YALE
UNIVERSITY LIBRARY

THE LETTERS OF RALEGH.

THE LIFE

SIR WALTER RALEGH

UASED ON CONTEMPORARY DOCUMENTS
PRESERVED IN THE ROLLS HOUSE, THE PRIVY COUNCIL OFFICE.
HATFIELD HOUSE, THE BRITISH MUSEUM,
AND OTHER
MANUSCRIPT REPOSITORIES, BRITISH AND FOREIGN.

TOGETHER WTTH HIS LETTERS;
Xo\V FIRST COLLECTED.

EDWARD EDWARDS.

Vol. TI.— LKTTERS

7

MACMILLAN AND CO.
1868.

LONDON :
CLAY, SON, AXD TAYLOR, PRINTERS,
BREAD STREET HILL,

TO THE MOST NOBLE
ROBERT ARTHUR TALBOT GASCOYNE-CECIL,
MARQUESS OF SALISBURY,
ETC. ETC. ETC.
THIS FIRST COLLECTIVE EDITION OF THE
LETTERS OF RALEGH,
DERIVED IN LARGE MEASURE FROM THE RICH COLLECTION OF
MSS. AT HATFIELD,
IS, BY PERMISSION,
gratefaUg insaiheii
BY HIS LORDSHIP'S OBLIGED AND FAITHFUL SERVANT,
EDWARD EDWARDS.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME II.

INTRODUCTION TO THE LETTERS OF RALEGH . xxxlx

LETTERS OF SIR WALTER RALEGH :—

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTERS l.-V.— RALEGH'S MILITARY
SERVICE IN IRELAND

L— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
1580-81. Feb. 22. From Cork. Detention at the Isle of Wight. — Arrival in
Ireland. — Pay and Rations of his Company 7
From the Original. Irish Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. Ixxx. § 73 {Rolls HOUS©)-
II.— TO SECRETARY SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.
1580-81. Feb. 23. From Cork. Proceedings of some covert Fosterers of the
Rebellion. — His Escape from an Ambush in Barry's Country. — Character
of the Soldiery in Munster 9
From the Original. Irish Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. Ixxx. § 74 (Rolls House;1 -
III.— TO THE SAME.
[1580-81.] Feb. 25. From Cork. Causes of the Delay in the Seizure of Barry's
Court. — Mismanagement of the War in Munster, by the Earl of Ormond ;
and Contrast offered thereby to the Government of Sir H. Gilbert 11
From the Original. Irish Correspondence : Elizabeth, vol. Ixxx. § 82 (Rolls House).
IV.— TO ARTHUR, LORD GREY OF WILTON, LORD DEPUTY
OF IRELAND.
1581. May I. From Cork. State of the Army in Munster.— Intrigues of the
Rebels. — Fortification of Barry's Court and 'the Island ' 14
From an official and annotated Copy, sent by the Deputy to Sir F. Walsmgham. Irish
Correspondence : vol. Ixxxiii. § 16 [1] (Rolls House).
VOL. II. • b

Contents.

V.— TO ROBERT DUDLEY, EARL OF LEICESTER.
[1581.] Aug. 25. From Lismore. Professions of Attachment.— Dissatisfaction
with the Irish Service. — Recommendation of John Fitz-Edmonds ol
Cloyne . '
From the Original. MS. Harl. 6993. fol. S (British Museum).
VI.— TO SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT.
1582-83. March 17. From the Court at Richmond. With a Token from
the Queen, and good Wishes for Sir Humphrey's Voyage 19
From a Transcript made for Dr. Thomas Birch from the Original, then in the possession
of Major Pomeroy Gilbert, of Plymouth. MS. Addit. 4231, fol. 85 (British
Museum). VII.— TO THOMAS EGERTON, SOLICITOR-GENERAL.
1583. April 10. From the Court. The Queen's Grant of the Leases of
Stolney and Newland, and Ralegh's Assignment of them 20
As printed from the Original, in the Collection of the Earl of Ellesmere, by Mr. J. Payne
Collier. Egcrton Papers, p. 94 (Camden Society's Series).
VIII.— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
1583. May 12. From the Court at Greenwich. Intercession with the Queen,
at Burghley's Request, on behalf of the Earl of Oxford . 21
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers.
(Rolls House.)
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTERS IX. XI. XII. AND XVIII.—
RALEGH'S GRANT FOR THE LICENSING OF VINTNERS
THROUGHOUT ENGLAND 23
IX.— TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR AND OTHERS, THE SENATE
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
1584. July 9. From the Court. On the Licensing of Vintners in Cambridge . 24
From the Original. (University Registry, Cambridge.) [Transcript in MS. Baker,
xxix. 340.]
%* For the corrected text of this Letter see Vol. II., Introduction.
X.— TO MR. RICHARD DUKE, OF OTTERTON, IN DEVONSHIRE.
1584. July 26. From the Court. Proposal for the Purchase of Hayes
Manor House , 26
As transcribed from the Original by_ John Aubrey. MS. Aubrey iv. fol. 47 (Bodleian
Library, Oxford).
XL— TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR AND OTHERS, THE SENATE
OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
1584-85. Feb. 10. From the Court at Somerset House. On the Licensing
of Vintners in Cambridge . ... 27
From the Original. (University Registry , Cambridge- ) [Transcript in MS Baker
xxix. 341.] '
-„* For the corrected 'text of this Letter see Vol. II., Introdnctio7i.

Contents.

XII.— TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR AND OTHERS, THE "AGE
SENATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
1584-85. On the Licensing of Vintners in Cambridge 28
From the Original. (University Registry, Cambridge.) [Transcript in MS. Baker,
xxix. 342.]
*** For the corrected text of this Letter see Vol. II, Introduction.
XIII. — SIR W. RALEGH AND SIR T. HENEAGE TO THE
LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
1585. May 7. With a Report of an Inquiry respecting the Ransom of certain
Captives in Barbary 29
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth, vol. clxxviii. § 78 (Rolls House'
INCLOSURE IN LETTER XIII.
Report on the Case of Thomas Powell and Peter Williams, taken Captives in
Barbary, 1581 31

XIV.— TO ROBERT DUDLEY, EARL OF LEICESTER.
1586. March 29. From the Court. The Sending of Pioneers to the Nether
lands From the Original. MS. Harl. 6994, fol. 2 (British Museum).

33

XV.— TO SIR JOHN GILBERT.
1 586. May 29. From the Court. On the Victualling of Ships at Plymouth 34
From the Original. MS. Sloane, 15T9, fol. 137 (British Museum-
XVI.— TO ROBERT DUDLEY, EARL OF LEICESTER.
[1587.] Oct 8. From Windsor. Announcement of the Visit of Sir Francis
Drake to the Netherlands 35
From the Original. MS. Tanner, lxxix. fol. 117, formerly marked 175 (Bodleian
Library, Oxford).
[See facsimile.]
XVII.— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
1587. Dec. 20. From Exeter. Defence of the Country ; Proposals for the
Levies in Devon and Cornwall . 36
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth, vol. ccvi. § 40 (Rolls House).
INCLOSURE IN LETTER XVII.
The Chardg of trayning of 2,000 Foot and 200 Hors in Devon and Cornwall,
for 16 Dayes 3 8
XVIII.— TO SIR THOMAS EGERTON, afterwards Viscount
Brackley and Lord High Chancellor.
1587-88. March 8. Renewal of his Patent for granting Wine Licences
throughout England . 4°
As communicated to the Society of Antiquaries, March 2, 1854, by Mr. J Payne Collier.
From the Original, in the Library of the Earl of Ellesmere (Bridgewater House).
b2

xii Contents.

PAGE
XIX.— TO SIR GEORGE CAREW (afterwards Earl of Totnes).
[1589.] Dec. 27. [from London T\ Cause of his recent Absence from the
Court. — Proceedings of the Lord Deputy Fitzwilliam.— Lawsuits about
Lismore • ^
From the Original. Carew Papers, MS. Tenison, dcv. fol. 140 (Lambeth Palace).
XX.— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
[1591.] Oct. 16. From Dzirham House. On the Value of certain Prizes
captured by the Ships of John Watts and others, and on the Partition of
Profits 43
From the Original. MS. Lansdowne, vol. lxix. fol. 60, verso (British Museum).
XXL— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[1591-92.] March 10. From Chatham. Preparations for an Expedition
against the Spanish Fleet. Allusions to Rumours about his Marriage 44
As printed by Murdin, from the Original in the Cecil Papers at Hatfield.
Note on Ralegh and Frobisher . 45
XXII.— TO THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL, HOWARD OF
EFFINGHAM.
[1592.J June 8. From Durham House. Answer to the Complamt of some
Merchants of Middleburgh in relation to the Treatment of certain Flemish
Ships . 46
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth, vol. ccxlii. § 48 (Rolls House '
XXIII.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[1592. July. From the Tower.~\ Dealings of the Lord Deputy with Sir
Walter's Tenants in Munster 48
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxi. ff. 58, 59 (Hatfield)-
XXIV.— TO THE SAME.
[1592. July. From the Tower.] Rebellion in Ireland. — Proceedings of the
Lord Deputy in relation to the Ralegh Lands in Munster 50
As printed by Murdin, from the Original in the Cecil Papers at Hatfield.
XXV.— TO THE SAME.
[1592. July. From the Tower.'] Routine Duties, as Captain of the Guard. 
Passionate Regrets for the Loss of the Queen's Favour . 51
As printed by Murdin, from the Original in the Cecil Papers at Hatfield
XXVI.— TO THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL, HOWARD OF
EFFINGHAM.

1592. August? From the Tower.'] Affairs of the Navy. — Thanks for Lord
Howard's Interposition with the Queen . .
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth, vol. ccxlii. § 131 (Rolls House)

52

Contents. xiii

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER XXVII.— CAPTURE OF A SHIP
OF BAYONNE . . .

55

XXVII.— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY AND THE
LORD HIGH ADMIRAL HOWARD.
1592. August 27. On the Capture of a Ship of Bayonne by one of Ralegh's
Captains, John Floyer . . .56
From the Original. Burghky Papers, in MS. Lansdowne, cxv. fol. 173 (British Museum).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTERS XXVIII.-XXXIV. — THE PRI
VATEERING EXPEDITION OF 1592, AND THE CAPTURE
OF THE SPANISH CARRACK, 'MADRE DE DIOS,' BY RA
LEGH'S SHIP, ' THE ROEBUCK ' . . 59
XXVIII.— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
[1592.] September (on or before September 15?). From the Tower. Partition
of the Spoils of the ' Madre de Dios ' 67
As printed by Strype {Annals, iv. 180), from his own transcript of the Original; with
some corrections.
XXIX.— TO THE SAME.
[1592. Sept. 16. On the Road to Dartmouth.] Same Subject . 69
As printed by Strype {Annals, iv. 182), as above.
XXX.— TO THE SAME.
[1592. Sept 17.] From Hartlebury. Same Subject . 7°
As printed by Strype {Annals, iv. 178), as above.
XXXI.— TO THE SAME.
[1592. Sept. 21. From Dartmouth.] Same Subject 71
As printed by Strype {Annals, iv. 177), as above.
XXXIL— SIR ROBERT CECIL, SIR WALTER RALEGH, AND
OTHERS, Commissioners of Inquiry at Dartmouth, TO
THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY AND THE LORD
ADMIRAL HOWARD.
1592. Sept. 27. Joint Letter. Same Subject . . 73
From the Original. MS. Lansdowne, lxx. fol. 93 (British Museum).
XXXIII.— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY AND
OTHERS.
1592. Dec. 13. From Durham House. Proceedings pending in the Court of
Admiralty respecting the Ship ' Uggera Salvagnia' . . 75
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. ccxliii. § 89 (Rolls House).

Contents.

PAGE
XXXIV— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
1592. December. Recapitulatory Statement of the Charges of the Expedition
of 1592, and of the proposed Partition of Prize Money 76
From the Original. Burghley Papers, in MS. Lansdowne, lxx. § 94 (British Museum!
XXXV— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[1593.] May 10. From Sherborne. Progress of the War in Ireland.— Aims
of the King of Spain . -g
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol. 93 (Hatfield).
XXXVI.— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
•593- June 15. From Durham House. Enterprise of preparing and export
ing Pipe-staves from Munster o.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol. 100 (Hatfield).
XXXVII.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1593. Aug. 15. From Sherborne. On behalf of one Kelly, a Merchant ol
Dartmouth From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiii. fol. 31 (Hatfield).

»3

«5

86

XXXVIII.— TO THE SAME.
1593. Aug 27. From Gillingham Forest. Enterprise of preparing and ex
porting Pipe-staves from Munster. —The Falconry at Gillingham 7 g4
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiii. fol. 41 (Hatfield).
XXXIX.— TO THE SAME.
I593- Oct. 8. From Weymouth. In favour of the Bearer, John WoUridse
who had a Matter pending in the Court of Wards.-News of Rimonde
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiii. fol. 77 (Hatfield).
XL. -TO THE SAME.
1593-94- Feb 25. From Sha-bome. In favour of Henry Thymic whose Pro
ceedings at Sea had been complained of by the French .
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol 49 (Hatfield).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER XLI.-TT^? BARRYS OF
BARRY'S COURT, AFTERWARDS EARLS OF BARRYMORE 88
XLL— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
r593-94- March 4. From Dorchester. Affairs of Ireland t?
tion of Lord Barry; and Assertion that Florence Sar^ifnT1"'"'1, "
reconciled to the English Rule J-viacCarty is not sincerely
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol. j2 (Hatfield). '
XLII.— TO THE SAME.
I594Sto^o„:4- F^S'^ne. Capture of a Jesuit in the House of Lady
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxvi. fol. 25 (Hatfield).

Contents. xv

XLIIL— TO THE LORD KEEPER, THOMAS EGERTON
(afterwards Viscount Brackley).
1594. May 2. Proposal for the Removal of a Cause, Denshire v. Stevens,
from the Star Chamber to the Stannary Court . 92
From the Original. MS. Harl. 6696, fol. 132 (British Museum).
XL1V.— TO THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL HOWARD.
1594. June 21. From Sherborne. News of the Spanish Fleet — Desire to
serve under the Admiral against Spain, " as a poore mariner or soldier " 93
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxvii. fol. 8 (Hatfield).
XLV.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1594. July 20. From Sherborne. News of the Spanish Fleet. — Despatch of
Cornish Miners for Ireland. — Intended Expedition to Brittany . 95
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxvii. fol. 46 (Hatfield).
XLVL— TO THE SAME.
1594. Aug. 25. From the Coast. Private Affairs. — Dealings of the Dean
and Chapter of Sarum with John Fitz-James . 96
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxvii. ff. 101, 102 (Hatfield).
XLVIL— TO THE SAME.
1594. Sept 20. [From the Coast.] Preparations for the Guiana Voyage.—
The Plague at Sherborne 100
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxviii. fol. 40 (Hatfield).
XLVIII.— TO THE SAME.
1594? September? Written at Sea. Delays of an Expedition by stormy
Weather . • I01
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lviii. fol. 52 (Hatfield).
XLIX.— TO THE SAME.
1594. Dec. 21. Loss of a Letter which had fallen into the Hands of the Earl
of Essex.— Lawsuits IOZ
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxix. fol. 44 (Hatfield).
L.— TO THE SAME.
I eiw Dec 26 From Sherborne. In favour of a Page who desires to serve
Cecil.— Delay of Guiana Expedition by contrary Winds . 103
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxix. fol. 53 (Hatfield).
LI. -TO THE SAME.
K04 Dec From Alresford. Private Affairs. -Lawsuit with Mrs. Smith.-
Proposal for a Restraint of Shipping . io4
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxix. fol. 61 (Hatfield).

Contents.

LII.—TO SIR JOHN GILBERT.
1594? On a Levy of Mariners, apparently for the Guiana Expedition 105
From a MS. Copy of the Original, formerly belonging to Macvey Napier, of Edinburgh, Esq.
LIII.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1594-95. Jan. 2. From Sherborne. Recommendation of a Kinsman who
has a Controversy with the Townsmen of Plymouth.— He is only waiting
for a Wind to set Sail I06
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiv. fol. 76 (Hatfield)-
LIV.— TO THE SAME.
1595. Nov. 10. From Sherborne. Alleged Naval Preparations in Spain
against Ireland. — Desire to hear if anything is to be done in the Matter of
Guiana 107
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 4 (Hatfield)-
LV— TO THE SAME.
1595. Nov. 13. From Sherborne. On the Colonization and the Mineral
Wealth of Guiana . . 109
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 9 (Hatfield)-
LVL— TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
1595- Nov. 25. From Sherborne. On Levies of Men; and on the Defence
of the Coasts of Devon and Cornwall 112
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 26 (Hatfield).
LVII.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
I595- Nov. 26? From Sherborne. Proposals for the Colonization of Guiana.
— Arrangements for the Defence of Devon and Cornwall 1 17
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 44 (Hatfield).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LVIIL— THE PANAMA EXPE
DITION OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE IN 1595 119
LVIIL— TO THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL HOWARD.
1595. Nov. 30. From Sherborne. Proposals for sending of Spanish News to
Sir F. Drake ; and for renewing the Enterprise of Guiana . . 120
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 42 (Hatfield).
LIX.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1596. May 3. From Blackwall. On the Levying of Men for the Cadiz
Expedition I22
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 55 (Hatfield).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LX.-RALEGH AND HUGH
BROUGHTON

Contents. xvii

LX.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1596. May 3. Recommendation of Hugh Broughton for the Bishopric of
Lismore and Waterford . . . .125
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 52 (Hatfield).
LXL— TO THE SAME.
1596. May 3. From Mile End. Recommendation of Charles Cartie for a
Grant of Lands in Ireland . . 127
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. % so (Hatfield).
LXIL— TO THE SAME.
1596. May 3. Personal Affairs . .128
From the OriginaL Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 51 (Hatfield).
LXIIL— TO THE SAME.
1596. May 4. From Northfleet. Preparations for the Cadiz Expedition 129
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 6b (Hatfield).
LXIV.— TO THE SAME.
1596. May 6. From Queensborough. Recommendation to Cecil of a Kinsman
who bid incurred the Queen's Displeasure 13°
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 63 (Hatfield).
[LXIV.*] TO THE SAME.
1596. May 13. From Dover. Naval Matters connected with the Fleet pre
pared against Spain . ... 381
See CLXI.
LXV.— TO THE SAME.
1596. May 26. From Plymouth. Recommendation of William Hilliard for a
Prebend in Exeter Cathedral '3'
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xli. § 14 (Hatfield).
LXVI.— TO THE SAME.
1596. May 29. From Plymouth. Recommendation of John Randall, Vice-
Admiral of Dorset • '32
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xli. § 25 (Hatfield).
LXVIL— TO THE SAME.
1596. July 7. Written at Sea. Victory at Cadiz . '34
From the Original. MS. Cotton, Vespasian, C xiii. fol. 290 (British Museum).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LXVIII. —RALEGH AND SIR

ARTHUR SAVAGE

136

xviii Contents.

LXVIIL— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1596. August 6. From Plymouth Sound. Victory at Cadiz . 137
From the Original. MS. Cotton, Otho, E ix. fol. 36s, verso ; formerly numbered '334.'
(British Museum.)
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LXIX.— ENGLISH AND SPANISH
ACCOUNTS OF THE BATTLE IN CADIZ HARBOUR 139
LXIX.— TO A PERSON UNNAMED.
1596. Narrative of the Action in Cadiz Harbour. — Results of the Victory 146
As printed in 1699, by Philip Ralegh (Grandson of Sir Walter), from a Copy, or Draft,
found among Sir W. Ralegh's Papers.
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LXX.— DEATH OF LADY CECIL.
—CECIL AND THE BROOKES 157
LXX.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1596-97. Jan. 24. From Sherborne. A Letter of Consolation and Sympathy
on the Death of Lady Cecil . 161
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvii. (Hatfield).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LXXI.— ESSEX, RALEGH, AND
CECIL.— SHAKESPEARE' S PLAY OF 'KING RICHARD THE
SECOND ' 164
LXXI.— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[1597.] July 6. From Weymouth. Preparations for the Island Voyage. — ¦
' ' Richard the Second " 169
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers.
(Rolls House.)
LXXIL— TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
1597. July 18. From Plymoitth. Disasters at the Outset of the Island
Voyage. — Refitting of the Fleet . 170
» From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers.
(Rolls House.)
LXXIII.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1597. July 20. From Plymouth. Disasters at the Outset of the Island
Voyage. — Report on the Condition of Ferrol . 174
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers, 1597.
(Rolls House.)
LXXIV.— TO THE SAME.
IS97- July 26. From Plymouth. Proceedings of the Fleet 176
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers, 1597.
[Formerly numbered ' 189.'] (Rolls House.)

Contents. xix

LXXV.-TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1597. Sept 8. From Terctira. Proceedings of the Fleet in the ' Island
Voyage.'— Account of the great Storms met with in the Bay of Biscay 177
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Iv. 5 21 (Hatfield).
LXXVI.— TO THE SAME.
1597. Oct. 13. From Durham House. Proposition for the sending of a
secret Emissary to examine the Ports of Spain . 1 79
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lvi. § 17 (Hatfield).
LXXYII.-SIR WALTER RALEGH, THE LORD THOMAS HOWARD,
AND THE LORD MONTJOY, TO THE EARL OF ESSEX.
1597. Oct. 29. From Plymouth. Proceedings of the Fleet ; and News of the
Spaniards 180
From the Original (wholly in the hand of Sir Walter Ralegh). Cecil Papers, vol. lvi.
§ 61 (Hatfield).
LXXYIIL— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1597. Oct 30. From Plymouth. News of the Spanish Fleet 182
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lvi. (Hatfield).
LXXIX.— SIR WALTER RALEGH AND THE LORD THOMAS
HOWARD TO THE EARL OF ESSEX.
1597. Oct. Intelligence of the Spanish Fleet . . 184
From the Original Draft (wholly in the hand of Sir Walter Ralegh). Cecil Papers, vol. lvi.
§ 81 (Hatfield).
LXXX.— SIR WALTER RALEGH, THE LORD THOMAS HOWARD,
THE LORD MONTJOY, AND SIR FRANCIS VERE, TO
THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
1597. Nov. 6. Proceedings of the Fleet. — News of the Spaniards 186
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lvi. §110 (Hatfield).
LXXXI.— SIR WALTER RALEGH, THE LORD THOMAS HOWARD,
AND THE LORD MONTJOY, TO THE LORDS
OF THE COUNCIL.
1597- Nov- 9- Conclusion of Island Voyage, and Arrangements about Prizes 188
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers, 1597.
[Formerly numbered ' 272.'] In the hand of an amanuensis. Signed. Rolls House.)
LXXXII.— TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL?
1597. Proposed Enterprise against Spain 191
From the Original (wholly in the hand of Sir W. Ralegh). MS. Cotton, Otho E ix.
fol. 377, formerly numbered '346' (British Museum).

Contents.

PAGE
LXXXIIL— TO SIR JOHN GILBERT, THE YOUNGER.
1597? Participation in the Profits of a Privateering Adventure. — Personal
Affairs . . 193
From a Transcript, made for Dr. Thomas Birch, from the original (but mutilated) letter,
then in the possession of Major Pomeroy '""' ' '"
Addit. 4231, ff. 85, 86 (British Museum).

LXXXIV— TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
1597-98. Jan. 16. From Durham House. Appointment of Deputy-Lieutenants

for Cornwall

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xlviii. § 101 (Hatfield).

197

[LXXXIV.*]— TO MICHAEL HICKES, Secretary to the Lord
Treasurer Burghley.
1598? July 12. From Sherborne. Entreaty for the Furtherance of the
Payment of a Debt owing to Captain Spring jg2
See CLX1I.
LXXXV.— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1598. Oct. Concerning a Plot for the ' killing of a rebel ' in Ireland . . 198
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers. [Formerly
marked " Bundle 226, No. 144."] (Rolls House.)
LXXXVL— TO THE SAME.
1598 ? The Queen's Appointment of a Captain to serve in Ireland . . 199
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xix. % 66 (Hatfield).
LXXXVIL— TO THE SAME.
1 599- 1 600. March 15. From Durham House. Report on the Revision of an
English Translation of Franchi Conestaggio's History of the Conquest .
of Portugal 200
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxviii. § ro3 (Hatfield).
LXXXVIII.— TO THE SAME.
1600. March 27. [From Sherborne.] Account of the improved Health of
William Cecil (afterwards second Earl of Salisbury), then a Visitor at
Sherborne 202
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Ixxviii. § 7 (Hatfield).
LXXXIX.-TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
1600. April 6. From Sherborne. Ralegh's Desire to have the Government
of Jersey. Cobliam s Sales of Timber.— Hope of a Meeting at Bath 203
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers. (Rolls House.)
XC— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1600 April 21. From Sherborne. In favour of the Son of Henry Carew
then under Imprisonment . J "lc™>
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Ixxviii. % 83 (Hatfield).

Contents. Xxi

XCL— TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
1600. April 29. From Bath. Disappointment at Lord Cobham's Absence 205
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers
(Rolls House.)
XCIL— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1600. October 15. From Jersey. Proceedings in the Fortification of the
Island.— Character of Paul Juey, the Engineer. —Accounts of the late
Governor, Sir Amias Paulet . 205
From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar C, b ii. § 14 (Hatfield).
XCIIL— TO THE LORD TREASURER BUCKHURST AND
SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1600. Nov. 4. From Radford. Affairs of the Stannaries. — Agreement with
the Tinners 209
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxxi. § 33 (Hatfield).
XCIV.— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1600. Nov. 15. From Sherborne. Tin Mills on Roborough Down. — Suits
between one Crymes and the Town of Plymouth . 2H
From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar C, h ii. § 107 (Hatfield).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER XCV. —RALEGH'S COUNSEL
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL, ON THE TREATMENT OF THE
EARL OF ESSEX, IN 1600 ,. 2,3
XCV.— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1600. Between February and August. Persuasions against the Return of the
Earl of Essex to Office or Power . 222
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xc. § 150 (Hatfield).
XCVL— TO THE SAME.
1600-1. Feb. 2. From Sherborne. Local News of the Spanish Fleet. —
Lord Cobham . . . 224
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxiii. § 36 (Hatfield).
XCVIL— TO THE SAME.
1601 ? Aug. 13. From Sherborne. Lord Cobham's Journey into Cornwall. —
News of the Spanish Fleet. — Cecil's Purchase of Rushmore . 226
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. % 84 (Hatfield).
XCVIIL— TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
1601. Aug. 14. From Sherborne. Hope of a Visit from Cobham. — Lawsuits
with the Meeres. — News of a Dutch Ship 227
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers.
(Rolls House.)

xxii Contents.

PAGE
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTERS XCIX. AND C. — RALEGH
AND THE DUKE OF BIRON 229
XCIX.— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1601. Sept. 6. From Crosby House, in London. Attendance on the Duke of
Biron at Westminster and at the Bear Garden. — Arrangements for the
Duke's Journey to Basing 233
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxviii. § 22 (Hatfield)-
C— TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
1601. Sept. 12. From Basing. Desire for his Attendance on the Queen.—
Presence of the Duke of Biron and his Suite at Court . ' 234
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers
(Rolls House.)
CI.— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1601 Sept. 19. From Sherborne. News of the Spanish Fleet— Knavish
Proceedings of John Meeres 2-j ,
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxviii. § 53 (Hatfield).
CII.— TO THE SAME.
1601. Sept. 25. [From Sherborne.] Lawsuits with Meeres ; and other Per
sonal Affairs. ,.,
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxviii. § 62 (Hatfield).
CHI.— TO THE SAME.
1601. Sept. 26. From Weymouth. Arrival of two Scotchmen at Weymouth,
with News of the Spanish Fleet . 240
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers
marked ' 261 ' (Rolls House).
CIV.— TO THE SAME.
1601. Sept 27. From Sheiiorne. News of the Spanish Fleet —Occurrences
on the Insh Coast 2dI
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence :' Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers ; formerly
marked 263 ' (Bolls House).
CV— TO THE SAME.
1601 Oct. 13. Froin Sherborne. Recommendation of Mr. Stucley for
Service m Ireland. —Invasion of Ireland by the Spaniards 243
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxviii. § 128 (Hatfield).
CVL— TO THE SAME.
'^'kna^oflXMter" '"" °f. *"*** ^ *' Sp»iar*._
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Ixxxix. § 41 (Hatfield).

