear that contention answered. Nobody
undertakes to answer It. Where is the sense, the reason, or
the judgraent that justifies such financiering as that?
But, Mr. President, who will pay this tax, this per capita
tax, this tax levied upon consuraption? The tax under this
bill will be paid by the men who are filUng the ranks of our
arraies as privates, by the people who have no property; and
when It Is collected. It will be turned over to the raen who have
all the property and get all the contracts and whose sons hold
all the offices. You propose under this bill to raake the people
who toil In this country not only pay the entire expense of the
war, but furnish all the private soldiers, and then you fill every
position above that of private with the sons of rich men, so

548 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
that all the best salaries shaU go to thera, and thus array the
classes against the masses and make another Issue.
I remember In 1889 how startled I was when I read an
article — I think it was in the Forura — by Shearraan, of New
York, showing the distribution of wealth in this country. I
thought It could not be true. He showed that 250,000 faraUies
owned over $44,000,000,000 of the wealth of the United
States. , He arrived at his conclusion by taking the rich raen,
showing what their wealth was, deducting that from the na
tion's wealth, and seeing what was left for the rest of the
people. I thought the figures must be untrue, that such cal
culations could not be sustained. But, Mr. President, when
we took the census in 1890, Mr. Shearraan's figures were raore
than corroborated. The census of 1890 shows a condition of
affairs produced In this country within thirty years of tirae
which has caused the destruction of every free Governraent
that ever lived, and It wiU cause the destruction of ours.
Holmes, who had charge of the compilation of the in
debtedness of the United States under the census of 1890,
pubUshes this stateraent: He divides the people of this coun
try Into three classes. He has class i, class 2, and class 3;
which is very appropriate. He raight have said caste i, caste
2, and caste 3, and then his language would have accorded
with the division of the population in India, for instance. In
India the population is also divided into three classes, 80 per
cent of whora never have enough to eat, 16 per cent of whom
have barely enough to eat, and 4 per cent of whora live in un
liraited wealth and luxury. That Is the caste we hear so rauch
about in India.
The sarae condition of affairs has grown up in our country,
and here is the proof of it : Millionaires, 4,000 farailies, less
than three one-hundredths per cent of our population; ag
gregate wealth, $12,000,000,000, 20 per cent of the wealth
of the people of the United States. Rich, 1,139,000 faraUies,
or 8.97 per cent of our population; aggregate wealth, $30,-
600,000,000, raaking a total for these two, which he places
under one class, of $42,600,000,000, or 71 per cent of the
wealth of the people of the United States, leaving 29 per cent

WHO PAYS THE TAX? 549
for the 91 per cent of our population. Then he divides stIU
further. He says under the head of class i — really It should
be class 2, for he divides the rest of the population Into three
classes — 3,556,000 faraUies own $12,000,000,000 of the
wealth. More than one-fourth of our population own only
the sarae araount that 4,000 famiUes own.
Mr. Gallinger. If It will not disturb the Senator, I
should Uke to ask him if he seriously places any dependence
upon those figures, even though they were exploited In the
last census? Does he seriously beUeve that they are at aU ac
curate ? And I will make this further observation that I have
In mind : A gentleraan — I think he was born in the State of
New Harapshire — who was reputed to have been worth from
$10,000,000 to $20,000,000, figured In some of these Usts
that have been published of the multlrallUonalres of the coun
try. He died somewhat recently, and I think I ara correct In
saying that his estate will not show $1,000,000, and I believe
considerably less than that amount. Is It not possible, I will
ask the Senator again, that these figures are very erroneous?
Is It not a guess at best as to the amount of wealth that any
individual or firm possesses in the United States.
Mr. Pettigrew. If the Senator will listen until I have
finished, he can draw his own conclusion' as to whether I have
made a case and believe what I am saying. The facts and
figures which I will give have never b«en disputed.
Class 2, 1,397,000 families, have $2,400,000,000 of
wealth. Class 3, or 6,604,000 farailies or 52 per cent of our
population, have $3,000,000,000 of wealth, or one-fourth of
the wealth of the 4,000 farailies which own this country. The
total poor people of this country, or 9 1 per cent of our popula
tion, own 29 per cent of our wealth, or $17,400,000,000,
while the rich, the 1,143,000 famiUes, own $42,600,000,000
of the wealth. Mr. Holmes then publishes docuraents which
show the relative wealth to population, which I wIU publish
In the Record as a part of ray remarks.
How did Mr. Holraes arrive at this conclusion ? He took
the wealth of the poor of this country and the raiddle classes.
He ascertained it by finding out what the mortgages araounted

550

THE GOURSE OF EMPIRE

Holmes* s table of the distribution of wealth in the United States

Class

Farailies

Per
cent

Average wealth

Aggregate wealth

Per
cent

Millionaires.

4,000
1^139,000

0.03 8.97

$3,000,000 26,866

$12,000,000,000 30,600,000,000

20

Rich 

51

Total rich ....

1,143,000

9

37,358

42,600,000,000

71

Class I 
3,556,000 1,397,000
6,604,000
28 II
52
3.374 1,718 454
12,000,000,000 2,400,000,000
3,000,000,000
20
Class 2 
4
Class 3 
5
Total poor 
11,557,000
91
1,514
17,400,000,000
29
Grand total 
12,700,000
100
4,72s
60,000,000,000
100
Class I are the families owning farms or homes without incumbrances, class 2 are
those owning them with incumbrances, and class 3 are tenants of farms or homes
owned by others.
to. He Inquired about the ownership of every house, every
piece of property In the land, and then he deducted that from
the whole sura, and the result showed what the very rich
Diagrams showing, by percentages, the population and wealth distribu
tion in the United States, according to Holmes's tables
POPUI^ATIOIf.
¦WEALTH.
B
Millionaires
Rich 
MiddlB 
Lower 
Poor 
.g:^»
Millionaires ..
Eich 
... 28
... 11
... 52
91
—
Middle 
Lower 
Poor 
....
.-.*.

61
tn
>39
This diagram shows by its percentages the population and wealth and the distribu
tion of wealth in the United States, according to Holmes's tables, and Holmes was the
compiler of the census of the United States for 1890 in relation to farms, homes, and
mortgages. Now, look at this diagram. It is an interesting study. Here it shows
where the property of the United States has gone.. Can you see that little black spot?
Can you see it? That represents three one-hundredths of the population.
Rich pay $27,000,000; poor pay $273,000,000.
WHO PAYS THE TAX?

551

possessed. Shearraan did the opposite. He deterrained how
much the very rich possessed, deducted it from the whole sum,
and saw what the raass of the people possessed in this country.
The two results are so parallel, so corroborative of each other,
that I wIU publish both tables.
Here are Mr. Shearraan's tables: The rich, 235,000
famiUes own $43,900,000,000 of the wealth of this country.
The raiddle classes, 1,200,000 farailies, own $7,500,000,000
of the wealth. The working classes 11,567,000 famiUes, own
$11,175,000,000 of the wealth. In other words, according to
his tables, the rich, 10.6 per cent of our population, own 70
per cent of the wealth.
According to Mr. Holmes's table the rich are 9 per cent of
our population and own 71 per cent of the wealth of this
country. I will also publish Mr. Shearraan's table.
American Wealth

Class

Famihes

Wealth

Per family

Rich 

235,000
1,200,000
11,567,000

$43,900,000,000 7,500,000,000
11,175,000,000

$186,567

Middle

6,250 968

Working 

Diagrams showing, by percentages, the population and wealth distribu
tion in the United States, according to Shearman's tables

POPULATION.

55^

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

Commenting on this, Mr. Shearraan says:
The United States of America are practically owned by less than
250,000 persons, constituting less than i in 60 of its adult male popu
lation. Within thirty years, the present methods of taxation being
continued, the United States of America will be substantially owned
by less than 50,000 persons, constituting less than i in 500 of the
male population.
He says that this is an underestiraate, and in the second
article adds:
If this system continues, the coming of the billionaire on the one
hand and of the million paupers on the other is inevitable.
But what is raore, Mr. President, we had another investi
gation. Mr. Spahr, who Is a writer upon the Outlook, a jour
nal published in New York, a law lecturer in the New York
Law Academy, a man of decided ability, a statistician well
known throughout the world, and a lawyer by profession,
raade an Investigation. His Investigation was carried on dif
ferently frora that of both the others. He went to the pro
bate courts, and he ascertained the estates which were ad
rainistered upon, and from that examination he makes a table
which almost exactly corroborates the other two.
He shows that the rich — 125,000 families, i per cent of
our population — have $32,880,000,000 of wealth; the raiddle
classes, 1,362,500 farailies, have $19,320,000,000 of wealth;
the poor 4,762,500 farailies, have $7,800,000,000 of wealth,
and he pufs down the rest of the population as having noth
ing or practically nothing, the araount is so small, they being
more than half of our population, and the amount they own
is scarcely worth considering.
Spahr' s table of the distribution of wealth in the United States

Class

Families

Per
cent

Average wealth

Aggregate wealth

Per
cent

Rich 

125,000
1,36^,500
4,762,5006,250,000

I
10.9
¦ 38.1SO

263,040 14,180 1,639

$32,880,000,000 19,320,000,000 7,800,000,000

54.832.2 13

Middle 

Poor 

Total 
12,500,000
100
4,800
$60,000,000,000
WHO PAYS THE TAX?

553

Diagram showing, by percentages, the population and wealth distribu
tion in the Ukiied States, according io Spahr' s tables

POPULATION.

N\S\\\\\\..-- O
^vSvVN'VV.^^^^Cs;.^^^^v^^^^\^

Rich  1
Middle  10.9

Poor.

Very poor .

8.1

60

•WEALTH.

Elch.

61.8

Middle..

Poor .

13

Whatever error there is in this table is demonstrably on the side
of understating the present concentration of wealth, for in the returns
made to the surrogates the debts are not yet deducted from the value
of the estates, and it is the small house owners and shopkeepers and
farmers whose debts cover the most considerable portion of their hold
ings. We must recognize, therefore, that the nation's vast wealth does
not bring comfort and independence to the rank and file of the people.
If the nation's wealth is to mean the nation's well-being, the rank and
file of the people must reverse the policies which the rich, and the tools
of the rich, have thrust upon them.

He discovered an alarraing state of affairs In the State of
New York. He found that out of every four men who died
at over 25 years of age, three left no property whatever to be
administered upon, and he found by an examination of the pro
bate records this distribution of wealth absolutely corroborat
ing the figures of the census and the article written by Mr.
Shearraan. Mr. Spahr is a Populist, Mr. Holraes Is a Re
pubUcan, and Mr. Shearraan is a Deraocrat.
I do not believe the facts developed In this Investigation
can be successfully disputed. They are based upon the investi
gation of our own census, based upon an examination of the
probate records of the various States, and based upon calcula
tions as to the wealth of individuals.
To continue this phase of the subject, Mr. President, an
Investigation of the distribution of wealth in England has

554 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
deraonstrated the same result. The very rich consist of 222,-
500 faraiUes, and they own $27,781,000,000 of the wealth of
Great Britain. The average wealth of these farailies Is $125,-
149. The average wealth of our enorraously rich farailies,
according to Mr. Shearraan's tables. Is $186,567 for each
faraily. It is easy to presurae that Mr. Shearraan's figures are
correct, that 235,000 farailies own $186,567 each. That em
braces the raultlmllUonaires, raen who own fifty, one hundred,
and two hundred million dollars each. The rich men, there
fore, have on the average raore wealth in this country than In
England. Where, then, is all our boast about the distribution
of wealth? Where, then. Is our boast about the advantage
our toiler has under free Institutions? Where the beneficent
result of the tariff?
What is raore, the raiddle classes in Great Britain, con
sisting of 1,824,400 people, own $9,142,000,000 of wealth;
the working classes, consisting of 4,629,100 farailies, own
$1,930,000,000 of wealth; In other words, nearly two-thirds,
or quite two-thirds of the people of Great Britain practically
own nothing. They own less than $80 apiece, raen, women,
and children — not enough to support thera a year.
What are the facts In regard to our own country? I will
use Mr. Holraes's tables, because they are based upon the
census. Six raillion six hundred and four thousand farailies
In the United States have an average wealth of $454 per
family, or about eighty-five or ninety dollars apiece, and prac
tically own no property whatever; and yet this Is absolutely
parallel with the result worked out by Great Britain, and we
have worked It out under our system of government. We have
pursued her policy as to finance, as to monopoly privileges, as
to special legislation, class legislation, and unequal taxation,
and landed in the sarae place where she has landed. I say, Mr.
President, that, with figures like these, free governraent is a
failure, unless we can apply the reraedy.
Now, I proceed to show how we have brought about, in a
large raeasure, this result. In the first place. It has been by
just such legislation as we are called upon to vote for to-day.
The rich people of this country, according to Holraes's tables,

WHO PAYS THE TAX? 555
own $42,6c)0,ooo,ooo of the wealth, and under this biU they
wiU pay twenty-seven miUions of the taxes.
They are the people — everybody knows It — who will buy
the bonds to be sold under this biU, and they wiU take these
bonds, $400,000,000 of thera — put thera In the Treasury of
the United States, draw $12,000,000 a year Interest, get $360,-
000,000 of national-bank currency, and loan that at 6 per cent,
which will raake thera $21,600,000 per annura, and thus re
ceive, owing to this bond raeasure, $33,600,000 a year, and
pay In taxes $27,000,000. It is a fine scherae. They pay a
fraction over one-twentieth of i per cent upon their wealth.
They pay $27,000,000, and the poor, who are 91 per cent of
our population, who own $17,400,000,000 of the wealth of this
country, pay under this bill $273,000,000 of the tax of $300,-
000,000. Suppose the bill yields $300,000,000 before it is repealed,
and If it yields less the araount they will pay will be in just the
sarae proportion. I took $300,000,000 because I supposed at
the tirae I raade these figures that just $300,000,000 of bonds
would be Issued; but no raatter whether the revenue is raised
this year or next year, or In three years, or whenever we raise
$300,000,000, this Is the distribution of the burden. The
poor, who are 91 per cent of our population, will pay $273,-
000,000, while the rich will pay $27,000,000. The poor will
pay 1.56 per cent, while the rich will pay a little over one-
twentieth of I per cent.
The poor, the 91 per cent of our population, pay raore
than thirty tiraes raore upon the property they own than the
rich people pay, and yet we refuse to levy a tax upon corpora
tions. The rich should pay, if they paid in proportion to their
wealth, $212,500,000. They do pay $27,000,000. The poor
should pay $85,500,000. They do pay $273,000,000. That is
why I am opposed to this bill; that Is why I did not vote for
it and will not vote for It.
What Is more, 52 per cent of the population, according to
Holmes's tables, own but $3,000,000,000 of wealth, and 52
per cent of our population practically to-day have no prop
erty, and over 52 per cent do not own the horaes in which

556 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
they Uve. Fifty-two per cent of our people, who own $3,-
000,000,000 of wealth, would pay $156,000,000 of this tax
If we raised $300,000,000, or 5.2 per cent on every dollar of
what they have ; and their property is alraost entirely In cloth
ing, household furniture, and personal effects.
They do not own their horaes or real estate. Their prop
erty is perishable and ought not to be taxed at all. They pay,
then, over 5,000 tiraes on their property more than the very
rich; for the very rich, who compose 4,000 farailies in this
country, own $12,000,000,000 of wealth, and they pay under
this bill, under an assessment upon necessities, upon consump
tion, the magnificent sum of $94,480 of a tax of $300,000,000,
or less than eight ten-thousands of i per cent upon every dollar
of their wealth.
They are the people from whom your officers are selected
to receive big salaries and pretend to carry on military opera
tions; they are the class who furnish the raoney for the con
tracts; they are the raen who are selling to the Government
yachts absolutely worthless for naval purposes and old, broken-
down ships which are found to be only fit to obstruct harbors
so that our war vessels can not get at the eneray. These peo
ple would pay, if they paid upon their wealth, $60,000,000 a
year. Instead of $94,480, which they do pay.
Mr. President, this result has been brought about by legis
lation; by unequal, dishonest taxation like that within the
present bill; by granting raonopoly privileges, special legisla
tion, like the banking and transportation privileges, in the Inter
est of the few. The Theban Sphinx destroyed all who refused
to answer her question. If we refuse to answer this question,
if we fail to answer It, such failure will destroy us.
The Inexorable lessons of history prove what the result
raust be. I can not regard the talk about a popular loan as
anything but hypocritical. How can the public subscribe when
the public has no property? How can the 52 per cent of our
people who own but $454 per faraily, or $90 worth of property
each, and that in personal effects, such as worn clothing and
second-hand household utensils, buy 3 per cent bonds ? He who ,
knows these facts and yet talks about a popular loan certainly

WHO PAYS THE TAX? 557
does not expect to do other than act the part of a demagogue
and deceive the pubUc.
Mr. President, it Is because of the raanner and method of
taxation that I decline to vote for this raeasure. It is because
the Senate voted down the incorae tax, the tax upon corpora
tions, and almost every burden that could be laid upon the rich
people of this country.

CHAPTER XXII
SUMMING IT UP
FELLOW CITIZENS :i We have just closed a
very reraarkable poUtical contest, the raost reraarkable,
perhaps, in the history of this country. For the first
tirae In our career as a people, poUtical parties were not ar
rayed so rauch against each other as were great interests. For
the first tirae in our experience, the two leading parties divided.
That portion of the deraocratic party which represented the
great trusts and corabinations, the accuraulated wealth of the
nation, united with that portion of the republican party which
had been absorbed by the sarae Interests. Arrayed against
these forces were, as the votes show, over six raillion of the
producers of our country. Arrayed against this corabination
were the toilers of the land to the extent of six million laborers,
the majority of them engaged In agriculture, and a majority of
sraall traders and raerchants were allied with the farming
classes, being Interested with thera In the successful prosecution
of the pursuit of tilling the soil. What caused this great divi
sion? What caused this aUgnraent of forces? These questions
are the questions which will not down and are questions which
can be settled only by the success of those who advocate the
cause of the producers of wealth.
On the one side, then, was concentrated. In the hands of
those who had not produced It, the amassed wealth and capital
of this country, striving for mastery In an effort to corapletely
doralnate and control our affairs. On the other side was the
great raass of the people who had produced the wealth, but
still through the process of legislatloii had seen it slip from
their grasp and drift into the hands of the few people who
I. A speech delivered at Sioux Falls, South Dakota, November 14, 1896.
558

SUMMING IT UP 559
control the other side. In a contest Uke this, with such forces
arrayed against us, with every corporate Interest reaching out
to coerce the loyalty and support of its eraployees, with the
creditor class everywhere browbeating and trying to intiraldate
our farmers, as they did throughout the length and breadth of
this State, the wonder Is that the people of Dakota were able
to turn back the forces of plutocracy and rescue this State from
the most corrupt combination that ever cursed any coraraon
wealth. It was a victory worth our effort. It was a victory for
which the people struggled without hope of reward, other than
the public good. And we have occasion to congratulate each
other to-night over our success. Root and branch, every por
tion of our State governraent is rescued frora their hands. The
legislature Is at least sixteen raajority on joint ballot and we
have both houses. We raust so handle our victory that we
raay reraain In power. We must pursue that course of careful
legislation which will retain for us the confidence of the people.
The hope of South Dakota is in her ability to contjrol her own
affairs. In being able to secure that just consideration frora
the railroad corapanies which will not rob the people of the
products of their toil. And while, we should not favor legis
lation which would be discreditable In being extrerae, we should
legislate so that the question of justice and right between our
own people and these foreign corporations shall be left in our
own hands to decide. You will find that great vigilance and
care is necessary to produce results which will hold In our
ranks the conservative people of this country, and yet do even
justice to all.
I believe to-night, as I have through this whole contro
versy, that those great principles for which we have contended
raust be solved In the Interest of the toihng raasses, if free in
stitutions survive In this government. I believe that financial
reform, far reaching and radical, is absolutely essential in
order that the producing classes may reap the reward of their
efforts. There should be no half-way measures in this re
spect. The banking systera of this country Is so organized and
constituted as to take frora the producer the result of his

56o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
effort; purposely so Organized; organized with the intention
of controUing the volume of money; contracting and expand
ing credit so as to produce a panic, or apparent prosperity, as
suits the purpose of its organizers and managers.
This systera of banking was the invention of Lord Over-
stone, with the assistance of the acute minds of the Rothschild
bankers of Europe, and was so constructed as to enhance the
iraportance of capital and overshadow the iraportance of toil.
The systera Is one based upon a small volume of legal tender
money, and the lirait of this volurae they would raake as sraall
as possible, in order that they raay control it absolutely, what
ever It is. Expansion by the issue of credit, not legal tender;
contraction by the withdrawal of credit. Expansion that they
raay sell the property of the producers, which they have taken
in with the last contraction, and then contract again in order
to wreck the enterprising and once raore reap the harvest of
their efforts. This is the banking system of Great Britain,
and the banking system of every gold standard country In the
world to-day except France. It Is the banking system of the
United States. This is the systera the republican party is
pledged to strengthen and perpetuate. There Is no hope of
relief for the people of this agricultural country In any pos
sible thing the republican party can or will do. In 1873, fear
ing that the volurae of metallic raoney would become too large,
these manipulators of panics, these gatherers of the products of
other people's toil, set about to secure the demonetization of
silver and raake all their contracts payable in gold. The result
has been, as the thinking ones of every nation agree, that in
every gold standard country on the globe, agricultural prices
have fallen steadily frora that tirae to this, until we have
reached a point where the cost of production is denied the pro
ducer. How has It been brought about?
First, by the deraonetlzatlon of silver.
Second, by securing the adoption of the gold standard
by one nation after another, through the pressure of debts due
the corabined bankers of Europe.

SUMMING IT UP 561
Third, by the accuraulation of the gold of the world since
1 89 1 in the hands of European bankers.
And this rapid decline has been accelerated by the abso
lute destruction of silver In the United States, which occurred
in 1893, until prices have reached a point lower than in two
previous centuries of tirae. How shall we reraedy it? If we
reraedy this, we raust strike at the root of the evil and destroy
the cause. To talk of doing It by any other raethod could
bring only teraporary relief, and in the end further panics and
invite destruction.
I lay down this proposition: That the price of corarao
dities In all gold standard countries raust be measured by the
volume of gold in those countries. That this Is absolutely
true of all products which are Interchanged between those na
tions. Every gold standard country must have a range of
prices as to that which it sells or buys of other nations, raeas
ured by the volurae of gold in all those countries.
Sorae one says that if the quantity of raoney in any one
gold standard country regulates the prices, then France with
her fifty-six dollars per capita raust have prices several tiraes
larger than Switzerland with her nine. The person who makes
that proposition simply exhibits absolute ignorance so dense as
to be undisturbed through all tirae by the barest fundaraental
principles of finance. I can raake that clear to every one within
the sound of ray voice.
We say the prices within those countries raust be the sarae
as to the things they exchange with each other, and those
prices are fixed by the quantity of gold which exists in all of
thera put together. Now France has a greater volume of
money than Germany per capita. If the prices in France were
higher because of her greater per capital of gold than In
Germany, then the gold would leave France and would, go to
Gerraany, where it would buy raore than It would buy in
France. Therefore she raust maintain the international level
of prices In order to retain her gold. Why Is it that one
people have a greater volume per capital of gold than another ?
Simply because of their different systera of banking. In Firance
the banks cannot, outside the city of Paris, loan one dollar

562 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
of deposits. Therefore, they do business with cash and it takes
a greater volume of money to do business In consequence, even
at the International level of prices. France has not had a
panic for fifty years. She has suffered a decline in prices re
sulting from a scarcity of gold, but by having a large volume of
legal tender raoney and by doing business with a minimum of
credit she has escaped the curse of panics for two generations.
In this respect she disregards the financial system created by
Overstone and the genius of the Rothschilds to gather the
wealth created by huraan toil. Her agricultural interests suf
fered, as ours have suffered, by declining prices, and the mral
population of France has decreased two raillion three hundred
thousand In the last thirty or forty years, but her industries
have escaped the wreck of recurring panics. What I say
then. Is that the volurae of gold fixes the prices of farm prod-.
ucts In this country, as our surplus goes to gold using nations,
and 80 per cent, of all our exports are farm products. If that
is the case, how are you going to give prosperity to the farraers
by building a tariff wall? It Is Impossible; absolutely impos
sible. The plan of the Republican party is to try and secure an
expansion of the credit controlled by the bankers, and to ad
here to the gold standard without any gold. Why, a New,
York banker told me that all that was necessary was simply,
for Instance, to have one ounce of gold placed In a glass case
and declare It the standard, and that It would answer every
purpose, so Ignorant was he of the fundaraental principles of
finance. What Is their plan? It is to retire the silver ; to retire
the greenbacks; to retire the treasury notes — every one of
thera; to retire the silver certificates and to raake silver legal
tender for ten doUars and lirait the coinage, and then issue
national bank notes for the currency of this country. Then
issue bonds for the pubUc to pay Interest on, raaking a cur
rency which they can expand or contract at their pleasure and
thus wreck and plunder the producers of this country. Al
ready they have adopted a plan. The Chicago Record, I am
told, last Saturday contained a proposition endorsing the
Baltiraore platform, which was not only to issue currency

SUMMING IT UP $63
to the araount of the face of.the bonds, but also the face of
their capital stock. A most dangerous power. Give me con
trol of the money of the people and I wiU take from thera
everything but a bare subsistence, and I wUl raake that as mean
as I please. You will reraeraber these bank notes are not legal
tender. They are credit raoney; confidence raoney, and that Is
what they mean by a restoration of confidence. They can be
withdrawn at the pleasure of the banks, and bankers can con
tract the currency and expand it whenever they choose. They
can raise prices even of town lots; prices of property not inter
nationally dealt in, but they cannot, by expansion of that sort
of money, raise the price of farra products. Then, under their
plan, there is no hope for the agricultural people of this coun
try. You raight get teraporary relief by expanding credit so
that town lots, if you can get people to believe in them, not
farm property, but town lots, would find something of a mar
ket. But the products of the soil of this country are held
down to the lirait of, the gold In the gold using countries of
the world and there Is no possible escape frora It unless you
enlarge the volurae of raetallic legal tender raoney, funda
mental raoney. It would be a blessing to us if our gold should
all leave us ; every dollar of it, and the raore the better. Then
we would do business upon silver certificates the same as now.
No surprise or shock could come to our business, for we have
no other money now In circulation, but our volurae of gold
would go to Europe, causing an Inflation of the currency of
those gold using nations and raising prices there so that our
wheat and our cotton and our meat would bring more gold
than now, and thus make it easier to secure gold to pay our
interest abroad, or for that raatter at home.
I hold that these principles for which we contend are fun
damental and that we can only get rehef by success, and there
fore I begin again this contest. I have said several tiraes dur
ing this controversy on the sturap that I expected to wait four
years. I admit that I was somewhat disappointed, for I hoped
when I saw the mighty enthusiasm and wonderful courage
of our leader and the raighty efforts of the rank and file, that
success would come this year. But we could not battle against

564 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
and overcorae the selfish interests of raen, blinded by party
zeal, or the bribery and fraud which were perpetrated against
us. Yet we made most marvelous progress. We made a most
wonderful fight and four years raore will crown our effort with
victory. I said there was a chance for me to return to the Repub
lican party If McKinley was defeated, but his success as the
champion of the cause of boodle and wrong, his victory as the
representative of the tmsts, makes ray alUance with that party
irapossible. Not only raust we fight for the great principles of finan
cial reforra, not only raust we fight for a volume of money
which will increase In fullness as we increase in population and
growth of business ; for an honest dollar is a dollar which will
require no more of products of toil to secure at one time than
at another ; which will have no greater purchasing power when
the debt is due, than It had when the debt was contracted, not
only raust we fight for that, but If we would preserve free
Institutions In this country, we raust fight for the overthrow
of trusts and syndicates which to-day rule the nation.
I think it has been established by history; I think It Is
fixed as one thing that Is established beyond question, that as
civilization advances, capital accuraulates. Those who have
absorbed It try to Increase its value by legislation, and the
easiest way to increase its value Is to contract the volume of
money and raake it scarce and dear. The easiest way to dou
ble the debts of the world is to double the purchasing power
of the dollar In which they are to be paid.
Every political econoraist agrees that this can be done;
that quantity regulates the value rather than the substance of
which the dollar Is raade.
Now, great accuraulations of capital occurred and the own
ers of this capital proceeded to double the value of the dollar
as raeasured in the product of human toil, and it has had the
sarae effect upon the producers, of wealth and the debtors
throughout the world that the doubling of the length of the
yard measure would have had upon the raanufacturer, who,
twenty years ago, agreed to deliver a raillion yards of cloth

SUMMING IT UP 565
at this time and In the Interval the raan who was to receive
the ralUion yards of cloth had secured legislation by which
the yard stick was still thirty-six Inches in length but each Inch
was twice as long as It was when he made the contract. Of
course the raanufacturer would have to deliver the mlUIon
yards, because he had contracted to deliver so many yards,
but he would be obliged to deUver exactly twice the quantity
of cloth he had contracted to deUver. So It is with the debtor,
and so it is with the national debt. We contracted to deUver
so many dollars, but In the meantirae, and by legislation, they
have doubled the purchasing power — or size of the dollar, and
we are obliged to-day to deliver just twice what we agreed to
give. And then they talk all through this country about the
honest dollar, and call us repudiators because we protest
against this dishonest robbery.
Rorae with her legions robbed the world. When the Ro
raan Empire was founded most of the people owned twelve
acres apiece ; twelve acres per family, indicating a dense mral
population. No foreign foe could march through that com
pact rural population of land owners to the wall of Rorae.
They were successful farraers and prosperous, and they raade
mighty soldiers. Cincinnatus left the plow and led legions on
to victory. But during the first century of the Christian era,
centralization had done Its work; the lands had been absorbed
by the usurer and gathered Into vast estates, cultivated by ten
ants and often by slaves, the mines of gold and silver in Spain
and Greece had been worked out; no more raoney carae frora
the conquests of other nations ; the currency was sent to India
for precious stones and to China for silk, and with the decrease
in the volurae of metallic raoney, prices of farra products fell
to a point below the cost of production, and the ruin of agri
culture was completed. PUny thus described the condition of
the family classes during his time :
"A large estate adjoining his own was for sale, and he was tempted
to buy, 'for the land was fertile, rich and well watered,' the fields pro
duced vines and wood which promised a fair return, and yet this natural
fruitfulness was marred by the misery of the husbandman. He found

566 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
that the former owner 'had often seized the pignora, or pledges (that
is, all the property the tenants possessed), and though by so doing,
he had temporarily reduced their arrears, he had left them without
the means of tilling the soil.' These tenants were free men, who had
been unable to meet their rent because of falling prices, and who, when
they had lost their tools, Cattle and household effects, were left paupers
on the farms they could neither cultivate nor abandon. Consequently
the property had suffered, the rent had declined, and for these reasons
and 'the general hardness of the times,' its value had fallen from five
million to three million sesterces.
"According to Pliny the collection of a rent in money had become
impossible in the reign of Tragan. The reason was that with a con
tracting currency prices of produce fell, and each year's crop netted less
than that of the year before ; therefore a rent moderate in one decade
was extortionate in the next. But taxes did not fall with the fall
in values; on the contrary, the tendency of centralization is always
toward a more costly administration. Under Augustus, one emperor
with a moderate household sufficed ; but in the third century Dio
cletian found it necessary to reorganize the government under four
Caesars, and everything became specialized in the same proportion.
"The evolution of this centralized society was as logical as every
other work of nature. When force reached the stage where it ex
pressed itself exclusively through money, the governing class ceased to
be chosen because they were valiant or eloquent, artistic, leamed, or
devout, and were selected solely because they had the faculty of acquir
ing and keeping wealth. As long as the weak retained enough vitality to
produce something which could be absorbed, this oligarchy was invin
cible." In 360 A. D. Rorae deraonetlzed silver and the usurer
raade all contracts payable by weight in gold, just as our
usurers are now doing by raaking every contract payable in
gold dollars of the present weight and fineness. Frora this time
the decline of Rome was very rapid. The city ceased to be the
seat of empire and fell an easy prey to the barbarous hordes
who in the tirae of the legions of rural land owners would
have been scattered Uke chaff Tong before they reached the
walls of Rorae.
Within the last few years, under the powerful forces of
concentration, the expenses of the governraent of the United
States have grown to half a billion a year and even in excess
of that amount. You remeraber how the country was startled
when for the first tirae the appropriation araounted to half a

) )

SUMMING IT UP 567
billion dollars, yet now we have corae to consider it as a raat
ter of course. Even though prices have gone down and our
people cease to prosper, stiU the cost of adrainistration raounts
up and up as the years go by and increases Instead of decreases,
as it. did in the Roraan Erapire In the days of her decay.
Are not we reaching the sarae point when raen attain
power through their abiUty to acquire and retain wealth, rather
than because of their great Intellect and virtue? You have
often heard about the raiUionaires' club of the United States
Senate. We have corae to regard corruption with indif
ference. I could go on and show to you that every nation
that has disappeared frora the stage, has disappeared frora the
sarae cause. It was so with the Byzantine erapire, with Venice
and Spain, and so it will be with us.
The usurer has no sense. He tmsts that the day of reck
oning will not corae In his lifetirae and that others raay reap
the destruction the seeds of which he has sown, and that he
raay escape and that time will put It off until some chance shall
furnish relief. Rather that than release. his greed and grasp.
And so he goes on and on and national decay and ruin set in
and his country disappears.
Now I am going to show you that the gold of the world
is cornered by the world's great creditors. England has thou
sands of raiUions of dollars loaned to other countries. The
Rothschild faraily have made loans to the debtors of the world
araounting to forty thousand raiUions, an araount equal to two-
thirds of the wealth of the people of the United States, all
under the control of this house of European bankers. Think
of it. An araount equal to two-thirds of all the wealth of our
seventy raiUions of people Is under the control of one faraily of
European bankers.
In Deceraber, 1891, the European banks held one thou
sand one hundred and thirty-five raiUions df dollars In gold.
April 6, 1896, they held five hundred milUons more, or one
thousand six hundred and thirty milUons of dollars In gold.
Let us see where they got this five hundred raiUions, for with
the Increase In the treasury of Russia, the Increase has been
five hundred and thirteen millions since 1891. During this

568 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
time there has been taken from the mines of the world eight
hundred and forty-five million dollars' worth of gold and there
has been consumed In the arts In the five years three hundred
and twenty-five raillion and the loss by wear and tear of coin
in circulation is one hundred raillion. These are the figures of
the Statistical Society of France and they show that the total
consuraption In the arts and that required for coinage was four
hundred and twenty-five raillion dollars. The total product
during that tirae was eight hundred and forty-five raiUions.
The balance of the four hundred and twenty raiUions was left
for currency purposes, according to these statistics. But the
European banks had accuraulated five hundred and thirteen
millions of dollars, or ninety-three millions raore than the total
product frora the raines during all these five years. They laid
this vast sura away and withdrew it frora circulation, and thus
contracted the currency. We were foolish enough In 1893 to
coraplete the deraonetlzatlon of silver and contribute to the
downward course of prices.
We exported in 1890 five raillion eight hundred thousand
dollars in gold; in 1891 forty-four million dollars; in 1892
sixty-two millions seven hundred thousand; in 1893 ten mil
lion six hundred thousand. Then we repealed the Sherraan
law and it was said gold would cease to leave the country
and confidence would be restored. And In 1894 we exported
seventy-four raillion eight hundred thousand; in 1895 seventy-
one raillion seven hundred thousand, and up to the ist of last
July, or the end of the fiscal year in 1896, we exported eighty
railUon dollars raore than we iraported. We have lost, then,
three hundred and forty-nine raillion to the syndicates of Euro
pean bankers. Thus by Insisting upon the single gold standard
we have placed the price of everything we sell in Europe In
the hands of the people who want to buy our products. We
possess not a grain of sense to pursue such a policy. Yet they
tell us we must continue it until they are willing to quit.
I contend, fellow citizens, that the figures In relation to the
consuraption of gold are Incorrect and that all the gold pro
duced each year Is used in the arts and not a single dollar of
it is used for currency; that Instead of Increasing the amount