Contents. xxiii

PAGE
CVIL— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[1601 ? From Jersey ?] Remittance of Money to Jersey by the hands of Thomas
Freake. — Particulars of a Privateering Adventure . 246
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxxvi. § 151 (Hatfield).
CVIIL— TO THE SAME.
[1602. July 20. From Jersey.] Greetings. — Foreign News and Rumours. —
Expected Arrival of Normans in Jersey . 247
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xciv. § 56 (Hatfield).
CIX.— TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
1602. Aug. 12. From Sherborne. Return from Jersey. — Its Defences. —
Hopes of an early Meeting with Cobham and with the Earl of Northumber
land 249
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence ¦ Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers.
(Rolls House.)
CX.— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1602. Aug. 21. From Weymouth. Continued Efforts for the Colonization of
Virginia, and Foundation of a Trade therewith. — Arrival of some Cargoes
of Sassafras Wood, &c. 25 l
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xciv. § i6o (Hatfield).
CXI.— TO THE SAME.
1602. Sept. 15. From Bath. News of the Spanish Fleet, sent from Jersey 253
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers, 1602.
[Formerly numbered ' 174.'] (Rolls House.)
INCI.OSURE IN LETTER CXI.
SIR GEORGE POULET TO SIR WALTER RALEGH.
Same Subject . • 254
CXIL— TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
[1602?] Oct 14. From Sherborne. Greetings.— Ralegh is about to go into
Cornwall. 255
From the Original Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged Papers.
(Rolls House.)
CXIIL— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1602. Nov. 3. From Sherborne. Regulation of the Mines of Cornwall.—
Detention by private Affairs at Sherborne . 25°
From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar C, b ii- § 102 (Hatfield).

CXIV.— TO THE SAME.
[1602. From the Court?] Business of the Wine Office. -The Queen's Dis
favour . From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xcvii. § 104 (Hatfield).

xxiv Contents.

PAGE

CXV.— TO THE QUEEN.
[1602?] On Proposals for the Declaration of * Successor to the Crown.—
Regrets at his Exclusion from the Queen's Presence . 259
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxiii. § 35 (Hatfield).
CXVL— TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[1602?] Embarkation of the Duke Orsini . 260
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxxvi. § 132 (Hatfield).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CXVIL— RALEGH AND THE
LONDON PALACE OF THE BISHOPS OF DURHAM.— SUB
SEQUENT HISTORY OF DURHAM HOUSE . 262
CXVIL— TO THE LORD KEEPER EGERTON AND OTHERS,
Commissioners appointed by King James I. to inquire
into the Tenure of Durham House.
1603. May. From London. On a Claim made upon him for giving up
Possession of Durham House to the Bishop of Durham . . 269
As printed, from the Original, in the Collection of the Earl of EUesmere (Bridge-
water House), by Mr. J. Payne Collier. Egerton Papers (Camden Society).
[CXVIL*]— TO LADY RALEGH.
1603. July. From the Tower. A Letter of Consolation and Farewell. —
Reasons of his purposed Suicide. — Directions as to the Disposal of his
Estate and Payment of his Debts . 383
See CLXUI.
CXVIIL— TO THE EARLS OF SUFFOLK AND DEVONSHIRE,
THE LORD CECIL, AND OTHERS, Commissioners for the
Examination and Trial of the alleged Conspirators of
1603.
[1603. Aug. From the Tower.] Denial of the Charge brought against him. —
Origin of Cobham's Accusation . 271
As printed in Ralegh's collective Works.
CXIX.— TO THE SAME.
[1603. Oct. ? From the Tower.] Answer to a new Accusation made by
Cobham. — Protest against the Unfairness of the Method of Examination. —
Contrast between God's Law and English Law . . 274
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 25 (Hatfield).
CXX.— TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
[1603. Nov. From Winchester.] Assertion of the Injustice of his Arraign
ment of Treason. — Entreaty for Cecil's Intercession with the King, should

he fall within the Meshes of the Law
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 67, B (Hatfield).

278

Contents. xxv

CXXI.— TO THE KING.
[1603. Nov. From Winchester.] Protest of the Injustice of his Conviction. —
Appeal to the King's Justice and Mercy . . . 280
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 67 (Hatfield).
CXXIL — TO THE EARLS OF SUFFOLK AND DEVONSHIRE,
THE LORD CECIL, AND OTHERS, Commissioners for
the Examination and Trial of the alleged Conspirators
OF 1603.
[1603. Dec. 10. From Winchester.] The Scene on the Scaffold at Winchester
Castle. — Entreaties for his Life. — Cobham's Confession and Accusations 282
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § in, B (Hatfield).
CXXIII.— TO LADY RALEGH.
[1603. Dec. From Winchester.] A Letter of Farewell and Consolation.
Written on the Eve of his expected Execution . 284
From a contemporaneous Transcript in Domestic Correspondence: James I., vol. xcvi.
§ 71 (Rolls House). Collated with another Transcript in MS. Sloane, 3520, ff. 14
-17 (British Museum), and with another, also contemporaneous, amongst the Cecil
Papers (Hatfield).
CXXIV.— TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
[1603. Dec. From Winchester.] Thanks for his friendly Offices. — Promises
of unalterable Affection , 288
Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 112 (Hatfield).
CXXV.— TO THE KING.
[1603. Dec. From Winchester.] Thanks for the sparing of his Life 289
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 109 (Hatfield)
CXXVL— TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
[1603. Dec? From the Tower?] Personal and landed Estates. —Debts. —
Desire for a royal Re-grant of Sherborne. — Other personal Affairs 291
From the Original Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 22 (Hatfield).
CXXVIL— TO THE SAME.
[1603. Dec? Or 1603-04. Jan.? From the'Tower.] Message sent by the
Earl of Pembroke for the Seals of the Duchy of Cornwall. — Expression of
his Desire to write to the King. 294
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 10 (Hatfield).
CXXVIIL— TO THE SAME.
[1603. Dec? Or 1603-04. Jan.? From the Tower.] With the Seals of the
Duchy 295
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. % 12 (Hatfield).
CXXIX.— TO THE KING.
[1603-04. Jan. 21. From the Tower.] Assertion of his persistent Loyalty. —
Appeal to the King's Justice and Mercy, in relation to the Remnant of his
Estate . 296
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § in (Hatfield).
VOL. II. c

Contents.

CXXX.— TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
[1603-04. From the Tower.] Estates and other personal Affairs 298
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 23 (Hatfield).
CXXXL— TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
[1604. From the Tower.] Renewed Protestations of the Injustice of his
Condemnation. — Assurances of Affection to Cecil. — Entreaties for the
Preservation to his Family of his landed Estates . 300
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 17 (Hatfield).
CXXXIL— TO THE SAME.
[1604. From the Tower.] Conveyance, in Trust, of Dorsetshire Estates. —
Expectation of a Pardon . 303
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 16 (Hatfield).
CXXXIIL— TO LEVINUS MUNCKE.
[1604? From the Tower.] Fraudulent Dealings of one Thomas Scott, a
Merchant . 305
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 21 (Hatfield).
CXXXIV— TO LORD TREASURER BUCKHURST, TO SECRE
TARY LORD CRANBORNE, AND OTHERS, Lords
of the Council.
[1604. From the Tower.] Particulars of his Estates at Sherborne 307
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 14 (Hatfield).
CXXXV— TO SECRETARY LORD VISCOUNT CRANBORNE.
[1604. From the Tower.] Estates and other personal Affairs 311
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 24 (Hatfield).
CXXXVL— TO THE SAME.
[1604. From the Tower.] Change in Cranborne's Behaviour towards him. —
Injustice of his Condemnation. — Personal Affairs. — Appearance of the
Plague in the Tower. — Desire of Removal . 314
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 13 (Hatfield).
CXXXVII.— TO THE SAME.
[1604. From the Tower.] Entreaties for the Restoration of his landed Estates 316
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cv. § 50 (Hatfield).
CXXXVIIL— TO SECRETARY THE EARL OF SALISBURY.
[1605. From the Tower.] On the same Subject 317
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 9 (Hatfield).
CXXXIX.— TO THE EARL OF SALISBURYr LORD HIGH
TREASURER.
[1605. From the Tower.] Restoration of the Dorsetshire Estates.  Terms of
the Re-grant in Trust . ,,n
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 11 (Hatfield).

Contents. xxvii

[CXXXIX.*]— TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
[1605. Nov. From the Tower.] Explanation as to his Intercourse with
Captain Whitelocke, a Retainer of the Earl of Northumberland . 387
See CLXIV.
CXL— TO SIR ROBERT COTTON, BART.
[After 1605? From the Tower.] Request for the Loan of various Books of
History . . . 322
From the Original. MS. Cotton, Julius C iii. fol. 311 (British Museum
[CXL.*]— TO THE LORD TREASURER SALISBURY.
1608? or 1609? From the Tower. Proposals for an Expedition to Guiana . 389
See CLXV.
CXLL— TO THE LORD TREASURER SALISBURY.
[1607-08. Jan. 29. From the Tower.] Proposed Conveyance of his Sher
borne Estate to the King . . . . 323
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cxx. § 36 (Hatfield).
CXLII.— TO HIS STEWARD, JOHN SHELBURY?
1608-09. Jan- 3- [From the Tower.] Lease to John Meeres of Bishop's Down,
near Sherborne . 326
From the Original? Domestic Correspcmdence : James L, vol. xliii. § 6 (Rolls House)-
%* The authenticity of this Letter would seem to lie open to some degree of doubt.
CXLIII.— TO SIR ROBERT CARR, afterwards Earl of Somerset.
[1609? From the Tower.] Written on receiving Intelligence that Carr had
obtained from the King a Grant of the Sherborne Estate 326
From a nearly contemporary Transcript in MS. Addit. 4106, fol. 81 (British Museum)
CXLIV— TO SIR WALTER COPE.
16 10. Oct 9. [From the Tower.] Requesting his Intercession for Leave to
Lady Ralegh to return to the Tower . 328
As communicated to the Society of Antiquaries (June 2, 1853) by Mr. J. Payne Collier,
from the Original, then in the possession of Mr. Willoughby, of Lancaster Place,
London {Archteologia, vol. xxxv. pp. 219, 220).
CXLV.— TO HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES.
1610? [From the Tower.] On the building of a Ship of War 330
As printed, in 1656-57, in the Collection entitled Remains of Sir Walter Raleigh.
[CXLV.*]— TO JOHN RAMSAY, VISCOUNT HADDINGTON
(AFTERWARDS EARL OF HoLDERNESS).
1610? From the Tower. Proposals for an Expedition to Guiana 392
See CLXVI.
CXLVL— TO QUEEN ANNE OF DENMARK, Consort of King
James the First.
1610? [From the Tower.] Proposals for the Colonization of Virginia 333
From a contemporaneous Transcript in MS. Harleian xxxix. fol. 359 (British Museum)
C 2

Contents.

PAGE
CXLVII.-TO QUEEN ANNE OF DENMARK, Consort of King
James the First.
[1611. From the Tower.] Proposals for an Expedition to Guiana 334
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: James I. (Rolls House).
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CXLVIII.-i^OVOS^Z.S' FOR A
VOYAGE TO GUIANA IN 1612? . • -33°
CXLVIIL— TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL?
[1612 ? From the Tower.] Proposals for a Voyage by Keymis to Guiana 337
From a nearly contemporaneous Transcript in MS. Harl. xxxix. fr.350, 351 (British Museum).
CXLIX.— TO SECRETARY SIR RALPH WINWOOD.
[1615-16? Jan.? From the Tower.] On the same Subject 339
As printed, in 1656-57, in the Collection entitled Remains of Sir Walter Raleigh.
CL.— TO SIR GEORGE VILLIERS, afterwards Duke of Buckingham.
1615-16. March 17. [From London ; Broad Street ?] Thanks for procuring
his Release from the Tower . 341
As printed by Oldys, from the Original, then in the Library of James West {Life, p. 468).
CLI.— TO PETER VANLORE.
1616. July 1. With a Form of a Letter to be written by Vanlore to Amster
dam, for Information about Guiana . . 342
As printed, by Oldys, from a Copy made by Browne Willis of " the original draft of Sir
Walter's own hand," then in Willis' Library at Whaddon Hall.
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CLII. — RALEGH AND THE
'CONSEIL D'ETAT' OF FRANCE . . . . 344
CLII.— TO M. DE BISSEAUX.
1617. May 14. From Plymouth. Proposals respecting the Guiana Voyage. —
Application for Permission to enter, if needful, a French Port . 346
As printed by Mr. S. R. Gardner (from a MS. at Simancas), in the Fortnightly Review,
vol. vii. (May 1867).
CLIIL— TO LADY RALEGH.
1617. Nov. 14. From Caliana. Particulars of his disastrous Voyage. —
Bailey's Desertion. — Numerous Deaths among his Officers 347
As printed, in 1656-57, in the Collection entitled Remains of Sir Walter Raleigh.
CLIV— TO SECRETARY SIR RALPH WINWOOD.
1618. March 21. From St. Christopher's. Misfortunes of the Guiana Voyage.
— The Information sent to the King of Spain from London. —Conflicts with
the Spaniards . *«)
From a contemporaneous and official Copy, in Domestic Correspondence : James I., vol.
xcvi. § 70 (Rolls House). Collated with another Transcript in a Letter Book
belonging to the Marquess of Sahsbury, Cecil Papers, Pillar A, b V fol 12 (Hatfield)

Contents. xxix

CLV.— TO LADY RALEGH.
1618. March 22. From St. Christopher's. Death of their Son Walter. —
Particulars of the Expedition under Keymis . 359
From a Transcript in MS. Harl. 4761, ff. 23-25 (British Museum). Collated with
another in MS. Sloane, 3520, ff. 2-4.
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CLVI.— PARTICULARS OF THE
GUIANA ENTERPRISE 364
CLVI.— TO THE KING.
[1618. Sept. 24. From the Tmcer.] Justification of the Guiana Enterprise 368
From a contemporaneous and official Copy. Domestic Correspondence : James I., vol. xcix.
§ 69, 1 (Rolls House).
CLVII.— TO LADY RALEGH.
1618. Sept. ? [From the Tower.] A Note of Introduction for Edward Wilson,
his Under-keeper 37°
From a Copy in the hand of a Clerk of Sir Thomas Wilson, made (as it appears) before
the delivery of the Letter to Lady Ralegh. Domestic Correspondence: James I.,
vol. xcix. § 9, 1 (Rolls House).
REPLY TO LETTER CLVII. —LADY RALEGH TO SIR WALTER
RALEGH il>-
From a Copy made as above, and on the same sheet.
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CLVIII. — FURTHER PARTICU
LARS OF THE GUIANA ENTERPRISE IT
CLVIII.— TO LADY RALEGH.
1618. Oct. 4. [From the Tower.] Particulars as to the Outfit and Charges of
Ships employed in the Guiana Expedition 372
From a Copy made by Sir Thomas Wilson, before (as it seems) the Original .was. delivered
to Lady Ralegh. Domestic Correspondence: James I., vol. cm. § 21 (Bolls House)
CLIX.— TO GEORGE VILLIERS, MARQUESS OF BUCKINGHAM.
1618. Same Subject— Request for the Marquess' Intercession with the King 373
As printed in the collective Works of Ralegh.
CLX.— TO GEORGE, LORD CAREW OF CLOPTON (afterwards
Earl of Totnes).
Defence of the Guiana Expedition. —Invalidity of the Spanish Pretensions and
Complaints • 3'5
From the Original. MS. Cotton, Vitellius C xvii. ff. 439, 440 (British Museum).

xxx Contents.

LETTERS OMITTED IN THEIR DUE ORDER OF TIME.

CLXI. [lxiv.*]— TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1596. May 13. From Dover. Naval Matters connected with the Preparation
of a Fleet against Spain 3^1
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxiii. § 73 (Hatfield).
CLXII. [lxxxiv.*]— TO MICHAEL HICKES, Secretary to the
Lord Treasurer Burghley.
1598? July 12. From Sherborne. Entreaty for furtherance of the Payment,
by the Lord Treasurer, of a Debt owing to Captain Spring 382
As printed, in 1720, by Arthur Collins, in the first edition of his Baronettage of England.
CLXIII. [cxvu.*]— TO LADY RALEGH.
1603. July. From the Tower. A Letter of Consolation and Farewell. —
Reasons of his purposed Suicide. — Directions as to the Disposal of his
Estates and Payment of his Debts . 383
As printed, in 1839, by the Rev. J. S. Brewer, from an early Transcript in MS. Yelverton
xvi. fol. 100 (All Souls College Library, Oxford).
CLXIV. [cxxxix.*]— TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
1605. Nov. From the Tower. Explanation as to his Intercourse with Captain
Whitelocke, a Retainer of the Earl of Northumberland . 387
From a Transcript made (in the last century) by_ the Librarian of James Cecil, Earl of
Salisbury, from the Original, then in the Library at Hatfield. MS. Addit. 6178,
fol. 469 (British Museum).
CLXV. [cxl.*]— TO THE LORD TREASURER SALISBURY.
1607? From the Tower. Proposals for an Expedition to Guiana . 389
From a Transcript made (in the last century) by the Librarian of James Cecil, Earl of
Salisbury, from the Original, then in the Library at Hatfield. MS. Addit. 6178,
fol. 827 ( British Museum).
CLXVI. [cxlv.*]— TO JOHN RAMSAY, VISCOUNT HADDINGTON
(AFTERWARDS EARL OF HOLDERNESS).
1610? From the Tower. Proposals for an Expedition to Guiana . . . . 392
From a Transcript made (in the last century) by the Librarian of James Cecil, Earl of
Salisbury, fr°.m, the Original, then in the Library at Hatfield. MS. Addit. 6177,
fol. 241 (British Museum).

Contents. xxxi

APPENDIX.
I.— LETTERS OF LADY RALEGH.
I.— LADY RALEGH TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
'593-94- Feb. 8. Thanks for Tablets; alluding to some Instance of the
Queens "curiosity of deciphering;" and entreating him not to forward
Ralegh's Plan of an Enterprise " towards the sunset" 397
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol. 50 (Hatfield).
II.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
I594-95- March 20. From Sherborne. Entreaty that no Impediment be
suffered to the due Course of Law in the Suit against the Earl of
Huntingdon . . 398
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxi. § 29 (Hatfield).
III.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
I59S- April 7. From Sherborne. Recommendation of Arthur Radford, who
is desirous of serving at Sea . 399
From the Original Cecil Papers, vol. xxxi. § 77 (Hatfield).
IV.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
1595. July 25. Recommendation of a Suit of Mr. Brett . 400
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxiii. § 53 (Hatfield)-
V.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
1596. July. From Mile End. On the Return of Keymis from Guiana . 402
From the Original Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. § 29 (Hatfield).
VI.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
1597. Sept Anxiety for News of Sir Walter 403
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Iv. § 88 (Hatfield).
VII.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
1600. Oct. Fire at Durham House . 404
From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar C b, ii- § 36 (Hatfield)-
VIII.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
1601-02. March. On ill Offices at Court, done by Lady Kildare (Wife of
Henry, Lord Cobham) . . 4°5
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxv. § 134 (Hatfield).

xxxii Contents. r-AGE
IX.— LADY RALEGH TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF
ESSINGDON.
1603. Nov. 18? Entreaties for his Intercession with the King on her Husband's
behalf 4<>6
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 20 (Hatfield).
X.— LADY RALEGH TO SECRETARY LORD VISCOUNT
CRANBORNE.
[1604?] Entreaty for his Interposition against Seizures made by the Earl of
Nottingham, under pretext of Grants from King James, of part of Sir W.
Ralegh's Possessions 408
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cxc. § 6 (Hatfield).
XL— LADY RALEGH TO KING JAMES THE FIRST.
1609? Entreaty that the King would spare to. herself and her Children some
Fragment of Ralegh's Dorsetshire Estates, — of which the bulk had been
given to Carr, after the gift of Ralegh's other Possessions to the Earl of
Nottingham. . . 409
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cxcv. § 85 (Hatfield).
XII.— LADY RALEGH TO SIR JULIUS CESAR.
161 7. [After June 30.] Delays in the Payment of her Annuity from the
Exchequer 41 1
From the Original. MS. Lansdowne, cxlii. fol. 282. [Formerly numbered ' 292.']
(British Museum.)
XIII.— LADY RALEGH TO SIR NICHOLAS CAREW.
1618. Oct. 30? On the Burial of Sir Walter ... 413
As printed (from the Original ?) by Manning and Bray, History of Surrey, vol. ii. p. 495.
XIV.— LADY RALEGH TO LADY CAREW, Wife of George,
Lord Carew of Clopton.
1618. Nov.? Respecting the Seizure, by Sir Thomas Wilson, of Ralegh's
Library ... . ib.
From a Copy made by direction of Sir Thomas Wilson. Domestic Correspondence
James L, vol. ciii. § 76 (Rolls House).

II.— COMMERCIAL AND PRIVATEERING
ENTERPRISES.
I.— PRIVATEERING ENTERPRISE OF 1589.
The Answer of Sir Walter Ralegh to the Complaints of Albert Reynardson . 415
To the Complaint of -Walter Artson . . . . . 416
To the Complainte of Walter Artson and others ' . a.
To the Complaint of Michaell Leomans , ' 4,j
From the Original. Ca-sar Papers in MS. Lansdowne, vol. cxliv. ff 57-63
(British Museum).

Contents. xxxiii

II.— ENTERPRISE FOR THE EXPORTATION OF PIPE-STAVES PA°E
FROM MUNSTER.
1 590-1 602. Articles to be considered touchinge the makinge and transportinge
of Pipestaves, etc. out of Irelande . 418
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiv. § 68 (Hatfield).

III.— CHARTS OF GUIANA.
I.— THOMAS HARRIOT TO SECRETARY SIR R. CECIL.
'596- July 11. On the framing of Charts of Guiana, from the Papers of
Ralegh and Keymis 420
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. (Hatfield)-
II.— SIR GEORGE TRENCHARD AND SIR RALPH HORSEY
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1596- July 31. From Dorchester. On the Disposal of certain Documents and
Charts relating to Guiana . 423
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. § 17 (Hatfield).
III.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
1596. Aug. IO. With certain Charts and Documents relating to Guiana 424
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. § 72 (Hatfield).

IV.— JOURNEY OF RALEGH AND COBHAM TO
OSTEND, IN JUL Y 1600.
HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM, K.G. TO SECRETARY
SIR ROBERT CECIL.
1600. July ro. From Sandwich. Arrival of Sir Walter Ralegh and other
Friends of Cecil at Sandwich. — News of the War in the Low Countries 425
From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar C, b iv. § 100 (Hatfield).

V.— IMPRISONMENT OF THE LADY ARABELLA
STUART IN 1603.
L— ELIZABETH, DOWAGER COUNTESS OF SHREWSBURY,
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[Extract.]
1602-03. Feb. 6. From Hardwick Hall. Arabella's Willingness to make
Disclosures, and her Desire to see Sir Henry Brouncker . . 427
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xci. § 105 (Hatfield)-

Contents.

PAGE

II. -THE LADY ARABELLA STUART TO SIR HENRY BROUNCKER.
[Extracts.]
1602-03. From Hardwick Hall. Acknowledgments of past Kindness.— Protest
against the Commission of Inquiry now entrusted to him. — Complaints of
the Queen's Ill-usage of her, through the adverse Influence of Sir R. Cecil
and Sir J. Stanhope.— Allusions to her Love Affairs and their Impediments 428
From the OriginaL Cecil Papers, vol. cxxv. ff. 130-142 (Hatfield).
III.— THE LADY ARABELLA STUART TO THE DOWAGER
COUNTESS OF SHREWSBURY.
[Extract. ]
1602-03. March? Love Affairs 434
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cxxxv. § 143 (Hatfield)-
IV. — SIR HENRY BROUNCKER TO SECRETARY
SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[Extract. ]
1603. March 25. From Hardwick Hall. His Uncertainty as to the Council's
Resolves about the Succession to the Crown ; and as to the Continuance of
the Imprisonment of the Lady Arabella . . 435
From the OriginaL Cecil Papers, voL xcii. § 73 (Hatfield).

VI.— PLOTS AND COUNTERPLOTS OF 1602-1603.
I.— LORD HENRY HOWARD (afterwards Earl of Northampton)'
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[Extracts.]
[1602. Probably between March and June.] Suggestions as to the Means of
injuring Ralegh and Cobham in the Queen's Opinion. — Impediments to
the Queen's Service arising out of their Unpopularity. — Advice that
Cobham should be employed in some Negotiations with Spain 436
From the original Minutes or rough Draft. MS. Cotton, Titus, C vi. ff. 386-392
(British Museum -
II.— THE COUNT OF ARENBERGH TO HENRY BROOKE
LORD COBHAM, K.G.
1602. Nov. 22. From Brussels. Desire for a renewed Conference.  Im
portance of a Peace. — His Wish to receive a promised Portrait 445
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xcvi. § 53 (Hatfield).

Contents. xxxv

l'AGE
III.— HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM, K.G. TO SECRETARY
LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
1603. May 23. From Black Friars. Correspondence with the Count of
Arenbergh .... ... . 446
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. c. § 33 (Hatfield).
IV— HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM, TO SECRETARY
LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
1603. May 24. Thanks for the Promotion of his Suit for Leave to go abroad.
— His Letters Patent for the Exportation of Woollen Cloth  447
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. c. § 36 (Hatfield).
V.— GEORGE BROOKE TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL.
[Extract. ]
1603. July 22. Complaints of his Misery. — Entreaties for the Continuance of
Cecil's Favour to him . . .... 448
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 85 (Hatfield).
VI.— HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM, TO SECRETARY
LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
1603. July 23. Cobham's Intercourse with, and Project concerning, Lady
Arabella Stuart — Lapse of Time since the Project was conceived and
abandoned •  449
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 87 (Hatfield).
VII.— SIR WILLIAM WAAD TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL
OF ESSINGDON.
1603. Aug. 12. Examination of one Penycuik, a Scottish Messenger em
ployed between Lord Cobham and the Count of Arenbergh 45a
From the OriginaL Cecil Papers, voL ci. § in (Hatfield).
VIII.— THE DECLARATION AND CONFESSION OF THOMAS
MARKHAM.
1603. Aug. 14. Details of the Plot of his Brother, Sir Griffin Markham, and
others, for surprising the Court and the Tower of London . . 452
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 114 (Hatfield).
IX.— "CERTEN QUEERIES MINISTRED UNTO WILLIAM
WATSON."
1603. July or Aug. ? ... 454
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. (Hatfield).
X —AN ABSTRACT BY SIR WILLIAM WAAD, FOR THE USE OF
SECRETARY LORD CECIL, OF "A LARGE DECLARA
TION OF WILLIAM WATSON."
1603. Aug. 18 455
From the OriginaL Cecil Papers (Hatfield).

xxxvi Contents.

PAGE
XL — SECRETARY LORD CECIL TO THE COUNT OF
ARENBERGH.
1603. Aug. 18. [Illustrative of the Relations subsisting between the King's
Government and the Archduke's Ambassador after the. Examinations of
Cobham and Ralegh] . • 459
From the Original Draft ; corrected in Lord Cecil's hand. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. ff. 121,
122 (Hatfield).
XII.— SECRETARY LORD CECIL TO SIR GEORGE HARVEY,
Lieutenant, of the Tower.
1603. Aug. 20. Letters of Supplication from the Prisoners in the Tower. —
Message to Lord Grey . . . 460
From the original Minute. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 125 (Hatfield)-
XIII.— SIR EDWARD COKE'S ABSTRACT OF THE TREASONS.
1603. Aug.? . 462
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: James I. (Rolls House).
XIV. — SECRETARY LORD CECIL AND OTHER LORDS OF
THE COUNCIL TO SIR BENJAMIN TICHBORNE, High
Sheriff of Hampshire.
1603. Dec. 4. The King's Reception of Sir Walter Ralegh's Letter. — Direc
tions for the Burial of George Brooke . ... 465*
From the original Minute. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 48 (Hatfield).
XV.— ANTHONY WATSON, BISHOP OF CHICHESTER, TO
THE EARLS OF SUFFOLK AND DEVONSHIRE, and the
other Lords Commissioners.
1603. Dec. 4. From Winchester. George Brooke's Retractation, on re
ceiving the Holy Communion, of his Charge against Cobham for saying,
' We will kill the fox and his cubs' . . . . 467
From the OriginaL Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 49 (Hatfield).
XVI.— THE SAME TO THE SAME.
1603. Dec. From Winchester. Statements and Retractations made by George
Brooke, on his Way to the Scaffold . . . ib.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 55 (Hatfield)-
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER XVII. —EXTENT OF LORD
GREY'S PARTICIPA TION IN THE PLOT TO SURPRISE THE
KING'S PERSON— NOTICE OF GREY'S LIFE, CHARACTER,
AND POLITICAL AIMS 469
XVII.— THOMAS, LORD GREY OF WILTON, TO SECRETARY
LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
1603. Dec. From Winchester. Offers to relate, fully and circumstantially,
his entire Knowledge of the Conspiracy, from the Date of his first Compli
city with Brooke, to that of his Quarrel with Sir Griffin Markham 482
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 40 (Hatfield).

Contents. xxxvii

PAGE

XVIII. —SIR GEORGE HARVEY, Lieutenant of the Tower,
TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
1603. Dec. 17. From the Tonvr. Enclosure of a suppressed Confession by
Lord Cobham of Remorse for the Falsehood of his Accusation of Ralegh,
prior to the Message sent by Ralegh through the younger Harvey 483
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 77 (Hatfield).
XIX.— ENCLOSURE IN THE PRECEDING LETTER.
1603. Oct. 24. Expression of Remorse for his Charge against Sir Walter
Ralegh 485
XX.— SECRETARY LORD CECIL TO SIR GEORGE HARVEY.
1603. Dec 20. On the Return of a Trunk containing Papers belonging to
Sir Walter Ralegh. — Letter of Thanks from Ralegh to the King . 486

VII.— RALEGH'S EXECUTION.
I.— QUEEN ANNE OF DENMARK, Consort of King James I.,
TO GEORGE VILLIERS, Marquess of Buckingham.
1618. Oct. ? Entreaty for his Influence with the King to prevent the Execu
tion of Ralegh . ... 487
From a Transcript made by Archbishop Sancroft, from the original Letter, then in his
possession. MS. Tanner, vol. ccxcix. fol. 87 (Bodleian Library, Oxford).
II.— CAREW RALEGH TO KING JAMES THE FIRST.
1618. Oct ? Entreaty for his Father's Pardon 488
From an early Transcript in MS. Ashmole, dcclxxxi. foL 101 (Bodleian Library,
Oxford).
UI.—DR. ROBERT TOUNSON, Dean of Westminster, TO
SIR JOHN ISHAM, Bart.
1618. Nov. 9. Narrative of the Manner and Circumstances of Ralegh's
Death. 489
From the Original, as communicated to Thomas Hearne, in 1731, by its then possessor,
Sir Justinian Isham, Bart. ; and by Hearne printed in the Appendix to his Preface
to Walteri Hemingforde Historia (vol. i. p. clxxxi.).
IV.— RALEGH'S FIRST TESTAMENTARY NOTE . 493
From the Transcript made by Sir Thomas Wilson. Domestic Correspondence : James I.,
vol. ciii. % 37 (Rolls House).
V.— RALEGH'S SECOND TESTAMENTARY NOTE 494
From a contemporary Transcript. MS. Cotton, Titus C vi. § 93 (British Museum).
VI— AN INVENTORY OF SUCH THINGS AS WEARE FOUND
' ON THE BODY OF SIR WALTER RAWLEY, KNIGHT, THE
ioth DAY OF AUGUST, 1618 496
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: James I., vol. xcviii. § 79 (Rolls House).

xxxviii Contents.

POSTSCRIPT TO LETTER CLVIII.
1618. Oct. 4. Adventurers' Shares in the Ship Destiny, employed in the last
Guiana Expedition. — The lost Treatise on the Art of War by Sea
From a Transcript in the hand of Sir Thomas Wilson. Domestic Correspondence :
James L, vol. ciii. No. 21, A.
Note on the above Postscript, by Sir T. Wilson

499

INDEX J0I

ILLUSTRATIONS IN VOLUME II.
Fac-simile of a Letter addressed by Sir W. Ralegh to the Earl
of Leicester, ,n October 1587 To face Title-page.
Fac-simile of a Letter addressed by Thomas, Lord Grey of Wilton,
to Mr. Parker, one of his confidential Servants, from the
Tower, in 161 i ™ ,
1 0 face page 479

CORRIGENDA TO VOL. II.
Page 271, line 2, omit the word ' Nottingham.'
„ 329, line 10, for ' 1610,' read ' 161 1.'
„ 344. line 5, and 346, line 21, for 'Bisseaux,' read 'Buisseaux.'
" 38°' ?™hS,1(i' LkETTE5 C5f -,\ T,he l0st lines in this m»tilated letter
(partially burned at Ashburnham House) may be thus supplied
frZorfriJ ™%c?Py- -:F°r this proves superioritie and not
ever 3l ' Tl r^t ""-I ^S°1Ute m0narch 6Ver yeilded unto. °r
res, erT o fh?S * !i ShTS *at the En2Iish bea« greater
respect to the Spaniards, and are more doubtfull of their forces
heeI,nf f thf,Fr^ OT Dutch, who daylie invade all pans 0
the Indies, without being questioned at their retourne. Yea att
my now being at Plymouth," &c. '

INTRODUCTION

LETTERS OF RALEGH

Of the one hundred and sixty-six letters, written
by Sir Walter Ralegh, which in this volume are
now first collected, one hundred and twenty-five
are printed from the originals. Of the forty-one
letters for which only transcripts, more or less
ancient, could be found, nineteen have been taken
from manuscript sources, and twenty-two from
printed sources. Of the letters taken from origi
nals, many are now printed for the first time ; and
until now, many even of the best-known letters
have never, it is believed, been printed correctly.
Eighty-two of the original letters employed for
the text of the present volume are preserved in
the fine collection at Hatfield of Letters and State
Papers of the Tudor and Stuart reigns, which
belongs to the Marquess of Salisbury, by whose
most obliging and liberal permission they are
here printed. Twenty-seven other originals are
preserved among the national archives brought
together of late years in the new Rolls House.

Sources of
the Letters
nowprinted.

xl

Introduction.

Dispersion
of the
Cecil and
Burghley
Papers.

These are found partly in the series of Domestic
Correspondence, and partly in that of Irish Cor
respondence. Many of these Rolls House letters
have never heretofore been used — probably were
never looked at — by any biographer of Ralegh.
Eleven others of the original letters are scat
tered amongst the various groups of manuscripts,
amassed by different collectors at different periods,
which now, in their aggregate, form the ' Depart
ment of MSS! in the British Museum.
Perhaps, few collections of Papers which — in a
special sense of the words — may be called ' Family
Papers,' have had so curious a history as the
Cecil Papers have had, if we take them inte
grally. Few collections illustrate so pointedly and
pithily the diversitude of accidents — the chances
of fire and flood — the perils amongst robbers, and
the perils amongst the false brethren of collector-
ship — to which precious manuscripts are exposed.
Lord Burghley formed a considerable collection
at Theobalds, and bequeathed it to his second
son, Robert, afterwards Earl of Salisbury. Lord
Salisbury removed the collection from Theobalds
to Hatfield, and took considerable pains to provide
for its perpetuation there. But, long before the
collection descended to its present noble possessor,
a portion of it had suffered grievously from damp
and from neglect. It was only by the accident of
an odour, which could not be explained, coming
into occupied rooms (built over cellarage), that

Introduction.

xli

the existence of a heap of papers, amounting to
several thousands in number, was discovered.
The finding of this mass of documents — to the
place of deposit of which there was no reference,
it seems, amongst the then known series — occurred
within living memory. The discovery was suffi
ciently in time for the saving of a large proportion
of the whole ; but some papers had, of course,
decayed beyond recovery.
By the present Marquess of Salisbury mea
sures were immediately taken for the careful
arrangement, in its entirety, of a series of docu
ments which is at once a noble memorial of family
service to Britain, and a precious storehouse of the
materials of British history.
Meanwhile, other portions of the vast Cecil
collections had wandered far afield. Within but
a few years of the lifetime of Lord Burghley
himself many of his papers had passed into the
hands of Sir Robert Cotton. Some of these suf
fered mutilation in the fire at Ashburnham House,
as this volume will testify. Others, after many
adventures and many hairbreadth escapes from
destruction, came in later days into the noble. col
lection gathered by Robert Harley and Edward
Harley, Earls of Oxford.
Another large series of Cecil Papers remained,
until his death, in the hands of Sir Michael
Hickes, who had been Secretary successively to
vol. n. d

xlii

Introduction.

Lord Burghley and to Lord Salisbury; and
whose secretarial collections seem to have in
cluded, impartially, original papers as well as
copies ; for which, indeed, he had too much pre
cedent. Part of Hickes' papers passed succes
sively into the hands of Strype, the historian, and
of James West, the well-known collector. This
portion was eventually acquired by the first Mar
quess of Lansdowne, and, in due time, became
part of the great national collection in the British
Museum, as the Cotton Manuscripts and the Har-
leian Manuscripts had previously become. But
some of the ' Cecil' or 'Burghley Papers', known
to have been once in the hands of John Strype,
are not now to be found amongst the Lansdowne
Manuscripts. They had strayed into out-of-way
places. Many, in all probability, have been
destroyed. A few found their way into the
collection which was formerly one of the orna
ments of Stowe, in Buckinghamshire, and are
now, I believe, in Lord Ashburnham's library,
in Sussex.
In like manner, during the bygone days of
neglect at Hatfield, predatory hands were laid on
some of the papers which had formed part of
the old Theobalds collection. Some such have
passed, by the ordinary channels of commerce,
into private collections. A few have passed, occa
sionally, into the great national repository in Great
Russell Street, and form part of different groups

Introduction.

xliii

of documents variously acquired. Thus it is that
the search for ' Cecil Papers ' carries the searcher's
inquiries, not only to the collections of the Family
itself, as well as to the vast archives at the Rolls
House, and to the well-known, and more or less
well-catalogued, collections of Cotton MSS., Har-
leian MSS., and Lansdowne MSS. at the British
Museum, but also to a series less easily con
sulted, because only partially catalogued, — that
which bears the designation ' Additional MSS!
in the same repository. It has also chanced that
two volumes of transcripts, made in the lifetime
of James, Earl of Salisbury (sixth of the Cecil
Earls), have passed, by donation, into the same
series ; and of two or three of the papers con
tained amongst those transcripts the originals are
not now, it seems, to be found at Hatfield. Hence
it is that, in the Ralegh Letters hereinafter sub
mitted to the reader from originals, Letters, all of
which now belong to the British Museum, will be
found described as taken from no less than five
several groups of papers, gathered at various times
and by different collectors ; and a letter or two
addressed by Ralegh to Sir Robert Cecil — and
known to have been once kept at Hatfield — will
be found to have been derived, as printed in
these pages, from mere transcripts, instead of
being drawn from the fountain-head. In several
cases, parts of one and the same correspondence,
on one special subject, have had to be sought for
d 2

Introduction.

at Hatfield, at the Rolls House, at the Museum,
and at Oxford.
My own sense of deep obligation to the Mar
quess of Salisbury, for the use he has so liberally
permitted me to make of the Hatfield papers, will
be shared by all readers of the following Letters
who take an interest in the full elucidation of that
plastic epoch of our history in which Ralegh's
correspondents, as well as himself, played such
great parts.

Other Sourcesof Ralegh
Letters.

Three other original letters have been printed
from the University Registry at Cambridge.
These relate to Ralegh's controversy with that
University about the licensing of vintners in the
town of Cambridge, under his Letters Patent
of i583» and during the Chancellorship of Lord
Burghley. One brief, but very interesting, letter is de
rived from the original preserved among Bishop
Tanner's MSS. in the Bodleian Library at
Oxford. That letter connects, by a passing but
important incident, the name and enterprises of
Sir Francis Drake with those of Ralegh.
Another letter, addressed, in 1589, to the
cousin and lifelong friend of Ralegh, Sir George
Carew, has been derived from that portion of the
' Carew Papers ' which forms part of the collec
tion of manuscripts brought together at Lambeth
by the open-handed liberality, and the provident

Introductio

xlv

love of learning, of a long series of Archbishops
of Canterbury.
In common with many other inquirers who
have occasionally profited by the use of that
collection, the writer has had cause to regret the
recent policy of the Ecclesiastical Commissioners
in regard to it. The closing of the Lambeth
Library will, it may be hoped, subsist only for a
time. But it seems (to some of those whose
inquiries were abruptly broken off) the more
regrettable from the notoriety of the fact, that
the present Archbishop of Canterbury was en
deavouring to enlarge the facilities for study,
instead of lessening them., and that he had to
permit the closing of his Library, whilst he was
still urging on the Commissioners the perform
ance of their plain duty, as well to the public
at large, as to the munificence of departed bene
factors, by providing adequate means for the
permanent extension of its public usefulness.
Of the forty-one Ralegh Letters which are now
published from transcripts — preserved in manu
script or in print — ten have been derived from
one or other of those manuscript collections which
have been mentioned already as being the several
constituents of the Department of MSS. at the
British Museum. Six others have been taken
from the Rolls House MSS. One has been copied
from a Bodleian manuscript at Oxford. Nearly all

xlvi

Introduction.

Sources of
the Ralegh
Letters
alreadyprinted.

of these seventeen MSS. are authoritative. Either
from the known character and position of the
transcriber, or from the internal evidence of the
letter itself, or from circumstantial evidence of a
collateral sort, the copies which have been printed
are, in every instance (it is believed), substan
tially authenticated. Transcription, indeed, always
carries with it some amount or other of possible
and probable inaccuracy, verbal or literal, of which
it would be easy to find instances in copies 
intended to be exact — made by a writer himself
from his own letters. The collation of copies
made at various times has been practicable in
respect of several of the Ralegh Letters, the ori
ginals of which are either not known to exist, or
are no longer accessible. The variations have
been, in such cases, carefully noted. In every
instance the source from which the letter has
been printed is indicated. When a transcript has
been followed, the date at which it was made
has been stated, when known to the Editor.
As respects those of the Letters which are
merely reprints, the earliest print has usually been
followed. They amount, in all, to little more than
one-eighth of the whole number of Letters ; and at
least twelve out of the twenty-two are as satis
factorily authenticated in the character of word-
for-word, though not of precisely ' literal,' copies
as are the best of the manuscript copies, taken
from the Harieian Collection or from the national

Introduction.

xlvii

archives. There is no room, I think, for doubt
that the four letters about the ' Capture of the
great Carrack,' which are reprinted from Strype's
Annals, or the three letters, on various subjects,
which are reprinted from Murdin's Burghley
Papers (the originals having been, as it seemed,
misplaced for the moment at Hatfield), were, in
substance, accurately copied by Strype or by
Murdin respectively from the original document
as it came to his hands ; although neither Strype
nor Murdin was careful to follow the exact method
of spelling words employed by the sixteenth-
century writer.
On this orthographic point, it may here be
said that the one hundred and twenty-five letters
which are now printed from the originals are
printed, literally, as Ralegh wrote them. But this
faithful reproduction does not extend to a servile
repetition of mere elisions, or of stenographic
symbols, some of which seem to have been peculiar
to the writer himself, whilst others of them were
common to him and to several of his contem
poraries. Sometimes, for example, he abbreviates
a word by writing the consonants, and connecting
them with a wavy mark or line, which stands in
lieu of vowels — a sort of shorthand which is
amply sufficient when one has become familiar
with a man's autograph, but the imitation of
which in print would answer no useful purpose.
For like reasons, other and less uncommon abbre-

Method
followedin the
transcription and
printingof the
Letters.

xlviii

Introduction.

Birch's
edition of
Ralegh's
Letters.

viations are in these volumes extended; and no
attempt has been made to discriminate between
short i and long /, or between u and v, as far as
respects words which the writer himself was wont
to spell sometimes with the one letter, and some
times with the other. I have ventured to hope
that the book will be read occasionally by other
readers than those who have Elizabethan archae
ology at their fingers' ends, and to think that it is
no part of an Editor's duty to print what, to the
youngest of his readers, cannot but prove a puzzle,
instead of printing what to every reader must
needs be plain English.
The earliest of the partial collections of the
Letters of Ralegh in print was that which accom
panied the tract entitled The Sceptic, printed at
London, in 165 1. It contained only eight letters.
Then followed that which forms part of the Re
mains, published in 1657, and therefore within
the lifetime of the writer's surviving son, Carew
Ralegh, and within that of some of his own
contemporaries. No important addition to these
seems to have been made until Dr. Thomas Birch
published his edition of Sir Walter Ralegh's
Miscellaneous Works in the year 1 75 1. Oldys,
perhaps the most learned, certainly and incom
parably the most painstaking, of Ralegh's bio
graphers, had, after long search, ferreted out
twenty-eight letters, including as well those which

Introduction.

xlix

were still in manuscript as those already in print.
The number of the letters printed in the Remains
of Ralegh is eleven ; that of the letters printed by
Birch is thirteen. But Dr. Birch, although he
possessed many eminent qualities, and did excel
lent service in his day to historical literature, was
a careless editor. He had a multitude of avoca
tions, which he pushed on abreast, and one or
other of them was getting continually thrust against
the wall. Few of his contemporaries had. equal
familiarity with the original documents of English
history. He was constantly engaged in the tran
scription of such. But probably it would be a
difficult matter to show that any one among his
innumerable transcripts possesses exact accuracy.
His text of Ralegh's Letters is less trustworthy
than that of the Remains, published a century
before. On the other hand, it is far more trust
worthy than that published eighty years after
wards, from the University Press at Oxford. A
collection of letters more abounding in errors,
more chaotic in sequence,, or more devoid of those
editorial helps and appliances of which epistolary
books stand more obviously in need than most
others, it would not be easy to find. The amount
of care expended in collecting the Letters was in
entire keeping with that expended in editing them.
The total number printed in the eighth volume of
the Works of Ralegh, in 1829, is twenty-six. Half
a dozen others had been previously printed in the

The Oxford
edition of
the Letters
(1829).

Introduction.

The Letters of
Ralegh,
addressed to the
Cecils ;

first volume, as they occurred in the old Life by
Oldys. Not a. word occurs in Volume VIII. to
tell the reader that he will find other letters in
Volume I. The series of twenty-six begins with a
letter written in or near the year 1610 — or about
the sixth year of Ralegh's imprisonment; and
the series ends with one written in the year 171 3
— almost a century after Ralegh's death. Inter
mediately, we have letters of 161 7 ; then of 1584,
and of 1603. And that letter of 171 3 cannot be
called a ' forgery.' It was never intended to
deceive. It bears the plain mint-mark of the
Englishmen and the Tatlers, in company with
which it was printed; and the internal evidence
that it must have been, the composition of Sir
Richard Steele is every whit as palpable as is
the internal evidence that it could not possibly
have been the composition of Sir Walter
Ralegh. The productions of the University
Press of Oxford would not have won their high
and well-deserved fame had not such editing as
this been a very rare exception in the course of
the long series.
Of the Letters which occupy the greater part
of the present volume, no less than ninety are ad
dressed to one or other of the two famous Cecils
who helped so largely to shape the policy and to
influence the fortunes of England during nearly
the whole of Ralegh's lifetime. If to these we

Introduction,

add the eleven other letters superscribed " To the
Lords of the Council" — an address which occa
sionally meant but little* more, in fact, than an
address " To Lord Treasurer Burghley " or " To
Mr. Secretary Cecil " — we find that almost two-
thirds of Ralegh's correspondence, so far as it is
now known to be extant, is more or less a ' Cecil
Correspondence,' and therefore relates, with but
rare exceptions, either to affairs of State and of
official duty, or else- — in the later period espe
cially — to personal and pecuniary interests, for the
advancement or protection of which the influence
of the Treasurer or Secretary was sought. These
letters contain many valuable contributions towards
the history of a period teeming with great events.
They also contain many by-touches of self-por
traiture, which are, perhaps, far truer represen
tations of mind and character than the happiest
impressions of photography, in modern days, are
of outward form and feature. But probably the
reader, like the Editor, would have gladly ex
changed a few of the letters on public business —
howsoever important — for one or two of those
friendly epistles, addressed, perhaps, to Spenser,
or to Ben Jonson, in which Ralegh may now and
then have taken up the thread of some remem
bered conversation, • on Mulla's shore,' about pas
toral poetry, or in which he may have fought over
again some tongue-cOmbat at ' The Mitrel or at
' The Mermaid! about the old historians of Greece

and their
subject-matter.

Hi

Introduction.

or Rome, or about the laws of poetry, or the rising
glories of the English stage.
If letters such as these are absent, the reader
will find some compensation in the many letters of
a strictly personal sort which have been preserved,
and some of which are here first printed. Others
of them have been so printed (in the pages of
miscellaneous periodicals, or of ' Transactions ' of
learned Societies, known only to a very ' small
circle of readers), as that they are still substantially
new. They have had almost as little publicity as
if the MSS. had never until now been disturbed.
Much additional information will be found, it is
hoped, about the mysterious plots of 1603, both
in the later Ralegh Letters, and in the letters
printed in the Appendix : and some of the new
documents will throw fresh light upon old ones.
The letters, too, which were addressed to Lady
Ralegh from Winchester, and from the Tower,
possess an undying interest for all Englishmen.
One of them first gave Ralegh his place amongst
the popular letter-writers of England. It has
figured in many Collections of Letters and of
'Elegant Extracts,' and is, perhaps, almost as
widely known as any epistolary composition in
our language. That letter, it will be seen, affords
several curious instances of corruption of text,
arising both from careless copying, and from the
endeavours of ambitious editors to improve upon
their author.

Introduction.

liii

Among Ralegh's less frequent correspondents
will be found Secretary Sir Francis Walsing-
ham; the Earls of Leicester and of Essex; the
Lord Admiral Howard of Effingham (afterwards
Earl of Nottingham) ; Arthur, Lord Grey of
Wilton, Lord Deputy of Ireland ; the Lord
Chancellor Egerton (afterwards Baron Elles-
mere and Viscount Brackley) ; the Lord High
Treasurer Buckhurst (afterwards Earl of Dorset) ;
that fatal friend Henry Brooke, Lord Cobham.;
and James' royal Consort, Anne of Denmark.
In all probability, Ralegh addressed many more
letters than one to Queen Elizabeth ; but only
one is known to have been preserved. It has
been already printed, but not accurately. It is
here given from the original, preserved in .the
Cecil Collection at Hatfield.
Considerable as is the number of the Letters
now collected into this volume, there exist many
indications that another considerable .portion of
Ralegh's Correspondence is still to seek. Many
references to letters not now known to be extant
occur amongst the State Papers preserved at the
Rolls House. In the Council Register Books at
the Privy Council Office I have met with nume
rous like references. Some such references, it
will be seen, occur in the printed letters them
selves. And, finally, it may be remarked that
although Oldys was acquainted with but twenty-

other
Corre
spondents of Ralegh.

LostLetters of
Ralegh.

liv

Introduction.

eight letters written by Sir Walter, one,1 at least,
of those known to him is lacking in the present
collection. Part of the missing Correspondence has doubt
less perished. Some of the Letters which in the
following series are printed for the first time have
escaped perils so many, and so varied in kind,
that it is almost a marvel that they, also, have
not perished. But another part, I trust, may yet
be discovered. There is even some reason to
think that in the Library at Hatfield itself, from
which, by the marked kindness and liberality of
its noble owner, I have been permitted to make
so large an addition to the Ralegh Letters hereto
fore known, others will yet, on further search, be
found. This, however, is at present only a hope.
I have laboured diligently to discover, by every
channel and effort which have been open to me,
letters the existence of which — in some repository
or other — I had found good reason to infer.
Sometimes, a scarcely anticipated success has
rewarded the effort, when made under quite other
than promising circumstances. But oftener, and
even under conditions much more hopeful, it has
been followed only by disappointment. And— as
it has happened in many other like cases — several
of the Letters which have not been recovered
1 Namely, a second letter addressed to Sir Michael Hickes, the Secretary
of Lord Burghley. I believe that I saw this letter,— some years ago,—
but I have failed to recover it in time for the present volume.

Introduction.

Iv

possess, either from their known subject-matter
or from the circumstances under which they are
known to have been written, a special biographical
interest ; whilst many that have been found are,
on that score, of slight value.
Probably, the publication of the letters con
tained in this volume may yet, in some instances,
lead to the discovery of their missing companions.
Should the book meet with a sufficient portion of
public favour to warrant me in reprinting it, it
may very fairly be hoped that the new edition
will, to some extent or other, be an augmented
one, especially as regards the Letters of Ralegh.
But that no hope of this sort has induced, know
ingly, any perfunctory carelessness in the prepara
tion of the present edition, is a fact which those
who honour the book with a perusal will, per
haps, be the less inclined to question when they
are assured that — since it was begun — journeys
have been undertaken in search of missing Ralegh
Letters and papers which, in their aggregate,
amount to more than two thousand miles. It so
happens that the materials of Ralegh biography
lie scattered — in a degree which I believe to be
unusual — in all parts of England. And, as the
readers of these volumes will perceive, there are
materials not a few in Continental repositories.
Of the circumstances of one among these many
biographizing journeys I venture to think that
I may here make some mention, without incurring

lvi

Introduction.

the charge of irrelevant egotism. The search, in
that instance, was both a troublesome and a fruit
less one. But the statement which led me to
make the journey has something of historical
curiosity about it, and it is worthy of being again
reprinted. It connects two of the most famous
names in English history. Perhaps the putting
on record of the now certain fact that what has
often been alleged to exist does not exist, — at
least in the place assigned, — may hereafter save
unavailing labour to some future inquirer. Until
February 1867, although more than half a dozen
of the biographers of Sir Walter Ralegh had
repeated the assertion that John Hampden busied
himself in collecting at Hampden House, in Bucks,
no less a mass of Ralegh's writings than amounted
(when fairly transcribed '.by an amanuensis whom
he had established in the house, a year or two
before his own death, expressly for that task) to
' three thousand four hundred' sheets, not one of
them, I find, is known ever to have troubled him
self with an inquiry at Hampden (where books
and tracts collected by the great Parliamentarian
remain to this day), as to their existence or their
loss. The story was first told by David Lloyd in
his book entitled State Worthies. He tells it
so circumstantially that, although later writers on
Ralegh have, as has been said, taken no pains to
prove the statement, or to disprove it, they have '

Introduction.

lvii

not failed to keep it alive by repeated echoes.
Lloyd's words are these : —
" Master Hampden, a little before the wars, was
at the charge of transcribing 3452 (sic) sheets of
Sir Walter Raleigh's MSS., as the amanuensis
himself told me ; who had [at Hampden House, in
Buckinghamshire] his closet chamber, his fire and
candle, with an attendant, to deliver him the
originals, and take his copies as fast as he could
write them." *
By the obliging courtesy of Mr. George Came
ron Hampden — in whom the lineal representation
of Hampdens, Trevors, and Hobarts is now
vested — the Editor was permitted to make a
thorough search at Hampden House for the pur
pose of ascertaining whether or not any waif or
stray of this alleged mass of Ralegh MSS. has
survived. No such papers, I was told, were
known to its owner; nor had his attention ever
been called to Lloyd's statement. I found there
a fine library — chiefly modern, but including also
some precious rarities of old time — and a consi
derable collection of MSS., consisting partly of
diplomatic correspondence, and partly of family
muniments of the usual kind ; but after a two
days' search not a single mauuscript leaf con-.
nected with Ralegh, nor any record or trace
which threw light on the assertion first printed in
the State Worthies, exactly two centuries ago.
1 David Lloyd, Slate Worthies [1668], p. 675.
VOL. II. e

Iviii

Introduction.

Not lone afterwards I had the satisfaction of
meeting, — in a less likely quarter, — with a curious
Ralegh volume, which seems to have been written
towards the end of the seventeenth century. It
adds but little to previous knowledge, since nearly
the whole of it is already in print. But it enables
me to add, in this place, fragments of three letters,
- — or of minutes of intended letters, — addressed by
Sir Walter Ralegh to King James the First, at
various periods during the imprisonments in the
Tower. I incline to the belief that they are
' minutes ' merely ; or, in other words, letters
drafted, but never written. They are, however,
although mere fragments, intrinsically worthy of
preservation. The main interest of the volume
from which I quote them is that it also contains
fragments — not, as I think, otherwise known — of
Ralegh's lost treatise, Of the Art of War by Sea.
These letter-minutes appear to belong respec
tively to the years 1611, 1615, and 1616. The
opening sentences of the second fragment were
afterwards used in the formal dedication to King
James of the tract to which it refers. The frag
ment of 1 6 1 1 runs thus : —
To the King.
[From a transcript, contained in a manuscript collection of tracts
by RALEGH, entitled ' Fragments of Sir Walter Raleighe's,' made
in the seventeenth century ; formerly belonging to the Rev. JOHN
Jones, Vicar of Alconbury, and now preserved in Dr. Williams'
Library in London, fol. 237. This transcript is headed : 'An

Introduction.

lix

Epistle to the King's Majestie.' The letter is evidently un
finished. It may be conjectured that its subject is in some way
connected with the Discourse about the Marriage of Prince Henry.
See Vol. I. chap, xxii.]
" To the high and mighty James, by the Grace of
God King of England, Scotland, France, and
Ireland, Defender of the Faith.
" My most dread Soveraigxe and liege Lord,
" Amongst temporall blessings given from
God and powred upon men this is not the
least — for a man to beholde the frute of his
owne bodie ; surcuhun ex radice, an impe or
graffe from the stocke ; — the olive branches
about the table ; — the hope of his posterity ;
— the image of him selfe ; — and the staffe of
his old age. The consideration of the want
whereof caused that good Patriarch out of
the bitternes of his soule to crye and to make
his complaint unto his God : ' I goe childles ;
and the steward of my howse is [this] Eliazar
of Damascus : Behold, to me thou hast given
no seed ; wherefore, loe a servant of my howse
shalbe my heire!
" But to be furnished with masculyne yssue,
and to have the firstborne of that sex to
whome the birthright is due as to the sanc
tified of God, the preservation of his name,
and the heire of his patrimony, is a double
blessing to all men ; — much more unto Kings,
the Lord's annoynted : whereby their throne

1611?
To the
King.[From the
Tower.]On the
provi dential
blessing of male
issue ;
written, perhaps,with
reference to the
Discourse
o?t the
Marriageof Prince
Henry.