SUMMING IT UP 569
of gold in circulation by the annual output frora the raines,
all the raines have produced during the last five years has been
consumed, and the hoarding of gold by the European banks has
contracted the gold In circulation, five hundred and thirteen
railUon in the last five years. And I take for ray authority the
statistician of the London Statistical Society, Giffin, who
makes the following stateraent In his book, "The Case Against
Bimetallism" :
"The demand for non-monetary purposes on the annual production
is also preponderant in the case of gold, and very large in the case
of silver. About two-thirds of the gold annually produced is taken for
the arts, and if the consumption of India is included, as being either for
simple hoarding or for the arts, and in no case for the purpose of cir
culating money, then the demand for gold for non-monetary purposes
appears almost equal to the entire annual production."
Now, It seems to me that these figures are alarming. That
these facts ought to startle the American people. They ought
to turn their backs upon a corabination which raaintains a
financial system satisfactory to the people of Europe, who are
plundering the people of this country of the products of their
soil. I am in favor of the policy of protection to Araerican indus
tries. And I am in favor, and was In favor in 1892 or 1894,
of such legislation as would leave the Issue of this carapaign —
the currency — alone. I ara In favor of It yet. Not because there
is any relief In the tariff, for it is Idle and foolish to talk about
It, but because I want to remove from this contest every ques
tion which agitates the minds of the people of the north. How
ever, as I said before, I will never vote for an Increase of the
tariff, unless it contains a provision which will provide that
every article the product of a trust shall be admitted free of
duty. Small chance for rae to get back Into the Republican
party with a declaration like that. Mr. McKinley would veto
the bill, In my opinion, for I believe that the forces which con
trol hira would corapel hira to do it.
We submit to the will of the people, so far as resistance
is concerned, and conform our action to the law; but we

570 THE COURSE OF EMPlKli
agitate, we follow up, we continue to discuss these questions
until truth triumphs.
If we have a financial system that Is so weak that it
totters at the breath of discussion. It is time It was destroyed.
I think my position In regard to the tariff and finance Is fairly
outlined in a speech which I made In the Senate in 1894
against the passage of the Wilson bill.
This was on- the 29th of May, 1 894. I said : "If the Wil
son bill passes, prosperity will not come to the south. A few
factories raay start up, but with the gold standard, prices will
continue to fall, resulting in enforced Idleness and in the
agony and raisery always accompanying the process of turn
ing the property of the producers over to the owners of the
credits. The owners of the credits will then say, as they
now say, it Is the Wilson bill which causes all this trouble,
and In the next campaign the tariff alone will be the issue, and
so I fear that the actual and legitimate Issue, money for all
the people, will be obscured and the creditor classes will be
thus enabled to fasten their grasp more firmly upon the prop
erty of the country.
"On the other hand. If the Wilson bill is defeated, pros
perity will not return. But the creditors can no longer claim
it Is the tariff that causes, the disaster, and they will be forced
to face the real issue, the question of enlarging the volume of
metallic money, with victory assured to those who plead the
cause of the toiling^ masses, the real producers of the nation's
wealth. We cannot have free trade and a gold standard, or
the balance of trade will be against us, as It is against all
nations who produce raw material. Our gold would leave us
and leave nothing In its place to do the work, and while we
would be nominally on a gold basis, in reality using an irre
deemable paper currency. I ara convinced that the only
people who hold a logical position in this controversy are the
silver raen of the west, who Insist that free coinage of silver
and a protective tariff go hand in hand; that this Is the true
doctrine of the Republican party and that upon this plat
form alone can the Republican party remain In power."
Then I said: "I have a feeling which approaches con-

SUMMING IT UP 571
terapt for those representatives of New England and the east
in this body, who,'In raaking tariff speeches have shown a sUver
lining to the dark cloud of their Insincerity. For twenty years
and up to date they have voted on every occasion to destroy
silver and put the country on a gold basis, and having accora
pUshed their object and ruined silver, cotton and wheat pro
ducers, and In fact all other producers, they now turn to us
and smile and say, we are friends of silver. I want to say to
you gentlemen of the east, we are going to vote with you
against this Wilson bill frora principle, because we beUeve in
protection to Araerican laborers and American industry. Your
smiles and your talk about silver do not deceive us one par
ticle. We despise your cunning and your duplicity. You want
a tariff so that the things you manufacture shall not suffer the
decline in price resulting from the appreciation of gold, and
you want a gold standard so that your credits may command
more and more of our food products and raw raaterial and so
that your proraise for the future delivery of gold raay be
come more and raore valuable. Your position raay be cun
ning, but it is inconsistent and, dishonest. You say we raust
have a gold standard so we can pay the balance of trade which
may be against us and In the same breath you say you do
not want to trade with the gold using countries, as they pro
duce the same raanufactured goods we do, and we want to
build a tariff wall against thera.
"Why, then, I ask, do you want financial unity with these
nations against which we wage unceasing Industrial warfare?
I have already given the reason. You wish to plunder the
producers by the growing value of your credits. You wish to
take an unearned increraent at the expense of enterprise. We
gay, we will join you In a tariff for protection because we do
not wish to trade with gold-using countries and you must join
us In the free coinage of silver.
"Upon this platform and this alone we can continue to act
with New England. We are the debtors and while we do not
ask that our debts shall be scaled down, we do Insist that
It shall take no raore of the results of our toil, no raore of our
products to pay the debts when due than It took when the debts

572 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
were contracted. Our position Is patriotic, for while we re
sist the robbery of the producers by our own citizens, who are
creditors, we also prevent the foreign creditor from plunder
ing any of our citizens."
This was in 1894 when the tariff bill was under considera
tion In the Senate, In opposition to the Wilson bill, for the rea
son largely that I wanted this contest entirely upon the money
question. Last winter when the Dingley bill carae up in the
Senate, I was In favor of Its consideration and passage for
the same reasons. Now, In the future, I shall insist upon some
thing being done, which when they protect American indus
tries, shall also protect our people from corabinations which
raise the price to the lirait of the tariff.
Now let us see what has been the result of our financial
legislation and our laws in relation to corporations. The
United States has produced raore wealth in the last thirty
years than any other nation on the globe; with marvelous
energy, with wonderful enterprise, the boys came home from
the war and engaged In the productive Industries of this coun
try. They built railroads and cities, opened up the farras, and
what is the result? By a doubling of the worth of the measure
of value they have been plundered of the results of their
efforts; and to-day fifty-two per cent of our people live in
rented houses.
Are we to continue this condition of things until civilization
ceases and the republic fades from existence? That is the
question in this controversy. It is not a question of who holds
the ofllices, and while I ara glad to see ray friends gain control
of the ofiices In this county and State, yet It is not a question
of who holds the ofiices. It is a broader and mightier ques
tion than that. It Is the question of civilization Itself. More
than all other things has this doubling of the value, this length
ening of the yard stick, been the cause which has accumulated
the wealth of this country practically In the hands of two hun
dred and fifty thousand raen. How easy to marshal their
forces. How easy to send forth an order that the patriotic
young man should be defeated who had declared that he would
use the power of his office, if elected, to drive every tmst from

SUMMING IT UP 573
existence. I adrait that the creation of corporations has been
an element In this destmction of the producing classes, because
all wealth Is the result of human toil and when we allow cor
porations to exist which can create capital stock without any
effort, without any toil, and then corapel the public to pay
Interest upon It, we simply plunder the raan who toils. When
a man who does not toil asks a reward, he Is not entitled to It.
For instance, no railroad In this country was built with Its
capital stock, not a dollar paid upon Its capital stock. The
stock is pure and unadulterated, what, in parlance of the board.
Is called watered. For instance, the Northwestern is capital
ized, bonded and stocked In this State for forty-one thousand
dollars a mile and it cost, say, twelve or fourteen thousand
dollars a raile ; all above this represents no investraent. It rep
resents no wealth, because It represents no huraan toil. If it
pays a dividend, those who toil are plundered to that extent.
No corporation should be allowed to issue a dollar of stock
without a dollar was paid for it. We have not looked Into
these things. The trouble is we have gone along, haphazard,
with the wonderful growth and development of this country
until we have reached a stopping place and we can go no far
ther. Every railroad should be built with the money raised
by the sale of Its capital stock at par, or no stock Issued. The
Northwestern pays nine and three-fourths per cent upon all
this watered stock; upon all this nothing. Soraebody raust toil
to make that possible.
You cannot create wealth except by toil, and any other
method of accumulating it is by plundering the man who does
toil. So we let it go on until a vast quantity of stock is out.
Now they say it is scattered In the hands of innocent pur
chasers. There Is not an innocent purchaser of that stock
living to-day. They have taken it for what they could get it
for, believing that the methods were such that they could
compel the population of this country to pay Interest and
dividend on the bonds and stock. They all knew it was issued
without consideration, that nothing was paid for It. They
are entitled to no consideration whatever. The stock of every
corporation ought to be pared down to the actual cost of the

574

THE COURSE OF EMPIRE

property and nothing more, or else the government should
build and own. roads to protect the people of this country.
Take our telegraph system, bonded for one hundred and
thirty miUions. You can reproduce It for twenty-five milUons.
You can produce a better system for twenty-five millions, and
all that one hundred and thirty millions was built up out of an
investraent of three hundred and fifty thousand dollars. Not
a dollar was paid In by anybody after the three hundred and
fifty thousand dollars first invested. All this vast sura has-
been taken from the people of this country, and that one
hundred and thirty millions represented three hundred and
fifty thousand dollars original investment. How was that
acquired? The toilers of this country made this vast sura and
It has been taken from them and there Is no getting around
It. Only a raillion of our people use our telegraph systera —
eighty-seven per cent of the raessages are sent by stock job
bing gamblers and race track patrons, five per cent are domes
tic and eight per cent news — because the price Is so great
that the people do not use it. We ought to let the gamblers
and stock jobbers keep the systera — they have got It — ^and .put
in one by the governraent, connected with the postoffice, for the

Holmes's table of the distribution of wealth in the United States

Class

Families

Per
cent

Average wealth

Aggregate wealth

Per
cent

4,000
1,139,000

¦03
8.97

$3,000,000 26,866

$12,000,000,000 30,600,000,000

20

Rich 

SI

1,143,000

9-

?37,3S8

$42,600,000,000

71

Class I 
3,556,000 1,397,000
6,604,000
28. n.
52.
?3,374 1,718 454
$12,000,000,000 2,400,000,0003,000,000,000
20
Class 2 
4 5
Class 3 
Total poor 
11,557,000
91-
!5i,574
$17,400,000,000
29
Grand total 
$12,700,000
lOO".
^4,725
$60,000,000,000
100
Class I are the families owning farms or homes without incumbrances. Class 2 are
those owning them with incumbrances, and Class 3 are tenants of farms or homes
owned by others.
SUMMING IT UP

575

Diagram showing, by percentages, the population and wealth distribution
in the United States, according to Holmes's tables

Papulation.

¦

MilUon- )
aires, .03 J-
Rich, 8.97)
Middle, 28
Lower, 11
Poor, sz

IVeaUh.
91
[iflion- )
ires, 20 \¦^l
ich, 51 J
Million
aires,Ricb,
Middle, 20%
tower. Poor,
29
people. Let the gamblers have it. Let them use it. Let the
people put in a systera of telegraphy for the people of this
country. I doubt whether the RepubUcan party In its platforra
would endorse that policy.
This diagram shows by its percentages the population and
wealth and the distribution of wealth in the United States,
according to Holmes' Tables; and Holmes was the compiler
of the census of the United States for 1890 in relation to farms,
homes and raortgages. Now look at this diagrara. It is an
interesting study. Here it shows where the property of the
United States has gone. Can you see that little black spot?
Can you see It? That represents three one hundredths of the
population of this country, or four thousand raiUionaires and
they own twenty per cent of the wealth of the United States.
That spot corapared with this whole diagrara represents their
nuraber In comparison to the population. This diagrara shows
the araount of their wealth. The amount of their wealth,
the wealth of the millionaires. Is twenty per cent of the total
of this country, or twelve billions of dollars. This top strip
represents the raiUionaires and the rich, or nine per cent of
the people of the United States. This represents the whole
population of the United States. And this represents what
these own. And this represents the total wealth. This rep
resents the milUonaires and the rich. '-This represents what
576 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
they own of the total wealth. The raiddle classes or the peo
ple who own their own horaes are twenty-eight per cent, and
they own twenty per cent of the wealth. In other words these
people who own their own horaes, or twenty-eight per cent of
our population, own the sarae araount that those people own
who are represented by that little black spot. They own
twenty per cent of the wealth. He calls this next class the
lower class, who represent eleven per cent, and they are the
people who have raortgages on their horaes. Eleven per cent
of the population own four per cent of the wealth. See. The
rest of this represents fifty-two per cent of the population and
they don't own their homes. They live In rented houses. And
this represents what they have of the total wealth. This rep
resents fifty-two per cent of the people of the United States.
And this represents their share of the property of this country,
or five per cent of the total wealth. This strip at the top
of the diagram of population represents nine per cent of the
people of the United States — and that large strip erabracing
nearly the whole of the diagrara representing the property of
the United States represents what they own of the wealth of
the people of this country. Fifty-two per cent of our people
own nothing; less than $ioo per capita in 1890, according to
our census. Arid their poverty has been brought about by
doubling the value of the dollar and by raanipulation of the
raeans of transportation and by the trusts with which capital
has plundered the people of this country. Are not these ques
tions now deraanding the serious consideration of any raan who
loves his country? I would rather go down in defeat, con
tending for the rights of the people against these unjust con
ditions, than be victorious on the side of oppression and wrong,
and I feel a thousand times better in defeat with justice on my
side, than I would if I had been victorious on the other side.
I would not be on the side that has been victorious, knowing
these facts. I would be ashamed to face my fellow raan. I
would be asharaed to look my constituents in the face as a
defender of any system that produces such results in a great
and free country like this. I want victory at no such expense.

SUMMING IT UP 577
I want you to exaraine this closely and think about It very
carefully. Is It a condition that should be perpetuated?
Do you know that the price of every barrel of sugar is
fixed at every railroad station In the United States by the
edict of Haveraeyer? Under it no wholesale raerchant can sell
a barrel of sugar at any railroad station in the United States
for any other than a certain price, which Is fixed by Have
raeyer. If he does, he forfeits his coraraission, and all sugar
Is sold on coraraission. It is the sarae with everything you buy,
practically. Manufactured articles are all valued by tmsts.
There Is also a great beef tmst, controlling the cattle of this
country. Last year they put the price up and cattle brought
ten and twelve dollars raore than they had been bringing and
the raen on the ranges everywhere shipped In cattle. They
were Induced to load and start them to market and when
they had fairly got thera going frora every quarter and train
loads of them were coming, they put the price down twelve
dollars a head, and did It in a day, and thus took the property
of the producers from them. The raisers of cattle were ut
terly helpless to resist these great corabinations.
What Is raore, wheat goes up and they raise the railroad
rates. They now take three cents a bushel raore for shipping
out wheat than they did a raonth ago. And then they thought
the wheat raiser would want to buy coal and so they put the
freight up on coal a dollar a ton. And what is the result?
A man ought to be asharaed of hi'raself to defend a systera
that produces that result. We may go down in defeat ; we may
never Uve to triumph again, we may never hold another office
of trust — but we can stand defeat. If we have the approval of
our own conscience. No man can be popular with any people
for any length of time unless he Is popular with himself, and
no man can be popular with himself unless his course raeets
the approval of his conscience.
I ara going to show you another diagrara, but I want you
to get that one weU fixed In your raind. It startled rae. I
had read Shearraan's stateraent of 1889 on the distribution
of wealth in this country and I thought certainly Shearraan
must be raistaken. I wrote hira and asked him if time had

578 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
corroborated his figures, and he wrote rae saying It was more
than confirmed. Every stateraent he had raade he believed
was rather under than over his estimate of the enormously
rich. Then Holmes coraes with the census. Then a New
York, lawyer coraes with an Investigation which corroborates
the census and corroborates Shearraan. Holraes is a Repub
lican; Shearman is a Deraocrat and the New York lawyer,
Spahr, Is a Populist, and he corroborates the others and he
reaches his conclusions on the distribution of wealth in a dif
ferent way. Shearman reaches his conclusions by taking the
millionaires and the rich and deducting their wealth frora the
total. Holraes gets his conclusions by taking the property
owned by the poor, as shown by the census, and the raiddle
class, and deducting it frora the whole araount. Spahr reaches
his conclusions by going to the probate records of the State and
finding out how much property was left by people. He found
that the rich, worth over fifty thousand dollars each, had two-
thirds of all the personal property of this country, and of
every four men who die over twenty-five years of age at
the tirae of their death only one left any property whatever.
I tell you these statements startled me and led rae to
investigate raore thoroughly the cause of this distribution of
wealth. Is a country rich because it has rich raen? No, a
country can only be rich when Its people have the coraforts of
life distributed araong all the raasses. Would you call Sioux
Falls rich if all of us knew not where we were going to get
our next raeal and we had one raan worth fifty raillion? Is
this a rich country where two hundred and fifty thousand raen
own all the wealth? Let us see. The United States of Araer
ica, Shearraan says, is practically owned by less than two
hundred and fifty thousand persons, constituting less than one
in sixty of its adult male population. He says in thirty years,
the present method being continued, the United States of
America will be owned by less than fifty thousand persons.
I believe It. Constituting less than one In every five hundred
of the raale population. He says that this is under esti
raated, and In the second article adds : "If this systera con
tinues, the coraing of the billionaire on the one hand and of the

SUMMING IT UP 579
mlUion paupers on the other hand is inevitable." I agree with
him. Daniel Webster lays down these principles. He says:
"Liberty can not long endure In a country where the tendency
Is to concentrate wealth Into the hands of the few." Such is
the testimony of the wisest of mankind, almost from creation
until the present time. It Is emphasized In the downfall of
Egypt when 2 per cent of its people owned 97 per cent of its
wealth; In Persia when i per cent owned all the land; of
Babylon when 2 per cent owned all the wealth. Are we going
to follow the sarae road, or are we going to turn back lessons
of history and establish a new rule on this subject In this
country? This Is the question for the voters of the United
States to decide. We are the only free people on the globe.
We are the only people where a raan can go and vote for
himself; where every one has an equal voice In the govern
ment. If he chooses to exercise it. It is our duty to educate the
people upon this subject until they fully understand all Its
phases. I ara ashamed of a man who having investigated this
question turns back. He Is either defective mentally or raor
ally. This is Holraes' table. Here are the millionaires. Four
thousand, or three one-hundredths of the population. Aver
age wealth three millions apiece. Total wealth twelve bil
lion, or 20 per cent of the total wealth of the country. I say a
country is not rich where such conditions are brought about
as are shown by that table.
These are the conditions we protest against. Can a con
troversy of that sort be silenced? Can the fact that men are
bulldozed throughout this country, that corporations in Chi
cago, one after the other, in great numbers, paid off their raen
Monday night and told thera they need not corae back Wed
nesday raorning unless McKinley was elected; can the fact that
men were bought, bought In this State, bought In every State of
the Union, change an issue like that? Can they silence our
voice? Can they sraother this controversy by a carapaign like
that? Can an Araerican citizen vote to raaintain and continue
a policy like that when he knows the facts ? We mean simply

58o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
frora now on to pursue a carapaign of education, which shall
raake thera know the facts, and then we know the result.
I make the statement that men went from house to house
In different counties In this State, in Lincoln county and In
this county and other counties, and told raen who had raort
gages on their farras they would be foreclosed if they did not
votejfor McKinley, or If he was not elected; that was the gen
eral stateraent. In one Instance I know of a raan who clairaed
to control sixty thousand dollars worth of raortgages said that
he had been instructed to foreclose every one of thera unless
McKinley was elected. Can a carapaign like that silence
our voices or raake any difference with the great Issues pre
sented in this contest? Think of these raatters. You will have
plenty of tirae to do that In the next four years. No prosper
ity will corae to this country by any policy that Mr. McKinley
can Inaugurate. You can depend upon that. I, without any
possible fear, raake that prediction.
Prosperity can only come by that which McKinley will
not do. It cannot corae by giving power to the tmsts and
syndicates to further plunder and rob the producers of this
country. Let us see. The proposition Is — and it is all they offer for
relief — ^to Increase the tariff, so that the trusts can increase
prices, for everything that is raanufactured Is in a trust, and
then put the power to Issue raoney in the hands of the banks
and let them issue credit to be expanded and contracted at their
pleasure. Do you remeraber when, under the Hayes administration.
Congress passed a law refunding the debt of this country at
three per cent? Do you know why it was vetoed? The banks
said It was not Interest enough. How did they raake him
veto It? W6 had this national bank currency in circulation and
they retired seventeen raiUions of currency in a week, whUe
Hayes had the bill under consideration and so produced a
teraporary panic and scared Hayes, as they scared the tiraid
raen all over this country, and he vetoed the bill. Then the
banks again issued the seventeen raillion of the currency they
had retired. This is a raatter of history. Now the proposition

SUMMING IT UP 581
Is to again put the control of the raoney in their hands to be
used to intiraldate Congress, the President and the people and
gather to themselves the results of huraan toil.
I remeraber a millionaire told rae not long ago that no
man ought to complain because one man had accuraulated an
enorraous fortune. He said nature was an inexhaustible store
house and any raan could draw frora It whatever he chose.
He said, "why don't they go and by toil and industry and self-
denial accuraulate as we have accuraulated?"
I said to him let us carry this Ulustration a little farther.
I said, suppose a thousand men were engaged In drawing from
nature's storehouse and in their nuraber there was an addi
tional one — a thousand and one. They delved and tolled each
day to acquire a Uttle wealth until each one's pile had become
perceptible. But they noticed this one man never toiled. They
noticed that he was idle. That he slept mostly In the day tirae
and that his pile of wealth was becoraing enormous, towering
above theirs. I said, suppose after while It was discovered
that he went about in the night after their piles had become
sufficiently large so that by the taking of a hundredth part of
each day's produce from each one and adding it to his they
would not notice It was gone. They had lost one hundredth-
part of what they had accumulated that day and they didn't
miss It from the pile, and he had got ten tiraes as much as any
other one. So his pile grew ten times while theirs grew once
and it becarae ten times as great as either of theirs. Then I
said, what would you think of your theory? I said that the
great fortunes of this country, and yours among them, have
been accumulated In that way. You, by legislation, have been
able to take frora each citizen a Uttle sum of what he has
earned each day, so sraall that he did not discover it that night,
but only discovered it as tirae rolled by, and added It to yours
until it is mountain high, withput having produced one eleraent
of the wealth itself. That is exactly what. has occurred and Is
happening, and it Is exactly what the Republican party has
decreed shall continue to happen.
Now, fellow citizens I have talked longer than I Intended
to. I simply wanted to state again the issues In this contest.

582 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
We never intended for a raoment to stop If we were defeated.
We intended to agitate, pursue and educate until this great
principle shall triumph, and that Is our intention to-night. We
propose then, first; the reforra of our financial systera, the
enlargeraent of the volume of raetallic raoney; the raising of
prices resulting in a profit to agricylture and toil. We pro
pose second: to enact those laws which will destroy the tmsts
and syndicates and control the corporations so that they will
be our servants rather than our masters.

APPENDIX I
THE PHILIPPINES
MR. PETTIGREW:^ I ask to have printed as an
appendix to my speech In regard to the PhUippine
Islands certain extracts frora the reports of our of
ficers with regard to the character of the people of the islands.
There is no original matter whatever In it. Some of it is from
newspaper correspondents, but most of it is official, frora the
officers of the Governraent, frora the officials' reports, and
frora Document No. 62.
^ :^ :il :^ M/l ^ ^
CHARACTER OF FILIPINOS
It may be well to quote Gen. T. M. Anderson in the Chicago Times-
Herald: "As to the Filipinos themselves, I understand many erroneous im
pressions are current. I was in the Philippines until the latter part
of March, having been sent there in June, 1898, in command of the
first military expedition, and during that time I had some chance for
studying the Filipino character and mind. I regard the Filipinos, such
as have been carrying on operations against our forces in the island of
Luzon, as being not far below the Japanese in intelligence and capa
bility of culture. Nearly all can read and write; tbey have many
schools, and there are a number of newspapers. Their cities are popu
lous and well laid out and kept. There are many engineers and artists
among the Filipinos."
Gen. Charles Eing is a close observer of people. He spent quite
a time in the Philippines and fought the Filipinos, yet he wrote the
following letter to the Milwaukee Journal:
San Francisco, June 22, 1899.
To the Editor of the Journal, Milwaukee, Wis.
Dear Sir: Thinking over your telegram and request of June 7, I
find myself seriously embarrassed. As an officer of the Army there are
many reasons why I should not give my "views of situation in the
I. Speech in the Senate June 4-5, 1900. 583

584 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Philippines, how long fighting is likely to continue, and thoughts as to
America's part in future of islands."
The capability of the FiUpinos for self-government can not be
doubted ; such men as Arellano, Aguinaldo, and many others whom I
might name are highly educated; nine-tenths of the people read and
write; all are skilled artisans in one way or another; they are indus
trious, frugal, temperate; and, given a fair start, could look out for
themselves infinitely better than our people imagine. In my opinion they
rank far higher than the Cubans or the uneducated negroes to whom
we have given the right of sufErage.
Very truly yours,
CHARLES KING.
As to the government maintained by the Philippine republic, I shall
quote from a letter of Lieut. Henry Page, of the United States Army,
to the Chicago Record. It was written February 25, 1899. In it
he says: "When we reached the headquarters of Santa Ana another surprise
awaited us, for here was found some of the machinery of Aguinaldo's
government. Among the papers scattered about in confusion by the
retreating officials were telegrams, letters, and commissions showing
something of their system. One letter was from a township govemor
asking relief from his duties. A surgeon's certificate was inclosed. It
had been forwarded through official channels to Aguinaldo's secretary
of state and returned, with abundant indorsements, approved. With it
was an order to the governor of the province to have a new election.
Another letter was a complaint made against another local govemor
for maladministration. It stated the charges in real legal form and was
duly signed. The numerous papers concerning school-teachers' appoint
ments showed that the Filipinos had already perfected arrangements
for the education of the youth on a large scale.
"I might also mention the deeds of property, records of births,
deaths, etc., to show that Aguinaldo's organization is at least not a
laughable farce. I might mention also meteorological and other sci
entific instruments and records to show that the Filipinos did not neglect
science during those busy, warlike times. Letters dated February 4,
from Malolos, showed that they had a good courier system. A book
on tactics, engravings of the several uniforms, beautiful topographical
maps, copies of the declaration of independence and the revolutionary
constitution, military and state seals, and other articles all went to show
that labor and intelligence were united in their production."
Notwithstanding the difficulties under which the Filipino govern
ment existed, how much inferior was it, as indicated by Lieutenant
Page's letter, to our own Government? Was it the work of a people
who need the guardianship of the United States?

APPENDIX I 585
In a letter to the Secretary of State Agoncillo said, on January
4. 1899 : . . .
"The Philippine Islands are in a state of public order. They pos
sess a government satisfactory to their inhabitants, and are without
an enemy within their borders offering any resistance to its just opera
tions, and they find themselves to be at peace with all the world."
Every people, if left to themselves, will have as good govemment
as they are entitled to, and they can not be given a better one. It is
a novel doctrine that a remote people must have a government satis
factory to us. Since when has it become essential that every weak
people must have a government of our choosing?
capacity of FILIPINOS FOR SELF-GOVERNMENT.
Lieut. John D. Ford, United States Navy, of the Olympia, who left
Manila May 9, 1899, interview in Baltimore:
"The Filipinos are of an intelligent, industrious character. The
women are virtuous, more so, perhaps, than those of almost any other
nation. It is believed by many that they are a very ignorant race, but
such is not the case. There is hardly a man or woman, even in the
middle class, who can not read and write. The children are given early
education and are quick to learn. The half-savage Negritos are no
more representatives of the Filipino race than our Indians are repre
sentatives of this great country. There are only about 100,000 Negritos
in a population of between 7,000,000 or 8,000,000 Filipinos, and it is
unfair for these people to be classed with them." * * *
Gen. Charles A. Whittier before peace commission:
"I went over the line of the only railroad in the Philippines, leaving
one Saturday morning (in August, 1898) and going up 120 miles
through the rice fields, a country of marvelous and most extraordinary
fertility. The next morning we started out early and went up to
Dagupan Bay, the terminus of the road. * * *
"At this time I was collector of the port, and during this time I
heard all sorts of expressions, and I think I had a very fair opportunity
— being amused with the natives and studying their peculiarities — to
form a fair judgment. I stand a little isolated in my opinions, how
ever, perhaps. Men so quickly dismiss the natives from their minds as
simply 'niggers' and 'savages'; but when you think of all they have
done you must give them credit for great capacity."
Edwin Wildman, United States vice-consul at Hongkong, in the
Munsey, April, 1899:
"Hundreds of natives speak English and thousands Spanish; some
have been educated in Madrid and Paris. There are native assistants
in the Manila observatory who handle the delicate instmments for meas
uring sound waves, registering seismic oscillations, determining the

586 THE COURsii ut iiiviriKH
movements of atmospheric disturbances, and calculating weather prog
nostications. The richest man in the archipelago is a native. Native
cures occupy many of the churches in the provinces. * * * Unquestion
ably there is good material in our new-found friend the Filipino,
for it is inconceivable that he will decide to be our enemy; and the
time is ripe for his development into a worthy and self-respecting
member of the family of nations."
Capt. H. L. Wells, Second Oregon Volunteers, in October, 1898,
witnessed a grand review of the army of the Republica Filipinos at
San Fernando, and a ball, and of these he wrote in the Pacific Monthly:
"When I beheld the display of wealth, the bitterness of feeling of
the planters against Spain, and their enthusiasm for the cause of lib
erty, I understood better than before how it had been possible for
Aguinaldo to carry on the insurrection and maintain his army of bare
footed warriors in the field. These rich, educated, and intelligent
landed proprietors are the brains and sinew of the revolution, while
the common herd, which is guided by them as absolutely as the popu-
ace of any country is managed by the aristocracy, is the bone."
Brig. Gen. Charles A. King, interview in Catholic Citizen, Mil
waukee, after his return home:
"The Americans here do not realize the truth that nine-tenths of
the people in the Philippines can read and write. Men have told
me again and again that they can not credit it. I told those whom
I met it was certainly so, and I have as authority the Jesuits, whose
friendship I was fortunate in making in Manila, who are capital men
and who assured me that this is so. You see the people are all Catholics,
and their children are educated in the parochial schools. They have
a good common-school education. There is no culture, excepting among
the higher classes of course, but there is fair education everjrwhere;
and many people have ability. The men in power whom I met are
gentlemen, many of thera scholars, educated abroad, polished in
manners, perfect in courtesy, broad minded, and ripe in judgment.
There is no reason in the world why the people should not have the
self-government which they so passionately desire, so far as their in
dividual ability to carry it on goes."
Letter of Admiral Dewey, August 29, 1899, to peace commission in
Paris: "The population of Luzon is reported to be something over 3,000,-
000, mostly natives. These are gentle, docile, and under just laws
and with the benefits of popular education would soon make good
citizens. In a telegram sent to the Department on June 23 I ex
pressed the opinion that 'these people are far superior in their intelli
gence and more capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba,
and I am familiar with both races.' Further intercourse with them has
confirmed me in this opinion.

APPENDIX I 587
"Panay, Cebu, Negros, and Leyte are very thickly populated and
well cultivated. In these islands the natives are conceded to be the
best educated and furthest advanced in civilization."
"Very naturally the whole Filipino structure is built upon the
Spanish model. Their uniforms, like every detail of govemment, are
copied more or less exactly. But the Filipino is an imitative little
body. He is always anxious to learn new methods, and he masters
them very quickly."
Provisional constitution, proclaimed June 20, 1898:
"Art. 2. As soon as the inhabitants of each town are free from
Spanish domination, the most intelligent and capable of the people, dis
tinguished by their intelligence, social position, and honorable conduct,
both in the towns, villages, and provinces, shall assemble in open public
meeting and there proceed to elect, by a majority of votes, a chief of the
town, and also a head man or chief of each suburb or village, recognizing
as such suburbs or villages not only those before as such, but as well the
existing centers of population. All those inhabitants that possess the
character stated in the conditions expressed, that are lovers of the in
dependence of the Philippine Islands and have arrived at 21 years
of age, shall have the right to compose this public meeting and be
eligible for election."
Capt. Mark L. Hersey, quartermaster. Twelfth United States In
fantry, interviewed in Boston Globe, August, 1899:
"Is Manila a good place for Americans?
"For the capitalists, I should say yes. For the laboring man, no.
Labor is too cheap. Why, you can hire the best of male servants for $4
American money a month. There are vast coal fields there. American
capital, aided by native labor, could produce coal at $3.50 per ton,
whereas it costs about $17.50 per ton. The country is fertile beyond
any standard we have in this country.
"What about the people?
"They are far from being the ignorant men that they have been
represented to be. They are not idol worshipers, but belong to the
Catholic church, and are well grounded in the tenets of their belief.
They are an intelligent people, a large part of them being able to read
and write. In my army experience I have come in contact with the
Mexican greasers and the Cubans. From what I saw and heard while
in Manila I have no hesitation in saying that they are the superior of
either of these people. They are men of education and refinement.
"Are they competent to govern themselves?
"Well, the Mexicans have succeeded very well in that direction, and
I see no reason why the Filipinos shouldn't, inasmuch as I believe them
far more intelligent than the former.
"What sort of field is it for the missionary?

588 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
"Well, they might just as well send them to convert tbe people of
Spain. There is just as much chance to make converts."
President Schurman, interview in Chicago, August 2i, 1899:
"What sort of people are the Tagalos?
"Well, most of them are Christians. They and the people of the
Visayas and parts of the people of all the other islands of the Philip
pines are Catholics, converted to Christianity by the Spaniard. Some
of those in Luzon are still barbarians. They have a heathen form of
worship of the Malayan sort."
President Schurman, interviewed in Omaha Bee, August 19, 1899:
"It will be a surprise to many Americans to know," said President
Schurman, "that the educated Filipino is the equal to any other civilized
people in the world. You may take their lawyers, doctors, artists, and
educated business men and put them alofigside of the same class of any
other country, and they will equal them in mental capacity and in
every attribute of citizenship. Great are the possibilities of these
people and their country. They are quick to perceive the advantages of
Western civilization; they are inspired by a hope to improve their con
dition intellectually and materially. Americans must deal gently with
the Filipino. He is entitled to sympathetic consideration. There are
many pleasing traits in his character; his home life is exemplary, and
as a class he is well disposed toward his neighbor or his superior.
Once his confidence is gained, if dealt with in a frank, straightforward
manner, the misunderstanding will all be dissipated and the Filipino
will realize that the American is his friend."
The Catholic World gives the following statistics of the church
membership in the. Philippines:
Under Augustinians  2,082,13 1
Under Recollects  1,175,156
Under Franciscans  1,010,753
Under Dominicans  699,851
Under Jesuits  213,065
Under secular clergy  967,294
Extract from a letter by Orman Osbon, of the First South Dakota,
dated at Bacoor, Philippine Islands, August 31, 1899:
"There are in this town many wealthy people who were glad to see
us come. Many in the States doubtless believe this country a wilder
ness and the people savages. I would like to take them into some
houses here and see them stare. There is one gentleman here who for
merly practiced in the Manila courts. While you might not expect
him to be quite a savage, you would scarcely look for a fine Greek
scholar in the jungles of Luzon ; yet here is surely one. There is
another family of musicians her' They have a very fine place, and

APPENDIX I 589
I have spent some as pleasant evenings there listening to the piano,
violin, mandolin, harp, and singing as I ever passed in my life.
'Seiior Joven is a scientist quite up in modem electrical research.
His house is lighted by an electric plant .of his own manufacture. Ho
was educated in Hongkong and Japan, and is a Freethinker. But the
man I am most interested in is the principal of the schools, from whom
I am taking instmctions in Spanish. I go down at 3 o'clock and busi
ness begins. I teach him English and he teaches me Spanish."
Captain O'Farrell in the Irish World:
Editor Irish World:
There are about 600 islands in the Philippine group, but there are
only II of them large enough to merit consideration, viz: Luzon, Min
danao, Samor, Panay, Negros, Polaun, Mindoro, Leyte, Cebu, Masbate,
and Bojol. Luzon, the largest of these islands, contains about 43,000
square miles — nearly equal in size to Virginia or Ohio.
The population has been estimated at about 10,000,000, but is not
accurately known. We are indebted to the priests for census and maps
of the islands.
The Sulu, or Moros, should not be confounded with the Philip
pine or Christian islands.
There are five Catholic bishops, with their respective dioceses, in
which the members are enumerated as follows: The diocese of Manila,
1,817,445; Cebu, 1,748,872; Jaro, 1,310,752; Viga, 997.629; Camar
ines, 691,298, making a total of 6,565,998.
These people have their colleges, schools, churches, and convents
throughout the islands.
There has not been a city or village captured by our army but had
well-appointed separate schools for boys and girls, while the large cities
have fine colleges and seminaries. Foreman, in his book on the Philip
pines, published by Scribner's Sons, 1899, says: "The teaching offered
to students in Manila was very advanced. The curriculum in the
Athenaeum embraced algebra, arithmetic, agriculture, commerce, com
mercial law, commercial geography, English, French, geometry, Greek,
history, Latin grammar, Latin composition, mechanics, mercantile arith
metic, natural history, physics, chemistry, philosophy, painting, rhetoric
and poetry, Spanish classics, Spanish composition, topography, and trig
onometry. "In the high school for girls the following was the curriculum:
"Arithmetic, drawing, dress cutting, French, geography, geometry,
geology, history of Spain, history of the Philippines, music, needlework,
physics, reading — prose and verse — Spanish grammar, sacred history.
"There are still higher colleges where students study theology and
law." Foreman further says: "The natives have an inherent passion for

590 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
music. Musicians are to be found in every village, and there was
scarcely a parish without its orchestra."
Of course we know that the people are mainly of the Malay race,
and are divided into several tribes. They speak about twenty different
dialects. The two greatest or most important divisions are the Tagals
and the Visayans. It is stated that 70 to 80 per cent, of the Tagals
can read and write their own language, which, to their credit be it said,
they have preserved, despite the efforts of the government to force the
Spanish language upon them.
Magellan discovered these islands in 1521. England conquered
them from Spain in 1762.
The natives under the leadership of General Anda, who was the
Aguinaldo of that day, continued the war against the British for about
two years, fighting over the same ground contested between Otis and
Aguinaldo during the past six months.
In 1764 a treaty of peace was made between England and Spain,
when the British withdrew. It appears that they were glad to get out
of the place, as they failed to collect a ransom of $5,000 which they
levied on Manila at the time of its capture. I may also state here
that a royal commission had previously advised Philip III, King of
Spain, to abandon the islands because they were unproductive and costly.
His Majesty declined on account of the salvation of the souls of the
natives who had been converted.
The chief products of the islands are sugar, rice, tobacco, and hemp.
GENERAL REEVES' TESTIMONY  SAYS DIFFUSION OF KNOWLEDGE AMONG
FILIPINOS IS GENERAL  ^DOMINICAN UNIVERSITY WITH 5,000 STU
DENTS  CONCILIATORY METHODS WOULD HAVE PREVENTED THE
WAR  OTIs's ARROGANT POLICY.
[From the San Francisco, Cal., Republican.]
When I was appointed chief of police of a city of 350,000 inhabi
tants I deemed it wise to ascertain as soon as possible something definite
and to the point; regarding the character, traits, disposition, and intelli
gence of the native population. Accordingly I sought the counsel of
the leading English, Scotch, and German merchants. They told me
that the Filipinos were intelligent, industrious, peaceable, and fond of
home life. Personal investigation convinced me that the natives were
engaged in all branches of industry. In the professions of law and
medicine were many of the natives.
The best dentist in Luzon was an officer in Aguinaldo's army. In
the field of mechanical and railway pursuits the Filipinos were active
and promising.
I was surprised to ascertain that the diffusion of knowledge was
general. The percentage of natives able to read and write was large.