Gen. xv.
2. 3-

e 2

lx

Introduction.

2 Sam.
vii. 12.

I Kings
xxi. 21.

is established ; their subjects, in the middst of
the day present, do behold that sunn which
shall ryse upon them in the day succeeding,
and have theire harts setled to say unto their
souveraigne, ' Wee and our seed will serve thee
and thy seed for ever! For this was God's
blessing unto the propheticall King : ' When
thy dayes be fulfilled, thou shall sleepe with
thy fathers, and I will set up thy seed after
thee, zvhich shall proceed out of thy body, and
will establish his kingdome! And contrari
wise was Ahab accursed, of whome God said :
' Interficiam de Ahab mingentem ad parietem,'
threatninge by that circumlocution to roote
out all yssue male of Ahab that might
succeed him.
" Hence it is that all potentates of the
world have highly respected and advanced
to great honor l in the sight of their subjects
the person in whome their succession is esta
blished and their memory preserved — theire
heire apparent of theire crowne, and have
given and conferred upon them high and emi
nent titles. Of the Romanes he was called
Ccesar et Princeps juventutis, as the principall
of all their hope in their posterity. And
to like purpose by allmost all nations 'the
Prince ; ' the French adding a peculiar name
in respect of his patrimony, ' the Dolphin',—

' First written 'height,' and corrected in the margin of MS.

Introduction.

Ixi

given by Umbelicus to Phillip Valois, King
of France, upon condicion that the heire of
France should ever after enjoy it, and carry
that name and title. And the title of heire
apparant to the Crowne of England" . . .

Then follows the fragment which appears to
have been intended to accompany a MS. copy
of The Prerogative of Parliaments : —
To the King.
[From the same transcript, fol. 246, verso, without superscription
or signature. The first two sentences of this letter Ralegh after
wards used (with modifications) in a long and formal dedication
which he prefixed to the presentation copy of the book (' The Pre
rogative of Parliaments') to which the letter relates.]
" Those that are supprest and hopeles are
comonly sylent, wishing that the common
ill might sort with their particuler misfor
tunes. It is otherwise with mee, who am
not like the dogge that breaks his teeth in
byting the stone that strake [him]. The
grace I have found hath bene from your
Majestie onely, and the life, such as it is,
which I enjoy is of your guift.
" In my former travell with my penn, — that
of my sword to your Majestie's infinite dis
advantage refused, — though it hath bene dis
graced, I cannot yet thereby be beaten from

1615?
To the
King.With a
copy of
the tract
entitled Ine Pre
rogative of
Parlia ments.

Ixij

Introduction.

my desier to serve your Majestie with the
affection which hath nourishment from my
dutie to God, and, from the goodnes of my
King, cannot change.
" And, though your Majestie in this,1 as in
the rest, fynde mee a foole, that I have, bene
falce you shall never fynde. God knowes it.
I hope your Majestie thinks it."
The third fragment, which relates to the
Guiana expedition, is as follows : —
To the King.

1616?
To King
James. [From the
Tower.] On the
proposed Expedition
to Guiana.

[From the same transcript, fol. 229.]

\_The beginning is wattting.~\

" For, weere it not out of a singuler de
votion to doe your Majestie service, I take
it, under your Majestie's gracious pardon, for
a libertie mal entendu to be removed out of
this steddy Tower into a rowling shipp, to
change the dyett of soft bread and fresh meat
for hard biskett and salt beife, to drinke
unsavory water, instead of wyne and beare,
and to disorder an aged, worne, and weake

1 /. e. in the work entitled The Prerogative of Parliaments, the presenta
tion copy of which this letter was to accompany.

Introduction.

lxiii

bodie with watching, travell, and distem
pered heat of the Indies ; besids a world of
other harmes and hazards. For the rest,
most renowned Soveraigne, I most humbly
beseech your Majesty to conceive that I
never had any hidden or any dishonest
intention in this point.
" There have bene, in all ages, some that
have risen againe after a civill death ; yea,
we have of them [some] now liveing which
take themselves to be honest men, and so
beleive of them. Why they may not write
while they lyve in nature, I know not. If
by writing they may serve their countrie and
be profitable to others, they are dead, in
charitie, that thinke the contrary, and [are]
to be numbred amongst those qui gloriantur
in malitia, of whome I have spoken before."

\_The end is wanting!^

Of the other letters to King James, — which are
printed in the body of the volume, — many will be
found to be entirely new to the reader. Others
are now printed from the originals, which here
tofore have been known only by inaccurate copies.
Among the letters of both kinds — those now first
published, and those which are but reprints — are

The Corre
spondence with King
James.

lxiv

Introduction.

one or two which rank among the most charac
teristic fruits of their writer's mind. Several of
them contain passages which it is painful to read ;
but they are among the most precious materials
of biography.
Of two other letters, purporting to have been
written by Ralegh, I entertain doubts of a dif
ferent sort from those which apply to the frag
ments in the Jones MS. They were printed,
more than two hundred years ago,1 in • the volume
entitled "A Collection of Letters made by Sir
Tobie Mathews." Tobias Mathew was the
well-known son of that Bishop of Durham who
became Ralegh's successor in the possession of
Durham House, and therefore he was himself
Sir Walter's contemporary. But his character
in literature, as in life, is such as to give very
small authority to his statements. He was made
up of crotchets and affectations. He had a special
fondness, I believe, for treating correspondence
somewhat in the way in which it was treated by
his contemporary James Howell, or — still more
conspicuously — by a famous poet of the next cen
tury. He gave, it would seem, to his letters
fictitious addresses, fictitious dates, fictitious head
ings, and fictitious interpolations. It is possible,
of course, that the two letters assigned by him
to Ralegh,— and published by his editor, Dr.
1 In November 1659, but with the imprint, ' Lond. 1660.'

Introduction.

lxv

John Donne, four years after Mathew's own
death, — are genuine ; but the authority is emi
nently unsatisfactory, and to the best of my
knowledge neither of them derives confirma
tion from external sources. I therefore print
them in this place, rather than in the body of the
volume. I print them literally as they were
printed in 1659, and with the fantastical head
ings which Tobie Mathew, or Dr. Donne, was
pleased to prefix to them. The first letter — if it
be genuine — does not, it is obvious, relate (as
has been suggested) to the sale of the house at
Mitcham in Surrey, in order to raise money
towards the expenses of the fatal expedition to
Guiana. That house was purchased from Lady
Ralegh by Sir Thomas Plumer (an ancestor of
the Plumers of Hertfordshire), to whom assuredly
the expressions " the gentleman who is so greatly
in favour" and who " hath many faire fortunes
before him;' have no relevancy. If those phrases
be not mere imitations of similar phrases in the
well-known letter to Sir Robert Carr, they are,
at least, reiterations of them, plainly pointed at the
same Court favourite ; neither is it possible that
the phrase, " we have nothing to look for but
misery" — howsoever true potentially, and in the
event, — could have been used by Ralegh, of him
self and his family, at a date immediately prior
to his outset for Guiana, when he was full of
great schemes of enterprise, if not full of hopes.

lxvi

Introduction.

If this letter be indeed genuine, and be faithfully
printed, it obviously must relate to the negotiation
with Carr about the Sherborne estate, and must
belong to the year 1609, not to 16 16. The
subject-matter of the other letter refers it, just
! as evidently, to the year 161 8, and to some late
period of the year, almost immediately before Sir
Walter's execution.
The undated letter of 1609 is thus headed in
the collection of 1659 : —
"Sir W. Rawley to a great Lord whom he
ENTREATES TO GIVE HIM JUST ASSISTANCE IN HIS
BUSINESSE.

1609?
Letter
alleged (by
Tobias Mathew or
by John
Donne) to
have been
written by
Sir W.
Ralegh to
somenobleman
unnamed.

May it please your Lordship,1
" I humbly beseech your Lordship to give
me leave, and pardon to[o], if I need it, for
the answering of those things which you were
lately pleased to object against me ; and that
you will, charitably, also consider of my
demands, and of the reasons which embolden
me to make them.
1 This form of address, to other than the Sovereign, it may here be
observed, does occur in the course of the correspondence hereinafter
printed, but it is extremely unusual with Ralegh. I do not remember that
it is once used by him in addressing the Lord Treasurer Burghley. It
occurs, once— in 1604— in a letter to Lord Cecil, relative to the delivery
of the Seal of the Duchy of Cornwall. If this letter of 1609 be genuine,
the person most likely to be asked by the writer to " consider charitably of
my demands, and of the reasons which embolden me to make them," is
evidently the Lord Treasurer Salisbury. But I see no trace of such a
letter among the Hatfield MSS.

Introduction.

lxvii

" Those answers go here, in a paper which
is enclosed apart, and my letter shall say but
thus much : That the gentleman who is so
greatly in favour hath many faire fortunes
before him ; and we, nothing to look for but
misery ; and that he is better able to give us
above the worth of the land, than we in
condition to abate any part thereof. And
therefore we humbly beseech your Lordship
that your compassion and care of honour
may be the judge between his prosperous
navigation and our shipwrack, and that your
charity for us, and your desire of satisfaction
for him, may equal the ballance between us.
" I hope so heartily to find as just favour \
at your hands, as I will venture upon this to
assure you that I will do all my uttermost to !
make my wife and my son forget their misery
in themselves, and to be ever mindful of their !
duty to your Lordship, to whom I hope they
will be, as I am sure myself have been, and
am, a most faithfull humble servant, &c."

The undated letter of 1618 is thus headed : —
" Sir Walter Rauleigh to King James ; which
seemes rather to acknowledge favours,
than to desire them.
" May it please your Majesty,
" My sad destiny hath been such, that I
could never present Your Majesty but with

[1618.]
Letter
alleged (by
T. Mathew
or by J.
Donne) to
have been
written by
SirW.Ralegh to
King
James.

lxviii

Introduction.

a prospect upon my complaints and miseries,
in stead of doing You services which might
have been acceptable to You. I have not
spared my labour, my poor estate, and the
howerly hazard of my life ; but God hath
otherwise disposed of all ; and now end the
dayes of my hope.
" I must neverthelesse, in this little time
in which I am to live, acknowledge and
admire your goodnesse, and in all my thoughts
and even with my last breath confesse that
You have beheld my affliction with com
passion. And I am yet in nothing so mise
rable, as in that I could never meet an
occasion wherein to be torn in pieces for
Your Majestie's service; I, who am still
Your," &c.
I am bound to add that, for myself, I wholly
decline to believe that Ralegh wrote thus to
King James in October 1618. Ralegh was some
times a flatterer, and there had been a time when
he had shown himself very capable of flattering
(even fulsomely) that shame of our English throne ;
possible as it may be that some of his panegyric is
but irony. I venture to think, nevertheless, that
in the very last days of life he could scarcely write
to the King who, at the express bidding of Philip
the Third's Cabinet, had already commanded him
to be put presently to death, for a conspiracy,

Introduction.

lxix

fifteen years before, with Spain against England,
such words as these : " With my last breath I
confesse that You have beheld my affliction with
compassion," and " I am in nothing so miserable,
as that I could never meet an occasion wherein
to be torn in pieces for Your Majestie's service,"
until I shall see those sentences under his hand ;
or, at all events, find better authority for them
than that of Sir Tobie Mathew, or of King
James' Dean of St. Paul's.
Among the missing letters, the lack of which
I especially regret, are to be mentioned a series
— fourteen in number — that were addressed to
Ralegh's half-brothers, Sir Humphrey and Sir
John Gilbert, and to his nephew, the younger
Sir John Gilbert. These letters are known to
have belonged to the eminent collector, Mr. Brande
Hollis, towards the close of the last century ; and
all of them, there is reason to think, were in
the possession of the late Mr. Macvey Napier —
formerly Editor of the Edinburgh Review — early
in the present century. They passed to him, it
seems, through the hands of the Edinburgh book
seller, Archibald Constable (the ' Old Crafty '
of Scott and Lockhart). Repeated inquiry has
hitherto failed to elicit their fate. The following
is a list of those letters, which I copy from a note
addressed to Constable at the time when they
were offered to him for purchase : —

Lost
Letters,
addressed by Ralegh
to his
brothers andnephew.

lxx

Introduction.

No. i. "To my very loving brother Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
Knight. Dated 4 April, 1592.
2. "To his nephew [Sir John Gilbert the younger].
1597-
3. "To the same. 14//? July [ira irate of gear].
4. " To the same. Without bate.
5. " To his brother. 1588.
6. "To Sir John Gilbert, Knight. 1591.
7. "To the same. Addressed: — For Her Majesties
especyall affaires. To Sir John Gilbert, Knight,
at Dartmouth. Hast, post, hast; hast with speed.
lEiiljont bate.
8. "To his nephew, Sir John Gilbert the younger,
Governor of the Fort at Plymouth. Hit^oui bait.
9. " To the same. Utitljortt bate.
10. "To the same. 88iifjoat bate.
*n. "To Sir Humphrey Gilbert, with a present from
Queen Elizabeth. Dated ' Richmond, March 18,
1582.'
1 2. " To the same. Without bate.
13. "To his nephew, Sir John Gilbert the younger.
Iffitljoui bate.
* 14. " To Sir John Gilbert, Witjioai bate."
To this list its writer adds these words : " All
the above were received by me from the late
Brande Hollis, Esq., F.R.S., S.A." The list
is unsigned, and undated. It is addressed : ' Mr.
Constable! Should it now chance to fall under
the eye of any reader who may be acquainted
with the whereabouts of any of the letters men
tioned in it, a communication of such knowledge
would be most gratefully received by the Editor
of this volume.

Introduction.

l.xxi

All these Gilbert letters must needs possess
some biographical value. Three, out of the four
teen, have become known to me, — in the course
of the preparation of my book, — two of them
from transcripts made for Dr. Thomas Birch,
about a hundred years ago, when their originals
were still at Plymouth, in the possession of the
Gilbert family ; and the third from a transcript
made for Mr. Napier. They are here printed
under the numbers VI., LIL, and LXXXIII.
The fate of the remaining eleven letters is the
more reasonably a subject of curiosity from the
circumstance that another and most curious letter
— falsely, as it seems, ascribed to Ralegh himself
by his brother's descendants — accompanied those
of the letters in the above list which were shown
to Dr. Birch ; and I have now before me his
transcript. It would seem to be simply incon
ceivable that so strange an incident as is recorded
in that letter should have occurred to Sir Walter
Ralegh, without mention of it by any of his
news-writing contemporaries or by any of his
many enemies. Among the proceedings of the
Court of Star Chamber of the year 1601 there is,
however, this one small point of coincidence :
Ralegh's disgraced servant and bitter opponent,
John Meere, in. one of his pleadings about the
Sherborne business, speaks of his master as
having done a certain thing alleged "since the
Queen' s pardon!' No other allusion to 'a pardon'

lxxii

Introduction.

Letter of a
writer un
known, to
a noble
man, or
Privy
Councillor,
unnamed ;
formerly
ascribed to
Sir W.
Ralegh.

is known to me. But, on the whole, the fair
and obvious probability is that the letter now
in question was written by one of the Gilberts
— in spite of its express but incredible endorse
ment : " Letter of Sir Walter Ralegh, in the
possession of Pomeroy Gilbert, Esq., Fort-Major
of Plymouth, Descendent of Sir Humphrey!' Be
that as it may, it is intrinsically deserving of
publication. The Gilbert family is now represented by
Walter Ralegh Gilbert, Esq., of The Priory,
near Bodmin. That gentleman has obligingly
informed me that no papers are in his possession
which throw light either on the letter now to be
printed, or on that (also remarkable) addressed
to Sir John Gilbert the younger, which I have
printed at page 193 of this volume.
" Wheras it pleased your Lordshipp for
his sake who while he lived did especially
love and honor your Lordship to be a mean
to her most excellent Majestie for my pardon,
who out of her aboundant mercy and grace
vouchsafyd the same, in whos service I shall
be evermore reddy to yeild up and sacrifice
that life which it pleased her Majestie to
bestow upon mee at thys tyme : when I came
to London to pled and take the benefitt of
that her Majesties grace, I was notwith
standing so qarefull and fearfull to give

Introduction.

lxxiii

offence, as after I hurd of the Lord Burros1
returne I forbore to go abrode or to follow
any busness of myne own in London, or
elswhere ; preparing as secreatly as I could
to have pleaded the pardon and so to have
returned ether to Irland, to have served her
Majestie ther, or to have followed any other
her Majesties service whersoever. Notwith
standing the Lord Burgh, contrary to the
generall opinion which he seemeth to desire
should be held of his valer and honorable
dealing, lodged himselfe neare the place
where I lay in the Strand, and abowt myd-
night stole into the howse wher I was, in
hope to have me in my chamber all alone,
ether aslepe or utterly unprovided; when,
because he found the dore of my chamber
shutt and that he . could not, without rumore,
fore the same, he departed away; and the
morning following stole to the howse again
desguised, and comes to the chamber dore
which, by sure securing 2 not above half an
houre before, I caused to be kept lockt ; and
finding hymself a second time disappointed,
he knockt at the chamber dore, and counter-
fayting a voyce, sayd he was a frynd of myne
and byd me open the dore. But by the
i Thomas Burgh, fifth Lord Burgh, or Borough, K.G., summoned to
Parliament from nth Jan. 1563 to 24th Oct. 1597.
3 So in transcript ; but the reading is questionable.
VOL. II. /

lxxiv

Introduction.

waving of a blayde I was sure1 
and therfore I drew out my rapier, and so
. . which, as soon as he perseved, and
saw that I was provided, he dissimuled the
[matter and] told mee he came but to chal
lenge mee, which, if I would answere, he
would give . to have
. . But my good . unlikely, and hee
. in the dead of made a third
-ward in the morning, . . . to
have found mee unarmed and in my bed.
For, otherwise, hee might have sent or
written any challenge, more beseeming a man
of his sort. How I was urged to the former
quarrell, it is very well knowen ; being first
stricken by his brother — whom for love and
goodwill I followed into the Indies — after
wards sought out and challenged, when as I
was stelling away to have gone into the
service of the Low Countres ; and after I
had wounded my Lorde's brother in the
felde, it is well known that I never followed
the quarrell with mallice; but, fynding hym
to feynt, I gave over to assault hyme and
stayd with hyme above half an houre, and
set hym upright and [tried ?] to comfort hyme
in all I could untill, for very feare of cum-
pany, I was forst to depart. And yet I so
1 Here, as it seems, the original was mutilated. It appears to have been
a rough draft of the letter sent.

Introduction,

lxxv

much respected the gentleman as I rather
preferred his recovery then myne owne
saufty. For I adventured to ryde into Hol-
borne to send hyme a surgent, before I
sought to save my self, — -which course dif-
fereth much from this of that Lord, who,
besedds the too former assalts, hath since
lien m wayt for me in such sort and with
such cumpany as I dare not pass towards
Westminster to plead my pardon. And for
acceptance of any challenge, my Lord knewe
I may not. For as I am not yet freed of the
former, so shall I bee by this pardon bounde
by sureties to good behaviour ever after ; and
the acceptance of a challenge is a willfull
breach therof. I am therfore most humblie
to beseech your Lordship to continew your
favor toward mee, that I may injoy so much
libertye to insure the benefit of her Majesties
great grace without the overpressing and
outrageous ' [? hindrance of the bro]ther or
other relations of the Lord Brugh's. I have
uppon you . . being all supprest
I shall ever remayn
" Your Lordship's, to be
[commanded as your] servant,

Here the original, whence this transcript was made, was again de
fective.

/2

Ixxvi

Introduction.

[Postscript.]
my . . therfore writ out this
my own hand . my Lord of
Buckhurst.1

Rare
occurrence of dates in
Ralegh's
letters ;
and the
occasional
uncertain
ties thence
arising.

That doubtful letters, and fragments of letters,
such as these, should be without date is precisely
what might be expected ; but that scarcely a
dozen of the one hundred and sixty-six well-
authenticated Ralegh Letters hereinafter printed
should contain an accurate or precise date is a fact
that calls for some remark. The very few that bear
the date of year are — I think almost uniformly —
letters written, either wholly or in part, by an
amanuensis. Sir Walter's own practice was to
date his letters ' this Wednesday ' or ' this Friday',
or, perhaps, 'this 6th of October,' and the like,
but with entire disregard of the year. I have
done what I could to supply the true dates —
either from endorsements or from the subject-
matter of the letters themselves ; but I am well
aware that the reader's indulgent view of the
difficulties which attend upon conjectural dating
will, in the course of this volume, be much needed
on behalf of its Editor. I have, at all events, the
satisfaction of reflecting that, in not a few in
stances, letters already known, but wrongly dated
1 This letter is endorsed: "For Dr. Birch. Letters of Sir Walter
Ralegh in the possession of Pomeroy Gilbert, Esq., Fort-Major of
Plymouth, descendent of Sir Humphrey."

Introduction.

lxxvii

in preceding books — sometimes by a period of
six or seven years — have here been rectified. In
printing so many new letters, I cannot hope to
have altogether escaped the making of some new
blunders. In one or two instances, I have sub
sequently discovered my error, and have corrected
it either by footnote or by marginal note in the
Life. For any undetected errors of this kind
I solicit the candid consideration of readers.
Those most accustomed to difficult researches
amongst musty old papers will, perhaps, be most
charitable on such a point.
Of Letters XLVI., CXXVI., CXXX, and
CXXXIL, it is needful to observe that they stand
much in need of fuller explanation and of more
illustrative remark than it has been in my power
to give. I long entertained a hope that in the
Episcopal Registry at Salisbury, or among the
rich muniments of the Dean and Chapter there, I
should be enabled, and permitted, to find some
other portions of the correspondence relating to
the Sherborne manors. My failure to do so has
not arisen from lack of effort, — or of journeying, —
on my own part. At many of the Diocesan, Col
legiate, and Capitular registries and muniment-
rooms throughout England, there is now a most
liberal recognition of the fairness of making some
distinction between facilities for searches intended
to further a merely historical or literary purpose,

The Letters
illustrativeof the
History
of the
SherborneManors,
and of .
Ralegh'stransac
tions with
the Church
of Sarum.

Ixxviii

Introduction.

Fruitlesssearchesfor letters
at Salis
bury and
at Sher
borne.

Generous
facilitieswhich have
been given
towardsthe collec
tion of
Ralegh
Letters.

and those appointed for searches of a more pro
fessional sort ; such, for instance, as are connected
either with matters of personal profit or with
points of legal contention. At Winchester — to
take but one example out of very many which
are known to me by personal experience — a most
generous view of such matters obtains. But at
Salisbury — as also at Exeter — the direct opposite
of liberality is the rule, and the rule is faithfully
adhered to.
I had also, in the course of my inquiries, found
reason to think that certain other letters which are
printed in this volume might have found very
valuable, and interesting illustration from docu
ments which still, it is believed, exist at Sher
borne Castle. But at Sherborne (as at Salisbury
and at Exeter) my earnest efforts to obtain per
mission for access to them — of course under the
reasonable restrictions which are usual and right
in such researches by strangers — failed of their
object. At Sherborne Castle, I fear, the renown
of its Elizabethan owner is sometimes felt rather
as an overhanging shadow, than as a matter of
generous elation.
It is far less agreeable to put on record failure
and denial in legitimate inquiries for purposes of
research, than gratefully to acknowledge the liberal
furtherance of them. Of that, these volumes have
received not a little. Some of my many obligations

Introduction.

ixxix

are recorded in the Preface to the Life of Ralegh.
But I cannot commit this collection of his Letters
to the indulgence of the reader without once again
registering in this place my grateful and special
thanks, — first, to the Marquess of Salisbury, for
his generous permission to draw so largely on the
papers at Hatfield; and, next, to the Master of
the Rolls, Lord Romilly ; to the Deputy Keeper
of Records, Mr. Duffus Hardy ; and to his most
able and zealous officers in the General Record
Office, for the very liberal facilities which the
Editor of these Letters — in common with other
students of Records better able to turn them to
public profit — has long enjoyed. The circum
stance that the 'Calendars' of the State Papers
of Elizabeth's reign, and the series of fac-similes
entitled ' National Manuscripts', have both been
in active progress — at the Rolls House, and at
Southampton — during much of the time in which
my searches were carried on, inevitably made those
searches occasionally obstructive to the due course
of office business. And hence it is that many
of the Ralegh Letters here printed are without
precise references ; the preparation of the new
Calendars having required a re-numbering of
the papers.1 But what, to the searcher, might
well have proved an unavoidable and, for the
1 This circumstance will explain to the reader the occasional occurrence
in this volume of the term ' Unarranged ' or ' Unnumbered Papers ' (as
at pp. 21, 169, 174, 241, &c), meaning papers which were in course of
re-arrangement.

Ixxx

Introduction.

time, an insurmountable hindrance, has, by the
kindness of the officers, been turned into an
occasion of more than common help. To Alfred
Kingston, to William Noel Sainsbury, and to
William Basevi Saunders, Esquires, this Collec
tion of Letters, and its Editor, are thus under
special obligation. I am also indebted to the
kindness with which Mrs. Everett Green per
mitted me to make occasional use both of the
MS. and of the printer's proofs of her excellent
Calendar of State Papers, for the years 1591 to
1596, now in the press.
My best thanks are also due to the Reverend
Henry Stubbs, D.D., late Librarian to the Arch
bishop of Canterbury, for many facilities afforded
to me at Lambeth.
In submitting this collection of Letters to public
criticism, I am very conscious of some among its
many shortcomings. A task of this sort is neces
sarily one which has to be spread over several
years. Before an Editor reaches the last stage
of the long road on which he has been journeying,
he is pretty sure to find some omissions which
ought to have been supplied at earlier stages, and
something to have been said or done, in one way,
—soon after the outset,— which he would fain
have said or done in quite another way, when
looking back from the final resting-place on the
incidents of his task.

Introduction.

lxxxi

On that head, all I will venture to add is this
one remark: If any reader who may observe or
suspect omissions or errors, and may have both
opportunity and inclination to indicate them, will
do so, — with whatsoever of blame he may deem
fairly attachable to the fault, — he will confer on
the Editor a favour which will be gratefully
received, and sedulously turned to the right
account, whenever opportunity may offer.

NOTE TO INTRODUCTION.
By the accident of a miscarriage of proofs in the
Post Office, the three letters which have been
already mentioned as addressed by Ralegh to
the Senate of the University of Cambridge about
Wine Licences were worked off, prior to cor
rection of the press. These letters are here
reprinted in the form in which they should have
appeared at pp. 24, 27, and 28 of this Volume.
LETTER IX.
1584.
TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR AND OTHERS, THE
SENATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
From the Original. University Registry (Cambridge). [Transcript in
MS. Baker, xxix. 340.]
I COMEND me to you, beinge lothe to greyve or dis
content you, whome I love and am willinge any waies I

lxxxii

Introduction.

LETTER IX.
1584.
July 9-
To the
Senate
of the
University
of Cam
bridge.From the
Court.
On the
licensing of
Vintners in Cam
bridge.

maye to pleasure. I have thoughte good to informe
you of a late hard part and riotouse demeanor done by
some of your Universitie, which I can as yet but take in
contempte of her Majesties graunt to me, not dealinge
further therby then lawfullie (as I am informed) I
maye doe. Yf otherwise, the Conference offered by my
Deputees to one BAXTER and others, your late dealers
in that cause, for the spedie and quyett dissidinge the
matter by your learned Councell and myne, shold have
bene accepted. The abuse done was sutche, as yf I shall
not understand of some reformacion or correction to
be done to the Malefactors, wherby this bearer John
Keymer, her Majesties Subjecte lawfullie lycenced by
me to sell Wynes in your Town, doe quyetlye enjoye
the same untill by lawe (that governeth us all) yt be
otherwyse determyned, I will devyse some other course
for reformacion herein. The barers haste awaye (to
comfort his poore wife, who by violence offered was in
case by sondrye soundes,1 and passions, likelie to have
died) was sutche, as tyme served me not to move my
verye good Lord the Lord Treasurer, for his Honor's
letter in reformacion hereof, which I dowted not to have
had, but I do rest assured that yourselves will take
suche directe and lawfull course herein, as neyther my
selfe, nor yow, nor anye other that will comaund us,
shall have occasion further herein to be trobled, which I
liartelie wyshe : not desiringe so fullie and lawfullie to
extend her Majesties graunt in your towne, as maye
further greyve your Vynteners, the onlie styrrers herein,
respectinge more their gayne then quyett government.
I crave your spedie answere in wrightinge by this barer,
for that the unlawfull and riotous parties must not rest

Introduction.

lxxxiii

unpunyshed. And so I bidd you all hartelie farwell.
From my lodging at the Cort, this ixth of Julie, 1584.
Your very assured loving Frinde,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the Worshipfull my laving Friends, Mr. Doctor Howland, Vice
Ckauncelor of the Universale of Cambridg, and others, the Maisters
of the same.

LETTER XI.
1585.
TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR AND OTHERS, THE
SENATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
From the Original. University Registry (Cambridge). [Transcript
in MS. Baker, xxix. 341.]
Mr. Vyce Chauncelor,
BEINGE (by informacion) perswaded, that your
selfe, with the grave and well disposed of your Uni-
versitie, were so greved with the unseamelye owtrages
latelie comytted by the yonge and unbridled hedds of
the same, in contempte of the Quenes Majesties pre-
rogatyve and graunt unto me, and to my discredytt, as
suffycyent order by yow had ben taken for this bearer's
quyett, which caused me to reste from requyringe re
formacion therin at my verye good Lord Threasurer's
handes, who (by me) as yet understandeth not of those
ryotts ; And I did forbare, contrarye to the advyse of
my learned Councell, in procedinge to enquyer by lawe
of the same ryotts, of good wyll I beare to your Uni-
versitye ; And ment so to deale with yow for the other
foure Tavernes, as sholde have suffycyentlie contented

LETTER XI.
1584-1585. Feb. 10.
To the
Senate
of the
University
of Cam
bridge. From Somerset House.
On the
licensing of
Vintners
in Cam
bridge. ,

lxxxiv

Introduction.

yow. But my to1 favorable dealinge with yow hathe
geven suche encorage, as this daie, I am informed, yow
have warned this barer to appeare before yow, whose
wills therin I have willed him to performe. And I am
further informed, yow mynd to disturbe hym ageyne
from usinge his honeste and lawfull trade of Wyne-
sellinge, authorysed therunto by the Quenes Majesties
graunt, under the great Seale of Ingland. And al-
thoughe I know yow not, yet your place sholde tell me,
that your prosedinges wilbe with hym juste and lawfull,
which onlye I desyer of yow. So yow shall pleasure
yourselves, and contynewe my redynes to doe yow any
good I maye. I hope, uppon your answere, I shall fynd
thes Informacions to growe rather uppon jelosey, then
juste matter. So I leave you to God. From the Cort
at Somersett Howse, this ioth of February, 15842
Your very willing Frind,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To my loving jfrind Mr. Vycechancelor, and the reste of the Maysters of
the Universitie of Cambridge.

LETTER XII.
TO THE SAME.
From the Original. University Registry (Cambridge). [Transcript
in MS. Baker, xxix. 342.]
I CANNOT a litle marvaile att your peremtory and proud
manner of delinge. I was content to use all manner of
curtesy towards yow (in respect of my Lord Tresorer,
my Honorable good Lorde), but I parceve, that my
1 too. s Legal style.

Introduction.

lxxxv

reasonable or rather to1 submis deling hath bread in
yow a proceding unsufferable. Yow have cummitted a
poore man to the prison having don nothing but war
ranted by the great Seal of Ingland ; your Seales sup
posing a priviledge by Charter. I doe not know that
any man, or any men, or Sotiety, would take so mich
uppon them, before triall made. But, as I reverence the
place of whence2 yow ar the governors, so I will not
willingly take any wrong or disgrace from yow. And I
am asured my Lord Tresorer, who may command mee
mich, wilbe indifferent in this case. For the matter so
much concerneth the validety of my patent elswher, as
well as in your Uneversity, as I will try the uttermost of
my right, as well for this one, which I was content to be
satisfied withall, as for all the other foure. And so,
having thought yow would have vouchsafed an awnswere
of my last letters, I end.
Court, this xx' of Febriary, 1584.3
Your Frind as yow shall geve cause,
W. Ralegh.

To the
Senate
of the
University
of Cam
bridge. From the
Court. On the
samesubject.

too.

1 So in MS.

8 Legal style.

LETTERS

OF

SIR WALTER RALEGH.

This man is ft to use in all assays,
Whether for arms and warlike atnenance,
Or else for wise and civil governance.
For he is practised ¦well in policy,
And thereto doth his courting most apply;
To learn the interdeal of Princes strange ;
To mark the intent of Councils, and the change
Of States ; and eke of private men somewhile,
Supplanted by fine falsehood and fair guile.
Of all the which hegathereth what is fit
To enrich the storehouse of his powerful wit;
Which, through wise speaking and grave conference,
He daily ekes, and brings to excellence.
Si'KN'SER (Mother Hubbard's Tale).

LETTERS OF
SIR WALTER RALEGH.

1581.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTERS I. TO V.— RALEGH'S
MILITARY SERVICE IN IRELAND.

T T has been mentioned in the Life [Chap. ii. Vol. I. p. 45]
that the documents hitherto discovered — in the Rolls
House and elsewhere — do not afford the means of dating, with
certainty, the commencement of Ralegh's service in Ireland.
Letter I., when conjoined with some accounts relating to mili
tary pay, — preserved, like it, in the Irish series of State Papers
now collected at the Rolls House ; and entitled ' Two
Reckonings of Captain Walter Rawley,' — ascertains the com
mencement of the particular service therein referred to. But
neither the letter nor the pay-account gives conclusive testi
mony that the campaign of 1580 was the. first Irish campaign
in which the writer and accountant served. It is quite pro
bable that it was so ; but a probability only.
The ' Reckonings ' relate to two distinct periods of service
in the field. The first of them begins with the 13th July,
1580, and ends on the 30th of the following September. The
second begins with the 1st of April, 1582, and ends, in like
manner, with the 30th of the following September. But, for
reasons which have been adduced in the Life [Chap. ii. as
above], the account of 1582 does not, of itself, afford evidence
VOL. II. B

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERS OF 1581.

Ireland :
Elizabeth,
vol. xcix.
§84 (Rolls
House).

Prefatory Note to Letters of 1 5 8 1 .-

that Ralegh was actually present with the army- in Ireland
during any part of that year.
Letter III. is especially remarkable for the contrast it draws
between the methods severally adopted for the suppression of
Irish insurrections by Sir Humphrey Gilbert and by the Earl
of Ormond. The writer had an intimate knowledge of both
commanders, and it is obvious, on the face of the documents
that his comparison of their exploits is coloured by personal
feeling. The severe and sweeping censure of Ormond bears
the aspect of some animosity to the man, hardly less con
spicuously than the praises of Gilbert bear that of partial
affection to the near relative and the early friend.
Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Irish service, referred to in Ralegh's
letter, was performed in 1569. The spirit of the performance
was described by Sir Humphrey himself, in a letter to Sir
Henry Sydney, and in words as brief as they are expressive : —
" My manner of dealing was to show them all that they had
more need of Her Majesty, than she of their service; neither
yet that we were afraid of any number of them ; our quarrel
being so good. I slew all those from time to time that did
belong to, feed, accompany, or maintain, any outlaws or
traitors ; and after my first summoning of a castle or fort, if they
would not presently yield it, I would not afterwards take it of
their gift, but won it perforce, — how many lives soever it cost;
putting man, woman, and child of them to the sword." It would
have been strange, indeed, if Ormond, himself an Irishman,
had exercised his command in Munster with like severity.
But it is very notable that Sir Henry Sydney's immediate praise
of Gilbert's acts and policy, as expressed in the despatches of
the day, is quite as enthusiastic as Ralegh's was, in the retro
spect, eleven years afterwards. For Sir Humphrey Gilbert,
wrote Sir Henry Sydney to Burghley, " I cannot say enough.
The highways are now made free, where no man might travel
unspoiled. . . . Yet this is not the most, nor the best he
hath done ; for the estimation that he hath won to the name

Ralegh's Military Service in Ireland.

of Englishman then; before almost not known, cxceedeth all
the rest." That both Henry Sydney and Humphrey Gilbert
possessed many noble qualities, and belong to the roll of the
true Worthies of England, is among the uncontested facts of
our history ; but it needs to be brought to mind in dealing with
documents such as those now under view.
The paper submitted by Ralegh to the Queen, — to which
Lord Deputy Grey refers in his marginal note to Letter IV. as
" that platt which by Mr. Fent I have advertizement of, for the
fynding of a certayne garrison gratis to Her Majestie, "—is not
now to be found in the Irish Correspondence. But there is,
in that series, a remarkable paper of later date (25 October,
1582), written partly in the hand of Lord Burghley, and partly
in Ralegh's hand, and thus entitled (by Burghley) : — The
Opinion of Mr. Rowley, upon motions made to hym for the
meanes of subduyng the Rebellion in Monster. . This document
is obviously the minutes of a conference between the Lord
Treasurer and the soldier from Ireland ; Burghley holding the
pen, and then handing his record to Ralegh, for revisal, before
submitting it to the Queen. The point on which Ralegh lays
the main stress of his argument is the necessity of winning
over some of the many minor Irish chieftains, who were
known to have followed the Earl of Desmond into rebellion
less from love than from fear. Some of these, he tells the
Queen and her councillors, were men really well-affected to
her rule, and men who had formerly served under English
commanders ; but who were now mainly influenced by two
powerful impressions : they resented certain acts of violence
committed by the English soldiery; and they believed that
ultimately the Queen would both pardon the Earl of Desmond
and restore him to his possessions and dignities. In that case,
the Earl's enmity would be more formidable to them than the
enmity of the English.
"Mr. Ralegh thinketh," writes Lord Burghley, "that the
Queens Majesties forces alone, without an excessive charge by
B 2

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERSOF 1 581.

Prefatory Note to Letters of 1581.

an army that may prepare to lay garrisons in every country,
will not subdue the rebellion ; '' — for the enemy " shall be so
relieved in every country where the English soldier cannot
follow him, as, by fleeing from country to country, he will hold
up his heart a long time. Therefore he thinketh it needful to
have the help and concurrency of divers lords of particular
countries.'7 And then Ralegh went on to show by what means
many such lords might easily be won over. It is probable
that these counsels were substantially the same with those for
which Ralegh had obtained the Queen's ear some months
earlier, to the great displeasure of the Lord Deputy, who, in
the preceding January, had thus expressed his dissatisfaction to
Lord Burghley : " Having lately received advertisement of a
plott delivered by Captain Rawley unto Her Majestye for the
lessening of her charges here in the province of Mounster, and
the disposing of the garrisons according to the same ; the
matter at the first indeed offering a very plausible shewe of
thrifte and commoditie might easily occasion Her Majestie to
thinck that I have not so carefully as behoved looked into the
state of that cause, and the search of Her Majesties proffitt.
Wherefore, having with some of the best advised of the
Councill here, entered into consideration thereof, and per
ceiving many inconveniences, and some impossibilities, in the
accompt thereof, we have . . . layd downe our judgments and
opinions thereof; which, when it shall have come under your
Lordship's deeper consultation, I doubt not but you will soone
discerne a difference between the judgments of those which
with grownded experience and approved reason looke into the
condicion of things, and those which upon no grownd but
seeming fancies, and affecting creditt with proffitt, frame
' Plotts ' upon impossibilities, for others to execute."
To Walsingham, Lord Grey wrote, nearly at the same time,
a letter of most passionate complaint concerning alleged mis
representations made at Court of his government and policy.
In this letter he speaks of his traducer under the cypher
'324,' which in the Calendar of the Irish Papers is interpreted

Ralegh's Military Service in Ireland.

as designating Lord Burghley himself. Some of the allusions,
however, appear to point to Ralegh, rather than to the Lord
Treasurer. But Burghley may have been won over to the
adoption and endorsement of Ralegh's views. At the end of
March, Walsingham notified to the Deputy the Queen's plea
sure that Captain Ralegh should succeed to the command of
•Appesley's band.' [See Vol. I. p. 46.] Grey replies: "As
for Captain Rawley's assignment to the charge of Apsleie's
band, which in your letter of the 2nd of April you write to be
signified unto me by a letter from Her Majestie, I have no
letter which specifieth any such thing to me ; and, for myne
own part, I must bee playne : I nether like his carriage nor
his company; and therefore, other then by direccion and
commandment, and what his right can require, he is not to
expect at my hands." That the Council Book of this period
gives no sanction to the statement (hitherto, so uniformly
made by Ralegh's biographers) that the disputes between the
Lord Deputy and the refractory captain of cavalry came to a
hearing at the Council table, before the Queen herself, I have
shown already. But, be that as it may, the dates which have
now been established prove conclusively that no such hearing
can possibly have been the occasion on which Ralegh first
attracted the Queen's favourable notice.
To the results and the incidents, however, of this great
rebellion in Ireland it is plain that Sir Walter Ralegh owed,
alike, the beginnings of his military fame ; his first initiation
into the mysteries of statecraft ; and the opening (whatever
its precise character) which enabled the accomplished soldier
and the fast-maturing statesman to show that he possessed also
the glittering qualities of the thriving courtier. Irish service
brought him, before he was thirty, into the Queen's closet, as
well as into the Lord Treasurer's cabinet. Presently, it was
to make him a great and an enterprising landowner. Already,
it had laid the foundation of a friendship which nursed into
vigorous growth those seeds of poetry which Nature had sown.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTERS
OF 1581.

Ireland :
Elizabeth,
vol. xcii.
§ 10 (Rolls
House).

Prefatory Note to Letters of 1581.

PREFA
TORY
NOTE TO
LETTERSOF 1581.

* Vol. I.
P- 37-

Ireland: Elizabeth,
vol. Ixvii.
§40 (Rolls
House).

Privy Council to
the Earl of
Ormond. —
Ireland :
Elizabeth,
vol. civ.

That one friendship — and its consequences — would have suf
ficed to hand down Ralegh's name, with Spenser's, had he
explored no Guiana; led no fleet at Cadiz; written no
History of the World; laid the foundation of no colonies in
America The rebellion began in the autumn of 1579 ; — at a time
when Ralegh's mind was still strongly bent on plans of
maritime discovery, notwithstanding the check which had
just been given by the Lords of the Council to his purposed
American voyage.* That interruption occurred in June. On
the 19th of July, the Earl of Desmond wrote to the Lords
Justices that he was " ready to venture his life in Her
Majesty's quarrel." On the 9th of August, Edward Whyte
wrote to Walsingham (from Limerick) that the Geraldines
were in arms, and that the "fire was like to spread into
every corner of the realm." It did not burn quite so fiercely
as that. But it spread far; and the devastation it made was
such as, happily, it is hard for the mind to realize now-a-days.
Ralegh touches (in Letter III.) on one of the main difficulties
which protracted its extinction. "Geraldines," he says, "will
die a thousand deaths ; enter into a million mischiefs ; seek
succour of all nations, rather than be subdued by a Butler."
And the feud between Desmonds and Ormonds was but one
feud of a hundred. But if they could not be put down, it
was, at length, found possible to keep them, for a while, in
check. It was not until the autumn of 1583 was far advanced that
the Queen could congratulate herself on the deliverance of
Munster from rebellion. The report which was then read to
her at Oatlands had been drawn up by one of Ralegh's
comrades — Edward Barkley— in the 1581 campaign of Cork
described in Letter IV. ; and it was the Earl of Ormond — in
that letter so sharply censured — who had the satisfaction of
receiving from the Privy Council in England the royal
thanks.

TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.

From the Original. Irish Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. Ixxx. § 73
(Rolls House). In the hand of an amanuensis, except as to two words
which are interlineated in autograph. Signed.
Maye it please your Honor,
To UNDERSTAND that uppon the receaving of my
footeband of one hondrethe men, when I departed from
London towards this land, there was then delivered into
my hands (besides one hundreth powndes in imprest
which is defalked uppon my enterteynment heere,) so
muche mony as amownted to six dayes wages for
my self, my levetennent, officers, and soldiers, at accus
tomed rates, viz. iii'f per diem for my self, i'fper diem for
my levetennente, xiiijd a peece for iiij officers, and viijd
a peece for every soldier ; after th' expiracion of which
six dayes (by order from Your Honor and the rest of my
lords of Her Maiesties Pryvy Counsell,) wee entered into
the Isle of Wighte where wee contynued xv dayes, and
ther beinge imbarked in Her Maiesties shippes, there
was xvii dayes more before wee arryved heere, duringe
all which tyme of xxxij dayes, in the whole, wee re-
ceaved only vittells after the rate of vid sterlinge per diem
for eache one, so that duringe those xxxij dayes there
growethe due to every of my company ija sterlinge per
diem as a remaynder of theire wages at viij" sterling
per diem; and also to my selfe, my levetennente and
officers, our whole enterteynment for the lyke tyme at

1580-1581. Feb. 22.
To Lord
Burghley.
From Cork.
Detentionat the Isle
of Wight. -
Arrival in
Ireland. —
Pay and
Rations of
his Com
pany.

Letters of Ra,

1580-1581. Feb. 22.
Service ha
Irelanu.

the rates abovesaid. So yt is, my good and honorable
Lorde, that at the importunate suyte and exclamacion
of my company I have bin enforced to paye and satisfye
every of them of that remaynder, and seekinge to have
the same to be allowed mee agayne heere, I am therfore
referred to Your Honor's order and the residue of my
Lords of Her Maiesties Pryvy Councell in England ;
being annswered by Her Highnes' offycers heere that
wee are neyther to be entered into paye, nor no other
manner of waye to be allowed heere, but from the daye
of our arryvall in this land. In consideration whereof
I am a moste humble sutor to Your Honor and the
residue of my said Lords for allowance of that mony, as
hathe bin heretofore, by Your Lordship's good meanes,
in the like case allowed to Sir WILLIAM MORGAN, and
that the same may be payd to the gentleman which
shall deliver this letter to Your Honor, whom I have
desired to attend Your Lordship for that purpose, and
who shall present unto You as well a perfect accompte
thereof, as also a suffycient certifycate or testemony of
the tyme of our contynuaunce in the Wighte, and of the
daye of our arryvall heere. I moste humblie desire
Your honor to farther this my request as spedely as you
conveniently maye, because I have appointed the mony
to be imployed in England abowte the providinge of
sutche wants as bothe my selfe and company doe
greately stand in neede of. Thus I comyt Your Lord
ship to God ; my poore selfe remayninge alwayes a
Your Honor's service and comaundment. Corke, this
22 of February, 1580 {legal style].
Your Lordship's most humble to comaunde,
W. Rauley.
Addressed :
To the right honorable and my very good Lord, the Lord BURGHLEY,
Lord Highe Thresourer of England.

Proceedings of some Fosterers of the Rebellion.

II.

TO SECRETARY SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.
From the Original. Irish Correspondence : Elizabeth, vol. Ixxx. § 74
(Rolls House). Holograph.
I RECEVED of late a letter from Your Honor wherein I
finde Your Honor's disposicion and oppinion more favor
able then I can any way deserve. Notwithstandinge I
hope Your Honor shall finde that my forwardnes to
advance Her Maiesties service shall not be less accord-
inge to my smale strenght. Whereas of late a cumpany
of yonge cumpanions linket together in rebellion who
because they can no longer covertly assiste the pro-
claymed traytors do at lenght manifeste their good
mindes to Her Hightnes and the Inglyshe nacion,— as
Davy Barrey, sonn and heir of Lorde Barrey, now in
the castle of Develin ; MORRICE Roche, eldest sonn
to the Lorde Roche ; Finnin Macartey, Patrick
Conndon, and divers others, — my Lorde Generall is
now cum hither who, wee hope, ether by force or pollecy
will sufficiently hampre them that ar farr of greater
strenght then the Earle of DESMOND and Johne.1 In
my returne from Develin I made a hard escape from
the Seneshall 2 in Barre's countre (wher he is allways
fostered) with xiiij horsmen and threescore footmen.
I was three horsmen, and soun set on horsbake to 3
Irishe footmen. I coveted to recover a litle old castle, and
1 Sir John Fitzgerald, usually called 'John of Desmond.' He was
brother of Gerald, 16th Earl of Desmond.
2 John Fitzedmund Fitzgerald, ' Seneschal of Imokilly.' 3 two.

LETTER 11.
1580-1581. Feb. 23.
To Sir F.
Walsing-ham. From Cork.Proceed
ings of
some covertfosterers
of the Re
bellion. —
His escape
from an
ambush in
Barry'scountry. —
Characterof the
soldiery in
Munster.

IO

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER II.
1580-1581. Feb. 23.
State of
the Pro
vince of
Munster,

in that resun I left three men and three horses. The
manner of myne own behavior I leve to the report of
others, but the escape was strange to all men. The castle
was a longe mile of,1 from the place wher he first sett
on us. Ther is great need of a supply in Munstre, for the
bandes ar all miche decayed. The bands of TANNER
and Barnishe were so ordered in the cashiringe that
no man was the better. For the officers had the furni
ture and the soldiers ran away. Beside, the men ar
suche poore and misserable cretures as ther captaynes
dare not lead them to serve. If Your Honors beheld
them when they arive here, You would think them far
unfitt to fight for Her Maiesties crown ; and like Your
Honor ther is no fitt place to lande them that ther
captaynes may receve them furnished but Corke, from
whence they may most conveniently be delivered over.
Thus, besechinge You to continew Youre favorable op-
pinion of mee, I humblie take my leve, restinge allways
most redy to do you all honor and service. From Corke,
xxiij of February, 1 5 8 1 2 [?]
Your honor's most humble to cummande,
W. Rauley.
Addressed :
To the honorable Sir Francis Walsingham, Knighte, Principal
Secretory to Her Highnes, geve thes.
Endorsed: " 23 February, 1580. From Mr. Walter Rawley."
1 "ff.
2 The last figure in this date is scarcely, legible. The endorsement, it
will be observed, gives, according to the legal style, ' 1580.'

Mismanagement of the War in Munster.

n

III.

TO SECRETARY SIR FRANCIS WALSINGHAM.
From the Original. Irish Correspondence : Elizabeth, vol. Ixxx. § 82
(Rolls House). Holograph.
The day after the writinge of my letter to your Honor
by Levetenant Bigges, news came that Davy Barrey
had broken and burnt all his castles and entred pub-
likly into the action of rebellion. It plesed my Lorde
Deputy,1 att my beinge at Develin (forseinge wherunto
this Trator was bent) to bestow on mee the kepinge
of on of his castles called Barre Court and the Hand
adjoyninge therunto ; which hows he gave mee in charge
to keap to her Majesties use, being a great strenght to
the countre and a safty for all passingers betwen Corke
and Youghall. Notwithstandinge, becaus my Lord
Generall 2 was presently to cum up and Barrey ready
to go out (having before undreground broken the foun-
dacions of the rest of his castles) I made stay to take
this Barrey Court, as well for that my Lord Generall
should not alledge that I crost hyme in any service or
did anythinge with in his goverment without his privitey,
as also because it should not be sayd that the takinge
therof was the hasteninge of Barre's rebellion. But
when my Lord came and Barrey had burnt all the
rest, the Lord Generall, ether meninge to kepe it for
hyme selfe — as I think all is to litle for hyme — or els
unwillinge any Inglishman should have any thing, stayd
1 Arthur, Lord Grey of Wilton.
a Thomas Butler,'Earl of Ormond ; Governor of Munster and General
of the Forces.

LETTER III.
1580-1581. Feb. 25.
To Sir F.
Walsing-
ham. FromCork.Causes of
the delay
in the
seizure of
Barry'sCourt. —
Misman
agement of
the War in
Munster ;
and con
trastoffered thereby to'
the govern-*
ment of
SirH.
Gilbert.

12

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER III.
1580-1581. Feb. 25.
Com plaints of
the con
duct of the
War in
Munster.

the taking therof so longe, mening to put a gard of his
own in it, as it is, withe the rest, defaced and spoled. I
pray God Her Majesty do not finde, that — what with the
defence of his own countre assalted on all sides, what
with the beringe and forberinge of his kindred, as all
thes traytors of this new rebellion ar his own cussen-
germayns, what by reason of the incomperable hatred
betwen hyme and the Garautines,1 who will rather dy
a thowsand deathes, entre into a million of mischeifes
and seek soccor of all nacions, rather than they will ever
be subdued by a Butler — that aftre Her Majesty hathe
spent a hundred thowsand pound more she shall at last
be driven by to 2 dere experience to send an Tnglishe
Presedent to follow thes mallicious traytors with tier
and sword, nether respectinge the aliance nor the nacion.
Would God your Honor and Her Majesty, as well as
my poore selfe, undrestoode how pitifully the service
here goethe forward ! Considering that this man, havinge
now byn Lord Generall of Munstre now about too
yeares, theire ar at this instant a thowsand traytors
more then ther were the first day. Would God the
service of Sir Humfry Gilbert might be rightly lokt
into ; who, with the third part of the garreson now in
Irland, ended a rebellion not miche inferior to this, in
to 3 monethes ! Or would God his own behavior were
suche in peace as it did not make his good service
forgotten and hold hyme from the preferment he is
worthy of ! I take God to wittenes I speake it not for
affection but to discharge my duty to Her Majesty; for
I never hard nor rede of any man more fered then he is
amonge the Irishe nacion. And I do assuredly know
that the best about the Earle of DESMOND, ye ! and
all the unbridled traytors of thes partes, would cum in
1 Geraldines. 2 too. 3 two.

Contrasted Proceedings of Irish Governors.

13

hyre, and yeld them selves to the Queen's mercy, were
it but known that he were cum amonge them. The
end shall prove this to be trew.
And for myne own part God is my judge it grevethe
mee to receve her Majesty's pay (although God knowes
it be but a poore entreteynment) to see her so miche
abused ; and I will rather begg then live here to indure
it. I would most willingly geve over my charge, and did
offre it to the Lord Generall, God is my judge, if I could,
and serve her Majesty privatly with a dussen or ten
horse duringe the wares. I beseiche your Honor to take
my bold writing in good part, protesting befor Hyme
that knowethe the thoughtes of all hartes, that I writ
nothing but moved therunto for the love I bere to her
Highnes and for the furtherance of her service. And
further I humblie crave at your Honors handes that you
will reserve my letters to yourselfe, and if your Honor
will promise mee so miche and give mee leve, I will
from tyme to tyme advertise your Honor trewly of this
estat. Myself being on * that your Honor shall allways
¦ finde most ready to ventur my life to do yow all honor
and service during my life. I beseich your Honor that
I may by your means injoy the keping of this Barrey
Court and the Hand ; or that it will please your Honor
but to writ to my Lorde Deputy that he will confirm it
unto mee, whom I find most willing to do mee any
good, being my honerable, good Lorde. This 2 humblie
I take my leve, reposing myselfe and my estat uppon
your Honors favor.
From Cork, the 25 th of February.
Your Honor's most humble ever to command,
W. Rauley.
Addressed :
To the honorable Sir Francis Walsingham, Knight, the Principall
Secritory to Her Highnes.

14

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER IV.
I58l.
May 1.
To Arthur,
Lord Grey,
Deputy of
Ireland.From Cork. State of
the Army
in Munster.
— Intrigues
of the
rebels. —
Fortifica
tion of
Barry's
Court and
the Island.

Further complaints
of the
management of
the War.

IV.