APPENDIX I 591
The enrollment of students in the San Thomas and Dominican uni
versities and the attention paid to such branches of knowledge as law,
medicine, liberal arts, and civil engineering excited my surprise.
Five thousand students were enrolled at the Dominican University.
I mention these facts to dispel the impression that the Filipinos are ig
norant and unlettered savages.
Throughout the provinces in the island of Luzon good common
schools and high schools are maintained, the teachers being native priests.
In the provinces we found courts and schools established, and found
local authorities administering affairs of government. Here was a sys
tem of collecting and disbursing the money so collected in the interests
of the governed.
The disposition of the natives was that of extreme friendship toward
Americans. In the city of Manila the Filipinos, especially those who were
wealthy, were anxious to remove the impression that they were ignorant
of the requirements of modern life and the usages of civilization. They
readily extended the hospitality of their homes to American officers of
the military and civil service.
While I was General Garcia's guest I met an officer of the staff
who spoke English fluently. Naturally the future of the islands was
the topic of conversation, which brought forward the question whether
the natives were capable of self-government. General Garcia's talk was
interpreted. He favored a policy of permitting the natives to test their
ability to govern themselves under the protection of the United States.
The same sentiments were expressed by Aguinaldo.
General Reeves was asked if the bloodshed — the conflict of arms —
could have been averted by an intelligent policy of conciliation, and to
the question he replied :
Conciliatory methods would have prevented the war.
General Otis's unfortunate proclamation of January 4 rendered con
ciliation almost impossible. He adopted the policy of ignoring the na
tives, of treating them as half civilized savages.
Now, we all agree to the proposition that the insurrection must be
suppressed, but in the beginning a conciliatory course was not adopted.
No indication was given to the Filipinos as to the future intentions
of the Governfnent. In August, September, and October, immediately
following the capture of Manila, the Filipinos kept inquiring what we
were going to do, and our authorities replied, "We can not tell until
the Paris Commission gets through." The Filipino would ask, "What
will you do if you acquire the islands?" And still no hint was given
to them by General Otis until it was too late. He ignored them com
pletely. At every step of the peace negotiations he stipulated that noth
ing should be considered until the Filipinos laid down their arms. Here
in is where the natives mistrusted the Americans. The Filipinos had

592 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
many lessons from Spain in the folly of laying down arms. They were
not able to comprehend the difference between Spanish and American
promises. ADMIRAL Dewey's good opinion of the filipinos
Admiral Dewey entertains a high opinion of the industry and in
telligence of the natives. He employed many of them at Cavite Ar
senal, and spoke highly of them. The natives expressed great admira
tion for the Admiral. He holds to the opinion that the Filipinos are
capable of self-government, and, in my judgment, he firmly believes
that the war could have been honorably avoided by an enlightened policy
of conciliation in dealing with the natives. The Filipinos are much
better fitted for independence and self-government than are the Cubans.
It is my understanding that Admiral Dewey has on several occasions
stated that the Filipinos were capable of self-government, and that a
wise policy of conciliation would have averted the war against the
natives. NAVAL PAYMASTER WILCOX FOUND A GOOD GOVERNMENT AND A
highly CIVILIZED PEOPLE
[Paymaster W. R. Wilcox, United States Navy, in the Independent]
No| doubt it is a misfortune that the Filipino does not understand
American valor, and I dare say it is equally unpleasant that the average
American does not know the true character of the natives of the Phil
ippine Islands. Diplomacy could do much, and justice as we claim for
ourselves could do more. HOSPITALITY OF THE FILIPINOS
I was fortunate in being allowed by Admiral Dewey to make a
long journey through the island of Luzon : in fact, I covered the whole
northern portion from Manila to Apari with the then Naval Cadet
Sargent, and in no country have I been treated with more kindly hos
pitality. On reaching Aritao, the presidente local put us up in an old convent,
and his band serenaded us at night, and in the morning everywhere the
same generous kindness was shown. Our next stop was at Bambang,
where the nephew of Aguinaldo met us some distance out of town,
guns firing and convent bells ringing.
aguinaldo's POLISHED COURTESY , •
In the evening a fine orchestra was stationed in the hall, and lulled
two sleepy Americanos to rest in sweetest strains, for almost all Filipinos
can play some sort of music. In leaving this spot we were accompanied

APPENDIX I 593
by soldiers, as usual, and by Aguinaldo himself, to Bayombong, cap
ital of the province of Nueva Viscaya. I was met at the bank of the
T^k^^ the presidente local, and we rode into town amid flags flying and
the band playing, and were taken to the municipal building.
PEOPLE OF THE INTERIOR HIGHLY ACCOMPLISHED
From this place our next important stop was Iligan, the capital of
the province of Isabella, where millions of dollars come in annually
to purchase the product of tobacco which is grown in this perhaps most
fertile province in the whole of Luzon. On our first night in this
inland capital we were given a dance, at which 50 well-dressed young
ladies and the same number of gentlemen attended ; I was sorry, indeed,
I had not my dress suit. One young lady with whom I danced bad
a splendid gown of rare silk, handsomely embroidered, and she danced,
I confess, better than I ; she was a fine player on the piano, and sang
many songs for us. The next night a theater was given, and the players
were quite as good as in some shows in a more pretentious country.
GENERAL LAWTOn's PROTEST
Rev. Peter McQueen, of Boston, returned in August from the
Philippines, and he reports Maj. Gen. Henry W. Lawton as saying:
"The Filipinos are a very fine set of soldiers. They are far better
than the Indians. The latter never fight unless they have the absolute
advantage. The Tagals are what I would call a civilized race. They
are goood mechanics, imitative — they manufacture everything. They
have arsenals and cartridge factories and powder mills. They can man
ufacture everything they need. There is a mde arm they are getting
the knack of making. Taking everything into consideration — the few
facilities they have, the many drawbacks — they are a very ingenious and
artistic race. And taking into account the disadvantages they have to
fight against in arms, equipment, and military discipline, without artil
lery, short of ammunition, powder inferior, shells reloaded until they
are defective, inferior in every particular of equipment and supplies, they
are the bravest men I have ever seen. The. Filipinos are not military
by nature. They are rather domestic in tastes and habits, peace loving
and industrious.
"Among the Filipinos there are many cultured people who would
ornament society anywhere in the world — ladies who have studied and
traveled ; men who have had a good education and a fine brain. Take
them as a class, there can as many of them read and write as the in
habitants in many places in America. As for their treachery, you would
not have to come so far as tbis to find that. There is plenty of it in
North America. All nations are treacherous, more or less. Some men
iand nations have treachery trained out of them more thin others. What

594 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
we want is to stop this accursed war. It is time for diplomacy, time for
mutual understandings. These men are indomitable. At Bacoor bridge ^
they waited till the Americans brought their cannon to within 35 yards
of their trenches. Such men have the right to be heard. All they want
is a little justice." [Hongkong Telegraph.]
THE FILIPINOS
From the constantly growing crop of exploded stories concerning the
moral turpitude and general worthlessness of the Filipinos, it is very
evident that much of our previous information on the subject has been
inspired by other motives than a desire to tell the tmth about them.
Our experience with the Cuba prevaricator seems to have been dupli
cated in tbe Philippines, and for this reason it seems particularly unfor
tunate that none of our consular officials in Manila or Hongkong, who
ffom longer residence best understand their character, were sent to Paris
along with General Merritt for the more complete enlightenment of
our peace commissioners.
General Merritt's information and opinions concerning the military
and naval situation at Manila, reinforced as they undoubtedly are by
those of Admiral Dewey, were, of course, vitally necessary to the com
missioners at this time. But it could not be expecteH that after an
experience of but four or five weeks of army operations in and around
Manila, he could furnish that variety and exactness of information con
cerning the natives that either Consul-General Wildman or Consul
Williams is possessed of.
It Is a somewhat significant fact that both of these civil officials,
who have lived with and closely observed the Filipinos for several years,
have a much higher opinion of tbem than do the all-wise and absolutely
truthful press correspondents, with a few weeks' observation in a time
of turmoil and revolution and a great desire to send a good "big story"
over the cable to their papers.
The consuls, however, happen to be backed In their favorable opinion
of the natives by Admiral Dewey and also by Prof. Dean C. Worcester,
wbo spent nearly four years on the whole archipelago, engaged in his
researches and collections as a naturalist, and who undoubtedly came in
contact with more classes and varieties of the Philippine natives than
any other white man who has ever visited them.
This is a part of what Professor Worcester has to say on this subject
in the October Century: "The people of mixed blood and the civilized
natives really constitute the bulk of the population, and for our present
purpose may be treated as one class. In characterizing them I shall
quote the opinion of, a former British consul, not only because I agree
with him, but because I wish to make plain the fact that my good
opinion of them does not lack for confirmation:

APPENDIX I 595
Rarely is an intratroplcal people a satisfactory one to eye or mind.
But this can not be said of the Philippine Malay, who in bodily forma
tion and niental characteristics alike may fairly claim a place, not among
the middling ones merely, but among the higher names inscribed on
the world's national scale. He is characterized by a concentrated, never-
absent self-respect; an habitual self-restraint In word and deed, very
rarely broken except when extreme provocation Induces the transitory
but fatal frenzy known as "amuck;" an inbred courtesy equally diffused
through all classes, high or low; by unfailing decomm, prudence, cau
tion, cheerfulness, ready hospitallity, and correct, though not Inventive,
taste. His family is a pleasing sight — much subordination and little
constraint, liberty, not license. Orderly children, respected parents,
women subject but not oppressed, men ruling but not despotic, reverence
with kindness, obedience in affection — these form a lovable picture by
no means rare in the villages of the Eastern isles.' "
This Is, Indeed, a very different story from those we have been hear
ing, and while Professor Worcester does not think the Philippine native
is yet capable of complete self-government, does it not seem that by an
entirely considerate, just, and humane leading hand extended from this
great nation of ours he may ultimately become so, and make his country
fit for a colonial union, at least, with the United States? — Boston
Times.
FILIPINO CIVILIZATION^ AS DISCOVERED BY A SPECIAL CORRESPONDENT
OF THE MINNEAPOLIS TIMES AND UNITED STATES ARMY OFFICERS
Minneapolis, July 19, 1899.
A special from Manila to the Times from its special correspondent
contains the following:
"Those who believed that the natives In tbe country districts were
w^ild and untutored savages have been most agreeably surprised. The
Tagalogs of central Luzon are by no means a barbarian people, even
though their feet are uncovered and their right to bare arms has not
been infringed. The Pampangese, or the natives of Pampanga province, '
are more refined In appearance, larger in stature, and more intelligent
than their southern neighbors, the Tagalogs, and speak a different dia
lect. Every town has its church and school, and in almost every house
the soldiers found books, well-written letters, and other evidences of in
telligence and education.
"The scrawny and measly-looking rabble that makes Manila
hideous Is not to be compared with the Filipinos of the country districts."
The Times correspondent took particular pains to Inquire Into the
kind of government tbat had prevailed In the different towns during
the regime of the Filipino republic. In Balluag, the largest town cap
tured by Lawton's flying column. President Marciano, a full-blood

596 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
native, was directing affairs of local government In a manner highly
satisfactory to the business men and other residents of the charming
pueblo. The 25,000 or 30,000 inhabitants of the tov/n were amply protected
In their personal and civil rights by a police force consisting of twelve
picked natives. An apartment in the upper story of the large and mag
nificent church was used as a council chamber and a court room, where
civil and criminal cases were tried. Serious crimes, however, are of
rare occurrence among the natives.
When San Miguel was taken several prominent Filipino business
men of the town remained behind, trusting to the generous treatment
of the victorious Invaders. Simon Teeson, president of the'pueblo, had
departed for the mountain districts with the majority. His residence
was made brigade headquarters. Its Interior decorations were superb,
and bore high testimony to the skill of the native as a painter, a fresco
artist, and a wood carver.
As General Lawton and Colonel Somers indulged in a game on the
departed Insurgent mayor's billiard table, they remarked that at home
people were still of the opinion that the soldiers here were fighting
savages armed with bows and arrows. Said Lawton: "No one would
believe us over in the States if we told them of finding such luxuries
as this in the 'wlids of tbe Philippine jungle.' "
Simon Teeson had been mayor of San Miguel during the Spanish
regime, but became an active spirit in the revolutionary councils at the
time of the rebellion in 1896. Every native that the writer talked with
at San Miguel was of the opinion that the Filipino government, both
national and local, was satisfactory, and those who were Informed on
political events all expressed the belief that the present trouble would
not have occurred had the Administration at Washington given the
Filipino people a definite promise of independence, either immediate or
future. The proclamation by General Otis, January 4, crushed their
hopes, and they could not understand why the United States should not
treat them in the same way as the Cubans. San Miguel has always
been an insurgent hotbed, and Its numerous wealthy natives have con
tributed large sums of money to the revolutionary cause.
After San Miguel, the next important town taken was San Isidro, In
the province of Nueva Eclja. This place had been the capital of the
Filipino republic since the fall of Malolos, and here Aguinaldo and
members of the cabinet and congress were well known.
Each day's developments are disclosing the base duplicity employed
by the McKinley Administration in dealing with the Spanish-American
and McKinley's private war In the Asiatic country. General Reeves,
General King, Commodore Ford, Surgeon McQuestion, and many other
Army and Navy officers who have returned from the Philippines, to say
nothing of the scores of privates who have been discharged after

'APPENDIX I 597
nearly a year in that country, demonstrate beyond question that the
Filipinos, the soldiers themselves, and the public generally, have been
"flim-flammed" for the past year completely by the "board of strategy"
at Washington, ostensibly consisting of Alger, Corbin, and McKinley.
Of course behind this body of war managers are the* millionaire bond
holders and franchise speculators who guide the acts of the public ser
vants, and with the assistance of the Asssociated Press trust and secret
news censor, news is manufactured and public utterances made by those
in charge. Secretly the Govemment is being committed to a different
position entirely.
The public has been given to understand that the Cuban people are
being rapidly "christianized" and efforts made by our war managers
to put them in condition for self-government from our American stand
point, while everything possible has been done secretly to disorganize
and discourage them and give the world to understand they are treach
erous and villainous in the extreme. Our space at this time will not
permit us to give in detail the numerous dastardly outrages that are
being perpetrated upon these people under the pretended guise of educa
tion, but every thoughtful citizen who has followed the trend of our
national official managers knows the tableau behind the scenes will not
bear the scrutiny of rigid public consciousness.
What Is true of Cuba concerning the duplicity practiced through
the connivance of the dollar-above-man speculators, aided by their
willing tools in charge of governmental affairs, has been more than
duplicated tenfold In the Philippine Islands.
The Spanish-American war was Instituted by Congress in the In
terest of humanity, to free from industrial slavery what was supposed
to be about 400,000 Cuban people who were not so well equipped for
self-government as the 8,000,000 Filipinos, if Admiral Dewey Is to be
believed, yet from the very outset, early in 1898, the Administration
was secretly conniving to change our form of govemment, fought for
at Bunker Hill and Gettysburg, and adopt an imperial government
under the pretense of expansion, which was to commit the 8,000,000
people to industrial slavery in the Philippine country.
Early In the summer of 1898, Maj. F. T. Greene, of the United
States Volunteers, was instructed to investigate the Philippine Islands
and see whether our insurgent allies were in possession of that country,
and if they were such people as were able to govern themselves, and also
to report on the resources of the islands. On August 30, 1898, Major
Green made his report (see Senate Document No. 62, Fifty-fifth Con
gress, third session) to General Merritt, and through him the War
Department, and among other things said:
"In August, 1896, an Insurrection broke out in Cavite under the
leadership of Emilio Aguinaldo, and soon spread to other provinces on
both sides of Manila. It continued with varying success on both sides.

598 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
and the trial and execution of numerous insurgents, until December,
1897, when the governor-general, Primo de Rivera (Spanish) entered
into written agreement with Aguinaldo. It required that Aguinaldo
and the other insurgent leaders should leave the country, the (Spanish)
Government agreeing to pay them $800,000 In silver, and promising
to Introduce numerous reforms. Including representation in the Spanish
Cortes, freedom of the press, and the expulsion or secularization of the
monastic orders.
"Aguinaldo and his associates went to Hongkong and Singapore. A
portion of the money, $400,000, was deposited in the banks of Hong
kong, and a lawsuit soon arose between Aguinaldo and one of bis sub
ordinate chiefs named Artcho, which Is interesting on account of the
honorable position taken by Aguinaldo. Artcho sued for a division
of the money among insurgents according to rank. Aguinaldo claimed
that the money was a trust fund and was to remain on deposit until
it was seen whether the Spaniards would carry out their promised re
forms, and if they did not. It was to be used to defray the expenses
of a new insurrection. The suit was settled out of court by paying
Artcho $5,000. Aguinaldo is now using the money to carry on opera
tions of the present insurrection."
This was Major Greene's official report to the War Department at
Washington, made August 30, 1898. It clearly showed the Insurgent
leaders were willing to be exiled from their country In order that the
Filipinos might receive the benefit of the Spanish reforms promised.
The same report also showed none of the reforms promised by the
Spanish Government were given, and Aguinaldo had kept the money to
prosecute another Insurrection for the freedorn of his countrymen
from Spanish industrial slavery. So that when Admiral Dewey learned
of the ability of the leading insurgents he was anxious to cooperate with
them in driving away the Spaniards, and he secured communication with
General Aguinaldo In April, 1898, and assisted him with arms and
munitions of war, giving him to understand his countrymen would be
treated the same as Cuba and have their Independence. With this state
of facts and many more before the Administration, last winter they
caused the report to be sent out that Spain had bought Aguinaldo off
and that he was a mercenary and dishonest scoundrel, with no ability,
ahd justly ought to be killed, in order that the Mohammedans might
christianize the rest of the Filipinos.
/ Dewey's views
In June, 1898, Admiral Dewey wired the Administration at Wash
ington of the fitness of the Filipinos for self-government, and his sym
pathies were with the struggling Insurgents in securing them their in
dependence. Knowing the mercenary motives of the Administration
managers. It was the most natural thing in the world for Admiral

APPENDIX I 599
E)ewey to cut the cable and keep the gang at Washingtton from having
direct communication wtlh him for several months. He was aware
of the secret work of the Administration in their silent effort to prepare
for the subjection of the Philippine Islands and making industrial slaves
of these struggling Malays, and being a true American who had assisted
in freeing 400,000 black slaves under our Declaration of Independence,
he used his efforts to give the Filipinos their freedom.
Accordingly he prepared another telegram for the secret managers
at Washington (see Senate document. No. 62, above referred to) with
a view to aiding these Asiatic insurgents in securing their Independence
before the treaty with Spain was closed and we paid the Spanish bond
holders the $20,000,000 for their quitclaim deed for something they
did not own. His second one read as follows:
"United States Naval Force on Asiatic Station,
"Flagship Baltimore, Manila, Philippine Islands,
August 28, 1898.
"In a telegram sent the Department on June 23, I expressed the
opinion that 'these people are far superior In their Intelligence and more
capable of self-government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar
with both races.' Further intercourse with them has confirmed me in
this opinion. DEWEY."
Is It any wonder that the hero of Manila should have become dis
gusted with the Washington commercial warriors who were prostituting
the fundamental principles of this Government, and asked to be re
turned to the United States? consul-general
In this same Senate document Is more interesting correspondence
which shows the agreement made with General Aguinaldo to secure
bis leadership in driving the Spaniards from the Philippines, even before
Admiral Dewey destroyed the Spanish fleet.
Consul-General Pratt wired Washington officials as follows:
Consulate General United States,
Singapore, April 28, 1898,
On the evening of the 23d Instant, I was confidentially Informed of
the arrival here of the supreme ruler of the Philippines, General Aguin
aldo, by H. W. Bray, an English gentleman of high standing, who, after
fifteen years' residence as a merchant and planter in the Philippines, had
been compelled by the disturbed condition of things resulting from-Span-
Ish misrule, to abandon his property and leave there, and from whom I
had previously obtained much valuable information for Commodore

6oo THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Dewey regarding fortifications, coal deposits, etc., at different points in
the Islands.
Being aware of the great prestige of General Aguinaldo with the
insurgents, and that no one, either at home or abroad, could exert over
them the same influence and control that he could, I determined at once
to see him, and at my request a secret interview was accordingly ar
ranged for the following morning, Sunday the 24th, in which, besides
General Aguinaldo, were only present the general's trusted advisers and
Mr. Bray, who acted as Interpreter.
I telegraphed the Commodore the same day as follows, through our
consul general at Hongkong:
"Aguinaldo, Insurgent leader, here; will come to Hongkong and
arrarige with Commodore for general cooperations with Insurgents at
Manila if desired. Telegraph.
"PRATT."
The Commodore's reply regarding this:
"Tell Aguinaldo come as soon as possible.
"DEWEY."
I received It late that night and at once communicated to General
Aguinaldo, who, with his aid-de-camp and private secretary, all under
assumed names, I succeeded In getting off by the British steamer
Malacca, which left here on Tuesday fhe 26th.
E. S. PRATT,
Consul-General, Singapore,
"This Senate Document No. 62 gives the following further evi
dence of an agreement with Aguinaldo, which was wired to Washing
ton: Singapore, May 5, 1898.
I regret to have to report that the circumstances attending the de
parture from here of General Aguinaldo to join Commodore Dewey,
which I had endeavored so hard to prevent being disclosed, were, in sub
stance, made public in yesterday's edition of the Singapore Free Press.
The facts are. In the main, properly given.
E. S. PRATT,
United States Consul General, Singapore.
Senate Document No. 62 contains the article above referred to by
the consul-general which appeared in the Singapore Free Press, and a
part of It reads as follows, and was by Pratt said to be correctly given :
"The consul-general of the United States, coinciding with the gen
eral views expressed during the discussion, placed himself at once In
telegraphic communication with Admiral Dewey, between whom and
Mr. Pratt a frequent interchange of telegrams consequently took place.

APPENDIX I 60 1
General Aguinaldo's , policy embrace's the Independence of the
Philippines, whose internal affairs would be controlled under European
and American advisers. American protection would be desirable tem
porarily, on the same lines as that which might be instituted hereafter
in Cuba." This Singapore Free Press said the above were the arrangements
with General Aguinaldo, and Mr. Pratt said that this was the agree
ment. With these facts and hundreds of a similar character before tbe Ad
ministration at Washington for more than a year past, under the censor
ship of Government officials the public has been given a much different
view of pretended existing facts. Who can expect the public to be
lieve In this National Administration when the facts are plain that de
ception of the grossest character was practiced on the Filipino insurgents,
and also on the patient people of the United States? The Journal will
from time to time give its readers more of the duplicity of the national
servants at Washington and elsewhere.
"At this interview, after learning from General Aguinaldo the state
of and object sought to be obtained by the present Insurrectionary move
ment, which, though absent from the Philippines, he was still direct
ing, I took it upon myself, while explaining that I had no authority to
speak for the Government, to point out the danger of continuing inde
pendent action at this stage, and having convinced him of the expediency
of cooperating with our fleet, then at Hongkong, and obtained the as
surance of his willingness to proceed thither and confer with Commo
dore Dewey to that end, should the latter so desire, I telegraphed the
Commodore the same day as follows through our consul-general at
Hongkong: "Aguinaldo, insurgent leader, here. Will come Hongkong arrange
w^ith Commodore for general cooperation insurgents Manila, if- desired.
Telegraph.
"PRATT."
The Commodore's reply reading thus:
"Tell Aguinaldo come soon as possible.
"DEWEY."
"I received it late that night, and at once communicated to General
Aguinaldo, who, with his aid-de-camp and private secretary, all under
assumed names, I succeeded in getting off by the British steamer
Malacca, which left here on Tuesday the 26th.
"The General impressed me as a man of intelligence, ability, and
courage, and worthy the confidence that has been placed in him."
A few days later Consul Pratt reported some conversations with
Aguinaldo and closed with this:

6o2 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
"The General further stated that he hoped the United States would
assume protection of the Philippines for at least long enough to allow
the inhabitants to establish a government of their own, In the organiza
tion of which he would desire American advice and assistance."
In order to understand how this conference came about and the
events leading up to it, Consul Pratt forwarded to the Department of
State a clipping from the Singapore Free Press giving an account of the
conference and some preliminary history, as follows:
"In order to understand and appreciate this interesting historical Inci
dent properly, It will be necessary to allude to the causes leading to the
second rebellion in the Philippines, which was almost coincident with,
though not instigated by, the strained relations between Spain and the
United States.
"In December last General Primo de Rivera, who above all other
Spanish generals has an Intimate knowledge of the country and its In
habitants, found the position untenable for both parties. Neither of
these had the remotest chance of terminating the rebellion decisively —
the rebels secure in their mountain fastnesses, the Spaniards holding the
chief towns and villages on the coast. Primo de Rivera therefore sent
two well-known Philippine natives, occupying high positions In Manila,
to propose terms of peace to General Aguinaldo in Blac-na-Bato. A
council of the revolutionary government was held, in vsrhlch It was
agreed to lay down arms on condition of certain reforms being Intro
duced. The principal of these were:
"i. The expulsion, or at least secularization of the religious orders,
and the inhibition of these orders from all official vetoes in civil admin
istration. "2. A general amnesty for all rebels, and guarantees for their per
sonal security and from the vengeance of the friars and parish priests
after returning to their homes.
"3. Radical reforms to curtail the glaring abuses in public adminis
tration. "4. Freedom of the press to denounce official corruption and black
mailing. "5. Representation in the Spanish Parliament.
"6. Abolition of the Iniquitous system of secret deportation of po
litical suspects, etc.
"Primo de Rivera agreed to these reforms in sum and substance, but
made it a condition that the principal rebel leaders must leave the coun
try during His Majesty's pleasure. As these had lost all their property
or had had it confiscated and plundered, the Government agreed to
provide them with funds to live in a becoming manner on foreign soil.
"The rebels laid down their arms and peace was apparently secured,
but no sooner had they done so and returned to their houses than the
intransigent religious orders commenced at once to again persecute them

APPENDIX I 603
and trump up Imaginary charges to procure their rearrest. The Spanish
Government, on its side, imagining itself secure, desisted from carrying
out the promised reforms, thinking another trick like that played on the
Cubans after the peace of Zanjou, arranged by Martinez Campos, might
succeed. The Filipinos however, with their business before them, re
fused to be made dupes of, and have taken up arms again, not alone In
the immediate districts around Manila, but throughout the archipelago,
which merely awaits the signal from General Aguinaldo to rise en
masse, no doubt carrying witb them the native troops hitherto loyal,
and for which loyal service they have received no thanks but only in
gratitude." This brief account of the events leading up to the last rebellion
. against Spanish rule preceded the story of how General Aguinaldo and
his men came to be in Singapore to consult with the Filipino leaders
there and the narrative of the conferences between the Filipino leader
and the representative of the United States. The article sent by Consul
Pratt concluded with the following terse summing up of the policy of
the Filipinos :
"General Aguinaldo's policy embraces the independence of the Philip
pines, whose internal affairs would be controlled under European and
American advisers. American protection would be desirable tempora
rily, on the same lines as that which might be Instituted hereafter In
Cuba. The ports of the Philippines would be free to the trade of the
world, safeguards being enacted against an Influx of Chinese aliens who
would compete with the industrial population of the country. There
would be a complete reform of the present corrupt judicature of the
country under experienced European law officers. Entire freedom of
the press would be established, as well as the right of public meeting.
There would be general religious toleration, and ,steps would be taken
for the abolition and expulsion of the tyrannical religious fraternities
who have laid such strong hands on every branch of civil administration.
Full provision would be given for the exploitation of the natural re
sources and wealth of the country by roads and railways and by the
removal of hindrances to enterprise and investment of capital. Spanish
officials would be removed to a place of safety until opportunity offered
to return them to Spain. The preservation of public safety and order
and the checking of reprisals against Spaniards would, naturally, have to
be a first care of the Government In the new state of things."

6o4 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
THE PHILIPPINE CENSORSHIP  PRESIDENT m'KINLEY DETERMINED TO
SUPPRESS DAMAGING TRUTHS ABOUT HIS WAR OF AGGRESSION 
PHRASES WHICH, IT IS SAID, WAR DEPARTMENT SUPPLIES — "SITU
ATION IMPROVING," "rebels DISINTEGRATING," "eNEMY ROUTED
WITH GREAT SLAUGHTER," "BETTER CLASS OF NATIVES FRIENDLY,"
ETC. [Special to the New York World.]
Washington, June i6, i8gg.
The President Is determined to continue to enforce the censorship
of private and press dispatches at Manila. Within a few days he has
Intimated forcibly to General Corbin that too much Information Is being
made public from the War Department.
General Otis is In supreme authority over the Manila censorship,
and It is not within the War Secretary's province to order its abate
ment. NEWSPAPER CORRESPONDENTS WARNED.
Newspaper correspondents are forbidden by General Otis to file press
reports from Hongkong, and are warned that If they evade the censor
ship by this method their "usefulness to their papers will cease imme
diately.'' Colonel Thompson, the first press censor at Key West, is now In
charge at Manila. In a private letter to an officer here Colonel Thomp
son writes: "My duties are exceedingly trying."
Authentic information regarding the true situation In Manila can
not be obtained from the dispatches posted at the War Department.
Advices regarding the situation are suppressed. It is said that the War
Department officials go so far as to insert phrases in the official reports as
given out. Among the favorite expressions of the official editors of the
advices from Otis are: "Situation improving; rebels disintegrating."
"Enemy routed with great loss." "Rebels routed; do not think will
make another stand." "Better class of natives friendly to Americans."
The World correspondent is informed on high authority that the
President hiniself not only approves this method, but has directed it, so
that the public shall not get the truth from Manila.

FILIPINOS DANGEROUS FOES  ADMIRAL DEWEY's FLEET ENGINEER SAYS
IT WILL BE HARD TO CONQUER THEM.
Baltimore, June i6, 1899.
Commander John D. Ford, who was Admiral Dewey's fleet engi
neer, has returned to his home here from Manila.
"When I left," he said to the World correspondent to-night, "we did
not hold quite as much ground as during the first of August last year.

, APPENDIX I 605
and our lines were restricted to the suburbs of Manila. The troops did
push out Into the country, but could not hold the ground they made by
raids. IT WILL TAKE IMMENSE ARMY TO CONQUER PHILIPPINES.
"It Is Impossible to conquer the people to gain the Islands without
more troops. If we send a great many more and bend all our energies
to doing it we can beat them and take the islands, but It would mean a
great loss of life. As it is now it is all we can do to hold our own.
"The line Is always active and there is no relief. Men spend months
in the trenches, subjected to great mental and physical strain and never
knowing at what moment they may be assailed.
A LIBERTY-LOVING PEOPLE, FULL OF COURAGE.
"The Filipinos pictured in the papers are not men we are fighting.
The fellows we deal with out there are not ignorant savages fighting;
with bows and arrows, but an intelligent liberty-loving people, full of
courage and determination. Their courage Is undoubted, and they fight
to the death.
FILIPINOS HAVE A GOOD GOVERNMENT, WHICH OPERATES SUCCESS
FULLY
"They are stronger, more determined, and more skillful in the art of
war than when the fighting started, and they have 11,000,000 of people
to draw from. They are armed with Mausers, the best rifle In the
world, and are far better marksmen than the Spaniards.
"They have a good government, which they are operating success
fully, and preserve law and order. They certainly don't think theirs
Is a hopeless fight, and I don't think any one else does who knows any
thing about it."
TO PLEASE ENGLAND  THAT IS THE REASON m'KI^LEY DECIDED TO
KEEP THE PHILIPPINES  CAPTAIN o'fARRELL FURNISHES FACTS — •
THE IMPERIALIST CHARGE OF BRIBERY AGAINST AGUINALDO A
CALUMNY.
In last week's Irish World Capt. Patrick O'Farrell furnished some
Interesting facts concerning the educational status of the people of the
Philippines. He also gave documentary evidence amounting to proof
that the Filipinos were led to believe that they were allies of the United
States against Spain, and that they welcomed Americans as deliverers
who came to give them freedom and self-government. Captain O'Far
rell concludes his letter as follows:
"It must not be supposed that It was Aguinaldo who organized the

6o6 THE COUR&Ji ut jaivuriKr,
rebel forces in Luzon, for long before either Dewey or Aguinaldo
reached Cavite there was a strong rebel force threatening Manila.
Aguinaldo's arrival encouraged and increased this force."
Our consul at Manila writes, March 19, 1898:
"Rebellion never more threatening to Spain. Rebels getting arms,
money, and friends. They outnumber the Spaniards — residents and sol
diery. * *- *
"OSCAR F. WILLIAMS,
"United States Consul, Manila."
He sends another dispatch later on :
* * * "The Crown forces are now building a cordon of small
forts on city's outskirts for defense against natives. * * * Eight
thousand native Insurgents are encamped only 5 miles away.
"OSCAR F. WILLIAMS,
"United States Consul, Manila, March 27, 1898."
(Note that this was five weeks before Dewey got tbere.)
Let us now turn from the Navy to the Army, and what do we find ?
General Anderson was the first general to assume command of our
military forces in front of Manila. On July 4, 1898, he wrote as fol
lows: Headquarters First Brigade, United States Forces.
Sefior Don Emilio Aguinaldo,
Commanding Philippine Forces, Cavite, Luzon.
General : I have the honor to Inform you that the United States of
America, whose land forces I have the honor to command In this
vicinity, being at war with the Kingdom of Spain, has entire sympathy
and most friendly sentiments for the native people of the Philippine
Islands. For these reasons I desire to have the most amicable relations with
you and to have you and your people cooperate with us in military opera
tions against the Spanish forces.
THOMAS M. ANDERSON, Brigadier-General.