TO ARTHUR, LORD GREY OF WILTON, LORD
DEPUTY OF IRELAND.
From an official and annotated Copy, sent by the Lord Deputy to Sir
Francis Walsingham. Irish Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. Ixxxiii.
§ 16 [1] (Kolls House).
FERING that it shoulde seme strainge unto your Lord-
shipe the litle service don in thes partes, I presume to
wryte unto your honor in myne owne excuse, lest your
Lordshipe should growe in ill opinion of us that ar and
have byne in the presenc of the General to be directed.
The bandes of Sir Georg Bowser, Edward Barkley,
Captayne Dowdall, and of my self, have bine ever
since the seconde weeke of Lent remayning in Corke;
and both the great wood of Conoloathe, Harlo, Clenlis,
and all the countye of Lymbricke, and the counties
betwene the Dingle and Kilkeny, left without any com
panies ether to defend itself or anoy the enemy. Since
which tyme wee have made to jurneys: the one towards
Kilksny to give convoye to my Lorde and attend his
returne, and the other into Conolothe, by which jurnes
(the one being in horible wether, and the other utterly
botles, being don without draught or espiall, and beside
inforst to walke such unreasonable marches as, wher wee
dispatched a churell of the traytors, wee lamed, lost, or
left behynde unserviceable, a soldier or two of our owne)
the poore bands have curste the change they made in
levyng to follow your Honor, as they have tould the
Lord Generall many tymes. And this fyrst of May
wee ar going another posting convoy towards Kilkeny.
But to culler the matter, wee shall march some two
dayes out of our way to seeke wee know not whome.

Intrigues of the Rebels.

15

The store of Corke, except it be a smale quantitie of
wheat and butter, is all spent within the walles, and
nowe it wilbe aleged that wee cannot serve for want of
vittles, or else because the bandes ar not supplied ; ail-
though wee were nevere less than fore hundred stronge,
and yet both of Sir GEORGE BOWCER'S and Captain
Barkle's [companies] 1 left at Kilmalloch and Asketon.
Wee have spent thes two monethes of the spring in
paries with Barrey Rowe, the Countes of Desmond,
and Finnin Macartey; and wee think it willbe two
moneth more er he 3 be resolved whether thes oughtt to
be followed or no, and yet theris no day passeth without
some trayterous villanies by the Barres committed.
The Countes of Desmonde is retourned, and brought
so many followers with her hither to carrye provision
with her as the Earle, for his parte, shall be the better
able to keepe the feild all this sommer ; and at her
going away none of her trayne ether sercht or lokt over.
Barrey Rowe is protected. The Lady Barrey having
gathered her goodes into Corke ; and fering that by the
atteyndure of her husband those wilbe found for the
Queene, her yonge sonne — viz. BARRIE Roe, that five
dayes before fell on the garrisons of Youghall — is brought
in to serve that turne to carye the goodes into O Syl-
LEVANSES countrey, or els wher, for the more saftie ;
and besides this man shall keep some store of cattell
and such impotent people as cannot follow DAVEY
BARREY in the feild with many other profits ether for
the Queen or for the knaves. I thinke your Honor hard
of the losse of the warde of Asketon.* O Kenis and his
sonn wer both slayne by J HON of DESMOND,— gentelmen
of MAC DONOTH'S countrey and very good subiects.
Barre's Cowrte and the Hand — which your Honor willed
1 This or some equivalent word is here plainly wanting. 2 Ormond.

\6

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER IV.
1581.
May 1.

* "This is
the beegin-
nyng of
that platt
which, by
Mr. Fent,
I have
advertize- ment of,
for the
fynding of
a certayne
garrisongratis to
Her
Majestie.''
— Mar
ginal note
on this
passage by
the Lord
Deputy.

me to keepe — the on1 hath sine bin many tymes
defaced, and the other spoylde and pred.2 From this
iland the traytors can never wante nether wine nor salte,
or iron, or any other necessary provision, or if neede
bee advertisement from Spayne or elswher; being com
mon for any man to lande on. Notwithstanding, it
is left naked and the castle broken that stood in the
entranc therof for defenc. I have, by great perswacion
of the Commissioners, gott leve to edifie the same, and
leve a ward therin ; and if it shall please your Honor
to thinke mee woorthie the keeping and custodie therof
I will at myne owne coast buyld it up agayne and
defend it for her Maiestie. I would the rather bee an
humble and ernest suter to your Honor for it in that I
heire the Lord Generall purposeth, when I have taken
the toyle in making it defencible and bin at the charg,
to turne me over for my charges to the Queene and
dispose of the iland to some other. I hope your Honor
will stand my good lord therin. If it please your Honor
to give commission ther may bee an other hundreth
soldier layd uppon the cuntre heire aboute.* I hope
it willbe a most honorable matter for your Lordshipe,
most acceptable to her Maiestie, and profitable for the
cuntre ; and the ryght meane to banish all idle and
frutles galliglas and kerne, the ministers of all miseryes.
Thus, most humblie beseeching your Honor not to
condemne any of us that are willing to deserve your
Lordshipps good favor, I humblie take my leve. From
Corke, the fyrst of May. 3 Copie of . [Captain Rauley's]
letter (the name being in cypher).
Copie of a letter to the Lord Deputy, from Corke."

Endorsed :
" I May, 1581.

1 preyed ?

This title occupies the usual place of the subscription and signature.

Dissatisfaction with the Irish Service.

•7

V.

TO ROBERT DUDLEY, EARL OF LEICESTER.
From the Original. MS. Harl. 6993, f. 5 (British Museum).
I MAY not forgett continually to put your Honor in
mind of my affection unto your Lordshipe, havinge to
the worlde bothe professed and protested the same.
Your Honor, havinge no use of such poore followers,
hathe utterly forgotten mee. Notwithstandinge, if your
Lordshipe shall please to thinke mee your's, as I am,
I wilbe found as redy, and dare do as miche in your ser
vice, as any man you may cummande ; and do, nether,
so miche dispaire of my self but that I may be somway
able to performe as miche.
I have spent some time here under the Deputy, in
suche poore place and charge, as, were it not for that I
knew him to be on * of yours, I would disdayn it as miche
as to keap sheepe. I will not troble your Honor with
the bussiness of this loste lande ; for that Sir Warram
SENTLEGER2 can best of any man deliver unto your

3 Sir Warham St. Leger, an eminent soldier, passed a considerable
portion of his life in the Irish wars, and in them he ended it, almost nine
teen years after the date of this letter. The Commissioners of Munster,
when narrating to the Lords Justices of Ireland certain events which
occurred in their province during Tyrone's rebellion in 1599-1600, thus
describe Sir Warham's martial death : After reciting Tyrone's march
"out of Barry's country" into that part of Munster of which Sir Warham
had the immediate charge, they say that he and Sir Henry Power rode
forth " to se if they might meete some of the cumpanies straglinge from
the rest," and at length "discreed a cornett of horse, and drew towards
them. Aud knowing the same to be Macgowire, they made a charge upon
him and his horsmen. Sir Warham encountered Macgowire, and with his
pistole short towe bullets into his brest. He with his stafe strake Sir
VOL. II. C

LETTER V.
I58I.
Aug. 25.
To the
Earl of
Leicester.FromLismore. Profes
sions of
attachment. —
Dissatisfactionwith the
Irish ser
vice. —
Recom
mends to
the Earl
John Fitz-
Edmund of Cloyne.

Letters of Ralegh.

Lordshipe the good, the badd, the mischeifs, the meanes
to amend, and all in all of this common welthe, or rather
common woo. He hopethe to finde your Honor his
assured good Lorde, and your Honor may most assuredly
cummande him. He is lovingly inclyned toward your
Honor. And your Lordshipe shall win by your favor
towards hyme a wise, faythfull, and valient gentleman,
whos worde and deede your Honor shall ever find to
be on1
Thus, having no other matter, but only to desire the
continuance of your Honor's favor, I humblie take my
leve. From the Camp of Leismore, in Irland, August
252[iS8i]. Your Honor's faithful and obedient,
W. Rauley.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — I am bold, being bound by very con
science, to cummend unto your Honor's consideration
the pitiful estate of John Fitts-Edmonds, of Cloyne,3
a gentleman, and the only man untucht and proved tru
to the Queen, bothe in this and the last Rebellion. Sir
Warram can declare his service, what he is, and what he
deservethe.
Addressed :
To the right honorable and my very good Lorde the Erie of LEYCESTER,
of Her Majesties most honorable Pryvey Counsel/.
Endorsed : " 260 August, 1581. W. Rawley"
Warhame into the braine, of which blowe within four daies he died ; and
Macgowire was not far gon but he fell from his horse dead. " — Letter to
Lords Justices, &c. in MS. Tenison, dcxv., fol. 10. (Lambeth Palace.)
1 one. ' Ralegh had first written ' 26,' and then alters to ' 25.'
3 John Fitzedmund Fitzgerald, a loyal Geraldine, whose name will recur ;
and who is to be distinguished from his Geraldine namesake, the insurgent
Seneschal of Imokilly.

Good Wishes for Sir Humphrey Gilbert's Voyage.

'9

15 83-
VI.
TO SIR HUMPHREY GILBERT.
From a transcript made, for Dr. Thomas Birch, from the original letter,
then in the possession of Major Pomeroy Gilbert, of Plymouth.
MS. Addit. 4231, f. 85 (British Museum).
Brother, I HAVE sent you a token from her Majesty, an
ancor guided by a lady, as you see ; and farther, her
Highness willed me to sende you worde that she wished
you as great good-hap and safty to your ship, as if her
sealf were ther in parson ; desiring you to have care of
your sealf, as of that which she tendereth ; and therfore,
for her sake, you must provide for hit accordingly.
Farther, she commandeth that you leve your picture
with me. For the rest, I leve till our meeting, or to the
report of this berer, who would needs be the messengre
of this good newse. So I committ you to the will and
protection of God, who send us such life or death, as he
shall please, or hath appointed.
Richmonde, this Friday morning [March 17, 1582-3].
Your treu brother,
W. Ralegh,
Addressed :
To my brother, Sir Hum fry Gilbert, Knight.
Endorsed : " Reseved tke 18th of Marche, 1582 [legal style].

LETTER VI.
1582-1583. March 17.
To Sir H.
Gilbert.From Richmond.With a
token from
the Queen,
and good
wishes for -
Sir Hum
phrey's Voyage.

C 2

20

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER VII.
IS83.
April 10.
To the
Solicitor-General
Egerton. From the
Court.
The Queen's
grant of
the leases
of Stolney
and New-
land, and
Ralegh'sassignment of
them.

VII.
TO THOMAS EGERTON, SOLICITOR-GENERAL;
{Afterwards Viscount Brackley and Lord High Chancellor!)
As printed from the Original, in the Collection of the Earl of Elles-
mere, by Mr. J. Payne Collier ; Egerton Papers, p. 94 (Camden
Society's Series).
Mr. Solycyter,
Yt hathe pleased her Maiestie to bestowe the leases
of Stolney and Newlande, lately graunted unto her from
Al-Solne Colledge in Oxon, upon me, or any other that
I shall agree withall. And for that of late I have bar-
gande with William Touse and Clemente Stupney
for the lease of Stolney, I ame to request you that the
assignement maye passe by your good helpe from her
Maiestie to them, they payenge all fees and chardges
thereto belonging. And soe, with hartie thanks for
many other courtesyes, I byd you farewell. From the
Courte, the xth of Aprille, 1583.
Your very lovinge friende to command,
W. Rauley.
Addressed :
To my Worshipful! frende, Mr. Egerton, Esquire, Solycyter
to her Highnes.

Ralegh's Intercession on behalf of Lord Oxford.

21

VIII.

TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.

From the Original.

Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers?1 (Rolls House.)

THE evening after receipte of Your Lordship's letter, I
spake with Her Majestie; and ministering some occasion
touchinge the Earle of OXFORD, I told Her Majestie
how grievously Your Lordship received Her late dis-
comfortable aunswere. Her Majestie, as Your Lordship
had written, — I know not by whom lately and strangely
perswaded, — purposed to have new repartition betweene
the Lords HOWARD, ARUNDEL, and others, and the
Earle; and saide it was a matter not slightly to be
passed over. I aunswered that, being assured Her
Majestie would never permit anything to be prosecuted
to the Earle's danger — if any such possibilitie weare — and
therefore it weare to small purpose, after so long absence
and so many disgraces, to call his honor and name
agayne into question, wherby he might appeare to be
less fitt either for her favor or presence. In conclusion,
Her Majestie confessed that she meant it only therbye
to give the Earle warninge, and that (as it seemed to
me) being acquainted with his offences her grace might
seem the more, in remitting the revenge or punishment
of the same.
i This letter was transcribed from the Original; but the reference
number, if any, was accidentally omitted. It is one of those which Strype
has printed in his Annals (iv. 590) ; but with so many inaccuracies, that
it would seem doubtful if he had seen the original.

LETTER VIII. 1583.
May 12.
To Lord
Burghley.From the
Court at
Greenwich. Interces
sion with
the Queen
on behalf
of Lord
Oxford.

22

Letters of Ralegh,

LETTER VIII.
I583-
May 12.

I delivered Her Your Lordship's letter.
What I said further, how honorable and profittabell it
weare for Her Majestie to have regard to Your Lord
ship's healthe and quiett, I leve to the witnesse of God,
and good reporte of Her Highnesse. And the more to
witnesse how desirous I am of Your Lordship's favor
and good opinion, I am contente, for your sake, to laye
the sarpente before the fire, as miche as in me lieth, that
having recovered strengthe myself may be moste in
danger of his poyson and stinge.1 For answere, Her
Majestie would give me none other, but that she woulde
satisfye Your Lordshipp, of whom she ever had, and
would ever have, special regard. Thus beinge unfeignedly
willinge to deserve Your Lordship's good favor, I
humblie take my leve. From Grenewiche this present
Friday, May 12, 1583.
Your Lordship's most willinge to be cummanded,
W. Rauley.
1 The allusion here would seem to point to the ill-will which is known
to have been borne towards Ralegh by the Earl of Oxford, from the time
of Ralegh's first appearance at Court. Many instances of Oxford's con
temptuous treatment of the new aspirant for royal favour are mentioned by
the gossips of the day. When Ralegh (after his imprisonment and tem
porary exile from Court) went first to Guiana, Lord Oxford was selected as
the administrator, in Sir Walter's absence, of much of the business of the
Stannaries.

i 5 84.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTERS IX. XI. XII. AND XVIII.—
RALEGH'S GRANT FOR THE LICENSING OF VINTNERS
THROUGHOUT ENGLAND.
HPHE Letters Patent by which Sir Walter Ralegh first
obtained the " Farm of Wines " bear date the 4th of May,
in the 25th of Elizabeth, — 1583. The licensing system appears
to have grown — indirectly — out of the Act of 7th Edward VI.
c. 5, entitled An Act to avoyde the greate price and excesse of
Wynes. Under the powers of Ralegh's Patent, every vintner
licensed to retail wines was bound to pay one pound annually,
for his licence, to the patentee during life.
The controversy between Ralegh and his deputy-licenser,
Richard Browne (noticed in chap. iv. of the preceding volume,
pp. 65, 66), led ultimately to the revocation of the Patent of
1583, and the grant of a new one, bearing date 9th of August,
in the 30th of Elizabeth, — 1588. This grant is for a term of
thirty-one years, and extends to " all places within this king
dom.'' It also gave to Ralegh a moiety of all penalties accru
ing to the Crown under the provisions of the Statute of Edward
for regulating the prices of wines sold by retail. That Statute,
however, contains an express proviso for the privileges of the
Universities of Oxford and Cambridge. And the contention
of Cambridge in 1584 had been entirely successful.
When, for a time, the function of licensing was, in the next
reign, transferred — as far as respects corporate towns — to the
local authorities, the vintners were made to pay licence duties
after a much higher scale than that which had obtained under

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERSOF 1584-1585.
PatentRoll,25 Eliz.
pt. ix.

Ibid. 30 Eliz.
pt. vi.

24

Letters of Ralegh.

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERSOF I584-1585.
Domestic Corresp.
James I.
vol. viii.
§ 90 (Rolls
House).

Ibid.
vol. xc.
§ 104
(January 1627-28).

LETTER IX.
1584.
July 9.
To the
Senate
of the
University
of Cam
bridge.

Ralegh. " Some mayors in corporations," it is said in a State
Paper of 1604, "have already required — some, three pounds;
some, five pounds ; some, six pounds, thirteen shillings, and
fourpence, yearly, to be paid them for a licence." " The pre
sent vintners," it is then added, " are all bound to Sir Walter
Ralegh to pay him yearly, during their lives, twenty shillings ;
and, [as] it hath pleased his Highness to restore to Sir Walter
Ralegh all his goods, . . . the bonds be his as before ; which the
Parliament hath never considered, but left the Vintners subject
to all dangers both of one and the other." Eventually, the
licensing power was kept in the King's hands ; and I find it
stated,. in 1628, "This last year, the wine licences yielded to
the King 4,320/. ioj. 8d." They had yielded Ralegh, adds
the writer, but 1,000/. a year. The contrast affords an in
structive note on the famous Parliamentary debate concerning
Monopolies, of November 1601. It is more than probable
that in 1628 the appropriation of this revenue had as little to
do with the relief of public burdens as it had had in 1601.

IX.

TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR AND OTHERS, THE
SENATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
From the Original. University Registry (Cambridge). [Transcript in
MS. Baker, xxix. 340.]
I COMEND me to you, being lothe to greve or discontent
you, whom I love and am willinge any waies I may to
pleasure. I have thought good to informe you of a late
hard part and riotouse demeanor done by some of your
Universitye, which I can as yet but take in contempte
of her Majesties Graunt to me, not dealinge further
therby, than lawfullie (as I am informed) I maye doe.

On the licettsing of Vintners in Cambridge.

25

Yf otherwise, the Conference offered by my Deputees
to one Baxter and others, your late dealers in that.
cause, for the spedie and quyett dissidinge the matter
by your learned Councell and myne, should have been
accepted. The abuse done was sutche, as yf I shall not
understand of some reformacion or correction to be done
to the Malefactors, wherby this bearer John Keymer,
her Majesties Subjecte lawfullie lycenced by me to sell
Wynes in your Town, doe quyetlye enjoye the same
untill by lawe (that governeth us all) yt be otherwyse
determyned, I will devyse some other course for Refor
macion herin. The barers haste awaye (to comfort his
poor wife, who by violence offered was in case by sondrie
soundes 1 and passions likelie to have dyed) was sutche
as tyme served me not to move my very good Lord the
Lord Treasurer, for his Honor's letter in reformacion
hereof, which I dowted not to have had, but I doe rest
assured that yourselves will take such directe and law-
full course herein, as neyther myself, nor yow, nor any
other that will comaund us, shall have occasion further
herein to be trobled, which I hartelie wishe : not desiringe
so fullie and lawfullie to extend her Majesties Graunt in
your Towne, as maye further greyve your Vynteners, the
onlie styrrers herein, respecting more their gayne then
quyett government. I crave your spedie answere in
wrightinge — by this barer, but that the unlawfull and
ryotous parties must not rest unpunyshed. And so I
bidd you all hartelie farewell. From my lodging at the
Cort, this ninth of July, 1584.
Your very assured loving Frind,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the Worshipfull Mr. Doctor HowLAND, Vice Chancelor, and the
rest of the Masters of the University of Cambridge.

LETTER IX.
1584.
July 9-
From the
Court. On the
licensing of
Vintners in
Cambridge.

Letters of Ralegh.

X.

LETTER X.
1584.
July 26.
To Richard
Duke. From the
Court.
Proposal
for the
purchaseof Hayes
ManorHouse and
Farm.

TO MR. RICHARD DUKE, OF OTTERTON, IN
DEVONSHIRE.
As transcribed from the Original by John Aubrey. MS. Aubrey iv.
f. 47 (Bodleian Library, Oxford). The original letter was, for a
time, kept at Hayes, and was shown to visitors. Its present abode
is not known.
Mr. Duke,
I WROTE to Mr. Prideaux to move yow touchinge
the purchase of a farme 1 sometime in my Fathers
possession. I will most willingly give whatsoever in
your conscience you shall deeme it worth ; and if at
any time you shall have occasion to use me, yow shall
fynd me a thankefull frind to yow and yours.
I am resolved, if I cannot entreat yow, to build at
Colliton. But for the naturall disposition I have to that
place,2 being borne in that house, I had rather seate my
sealf there then any where els. So I take my leve,
readie to countervaile all your courtesies to the utter
most of my power. From the Court, the xxvi of July,
1584. Your very willing frind in all I shalbe able,
W. Ralegh.
. ' Hayet Barton, in the parish of East Budleigh, Devonshire. See Vol.
I. chap. i. 2 Namely, Hayes.

On the licensing of I 'in titers in Cambridge.

27

IS8S. XI.
TO THE VICE-CHANCELLOR AND OTHERS, THE
SENATE OF THE UNIVERSITY OF CAMBRIDGE.
From the Original. University Registry (Cambridge)- [Transcript in
MS. Baker, xxix. 341.]
Mr. Vice Chancelor,
Being (by informacion) perswaded, that your self,
with the grave and well disposed of your University,
were so greved with the unseamelye owtrages lately
commytted by the young and unbridled hedds of the
same, in contempte of the Quenes Majesties prerogatyve
and graunt unto me, and to my discredytt, as suffycyent
order by yow had been taken for this Bearer's quyett,
which caused me to reste from requyringe reformacion
therein at my very good Lord Treasurer's handes, who
by me as yet understandeth not of these ryotts ; and
I did forbare, contrarye to the advyse of my learned
Councell, in procedinge to enquyer by lawe of the same
ryotts, of good wyll I beare to your Universitye ; and
meant so to deale with yow for the other foure Tavernes,
as sholde suffycyentlie have contented yow. But my to1
favorable dealinge with yow hath geven .such encorage,
as this day I am enformed you have warned this bearer
to appeare before yow, whose wills therein I have willed
him to performe. And I am further enformed, yow
mynde to disturbe hym agayne from using his honest
1 too.

LETTER XI.
IS84-1585. Feb. 10.
To the
Serrateof the
University
of Cam
bridge. FromSomerset House.On the
licensing of
Vintners
in Cam
bridge.

28

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XI.
I584-1585. Feb. 10.

LETTER XII.
1584-1585. Feb. 20.
To the
Senate
of the
University
of Cam
bridge.

and lawfull trade of Wynesellinge, authorysed thereunto
by the Quenes Majesties Graunt, under the Great Seale
of Ingland. And althoughe I know yow not, yet your
place shold tell me, that your prosedings will be with
hym juste and lawfull, which onlye I desyr of yow. So
yow shall pleasure yourselves, and contynewe my
redynes to doe yow any good I maye. I hope, uppon
your answere, I shall fynde these informacions to growe
rather uppon jelosey then juste matter. So I leave you
to God. From the Cort at Somerset Howse, this 10th of
Feb. 1584 [legal style]. Your very willing Frind,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To my loving friend Mr. Vice Chancelor, and the rest of the Masters of
the University of Cambridge.

XII.

TO THE SAME.

From the Original. University Registry (Cambridge). [Transcript
in MS. Baker, xxix. 342.]
I CANNOT a little marvaile at your peremtory and proud
manner of delinge. I was content to use all manner of
curtesy towards yow (in respect of my Lord Treasurer,
my honarable good Lorde), but I parcave, that my rea
sonable or rather to1 submis deling hath bread in yow
a proceding unsufferable. Yow have committed a poore
man to prison having don nothing but warranted by the
1 too.

On the licensing of Vintners in Cambridge.

29

Great Seale of Ingland ; your sealvs supposing a pri
vilege by Charter. I doe not know that any man or
Society would take so much uppon them, before tryall
made. But, as I reverence the place of whence1 you
are Governors, so. I will not willingly take any wrong or
disgrace from yow. And I am assured My Lord Tre
sorer, who maye command me, will be indifferent in this
case. For the matter so much concerneth the validity
of my Patent elsewhere, as well as in your University, as
I will try the uttermost of my right, as well for this one,
which I was content to be satisfied withall, as for all
the other foure. And so, having thought you would have
vouchsafed an answere of my last letters, I end.
From the Cort, this 20th of Feb. 1584 [legal style'].
Your Frind as yow shall geve cause,
W. Ralegh.

XIII.
SIR WALTER RALEGH AND SIR THOS. HENEAGE
TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. clxxviii.
§ 78 (Rolls House)- In the hand of an Amanuensis. Signed.
*#* The extent to which, at this and at other periods (both
earlier and later), the practice of carrying English captives into
African slavery had grown, has been very inadequately illus
trated by our historians. The State Papers abound with
documents relating to it ; and many of these, like the letter
now printed, serve to indicate at once the mercantile character
1 for 'which'.

LETTER XII.
1 584-1585.
Feb. 20.
On the
same subject.

30

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XIII.
May 7.
To the
Lordsof the
Council.Report ot
an inquiry
respectingthe ransom
of certain
captives in
Barbary. 7.

assumed by the negotiations for ransoming the captives, and
some of the many abuses to which such private attempts at
their redemption opened the way.
It maie please your good Lordships,
Accordinge to Your Lordships' pleasures dyrected
unto us from the honorable lords and others of Hir
Majesties most honorable Pryvie Councell, upon a com-
plainte exhibited by this bearer, MORGAN POWELL, we
called before us the parties to whome the cause doth
apperteyne ; and upon twyce hearinge therof and what
was produced by the learned councell of both sides, and
also themselves, we conceyve the matter to stande even
as it is sett down in a paper hereinclosed. And we
fynde the hardenes of the case to consist in this : — That
the iiij^v./ [85/.] sent by this complainant unto John
Owen, accordinge to the direction of the Lord Maior, to
be paid to William Symcots, for the captyves' ransom,
was, by the procurement of the said Lord Maior, attached
in the name of Johnes in the hands of the saide Owen,
as the goods of one John Symcotts deceased, for that
the saide Johnes, as it appearith, was then indebted to
the Lord Maior ; by which devise the said iiij"v/., so sent
by this complainant for the captyves' ransom, is comm
to the hands of the said Lord Maior for the answeringe
of the said Johnes his debt, wherby, as we take it, this
complainant is much wronged. In trothe it hath directlie
been approved before us that the captyve was redeemed
by William Symcotts' goods, and that the byls.of
exchange thereupon made by the captyve in Barbary
were to the use of the said William Symcotts. And
therfore it seemith strange unto us and ageinst all equitie
that this complainant's money shold to any other pur
pose be deteyned.

Report to the Lords of the Council on Barbary Captives.

3i

We also fynde that the said William Simcots hath
recovered ageinst the said captyve, in Hir Majesties
Court of Common [Pleas1] at Westminster, his whole
somme of iiij^v/z'., for the ransom, and xli. for damages
besides. So that both the captyve and this complainant
are lykely to be twice charged for the satisfaccion of one
debt, unless Your Lordships take order to the contrarey.
We had ordered and ended the matter to the satisfaction
of all parties, and to the hinderance only of William
Symcots (but with his consent), save that the Lord
Maior refused it, and referred himself and the cawse to
Your Lordships consideracion, to whom we humblie
commende us.
Your Lordships' humble at comaundment,
T. Heneage. W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable and oure verie good Lords, the Lords of Her
Majesties moste honorable Pryvie Counsell.
Endorsed :
May, 1585, d. 7. From Sir Thomas Heneage and Sir Walter Ralegh.
What they have donn in the matter between Morgan Powell and
Jones, abowt the mony paid for redeminge of a Captive in Barbary.
[INCLOSURE.]

LETTER XIII. 1585.
May 7.

Thomas Powell and Peter Williams taken Captyves in
Barbarie, 1581.
John Owen of London, lynnendraper, with one George Williams, servant
to Alderman Pullison, nowe Lord Maior, entred in bond to John Symcotts
in cc/z. [200/.], with condicion to paie all such somes
of money as sholde be disbursed in Barbary for the COndidon ofthJS 'do
ransom and redempcion of the said captives by the bonds.
said John Symcotts, or any other by his order, ac
cording to bills of exchange or other remembrances to be presented to
the said John Owen and George Williams for the same.
1 This word has been torn away, probably by the seal.

32

Letters of Ralegh.

Witnesses to this,
John Wardener and
William Lynney, who
were then present in
Barbary, and now
here. Edward Col-
lyns the factor's de
position.

Thomas Powell onelie was redeemed by this meanes following :—
John Symcotts, to whome the bonde was made, not having eny goods in
those parts of Barbary, required one Edwarde Collyns, factor to William
Symcotts (whoe then had th' adventure of iiijc#.
[400/.] ), to disburse of the said William Symcotts'
goods iiij^v/z. [85/.] for the ransom of Thomas
Powell, captyve ; and to putt it to William Symcotts'
accompt, and to take bylls of exchange and other
assurances of the said captyve to th' use of the said
William Symcotts for the said some of iiij^v/z., all
whiche the said Edwarde did accordinglie, as appearith by twoe bylls of
exchange and one byll of debte made by the said captyve in Barbarie.
In the retourne from Barbarie, John Symcotts died. The said captyve
aryvinge at London, in September 1583, mett with the said William
Symcotts, where he tould him he was redeemed with
bylls ^f^exchange iiij^v/z. of his goods, by Edward Collyns, his factor,
and the byll of debte an(j ;harT gyven bills of exchange and also a bill of
made in Barbary. OJ °
debt to the use of the saide William Symcotts, for
payment therof. Wherupon the said William Symcots and the captyve
went to seeke John Owen and George Williams, who were not then in the
cittie. And, having some speche with Alderman Pullison, nowe Lord
Maior, for that the said George Williams was and yet is his man, the
said captyve tould the said Alderman that he was redeemed by the goods
of the said William Simcots. And then the said Alderman promised the
said William Symcotts to write to one Morgan
Powell, brother to the said captyve, to send up the
monie, whoe thereupon sent it to London the vith
of November, to be paid to William Symcotts, with
three letters : one to the Alderman, the other to
John Owen to see the payment, and the thirde to William Simcotts, which
was never delyvered to him.
When this money was sent up to London,- one Nicholas Jones"attached
the 'same, as belonginge unto John Symcotts deceased, alleaginge that
because the captyve was redeemed by John Symcotts' appointment (thoughe
out of his brother William Symcotts goods) and bonds made unto John
before his departinge England, by the sureties aforesaid, that therefore this
monie was dewe unto John deceased ; and John beinge indebted to Jones,
Jones attached the same money, and Jones beinge indebted to the Lord
Maior payde it to him.
And now the said William Symcotts (by whose goods the captyve was
redeemed) brought his action in Hir Majesties Court
partLnsfetoSbe trewe'1"* of Common Plees at Westminster upon the captyves
bill, and hath recovered the saide iiij^v/z. besides
xli. for his costs and damaiges, and hath judgment therupon.

It appearith by the
Lord Maior*s letter,
and by John Owen's
letter sent to the
complainant.

T. Heneage.

W. Ralegh.

On sending Pioneers to the Netherlands.

33

1586.

XIV.

TO ROBERT DUDLEY, EARL OF LEICESTER.

From the Original.

MS. Harl. 6994, fol. 2 (British Museum).
Holograph,

My very good Lorde,
You wrate unto me in your laste letters for pioners
to be sent over ; wher uppon I moved her Majesty e, and
found her very willing, in so mich as order was geven for
a cummission ; but since, the matter is stayd. I know
not for what cause.
Also, according as your Lordshipe desired, I spake for
one Jukes for the office of the back-house, and the matter
well liked. In ought else your Lordshipe shall finde me
most asured to my pouere to performe all offices of love,
honor, and service towards you. But I have byn of late
very pestilent reported in this place1 to be rather a drawer
bake, then a fartherer of the action wher you govern.
Your Lordshipe doth well understand my affection to
wards Spayn, and how I have consumed the best part of
my fortune, hating the tirrannus sprosperety 2 of that
estate, and it were now Strang and monnsterous that I
should becum an enemy to my countrey and conscience.
But all that I have desired att your Lordship's hands is,
that you will evermore deal directly with mee in all
matters of suspect dublenes, and so ever esteme mee as
you shall finde my deserving, good or bad. In the mean

1 I.e. in the Netherlands.
VOL. II.

* So in MS.

LETTER XIV.1586.
March 29.
To the
Earl of
Leicester.From the
Court.
The send
ing of
Pioneers to
the Nether
lands.

D

34

Letters of Ralegh.

tyme, I humblie beseich you, lett no poeticall scribe work
your Lordshipe by any device to doubt that I am a hollo
or could sarvant to the action, or a mean well-wilier and
follower of your own. And yeven so, I humblie take
my leve, wishing you all honor and prosperety. From
the Court, the xxix of March, 1586.
Your Lordships, to do you service,
W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — The Queen is on very good tearms
with you, and, thank be to God, well pacified ; and you
are agayne her ' Sweet Robyn.'
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the Earle of Lester,
Governour of the Low Countresfor her Majesty.
Endorsed :
29 March, 1586. Sir W. Rawlegh.

XV.

TO SIR JOHN GILBERT.
From the Original. MS. Sloane, 1519, fol. 137 (British Museum).'
Without address or endorsement. Holograph.
Good Brother,
Lett the bread which was left of my cussen 1
Clydle's proportion be in wredines, for my barks are
cumming about 2 for hit, and the sider which I wrat to
you for. My Lord Admirall's judg calleth out for
accompt, and says I shall forfet my office if any shipps

1 This word is scarcely legible.

I.e. to Plymouth.

Announcement of Drake's Visit to the Netherlands.

35

will go to Newfounland in consort to .... -1 Spanierds.
Wee will sett out sume from hence and go together. I
pray inquire of the howers.2 From the Court, the 29 of
May [1586], Your most assured loving brother,
W. Ralegh.

1587. XVI.
TO THE EARL OF LEICESTER.
From the Original. MS. Tanner, lxxix. foh 117, formerly marked 175
(Bodleian Library, Oxford). Holograph. Without address, the
fly-leaf having been destroyed. [See fac-simile.]
My very good Lord,
With mich ado I procured [?] 3 her Majesties leve
for Sir- FRANCIS [DRAKE] to visatt your Excelency,
which I would most willingly have doun my sealf, wear
it possible. But wher soever I remayn, none shal be
more redy to serve yowr Excelency then my sealf. Sir
FRANCIS is in good hope to return for the Indies. If it
may be brought to pass, I doubt not but all shalbe
recoveryde [?] 3 I hope your Excelency will assist what
you may. Hyme sealf can deliver best the estate of all
things here. And so, with my humble dewty, I kiss
your hands. From Winsor, this 8 of October [1587].
Your Excelences to serve you,
W. Ralegh.
1 Here a small portion of the letter has been torn away, probably by
the seal. 2 This word also is doubtful.
3 These words are doubtful, being scarcely legible.
D 2

LETTER XV.
1586.
May 29.
On the
Victuallingof Ships at
Plymouth.

LETTER XVI.
1587.
Oct. 8.
To the
Earl of
Leicester. FromWindsor.
Announce
ment of
the Visit
of Sir
Francis
Drake to
the Nether
lands.

36

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XVII. 1587.
Dec. 20.
To Lord
Burghley.FromExeter,Defence of
the Country ;
Proposals
for the
Levies in
Devon and
Cornwall.

XVII.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth, vol. ccvi. § 40
(Rolls House). Holograph.
My singular good Lorde,
Accordinge to your Lordship's and the rest of my
Lords' directions, I have attended the Earle of BATH
and conferred with the deputes of Devon and the citty
of Exon for the drawinge together of 2,000 foote and 200
horse ; and I finde great differences in oppinion amonge
them. Some are of oppinion that this burden wilbe
grevous unto the countrey, standinge att this tyme voyde
of all traficque : the subside not beinge yet gathered,
and the past musters having byn very chargable. Sir
John Gilbert, Sir Richard Granville, and the
Earle hym sealf, beinge more .zelous both in religion and
Her Majesties service — who have allways founde a reddy
disposicion in their devisions, and willingnes to beare
whatsoever shalbe thought meet for Her Majesties ser
vice by their people — ar of oppinion that the matter
and service wilbe very fesible. It is most asured that
the carefull usage of the action by the deputes in their
severall devisions will easely induce the inferior sort to
whatsoever shalbe thought necessary for Her Majesties
saufty and their own defence. But sume other of the
cummission of Devon (in my conscience before the
Lorde) being bothe infected in religion and vehemently
malcontent, — who, by how mich the more they ar tern-

Proposals for the Levies in Devon and Cornwall.

37

perat, by so mich the more dangerous, — are secreatly
great hinderence of all actions tendinge to the good of
Her Majesty or saufty of the present State. Thes men
make doubt that your Honor's instructions alone ar not
sufficient and saufe warrant for their discharge ; and
that, if any refuse to contribute, they see not by what
they should be inforsed ; with a thowsand dillitory
cavelacions. For myne own oppinion, under your Lordship's cor
rection, if it might, notwithstandinge, stande withe
Her Majesties likinge to beare them half of the charge,
being great, it would be very consonant to all good
pollecy ; and the countrey, as I judge, will willingly
defrey the rest, which onles ther wear ministers of other
disposicions will not be so saufly and easely brought
to effect.
I have sent your Lordshipe an Estimate of the whole,
with which I humblie pray your Lordship to acquaynt
Her Majesty, and not otherwise to impart my letter,
because I am bold to write my simple oppinion playnly
unto your Lordshipe ; the same beinge, as the Lord doth
judge, without respect or parcialty, — havinge vowed my
travaile and life to Her Majesties service only, and
for ever.
I have writen to the deputes of Cornwale, and am
reddy to repaire thither with all dillegence to performe
the rest of Her Majesties cummande geven mee in
charge by your Lordships.
And yeven so, humblie cummending my service unto
your Lordship's favourable construction, I take my leve.
From Exon, this xx of December, 1587.
Your Lordship's to do you all honor and service,
W. Ralegh.

LETTER XVII.1587.
Dec. 20.

Inclosure ;
being an
Estima'e of
Forces for
defence of
the Western
counties.

38

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XVII. I587-
Dec. 20.

[Postscript.] — The cittisens of Exter, as yet, refuse
to beare such part as was thought meet by the leve-
tenants of Devon and the rest.1
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the Lord Highe
Tresourer of Ingland.
Endorsed, by Lord Burghley :
21 December, 1587. Sir Walter Ralegh. Levy of 2,000 foot, 200 hors,
in Devon and Cornwall.

[INCLOSURE.]
The Chardg of trayning of 2,000 Foot and 200 Hors in
Devon and Cornwall, for 16 Dayes.8
1 The differences and controversies referred to in this letter grew, partly,
out of separate jurisdictions ; and partly, out of special burdens, the inci
dence of which lay almost wholly upon the mercantile community of the
coast towns. Hence, on the one hand, arose several disputes between
Ralegh, as Lord Lieutenant of Cornwall and Lord Warden of the Stan
naries (extending, it is to be remembered, into Devon as well as Cornwall),
and the Earl of Bath, as Lord Lieutenant of Devon ; and, on the other,
the claims of the citizens of Exeter to be exempted, on the ground of their
great charges in the defence of their trade against the Barbary and other
pirates, from the proportion they must otherwise have borne of the burden
of the general levies. The relative dangers of the two counties in respect
of invasion ; their relative means of defence ; and the special circumstances
which affected the Stannary population ; are all treated of, by Ralegh,
at great length and with conspicuous ability, in a subsequent letter
(one of the many remarkable letters which are now printed for the first
time), addressed to the Lords of the Council. That letter brings before
the reader's mind, with like vividness, the physical configuration of the
Western counties ; their industrial character; and their relative shares in the
wealth of nature.
2 This title is from Lord Burghley's endorsement The inclosure is
entirely in the hand of an amanuensis.

How the number of 2,000 footemenn and 200 horse in the counties of Devon [and] Cornwall, the cittie of Exon, and the Stannaries,
are to be selected; —

&
>

Of Devon

Of Cornwall
The countie and cittie of Exon

f The bodie of the Shire with\ 1200 footemenn \ Of which number the Stannarie) 2QQ fotemen
\ the Stannaries to furnishe J i34horsemennJ to furnishe  i
j The bodie of the Shire with\ 600 footemen 1 Of which the Stannary to> 200 fotemen.
66 horsemen / furnishe . • J
200 footemen

\ the Stannaries to furnishe
To furnishe 
/The generall of the Army
| The livetenent generall .
The generall officers of this Army. .« The Marshall .
Fowre Coranells .
^ Two thresorers . . . -
/The sergeant major, by daie
General Officers with paie . .< The provost marshall ,,
\The clarke of the check „
? A captaine .
I A livetenente
The naie for the Companies Officers l^S; . .
ana Soldiers by the dale . . ^ A d^ of &e bande
I A drom 
^ A hundreth men at 8d. per person .
The Coronel of the Horse
The master

:i

So is the number of
the whole Army : —
2,000 footemen.
200 horse.

Sarvinge without paie.

£ s.d.
6 8

The horsemen being divided into
foure cornetts, hath

n

captaines
Uvetenentes guidons .
4 clarks
4 trumpetts
200 horse

el of the Horse 1 without paie. 0 ^
r of the Campe . ( e s. a.

-\

For each by the daie

;

li

Ther is allowed for each soldier for this service \
of sixteen daies, tenn pounde of Powder at \ 500
ivd. the pounde, and is  J
Ther is allowed of matcbe for each soldier at \
halfe a pounde the daie, and is for the six- > 200
tene daies at 6d. the pounde  )
Of leade for each mann one pounde, at i^d. the \
pounde , • i

6 5

The whole charge of "\
the Wages of the
twenty bands of >
footemen and four
bands of horse . . J

1457

s. d.}

The charge of muni
tion to be spent "
this service

*}

The whole
charge : —
£2,163 5*- od.

706 5 o)

$

^ 5

^
?

s

vQ

4o

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XVIII.
1587-1588. March 8.
To Sir
Thomas Egerton. Renewal
'if his
Patent for
granting WineLicencesthroughout England.

15 8 8.
XVIII.
TO SIR THOMAS EGERTON, SOLICITOR-GENERAL ;
{Afterwards Viscount Brackley.)
As communicated to the Society of Antiquaries, March 2, 1854, by Mr.
J. Payne Collier, from the Original, in the Library of the Earl of
Ellesmere (Bridgewater House).
Sir, Whereas the Quene's Majestie hath heretofore
given unto me, by her Letters patentes, aucthoritie to
graunte Licenses for the sellinge of Wynes by retayle ;
her Highnes' pleasure is to revoke and make voyde the
same, and by new Letters patentes to regraunte unto
me the aucthoritie and benefytt therof for a further
terme of yeres. Wherefore, I pray you hartely to
peruse the drafte which this bearer, my servante, shall
bring unto you, and sett your hande thereunto, redie for
her Highnes to signe, and I wilbe redie to requyte your
courtesie. So hopinge your carefull dealinge for me,
accordinge to my requeste, I bid you hartely farewell.
Your lovinge Frende,
W. Ralegh.
This 8th of March, 1587 [legal style].
Sir, — Her Majesty her sealf cummaunded mee to
acquaynt yow with the booke, and therfore yow shall
not need to doubt ; for yow may take knowledg of her
plesure by thes my letters ; beseechinge yow to frinde
me so much to make expedition herein, and yow shall
cummaunde mee in what I may stand yow in steede.1
1 In his reply to this letter, Sir Thomas Egerton, after answering its
main subject, went into some further detail, which is not without its bio-

Irish Estate. — Building of Lismore Castle

4i

1589. XIX.
TO SIR GEORGE CAREW,
{Afterwards Earl of Totnes.)
From the Original. Careiu Papers: MS. Tenison, dcv. fol. 140 (Lambeth
Palace). Holograph.
Cussen George,
For my retrait from the Court1 it was uppon good
cause to take order for my prize. If in Irlande they
graphical interest: — "But understanding further, by this bearer, that, in
the absence of your Counsell, your will was that I shoulde consyder of the
booke which, passed betweene you and Mr. Browne, and that yt pleased
you to use my opynion therin, I have perused the same accordinglie, and
fynde yt to be intrycatelie penned, and with so great disadvantage for your
parte, that I doubte the course which you are directed will hardlie satisfie
your expectation ; for, as I conceave yt, ymmediatlie [after] Her Majesties
revocation, Mr. Browne ys to be discharged of the payment of his rent of
800//., but yet your graunt to hym will contynue still in force untill, upon a
perfecte accompte made by hym, you satisfie unto hym within vj monethes
so muche of the somme of iyx>li. as before that tyme he shall not have
levyed by vertue of your graunte ; and yf he refuse to yeld any such
accompte at all, and so neglecte to receave any suche satisfaction at your
handes, but resolve rather, beinge discharged of his rent, to contynue still
to benyfitte of your graunt, I doubt greatlie that by lawe you shall hardlie
avoyde yt. Wherfore I wyshe your counsell should advysedlie consyder of
the pointe, before you precede with the revocation. And if by the wordes
of the booke he [Browne] have this libertie and advantage in lawe (as I
doubte muche he hath), then ys there nothing in the booke to restrayne
hym, saving onlye his bare covenant, to redeliver unto you the Letters
Pattentes within six monethes after Her Majesties revocation, which was
not so sufficientlie forseene and provyded for by your counsell in the draw
inge of the booke as was meet. Thes thinges I thought good to make
knowne unto you, and so leave them to your good consyderation, resting
allwayes moost readye to be used by you in any servyce I can performe.
And so, with my humble duetie, I commyt you to God. Your Worship's
moost ready at commandment," &c. ' See Vol. I. p. 120.

42

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XIX.
1589.
Dec. 27.
To Sir G.
Carew.
[FromLondon ?]
Cause of
his recent
absence from the
Court. —
Proceed
ings of the
Lord
Deputy Fitzwil-
liam. —
Lawsuits
about Lis
more.

thincke that I am not worth the respectinge they shall
mich deceave them sealvs. I am in place to be beleved
not inferrior to any man, to plesure or displesure the
greatest ; and my oppinion is so receved and beleved as
I can anger the best of them. And, therfore, if the
Deputy1 be not as reddy to steed mee as I have bynn
to defend hyme, — be it att is may.2
When Sir William Fitzwilliams shalbe in Ingland,
I take mysealfe farr his better by the honorable offices I
hold, as also by that nireness to her Majestye which still
I injoy, and never more. I am willinge to continew
towards hyme all frindly offices, and I doubt not of the
like frame hyme, as well towards mee as my frinds.
This mich I desire he should understand ; and, for my
part, ther shalbe nothinge wantinge that becummeth a
frinde ; nether can I but hold myself most kindly dealt
withall heretherto, of which I desire the continuance.
I have deserved all his curteses in the hiest degree.
For the sute of Lesmore, I will shortly send over
order from the Queen for a dismis of their cavelacions ;
and so, I pray, deale as the matter may be respeted for
a tyme ; and cummend mee to Mr. Sollicitor with many
thancks for his frindly deling therin ; and I assure yow,
on myne honor, I have deservde it att his hands in
place wher it may most steed hyme.
For Hardinge, I will send unto yow mony by
exchange with all possible spead, as well to pay
hyme (if he suffer the recoverye) as all others ; and till
then, I pray, if my builders want, supply them.
I look for yow here this springe, and, if possible3
I may, I will returne with yow. The Queen thincks
that George Carew longes to see her; and therfore

1 Sir William Fitzwilliam.
2 So in MS., being written hastily for 'as it may.'

1 possibly.

On the Value of certain Prizes.

43

see her. Farewell, noble GEORGE, my chosen frind
and kinsman, from whom nor tyme, nor fortune, nor
adversety, shall ever sever mee.
The 27 of December [1589].
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To my lovinge Cussen, Sir George Carew, Master of the Ordinance
in Irland.
Endorsed :
Raleghe. The 2%th of December, 1589.

IS9I.

XX.

TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
From the OriginaL MS. Lansdowne, vol. Ixix. fol. 60, verso (British
Museum). Holograph. Without address, and without date of the
year.
May it pleas your Lordship,
Uppon Her Majesties motion for the understandinge
of the valew of thes late prises brought in by Mr.
Watts' shipps, wee have conferred together and sett
downe the trew valew of all ; what parts go out, and
what remaynes amonge twelve of us. All which
amounteth not to the increas of one for one, which is a
small returne. Wee might have gotten more to have
sent them a fishinge. I assure your Lordship, what
soever is taken, fifty of the hundred goes cleare away
from the Adventurers to the mariners, the Lord
.Admirall, and to the Queene; the rest, being but
fourteen thousand pounde or ther about, is a small

LETTER XIX.
1589.
Dec. 27.

LETTER XX.
1591.
Oct. 16.
To Lord
Burghley.
'From Durham
House.On the
value of
certainprizes cap
tured by
the Ships
of John
Watts and

44

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XX.
1591.
Oct. 16.
others, and
on the
partitionof profits.

LETTER XXI.
1591-1592. March 10.

matter amounge twelve Adventurers; and of which
fourteen [thousand pounds], the settinge out cost us
very nire eyght thousand. This is the very trewth, I
assure your Lordship before the livinge God, as nire as
wee can sett downe or gett knowledge of. Of which, if
ought should be taken, ther would never one man of
warr put out ; and so all our shipps may rote, our
mariners run awaye, and Her Majesty lose the best part
of her custom. And, besyds, the sume not worth the
looking after. Thus humblie praying your Lordship's
favorable consent in our rightfull cause, I humblie take
my leve. From Derum House, this xvi of October
[1591]- Your Lordship's humblie to do you service,
W. Ralegh.
Endorsed by Lord Burghley :
Sir Walter Raleghe. 16. 7b. [So in MS.] Note and Vallew of the
shipps taken by Watts and his company}

15 92.
XXI.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
As printed by Murdin, from the Original in the Cecil Papers (Hatfield).
[See Vol. I. pp. 146—158.]
SIR, I RECEVED your letters this present day at Chat-
tame, concerninge the wages of the mariners and others.
1 On the back of this letter appears an account thus headed : " Goods
brought to London by the shipps of John Watts, Merchant, and others, in
company.'' Then follows an estimate of the value of the merchandise and
bullion captured, amounting, in the whole, to ,£31, 150. " Whereout is to

Preparations for an Expedition against the Spaniards.

45

For myne own part, I am very willing to enter bonde,
as yow perswaded me, so as the Privey Seale be first sent
for my injoyinge the third ; but I pray consider that I
have layd all that I am worth, and must do, ere I depart
on this voyage. If it fall not out well, I can but loose
all, and if nothinge be remayning, wherewith shall I pay
the wages ? Besides, her Majestie told mee hersealf
that shee was contented to paye her part, and my Lord
Admirall his, and I should but discharge for myne own
shipps. And farther, I have promised her Majestie that,
if I can perswade the Cumpanies to follow Sir Marten
FURBRESHER,1 I will without fail returne ; and bringe
be deducted for the third of mariners' part, ,£10,383 ; for my Lord his
tenth, .£3,015 ; for the Queen's customs, £1600 ; in charges for bringing
the goods, £1200 =,£16,198. Rests unto the owners and victuallers, to be
divided amongst twelve, £14,952."
1 Note on Ralegh and Frobisher.
By -the hypothetical expression — "ifl can perswade the Cumpanies to
follow Sir Marten Furbresher" — Ralegh seems to glance at the then notorious
unpopularity of Frobisher with mariners, on account of his sternness of
character and the ' martinet ' severity of discipline which he maintained.
This eminent navigator was probably, at the time when Ralegh's letter was
written, fifty years of age, and he survived little more than two years
longer ; dying, in November 1 594, of wounds received in the expedition
which he had bravely conducted in aid of the defence of Brest against the
troops of the King of Spain. What is known of Frobisher's life has been
recently collected by Admiral Collinson, in the highly interesting volume
published by the Hakluyt Society, and entitled, Three Voyages of Martin
Frobisher, in Search of a Passage to Cathaia. It is by an oversight, how
ever — as will be shown presently — that the gallant Admiral has said of
Frobisher, when speaking of his share in Ralegh's expedition of 1592, —
" He had but three ships, yet he made a shift to burn one rich galleon, and
to bring home another.'' The famous voyages of 1577 and 1578, which won
for Sir Martin his most enduring laurels, present some curious incidental
parallelisms with occurrences in the long subsequent voyages to Guiana of
Ralegh, and in the metallurgic transactions which grew out of them. His
own unfortunate experiences must have many times brought to Ralegh's
mind the previous troubles of poor Frobisher with his "gold ores" and his
foreign mineralogists. But the expedition of 1592 is the only one which is
known to have brought Ralegh and Frobisher into direct intercourse.

LETTER XXI.
1591-1592. March 10.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From Chatham.Prepara
tions for
an Expedi
tionagainst the Spanisli
Fleet.—Allusionto rumours
about his
Marriage.

46

Letters of Ralegh.

1591-1592. March 10.

them but into the sea but sume fifty or thriscore leagues,
for which purpose my Lord Admirall hath lent me the
Disdayne ; which to do her Majestie many tymes, with
great grace, bedd mee remember, and sent mee the same
message by Will Killegrewe, which, God willinge, if
I can perswade the Cumpanies, I meane to performe ;
though I dare not be acknown therof to any creature.
But, Sir, for mee then to be bounde for so great a sume,
uppon the hope of another man's fortune, I will be loth ;
and besids, if I weare able, I see no privy seale for my
thirds. I mean not to cume away, as they say I will, for
feare of a marriage, and I know not what. If any such
thing weare, I would have imparted it unto yoursealf
before any man livinge ; and, therefore, I pray believe it
not, and I beseich yow to suppress, what you can, any
such mallicious report. For I protest before God, ther
is none, on the face of the yearth, that I would be
fastned unto.1 And so in hast I take my leve of your
Honor. From Chattame, the 10th of March.
Your's ever to be cummanded,
W. Ralegh.

XXII.
TO THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL, HOWARD OF
EFFINGHAM.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. ccxlii. § 48
(Rolls House). Holograph. Without address or superscription.
My very good Lord,
I have seen the letter of the Deputes of Midel-
burgh, to which I am bold in this manner to awnswere.
1 So in MS., but apparently the sentence is incomplete. See Life, Vol. I.
P- '37-

A nswer to the Complaint of Middlcburgh Merchants.

47

About the thirteen day of Maye, as I remember, early in
the morninge, about fortye leagus of the Cap Finister, wee
discried a fleet of thirteen shipps ; the Admirall carriinge
a redd flage and the Vice-Admirall a white ; which wee
veryley thought to have bynn the fleet of Saint Mallos,
wherof wee had harde, and was uppon returning. Thes
shipps, notwithstanding they might well know us to be
Inglishmen, and might easely perceive Her Majesties
shipp to be Admirall, bare from us all the x could, and
keipt out their flages in great bravery, till the Rowbucke
reachinge the Admirall shote at hyme, and. made hyme
strike; which don, all strake and bare with mee, but
foure, who, contrary to their bonds and promises to follow
their Admirall, packt on all the sayle the1 could, and
left their own Admirall and us, beinge at hand with them,
and knew us as well as our sealvs ; after whom three of
our smaler shipps followed.
I asked the Admirall and the rest why the rest rane
away, knowing Her Majesties shipp to be ther. He told
mee he knew not what the Flemings suspected of them
sealvs, or whos goods they caried. Thos seven, after I
had taken out Davis from them and two other passengers,
which I sent your Lordship, I dismissed ; and suffered
not the valew of a farthinge to be taken from any of
them. The rest, as it is confessed, first forsooke ther
Admirall, rane from Her Majesties shipp, and fought
it out afterward, as longe as she 2 could, agaynst thos
three Inglish shipps, being apoynted so well as they
weare by their own confession, notwithstandinge he had
seen his own Admirall strike; which in my oppinion
douth make it very playne that the monye belonged to
thos of Anwerpe who dayly fraight shipps of Zelande for
the trade of Spayne, to abuse Her Majestye. Besids, if
i they. 2 So in MS.

LETTER XXII. 1592-
June 8.
To the
Lord Admiral Howard.
From DurhamHouse.Answer to
the com
plaint of
some mer
chants of
Middle-
burgh, in
relation to
the treat
ment of
certainFlemishships.

48

Letters of Ralegh.

Mannsfeld had not had good reason for that he did,
he would not have caried the shipp backe towards his
Admirall thriscore and five leauges, but would have
turnde her of,1 and gonn awaye otherside Irland or
Wales. Besides, it is in their letter confessed that Mans-
feld did urge sume of the cumpany to confess it was
belonginge to tlios of Anwarpe ; — so as it apereth it was
confessed to be so. In my oppinion the Flemings cannot
say less for them sealvs then they do ; and if they can
recover xx thowsand pound for the askinge, I cannot
blame them. I protest, before the levinge God, I am of
oppinion that nether Mansfeld or any of the rest durst
any more robe any Fleminge, or other, (being charged
and instructed as they weare,) then they durst hange
them sealvs. Besids, the masters of bothe the shipps
be very honest and sufficient men, and of good wealth,
especially the on.2 From Durham House, this 8 of
June [1592]. Your Honor's humble att cummandeirient,
W. Ralegh.

Endorsed :
8 Junii, 1592.

The aunsweare of Sir Walter Raleigh to the letter of
the Merchants of Middlebourgh.

XXIII.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxi. ff. 58, 59 (Hatfield).
Sir, I WRAT unto your father how I am dealt withall by
the Deputye,3 to whom my disgraces have bynn highly
cummended. Hee supposed a debt of four hundred
1 off. a one. 3 Sir William Fitzwilliam.

Dealings of the Lord Deputy with Sir Walter's Tenants.