Headquarters First Brigade, United States Forces.
Cavite Arsenal, Philippine Islands, July ig, 1898.
Seiior Don Emilio Aguinaldo,
Commanding General Philippine Forces, Cavite, Luzon.
General: The bearer, Maj. J. F. Bell, United States Army, was
sent by Maj. Gen. Wesley Merritt, United States Army, to collect
for him, by the time of his personal arrival, certain Information concern-

APPENDIX I 607
mg the strength and positions of the enemy and concerning the topog
raphy of the country surrounding Manila.
I would be obliged if you would permit him to see your maps and
place at his disposal any Information you may have on the above sub
jects, and also give him a letter or pass, addressed to your subordinates,
which will authorize them to furnish him any information they can on
these subjects, and to facilitate bis passage along the lines upon a recon
noissance around Manila, on which I propose to send him.
I remain, with great respect, your obedient servant,
THOMAS M. ANDERSON,
Brigadier-General, United States Volunteers, Commanding.

Headquarters First Brigade,^
United States Expeditionary Forces,
Cavite Arsenal, P. I., July 21, 1898.
Seiior Don Emilio Aguinaldo,
Commanding Philippine Forces.
General: I have the honor to request that passes and such other
assistance as practicable be given to the bearer, Lieut. E. J. Bryan, and
party, who are making a reconnoissance of the surrounding country.
Thanking ypu for assistance given on previous occasions,
I remain, with great respect, your obedient servant,
THOMAS M. ANDERSON,
Brigadier-General, United States Volunteers, Commanding.
Any fair-minded man will see from the foregoing dispatches from
our consuls, naval officers, and generals that we were In Luzon as the
friends and allies of the Filipinos — especially as our declaration of war
against Spain disclaimed any Intention of land grabbing in Cuba. By a
much greater force the "Teller" declaration should apply to the Philip
pine Islands on the other side of the globe.
m'kinley changed his policy to suit England's designs.
At first we did not Intend to keep the Philippines. About the early
part of June, 1898, the English papers began to publish articles urging
the Americans to keep the Philippines. England became alarmed at the
prospect of a republic being set up in the Orient. It would be like
starting a prairie fire among her Malay subjects in Borneo, Singapore,
Hongkong, and her other East India possessions. Hence President Mc
Kinley did not wish to start another Paul Kruger to set a bad example
to the subjects of the Empress of India.
The London Spectator, on the Philippines, hoped the United States
would keep them, saying: "The weary Titan needs an ally, and the only

6o8 THE COURSE ut EMiriKr.
ally whose aspirations. Ideas, and language are like his own is the great
American people."
"By their action the government has recognized the false principle
that Canada Is obliged to assist the empire in its wars, which do not
interest us. This principle is full of menace to us; It may bring us to
civil war."
The vigorous opposition among French-Canadians to the dispatch of
the contingent was very strikingly Illustrated In this city when the mem
bers of the Montreal unit left to take the steamer at Quebec. Not a
solitary bugle note sped the volunteers on their way ; not a single mem
ber of the city council was present at the railway station to give an
official aspect to the occasion ; not a flag or streamer floated from any of
the city buildings.
It was a different scene that Montreal presented some thirty years
ago, when a contingent of papal zouaves, enrolled from among the
French-Canadians of the Province, left to fight the battles of the Pope.
(See General Greene's report, page 421, Senate Document No. 62.)
Aguinaldo Is looked up to by his own people as a pure and unsel
fish patriot.
Our Government offered to bribe him with' a commission in our
Army, just as was done with the Sultan of Sulu and bis chiefs, but he
spurned the offered gift.
But it Is said that we paid Spain for her sovereignty. Had Spain
any sovereignty at the time we forced her to take twenty millions of
our good American dollars? In the American Encyclopedia of Law,
the doctrine Is stated that "a state Is sovereign when It has the supreme
power of controlling its citizens or subjects."
I should like to ask what sovereignty Spain had at the time she
sold out her Interests to us.
The governor had previously "skedaddled" on a German ship, part
of her army was besieged in Manila, and Aguinaldo had the rest of
them In his possession as prisoners.
"what should we do with the PHILIPPINES.^"
Almost nine out of every ten Imperialists say: "I wish we never
had gone down there, but now that we are there we should support
the Administration until we conquer or exterminate them."
Here is Christian logic. We admit that we are wrong, but we
should keep on doing wrong. What would the world say If we com
menced to do right now? At war! Congress has not declared war.
This is McKinley's war.
Congress should appoint a commissioner to go to Aguinaldo and
say that the American people are and always have been his friends;
that we are going to withdraw our armies ; that all we want is a good
harbor for a coaling station; that we will leave a few of our ships to

APPENDIX I ^ 609
keep our flag flying in the Philippines, so as to say to all the world,
Hands off!" Aguinaldo and his people can start a government of
their own. We can remain as their allies and friends — not their pro
tectors. In a few years we would see a Philippine republic, with a new flag
flying on the ocean's highway. A new republican nation born and
brought forth by our efforts. We would then have a nation of friends,
which would be much better. In every way, than a dominion of subjects
who would be always our enemies.
PATRICK O'FARRELL.
Washington, D. C,  .
president aguinaldo's proclamation
The following Is a translation of President Aguinaldo's proclama
tion: [Official.]
Manifesto 'issued by the President of the Revolutionary Government.
To my brothers the Filipinos, and all accredited consuls, and foreigners:
The proclamation of bis excellency General Otis, major-general of
volunteers of the United States, published yesterday in the newspapers
of Manila, obliges me to circulate the following manifesto in order to
make known to all those wbo can read and understand it tbat the pres
ent document is my solemn protest against all that Is contained in the
proclamation hereinafter referred to, because my conscience compels me
to do so in fulfillment of my pledges to my beloved country and the
special and official relations with the North American nation.
General Otis gives himself the title in the proclamation in question
of military governor of the Philippine Islands. I protest once and a
thousand times and with all the energy of my soul against such au
thority. I proclaim solemnly that I have not promised, either verbally or In
written document, either in Singapore, Hongkong, or the Philippines,
to recognize the sovereignty of America on this beloved soil.
On the contrary I say that I returned to these islands, transported on
an American man-of-war, on the 19th of May last year, with the dis
tinct and manifest intention of making war against the Spaniards in or
der to recover our liberty and Independence. This Is stated in my official
proclamation of the 24th of the said month of May, and published in the
manifesto addressed to the Filipino nation on the 12th of June last,
when. In my native town of Cavite, I unfurled for the first time our
blessed national flag as the sacred emblem of that sublime aspiration;
and afterwards reasserted to the American General, General Merritt,
the predecessor of General Otis, in the manifesto I addressed to the
Filipino nation a few days before, demanding from the Spanish General

6io THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Jaudenes the surrender of the city of Manila, in which manifesto it is
clearly and distinctly stated that the forces of tbe United States, on sea
and land, came to give us our liberty and to overturn the corrupt Span
ish administration. I declare, once and forever, that both natives and
foreigners are witnesses that the United States forces on land and sea
have recognized by tbis the belligerency of the Filipinos, not only re
specting our national flag but according It public honors, as it was tri
umphantly navigated in our internal waters before all the foreign na
tions here represented by their respective consuls.
With reference to the instructions from His Excellency the President
of the United States, alluded to In his proclamation by General Otis,
dealing with the administration of the affairs of the Philippine Islands,
I protest solemnly, in the name of God, the root and fountain of all jus
tice, on behalf of my beloved brothers, against the intrusion of the Gov
ernment of the United States in the sovereignty of these islands.
I thus protest, in the name of all the Filipino nation, against the in
trusion referred to, because In reposing their confidence In me by elect
ing me — unworthy though I may be — to the position of president of
this nation they have Imposed upon me the duty to maintain, even to
death, the liberty and independence of the Filipinos as a nation.
Lastly, I protest against this unexpected act of the American Govern
ment In claiming sovereignty in these islands. In virtue of the documents
in my possession dealing with my relations with the American authori
ties, the which state, in the most unequivocal manner, that the United
States did not bring me here from Hongkong to make war against the
Spaniards in the Interests of the United States, but for the sake of our
liberty and Independence, for the preservation of which I received verbal
pledges, together with a promise from them of help and efficacious co
operation. That is the position of affairs, and oh, my dear brothers,
if we stand united throughout the country, they can not filch from us
the idea of the liberty and absolute independence which has been our
noble aspiration.
Help all of you to effect the end desired with the force that comes
from conviction of the justice of our demands. There must be no turn
ing back in the path of glory upon which we have already entered.
AGUINALDO.
Malolos, January 5, 1899.
The above proclamation was posted throughout the city this morn
ing, but was torn down by order of the United States authorities.
I hear the Americans are sending out troops to protect the pumping
station at the waterworks at Santolan. If they do this, I feel sure hos
tilities will commence. The natives will not make the first move, but
they will resist any hostile move on the part of the Americans.
The situation is certainly very threatening. It is lamentable to

APPENDIX I 6x1
think that it is due to the procrastination of the Americans to declare a
firm and definite policy with regard to the Philippines.

General Whittier, before the peace commission:
"On October 25, In the company of H. L. Higgins, general man
ager of the Manila Railway, Limited, I went to Malolos for an inter
view arranged the day before with Aguinaldo. I found his headquarters
were In a very nice house, ten minutes drive from the railway station ; a
guard of twenty or thirty soldiers irv the courtyard below. We were
soon ushered to the waiting room upstairs by one of his officers who
spoke English, and I met Buencomeno, a wise looking counsellor, whom
I met at Ayuntamiento the day after the fall of Manila. He carried
up to the presence of the Insurgent leader and president, wbo was
dressed, contrary to his usual daily garb. In a black smoking jacket of
low cut, waistcoat, and trousers, both black, large white tie; in fact, the
evening dress common at our clubs during the summer."
Lieut. John D. Ford, United States Navy, of the Olympia, in a
Baltimore interview: "Aguinaldo is in every sense a patriot, and I be
lieve he Is sincere in his efforts for his people and means well. He is
also a fighter, and says he means to keep on warring until the natives
get a government of their own."
John Barrett, ex-minister to Siam, in Review of Reviews, July,
1899: "When Manila was occupied on August 13, and Aguinaldo was not
allowed to share the honors of occupation and he was asked to with
draw his forces from the neighborhood of Manila, he advanced the very
logical argument that according to General Merritt's remarkable agree
ment with General Jaudenes It was possible that the American forces
might withdraw from Manila and leave the Spaniards In possession;
and hence he wished to be in a strong position In or about Manila to
fight the Spaniards If necessary. This situation gave Aguinaldo a
unique strength of argument In his discussions with the American lead
ers, of which he took full advantage. When he would say that he could
not withdraw far from Manila, because the Americans did not them
selves know then whether they would remain in possession of the islands.
It was Impossible for his statement to be refuted. In fact, from a log
ical standpoint, his conclusion was altogether wise, for if he had with
drawn and left the Spaniards in control of Manila they could have
held out until the arrival of reinforcements, and prepared themselves
to reorganize the Island."
One of Dewey's officers, writing January 31, 1899, said:
"Aguinaldo reached Manila on May 20 of last year, at which time
there was no evidence, that we knew of, of a native organization. He
created an army In a short time, and immediately commenced to win

6i2 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
victories. These were to us at the time astonishing, for he defeated
detachment after detachment of the Spanish army, took fort after fort,
captured regiments with arms and ammunition, and in a short time had
captured every Spanish soldier on the island of Luzon or had driven
those not captured into Manila. Before August 31 these Insurgents
had actually captured the whole of Luzon, excepting Manila, from the
Spaniards. After taking all of Luzon, with the exceptions named, they
conquered the Spanish in the island of Negros and the city of Cebu,
and before we reached Iloilo they had that city and the whole island of
Panay." Consul-General Pratt, of Singapore, to Secretary Day, April 28,
1898: "General Aguinaldo Impressed me as a man of Intellectual abihty,
courage, and worthy of the confidence that had been placed In him.
No close observer of what has transpired In the Philippines during the
past four years could have failed to recognize that General Aguinaldo
enjoyed, above all others, the confidence of the Philippine insurgents, and
the respect alike of the Spanish and foreigners in the islands, all of
which vouched for his justice and high sense of honor."
aguinaldo and his officers.
John Foreman, In Contemporary Review, July, 1898, with other
papers published by Congress with the treaty of peace :
"Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo is a smart, intelligent man, of a serious
mein, small in stature, and apparently a little over 30 years of age.
He has served as the petty govemor of his native town in Cavite prov
ince and speaks Spanish very well for a native. He is by no means an
adventurer, with all to gain and nothing to lose, but a landed proprietor.
He is a would-be reformer of his country, but, convinced that all ap
peal to Spain is futile, he has at last resorted to force. General Primo
de Rivera is now safely back in Madrid, and the Philippine Islanders and
the treaty of Bac na Bato are laughed at. This Is a repetition of Cuban
policy. It is on these grounds that Aguinaldo holds himself justified in
returning to the scene of his battles, not again to fight for reforms to be
effected by those who have no honor, but to cooperate In forcing the
Spaniards to evacuate the islands."
Joseph T. Mannix, In Review of Reviews, June, 1898:
"I was In Manila last autumn (1897), Inquiring into the conditions
- — political, social, and industrial. * * * I met many kind-hearted and
courteous rebel leaders in Manila. These men were holding regular
meetings, raising money with which to prosecute the Insurrection, and
were in constant communication with Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo and the
other rebel leaders, who were then quartered in the mountains imme
diately to the northward from Manila. * * * I went secretly beyond

APPENDIX I 613
the city walls and mingled with the natives at Malaben and elsewhere.
The home of every rebel or rebel sympathizer was the hospitable resting
place of any American or other traveler who was taking sufficient inter
est In these people to Investigate the situation. That they are a law-
abiding people and easily governed Is evident from the fact that when
the present insurrection began. In August, 1896, there were but 1,500
Spanish troops In the Islands — about one-twentieth the number that the
British Government has garrisoned In Ireland to-day. And these 1,500
troops were natives of the Islands.
"That they are entirely amenable to discipline when they have confi
dence in and respect for their leaders and advisers is evident by the fact
that for more than a year Gen. Emilio Aguinaldo, their acknowledged
leader, was able to maintain good order and comparatively good dis
cipline among his 40,000 to 50,000 followers, and under circumstances
where chaos and disorder would be the most natural conditions."
Rounseville Wildman, United States consul at Hongkong, to Assis
tant Secretary Moore, July 18, 1898:
"There has been a systematic attempt to blacken the name of Aguin
aldo and his cabinet on account of the questionable terms of their sur
render to Spanish forces a year ago this month. It has been said that
they sold their country for gold, but this has been conclusively disproved,
not only by their own statements, but by the speech of the late Gover
nor-General Rivera in the Spanish senate June 11, 1898: He said that
Aguinaldo understook to submit if. the Spanish Govemment would give
a certain sum to the widows and orphans of the insurgents. He then
admits that only a tenth part of this sum was ever given to Aguinaldo,
and that the other promises made he did not find It expedient to keep.
"I was In Hongkong in September, 1897, when Aguinaldo and his
leaders arrived under contract with the Spanish Government. They
waited until the ist of November for the payment of the' promised
mpney and the fulfillment of the promised reforms. Only $400,000,
Mexican, was ever placed to their credit in the bank, and on the 3d
of November Mr. F. Agoncilla, late minister of foreign affairs in
Aguinaldo's cabinet, called upon me and made a proposal, which I
transmitted to the State Department in my dispatch No. 19, dated No
vember 3, 1897. In reply the State Department Instmcted me 'to cour
teously decline to communicate with the Department further regarding
the alleged mission.' I obeyed these instmctions to the letter until the
breaking out of the war, when, after consultation with Admiral Dewey,
I received a delegation from the insurgent junta, and they bound them
selves to obey all laws of civilized warfare and to place themselves abso
lutely under the orders of Admiral Dewey If they were permitted to
return to Manila. At this time their president, Aguinaldo, was in
Singapore negotiating through Consul General Pratt with Admiral
Dewey for his return."

6i4 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Rounsevelle Wildman, United States consul at Hongkong, to Mr.
Day, November 3, 1897:
"Since my arrival In Hongkong I have been called upon several
times by Mr. F. Agoncilla, foreign agent and high commissioner, etc.,
of the new republic of the Philippines. Mr. Agoncilla holds a com
mission, signed by the president, members of cabinet, and general In
chief of the republic of Philippines, empowering him absolutely with
power to conclude treaties with foreign governments.
"He is a very earnest and attentive diplomat and a great admirer
of the United States."
Gen. Charles A. Whittier before the Peace Commission :
"From that time the miUtary operations and the conduct of the
Insurgents bave been most creditable. Positions taken and the move
ment of troops show great ability on the part of some leader. I do
not say It was necessarily Aguinaldo, but he gave the directions."
E. Spencer Pratt, United States consul at Singapore, to Secretary
Day:
Singapore, April 28, i8g8.
"I have the honor to report that I sent you on the 27th instant, and
confirmed in my dispatch No. 211 of that date, a telegram, which,
deciphered, read as follows:
" 'Secretary of State, Washington:
" 'General Aguinaldo gone my instance Hongkong arrange with
Dewey cooperation Insurgents Manila.
" 'PRATT.'
"The General impressed me as a man of intelligence, ability, and
courage, and worthy of the confidence that had been placed in him."
Consul Pratt to Secretary Day, Singapore, June 2, 1898, with in
closure :
"I have, the honor to submit Inclosed a telegram from Hongkong
of the 25th ultimo, on the situation in the Philippines, published in
Singapore yesterday afternoon, the ist Instant.
"Considering the enthusiastic manner General Aguinaldo has been
received by the natives and the confidence with which he already ap
pears to have Inspired Admiral Dewey, It will be admitted, I think, that
I did not overrate his Importance and that I have materially assisted
the cause of the United States in the Philippines In securing his
cooperation." Secretary of Navy, Washington:
Receipt of telegram of June 14 Is acknowledged. Aguinaldo, in
surgent leader, with 13 of his staff, arrived May 19, by permission, on
Nanshan. Established self Cavite, outside arsenal, under protection of

APPENDIX I 615
our guns, and organized his army. I have had several conferences with
him, generally of a personal nature. Consistently I have refrained from
asssisting him in any way with the force under my command, and on
several occasions I have declined requests that I should do so, telling
him the squadron could not act until the arrival of the United States
troops. At the same time I have given him to understand that I con-
aider insurgents as friends, being opposed to a common enemy. He
has gone to attend a meeting of Insurgent leaders for the purpose of
forming a civil government.
"more capable of self-government than the natives of CUB41,
AND I AM FAMILIAR WITH BOTH RACES."
Aguinaldo has acted independently of the squadron, but has kept me
advised of his progress, which has been wonderful. I have allowed to
pass by water recruits, arms, and ammunitions, and to take such Spanish
arms and ammunition from the arsenal as he needed. Have advised
frequently to conduct the war humanely, which he has done invariably.
My relations with him are cordial, but I am not in his confidence. The
United States has not been bound in any way to assist Insurgents by
any act or promises, and he Is not, to my knowledge, committed to as
sist us. I believe he expects to capture Manila without my assistance,
but doubt ability, they not yet having many guns. In my opinion, these
people are far superior in their intelligence and more capable of self-
government than the natives of Cuba, and I am familiar with both
races. DEWEY.
general ANDERSON ASKED AGUINALDO TO COOPERATE WITH HIM IN
MILITARY OPERATIONS
When Admiral Dewey sent the above dispatch there were no Amer
ican trooops in the Philippines. The first detachment, under command
of General Anderson, did not arrive until June 30, three days after
the sending of the afore-quoted dispatch from Hongkong, and, landing
in Cavite, General Anderson lost no time in putting himself in com
munication with Aguinaldo, whose forces had locked up the Spanish in
Manila. On the 4th of July, anniversary of the great Republic's natal
day. General Anderson wrote :
"Senor Don Emilio Aguinaldo,
Commanding Philippine Force, Cavite, Luzon,
"General : I have the honor to Inform you that the United States
of America, whose land forces I have the honor to command in this
vicinity, being at war with the Kingdom of Spain, has entire sympathy
and most friendly sentiments for the native people of the Philippine
Islands. For these reasons I desire to have the most amicable relations

6i6 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
with you and to have you and your people cooperate with us in military
operations against the Spanish forces."
ANDERSON SAID AMERICANS CAME "to FIGHT IN THE CAUSE OF YOUR
people"
Now, clearly after receiving such communication Aguinaldo had
good reason to believe that General Anderson, and as representing the
United States, sympathized with tbe aspirations of tbe Filipino people.
Or rather, would we say, there was nothing in such communication
to disabuse Aguinaldo of such belief, but only that to confirm him in
the undoubted impression that his negotiations with Consul-General
Wildman and others had left upon him. Aguinaldo promptly rejoined
to this communication of General Anderson in one of like friendly
tenor, whereupon General Anderson, on July bth, wrote to Aguinaldo,
requesting him to set aside additional camping ground for American
troops, as follows
"I am encouraged by the friendly sentiments expressed by your ex
cellency in your welcome letter received on the 5th Instant to endeavor
to come to a definite understanding, which I hope will be advant^eous
to both. Very soon w^e expect a large addition to our forces, and it
must be apparent to you, as a military officer, that we will require much
more room to camp our soldiers and also storeroom for our supplies.
[Cavite alone was then In control of the American forces. Over all
the other territory around Manila Aguinaldo's forces held control.] For
this I would like to have your excellency's advice and cooperation, as
you are best acquainted with the resources of this country."
And three weeks later yet, before the arrival of General Merritt
and when General Anderson was still In supreme command, we find
him requesting Aguinaldo for assistance In procuring means of transpor
tation for the American Army, "as It is to fight In the cause of your
people." Clearly we have not done by Aguinaldo as we led him to
expect. ; ^^

APPENDIX II
SOME NEW ENGLAND ATROCITIES
The Senate having under consideration the Indian appro
priation bill.
Mr. Brown: I raove to araend the amendment, iri
line 8, page 72, by adding after the words "Secretary of the
Interior" the words:
Unless such award has been paid to and accepted by the
claimant. I move this amendment because It was said here by the
friends of the change that if It had been paid to and accepted
by them of course that would be another question. I suggest
that. If It has been paid to and accepted by a claimant, It
ought to be a reason which the Indian may urge in a court of
justice. Mr. Pettigrew.^ There seems to be great misapprehen
sion with regard to the claim of these attorneys, exhibited es
pecially by the reraarks of the Senator frora New Harapshire
[Mr. Chandler], who I supposed had becorae educated on
this subject last year. We then discussed the raerits of this
case for days, and the Senate decided to distribute this raoney
araong the attorneys. Now we corae In here with a provision
to send It to the Court of Clairas and allow the Indians to
come In, if they have a claira, and have it adjudicated, and
that Is not satisfactory.
The facts are that twenty-five years ago these Old Settler
Cherokees raade a contract with one of their bwn nuraber,
Joel M. Bryan, to come to Washington and t^y to collect cer-
tain money which they claira was due thera. They set apart
35 per cent of the fund to pay expenses and authorized hira
I. Speech in the Senate February 24, 1897.
617

6i8 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
to eraploy other attorneys to assist hira in securing it. He
spent twenty years here. He advanced his own money, sold
his farm, his home, and his mill, gave his entire attention,
raade more than a hundred trips back and forth in procuring
testimony, and finaUy succeeded In securing a claira of about
$800,000. In the meantime, on account of the hardships
which he had suffered, the large sums of money which he had
expended, the dissipation of his entire fortune, they raade a
new contract with hira and provided that If there was anything
left of the 35 per cent after paying expenses of the attorneys
It should go to Joel M. Bryan, their attomey and corarais
sioner. They raade a contract hedged about by all the provisions
of law; raade a contract which was approved by the Interior
Departraent. It was never questioned until about two years
ago. Then, encouraged by the speeches and conduct of certain
Senators who are always so sollcltlous about the poor Indian,
the council of the Cherokee Nation got together and under
took to repudiate the contract with Joel M. Bryan. The con
tract Is still In force. The Indians have no Interest in this
controversy, absolutely no interest whatever. If those attor
neys are defeated whose contracts are included In this provi
sion, Joel M. Bryan gets every dollar which Is left, and not a
penny will go to the Indians under any circurastances, unless
the Court of Clairas, taking everything Into consideration, de
cides that a portion shall go to the Indians.
I contend, Mr. President, that the Indians have no right
here, no claira here whatever; that whatever there Is that does
not go to other clairaants goes to Joel M. Bryan, and that, as
the raatter stands today as adjudicated by the Secretary of the
Interior, this whole araount belongs to Joel M. Bryan. Last
year we divided it araong the attorneys, giving Joel M. Bryan
a portion of it; but Bryan consented to that division. He
was 86 years old, and the ten or fifteen thousand dollars that
he was to receive was suflicient, he believed, to support him
the remainder of his life. Rather than be subject to a constant
pursuit of this matter, he concluded to take a settleraent and
drop the controversy, and the Senate by a large majority de-

' APPENDIX II 619
cided that way. Now we are trying to dispose of it again,
and the sarae opposition is presented, and the day is spent in
talk. *******
Mr. Lodge. What becarae of It last year.
Mr. Pettigrew. The other House refused to agree to
the Senate araendraent in conference. It was finally agreed to
drop it out. The House of Representatives, however, offered
to send the matter to the Court of Clairas, and I believe the
Senate voted not to send it to the Court of Clairas. That
proposition had been presented. Now the coraraittee propose
to send it to the Court of Clairas, and the same Senators who
objected last year object again. They talk about the Interest
of the poor Indian. The people who would get this money,
if It were undertaken to pay It to the tribe, are white men
from the Indian Territory, unscrupulous raen, raen who would
have lived off the Indians and have becorae rich plundering the
so-called Indians of that country In securing legislation here.
They are, after all, the poor Indians for whom New England
pleads. I have soraetiraes wondered why there was such a vast
araount of anxiety from New England about the poor Indians ;
but it Is easy to understand. It Is In atonement for the past,
for the wrongs of their ancestors ; for I think it Is well under
stood that after having raade a saint of MUes Standish for
raurdering Indians In cold blood, those they did not sell to
slavery they put on an Island In Boston Harbor and starved
to death. *******
Mr. Palmer. I ask the Senator why he proposes this
araendraent, which provides that If those parties have accepted
payraent In full, substantially that there shall not be a bar to
any further claira ?
Mr. Pettigrew. I will answer the Senator. Joel M.
Bryan, as the facts show, had returned to hira simply the_
raoney he had paid out. He took It, but he did not relinquish
any part of the equity and justice of his claira. He only re
ceived the money he had actually expended in prosecuting this

620 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
case, and received no salary, no fees for the twenty years of
time which he had spent here. I do not think that an araend
raent should be placed in this bill to refuse him any further
relief when every dollar of this money that does not go to
these attorneys goes, under contract, to the Indians.
Mr. White. As I understand, this bill raakes no pro
vision for the payraent ofraoney back into the hands of the
Secretary of the Interior In cases where a virtual recision is
sought here. Here the party to whora the Senator refers ac
cepted the raoney; but the Senator says it was not enough, non
constat, that the Court of Clairas should award that much.
Now, does the Senator claira that the party has a right to re
tain that raoney which he has received frora a tribunal which
he clairas treated him unjustly and resubmit his case to another
tribunal, and. In case of a judgment for a less amount than
that rendered by the other tribunal, he will stand upon the
judgment of the first?
Mr. Hoar. I subrait that a clear answer to that is to say,
as the Senator from South Dakota says, that Indians were
starved to death in Boston Harbor two hundred and fifty years
ago. Mr. White. That answer does appear conclusive.
Mr. Pettigrew. Mr. President, as far as I am con
cerned, I have no objection to an araendraent on the part of
the Senator frora California covering the question which he
asks. I presurae that sorae of these people are satisfied. I
understand that there were favorites in the distribution made
by the Interioi: Department; that the full Umit of all that was
called for under the contract was awarded to sorae of these
people, while to one raan whora I have in raind there was
paid but $8,000, although he had spent nearly twelve years
prosecuting this case, and the payraent he received was less
than a fifth of the araount to which he was entitled under his
contract. I think he Is entitled to relief, and I do not believe
he should be barred by the arbitrary conduct of the Interior
Departraent, raade, perhaps, by an eraployee, without the

APPENDIX II 621
careful scmtlny and consideration of the Secretary of the In
terior himself.
Of course, Mr. President, I presurae the answer of the
Senator frora Massachusetts [Mr. Hoar] raade to the Sen
ator from California [Mr. White] with regard to the starv
ing by the Puritans of the Indians of that State, was one which
satisfied him, but In that connection It Is no raore than fair to
say that the blackest page in the history of the Anglo-Saxon
race is the treatraent of the Indians of Massachusetts by the
early settlers of that colony. There is no chapter of slave
hunting in Africa so black as that chapter in the history of
Massachusetts. *******
Mr. Hoar. I do not attribute to the Senator any inten
tional purpose to misrepresent, but he has been deceived by
sorae ruraor without an investigation of his own — ruraor, lie.
Mr. Pettigrew. WeU, we raight go Into that question,
Mr. President. I do not know whether these are good au
thorities or not upon this question, but here Is an extract frora
American Pioneers and 'Patriots, by J. and C. Abbott: also
from "Miles Standish," In Allen & Appleton's BibUography:
MILES STANDISH AND HIS PROMPT TREATMENT OF THE INDIANS
In 1623, word having been brought to Standish that certain Indians
were plotting mischief and death to a small settlement of whites near
Plymouth, he set out to that place with eight men. When he got there
he enticed two of the chief Indian malcontents into a small room, to
gether with a young Indian half brother of one of these chiefs. He was
accompanied by tw^o of bis own people, and at a sign the door was
suddenly closed. Standish threw himself on one of the chiefs, Pecksnot ;
one of his men jumped .into the other, Wituwaumet, and the third
white man held the Indian youth.
Standish killed his man at once by thrusting the Indian's own knife
into Its owner's bosom. The other Indian was treated similarly by
the white soldier, who followed the example of Standish, while the
young Indian was not killed at once; he was reserved for a hanging
which took place soon after.
Standish then cut off Wituwaument's head and took it back to Ply
mouth, where It was stuck up on the stockade as a warning to all In
dians afterwards.
It is said that Standish said, when reproached for this act and when

622 The course of empire
he was very much inflamed by the criticism wbich certain ministers of
the gospel had visited on him for so doing, tbat "the only good Indian
is a dead Indian."
Mr. President, I had supposed that phrase came frora the
far West, but, after aU, we are forced to look to New Eng
land, and to ancient New England at that, for the phrase that
"the only good Indian Is a dead Indian."
The reverend and pious John Robinson, who was one of the min
isters who rather tried to defend Standish at the time, declared that his
clerical brethren ought to bear In mind the "exceedingly warm temper
of their captain;" that on the whole, the chief regret that he, as a
clergyman, felt, was that Standish had not given these Indians time in
which to be converted before killing them.
This was the first Indian blood shed by the Pilgrims.
Not only that, Mr. President, but the general laws of
Massachusetts Colony of 1660 contained this provision:
And It is ordered that no Indian shall at any time powwow, or
perform outward worship to their false gods, or to the devil. In any
part of our jurisdiction whether they shall be such as shall dwell there,
or shall come hither, and If any shall transgress this law the powwower
shall pay £5.
* * * Every town shall have power to restrain all Indians that
shall come into their towns from profaning the Lord's' day.
And it Is also further ordered, that whatsoever Indians shall here
after be taken Drunk, shall pay the sum of ten shillings or else be whipt,
by laying on ten stripes, according to the discretion of the Judge,
whether Magistrate or Commissioner, who shall have cognizance of the
case : And in all towns where no Magistrate or Commissioners are, such
cases shall be judged by the Select men or major part of them.
That Is to be found on page 78 of the Colonial Laws of
Massachusetts. The Colonial Laws of Massachusetts also
contained this provision:
At A Council, held in Boston, August the thirtieth, 1675.
Also whereas it is the manner of the heathen that are now in Hos
tility with us, contrary to the practice of the Civil Nations, to execute
their bloody Insolences by stealth and sculking In small parties, de
clining all open decision of their controversie, either by Treaty or by
the Sword —

APPENDIX II 623
It is not rauch a raatter of surprise that the Indians should
pursue this method of warfare after the Introduction which
they had in European civiUzation by the treatment which Miles
Standish had given their chiefs. No wonder that they skulked
and crept upon those people who assassinated raen In cold
blood, and Massachusetts made a saint of Miles Standish 
The Council do therefore Order ; That after the Publication of the
provision aforesaid. It shall be lawful for any person whether Enghsh
or Indian, that shall find any Indian traveling or sculking In any of our
Towns or Woods, contrary to the limits above named, to command
tbem under their Guard, and Examination, or to kill and destroy them
as they best may or can.
In other words, they were to shoot Indians on sight, and
although It was unlawful to fire a gun on Sunday, I expect that
It was a sufficient defense that the gun was aimed at an Indian.
The council hereby declaring that it will be most acceptable to them
that none be killed or wounded that are willing to surrender themselves
into custody. (Page 223, Colonial Laws of Massachusetts.)
And also the following:
The court doth therefore order and declare:
Secondly. That there be a guard appointed at the end of the said
tov/n toward Roxbury, to hinder the coming In of any Indian, until
application be first made to the governor, or council If sitting, and then
to be admitted with a guard of two musketeers and to be remanded
back with the same guard, not to be suffered to lodge in town, unless
in prison : Provided, That if any Indian or Indians that shall be em
ployed upon any public message or business shall come up to the said
guard, they shall forthv/ith be conveyed to the governor or council, and
be by him or them disposed of and secured during their necessary stay
for the dispatch of their business, and then to be conveyed as above said.
(Page 225, Colonial Laws of Massachusetts.)
But here, Mr. President, is the most Interesting provision.
On page 238 of the Colonial Laws of Massachusetts it was
provided :
Whereas this court have for weighty reasons placed sundry Indians
(that have subjected to our Government) upon some Islands for their
and our security:

624 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
It is ordered. That none of the said Indians shall presume to go
off the said islands voluntarily upon pain of death, and it shall be lawful
for the English to destroy those that they shall find straggling off from
the said places of their confinement, unless taken off by order from
authority and under the English guard.
In other words, if they should try to swim ashore In search
of food, anyone, no matter who he was, was authorized to kill
thera on the spot.
And it is further ordered, Tbat If any person or persons shall pre
sume to take, steal, or carry away either man, woman, or child of the
said Indians off from any of the said Islands where they are placed,
without order from the general court or council, he or tbey shall be ac
counted breakers of the capital law printed and published against man-
stealing, and this order be forthwith posted and published.
If anybody tried a rescue while the Indians were calraly
and quietly and subraisslvely starving to death on this island
in Boston Harbor, he was guilty of a capital offense, and pun
ished accordingly.
Mr. Lodge. I ask where the Senator finds the statement
that the Indians were starving to death? They were un
doubtedly prisoners in Boston Harbor, but where does he find
the statement that they were starving to death ?
Mr. Pettigrew. They were undoubtedly placed there
for the purpose of having them starve to death.
Mr. Lodge. That Is raerely your assertion; that is not
history. Mr. Pettigrew. Well, Mr. President, here is sorae his
tory that will, perhaps, justify the supposition.
*******
Mr. Pettigrew. In John S. C. Abbott's History of King
Philip I find the following:
In a battle at Dartmouth, in 1675, In which Captain Churcb, of
Narragansett Bay, commanded the colonists, they toook 160 Indians
prisoners, who had been induced by promises of kind treatment to come
in and surrender themselves. To the extreme Indignation of Captain
Church, all these people, in most dishonorable disregard of the pledges
of the capitulation, were sold by the Plymouth authorities Into slavery.

APPENDIX II 625
This act was as impolitic as It was criminal. It can not be too sternly
denounced. It effectually deterred others from confiding in the English.
It Is reraarkable that it deterred thera frora confiding in
the English.
The historian gives this account of the scenes In a cap
tured Indian paUsade at South Kingston, In 1675 :
The Interior was a large Indian village, containing 500 houses,
stored with an abundance of corn and crowded with women and chil
dren. An awful scene of carnage now ensued. Though the savages
fought with the utmost fury, they could oppose no successful resistance
to the disciplined courage of the English. Flying from wigwam to wig
wam, men, women, and children were stmck down without mercy.
The exasperated colonists regarded the children as but young serpents
of a venomous brood, and they are pitilessly knocked In the head. The
women they shot as readily as they would the dam of the wolf or the
bear. Of the South Kingston affair. Rev. Mr. Ruggles wrote
(and is quoted by the historian) :
The burning of the wigwams, the shrieks and cries of the women
and children, and the yells of the warriors exhibited a most horrible and
affecting scene, so that It greatly moved some of the soldiers. They
were in much doubt then, and often seriously inquired whether burning
their enemies alive could be consistent with humanity and the benevolent
principles of the gospel.
Abbott's history of King Philip, In coraraenting on the cap
ture of Mrs. Rowlandson at the tirae of the massacre at Lan
caster, in 1676, says:
When Mrs. Rowlandson was driven from the flames of her dwell
ing, a Narragansett Indian was the first to grasp her; he consequently
claimed her as bis property. Her children were caught by different
savages, and thus became the slaves of their captors. The Indians, by
the law of retaliation, were perfectly justified in making slaves of their
captors. * * * The English made all their captives slaves, and
women and children were sold to all the horrors of the West Indian
plantation bondage.
The wife and son of King Philip were captured in battle
^t Bridgewater In 1677. The historian records this fact:

626 THE COURSE OF EMPlKt
Philip had by some unknown means escaped. With grief and shame
we record that his wife and son were sent to Bermuda and sold as slaves,
and were never heard of more.
Princess Wetamoo, King Philip's brother's widow, was
ambuscaded by the colonists in 1673. Of this affair the his
torian says:
The heroic queen, too proud to be captured, Instantly threw off her
clothing, seized a broken piece of wood, and plunged into the stream.
Worn down by exhaustion and famine, her nerveless arm failed ber and
she sank beneath the waves. Her body was soon after found washed
upon the shore. As faithful chroniclers, we must declare, though with
a blush, that the English cut off her head and set it upon a pole In their
streets, a trophy ghastly, bloody, revolting.
Mr. President, It Is no wonder that after this introduction
to the Anglo-Saxon race the American Indians have resisted
the encroachraents of the whites upon this continent — their
children captured, sold into slavery, killed, arabushed, assassi
nated without the least reluctance or remorse. It was the
comraon practice of the people of New England In their deal
ings with the Indians to sell into slavery all those they took
prisoners of war. They said the Indians made bad slaves;
that they were willful and stubborn, and so they traded them
in the West Indies for negroes. They traded them In Cuba
and the other islands of the Caribbean Sea for molasses, and
returning home with the molasses, made It Into mra, and sent
the rura to Africa to trade for slaves in order to stock their
plantations. So I say that the blackest page, not alone in our
history, but in the history of the world alraost. Is that of the
treatraent of the Indians by the people of Massachusetts and
the conduct of the early inhabitants of those provinces.
Here is another extract:
In 1643, Emanuel Downing, the foremost lawyer In the colony and
a leader of commanding influence as well as high connections, made a
written argument In favor of a war with the Narragansetts. He did
not pretend that any wrong had been done; but he had a pious dread
that Massachusetts would be held responsible for the false religion of the
Narragansetts. "I doubt," says he, "If it be not synne In us, having
power In our hands, to suffer them to maynteyne tbe worship of the

APPENDIX II 627
devil which their powwows often doe." "If," says he, "upon a just war,
the Lord shall deHver them into our hand, wee might easily have men,
women, and children enough to exchange for Moors (negroes), which
will be more gaynefuU pilladge for us than wee conceive; for I do not
see how wee can thrive untill wee get In a stock of slaves sufficient to
do all our business."
This is Downlng's letter, in Moore, on page 10.
In a book written by Du Bois on the Suppression of the
Slave Trade I find the following:
Massachusetts, Rhode Island, and Connecticut were largely engaged
in the slave trade, and New Hampshire to some extent. This trade de
clined very little till the Revolution. Newport was a mart for slaves
offered for sale in the North and a point of reshipment for all slaves.
It was principally this trade that raised Newport to her commercial
Importance in the eighteenth century. Connecticut, too, was an im
portant slave trader, sending large numbers of horses and other com
modities to the West Indies in exchange for slaves, and selling the
slaves In other colonies. Owners of slaves carried slaves to South Caro
lina, and brought home naval stores for their shipbuilding; or to the
West Indies and brought home molasses. The molasses was made into
the highly prized New England rum, which was shipped to Africa and
traded for more slaves. * * * Massachusetts annually distilled
15,000 hogsheads of molasses into rum. * * * Although in earlier
times the most reputable New England people took ventures in slave-
trading Voyages, yet there gradually arose a moral sentiment which
tended to make tbe business somewhat disreputable. * * * Jt y^^g
not until 1787-88 that slave trading became an Indictable offense In any
New England State.
I thought this related to the sale of Indians, but I see that
it relates simply to the slave trade generaUy. I did not intend
to read it, and will read no further.
I had often wondered why we had heard so rauch frora
New England In regard to the wrongs of the Western Indians.
The Indian Rights Association are raost active about the In
dians who are raost distant frora thera. This inquiry led rae
to look up the early history of the people of the colonies in
connection with their treatment of the Indians, and it revealed
to rae the reason why tradition, carried frora one to the other,
crossed the continent and made the Indians so jealous of the

628 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
encroachraents of the white and so earnest that the contact
should not be near or close. I am not surprised.
Neither do I object to the philanthropy of New England.
I wish It would bear fruit suflicient in some raeasure to corapeu
sate for the wrongs of the past in their conduct toward these
people.

APPENDIX III
the boer war
Whereas from the hour of achieving their own Independence the
people of the United States have regarded with sympathy the struggles
of other people to free themselves from European domination:
Therefore, Resolved, That we watch with deep and abiding Interest tbe heroic
battle of the South African Republic against cruelty and oppression, and
our best hopes go out for the full success of their determined contest
for liberty.
MR. PETTIGREW.i Mr. President, it Is ray opin
ion that the Senate should pass this resolution of
syrapathy for the people of South Africa. If we do
not. It will be the first time in our history as a RepubUc that
we have failed to express our sympathy and Interest, in em
phatic terras, for any race or people whatever who were striv
ing to raaintain free Institutions.
We are parties to the agreeraent resulting frora the con
ference at The Hague last year; and while I do not beUeve
that America should take up the quarrels of other nations or
become complicated In European controversies. It does not ap
pear to rae that the Adrainistration has made an honest effort
in good faith to coraply with and carry out the terras of The
Hague agreeraent. For that agreeraent provided 
Art. 2. In case of serious dissension or of conflict, before the appeal
to arms, the signatory powers agree to have recourse, as far as circum
stances will permit, to the friendly offices or to the mediation of one or
of several friendly powers.
Art. 3. Independently of this resort, tbe signatory powers think it
to be useful that one or more powers who have no part In the conflict
may offer of their own volition, so far as circumstances may make It
appropriate, their friendly offices or their mediation to the states en-
I. Speech in the Senate April 14, 1900. 629

630 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
gaged in the conflict. The right to offer these friendly offices or media
tion is absolute in the powers which take no part in the conflict even
during hostilities. The exercise of this right shall never be considered
by either of the parties to the contest as an unfriendly act.
Art. 4. The duty of a mediator consists in conciliating the opposing
claims and appeasing the resentment which may have sprung up be
tween the states engaged in the conflict.
Art. 5. The duties of a mediator cease from the moment when It
Is officially declared by either party to the strife, or by the mediator
himself, that the methods of conciliation proposed by him are not
accepted. I can not learn that we have proposed any raethod of con
ciliation. It is reported that, in a perfunctory way, our Gov
ernraent asked Great Britain If it could do anything to settle
the quarrel. Our plain duty was to have acted before the first
gun was fired, and then, if refused, to have at once expressed
our disapproval of England's course by passing resolutions of
sympathy for the South African Republics.
Instead of taking the raost Araerican course our Adrainis
tration has allowed the world to believe we are In full sym
pathy with Great Britain. Even If there Is not a verbal under
standing between Mr. Hay, our Secretary of State, and the
English Government, approved by the President, It is evident
that as long as Mr. McKinley is In power England will have
at least the moral support of the United States in whatsoever
she may do. I beUeve that there is such an understanding, for
In no other way can I explain the course and conduct of the
President. There Is strong corroboration of this view In the visit of
the Senator from Ohio, Mr. Hanna, to England last year,
and his great adrairation for the English Governraent, ex
pressed on his return.
The struggle going on in South Africa is between the same
despotic power. Intensified a hundredfold, that over a century
ago endeavored to destroy liberty on the Araerican continent
and a republic weaker in nurabers than we were when we raade
our triumphant resistance to British tyranny.
Who can say that the Boers are not prompted by as lofty
a patriotism, by as ardent a desire for freedom, as Inspired

APPENDIX III 631
our forefathers in that Revolution which, in 1776, brought
our own Republic into being as a raodel after which the liberty
of the world has been fashioned.
Under the conditions and circumstances grouped about the
origin of our Government and the historical events attending
its course of development, the most unnatural alliance for us
to make Is an English alliance. Our most natural alliance
would be one of syrapathy with the heroic defenders of the
Transvaal, who have been winning victories that take their
places beside Marathon, Bunker Hill, and Lexington.
And in response, frora the Atlantic to the Pacific, a wave of
enthusiasra moves across our continent, and in public meetings
the hope everywhere finds expression that the Republic of
South Africa shall not perish from the earth, and that the red
uplifted hand of British greed raay be stayed.
Why, then, did not our Executive take action in behalf of
liberty and huraanity, action that would have convinced the
world that we still believed liberty and huraanity should
prorapt nations in their dealings with each other? Siraply
because he is engaged In the sarae wretched business as that
which is drenching the soil of Africa with the blood of raartyrs.
He is busy with an effort to rob the people of the Philippine
Islands, and Is slaughtering those who resist robbery because,
forsooth, It will pay, because they are rich and are worth rob
bing, and because their island possessions will furnish a foot
hold for other robberies. The Executive has the power to In
tercede in behalf of the South African Republic, and If he
had spoken as Cleveland spoke In the Venezuela case, there
would have been no war In South Africa. But the President
wIU not avail hiraself of the huraane opportunity. The duty is
then upon us to act.
Who are these people that excite our syrapathy?
They are bf our own race. The same blood courses in
their veins and in our veins. They sprang frora the Dutch,
who drove Philip out of Holland, and frora the French Hu
guenots, who fled to HoUand rather than surrender their con
victions. Their career in South Africa Is a living, burning
page In the history of the world, and the irapress of their ear-

632 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
nestness coraes down to the children of the thirteen colonies
through the adoption of the alternative so eloquently voiced
by the patriot Virginian, "Give rae liberty or give rae death."
I hope to enjoy the day when England shall have been
driven frora every foot of the soil of Africa and a republic of
united and happily governed states constmcted on the mins
of her despotic power. England has conquered no people but
to rob thera, has governed no race but to blight it with the
curse of her presence. The Boers know her raethods and their
results better than any people In the world. Sixty-five years
ago they left their horaes in Cape Colony and fled into the
wilderness, preferring to wander In the desert and fight for an
existence against the savage tribes of that region than 'accept
the pretended protection of a nation of canting hypocrites.
The South African Republic and the Orange Free State
are In the Interior of South Africa, and neither of these Re
publics touches the coast at any point. The South African Re
public is separated frora the Indian Ocean by a long, narrow
strip of coast land, frora 30 to 60 railes in width, owned by-
Portugal. The chief seaport Is Lourenco Marques, on Dela
goa Bay. Both of these Republics are dry, treeless, elevated
plains, broken by raountain ranges, like Wyoraing. They are
naturally too dry for successful cultivation, but are covered
with the rich grasses of seraiarld growth. Farming is carried
on through irrigation. Small patches of ground along the low
river bottoms produce crops without irrigation, but their area
is limited. Timber Is scarce and Is found only upon land con
tiguous to the strearas. The principal industry Is raising
cattle, and the population Is scattered over wide areas In iso
lated comraunities.
The area of the South African RepubUc (or the Trans
vaal) Is 119,139 square railes.
Its population In 1898 was 336,400 whites — 137,900 men
and 107,450 women and 101,000 children — with a black popu
lation of 748,750 persons. Pretoria, the capital, has a popula
tion of 10,000.
Johannesburg, which is the gold-raining center, has a
population of 108,263 people — 79,500 raen and 28,763

APPENUIX III 633
women; the white, 60,000; Chinese, 4,800; black, 42,500. In
the Transvaal there are 10,000 Jews. The rest of the popu
lation are Protestants, mostly Dutch Reforra and Lutheran.
The RepubUc owns the railroads and telegraph lines. The
total revenue is over twenty raiUions; but this includes rail
roads, telegraph, postal receipts, and the sale of explosives.
The governraent is a republic.
The legislature consists of two houses of 27 raerabers each.
No person can be a raember of either house unless he Is
30 years of age and possessed of fixed property. The terra
of service Is four years.
The first charaber Is elected by the first-class burghers-
The first-class burghers are white raale persons residing in
the republic prior to 1876, or those who fought in the wars of
the repubUc, Including the Jameson raid, and the chUdren of
such persons over 16 years of age.
The second chamber of the legislature Is elected by the
first and second class burghers.
Second-class burghers are naturalized citizens and the'ir
children over 16 years of age.
Naturalization raay be obtained after two years' residence
by taking the oath of allegiance and paying $10.
Naturalized burghers may becorae first-class burghers
after twelve years.
Sons of naturalized burghers raay becorae naturalized
burghers at 18 years of age.
First-class burghers ten years thereafter.
The president and coraraanding general are elected by the
first-class burghers only.
The executive authority Is vested in a president, elected
for five years, assisted by a council of four raembers.
The Orange Free State is south of the Transvaal, and has
an area of 48,300 square raUes, and in 1890 had a population
of 77,700 whites and 130,000 blacks or natives.
The capital is Bloerafontein, with a population of 2,077
whites and 1,300 blacks.
The railroads and telegraph lines are owned by the gov
ernraent.

634 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Exclusive of the railroads the revenue In 1897 was $2,-
010,000, and the expenses $1,905,000.
Government. — Written constitution. President elected for
five years by voters. Executive council consists of the secre
tary and four others.
Legislature. — Popular asserably; 60 merabers, elected by
popular vote for four years, one-half every two years; salary,
$10 per day; qualification, burghers 25 years old, owner of
real estate valued at $2,500. Voters, white burghers, by birth '
or naturaUzation, who own real property worth $750 or pay a
rent of $180 per annura or have a yearly Incorae of not less
than $1,000 or own personal property worth $1,500.
Law. — Roraan Dutch. Suprerae court, coraposed of three
judges. Circuit courts. .
ReUgion. — Dutch Reforraed, 68,940; EngUsh Episcopal,
1,353; Methodist, 753; Lutheran, 312; Roman Catholic, 416;
Jews, 113.
Education, free, compulsory, and universal. Two daily
and two weekly papers.
Every raan over 16 years of age or under 60 is enrolled
In the railitia and trained to handle arms, but the standing
army Is very small, consisting of a few trained artillerymen.
The total white population of these two Republics Is less than
500,000, and they are to-day holding In check and have re
peatedly defeated the greatest array England ever sent from
her shores. Their army has no doubt received many recruits
frora Cape Colony.
Cape Colony is a British colony, and erabraces the southern
coast of Africa, possessing an area of 191,400 square miles,
with a population of 956,900 people in 1891. Of these
336,900 are European, three-fourths of the white population
Dutch, and those who first occupied Cape Colony were the
ancestors of the Boers of the two RepubUcs now at war with
Great Britain.
Cape Colony was settled by the Dutch In 1652, when a
nuraber of Holland farraers were landed at Table Bay, now
Cape Town, for the purpose of raising vegetables and cattle
to supply the Dutch vessels engaged In trade with India, Java,

APPENDIX III 635
and Borneo. This trade was very profitable and the settle
raent prospered. The vessels of all nations trading with the
East put In here to secure fresh supplies, and thus the farra
ers found a good raarket for all their crops. FaraiUes arrived
each year from HoUand, and the settlement spread along the
coast and into the Interior and engaged in all kinds of agricul
ture and stock raising. They raade slaves and servants of
merabers of the native tribes of blacks, corapelling thera to
cease their wandering habit and establish theraselves In perraa
nent settleraents.
In 1795 England, being at war with Holland, sent a fleet
and an array to South Africa and captured Cape Town and
garrisoned it. England held the colony until 1803, and then
surrendered It to the Batavian Republic; but in 1806, the
Batavian Republic having been conquered by Napoleon and
erected into the Kingdora of Holland, with Louis Bonaparte
upon the throne, England sent a fleet of ships and an array
of soldiers and again captured Cape Town and resuraed the
governraent of the country.
In 1 8 14, when Holland again becarae independent and the
monarchy was restored, England refused to surrender Cape
Colony, but annexed It to the British Erapire and paid Hol
land $30,000,000 for a quitclaira title to the colony.
England despised the Dutch and her officers treated thera
with conterapt, and under her domineering rule the people
were oppressed.
All semblance of a repubUcan form of government was
abolished. CivU ofiices were fiUed from England with broken mem
bers of ParUament, with bad. If any, character.
Adventurers, worthless sons of distinguished raen, were
coraraissioned to rule the colonists, and places were even bar
tered away for money.
The EngUsh language was raade the ofiicial language, and
no man could serve on a jury unless he could speak EngUsh.
In the country the people were not able to employ the English
language. AU trials, therefore, had to be conducted in Cape
Town; and raen charged with offenses were taken long dis-

636 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
tances frora their horaes and tried by a jury of foreigners,
whose language the victiras of so-called justice could not un
derstand. The vagrant laws were repealed, and the consequence was
that the country swarraed with Hottentots, who begged frora
and robbed the settlers and becarae worthless, diseased tramps.
They were rapidly becoraing extinct under this loose systera,
although while the strict Dutch rules were In vogue these na
tives had been giving promise of rapid civilization.
The Dutch have demonstrated superior ability In civiliz
ing inferior races and seldora go to war with thera, while the
English have developed no capacity in that direction. Where
the contact Is close and constant, English rule has resulted in
ceaseless conflict, wearisome war, and the final extinction of
the inferior race by the sword and by disease.
Finally England freed the slaves of the colonists under a
proposition to pay about half their value to their owners.
Payment for the slaves was to be raade in London, and so the
Dutch farmers found theraselves the victiras of claim agents,
and, being under the disadvantage of Inability to speak the
language, many never presented their claims. Those who did
were robbed by attorneys, agents, and ralddleraen, so that they
reaUzed only one-quarter of the value of the property.
The Dutch, had they been accorded proper treatraent,
would have been contented and would have raade loyal citi
zens. They would have united in raarriage with English set
tlers who had begun to locate In the colony, for they were of
the sarae faraily or race as the English. But England treated
thera as conquered subjects, as an Inferior race, as people fit
only to be trarapled upon. Thus, after alraost a century, she
is reaping the fruits of tyranny in a war waged in self-defense
by the descendants of those people who should and would
have reraained loyal under the beneficent raanagement of a
humane governraent.
Great Britain is gathering the harvest of a policy that Is
testing the strength of the Erapire and raay accoraplish Its
overthrow. One thing Is certain : England's prestige Is gone
and the limit of her aggressive erapire has been reached. De-

APPENDIX III 637
cay, rapid decay, will now set In. The reflex influence of a
century of wrong practiced upon others has destroyed the
manhood and the character of the people at home, and the
ranks of her armies are no longer filled with the sturdy farm
ers of" the days of Drake and Howard.
In discussing the events that follow I have drawn my in
formation from British sources alone.
South Africa, by George M. Theal, page 175 :
It Is not a pleasant admission for an Englishman to make, but It is
the truth, that it would be difficult to find in any part of the world a
people with so much cause to be discontented as were the old Inhabi
tants of Cape Colony for many years after the fall of the ministry of
the Earl of Liverpool.
Page 196, Theal gives the cause of the Dutch leaving
Cape Colony:
First. There was subjection by a foreign and unsympathetic
government. Second. There was prohibition of their language In the public
offices and the courts of law.
Third. There was the superintendent of the L(Ondon Missionary
Society, their ablest and most relentless opponent. In possession of bound
less Influence with the British authorities.
Fourth. There were the slanderous statements made by the philan
thropic societies of England concerning them.
Fifth. There was the sudden emancipation of tbeir slaves without
adequate compensation.
Sixth. There was tbe whole mass of tbe colored people placed upon
a political footing with them, and that without a vagrant act being
put in force.
Seventh. There was no security for Ufe or property In the eastem
districts, which were exposed to invasion by the Kosas, as the secretary
of state took part with tbe barbarians.
These were the chief causes of the great emigration, and there were
many others of less importance.
Froude, Oceana (page 39), sides with the Boers and gives
the same reason for their departure.
Bryce, M. P., in North American Review, December,
1899: She [England] altered the system of courts and local government,
reducing the rights whicb the people had enjoyed. She insisted on the

638 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
use of the English language to the exclusion of Dutch. In undertaking
to protect the natives and the slaves whom the Dutch were accused by
the English missionaries of treating very harshly, that the missionaries
sometimes maligned them and greatly resented the attention which was
paid to the charges. Finally she abolished slavery and allotted a very
inadequate sum as compensation to the South African slaveholders, much
of which sum never reached theyr hands because it was made payable
In London.

For these reasons, in 1836 thousands of the Dutch aban
doned their horaes, took their cattle and personal property,
raade doraiciles of their wagons, and started northward into
the wilderness, fighting their way or raaking their peace with
the savage tribes. They crossed the Orange River and then
considered theraselves beyond English dorainion, for over and
over again England had declared that she would not enlarge
her possessions In South Africa. Here the settlers established
a rude republic, and enjoyed the freedom implanted in their
natures generations ago. To these descendants of the men
who let the sea In upon Holland rather than submit to the
hateful rule of the Duke of Alva, liberty was dearer than life.
That portion of Africa to which these people had gone in
search of a land where freedom raight thrive without restraint
was dry and fit only for grazing purposes. It lies in the high
plains region at the head of the Orange River. Along the
east coast of southern Africa there Is thrown a chain of high
mountains parallel with the sea.
Some of the migrating settlers crossed the mountains and
found their eastern slopes plenteously clothed with rich vege
tation. Near the coast semltroplcal plants grew in luxurious
abundance. Rains gave the soil an adequate supply of mois
ture, and the streams plunged over great precipices down to
the sea. At what is now Durban was found a fine harbor.
Many of the emigrants followed the transmountain explorers
and settled along the east slope, contiguous to the sea. Here,
however, the Dutch home seekers ran counter to England's
scheme of benevolence toward mankind (for we of the United
States are not the originators of governraental desire to make
all people happy), and the sturdy wanderers were forced by

APPENDIX III 639
British bayonets to recross the raountain chain and occupy the
inhospitable plateaus of the seraiarld belt. The country about
Durban, the colony of Natal, the coast Une the Boers had
hoped to raake lodgraent upon, was proraptly annexed to the
Empire of Great Britain, and England thanked God that the
circumference of the sea was safe frora the occupancy of any
other power.
The Boers, deterrained not to subrait to British mle, went
back over the raountains and located upon plains between the
Orange River and the Vaal River, some of their number cross
ing the Vaal and settling In what Is known as the Transvaal.
England, however, adhered to the dograa that "Once a British
subject, always a British subject;" that by raigrating to and
subduing new land these sturdy farmers, fleeing from English
oppression, were extending the doraain of the Crown, and so
In 1846 England afiirmed her title by arbitrarily annexing all
the country between the Orange and the Vaal rivers, embrac
ing what is now the Orange Free State. A war ensued. The
Boers were defeated at Bloerafontein by an array dispatched
from Cape Town to enforce the merciless edict of an irapla
cable sovereign.
Froude (an Englishman) has truthfully written that Eng
land always hates those whora she has Injured. But with the
aid of the Boers beyond the Vaal the repubUc raaintained the
contest, with varying success, until 1852, when England raade
a treaty with the Boers by which she recognized the Dutch
settleraent beyond the Vaal as a free and independent state.
In 1854, by treaty, England also recognized the Independence
of the Orange Free State. The treaty of 1852 was confirraed
by the cabinet of Lord Derby, and the treaty of 1854 was con
firmed by the cabinet of Lord Aberdeen. Thus both of the
EngUsh political parties participated In the recognition of
these two Republics as independent states.
- Following the treaty of 1852, peace reigned for seventeen
years. In 1869 a dispute arose concerning the boundary between
the Orange Free State and the native tribes. England- in
terfered and after some fighting decided In favor of the Orange

640 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Free State, and a treaty was signed, called the treaty of Allwal
North, fixing the boundary of the Orange Free State so as to
embrace all the territory in which the South African (or Kim
berley) diaraond raines were located.
Froude raay tell the story of English duplicity and treach
ery. I read frora pages 45 and 46 of his Oceana :
The Ink on the treaty of AHwal North was scarcely dry when dia
monds were discovered in large quantities In a district which we had
ourselves treated as a part of the Orange territory before our first,wlth-
drawal, and which had ever since been administered by Orange Free
State magistrates. There was a rush of diggers from all parts of the
country. There was a genuine fear that the Boers would be unable to
control the flock of vultures which was gathering over so rich a prey.
There was a notion also that the finest diamond mine in the world
ought not to be lost to the British Empire. It was discovered that the
part of the country in which it lay was not a part of the Free State at
all and that it belonged to a Griqua chief named Waterboer. The chief,
in past times, had been an ally of the English. The Boers were ac
cused of having robbed him. He appealed for help and in an evil hour
we lent ourselves to an aggression for which there was no excuse. Lord
Kimberley gave his name to the new settlement.
The Dutch were expelled. They did not resist, but they yielded
under protest to superior forces, and from that day no Boer in South
Africa has been able to trust to English proraise. The manner in which
we acted or allowed our representatives to act was insolent In its
cynicism. We had gone in as the champions of the oppressed Waterboer. We
gave Waterboer and his Griquas a tenth of the territory. We kept
the rest, and all that was valuable, for ourselves. What could the
Dutch have done worse? We have accused them of breaking their en
gagement with us, and It was we who taught them the lesson. A treaty
but a few months old was staring us in tbe face. Even If Waterboer's
title had been as good as his friends pretended, we had pledged our
selves to meddle no more in such matters. In language as plain as words
could make It.
Our conduct would have been less entirely Intolerable if we had
rested simply on superior strength — If we had told the Boers simply
that we must have the diamond fields and intended to take them ; but
we poisoned the wound and we justified our action by posing before
the world as the protectors of the rights of native tribes whom we accuse
them of having wronged.
And we maintained this attitude through the controversy which
afterwards arose. I had myself Inquired subsequently Into the details

APPENDIX III 641
of this transaction, perhaps the most discreditable in the annals of
English history.
Theal (an EngUsh writer), South Africa, page 325,
finishes the story In the following language :
President Brand, of the Free State, then went to England and laid
the case before the imperial authorities. In brief it was tbis: That
Great Britain had taken the land from the Free State under pretense
tbat it belonged to Waterboer, and that a British court after a careful
examination had decided that Waterboer had no right to it. The reply
which Brand received was to the effect that it was a necessity for the
paramount power in South Africa to be in possession of the diamond
mines, but he would receive $450,000 for Griqualand West, which con
tained the diamond fields, as a solution. This sum President Brand
accepted. There was no other way.
EngUsh honor went for naught. The Boers had long since
found that out, and hatred of England and of Englishraen had
becorae an inherited trait of Boer character.
The country beyond the Vaal was loosely governed. The
Boers did not like to pay taxes, so each community would meet
occasionally in raass raeeting and raake their own laws, being
better satisfied with the home product than with the kind sent
them frora the charnel house of corruption across the seas.
The blacks outnumbered the whites and the disparity in
nurabers emboldened the natives. Conflicts between roving
bands and the settlers were a result of this condition. The
situation furnished the excuse, and In 1877 England marched
an armed force Into the Transvaal and declared that It was an
nexed to the British Crown as a colony, under the pretext of
establishing a stable governraent for the protection of life and
property. The Boers did not at first resist this usurpation of govern
raent and seizure of territory. They were scattered over wide
areas, were poor, and It was not easy to mobilize for defense.
In order to avert any tendency toward resistance, the robber
government proraised the Boers a systera of local self-govern
raent. It happened, as usual, that the English officials failed
to keep their proraises, and they becarae arrogant, insolent,

642 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
and offensive In the collection of taxes. This condition, forced
upon the Boers, continued untU 1880, when they revolted,
made prisoners of the English garrison, occupied the passes
leading to Natal and in three engagements defeated their op
pressors, killing over three hundred and wounding as raany
more. The loss of the farmer warriors In these encounters
was 17 killed and 28 wounded.
Following these bloody events came the famous and his
toric battle of Majuba Hill. During the darkness of the night
of Febmary 26, 1881, a force of 600 British troops occupied
a high hill which coraraanded the Boer position. With the
dawn of the succeeding day the Boer coraraander. General
Jpubert, discovered the presence of England's fighting force
on the crest high above hira. It was an advantage that raust
be overcorae, as its retention Involved grave consequences to
the cause for which General Joubert had arraed his foUowers.
The eraergency deraanded prompt action and .the general
called for volunteers to storra the height. In response 150
intrepid Dutchraen stepped forward and offered themselves as
a forlorn hope to scale the hill and drive the British away.
They were placed under command of Nicholas Smit. After
several hours of laborious ascent, Smit reached the top of the
elevation at noon with about 80 of his followers. In the face
of this heroic success the enemy gave way to panic and fled,
suffering the loss of 92 killed, 134 wounded, and 59 prisoners.
It was the charge of the old 600 reversed. Theirs not to ques
tion why; theirs but to run or die. And they went, leaving
araong the slain the body of their commander. General Colley.
The loss to the Boers was i killed and 5 wounded In this
sanguinary affair. English historians who belong to the ruling
oligarchy of Great Britain say that they were defeated at
Majuba HIU by an overwhelraing force of Boers, but they
give no figures.
The paternal horae Governraent now hurried reenforce
raents to Africa to wipe out the disgrace of Majuba HIU, but
up to date the account has not been squared, unless the sur
render of Cronje, with his 3,000 raen, to Lord Roberts's army
of 78,000, after killing and wounding more EngUsh than he

APPENDIX III 643
had men in his comraand and holding the British array at bay
for months, can be considered as squaring the account.
Gen. Sir Evelyn Wood was In comraand of the new levy
of 12,000 raen who took the field against the Boers. It ap
pears, however, that he deeraed discretion the better part of
valor, for on the 5th of March an arraistice was concluded
between Sir Wood and the farraer triumvirate, Paul Kruger,
M. W. Pretorius, and Peter Joubert, and this was soon fol
lowed by peace, with independence restored to the South Af
rican Republic.
The terms agreed upon Included a provision recognizing
England's suzerainty and the right of that Government to
regulate the foreign affairs of the Transvaal, so that no treaty
could be made with any foreign state (excepting only the
Orange Free State) without England's consent.
Having thus recovered their Internal Independence, the
Boers began Iraraediately to plan for coraplete sovereignty.
Involving an abandonment of English suzerainty over them,
and In 1884, as a result of their efforts, a new convention was
signed by Lord Derby on the part of England, by which the
South African Republic was granted full recognition. The
British resident was withdrawn from Pretoria and a council
appointed. In 1885 a new element of discord escaped from
the Pandora box of Boer destiny. Gold was discovered. The
richest and most remarkable mines In the world were exposed
to British cupidity. They were apparently Inexhaustible, yield
ing an even average of gold to each and every ton of ore. As
a result of this discovery immigration poured into the Trans
vaal from all parts of the world. England, Russia, France,
Gerraany, the United States, and Canada sent their quotas of
fortune seekers, and raany of thera were raere adventurers.
They Invaded the Boer domain, not to found homes and trans
port their farailies thither, but to wrest wealth from the soU
and send their gains to distant climes.
The Boers soon reaUzed that the newcomers, gathered
from every quarter of the globe, would some day outnumber
them, and, by the force of numbers, take control of their gov
ernraent and turn their country over to sorae foreign power.

644 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
And thus their freedora, so long sought araid dangers and suf
fering, and for which they had sacrificed so rauch, would be
taken away forever. There were two preventive courses,
either of which they had a perfect right to adopt. One was to
forbid the opening of raore raines, and the other was to lirait
the franchise and extejid the tirae of residence required before
an alien could secure citizenship. The latter cours,e was pur
sued, and the length of residence required to entitle an Ira-
raigrant to citizenship was extended to fourteen years.
England was deterrained, in pursuance of her historic habit,
to possess herself of the Transvaal gold fields. Cecil Rhodes,
the president of the South African Chartered Corapany, and
at that tirae prirae minister of Cape Colony, who had raade
raany raiUions out of diaraond raines at Kimberley, devised a
plan for the consummation of England's scherae of greed.
His plan Involved a rebellion on the part of the EngUsh resi
dents of Johannesburg and the overthrow of the Dutch gov
ernment. In pursuance of this plan arms were secreted in the
city. Dr. Jaraeson, adraiuistrator of the territories of the
South African Company, who had at his disposal a body of
raounted police, was brought into the conspiracy and a day
fixed for an uprising. On that day Dr. Jaraeson was to raarch
In with his raiders and assist In accomplishing the overthrow
of the Dutch Republic. For some reason the Uitlanders
changed the date of the demonstration; but Dr. Jameson, Im
patient over the delay and believing that his allies In Johannes
burg would fly to arras on the appearance of his force, de
termined to spring the plot. So, late In Deceraber, 1895, with
a force of about 800 raen, he entered the Transvaal and ad
vanced toward Johannesburg.
The Boers had been warned, and Jaraeson was soon sur
rounded and corapelled to surrender.
Jameson's force consisted of 512 well-mounted raen and a
strong quota of artillery. Including 8 Maxira guns. The Boers
had not over 700 raen, and only 50 were at any tirae actually
engaged. The last charge of the EngUsh was raet and over
corae by 7 Boers. Jaraeson lost 50 raen and the Boers 4. On
every previous occasion and on each subsequent occasion the-

APPENDIX III 645
British have failed utterly to prevail over the untrained citizen-
soldiers of the Dutch RepubUc.
It Is believed, and I beUeve, that the British foreign office
had full knowledge of the conteraplated raid and approved it.
The affair exhibited all the marks of identification of the time-
honored English method as described by Morley, a method
that provokes resistance and then assumes that the Queen's
forces have been attacked. But in this Case the overthrow of
Dr. Jameson was so sudden and so cornplete, and his opera
tion so barefaced. Infamous, and unjust, that even the English
Government did not dare defend the raid or follow It up, al
though no one was punished for participating In it.
Jameson's revolutionary act caused great indignation
among the Dutch of all South Africa and unified them in a de
terraination to resist English aggression. It convinced the
most conservative among the Inhabitants that there was no
limit to English perfidy and EngUsh dishonor. The Boers
began at once to arm themselves and to fortify and to organize
and drill all raen between 16 and 60 years of age. Pretoria
was fortified and works were constructed to coraraand Johan
nesburg. Guns and aramunition were bought in Europe, and
the rainers were taxed to pay for these weapons of war. A
treaty was raade with the Orange Free State, offensive and
defensive. Members of the English Parliaraent have said recently
that Kruger began his arraaraent before the Jaraeson raid,
with a view to driving the English out of South Africa en
tirely. Mr. Drage, M. P., at Derby, Deceraber 7, 1899, said:
I charge conspiracy among the Dutch to overthrow English rule In
South Africa. The armaments which have been accumulated for many
years past, even before the Jameson raid, and the efficient drill and
equipment of the Boers, alone showed what their ambitions have been.
The Boers have for nearly eighteen years been accumulating artil
lery, rifles, melinite, German and Hollander officers with which to oust
England from South Africa.
This statement is untrue, but it illustrates the English
method of falsehood to justify crime.

646 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
In 1895, just before the Jameson raid, CecU Rhodes sent
Major White to Pretoria to see what arms Kmger had, in
order to judge what force to send to make the raid successful.
White's diary was afterwards found with a meraorandum
of the guns he found at Pretoria.
I. One-half dozen very old pieces of ordnance.
2. One bronze gun of the date of the Second Empire.
3. A broken Maxim Nordenfelt.
4. A small muzzle-loader in bad condition.
Three Maxims and six other guns.
He says:
None of the guns I saw were fit for much work.
Captain Young visited Pretoria for the Times early In
1896, just after the Jaraeson raid, and he reports:
Orders for batteries of field guns, quick-firing guns, and Maxims,
and for sufficient rifles to arm every Dutchman in South Africa were
being sent to Europe ; European drill Inspectors were being Imported and
forts were being constructed around Pretoria on the most improved
designs. One attempt had been made to take their country from them;
they were thoroughly convinced that the attempt would be renewed at
some future date, so the Boers were determined to be thoroughly on
their guard the second time.
For 1892 the raUitary expenditures of the Transvaal were
$150,000, and for 1893 they were less than $100,000. In
1894 they were less than $150,000. In 1895, the year of the
raid — and there were ruraors of the raid for weeks before It
occurred — the railitary expenditures were $435,000, and In
1896 the expenditures were $2,500,000.
The St. James Gazette of the 29th of August, 1899, says
that In September, 1895, President Kruger asked wby the
Chartered Company was buying hundreds of horses for pres
entation to the new Volunteer Rhodesian Horse.
The truth Is that the Boers armed only for defense, and
after the Jameson raid, and they have continued to arm ever
since. They had good reason to prepare for protection, for
they saw Chamberlain was still foreign secretary and had

APPENDIX III 647
whitewashed Cecil Rhodes in ParUament, and England treated
Jaraeson and his raiders as the heroes of the Erapire.
Proof Is abundant that English spies have been engaged in
mapping all the roads, rivers, and defenses in both the Trans
vaal and the Orange Free State for the past two years. In
1899 England deterrained to raake another effort to secure the
gold mines, for their richness had been further demonstrated
by the production of over $80,000,000 In one year.
To accomplish this covetous design excuses raust be pro
duced for a quarrel. The English papers began to publish
daily editorials rehearsing alleged wrongs perpetrated upon
her subjects In the Transvaal. It was said they were taxed
without representation, and a deraand was raade that the tirae
required by the Dutch law to acquire the right to vote for
merabers of both houses should be reduced to five years.
These assertions were forraulated by Charaberlain, the
rainister for the colonies, and presented by the British repre
sentative at Pretoria, ahd then the British Governraent, for
the first time In Its history, presented the curious spectacle of
one government endeavoring to corapel another governraent
to raake It easy for her English citizens to renounce their al
legiance to the Queen.
After negotiations had continued for several raonths, the
governraent of the Transvaal surrendered to all the deraands
of the English, and sent the following communication to Mr.
Chamberlain, through the English representative at Pretoria,
who said there was no doubt it would be accepted :
Department of Foreign Affairs, Government Office,
Pretoria, August ig, i8gg.
Sir : With reference to your request for a joint inquiry, contained in
your dispatches of August 2 and 3, the Government of the South Afri
can Republic bave the honor to suggest the alternative proposal for the
consideration of Her Majesty's Government, which this Govemment
trusts may lead to final settlement.
I. The Government are willing to recommend to the Volksraad and
the people a five years' retrospective franchise, as proposed by his
excellency the high commissioner at Bloerafontein on June i, 1899.
2. The Government are further willing to recommend to the Volks
raad that 8 new seats in the First Volksraad and, if necessary, also in

648 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the Second Volksraad be given to the population of the Witwatersrand,
thus, with the 2 sitting members of the gold fields, giving to the popu
lation thereof 10 representatives in a Raad of 36, and In the future the
representation of the gold fields of this Republic shall not fall below
the proportion of one-fourth of the total.
3. The new burghers shall, equally with the old burghers, be en
titled to vote at the election for State President and commandant-
general. 4. The Government will always be prepared to take into consider
ation such friendly suggestions regarding the details of the franchise
law as Her Majesty's Govemment, through the British agent, may wish
to convey to it.
5. In putting forward the above proposals the Govemment of the
South African Republic assumes:
{a) That Her British Majesty's Government will agree that the
present Intervention shall not form a precedent for future similar action,
and that In the future no Interference In the internal affairs of the Re
public will take place.
{b) That Her Majesty's Government will not further insist on the
assertion of the suzerainty, the controversy on this subject being allowed
tacitly to drop.
(c) That arbitration (from which foreign eleraent other than
Orange Free State Is to be excluded) will be conceded as soon as the
franchise scheme has become law.
The Government tmsts that Her Majesty's Govemment will
clearly understand that in the opinion of this Govemment the existing
franchise law of this Republic Is both fair and liberal to the new popu
lation, and that the consideration which Induces them to go further, as
they do In the above proposals, is their strong desire to get the contro
versies between the two Governments settled; and, further, to put an
end to the present strained relations between the two Govemmnts and
the incalculable harm and loss it has already occasioned In South Africa,
and to prevent a racial war, frora the effects of which South Africa may
not recover for many generations, perhaps never at all.

Mr. Chamberlain rejected the reasonable proposals, and,
instead of coming to a fair understanding, he Increased his
deraands. The Boers were disheartened and grieved. Con
sequently the South African RepubUc withdrew its proposals
and asked Her Majesty's Governraent to stand by the original
ones. Mr. Charaberlain repUed by breaking off negotiations In
the forra of an ultlraatura, saying:

APPENDIX III 649
The Imperial Government are now compelled to consider the situ
ation afresh and formulate proposals for a final settlement of the issues
which have been created in South Africa by the policy constantly fol
lowed for many years by the Government of the South African Republic
(the Transvaal).
They will communicate the result of their deliberation In a later
dispatch. It was then September 22. The proraised proposals were
not forthcoraing. The efforts of Mr. Green, the consular
agent in Pretoria, were Invain. In the raeantlrae and previous
to these negotiations war preparations were going on, and a
cry for war was heard In the English Parliaraent. To gain
time was the scherae for the present until the British Govern
ment had a sufficient army landed, so as to dictate terras. The
Boers waited until October, and then sent an ultlraatura de
raanding that no raore troops be sent to Africa pending ne
gotiations and offering to arbitrate.
Mr. Charaberlain now replied that the Dutch were not an
independent nation and that they were In revolt against their
sovereign, the Queen of England. This was a position Mr.
Charaberlain could not sustain, for after the Jaraeson raid,
when he was criticized In Parliaraent, on May 20, 1896, he
raade the following stateraent :
In some quarters the idea is put forward that the Government ought
to have Issued an ultimatum, which would have certainly been rejected
and which must have led to war. Sir, I do not propose to discuss such
a contingency as that. A war In South Africa would be one of the most
serious wars that could possibly be waged. It would be In the nature
of a civil war. It would be a long war, a bitter war, and a costly
vi'ar. It would leave behind it the embers of a strife, which I believe
generations would hardly be long enough to extinguish. To go to war
with President Kruger In order to force upon him reforms In the
Internal affairs of bis State, In which secretaries of state, standing In this
place, have repudiated all right of Interference — that would be a course
of action as immoral as it would have been unwise.
That declaration bears great siraUarity to the talk of our
President when he announced that forcible annexation would
be crirainal aggression.
It is very appropriate that, as we should be trying to de-

650 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
stroy a republic In partnership with England, the President's
own words and Charaberlain's own words are suflicient to ex
pose the duplicity of both.
In February, 1896, In a speech, Mr. Chamberlain made the
following stateraent :
The answer which has hitherto been given, not on the part of the
Transvaal, but on the part of some of its friends, was that to grant this
request was to commit suicide. Inasmuch as the moment the majority
got the franchise the first use they would make of it would be to turn
out the existing Government of the Transvaal and substitute a govern
ment of their own liking. [Hear! Hear! and laughter.] I confess I
thought there was some reason In that objection. It is difficult to at
tempt to persuade any one so capable as President Kruger that it would
be desirable that he should proceed to his own extinction, and accord
ingly I brought before him an alternative suggestion, which, at all
events, would relieve hira frora that difficulty. The question is whether
President Kruger will consider that that proposal will endanger the
security of the Transvaal Government. If he does, he will be perfectly
justified in rejecting it.
Jaraes Bryce, M. P., In the North Araerican Review, De
cember, 1899, says:
Under the convention of 1884, which fixed the relations of Britain
and the South African Republic, the latter had the most complete con
trol of its intemal affairs, and Britain possessed no more general right
pf interfering with those affairs than with the affairs of Belgium or
Portugal. The suzerainty which has been claimed for her. If it existed
(for Its existence under the convention of 1884 is disputed), related
solely to the power of making treaties and did not touch any domestic
matter. That which caused the war was the discussion of another matter
altogether, which was admittedly not a grievance for the redress of
which Britain had any right to interfere, and which therefore could not
possibly araount to a casus belli. This matter was the length of time
which should elapse before the new immigrants into the Transvaal
could be admitted to citizenship, a matter entirely within the control
of the Transvaal legislature.
It is the story of the diamond raines over again, with this
exception: The Transvaal after the Jaraeson raid began to
buy arras, and has becorae an arsenal of modern war equip
raent. Paul Kruger announced to the nations of the earth

APPENDIX III 651
that, if they raust surrender their liberties, England would
pay a price in huraan Ufe that would stagger huraanity.
But was there oppression In the Dutch Republic, of the
Uitlanders or rainers, as they are called?
Thael says, on page 350 In his work on South Africa:
The great majority of the people engaged In the raining Industry
are English speaking, while the farming population is Dutch. The in
tercourse between them is, upon the whole, friendly, and each section
certainly exercises considerable Influence upon the other. In the legis
lature, however, the English-speaking section is almost powerless, and
taxation is arranged so as to fall lightly upon agriculture. In other
respects no one has anything to complain of.
Andrew Carnegie, In the North Araerican Review for De
ceraber, 1899, says:
In the Transvaal there was scarcely any people but the Dutch until
the discovery of the raines, which have attracted foreigners from all
nations, until to-day, by counting all foreigners as British, there may be
a small majority against the Dutch ; but these are not all British. Some
estiraate that there are not more than 6,000 British among the miners.
Those of all other nationalities do not side with the British as against
the Dutch. The vast majority of these, as well as of the British, are
opposed to the present attack upon the Transvaal. Of this there can
be no doubt. The people are working the mines, receiving enormous
wages and only wish to be let alone. They do not wish to become
burghers in order to vote; especially is this true of the British. I have
peculiar means of knowing this. Several of the tenants upon my Sklbo
estates have sons or brothers in the mines, and I have from time to
time been informed of the letters which they write home. There Is one
now in charge of an Important mine whose letters are most significant.
He stated to his father in one of these what I have already said, and
that the Britons liked the Boers and did not wish to becorae burghers.
They were there as Britons to make money and finally to return to
their homes. They wanted no franchise. He stated that the petition
to Her Majesty praying her to interfere was not generally signed by the
Britons, and that many of the foreigners signed the petition believing
it had reference to some dreaded temperance Igislation In which they
were deeply concerned.
H. A. Rose, formerly superintendent of the Homestake
mine, in South Dakota, now engaged in mining In the Trans
vaal, writes a friend at Deadwood that the sympathies of

652 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
raost American rainers there are with the Boers, and that raany
of thera will fight in the ranks of the Dutch array. The rainers
are of the opinion that if the British conquer and get pos
session of the gold raines, which are the ricbest In the world,
the rainers' wages will at once be reduced.
Williara Adan, who left Sioux Falls, which is my home,
some years ago for South Africa, writes that he left Johan
nesburg just three days before hostiUties between England and
the Boers commenced. He says that the war was uncalled for
and that the so-called Injustice of the Boer laws was greatly
exaggerated by the British press. The Boers, he says, are a
very teraperate class of people, and the foreigner who be
haved hiraself and acted like a raan was respected by them
and had no more trouble than in any other civilized coramunity
in the world.
Froude thus describes the Boers In his book Oceana, on
page 42 :
The Boer, as we call him, is a slow, good-humored person, not given
to politics, occupied much with his religion and his private affairs.
The Boers of South Africa, of all human beings now on this planet,
correspond nearest to Horace's description of the Roman peasant sol
diers who defeated Pyrrhus and Hannibal. There alone you will find
obedience to parents as strict as among the ancient Sablnes, the severa
mater whose sons fetch and carry at her bidding, who, when those
sons go to fight for their country, will hand their rifles to them and
bid them retum with their arms in their hands or else not retum at
all. They arrange their disputes with the natives with little fighting.
In the Transvaal a million natives live peaceably in the midst of
them, working with them and for them. There has been no uprising
of the blacks against whites In the Transvaal.
I have presented this evidence to show who the Boers are.
Now, who are the Uitlanders? They all, or nearly all, live In
Johannesburg, which is a city of 108,000 people, 28,000
women and 80,000 raen. The whites nuraber 60,000 and the
blacks 43,000. There are 5,000 Chinese. Very few white
woraen Uve In Johannesburg, and nearly all who are there are
harlots. Chamberlain and the English Government pretend
to the world that Great Britain was forced to go to war against

APPENDIX III 653
the Boers to redress the wrongs of these unmarried raen who
are living there without family ties or social restraints, Intend
ing to reraain only long enough to make their fortunes and
then depart. These foreigners were not asking for the fran
chise, and now this young RepubUc is to be destroyed by Eng
land's mighty array because Paul Kruger would nof turn his
governraent over to this band of adventurers, to these men
without families and the consorts of harlots.
Mr. President, It was not the alleged wrongs of the Uit
landers that caused the war. We must look for another rea
son. Any person famiUar with English history for the past
century will experience no trouble in reaching the cause.
I find the following In Reynolds's Newspaper, London :
I. The taxes In the Transvaal are levied on the rich and not on
the poor. The Uitlander worker who earns from £5 to £10 a week Is
only taxed to the extent of 1 8s. per annum.
2. Wages at the Kimberley mines, under Rhodes & Co. and the
British Government, are less by one-half than those of tbe Transvaal
mines. The Johannesburg capitalists have declared In print that so soon
as Britain has annexed the Transvaal wages will be lowered by 40
per cent.
3. In the Transvaal Sunday labor is prohibited, and the authori
ties fine any employer who permits It.
In Kimberley, under the British flag, the mines are kept going seven
days a week.
4. In the Transvaal the working day for both black and white
men is eight hours by law.
At Kimberley black men are worked for twelve hours a day.
5. In Kimberley what is called the "compound" system is in force
for colored men. This Is slavery by another name. The Government
of the Transvaal Republic will not allow the system to be introduced
into the Transvaal.
6. At the meeting of the South African Chartered Company the
other day, Earl Grey said that our — the British — Government would
support the company In the introduction of native (black) and Asiatic
(yellow) "labor" because of its "cheapness" as compared with white or
British "labor."
The real raotive for the war against the Boers Is founded
in EngUsh greed, in EngUsh cupidity, and in EngUsh dishonor.

654 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Labouchere, M. P., In his paper, the London Truth, of
January i8, 1899, says:
The real fact, as every day is becoming more clear, is that Mr.
Rhodes wished to reacquire power in the Cape In order to sell his
chartered company to us with the aid and approval of the Cape Colony,
and that the mine owners in the Transvaal wanted to convert its gov
ernment into an organization to crimp blacks and to force them to wofk
In the mines. Admitting that we had cause to complain of the treat
ment by the Transvaal of our citizens in not allowing them to make
a sufficient number of blacks work for them, we ought to have con
sented to arbitration, as suggested by President Kruger. The only rea
son we did not was that any independent investigation would have
blown to the winds the fabrications of the South African League and
of the Transvaal mine owners which were circulated by Mr. Chamber
lain in order to arouse the passions of Englishmen at home to war point.
Mr. Frederic Harrison, one of the foremost men of England, has
to say about this question of the franchise In the Transvaal. In an
open letter to Lord Salisbury, the premier of Great Britain, published
in the London Chronicle August, 1899, Mr. Harrison said:
"Measured by the compromises with foreign nations which you may
justljr claim to have brought to a successful issue, the concessions al
ready accepted by the Republic are Indeed decisive. From nine years to
seven years, from seven to five years, from one demand of the outlanders
to another, the Boers have given way. They have already conceded the
whole of the original deraand made upon them and have even added
more. And at every fresh concession Sir Alfred Milner is Instructed
to make further demands, until throughout the Transvaal, and we
may well add at home, the impression prevails that It Is not concession
of clairas which Is sought from the Republic, but submission, humilia
tion, and loss of independence. Is this how negotiations have been car
ried on, when you, ray lord, as head of the foreign office have dealt with
Russia, Turkey, France, or the United States? This Is not negotiation.
It is war, war of naked aggression, war wherein the Boers will not yield
without a desperate struggle and after bloody combats, a war which
can not be closed by a few victories nor the traces of it wiped out by
a few promises or proclamations, a war wherein many true and patri
otic Englishmen devoutly trust that the Boers may not be ultimately
crushed." Mr. J. A. Hobson, in the London Speaker, asked "What
are we fighting for?" And he then asserted that the raine
owners In the Transvaal desired to overthrow the Republic so
they could enact the sarae slave-labor laws in force at Kiraber-

APPENDIX III 655
ley; so that they could repeal the eight-hour law and corapel
the black laborers, at least, to work twelve hours a day; so
that they could repeal the Sunday laws and run the raines seven
days each week, as they do at Kiraberley. Mr. Hobson says :
The attitude of the mining Industry toward the Transvaal Govern
ment in respect of the labor question is Instructive. Witnesses before
the Industrial commission at Johannesburg were unanimous in main
taining that it was the duty of the Government to procure a steady and
suflicient supply of Kaffirs for the mines. The Government was called
upon to accredit and assist agents of the mining industry to obtain na
tive labor, to pay premiums to Kaffir chiefs, to furnish extra pay to the
native commissioners for the same object, and to convey this labor
"under supervision" to the mines, erecting "compounds" along the road,
reducing railroad fares to one-third of the existing rate, and In a dozen
other ways spending further money In serving the private interests of
the mines. Why politics and economics are so closely connected that
the public purse should be used to keep down the wages bill of the mines
is not intelligible to English people. But it Is perfectly clear that under
a "reformed" government the mine owners will take every care to press
these claims.
The testiraony of Mr. Albu before the industrial commission at
Johannesburg throws a great deal of light upon this feature 6f the case:
"The native at the present time receives a wage which is far in
excess of the exigencies of his existence. The native earns between 50
shillings and 60 shillings per month, and then he pays nothing for food
or lodging. In fact, he can save nearly all that he receives. If the
native can save £20 a year, It is almost sufficient for him to go home
and live on the fat of bis land. In five or six years' time the native
population will have saved enough money to make it unnecessary for
them to work any more. The consequences of this will be most disas
trous for the industry and the State. This question applies to any class
of labor and in any country, whether it be In Africa, Europe, or
America. I think if the native gets enough to save £5 a year, the sum
Is quite enough for his requirements and will prevent natives from
becoming rich In a short space of time.
"You say the native does not require luxuries, and if he has worked
for a year he has saved enough to go back to his kraal and remain idle?
"Yes."Can you suggest any remedy for this?
"The only remedy which I can suggest is that we pay the native
a wage which, while enabling him to save money, will hinder him from
becoming exceptionally rich.
"Is It in the control of the mining Industry to regulate the wages of
Kaffirs?

656 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
"To a great extent — that is. If the Govemment assists us in bringing
labor to this market."
Here, Mr. President, Is the gist of the whole controversy.
If the English Government conquer the Transvaal, they will
take those people, as they did at Kiraberley, to assist In bring
ing labor to the raarket. In fact, to-day there are four English
colonies where the contract-labor system is in force — Jamaica,
British Guiana, Mauritius, and Trinidad. There a systera of
slave labor exists enforced by the British Governraent, the
laborers being imported under contract and driven to toil by
their slave masters, punished If they are Idle, fined, and cora
pelled to have the hours which they shall toil regulated by the
labor contractor; and an EngUsh writer announces to-day
that this Is the proper systera for labor in the Tropics; that no
matter what country holds colonies In the Tropics, the labor
system adopted by the English at Kimberley, In British Guiana,
In Jaraaica, and In Trinidad is the system for the best interests
of the laborer and of the employer.
Mr. Hobson says:
If this war can be successfully accomplished and a settlement satis
factory to the mine owners can be reached, tbe first fruits of victory
will be represented in a large, cheap, submissive supply of black and
white labor, attended by such other economies of cost as will add mil
lions per annum to the profits of the mines.
The blood and the money of the people of Great Britain
are being spent for this purpose. No other definite, tangible
result of the conflict can be shown. The men who, owning the
South African press and Its poUtical organizations, engineered
the agitation which has issued In this war are the same raen
whose pockets will swell with this increase. Open-eyed and
persistent, they have pursued their, course, plunging South
Africa into a teraporary ruin In order that they may emerge
victorious, a sraall confederacy of International raine owners
and speculators, holding the treasures of South Africa In the
hollow of their hands.
Any person who will exaraine this disgraceful chapter of
English history will find that the raore closely it is looked into,

APPENDIX III 657
the more shocking it becomes, and he will be led to raarvel
that the world looks on while the Infaray is being accorapUshed.
The arguraent employed to silence the consciences of the
small number of EngUsh people who are possessed of that
moral faculty is that they propose to confer the blessings of
English mle upon these people.
Is English rule such a blessing?
In India to-day 75,000,000 of enforced British subjects are
starving, and Moreton Frewen, a prominent English writer,
with an estate in Ireland, says the chief cause of this condition
was the closing of the India mints to silver coinage, thus de
stroying the value of the savings of these people, which were
In silver ornaraents and bullion. We raay add to this cause the
vast suras taken annually frora India by taxation to support a
foreign array and a great foreign pension list.
Before English occupation a native farraer could not be
deprived of his title to his land. No raatter how deeply he
might become Involved In debt, the title to his home was
sacred and could not be taken away. England changed the
law and aUowed the title to pass by foreclosure or by judgment
for debt, and the. result has been the same as it has been In
every other place where similar practices exist — the usurers
are acquiring vast estates, the Independent land owners are
becoming tenants and hence slaves, forced to take what is left
of the product of their toil after their landlords are satisfied.
These causes, all the result of English rule, have produced
starvation In India every year, and In bad years, like the pres
ent, people die by millions. What Is given In corapensation
for this horrid condition? The people of India have not
adopted anything that Is EngUsh. They are not Christians.
They can not speak the language of their conquerors. In fact,
England has never tried to Christianize thera or teach thera
the English language. England's only Incentive to the ira
proveraent of the Indian has been, how rauch raoney can our
favored classes raake out of India by exploiting the country
for franchises and by taxation?
Mr. Mason : I would not intermpt the Senator but for
the fact that he is just leaving the question as to the cause of

658 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
the faraine in India ; and I wish to ask him, Is It not also true
that one of the principal causes of that faraine Is that the
cereals of India which the natives raise are exported and taken
away to England — ^that the very food they theraselves raise
is taken away frora thera?
Mr. Pettigrew: Oh, yes, Mr. President. I say that,
added to the fact that silver has been deraonetlzed In India,
coraes the shipping away of vast suras to feed the British array
and an enorraous civil pension list. The food supply of India
to the amount of $150,000,000 a year Is shipped away and
sold for the purpose of paying a vast array of pensioners in
England who have been engaged In the Indian service — either
the civil or the railitary service. The balance of trade Is In
favor of India $150,000,000 each year, but no money goes
to India to square the account. It Is squared by the pretended
philanthropic services of the English civil service and the
English army, who are there siraply to advance the interests
of EngUsh capital.
Mr. Mason: There are more people starving in India
than the English are losing in the South African war.
Mr. Pettigrew: There are fifty-odd million people In
India to-day who are starving. In fact, 80 out of every 100 of
the people of India never have enough to eat. Some few of
the people have plenty of food, and 4 out of each hundred
Uve In luxury. That is the effect of caste In India, and we are
approaching the sarae condition of things In this country. It
has been accoraplished In India by ages of progression, but is
being accomplished In this country by a few years of a dif
ferent system.
Mr. President, the coal miner In Ohio In 1898 received
$192 for his yearly wage; and, with a family of five, that
would leave $39 per capita to furnish a horae, education,
food, and ralraent for an Araerican citizen and his faraily.
Last year^the coal rainer In Ohio received $241 for his yearly
wage: which was about $48 per capita to feed, to clothe, to
educate, and to house his faraily. Whether they had enough
to eat or not I have not investigated. I presurae they would

APPENDIX III 659
have been glad to have had raore and better food than they
could buy with such a wage. Further than that, the wages
of the Ohio coal rainer were less last year and the year before
than were the wages of rainers In Austria.
I have previously described Johannesburg, In the Trans
vaal. It Is a typical English foreign settleraent.
There are two other EngUsh colonies to which I will call
your attention — Singapore and Hongkong. The latter Is a
city of 222,000 people (1891 census). The white population
is 8)553, of whora 6,468 are raales and 2,085 are feraales.
The Asiatics nuraber 151,100 males and 61,800 females.
There are therefore 3 white males to i feraale, and alraost
three colored raales to each feraale. Even the Asiatics recog
nize the character of the settleraent.
In Singapore there are 184,500 people, 4,312 of whom are
white males and 942 white females. There are 135,000 Asi
atic males and 40,500 Asiatic females. The white raales out-
nuraber the white feraales raore than 4 to i, and the Asiatic
raales outnumber the Asiatic feraales raore than 3J4 to i. In
both of the typical English colonies even the Asiatics will not
live with their farailies because of the vile character of the
settlements. These colonies are little better than brothels,
and these Englishmen are there only for purposes of trade.
Their golden mle is to keep all they get and get all they can,
as the first and the last and the whole duty of man, and the
thought of benefiting the people over whora they mle never
enters Into their calculations.
The person would be simple Indeed who believed these
soulless adventurers were there to teach or practice the golden
mle. Yet KipUng says they are there to "bear the white man's
burden." At Singapore benevolent assimilation has done its
work and has left its Irapress upon the raorals of the people.
The Statesraan's Year-Book says that In Singapore there
are 3,600 Eurasians. I looked to see what a Eurasian was
and I found It was a person born of a European father and an
Asiatic mother, and through further Investigation I learned
that not one in twenty was born in lawful wedlock.

66o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
The English army and the English police protect property
and trade In these colonies, and that Is the only boast England
can lay claim to wherever her Infaraous heel has poisoned the
earth. ,
England raust rise or fall in her boast of power to govern
others and confer the benefits of a Christian civiUzation upon
thera by the success or failure of her effort In India; by the
success or failure of her effort In Singapore ; by the success or
failure of her effort In Hongkong, In Jaraaica, in Trinidad, In
fact, wherever she has planted her flag; and I defy any person
to find a colony under English rule, not coraposed of English
raen, where they have not been raiserably cursed by her pres
ence. Nothing that Is good, nothing that Is beneficial, nothing
that Is of advantage to those people has been conferred by
England's presence, until to-day she Is hated wherever she Is,
and it would be a blessing to raankind If she were driven frora
those countries.
Mr. President, there are raany noble Englishraen — Mat
thew Arnold, John Stuart Mill, John Morley, Jaraes Bryce are
exaraples which would honor any land or any race; but these
raen have no Influence and exercise no force In shaping the
political and industrial elements that control the English Gov
ernment. The governing classes of England are governed by
but one motive — greed — and to satisfy greed they engage in
plunder. They have no higher aim than that which rules the
highwayman. They hate and despise all other nations and all
other races of men. If they bestow the flattery of friendship"
upon any nation or any raan. It is to enable thera to use the
Intended victira of their mercenary attentions. They scheme
to reap an advantage by a pretense of friendship. That Is the"
pretense they are trying to play upon the people of the United
States to-day, and I am sorry that they have found a foothold
with a so-called American Adrainistration.
Through all tirae, with what brutal contempt they have
looked down upon and despised the Irish people. Just now
they find It to their advantage to extol Irish bravery. You
may travel around the world and raake It a point to associate

APPENDIX III 66 1
with the English residents and travelers In every country, and
you will find that, which I have found,, to be the fact.
In this connection I quote from a letter written by a gradu
ate of Harvard College, who has been In almost every country
upon the globe. He says:
I was brought up In an atmosphere of great admiration for
England —
If he was brought up In Massachusetts, that is pretty hard
on Massachusetts —
and I was an ardent admirer of Great Britain, but after I bave traveled
In almost every country of Europe and Asia, and met the Briton at home
and abroad, I came to know that in Germany the British spent their
tirae cursing tbe Germans. In France they cursed the French. In
their own colonies they curse the natives. In Japan they loathe and
despise the Japanese. In China no words are too strong to express the
British contempt for the average Chinaman. In India they kick and
cuff and swear at the natives of India. By mere contact with the
British race I have got so I can scarcely speak of them without Intense
prejudice. I believe that the average Briton, unless you entirely sympa
thize with him in his prejudices, is the most prejudiced and meanest
man In the world. He will have nothing to do with you unless you
swing ih line with his prejudices.
He must be exceedingly gratified with the present condition
of this country, for the EngUshraan writes our treaties; and
when we araend thera, they are subraitted to hira to ascertain
whether or not he Is wilUng to accept the araendraent previous
to our action. I will quote further frora this letter of ray
friend: As for the boasted freedom of the English courts, from actual ex
perience I think It is all humbug. The British courts are settled in
injuctice. I had rather be tried by a German or even a Russian court
than by an English court. I saw a woman tried in an English court
in one of the countries of Asia, and it was utterly shocking to me to
see what that woman had to endure. She was charged with having
given poison to her husband. I believe her to be innocent to-day, yet
the whole community had not a single Englishman who did not vent
his British prejudice against this poor woman.
She was sentenced to deatb, but the sentence was commuted to life
Imprisonment, and there It will end. I don't believe that the British

662 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Government, In its most generous mood, ever mitigated a sentence be
yond life Imprisonment when It concerned a woman. I should judge
that there was solid satisfaction in the whole of England whenever a
woraan was condemned by the court. Of course the ultimate quality of
an Englishman Is hypocrisy. Wherever he goes he criticizes from his
peculiarly hypocritical point of view. If he goes to a French colony,
he has unlimited sympathy for the natives who are crushed by the
French Government. But if he goes to an English colony, he loathes
and despises the natives. I have read in a nuraber of books where
Englishmen have traveled in the colonies of foreign nations. Never
once have I seen the slightest evidence of fair judgment toward the
governing power. It Is only the English who understand liberty, and
yet they are the most utterly illiberal people toward others in their
mode of government on the face of the earth. God help those who are
under British rule !
The English Governraent Is organized to proraote the get
ting of property, no raatter who produced the property, and
to the protection of that property after It has passed into
English hands.
This force moves England's navies and sends her armies
Into distant lands to raurder and to rob the weaker nation of
its share of the earth.
The rights of raan have no place in England's raoral or
legal lexicon. This is tme to such an extent that even In Eng
land her courts punish for offenses against property ten tiraes
more severely than for offenses against the person. For years
London Truth has published in parallel colurans the punish
raents adrainistered for petty thefts and trespass and for bru
tal assaults. In order to try and correct' this abuse, but to no
purpose, for English thought has been directed so long to the
idea that property Is sacred above all things and that the
things raan produces are more important than the man, that
only a revolution in English sentiraent can work the needed
change ; and that revolution can and will corae only when the
English Erapire is dismembered and destroyed, and from its
erabers shall arise the new EngUshraan, beheving in the rights
of his fellow-raen in place of the long-existing belief that no
people have rights an EngUshraan Is bound to respect.
During the reign of Victoria England has evicted from
their horaes in Ireland 3,668,000 Irlshraen, and 4,185,000

APPENDIX III 663
Irishmen have left Ireland and gone to seek homes elsewhere,
while during this reign over 1,200,000 people have died of
starvation in Ireland. Yet In the raidst of the rapst acute fara
ine experiences vast quantities of food produced In Ireland
were shipped to England to appease the appetites of English
landlords, while the raen, woraen, and children whose labor
produced the food In Ireland died of starvation for the want
of what their toil had earned, and the sarae thing is seen every
year in India and Is Intensified to-day. Irish evictions were
always raade In the Queen's narae. Gladstone said in Parlia
raent : "We are particeps criralnls. We with power in our
hands look on." Taxation In Ireland to-day is very much
higher than It Is In England. Moreton Frewen, who Is an
English landlord with an estate In Ireland, Is my authority for
this stateraent.
Mr. President, I hope the day will corae, and I hope the
Transvaal war will furnish the opportunity, when Ireland will
rise in her might and drive every English soldier Into the sea
and every English landlord from her soil. That island belongs
to the people who till It. Confiscation of the rights of the non
resident landlord would b^ eminently justifiable in their case.
But how fares It with India? In the reign of the present
monarch over 12,000,000 people have perished from starva
tion, and this year, the worst of all, that nuraber is likely to
be exceeded, as efforts for relief are alraost suspended while
the English nation spends Its raoney and sheds the blood of its
people In an effort to steal the Transvaal gold raines, so that
her overrlch raay reap greater profit and eraploy slave labor
to work the raines. But the opiura trade flourishes and is
profitable, for that Is a governraent raonopoly In India, and
over the factories the English flag floats, and upon every pack
age of the deadly drug is the stamp of Victoria and her coat
of arms. During the reign of Victoria, England has been engaged
in forty wars, and In every one she was the aggressor. These
have been wars of conquest and of plunder. During all this
bloody and terrible reign the sun has arisen each morning to
be greeted in Its course around the world by the shrieks of her

664 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
victiras and the sound of English guns eraployed to raurder
those who resisted her oppression and gave up their lives in
the vain effort to stay the course of English greed.
But the reflex influences of this half century of wrong to
others have worked the ruin of the English race at horae.
One-tenth of her people ace paupers ; 66 per cent are without
property and do not own the shelter over their heads or one
foot of the earth on which they live.
Her yeoraanry of the last century have disappeared for
ever. The lands they tilled are In pastures and In parks.
For the first tirae in history the English troops were beaten
in and turned back by the people of central Asia In 1897.
Soldiers are not bred In the slums of cities; they are not
recruited frora the faraiUes of paupers; and if It were not for
the contingent furnished by Ireland and Scotland and the re
cruits frora the farras of Canada and AustraUa, the EngUsh
arraies In South Africa would long ago have been driven Into
the sea. The English soldier frora England will no longer
fight. Four hundred and fifty Boers attacked Spion Kop and
killed and wounded 2,000 and drove those who were left to
their defenses. The sarae story, wherever England has raet
white men for years, has been told. Fighting naked savages
has becorae her business, the only business at which she is suc
cessful; and yet this work Is the white raan's burden, which we
are asked to help bear.
England carries on these wars against the poorly arraed
people of Asia and Africa with the raost cruel and savage bar
barity. First the foe, often arraed with old rauzzle-loading
rifles or spears, crowded together, without artillery, are raowed
down by rapid-fire guns, and the survivors are demoralized.
Then English raounted lancers charge the fleeing raass, over
taking individuals here and there and running them through
the backs with their lances, keeping count of their victims and
boasting of the number slain. Those left upon the field who
are wounded are then murdered in cold blood. In the Soudan,
in 1898, Kitchener fired upon crowds of women and children
and killed hundreds at Oradurraan.
Why is the lance longer used in raodern warfare? Why

APPENDIX III 665
are English horseraen arraed with lances, the reraotest relic
of barbarisra In connection with war? It is siraply for the fun
of what they called, when the war opened with the Boers, "pig
sticking." Is it not time that the civilized nations of the world
rose and stayed the course of this nation which carries the
black flag and Is engaged In the murder of our fellow-men
throughout the world?
Here is a picture of the Soudan Campaign of 1896, fronj
Winston ChurchiU, In the London Post, Septeraber 29, 1898:
We had not gone far when individual dervishes began to walk
toward the advancing squadrons, throwing down their weapons, hold
ing up their hands, and Imploring mercy. The laws of war do not
admit the right of a beaten enemy to quarter.
The victor is not obUged to accept surrender. This is the
new English doctrine of war. Churchill does not say what was
done, but there Is no doubt these supplicants for mercy were
murdered on the spot.
Mr. E. N. Bennett, In the January Contemporary Review,
related what he saw In the Soudan carapaign :
All the wounded were killed and tben robbed.
This slaughter of the wounded was not confined to Arab servants.
It was stated that orders were given to kill the wounded. Certain It
is no protest was made when scores of wounded were dispatched. The
dervishes, who were stretched on the sands within a few yards, were
bayoneted. Arabs, who lay further out In the desert from the line
of march and happened to move or turn over in their agony, were in
stantly pierced with bullets. On some occasions shots were fired Into
the bodies of wounded men at such close quarters that the smell of
burning flesh was sickening.
After the battle of Omdurman, dervishes, who lay with shattered
legs or arms, absolutely without weapons, were bayoneted and shot
without mercy. Our own British soldiers took part in it. On the west
slopes of Surgham I noticed a fine old Dervish, with a gray beard, who
was disabled by a wound In his leg. About 8 yards from him was his
son, a boy of 17, whose leg had also been lacerated by a bullet. Both
were without arms, yet an Englishman stepped out of the ranks and
drove his bayonet through the old man's chest. The old man begged in
vain for raercy and clutched the soldier's bayonet, reddening his bands
in bis own blood in a vain attempt to prevent a second thrust. No

666 THE COURSE Oi- EMPIRE
effort was made by officers or men to prevent the m\irder, and the
report was that General Kitchener had given orders to kill all wounded.
This Is from an English correspondent, who relates what
he saw with his own eyes :
No attempt was made for two days to do anything for the wounded
dervishes. Except to murder and rob thera.
General Kitchener retumed frora these terrible scenes
with the blood of thousands of murdered men, women, and
children on his hands, and urged Christian England to forget
his barbarity and subscribe a fund to build a college at Khar-
toura to teach Christianity and English civilization. I can ira
agine the children, whose fathers and raothers had been thus
barbarously raurdered, flocking In nurabers to become students
of a civilization and a religion that had deprived them of their
parents — and the justification for all this was that their pur
pose was to benefit and bless raankind.
Hear the canting Salisbury, at a dinner of the Constitu
tional Club, London, December i6, 1898. Referring to the
Soudan compaign, he said:
The Empire is advancing and must advance. The great strength
you have must be used unfalteringly, unsparingly, but still prudently,
for the advancement of the interests of the Empire and for the benefit
of mankind. That we have used the force intrusted to us not violently,
not sentimentally, but with calm and courageous calculation for the
advancement of the interests of the Empire and the benefits of the
civilization of raankind.
The cargo of an English ship starting to the Tropics on a
raission of civilization and Christian raercy is raade up of an
assortraent of raerchandise, araong which raay be found rura
and opiura, with the Queen's starap upon thera. There are
Bibles, English harlots, and the missionary to go before and
open the way for the introduction of the rest o'f the cargo, until
a colony is built up like Singapore and Hongkong. No won
der, with these experiences fresh In their minds, that the Asi
atics do not erabrace Christianity.

APPENDIX III 667
Our imperlaUstIc friends and the President favor taking
tropical colonies and holding thera, after the English raodel,
on the plea of duty to mankind, and the President employs
fine passages of hypocritical cant borrowed frora England's
long experience. We are told we should join England in her
work and help bear the white raan's burden. We are told that
now Is the raoment when the destiny of Anglo-Saxon civiliza
tion hangs in the balance, and we raust take up the burden and
spread civiUzation and enUghtenment and Christianity, after
the EngUsh fashion, over that portion of the world not yet
cursed by the bUght of English presence; that England has
been doing the work for a century, and now she falters and
finds the burden too great to bear. Jealous riyals covet her
empire and her dominions; that the great prize at stake for
raankind is Anglo-Saxon dorainion and lordship over the
world; that dominion after t;he English fashion It Is our duty
to uphold; that It Is God's work, and that He desires we should
make England's struggle our own. And so Imbued has the
President becorae with this idea that he has pursued a course
that has led the whole world to beheve he has made at least
a verbal alliance with Great Britain to render aid, if occasion
requires. The effect of our attitude has been to prevent the
nations of Europe frora helping the South African Republics.
Therefore our duty Is plain. We should pass this resolu
tion of sympathy with these struggUng Republics. We should
show the world that England can not rely upon us for sup
port In any forra. We should encourage and counsel with her
enemies. We should show to the whole world that we con
demn her course In South Africa.
I spurn an English alliance and English sympathy. I want
nothing to do with that nation of robbers and murderers,
unless It be to join the other nations of the earth In a notice
to England that she must close her career of piracy, raust pull
down her black flag, and withdraw her arraed forces frora all
her colonies and allow th^era to be free. Rather than join In
this unholy work, caUed by that poet of blood "the white raan's
burden," let us eraulate the exaraple of our forefathers and
be again the champions of aU men struggling to be free, the

668 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
exaraple to the world, the proof to raankind that a nation of
freeraen can do right, can be just, can resist the teraptation to
conquer and oppress, and that we hate injustice. Let us ex
hibit the example of a government conceived in liberty and
dedicated to the proposition that all governments derive their
just powers from the consent of the governed, and demon
strate that this Government, so conceived and so dedicated, a
government of, for, and by the people, shall not perish from
the earth.

APPENDIX IV
THE presidential VETO
MR. PRESIDENT,^ if I were opposed to the river and
harbor bUl I should yet feel bound to vote, against
sustaining the President's veto, because I believe It
is based upon wrong principles and a violation of the Con
stitution. I believe the tirae has corae when Congress should propose
an amendment to the Constitution of the United States limit
ing the veto of the President to those rightful subjects con
templated by the Constitution Itself, or by proposing an amend
ment to annul a veto by a majority vote of both Houses of
Congress. The veto Is a relic of despotism, and was incorpo
rated into the European constitutions to protect the monarch's
prerogative from legislative encroachraent, and was never in
tended to serve any other purpose; and therefore has no place
In a free government based on the fundaraental principle that
the wUl of the raajority Is suprerae.
I ara of the opinion that the Constitution as It now stands
does not confer any power upon the President to defeat with
the veto the will of the raajority of Congress when properly
expressed upon any rightful subject of legislation. The Presi
dent has no legislative discretion conferred upon hira by the
Constitution, for if he has, then legislative responsibility is also
Iraposed. If the President has legislative discretion and re
sponsibility, he has no right to sign any bill without that care
and attention, investigation, and knowledge which are exercised
by and incumbent upon the two Houses of Congress^ — a duty
which it would be physically Irapossible for hira to perforra.
If It Is urged that the President has the right and that It is
I. Speech in the Senate June 3, 1896, 669

670 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
his prerogative to veto any blU Congress raay pass, a usurping
President, having secured one vote over one-third of one
House of Congress, could veto all raeasures, and representa
tive government would be at an end and the Constitution over
turned. As well might it be argued that the two Houses of
Congress have a right under the Constitution to refuse to pass
any act appropriating money for the courts or the Departraent
of Justice or the Array, thus raaking It Irapossible for the decree
of the court to be enforced, and so destroy a coordinate branch
of the Governraent created by the Constitution. The power
exists In Congress to do so, but to exercise It would be uncon
stitutional and destructive of the Constitution itself. So If the
President shall undertake to exercise legislative discretion In
the use of the veto. The power raay exist, but the Constitu
tion would be violated and the will of the raajority defeated.
Section I of Article I of the Constitution provides that "all
legislative powers herein granted shall be vested In a Congress
of the United States, which shall consist of a Senate and a
House of Representatives."
The fraraers of the Constitution only intended to confer
the veto power upon the President for the purpose of protect
ing the executive ofiice from encroachment by the legislative
power, or to protect the Constitution. Any other use of the
veto is unconstitutional and should be resisted.
Senator Davis, of Minnesota, for the majority of the Sen
ate Coraraittee on Pensions, on April 28, 1888, in a report to
the Senate on some recent vetoes, took this view of the mat
ter, as will be seen from the following extracts frora this re
port: The right to so use the power of executive disapproval as to change
the ordinary methods of legislative action by a majority vote upon
proper subjects of legislation, merely because the Executive differs from
Congress upon the sufficiency of proof or the expediency of relief, does
not, in the opinion of your committee, exist. Such a misconception of
the extent of executive power, making It limitless. Is fraught with
dangers to the independence and to the constitutional powers of Con
gress, and it clearly implies that a factious or usurping President, who
proposes to subordinate to his will that department to which tbe Con
stitution has confided the principal powers of Govemment, can right-

APPENDIX IV 671
fully do this, and prevent the will of the people from taking statutory
form, except by two-tfilrds vote of each House of Congress.
Senator Platt, of Connecticut, in an able speech on this
subject, deUvered In the Senate on August 3, 1888, used the
following language:
All legislative power is vested in Congress, and if it be established
that the President of the United States raay properly veto any and every
bill which is submitted to him for approval wbich as a legislator he
might not "approve," then the legislative power which Is declared to be
vested in Congress is a snare and a delusion. If It be established that
the President can veto any and every bill which is passed by tbe two
Houses, having at his back a faction of one-third of each House, prevent
legislation, then the day of majority rule In this Government is over
with us and the day of minority legislation has been ushered in.
At about the sarae time Mr. Gear, now a Senator from
Iowa, but at that time a Representative in Congress, took the
sarae position In a speech In the House of Representatives. In
fact, this is the doctrine of the Republican party, as opposed to
the usurping policy of Grover Cleveland as represented in his
nuraerous vetoes, exceeding In nuraber that of all other Presi
dents. This view of the Constitution in relation to the veto power
is well sustained by the various Presidents previous to Grover
Cleveland, only 109 acts of Congress having been vetoed from
1789 to 1885. It Is also sustained by the opinions of the ablest
men in all times. Mr. Jefferson, when Secretary of State, In
an official opinion deUvered to President Washington, said:
It must be added, however, that unless the President's mind, on a
view of everything which is urged for and against the bill, is tolerably
clear that It is unauthorized by the Constitution, if pro and con hang
so as to balance his judgment, a just respect for the wisdom of the leg
islature would naturally decide the balance in favor of their opinion.
It Is chiefly for cases where they are clearly misled by error, ambition,
or Interest that the Constitution has placed a check In the negative of
the President. Mr. Madison says:
The primary inducement, in conferring the veto power upon the
President, Is to enable him to defend himself. Indeed, even In England,

672 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
where the King is considered a part of Parliament, and therefore pos
sessing a share of legislative power, the royal negative would only be
permitted in cases where encroachments were attempted upon the royal
prerogative. Daniel Webster, In a speech at Worcester, Mass., October
12, 1832, said:
The power of the veto is exercised —
Speaking of Jackson's veto of the bank bill —
not as an extraordinary, but as an ordinary power, as a common mode
of defeating acts of Congress not acceptable to the Executive. This
practical innovation on the mode of administering the Government so
much at variance with its general principles, and so capable of defeating
the most useful acts, deserves public consideration. Its tendency is to
disturb the harmony which ought always to exist between Congress and
the Executive, and to turn that which the Constitution intended only
as an extraordinary remedy for extraordinary cases into a common
raeans of making executive discretion paramount to the discretion of
Congress In the enactment of laws.
Again, Webster, in his speech In the Senate on the veto of
the bank bill, referring to the question of expediency and of
poUcy, says:
This power. If constitutional at all, is only constitutional in the
hands of Congress. Anywhere else Its exercise would be plain usurpa
tion. If, then, the authority to decide what power ought to be granted
to a bank belongs to Congress, and Congress shall have exercised that
power, it would seem little better than absurd to say that Its acts never
theless would be unconstitutional and invalid if, in the opinion of a
third party, It had misjudged on a question of expediency in the ar
rangements of details. If Congress decides right Its decision may stand;
If it decides wrong its decision Is nugatory, and whether its decision
be right or wrong, another is to judge, although the original power
of making the decision must be allowed to be exclusively in Congress.
This is the end to which the argument of the message will conduct its
followers. Von Hoist, In his Constitutional History of the United
States, volume 2, pages 46 and 47, In speaking of the veto of
the bank bill by Jackson, says:

APPENDIX IV 673
Since the President, as already said. Is not to be considered as a
power coordinate with Congress in the matter of legislation, we may
call it running counter to the spirit of the Constitution that the Presi
dent should think himself, the moment any provision in the details of
a bill did not entirely suit him, to exercise his veto power. The Pres
ident, if he were consistently to carry out this new doctrine, should
endeavor to prevent all legislation wbich did not in every particular
entirely correspond with his views, and he might do it in all Instances
in which he could count on one-third of the members of both Houses
of Congress. Mr. Clay, In discussing the veto power in 1832, said:
The veto is an extraordinary power which, though tolerated by the
Constitution, was not expected by the convention to be used in ordinary
cases. It was designed for Instances of precipitate legislation In un
guarded moments. Thus restricted, and it has been thus restricted by all
former Presidents, it might not be mischievous. During Mr. Madison's
Administration of eight years there occurred but two or three cases
of Its exercise. In a period of little upward of three years the present
Chief Magistrate has employed the veto four times.
What would have been Clay's thoughts and coraraents if
instead of four tiraes it was four hundred tiraes in the space
of three years, as In the case of the present occupant of the
White House during his first Adrainistration?
Kent, In his Commentaries, says :
This qualified negative of the President has become a very grave
power and applied In a way not anticipated by the generation wbich
adopted the Constitution. #
Two Deraocratic Presidents of the Republic at least have
expressed their opinion on this question — Pierce and Polk.
These Presidents far surpassed the present Executive In char
acter and ablUty.
The unusual and unconstitutional exercise of the veto
power by Grover Cleveland should receive the attention of
Congress; for, during his two adrainistrations up to May i,
1896, he had vetoed 542 pension bills alone. Washington, In
his two full terras, vetoed but two bills, and the veto power was
not exercised by Adaras and Jefferson at all. It was exercised
by Monroe but once. John Quincy Adaras, Van Buren, Tay-

674 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
lor, and FlUraore did not veto any raeasure passed by Con
gress ; while Lincoln vetoed but one act of Congress during the
exciting epoch through which that great statesraan conducted
this country in safety.
The average nuraber of vetoes since the adoption of the
Constitution has been about one a year up to the tirae Grover
Cleveland becarae President of the United States.

If It were not for this usurpation on the part of the Presi
dent, regarded with such indifference by our people, the ques
tion of finance, which is not and should not be a party question,
would not enter into and vex our contests for the election of a
President. If the people could feel that the President would
execute the laws — ^would obey the Constitution, so that the
majority should rule — the financial questions which now tear
asunder and threaten to destroy the great political parties of
this country would be determined by the two Houses of Con
gress untramraeled by Executive interference. The people of
this country would erabrace with great satisfaction the assur
ance In the platforms of both political parties that the judg
ment of Congress In relation to all questions of finance shall be
accepted as conclusive and binding, and that the exercise of the
veto by the President to overturn the will of the majority is a
violation of the Constitution.
Mr. President, the present occupant of the White House
Is not content with the violation of the Constitution by the
exercise of the veto power alone, but with an utter disregard
of his sacred oath of office, as well as the Constitution, he over
rides the laws, influences Congressmen with patronage, en
riches his favorites at the public expense — In fact, perraits no
restraint but his iraperial will. I think he raight fairly be
charged with high criraes and raisderaeanors. He has exer
cised the veto power In direct violation of the Constitution.
He has appointed raen to oflice without the advice and consent
of the Senate. He has defied the Senate and the Constitution
alike by appointing raen to official positions after the Senate
had twice refused its consent, and still retains thera In oflice.

APPENDIX IV 675
During his first terra he openly used his appointing power
to Intimidate raerabers of Congress, and during his second terra
he has given appointraents to raerabers of Congress for the
purpose of securing their votes upon measures pending in the
two Houses.
On his own motion he has undertaken to overthrow the
Hawaiian Governraent, doing acts in direct violation of the
Constitution. He has borrowed raoney In violation of law for
the ordinary expenses of the Governraent, and then falsified
the facts In relation thereto In a raessage to Congress. He has
refused to rerait taxes as required by law, and has collected
taxes unlawfully. He has refused to enforce the laws of Con
gress so often that the list of violations is next only to»the list
of his vetoes. He has sold bonds at private sale to his favor
ites and forraer associates upon terras and at a price raany
millions of dollars below the market price of the bonds on the
day of such private sale. In view of these facts It Is tirae for
Congress to give sorae attention to these usurpations. If this
Governraent Is to survive we can no longer look with indiffer
ence upon the sharaeful autocracy of Grover Cleveland.

APPENDIX V
censorship in the PHILIPPINES
THE ^ following Is the letter to the general raanager
of the Associated Press frora the correspondent in the
Philippines, called forth by a request for an explanation
of his reason for signing the protest of the correspondents
against the censorship. It was written for the inforraation of
the general raanager of the Associated Press :
Manila, P. I., July 30, 1899.
Melville E. Stone, Esq.,
General Manager the Associated Press, Chicago, U. S. A,
My Dear Mr. Stone: Your request for a detailed record of all
circumstances leading to the statement cabled to the newspapers by all
the correspondents In Manila Is just received. In the beginning. It
should be explained that the correspondents had the question of taking
some united action to secure the right to send the facts about the war,
or, failing in that, to explain to our papers and the public why we were
not telling the facts two months before the cablegram was released.
The censorship enforced during the war and before the beginning
of it was, according to newspaper men who had worked In Japan,
Turkey, Greece, Egypt, and Russia In war times, and in Cuba under
the Weyler regime and during our war, so much more stringent than
any hitherto attempted that we were astonished that the American
authorities should countenance it, and were confident that public opinion
would be overwhelmingly against it if its methods and purposes became
known. For a long time we submitted to the censorship because of appeal
to our patriotism and a feeling that we might be accused of a lack
thereof if we made any trouble for the American authorities here.
But when General Otis came down in the frank admission that It
was not Intended so much to prevent the newspapers from giving in
formation and assistance to the enemy (the legitimate function and,
according to our view, the only legitimate one of a censorship), but to
keep the knowledge of conditions here from the public at home; and
I. Speech in the Senate, June 4-5, 1900. 676

APPENDIX V 677
when the censor had repeatedly told us. In ruling out plain statements
of undisputed facts, "My instructions are to let nothing go that can
hurt the Administration," we concluded that protest was justifiable.
Otis had gained the idea from the long submission by newspaper
men to his dictation that It was a part of the Governor-General to
direct the newspaper correspondents as he did his officers. Much of the
censorship was conducted by him personally, the censor sending a cor
respondent to the General with any dispatch about which he had
doubts. The process of passing a message was identical with the cor
rection of a composition by a schoolmaster, Otis or the censor striking
out what displeased him and inserting what he thought should be said,
or, what came to the same thing, telling the correspondent he must say
certain things If his story was to go.
In this way the entire American press was made the personal organ
of Otis; we were compelled to send nothing but the official view of all
events and conditions, even when the oflScial view controverted the
opinions of the great mass of the officers in the field and of Intelligent
residents and was a falsification of events which passed before our eyes.
In this way every fight became a glorious American victory, even though
every one in the array knew it to have been substantially a failure, and
we were drilled into writing quite raechanically wholly ridiculous es
tiraates of the numbers of Filipinos killed, knowing that if we wrote
any other description than the sort being telegraphed to the War De
partment our work would be wasted.
Repeated appeals made by all the correspondents to their papers to
secure change in censorship methods had been fruitless, and as condi
tions steadily grew worse and failure was piled upon failure while we
were sending rose-colored pictures of successful war and inhabitants
flocking to the American standard, the repeated suggestions of corre
spondents that "we must do something" resulted In a formal meeting.
All were agreed that their work was being made a farce; the papers
were wasting money in keeping them there, that Otis raight as well
detail some of his own clerks to do the work. Each had his own idea
of what should be done. I proposed they protest to the President
against the censorship, with the request that all matter sbould be passed
except military movements which would assist the enemy, and I thought
It had better be signed by the names of the organizations and papers rep
resented than by our names, because their display might be constmed
Into a desire for personal advertisement. The others thought we should
send a statement of the conditions, with an explanation to the public
why our reports had been so raisleading.
On comparing notes we found that we had among us learned tbe
views of all the American generals and most of the other prominent men
in Manila whose opinions were worth consideration, and that there was
a practical unanimity of opinions of the situation. The dispatch prepared

678 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
was an epitome of those opinions. These men had told us continually
that our reports were misleading the people at home, and that it was
our duty to tell them how affairs were going; indeed, the pressure upon
us to "tell the truth" from Army oflScers of high rank and men of all
classes has been something treraendous, and we have been accused of
cowardice and all sorts of things.
Before taking any steps we concluded to talk with Otis, and he
made vague promises of greater liberality in the censorship, as he had
done before, and assured us, as he had done times Innumerable since
the beginning of the war, that the Insurrection was on the verge of col
lapse; that he was about to administer the final blow, and that he knew
these things from Invaluable private sources, which would be absolutely
convincing If he was at liberty to reveal them to us.
Then followed a month of history repeating Itself. Before the move
ment of Antipole, Taypay, and Morong we were told that It must In
evitably result In the capture and destruction of Pllar's army of 2,000
or 3,000 men; then the sarae predictions were made of the movement
to the south of Cavite Province; next, the collapse was about to come
through the surrender of General Trias, who would bring over his army.
About the middle of June I wrote a conservative review to the ef
fect that every one here was convinced that it would be impossible to
end the war during the rainy season and for some time thereafter, unless
heavy reenforcements were sent.
The censor's corament (I made note of it) was: "Of course we all
know that we are in a terrible mess out here, but we do not want the
people to get excited about it. If you fellows will only keep quiet now,
we will pull through in time without any fuss at home."
He took the story to General Otis, who said : "Tell Collins that
if he will hold that for a week or ten days, he will thank me for not
letting him send It," and when I went to see him repeated the same
old story about the insurrection going to pieces, and hinted so porten
tously about having wonderful things up his sleeve that I almost be
lieved him In the face of past experiences of the same sort. The other
men had practically the same experience, each one trying to get through
a story of how matters stood at the beginning of the rainy season,
then on.
So, after waiting a month for the General's predictions to ma
terialize, we decided to send the statement we had framed without
changing it, as the conditions had not changed since it was written.
Its form was not what I wanted, because I thought a correspondent of
the Asssociated Press should not assume to give bis own views upon any
question ; but, on the other hand, it was that or nothing. The views
were not our personal views, but the views of Lawton, MacArthur,
Funston, Wheaton, et al., and we could not be accused of prejudice
against the Administration, because the strongest Administration organ

APPENDIX V 679
In the country was committed to the plan; and, moreover, the attempt
to hold the newspapers by the throat was so unsual that unusual action
seemed to be justified and demanded.
As a matter of form, we took the message to the censor. His com
ment was practically the same that he had made on my message. He
did not question the accuracy of the statement of conditions, but said:
"This Is just the sort of matter the censorship is Intended to suppress."
He, of course, took it to Otis, who in turn sent a messenger requesting
Davis, of the New York Sun, to go and see him, doubtless thinking
that he had treated the Sun as his organ, and Its correspondents being un
der obligations to hira for special favors, he could work them to give
up the plan. Thorapson said he (Thompson) thought Collins and Mc
Cutcheon should go also, as their views had always been conservative,
etc. A committee was chosen — Davis, McCutcheon, Bass, and I.
When we were ushered into Otis's room he said with some anger:
"Gentlemen, you have served an extraordinary paper upon me. You
accuse me of falsehood. This constitutes a conspiracy against the Gov
ernment. I will have you tried by a general court-martial and let you
choose the judges." We knew from experience with threats to "Put you
off the island" that there was nothing to be frightened about, and also
knew that all the officers who would be on a court-martial would know
we told the truth.
Three hours of exceedingly plain talk followed. The general did
not contradict our statements that the purpose of the censorship was to
keep the facts from the public, but said that what we wanted was to
have the people stirred up and make sensations for the papers. We told
hira that there had never been any subject furnishing more good ma
terial for sensations than this war, and that he should be exceedingly
grateful to the papers for handling it so temperately.
In that connection we reminded him that the stories of looting in
soldiers' letters home had been little. If any, exaggerated. Davis and
Bass told him they had personally seen our soldiers bayoneting the
wounded, and I reminded him that the cutting off of the ears of two
American soldiers at Dasmarinas had been merely retaliation for similar
mutilations of dead Filipinos by the Americans. (No one could pos
sibly tell stronger stories of the looting and blackmailing by our soldiers
than Otis has told, although he charges it all to the volunteers.)
We told him that we had refrained from sending these things and
others of similar nature because we did., not wish to make sensations.
We told him that the censorship was purely for the purpose of giving
the impression at horae that everything was lovely here, otherwise he
would suppress the local papers, which print all sorts of clippings from
the American papers, denouncing the Administration, and which keep
the enemy posted on the position of every company in our Army and
even give advance notice of intended movements.

68o THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
Dealing with the specifications, we said that the hospital officers re
fused to give us any information as to the number of sick, on the ground
that he had instructed them to withhold such facts from the papers;
also that he had reported to Washington a percentage of 7V2 sick when
the surgeons agreed that from 20 to 30 per cent, of the command was
sick; that not more than 10 per cent, of some regiments were fit for
duty, and that the hospital force was entirely Inadequate, as well as
the hospital room, so that they were compelled to discharge hundreds
of men who were really sick to raake room for more urgent cases.
His reply was that the hospitals were full of perfectly well men who
were shirking and should be turned out. To send home figures of
the numbers in hospitals would be entirely misleading.
We reminded him that while he had been reporting to Washington
that "the volunteers will render willing service until relieved," the same
volunteers were sending regimental petitions to the governors of their
States to use every influence to secure their recall ; that some regiments
had petitioned him to relieve them from duty; that the members of
various regiments had at certain stages of the war been in a frame of
mind closely resembling mutiny; that the members of the Third Ar
tillery, who had enlisted for the war with Spain, had threatened to
stack their guns on the 4th of July unless discharged.
In the matter of prejudice against the Navy, It was stated on the
part of the correspondents that all were corapelled to change their ac
counts of the taking of Iloilo to make It appear that the Army had
done the work with immaterial assistance from the war ships, and that
only a few houses were burned. The unquestioned facts, told In the
original stories, were that the soldiers did not land until three hours
after the marines had raised the flag and chased the insurgents out.
General Otis explained that the Navy was so anxious for glory
that it disobeyed Instructions by landing before the proper time, etc.,
although the correspondents would not have been permitted to send
that explanation had they known it, and were forced to give an entirely
false account of what occurred. The fact is questioned by no one that
alraost all of the business quarter and much of the other sections were
burned. I reminded him that two stories by Dunning describing the work
of the Navy in patrolling the coast and taking prizes were "killed"
without reason, and the others agreed that the entire attitude of the
censorship toward the Navy has been one of prejudice and discrim
ination. There seemqd to be a childish fear that the Navy would
get some advertising. The censor and Otis himself always made us
refer to the gunboats operated by Captain Grant as "Army gunboats,"
In their eagerness to keep the Navy from getting any credit not Its due.
Regarding the suppression of the reports of field operations whicH
were failures, we told the General that the whole purpose of most of

APPENDIX V 68 1
the Important movements, beginning with the advance from La Loma
Church in March, had been to round up and capture or force the sur
render of various divisions of the Filipino army; that all of them had
failed to accomplish this, yet we had been obliged to represent that Otis
was accomplishing just what he intended and winning a series of glori
ous successes and administering no end of final crushing blows.
Otis is a hard man to argue with or to pin down to any definite
proposition, and his explanation of the failure of HaU's expedition the
first week in June was characteristic. He said: "But how could we
capture them when they were not there? They aU got out the night
before we started, and there were not 2,000 we found, but only 600."
We rehearsed in detail the objections to the censorship, which I
have outlined in the beginning of this letter. There was no question
of the fact that he had not allowed us to send full reports of the con
ditions here unless those reports were reflections of his own views. We
asked that when there were different views held by people whose opin
ions were worthy of consideration we should be allowed to explain the
various views and phases of the question, Instead of echoing his opinions
as though they were rock-ribbed and unimpeachable facts.
Davis said: "When I returned to Manila, I asked what I would
be permitted to send, and you told me all facts, news about military
operations not helpful to the enemy, and my opinions as opinions." All
of the committee agreed that the fulfillraent of that rule would be
satisfactory, and I disclaimed any desire to send my personal opinions
for the Associated Press. General Bates was present throughout the
interview. At the close General Otis tu.rned to him and asked,
"What would you do with these gentlemen. General?"
Bates promptly replied: "I would do what I said."
"Court-martial thera?" Otis asked.
"No, let them send what you promised, the facts, and opinions
as opinions," Bates said.
The next morning Otis sent for Davis and tried to talk him
over. Among other things he complained that he did not clearly un
derstand what we wanted. Wishing to give him a chance to establish
a reasonable censorship, we sent another committee with a written
request that we be allowed to send all facts not useful to the enemy
and describe the different views of the situation when It was open to
differences of opinion. The coraraittee thrashed over the same ground
several hours, and the result was a statement In effect that we might
send anything which in his opinion was "not prejudicial to the inter
ests of the United States."
That did not change our position In the least, because he had al
ways constmed as damaging to the Governraent any story tending to
carry the smallest inference that his acts and policies were not en
tirely successful and Indorsed by the whole army. He also appointed

682 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
a new censor, although we had told him that would not be the
slightest relief unless the system was changed, and he promised to keep
the censor fully posted on all events, an arrangement which he has not
carried into execution.
There were two or three days of improvement and greater liber
ality In the censorship; then it dropped Into the old rut. One of our
complaints had been that Otis himself was practically the censor; that
whenever we presented stories which the censor had doubts concern
ing the policy of, or dealing with matters he was Ignorant of, he
would send us to Otis, and we often wasted hours waiting In an
anteroom and then perhaps were unable to secure an audience. We
asked him to give the censor exclusive jurisdiction in the field and keep
him posted on all events, giving him access to official reports from the
front. This he declared would be impossible. Therefore we senf
the telegram.
General Otis had complained of the language as an accusation of
deliberate falsehood. We assured him we had no intention of convey
ing the Idea that he had reported to Washington anything he did not
believe to be true, and we softened the language to avoid the possi
bility of any such construction. He also said that the War Depart
raent had made public only the more optimistic of his reports, and
we amended the dispatch to make plain that we referred only to those
reports which the Department had given out. I inclose a copy of the
original version.
We were entirely ignorant when we sent the message that some
thing like an agitation against the policy In the Philippines was then
afoot in America. So far as I csm learn our action met the entire
approval of every one in Manila except Otis and the raerabers of his
personal staff who would feel bound to support him under any condi
tions. The position of the newspaper correspondents here is, as it has been
from the beginning, most difficult.
Otis had closed to us every possible source of information. Only
yesterday when I attempted to send a report of the bombardment
of Paete, the truthfulness of which was unquestioned, he Immediately
sent for Lawton, and deraanded to know how It had been made public,
and told Lawton to jump on the members of his staff.
Such strict orders against talking to newspaper men have been
repeatedly issued that when we go about headquarters the officers
avoid us as though we had smallpox, because they are afraid to be seen
talking with us. Otis refuses to give us passes to go about the city
after the closing hour (8.30) although such passes are given to the
reporters on local papers and to business men of all nationalities, even
Filipinos. All of the privileges extended to newspaper men in Cuba,
like the privilege of the Government telegraph wires and access to tele-

APPENDIX V 683
grams from the front which are not of a confidential nature, are denied
us. It is impossible to maintain any system of correspondence from
Iloilo and the other Islands except by mail, as the officials in those
places, under orders from headquarters, exercise a censorship practically
prohibitive over the cable.
Instances of the suppression of news to prove that the sole intent
of the authorities is to suppress accounts of the real situation here could
be multiplied If it was necessary, but the repeated assertions of the
censor that he was instructed to permit nothing to go of a political
nature — nothing that could reflect upon the Army or "create a bad im
pression at home" — lea,ves no doubt on that point. Such Items as courts- '
martial have been ruled out, with the explanation: "I am here to pro
tect the honor of the Army."
Recently I filed what I thought a most inoffensive statement that
the business men who had appeared before the coraraission had advo
cated the retention of the existing silver systera of currency. The cen
sor said : "I ought not to let that go. That would be a lift for Bryan.
My Instructions are to shut off everything that could hurt McKInley's
Administration. That is free silver." I explained that the silver
system here was not 16 to i, and with seeming reluctance heO. K.'d
the item.
Tbe charge that we cared for nothing but to make sensations for
our papers is most unjust, for I doubt If ever a body of newspaper men
were raore conservative In the presence of unlimited provocation for sen
sationalism. There have been three or four Instances which I now
recall of conduct by our soldiers resembling the episode of the Seventy-
first New York in Cuba, which were matters of common knowledge
here, and which none of us has attempted to cable nor desired to.
There has been, according to Otis himself and the personal knowl
edge of every one here, a perfect orgy of looting and wanton destruc
tion of property and most outrageous blackmailing of the natives and
Chinamen in Manila, and various Incidents like the shooting down of
several Filipinos for attempting to run from arrest at a cock fight,
not to mention courts-martial of officers for cowardice, and the dis
missal of General  for getting hopelessly drunk on the eve of two
important battles — all of which the correspondents have left untouched
by common consent.
Also, there are the usual number of Army scandals and intrigues
which we have not aired, foremost among them the fact — it is univer
sally considered a fact in the Army — that Otis is deeply prejudiced
against and jealous of Lawton, and has done everything in his power
to keep Lawton In tbe background and prevent him from making a
reputation. As a correspondent of the Associated Press, I am supposed to have
no opinion, but In writing of events like this war one must necessarily.

684 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
to convey any idea of the trend of affairs, go somewhat into tbe field of
description of conditions, etc., which are In the final analysis matters of
opinion. In doing so I have endeavored merely to reflect the views of
the great majority of well-informed people. Whether I have done so
correctly you can easily judge by referring to the stories I sent "via
Hongkong" soon after my arrival and afterwards (one on the 7th of
April saying that notwithstanding the optimistic official view the war
was likely to be a long one and that 100,000 men would be needed to
end it). You will notice also that the tone of the Hongkong dis
patches was decidedly different from those sent from Manila direct.
The only time General Otis has given us any freedom was during his
row with Schurman over the peace negotiations, when (by insinuation
and those attempted diplomatic methods which public men seem to think
newspaper men do not see through) he was encouraging us to roast
Schurman and take his side.
The secret of the whole trouble here Is that the Government has
left a small man to deal with the most delicate problems, requiring
broad statesmanship. Every one agrees that Otis Is honest, and that
counts for much in a position affording such chances for dishonesty,
but everybody agrees also, with most remarkable unanimity, that he
has bungled affairs from the beginning; that the war might have been
avoided by tact, and might have been ended before now by some other
plan of campaign than slashing aimlessly about, taking a town to-day,
deserting It to-morrow, retaking It the next week — and by diplomacy.
The Hongkong press, which has always championed the American
side of the Philippine question, reflects the feeling of most people here
in an editorial beginning: "It is not difficult to Imagine the disgust
and Indignation that would be felt and expressed In the United States
when once the country awoke to the real condition of affairs In the
Philippines. There has been mismanagement of the grossest descrip
tion." I wish the etiquette of officialdom might permit Dewey and Schur
man to speak to McKinley and the public concerning Otis as freely as
they have to newspaper men. Tbose two are the only men of the
caliber of statesmen the Government has sent here, and Schurman has
the college professor's weakness of believing that all other men, in
cluding Malays, were as sincere In what they said as himself.
Otis is a bureaucrat who never leaves his desk, has never seen his
soldiers In the field, and Insists upon managing both the civil and mili
tary branches of the government, although either one would fully
occupy an able man, because he tmsts no one but himself, and withal
has a faculty for antagonizing every one with whom he has to deal,
as he has antagonized the newspaper men.
Very truly yours,
ROBERT M. COLLINS.

APPENDIX VI
WHAT IS A PROTECTIONIST?
Mr. Platt, of Conn.* Mr. President, It Is true that the
business of grinding fuller's earth is carried on in Connecticut.
It is also true, I suppose, that there has been a bed of fuller's
earth found In Florida. What I understand the Senator from
South Dakota wants — who Is not a protectionist except in
spots, when he has some particular thing that he desires to
have protected — is that the Connecticut mills shall be obliged
to buy the fuller's earth, which It Is said has been found In
Dakota, In its raw state, and transport it by rail to Connecticut
and grind it there, and then send it back to Dakota for use,
or as far back as it can find purchasers. Now, I do not think
there is very much inconsistency In that.
Mr. Pettigrew. Mr. President, the deposit of fuUer's
earth in South Dakota would not go to Connecticut to be
ground, nor to the Eastern raarket. It would go, however,
into the raarkets of the West, to Kansas City, where it would
be used to clarify lard-oil, cotton-seed oil, etc. But the clays
of Florida can corae into the New York raarket if you give
thera a chance to do it, and there Is no reason why they should
not be allowed to corae. There is no arguraent, except an ef
fort to create a prejudice in the raind of soraebody why the
Connecticut raills should not buy the Florida earth and grind
it, and be obliged to buy it or else go unprotected theraselves.
Further, Mr. President, I do not know that I care to dis
claim or admit the charge as to whether I ara a protectionist
or not. I believe that the Nation should do its own work.
I believe that a varied Industry is necessary to the develop
raent of the best traits of character, and the highest clvlllza-
• Debate in the Senate June 26, 1897. 685

686 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
tion araong any people. I believe that It is the Nation's duty
to encourage that varied industry which will enable every tal
ent araong Its people to be developed to its fullest extent.
Because I refused to vote for 185 per cent, duty on woolen
goods, the Senator frora Connecticut stands up here to say
that I am a protectionist only In spots. Because I refused
to vote for 700 per cent, duty on the lower grades of silk,
used by the poor people of this country, the Senator from
Connecticut says I am a protectionist only In spots.
Well, if to be a protectionist all over a raan raust vote
for 700 per cent, duty on the cheaper articles and for 10 per
cent, on the higher priced articles that are used by the rich,
I ara only a protectionist In spots. If to be a protectionist
I raust vote for an extra duty on sugar purely and absolutely
In the Interest of the raost corrupt and deraoralizing trust
ever organized In this country, at the behest and dictation
of a political caucus, then I ara a protectionist only in spots.
If I raust vote for every trust, if I raust vote for every cora
bination, vote special privileges to the few, high rates of duty,
differential duty. In order that they may be encouraged in their
raids upon the people of this country, then, Mr. President, I
am not a protectionist all over.
Is the Republican party a protection party? Why, Mr.
President, the issue of protection has departed from our poli
tics. When New England made her trade with the cotton
Deraocrats of the South for the purpose of putting a duty
on cotton, thinking to break up the solid South, she aban
doned the only principle, the only issue, that gave the party
character, and It has left you nothing with which to fight the
next carapaign. All the Republican party stands for to-day,
Inasrauch as protection Is no longer an issue and the South is
broken up, is as the charapion of the trusts and the gold stand
ard, as the special representative of the classes against the
raasses.

APPENDIX VII
civilization — TWO letters
THE AMERICAN NATIONAL RED CROSS
20th Century Department
Walter L. Phillips,
General Secretary, Bridgeport, Conn.
Rooms 1524-26-28 St. James Building
Miss Clara Barton, President. Frank D. Higbee,
Mrs. Ellen Spencer Mussey, Director 20th Century Dept.,
Counsel and 3rd Vice-President, New York.
Washington, D. C. Cable Address "HIGBEE"
Telephone 960, Madison Square
TLT D- 1- J T^ Tl • New York, Nov. 21st, 1900.
Hon. Richard F. Pettigrew,
Sioux Falls, South Dakota.
Sir:— The Red Cross regards your position and standing to be such as
to raake your views on the progress and value of the 19th century, in
comparison with other countries and your prophecies regarding the
20th century of great value, and we respectfully request you to for
ward to us at your earliest convenience from 40 to 70 words in your own
handwriting, giving your thoughts in that connection. We shall read
them at all of our meetings throughout the United States, and after
wards allow the United States Government to take them and forever
exhibit and preserve them in the Congressional Library at Washington.
An engraved invitation Is being prepared, one of which will be
mailed to you, but the time is short, and we take this method to expe
dite matters, and hope you will send In your "Greeting" before Decem
ber 1st, if you can do so.
We prefer to have the "Greeting" in your own handwriting rather
than typewritten because we wish to have each "Greeting'' in auto
graph forra when turned over to the government for preservation for
all time. Thanking you in advance, I am,
Very truly yours,
Frank D. Higbee,
Approved: Director 20th Century Watch Meetings.
Clara Barton, President. 687

688 THE COURSE OF EMPIRE
To the American National Red Cross:
During the century just closed, mankind has made marvelous
progress in his control over the forces of Nature, and in the pro
duction of things which contribute to his physical comfort.
The early years of the century marked the progress of the race
towards individual freedora and perraanent victory over the tyranny of
hereditary aristocracy, but the closing decades of the century have wit
nessed the surrender of all that was gained to the more heartless tyranny
of accumulated wealth. Man's progress has heretofore been material
and not spiritual or ideal and the future alone can demonstrate whether
any real progress has been made.
I believe the new century will open with many bloody revolutions
as a result of the protest of the raasses against the tyranny and oppres
sion of the wealth of the world in the hands of a few, resulting in great
progress towards socialism and the more equal distribution of the prod
ucts of huraan toil and as a result the raoral and spiritual uplifting of
the race.
R. F. Pettigrew.
Washington, D. C,
Nov. 22, 1900.

APPENDIX VIII
THE PRESS
When * the reduction in the cost of refining sugar since
1886 is taken into consideration, when we take into consid
eration the cheaper labor, cheaper material of every kind,
which can be had to-day than In 1886, this increase between
the cost of raw and refined sugar shows how perfectly and how
corapletely the tmst have been able to raanlpulate and con
trol the raarket.
Everybody knows the facts; and yet, Mr. President, the
great newspapers of this country constantly circulate the story
that the trust has caused a decline in the price of sugar, know
ing, as they do, that their stateraertt is untrue; but the trouble
is that the great corporate newspapers of this country are
owned by special interests and run in those interests, or they
sell their editorial colurans for cash for any interest that raay
come along.
They are anonyraous ; they have no character ; no one is
behind them. They hire raen to write editorials who write
against their convictions, the same as a man hires a lawyer to
try his case. They retail these falsehoods for the purpose of
influencing the people of this country in behalf of the special
interests which they always represent, sometiraes because their
stock is owned by raen whose interests are proraoted thereby;
and their editorials are ordered frora the business oflice, often
tiraes by raen who do not and can not speak the English lan
guage; and again the editorial colurans are sold, purchased,
for the purpose of promoting an interest for which they re
ceive pay. The people of this country are rapidly finding out
this fact. The great newspapers of this country are gradu
ally losing the Influence which they never had the right to pos
sess in any particular.
• Speech in the Senate, June 10, 1898. 689

INDEX

Adams Express Company — Rates of,
compared with postal rates, 440-
443-
Aggression — America guilty of, 235.
Aguinaldo — ^American promises to,
220; Character of, 236; Confidence
of, in the United States, 259; De
fense of, 235-6 ; Efforts of, to stop
the War, 202-3; Estimate of, 612;
Financial dealings of, 237 ; Nego
tiations with, over independence,
257.
Alameda Sugar Company — Organiza
tion of, 59.
Alaska — Possibilities of, 159; Protec
tion of salmon fisheries, 24; Pro
visions for annexation of, 351.
Aleutian Islands — Coal in, 137; Com
mercial advantages of, 138; Strat
egic value of, 138.
Aleutian Route — Feasibility of, 150.
America — ^Early promise of, 356; In
fiuence of, in Hawaii, 46.
American Army — Aggressions oi,
262; Atrocities of, in the Philip
pines, 280-4; Dealings with the
Filipinos, 210, 267 ; Friction with the
Philippines, 268-70.
American citizens — Heritage of, 525.
American colonists — Treatment of In
dians by, 621.
American commerce with Hawaii,
American conquest of the Philippines
unjustified, 328.
American diplomacy and the Paris
Tribunal, 25.
American expansion — ^Jefferson's ideas
on, 1 70- 1.
Anierican government — Moral force
of, 187; Theory of, 165.
American imperialism — Demand for
honesty in, 338-9. _
American interests in Hawaii, 78. 691

American officials — Duplicity of, in
report on Filipinos, 223.
American plutocracy — Bribery as a
weapon of, 473.
American Republic — Hope of, 164; In
fluence of, upon the world, 342.
American residents and Hawaiian
politics, 85.
American Sugar Refining Company —
History of, 512; Organization of,
481.
American Tobacco Company — History
of. 513-
American traditions and Hawaiian
annexation, 163.
American warships — Coal capacity of,
148.
American wealth — Distribution of,
166.
Americans in Hawaii — Character of,
Annexation of Danish West Indies —
Negotiations for, 178-9.
Annexation of Hawaii — ^Reasons for
opposition to, 75.
Annexation of San Domingo — Argu
ment for, 174-6.
Anthracite Coal Trust — Agreenient to
raise prices by, 503 ; Composition of,
501 ; Costs and prices of, 505 ; His
tory of, 500-3 ; Price fixing by, 502-
3 ; Production agreement of, 501.
Anti-Trust Laws — ^Effect of, 572-3.
Army — Increase of — Inadequate rea
sons for, 275.
Army legislation — Demand for, 272.
Asiatic competition — Danger of, 52;
Effect on American industry, 73, 74.
Asiatic labor — And European labor,
64-5.
Asiatics in Hawaii, 11.
Atrocities — Committed by Americans
in the Philippines, 282-3.
Atrocities in the Philippines, 272 ; Ac
counts of, by American soliliers,
284-5.

692

INDEX

B
Bank currency — Validity of, 546-7.
Bankers' profits — Injustice of, 464;
On bond sales, 462-4; Through cur
rency issue, 545.
Banking interests — And government
bonds, 450; In New England, 52.
Beet Sugar — Bounties on, in Europe,
53 ; Production of, in Europe, 53.
Beet Sugar industry — And Hawaiian
competition, 34, 58 ; California,
54-7-
Bering Sea — ^American property in,
19-20; Fisheries of, 19.
Bering Sea Tribunal — Failure of, 21.
Big Business — Influence of, in politics,
529.
Boer Independence — Effect of gold
discovery on, 644.
Boers — Characteristics, of, 652; De
fense of, against Jameson raid, 646-
7; Effect of diamond discovery on,
640; Grievances of, against Eng
land, 637; History of, in South
Africa, 638; Migration of, from
British |)ossessions, 637-8; Struggle
of, for liberty, 630-1 ; Treatment of,
' by England, 650-1 ; War of, for
independence, 639.
Boer War — Causes of, 654-5; Events
of 642-3 ; Resolutions on, 629.
Bond issues as a source of govern
ment revenue, 451.
Bond sales — Bankers, profits on, 462-4.
Bribery as a weapon of American
plutocracy, 473.
British colonialism — Effects of, on
British population, 659-60.
British rule — Characteristics of, 657;
Effects of, on native populations,
327.
British seizure of Hawaii, 113.
Bryan — As an opponent of trusts,
506-7- , . ,
Business men for annexation ot
Hawaii, 86.

California — Sugar industry in, 28.
Campaign contributions — As a factor
in politics, 529; and governraent
contracts, 543; by vested interests,
543-3- . .
Campaign funds — MisappropriaUon
of, 530.

Cape Colony — ^England conquest of,
635; History of, 634-5.
Captain Cook — Experience of, in
Hawaii, 1.
Capital — Increase of, with civiliza
tion, 564.
Censorship during the Philippine
War, 207-8 ; In the Philippines,
230, 273, 604, 678 ; On public docu
ments, 309-11; On public informa
tion, 200 ; Purposes of, in the Philip
pines, 681.
Centralization of power — Opposed to
American traditions, 1^5.
Cessions of territory — International
laws on, 243.
Chinese labor — ^Effects on Hawaiian
family, 10.
Citizenship in acquired territory, 351-3.
Civilization — ^Effects of, on Hawaiians,
2; In Japan, 168.
Civilized warfare — Methods of, in the
Philippines, 295-6.
Cleveland Administration — ^Bond is
sues of, 457-62.
Climate — And civilization, 182; And
Republican institutions, 3.
Coffin, James — Quoted, 55-9.
Colonialism — A form of slavery, 335;
And Manifest Destiny, 180; Dangers
of, to the United States, 170; Fail
ure of, in Great Britain, 329-30.
Competition — Effect of sugar trust on,
488-90; Opposition to, by trusts,
473 ; Theory of, in American indus
try, 473-
Concentration Camps — In the Philip
pines, 300.
Concentration of population, and
social decay, 167-8.
Congress — ^Power of sugar trust in,
498.
Conquest — And the Declaration of
Independence, 276; As a denial of
liberty, 341 ; As a destroyer of lib
erty, 361 ; Danger of, to Republican
institutions, 167; English method of,
247; Financial advantages of, 333;
Pretexts of morality in, 359-60.
Conquest of the Philippines — Success
of, 246.
Constitution of the United States —
Effect of, on other countries, 186.
Contract labor — In Hawaii, 65 ; Treat
ment of, in Japan, 69-71.
Corruption and Americsln railroads,
397-

INDEX

693

Credit as a basis for banking power,
560.
Currency — Danger of private issues,
562-3 ; Profit through issue of, 545.
Currency issues — ^Private control over,
546-7. D
Danish West Indies — Negotiations for
annexation of, 178-9.
Declaration of Independence — Inter
preted by Henry Clay, 348 ; Judge
Douglas on, 345 ; Lincoln's estimate
of, 343-4.
Diamonds — Discovery of, in South
Africa, 640.
Distribution of wealth in the United
States, 166, 548.
Divine Right of Kings as a basis for
government, 342-3.
Dole, S. B. — On the Hawaiian Revo
lution, 120.
Doraestic virtues in Hawaii, 9.

Economic influences and the Hawaiian
Revolution, 89.
Economic reasons for Hawaiian an
nexation, 91.
Education — ^Establishment of, by the
Filipinos, 298-9.
England — Conditions of horae popula
tion, 664; Distribution of wealth in,
554; Fear of, over-emphasized, 17;
Investments of, in New York, 18;
No danger of war with, 17; Oppo
sition to alliance with, 631; Record
of, in Ireland, 660-663.
English colonialism — Failure of, 329-
30- . . . ^
English colonies — Description of, 629.
English diplomats — Menace of, 23.
English method of conquest, 247.
Executive influence and the Hawaiian
Treaty, 189.
Exploitation — ^Based upon watered
stock, 412; English method of, 324-
Express business — ^Extent of, in 1890,
435- F
Family, Hawaii — Status of, 9.
Federal finance and bond issues, 451.
Federal government as a land pro
prietor, 390.

Filipino government— Conditions un
der, 233.
Filipinos — Abilities of, 595 ; Achieve
ments of, during the war, 242 ;
Achievements of, in self-govern
ment, 248 ; American alliante with,
244, 254; Araerican proclaraation
to, 609 ; Arts of, 596 ; As allies of
United States, 199, 220; Attitude of
farmers toward, 301 ; Capacity of,
for self-government, 233, 584-5;
Character of, 247, 582 ; Conduct of,
during the war, 254; Culture of,
297; Deceived by American officials,
205; Declaration of War with, 204;
Demand of, for independence, 258,
277, 294; Demand of, for recogni
tion, 254; Economic activities of,
590; Enlistment of, in the American
Army, 277-8 ; First battle with, 268 ;
Friction of, with American Army,
268-70; Homogeneity of, 293; Lit
eracy of, 586; Persona! Qualities
of, 586-7; Policy of, 603; Presi
dential proclamation to, 204; Pro
test of, against American policy,
609-10; Recognition of, by Adrairal
Dewey, 226 ; Treatment of, at
Manila, 264; Treatment of, by
Americans, 283-4; Treatment of
prisoners l)y, 298-9 ; Unity of, 287,
292.
Financial Reforms — Importance of, in
United States, 559.
Foreign investments in Hawaii, 77-8.
Franchise Qualifications in Hawaii,
Freedora — ^Test of, 341.
Free Land — And the early settlers,
367; Disappearance of, in the
Middle West, 372.
Free trade — Effect of, on sugar prices,
496-7.
Freight costs — On railroads, 447-8.
Frightfulness — Practice of, in the
Philippines, 269-70.
Fur seals — Destruction of, 20; Habits
of, 25 ; Property in, 24.

Gold — Contract for purchase of, 457-
8 ; Effect of discovery on Boer in
dependence, 644; Exports of, from
the United States, 452, 568 ; Impor
tations of, 'from Europe under
contract of 1895, 460-1.

694

INDEX

Gold corner — Established by Morgan
& Corapany, 463-4. ,
Gold exports: — Federal finances, 450-
55'
Gold reserves — Contract for replen
ishment of, 457-8; Depletion of
1894-5, 453-6.
Gold standard — As a breeder of
trusts, 476-8 ; Effect of, on banking
power, 560.
Gold supply — Monopoly of, 568.
Government bonds — And the gold
standard, 450; Sales of, to the bank
ers, 450.
Governraent bond sales— Cost of, un
der Cleveland Adrainistration, 462.
Governraent — Coiitrol of, by the trusts,
472.
Government bonds — Possibilities of
popular distribution, 556.
Government expenditures — Increase
of, 523.
Government ownership of railroads,
396.
Government railroads — Relative effi
ciency of, 408.
Grazing lands — Improvident use of,
390-2.
Great Britain — Misrule of, in Cape
Colony, 637; Record of aggression,
234; South African policy of, 636;
Success of, in India, 326-7.
Guam — Use of, for political prison
ers, 300. H
Hague agreeraent and the Boer War,
629-30.
Hanna — Method of election of, to
United States Senate, 531.
Hard times and the gold standard,
570.
Hawaii — Advocate of annexation, 33;
American Capital in, 5 ; American
influence in, 46 ; Araerican interests
in, 78, 80; American labor in, 27;
American population of, 11.
Annexation of — And beet sugar in
dustry, 34; And England, 17;
And imperialism, 163; And Jap
anese Peril, 57 ; And organized
might, 46-7; And Republican
pledges, 62; And sugar planters,
68 ; And Sugar Trust, 32, 38 ;
Arguments for, 190-1; Attitude
of natives, 135; Attitude of or
ganized labor, 40; Attitude of

Senators, 189-90; A war measure,
164; British precedent, 115; Fa
vored by United States minister,
86 ; Misinformation regarding,
21-22; Opposed, i; Real reasons
for, 131; Reasons for opposition,
75; Un-American, 163.
Argument for reciprocity with, 45 ;
Area and population, 6; As a
defense for San Francisco, 159;
As a protection to Alaska, 152;
Asiatic labor in, 35, 71; Asiatic
and European labor in, 64-5 ; At
titude of Minister Stevens toward,
85 ; Business raen for annexation,
86 ; Cause of depopulation, 8 ;
Character of Araericans in, 125 ;
Christian churches in, 7; Classifi
cation of government lands, 35,
36 ; Commercial advantages of,
137; Competition of, and beet
sugar, 58 ; Composition of popula
tion, 14; Contract labor in, 10,
65; Contract labor and sugar
planters, 67 ; Controversy of, with
Japan, 192; Decrease of Ameri
cans in, 46 ; Decrease of native
population, 2 ; Disadvantages of,
as a coaling station, 85; Disturb
ances in, fostered by Americans,
85; Domestic virtues in, 9;
Drunkenness introduced by whites,
9; Duty on sugar from, 30; Eco
nomic life in, 3 ; Election of new
government in, 124; Emigrants
to, I ; Exports to tJnited States,
44; Foreign control of land in,
76; Foreign investments in, 77-
8; Free trade with, 13; Geog
raphy of, 4; Geology of, 3;
Growth of sugar industry in, 39;
Imports of sugar from, 50; In
capable of self-governraent, 7;
Investment opportunities in, 51-2;
Labor in, 64; Methods of hand
ling labor in, 66-7; Military
value of, 139; Missionaries in, 7
Native churches, Failure of, 8
Nativity of population, 66; Own
ership of, 76 ; People of, 6, 8, 10
Plans made for revolution in, 92
Plantation labor in, 79; Politics
of, and American residents, 85.
Population of — 14; Asiatic element
in, 11; By nationality, 13-15;
Nativity of, 16; Sex distribution
of, 15.

ii\ UliA

695

Portuguese labor in, 11; Produc
tivity of, 36; Prosperity of, and
sugar, 37; Prerequisite for office
holding in, 123 ; Property qualifi
cation for franchise in, 91, 133 ;
Real estate values in, 82; Reasons
for annexation, 18; Reciprocity
with, 28 ; Reasons for Reciprocity
Treaty, 41.
Revolutionary governraent — Insta
bility of, 122; Recognition of, 116;
Supported by force, 123.
Revolution — An act of piracy, 101 ;
Causes of, 126; Conspiracy for,
94_; Consuraraation of, 99; Depo
sition of Queen Liliukalani, iii;
Detail of, 102-1 11 ; Dole, S. B., on,
120; Economic causes of, 89;
Misrepresentation of, 117; Pre
liminaries of, 88 ; Request for
United States troops in, 97 ; Revo-
tion of 1893, 84; Treasonableness
of, 121.
Seizure of, by Great Britain, 113;
Seizure of, Disgrace to United
States, 115; Shipping interests in,
27; Slavery in, 69; Stockholders
in sugar plantations, 77; Strategic
value of, 26, 137; Sugar industry
in, 26 ; Sugar production capacity,
35; Taxable values in, 82; Total
sugar imports from, 51; Trade
with, 26 ; Trade with, Decrease
'in, 27; Trade with, in 1891, 33;
Treaty of 1776, 31; Wages in, 27,
29, 64; White man in, 2; Work
of Missionaries in, 126.
Hawaiian government — Conspiracy to
overthrow, 119; Overthrow of, by
the United States, 116.
Hawaiian labor — Occupations of,
12.
Hawaiian Republic — Constitution of,
131; Election of the President, 132;
Establishment of, 123 ; Qualifica
tions for Senators, 132; Torture
practised in, 130.
Hawaiians — As viewed by mission
aries, 127-9.
Hawaiian sugar — Effect of competi
tion on American labor, 60.
Holmes — Tables on wealth distribu
tion, 550.
Homesteaders — DiflSculties of, on arid
lands, 379-80.
Homesteading — Conditions of, 362.
Homestead lands — Need for changing

conditions of, 387; Purchase of,
from the Indians, 373-5.
Homestead laws — Original of, 363.
Homesteads — Need of irrigation for,
389; Pledged by Republicans, 381-
3- I
Imperialism — American doctrine of,
351; And the annexation of Hawaii,
163; As a political issue, 350; Be
ginnings of, in United States, 115;
Danger of, to national integrity,
195 ; Distinguished from expansion,
347; Effect on home populations,
180; Failure of, 317; Methods of, in
the Philippines, 296 ; Methods of,
666 ; Practice of, in Great Britain,
324-5 ; Religious excuse for, 336-7.
Imperialists — ^Attitude of, 242.
Independence as the price for peace,
233.
India — Famines in, under British rule,
663.
Indian claims — Adjudication of, 617.
Indian lands — Difficulties of settle
ment on, 376-7; Disposal of, 374-5;
Purchase of, 374-5.
Indian reservations — Conditions of
settlement upon, 369.
Indians — Difficulty in securing claims
of, 615; Legislation against, by
Mass. colony, i2j; Massacre of, by
Mass. colonists, 625 ; Sold into
slavery by colonists, 624-5.
Information — Withholding of, by Ad
ministration, 319.
Internal improvements vs. conquest,
389.
International commerce — Laws of,
329-31.
International finance — Gold basis of,
560-1.
Investment opportunities in Hawaii,
51-2.
Irish independence — Struggle for, 234.
Irrigation — Methods of, 392; Possi
bilities of, on governraent land, 388;
Possibilitie.s of, in South Dakota,
393-4-

Jameson Raid — Plan for, 645.
Japan — Civilization of, 168; Relation
of, to Hawaii, 192; Treaty of 1895,
71-2.

696

IN

A^ J-/.<&.

Japanese in Hawaii, ii.
Jefferson on American expansion, 170-
I.
Judges — Financial interests of, 520-1.
Jury system in Hawaii, 8.

K

Kauai, Island of — Geography, 4.
Kiska Island — Advantage of, as a
coaling station, 149 ; Distance of,
from commercial centers, 143 ;
Geography of, 144; Harbor in, 144;
Strategic advantage of, 142 ; Tem
perature of, 145.

Labor competition — Hawaii, 27.
Labor — In Hawaii, 64; Numbers in
Hawaii, 12.
Lanai, Island of — Geography, 6.
Land — Anglo-Saxon greed for, 74.
Land ownership — Hawaii, 76.
Land reclamation through irrigation,
388.
Large estates — Growth of, in Hawaii,
80.
Liliukalani — Deposition of, iii.
Louisiana — ^Provisions for citizenship,
352. M
McKinley — Charged as a lobbyist, 63 ;
Letter of acceptance quoted, 62 ;
On the Philippines, 236, 239.
Mail cars — Character of, 427; Cost
of, 427-8 ; Equipment of, 430.
Mail compensation — Decrease in, 425.
Mail transportation — Cost of, and cost
of cars, 428 ; Compared with ex
press service, .413 ; Compensation to
railroads for, 412 ; Cost of, and ex
press rates, 413, 415, 416, 426, 440-
3 ; Costs of, over the New York
Central, 413; Difficulty of securing
facts on, 435; Necessity for investi
gation of, 433-4.
Mail weighing-^Deceit in, 416-7.
Males — Predominance of, in Hawaii,
10.
Manifest Destiny and the Philippines,
319; An Imperial excuse, 180.
Manila — Agreement for surrender of,
259; Battle of, 263-4; Method of

capture, 260; Surrender of, by the
Filipinos, 265.
Massachusetts — ^Early Indian legisla
tion, 622-3.
Maui, Island of — Geography, 5.
Mercenaries — Enlistment of, in Amer
ican Army, 278-9.
Military censorship in the Philippines,
678.
Missionaries — Work of, in Hawaii,
126.
Mitchell — Quoted, 41.
Molokai, Island of — Geography, 5.
Money — Quantitative theory of, 564.
Monopolies — Disadvantages of, 478-9.
Monroe Doctrine — Dependence upon
isolation, 169-70.
Morgan — Quoted, 18-19.
Morgan & Co. — Activity of, in An
thracite Coal Trust, 501-2; Contract
of, to supply gold, 457-8 ; Establish
ment of gold corner, 463-4.
Morrison — Quoted, 48.

N
National defense — Hawaii as an asset
in, 160.
National Linseed Oil Company — His
tory of, 513.
Native Hawaiians — Decline, 8.
Native morality — Effect of whites on,
in Hawaii, 9.
Neehau, Island of — Geography, 4.
Negritos — Origin of, in the Philip
pines, 289.
Newspaper correspondents — Position
of, in Philippines, 682.
Newspapers — Failure of, to give in
formation, 691 ; Subsidy of, by
vested interests, 691.
Nineteenth Century — Progress dur
ing, 689-90. O
Oahu, Island of — Geography, 5.
Oath of allegiance in Hawaii, 123.
Occupations of Hawaiian workers, 12.
Over capitalization — And excessive
profits, 510-11; Instances of, 509-
10; Oijject of, 509.
Orange Free States — Economic condi
tions, 633 ; Government of, 634.
Organized labor and Hawaiian an
nexation, 40.
Ownership of land in Hawaii, 76.

iiN UliA

697

Pacific commerce — Northern route for,
141; Routes for, 137.
Pacific Ocean currents and naviga
tion, 155.
Paris Tribunal — Failure of, ?2.
Patriotism as an excuse for war, 234.
Peace — Offered by Aguinaldo, 233;
With Filipinos, demand for, 232.
Philippine Army — Alliance with
American Array, 227; Triuraph of,
over Spanish, 253.
Philippine Independence — Movement
for, 221-2.
Philippine insurrection — Aguinaldo
on, 229.
Philippine Revolt — Detail of, 232.
Philippines — American atrocities in,
272; American comraerce with, 358;
American interest in, 320; Ameri
can title to, gained by conquest, 242 ;
As a source of cheap labor, 333 ;
Censorship in, 230, 273, 604, 678 ;
Change of policy on, 607 ; Church
membership in, 588 ; Concentration
caraps in, 300; Conquest of, by
United States, 245 ; Culture in, 589-
90; Demand for facts regarding,
317-8; Dialects of, 290-1; Deporta
tions frora, by Americans, 300;
Difficulties of conquering, 294, 605 ;
Educational system of, 589; Impos
sibilities of return to Spain, 251;
Inventory of, by Admiral Dewey,
320-1 ; Justification of seizure, 321-
2 ; Natiye life of, 592-3 ; Native
tribes of, 288-90; People of, 288-93;
Political divisions of, 290-2; Possi
bilities of trade with, 332-333 ;
Promise of independence to, 255-6;
Proposed method of government,
240; Provisional constitution of, 587;
Self-government for, 334; Struggle
for freedom in, 251; Title to, how
secured, 243 ; Wrongfulness of
American conquest, 328.
Philippines tribes — Facts regarding,
288-93.
Philippine War — American censorship
during, 230; Americans as the
aggressors, 273, 303 ; Attempts of
Aguinaldo to avoid hostilities, 215;
Beginnings of, 212, 263, 268 ; Begun
by Americans, 209, 245-6 ; Censor
ship during, 208 ; Colorado soldier
on, 268-9; Demand for cessation of,

241, 277 ; Duplicity in, 205 ; First
shot in, fir<d by Americans, 214;
Gen. Otis on, 213; Lack of publica
tion on, 218-9; Methods used in,
295 ; Origin of, 199 ; Reasons for,
as seen by Filipinos, 301-2; Respon
sibility for, 198; Partial information
concerning, 220; Use of mercenaries
in, by American Army, 279.
Pioneeriflg — Difficulties of, 366-7.
Plantation labor in Hawaii, 79.
Plebiscite — Demanded for Hawaiian
people, 122, 134.
Plutocracy — Defeat of, in South
Dakota, 559; Development of, in
United States, 472-3 ; Establishment
of, in America, 166.
Political prisoners — Deportation of, to •
Guam, 300.
Politics — Influence of Big Business on,
5^9-
Portuguese labor in Hawaii, 11.
Postal cars — Costs of, 416.
Post Office Department — Control of,
by railroads, 423.
Post Office — Express competition with,
438; Protector of the railroads,
441.
Poverty and Riches — Growth of, in
the United States, 550-2.
Power — Concentration of, in the Fed
eral government, 165.
Presidential proclamation to the
Filipinos, 204.
Presidential veto — Arbitrary character
of, 674-5 ; Constitutionality of, 669 ;
Misuse of, 672; Necessity for limi
tation of, 669 ; Purposes of, 670-71 ;
Theory of, 672-3.
Price-fixing by Anthracite Coal Trust,
502-3.
Prices — Effect of sugar trusts on, 495-
6 ; Increase of, by trusts, 473 ; In
fluence of Standard Oil Co. on, 507-
8.
Prisoners — ^Treatment of, in the
Philippines, 295 ; Treatment of, by
Filipinos, 298-9.
Private banks — ^Profits of, from bond
sales, 460-2.
Private postal system — ^Establishment
of, by railroads, 418.
Progress during the nineteenth cen
tury, 690.
Property qualifications for Hawaiian
franchise, 91, 133.
Protection and Hawaiian sugar, 49.

698

INDEX

Protectionist — Definition of, 687.
Protective tariff, 687 ; meaning of, 688.
Public domain — Average rainfall on,
377; Desirability of state owner
ship, 390-1; Difficulties in settle
ment of, 371; Disposal of, 362;
Early settlers on, 376-7; Reserva
tion of timber rights demanded, 372 ;
Mineral deposits, 362; Need of irri
gation on, 388.
Public Information — Withheld by
State Department, 309.
Public land — Difficulty of selling, 365;
Policy toward, in United States,
363-4.
Public land ownership — Improvidence
of, 390-1.
Public officials — Influenced by rail
roads, 440-46.

R

Race inferiority — Doctrine of, as a
reason for conquest, 357.
Race inequality — Rejection of, 355.
Railroad influence on government
officials, 440-46.
Railroad rates — Decline in, after 1882,
443 ; In United States and Europe,
409-
Railroads — Discriminations of, 408 ;
Efficiency of, under government
control, 408 ; Excessive charges on,
for carrying mail, 449; Experience
of the government with, 411;
Failure of private management,
403 ; Freight costs on, 447-8 ; Gov
ernment ownership of, 396; Mail
transportation on, 412; Power of,
over mail rates, 421 ; Private postal
systera of, 418; Purchase of, by
United States, 396; Record of, in
Araerican politics, 397.
Railroad wastefulness, 448-9.
Reading Coal Company — Agreement
of, with Anthracite Coal Trust,
501-2.
Real estate values in Hawaii, 82.
Religious Orders — Difficulties with, in
the Philippines, 250.
Republic vs. Empire, 336.
Republican institutions — Menace of
imperialisra to, 336..
Republican Party — Attitude of, toward
protection, 688; Failure of, 384;
Reasons for leaving, 384-5.
Republican pledges and free home

steads, 381-3 ; Hawaiian annexation,
62.
Republics — Limited area of, 164.
Retail dealers — Control of, by sugar
trust, 486-7.
Revolution in Hawaii, 84; Organiza
tion of, 95.
Rich and poor — Taxes paid by, 555.
Riches and poverty in United States,
.554-5-
Right of self-government, 341.
Roman Republic — Destruction of,
through imperialism, 166-7.
Rorae — Concentration of wealth in,
365-6.

San Doraingo — Arguraents for annexa
tion of, 174-6.
Savages — Use of, by Americans in the
Philippines, 286-7.
Seal fisheries — Costs of, 20-1 ; Protec
tion of, i8-g ; Revenues from, 20.
Seizure of the Philippines — ^Justifica
tion of, 321-2.
Self determination deraanded for the
Philippines, 334.
Self-government — American doctrine
of, 354; Basis for, in individual in
telligence, 341-2; Climatic basis for,
3 ; Right of, 341 ; Test of, 343 ; The
Declaration of Independence, 344-
6.
Shearman — Tables on wealth distri
bution, 551.
Sherman Anti-Trust Act — Justifica
tion of, 525.
Slavery — Forms of, existing among
Sulus, 310, 312, 313; In Hawaii, 69;
Protection of, in Sulu, 308.
Social forms — Difficulties in adoption
of, 129.
Soudan campaign — Slaughter of
wounded during, 665-6.
Sovereignty — Right of self-determina
tion, 335.
Spahr — Tables on wealth distribution,
552.
Spain — Agreement with, for surrender
of Manila, 259.
Spreckles, Claus — Interests in Hawaii,
30; Quoted, 27-30.
Standard Oil Company — Influence of,
on prices, 507-8 ; Profits of, 480.
Stevens, J. L. — ^Recognition of Ha
waiian Revolution, 118.

INDEX

699

Stewart Syndicate — Purchase of gov
ernment bonds by, 452-4.
Stock issues — Object of wide distribu
tion, 511.
Stock ownership and the producers of
wealth, 412.
Stock watering on western railroads,
398.
Subject peoples in the Philippines,
353-
Sugar interests and the Hawaiian
Revolution, 90.
Sugar prices — And the trust, 495-8 ;
Controlled by the trust, 38.
Sugar production — Hawaii and Lou
isiana, 37; Of Hawaii, _5o; Pos
sible production in Hawaii, 41-4-
Sugar trust — Activities of, 29 ; And
Hawaiian annexation, 32; Business
of, 38; Capitalization of, 481-2;
Competition of beet sugar with, 56,
61-2, 484-5 ; Composition of, 480-1 ;
Control of, over retail trade, 486-7;
Effect of, on industry, 479; Effect
of, on prices, 495-8; Extent of con
trol by, 486; Interest in sugar
trade, 38; Methods of business, 486;
Newspapers and, 33; Over capitali
zation of, 508-9 ; Plants operated
by, 482; Political power of, 38;
Power of, in Congress, 498 ; Price-
fixing by, 487, 491 ; Profits of, under
protection, 498; Profits of, 491-2;
Relation of, with independent re
finers, 487; Reorganization of, 481;
Typical of trust methods, 500.
Sultan of Sulu — Araerican dealings
with, 305 ; American Treaty with,
306-8 ; Contract with, concealed,
274; Dealings of Spain with, 305;
Political power of, 305-6; Salary
of, paid by United States, 308.
Sulu — Forras of slavery in, 310, 312,
313; Government of, in 1894, 314-5;
Perpetuation of slavery in, 350; Re
ligious beliefs in, 312.
Sulu Islands — American relations
with, 307-8 ; History of, 305.

Taxation — Incidence of, 545.
Taxes — Amount of, paid by rich and
poor, 555.
Temperature — Effect of, on popula
tion, 185.
Territorial acquisition — Gen. Grant
on, 174; Tradition of, in the United
States, 172-3.
Territorial aggrandizement — Limita
tions of, for America, 171.
Timber rights — Reservation of, de
manded on public domain, 372.
Torture — As practised in Hawaii, 130;
Detail of, as employed by Ameri
cans, 282-3.
Trade — And the flag, 328-9; With
Hawaii, 27-8.
Transportation — Costs of, raail and
express, 436-7.
Transvaal — Economic conditions in,
653; Natural character of, 632;
Population of, 632-3.
Treason and the Hawaiian Revolu
tion, 121.
Tropical colonies — Failure of Euro
peans in, 182.
Tropical populations — And repre
sentative government, 163; Density
of, 181.
Trusts — Control of government by,
472 ; Control of prices by, 577 ;
i)efinition of, 474; Development of,
in. United States, 476 ; Effect of, on
employment, 516-8; Extent of con
trol by, 523-4; Free trade as a
remedy for, 472; Future of, 524;
Historic opposition to, 478-9 ; In
crease of prices through, 473 ;
Methods of, in destroying compe
tition, 527; Objections to, 478;
Opposition of, to competition, 473 ;
Price-fixing by, 508 ; Provision for
elimination of, 474; Purpose of, to
limit production, 476-7; Relation of,
to political campaigns, 506; Results
of, on prices, 477; Statistics of,
518-9; Suggested methods for deal
ing with, 526.

Tariff — As an aid to the Trust, 492-
3 ; Rates of, on important items,
521-2; Unimportance of, as a politi
cal issue, 528.

U

Unalaska — Geography of, 158 ; Stra
tegic position of, 138; Temperature
of, 145.
Union Pacific Railroad — Early busi
ness methods, 401 ; Finances of, 406 ;

700

INDEX

Plan for government purchase, 400-
I ; Proposed capitalization of, 398 ;
Proposal for purchase of, 396; Re
habilitation of, by the government,
405 ; Reorganization Qf, and the
public interest, 400; Reorganizers
of, 399.
United States — Beginnings of imperial
policy, 169; Change of policy of,
178; Distribution of wealth in, 548;
Marines and the Hawaiian revolu
tion, lop; part played by, in
Hawaiiah Revolution, 84; Position
of, in East, 187.
United States Leather Company — His
tory of, 514.
United States Rubber Company — His
tory of, 515.

Vested interests — Control of, over the
press, — ; Presence of, in political
campaigns, 558.
Volunteer Army — ^Difficulties of rais
ing, 278.

W
Wages — In Hawaii, 64.
Warfare — Methods of, in the Philip
pines, 295.
Water Cure in the Philippines, 281,
285-6.
Watered stock — As a source of exploi
tation, 412; Issue of, by sugar
trust, 481.
Wealth — Accumulation of, and ex
ploitation, 573 ; As a source of
power, 567; Labor as the source of,
412, 516; Protection of, by Con
gress, 557.
Distribution of — Causes of, in
United States, 578; Detail of, in
United States, 550-1 ; In England,
554; In United States, 548; In
equality of, 581 ; Inequality of, in
ancient society, 579; Tables of
Holmes on, 550; Tables of Shear
man on, 551 ; Tables of Spahr on,
552.
Wealth estimates — Inaccuracies of,
549-
Wood— Quoted, 48.

YALE UNIVERSITY

a39002 003196137b.