49

pounds to the Queen, for rent, and sent order to the
Shiriff to take away all the cattell my tenants had, and
sell them the next day, unless the money weare payd the
same day. All Munster hath scarce so mich mony in it ;
and the debt was indeed but fifty marks, which was
payde, and it was the first and only rent that hath yet
bynn payd by any undertaker. But the Shirife did as he
was cummanded, and tooke away five hundred milch
kine from the poor people ; sume had but two, and sume
three, to releve their poore wives and children, and in a
Strang country newly sett downe to builde and plant.
Hee hath forcible thrust mee out of possession of a
Castell, because it is in law between mee and his cousin
WiNCKFELD,1 and will not here my atornes speake. Hee
hath admitted a ward, and geven it his man, of a Castell
which is the Queen's, and hath bynn by mee new built
and planted with Inglishe, this five years ; and to profitt
his man with a wardshipp, looseth her Majesties inherit
ance, and would plant the cussen of a rebell in the place
of Inglishe men, the Castell stanetinge in the most
dangerous place of all Munster.
Besids, ther is a band of soldiers, which a base phello,
O'DODALL, hath in Yoholl,2 which duth cost the Queen
twelve hundred pound a yeare, and hath not ten good
men in it ; but our porest people muster and serve hyme
for threepence a day, and the rest of his soldiers do
nothing but spoyle the country, and drive away our best
tenants. If the Queen be over rich, it may bee mayntayned ;
but I will, att three days' warninge, rayse her a better
bande, and arme it better tenfold, and better men, when
soever shee shall need it. And, in the mean tyme, it may
1 Richard Wingfield, Deputy to Sir Henry Wallop, Treasurer at War in
Ireland. 2 Voughal.
VOL. II. L

LETTER XXIII.
[1592- July-]
To Sir R.
Cecil.
[From the
Tower. ]
Dealings
of the
Lord
Deputy
with Sir
Walter'stenants in
Munster.

So

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXIII.[1592.
July.]

LETTER XXIV. 1592.
My.
To Sir R.
Cecil.[From the
Tower.] Rebellion
in Ireland.
— Proceed
ings of the
Deputy in
relation to
Ralegh's
lands in
Munster.

ether be imployed in the North, or discharged ; for ther is
in Munster, besids, a band of horse, and another of foot,
which is more than needeth. In this, if yow pleas to
move it, yow may save her Majestye so mich in her
coffers. For the rest I will send my man to attend yow,
although I care not ether for life or lands ; but it will be
no small weakninge to the Queen in thos parts, and no
small cumfort to the ill-affected Irishe, to have the
Inglishe inhabitants driven out of the country, which are
yet stronge enough to master the rest, without her charge.
Yours, to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To my honorable frinde, Sir R. Cicill, Knt., oj Her Majesty s most
honorable Privy Councell.

XXIV.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
As printed by Murdin, from the Original, in the Cecil Papers (Hatfield).
Sir, I PRAY send me the news of Ireland. I hear that
there are three thousand of the BuRGKS in arms, and
young Odonell and the sons of Shane Oneale. I
wrote in a letter of Mr. Killegreew's, ten days past, a
prophesye of this rebellion, which when the Queen read,
she made a scorn at my conceat ; but yow shall find it but
a shoure of a farther tempest. If yow please to sent me
word of what yow hear, I will be laught at again in my
opinion touching the same, and be bold to write yow my
farther suspicion. Your cousen, the dotinge Deputy,1
hath dispeopled me; of which I have written to your
father already. . It is a sign how my disgraces have past
1 Sir William Fitzwilliam.

Regrets for the Loss of the Queen 's Favour.

Si

the seas, and have been highly commended to that wise
Governour, who hath used me accordingly. So I leve to
trouble yow at this time, being become like a fish cast on
dry land, gasping for breath, with lame leggs and lamer
loonges. Your's, for the little while I shall desire to do
yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To my very loving friend, Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, of Her Majesty's
most honorable Privy Councell,

XXV.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
As printed by Murdin, from the Original, in the Cecil Papers (Hatfield).
Sir, I PRAY be a mean to her Majesty for the signing of
the bills for the Gards' coats, which are to be made now
for the Prograsse, and which the Cleark of the Cheeck
hath importunde me to write for.
My heart was never broken till this day, that I
hear the Queen goes away so far of,1 — whom I have
followed so many years with so great love and desire,
in so many journeys, and am now left behind her,
in a dark prison all alone. While she was yet nire
at hand, that I might hear of her once in two or
three dayes, my sorrows were the less : but even now my
heart is cast into the depth of all misery. I that was
wont to behold her riding like Alexander, hunting like
Diana, walking like Venus, the gentle wind blowing her
fair hair about her pure cheeks, like a nymph ; sometime
siting in the shade like a Goddess ; sometime singing
like an angell ; sometime playing like Orpheus. Behold
'off. E 2

LETTER XXIV. 1592
July.

LETTER XXV.
[1592. July.]
To Sir R.
Cecil.
[From the
Tower.] Routine
duties, as
Captain of
the Guard. -
Passionateregrets for
loss of the
Queen's
favour.

52

Letters of Ralegh.

the sorrow of this world ! Once amiss, hath bereaved
me of all. O Glory, that only shineth in misfortune,
what is becum of thy assurance ? All wounds have
skares, but that of fantasie ; all affections their relenting,
but that of womankind. Who is the judge of friend
ship, but adversity ? or when is grace witnessed, but in
offences ? There were no divinety, but by reason of
compassion ; for revenges are brutish and mortall. All
those times past, — the loves, the sythes, the sorrows, the
desires, can they not way down one frail misfortune ?
Cannot one dropp of gall be hidden in so great heaps of
sweetness ? I may then conclude, Spes et fortuna, valete.
She is gone, in whom I trusted, and of me hath not one
thought of mercy, nor any respect of that that was. Do
with me now, therefore, what you list. I am more weary
of life then they are desirous I should perish ; which if
it had been for her, as it is by her, I had been too
happily born. Your's, not worthy any name or title,
W. R.
Addressed :
To my honorable friend, Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, of Her Majesty's
most honorable Privy Councell.

XXVI.

TO THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL, HOWARD OF
EFFINGHAM.
From he Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. ccxlii. § 131
(Rolls House). Holograph.
My very good Lorde,
I hAVE sent to Sir JOHN HAWKINGS to have his
oppinion touchinge the Great Susan, and both hee and
my sealf do verely think that in removing the vitles att

Affairs of the Navy.

S3

this tyme of the yeare, — the drink turnde on the leese,
— all wilbe spoyld, so as I see no way but to leve the
shippe and sell the remayne of the provisions; for I
know no boddye but my sealf (if I had byne att
libertye) that would undertake to sett her out, and a
good strenght is therby wantinge, especially where
a few mens1 [?] ayde is required. It is hard to lessen
that that was ; but it is more profitable to punishe my
great treasons, then that I should ether straighten the
fleet, or do many other things that lye in the diches.
Here ar besides all the mariners that came in the prize,
and the soldiers. They run up and down, exclayminge
for paye. I dare not speak with them that I might
cumpare their names with my booke, to know when they
entreat 2 into paye and what hath bynn imprested,
and so that order may be directly taken for their dis
charge. For now both thos of good and ill desart ar
mixed without respect : the on 3 unpunished, the other
unpayde. I beseich your Lordship, if it be thought fitt,
that order be geven to Sir Georg [Carew] that they
may cum unto mee, to stay all farther exclamacion.
I was yesterday advertesed from a man of mine
cumminge from the coast of Britayne [Brittany] that
ther ar twentye shipps of warr for the leauge, that
lye between Silley and Ushent to take up our new-
landmen * and to watch for any prises that shalbe
sent home. If any of the ships in the Narrow Seas
weare sent for a time, or some other course taken, it
weare most necessarye ; or elce wee shall lose all, and be
a scome to all nacions. But wee ar so mich busied with
the affaires of other nacions, of whos manghangled trobles
ther will never be end, that wee forgett our own affaires,

letter XXVI. 1592.
August ?
To Lord
Admiral
Howard.
[From the
Tower.] Affairs of
the Navy.-
Thanks for
Lord Howard's
interposi tion with
the Queen.

This reading is doubtful. 2 So in MS.

So in MS.

54

Letters of Ralegh.

letter xxvi, 1592.
August ?

our profitt, and our honor. Hee is of a mean consait
that lookes not into the purpose of this Peace, which
may as well be turnde over, — finesse contra finesse, — to
our most advantage. But in the meanwhile the few
mean actions of our own ar utterly neglected.
To conclude, I must humblie thank your Lordship for
your most honorable care of mee in this unfortunat acci
dent. But I see ther is a determinacion to disgrace mee
and ruin mee. And therfore I beseich your Lordship not
to offend Her Majestye any farther by sewing for mee.
I am now resolved of the matter. I only desire thatt I
may be stayd no on1 houre from all the extremetye
that ether lawe or presedent can avowe. And, if that
be to 2 litle, would God it weare withall concluded that
I might feed the lions, as I go by, to save labor.
For the torment of the mind cannot be greater; and,
for the boddye, would others did respect themsealvs as
mich as I valew hit att litle. And so, with my humble
dewtys, and thancks which I canot express, I leve your
Lordship to God.
Your Lordship's poore kinsman to do
you servece for ever,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable the Lord High Admirall of Ingland.
1 one. 2 too.

Prise- Causes in the Admiralty,

55

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER XXVII.— CAPTURE OF A
SHIP OF BA YONNE.
'"PHE letter which follows was sent by the Lord Admiral
Howard, from Byfleet, to Lord Burghley on the 28th of
August, 1592, with a letter from himself in these terms : — " My
very good Lord, this enclosed letter, directed to your Lordship
and myself, coming to my hands, I made bold to break open, and
do find the same to be an answer unto a letter written from us
unto Sir Walter Rawlighe touching a ship of Bayone taken
by his man Floyre. For the particulars whereof I refer your
Lordship unto itself; and think good only to touch the last
part where he saith that Floyre delivered over the ship and
goods to my Vice-Admiral upon letters from me which required
the same. So it was that the Frenchman that made claim to
the goods, having obtained commission out of the Admiralty
Court for restitution of his ship and goods unto him, had also
letters of assistance unto the same from me, by virtue of which
the ship with some of the fish was recovered by the Vice-
Admiral of Somerset, and delivered unto the Frenchman by
order out of the Admiralty Court. Whereof I have thought
good to advertise your Lordship.'

prefa
tory NOTE TO
LETTER
XXVII. 1592.
August.

56

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXVII.
- 1592.
Aug. 27.
To Lord
Burghleyand Lord
Howard of
Effingham. On the
taking of a
ship of
Bayonne
by Capt. -
John Floyer.

XXVII.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY, AND
THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL.
From the Original. Burghley Papers in MS. Lansdowne, vol. cxv
fol. 173 (British Museum). In the hand of an Amanuensis. With
autograph subscription and signature.
My verie good Lords,
I HAVE receaved a letter from your Lordships con
cerning the taking of a shipp of Bayon, laden with fish,
by Captain JOHN FLOIRE, whereunto your Lordships
require my aunsweare. I acquainted the Judg of th'
Admiraltie and Captain FLOIRE with the complaint,
and do finde that in the Bay of Portugal, JOHN FLOIRE,
meeting with this shipp of Bayon, which a little before
was taken going into Spaine with victuell, without
license, by a man of warre 'of Diep,' as was said, — though
Captain Floire judged him rather to be of Newhaven,
— was earnestly entreated to succor and rescue them
from the captain and others which were putt abord
from the man of warn Captain Floire, perceaving
that they were the French king's trends and like to be
spoiled by Leaguers, caused the supposed captain of
Diep and the master of the ship of Bayon to come
abord his shipp, where one accused the other : the one,
for carying victuel to the enemy ; the other, for landing
the greatest part of his men in Spaine. Hereupon the
master, standing upon his integritie and innocencie,
promised Captain Floire great recompence to rescue
him and to bring his shipp and lading safelie into some
port of England, affirming that in France he should be

On the Taking of a Ship of Bayonne by Captain Floyer.

57

oppressed by the Ligue, and find no justice in recoverie
of them againe ; during which time there arose a great
tempest, — so violent that Captain FLOIRE could neither
return the French captain and master to the shipp from
whence they came, nor receave his own men out of the
ship of Bayon. This storm severed the shipps, and the
French ship was by Captain Floire's men, which did
swim abord her, caried to Uphil in Severn with intent
to have made spoile of her ; which Captain Floire
understanding was forced to put into Plymmouth, and
to victuel his ship for a moneth longer, all which time
he followed the French shipp, and tooke her againe.
Within 2 or 3 daies after, came commission from you,
my Lord Admiral, to take the ship and fish from
Captain FLOIRE, which he accordinglie obeyed, and
delivered the same to your Lordship's officer, with a
very small diminucion.
What became afterwards of the ship and goods
Captain FLOIRE protesteth he is ignorant ; neither was
he inquisytive, because he held himself discharged of
anie farther account, uppon receipt of your Lordship's
commission. Onelie he hath heard that by the negli
gence of such as had charge thereof the ship was lyke
to perish in harbor, and the fish being removed and
landed did begin noisomlie to smell ; and so it seemeth
some losse was susteined after John Floire was com
manded to leave her ; himself making no benefytt by
the ship or her lading, although they made him great
promises of recompence before he rescued them. Be
sides, he lost the benefitt of his voyage to the Indies ;
victuelled his ship twise ; and is almost undone in
seeking their safetie, never receaving penny for his
travel,1 charges, and losse of time.
1 travail.

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXVII. 1592.
Aug. 27.

Thus I make bold to dilate unto your Lordships the
particularities at large, because Captain Floire is re
puted and known to be my man, and the ship mine
wherein he was going to the Indies ; yet do I write
nothing partyallie, but what shall be confirmed by the
testimonies of honest persons. And so do humblie take
my leave, the 27th August, 1592.
Your Lordships' humblie att cummandmente,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my verie good Lords, the Lord Treasurer and
Lord Admirall of England.

English Privateers and Spanish Prizes.

59

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTERS XXVIII. TO XXXIV. INCLU
SIVE.— THE PRIVATEERING EXPEDITION OF 1592, AND
THE CAPTURE OF THE SPANISH CARRACK, ' MADRE
DE DIOS,' BY RALEGH'S SHIP, 'THE ROEBUCK.'
HPHE capture of the 'Great Carrack ' of 1592, and the pro-
ceedings which ensued in relation to the partition of her
spoils, have an interest which extends far beyond the mere
occurrence itself. It was, in one sense, the most brilliant feat
of privateering ever accomplished by Englishmen, even in the
days of Queen Elizabeth. It was also a piece of mercantile
enterprise, — pregnant with results, — and the history of which
throws light, alike on some curious points connected both with
our Admiralty law and with the growth of our commerce
and colonies, and on several later incidents in the biography
of Ralegh himself. The letters which follow will, I think, be
found, intrinsically, very readable ; but they will be the better
understood if a few particulars be first mentioned, in addition
to those which have been already noticed in the ninth chapter
of the preceding volume.
The Expedition of 1592 was headed by two Queen's ships,
and by two admirals. But it was none the less a privateering
cruise — in which the Queen was only a chief ' adventurer,'
jointly with others, — combined with a plan for an attack on the
Spanish settlement at Panama. That colony had been founded
by Pedrarias de Avila more than seventy years before. It
had already survived great dangers and hardships; but was
not destined to be put into any new peril by Ralegh's present
enterprise,— which had, eventually, to confine itself to the
cruise at sea.
In addition to her two ships, the Queen contributed eighteen
hundred pounds in money. This was her whole outlay, beyond

PREFATORY
NOTE TO
LETTERS
XXVI1I. TO
XXXIV. 1592.
July— Oct.
EnglishPrivateers
and SpanishPrizes.

6o

Prefatory Note to Letters XXVIII. to XXXIV.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTERS
XXVI] I. TO
XXXIV. 1592.
July— Oct.

the sum spent on the repairs of the ships themselves. The
citizens of London contributed six thousand pounds towards
the outfit of the expedition. The amount adventured by
Ralegh is not exactly ascertainable, but it was very large.
To Burghley, it will be seen, he stated that he had risked his
whole fortune. And it is certain that he borrowed a large sum
on interest, expressly for the occasion. His ship, The Roebuck,
bore the flag of Vice-Admiral Sir John Borough. Carew
Ralegh, Walter's brother, sent a ship of 250 tons, manned by
160 men, called The Galleon Ralegh.
The Earl of Cumberland had previously fitted out six ships
on a privateering expedition of his own ; quite independently
— at the outset — of the enterprise of Ralegh. How the two
came at length into combination will be seen hereafter.
Ralegh's ships were ready for sea in February, but from
adverse winds were unable to set sail until April ; and then they
encountered severe storms. Under the obscure circumstances
which have been noticed in Chapter IX. the Admiral himself left
the fleet, by the Queen's express and reiterated order, about the
middle of May, and divided it into two squadrons ; entrusting
the command of one squadron to Frobisher, with orders to
watch the Spanish coast, and that of the other to Borough,
with instructions to cruise about the Azores.
Towards the end of July Sir John Borough met at Flores
with two ships of London, and for the purpose of strengthen
ing his squadron made an agreement with their commanders
which had some bearing on subsequent transactions. Its terms
and tenor were thus expressed : —
"I, Sir John Burrowes, Knighte, and by vertue of her
Majestie's commission, Generall of a fleet appoynted for the
seas, have consorted, covenaunted, and agreed, and by theis
presents doe consorte, covenaunte, and agree, to and wyth
Chrystopher Newporte, capitayne of The Goulden Dragon ot
London, a shippe of the borthen of 180 tonne, for himselfe ;
and on * shipp more,, of his consortshipp, called The Prudence,

English Privateers and Spanish Pi

¦izcs.

61

of the sayde cittye of London, beinge of the burthen of 100
tonne, to have, possesse, and enjoye, and to be partaker with
me and my fleete, and I with them, of all such lawfull piyse
and piyses as shalbe taken by me or them, or any of us,
jointelie or severally, in sighte or oute of sighte ; tunne for
tunne, and man for man ; from the daye of the date hereof
untill the tenth daye of September next." l The agreement
bears date the 28th of July.
On the day immediately following, whilst Borough in The
Roebuck was lying close to Flores, a great Portuguese carrack,
and a ship of the Earl of Cumberland's fleet which had her
in brisk chase, came in sight, bearing directly for the land.
All three anchored. Both The Roebuck and the Earl's ship
were on the point of attacking, when carrack and cruisers were
scattered to sea by a sudden storm. When the opportunity re
curred, the commander of the Santa Cruz obeyed the King of
Spain's orders by setting fire to her, as soon as he saw escape
to be impossible. But Borough learnt, from one of her crew,
the welcome news that other and still more richly-laden car-
racks were also steering towards Flores, in the expectation of
meeting there with their appointed escort of Spanish men-of-
war. It was expressly to cut off this escort that Ralegh had
placed Frobisher's squadron on the coast of Spain ; and the
plan had succeeded. Borough's hopes rose high. In the ships
of London he had acquired a possibly needful accession of
strength. By the junction with the Earl of Cumberland's
cruiser, and her expected consorts, the partners in the game
came, it seems, to be more than were wished for.
On the 3rd of August the Madre de Dios hove in sight.
She was an enormous ship, of 1600 tons' burthen, and (all
counted) of seven decks. Her length, over all, was 165 feet,
She was, in fact, a floating castle, with nearly 800 inhabitants.
Amongst them were several eminent Spanish governors and
functionaries ; and many wealthy merchants, going homeward
1 Casar Papers, in MS. Lansdowne, lxx. § 20 (British Museum).

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERS
XXVIII. TO
XXXIV. 1592.
July— Oct.

62

Prefatory Note to Letters XXVIII. to XXXIV.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTERS
XXVIII. TO
XXXIV. 1592.
July— Oct.

with the fruits of their toil and enterprise in the Indies. Her'
commander was Don Fernan de Mendoza. Sir John Borough
told Lord Burghley that the fight lasted from ten of the clock
in the morning untitone or two o'clock "at night.'' But on this
point, as on some others, the accounts of eye-witnesses vary.
On the respective parts taken in the capture by the ships of the
Queen and Ralegh and by those of the Earl, there was, not
unnaturally, a very sharp conflict afterwards. The Carrack,
says Borough in his despatch, "is very rytche, but mutch
spoyled by the sodiers being entred by force ; to which yt was
not possible for me to geive order, not of a long tyme ; for that
the Erie of Cumberland's men stood uppon theyr Lord's com-
myssion, and therby challendged as great a commandement as
I, notwithstanding that I mayde yt knowen to the chiefe of
them that I was joined in her Majestye's commission with Sir
Martyn Furbyssher.'' The commission here spoken of is one
which would seem to have been issued after the discovery of
what Ralegh calls "my great treasons." From other passages
in the despatches it might have been inferred that both
Frobisher and Borough were simply to be regarded as Ralegh's
lieutenants. " I have nowe," adds Sir John Borough, " taken
possession of the carrack in her Majestye's name and ryght,
and I hope, for all the spoyle that has beene mayde, her
Majestye shall receyve more proffyt by her then by any shipp
that ever came into England."
Lord Cumberland's captains varied the story considerably.
According to them, both the flagship (Ralegh's Roebuck) and
the Queen's ship, Foresight, were disabled, more or less, during
the fight. The Earl's ships, they said, at length " laid the car-
ricke aboord, on both sides, and entred three hundred and
sixty men at the least, and after some fight and losse. of men,
not only surprised and tooke her, but also rescued the
Foresight" The Madre de Dios had as stormy a passage to England as
her captors had had in the voyage outward. She reached
Dartmouth on the 8th of September. And then the liberal

The Capture of the ' Madre de Dios.'

63

" self-help'' of the captors was resumed. It had gone very far
during the brief interval between the taking of the ship and
Borough's arrival on board her, to take possession for the
Queen. But at sea it was easier to plunder than to turn the
plunder to account. The news of the theretofore unheard-of
wealth of a single ship had spread far and wide in England.
The Queen's Commissioners made eager haste to the coast.
Yet they were anticipated, not only by keen-witted Devonians,
but by speculative shopkeepers from London. The ports of
arrival looked for many days, says an eye-witness, " like Bar
tholomew fair.'' Even the clerk to the Queen's Commissioners
expresses compassion for the sailors, on hearing of the unequal
encounters between them and the traffickers on shore. He
testifies that some of the precious commodities were sold by
the buyers, before nightfall and without quitting the town, for
five times the price given to those who had made the spoil at
peril of life and limb.
"Pillage" within certain limits was, at this period, a recog
nised privilege of captors. AYhat the proper limits were was a
question on which sailors and statesmen widely differed. And
they differed not less widely as to the time when it should be
made. The sailors deemed the moment of victory the right
moment for pillage. On this occasion, it was notified by a
royal proclamation that no pillage at all was lawful " until the
whole lading was brought into port." The proclamation was
accompanied by warrants addressed to the bailiffs of the several
hundreds adjacent to the coasts of Devon and Cornwall, in
which they were directed to see that " all passengers should
be stopped, and that all trunks, carriers' packs, hampers, cloak-
bags, portmanteaus, and fardells, that are likely to have in
them any part of the goods lately arrived in the ports of Dart
mouth or Plymouth in a Spanish carrocke, . . should be
stayed and searched."
Among the earliest witnesses examined by the Commissioners
at Dartmouth, was a Portuguese officer, named Vincent de
Fontesecco, who had been purser of that carrack— the Santa

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERSXXVIII. TO
XXXIV. I592-
July— Oct.
SpanishPrizes
and EnglishPrivateers.

64

Prefatory Note to Letters XXVIII. to XXXIV.

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERS
XXVIII. TO
XXXIV. 1592.
July— Oct.

Cm?— which its crew had burnt at Flores, to avoid capture.
Fontesecco deposed to his belief that the Madre de Dios con
tained, in precious stones, pearls, amber, and musk, "to the
value of 400,000 crusados," and that, amongst these, were
"two great crosses and one other great jewel of diamonds
which the Viceroy sent for a present to the King." Of such
precious merchandise as this, only a very small proportion was
recovered, notwithstanding the most stringent measures. " For
jewels, pearls, and amber, — I fear that the birds be flown,"
wrote Robert Cecil to Lord Burghley, almost at the instant
of his arrival at Dartmouth, on the 19th of September. But
there was a large store of rich commodities less easily dis
posable. Of spices alone, according to Fontesecco, the Madre
de Dios, at her sailing, contained no less than 537 tons;1 and
of ebony wood, 15 tons. The tapestries, silk stuffs, and satins
of the 'rich carrick' seem to have been in fit companion
ship with the spices and the hardwoods. There is, no need
for further details, to explain the wide-spread anxiety — in high
and low — to have at least a finger, if not a fist, in the prize.
Several months after the arrival of the carrack, the Countess
of Bath, wife of the Lord Lieutenant of Devon, had occasion
to thank the Judge of the Admiralty, Dr. Julius Caesar, for
some act of courtesy in relation to quite another matter, and
she falls incidentally into this naive reflection : " I send your
wife a small token, in show of thankful remembrance ; but,
had I had anything by this rich carrick, she should have per
ceived it by my token. But my Lord's house 2 is far off, and so
lighted of nothing." 8
Captain Crosse (afterwards knighted at Cadiz, and to be
1 Namely, 8,500 quintals, or hundredweights, of pepper ; 900 quintals
of cloves ; 700 quintals of cinnamon ; 500 quintals of anneal ; 50 quintals
of mace ; 50 quintals of nutmegs, and 50 quintals of benjamin. A note on
this deposition, in the hand of Lord Burghley, estimates the pepper as
being then worth £12 a quintal, or ,£102,000 in the whole. (Ccesar
Papers, in MS. Lansdowne, lxx. § 36.)
2 Tawstock, near Barnstaple.
3 M.S. Addit. 12506, fol. 88 (British Museum).

English Privateers and Spanish Prizes.

65

met with elsewhere in these volumes as 'Sir Robert Crosse')
carried the Queen's ship, Foresight, into Portsmouth Harbour,
and enjoyed a quiet and pleasant little interval of five days,
between his arrival and the official search of the ship, by order
from the Council in London. The search was not very pro
ductive. Afterwards, Crosse acknowledged that he had taken
out of the carrack spoils to the value of ,£2,000. Of the
examination of Sir John Borough's own chests a curious account
will be found in Letter XXXII.
The captain of another ship — the Dainty — found it con
venient to " come about to Harwich." The Council had not
thought it needful to take any such precautions on the coast of
Essex and Suffolk as had been taken in Devon and Hants.
Certain " verie greate bagges of greate cynamon " found their
way, from Ipswich to Lombard Street, just at the time that
Sir John Hawkins — to whom the Dainty belonged — had
explained to Lord Burghley the elaborate measures he had
adopted to secure the total abstinence of his own captain and
crew from the prevalent offence. When this captain came
under examination, he narrated a conversation between himself
and Admiral Borough. The Dainty, it seems, had lost her
mast just after the capture of the carrack, and was driven out
to sea. When he was able to rejoin his admiral, he applied
for a share in the good things that had been going. Sir John
answered : " Proclamation is made ; and I am for the Queen."
"So am I, too," said Captain Thomson, "as I hope; but is
there never a chain of gold, nor apparel ?" " I have kept some
thing for you," rejoined Borough, " because you were away."
But, to Thomson's disgust, the something was "a common
sailor's chest, which had been broken up before." Presently,
however, he found means to console himself. The Commis
sioners, in their letters to Burghley, complain bitterly of the
difficulty they found in knowing what and whom to believe or
disbelieve. When some unwilling witnesses were reproached
with disregarding the sacred obligations of their oath, one of
them answered : " Nay, by my troth, we had rather be in the
VOL. II. F

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTERS XXVIII. TO
XXXIV. 1592.
July— Oct.

66

Prefatory Note to Letters XXVIII. to XXXIV

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERS XXVIII. TO
XXXIV. 1592-
July— Oct.

hands of God, and trust His mercy, than in the hands of
Commissioners that have no mercy." 1
At this period, the cruises of privateers were commonly
adventured on " by the thirds," as it was termed. That is, the
owners of the ship had one third part of the value of all cap
tures ; the victuallers, another third ; the officers and crew, the
remaining third. Ships adventuring in company, shared in
like proportion, the owners taking in the ratio of the tonnage
of their respective ships in consort ; the victuallers and crew,
in the ratio of the numbers of men on board each consort.
This being borne in mind, the passage in Letter XXVIII. — ¦
" If (instead of this ^20,000) I had made it ^100,000, and done
injury to none but myself, I hope it may be thought it proceeded
from a faithful mind. Fourscore thousand pounds is more
than ever a man presented Her Majesty yet" — becomes less enig
matical than it looks at the first glance. The earliest estimate
of the worth of the carrack's cargo reached the inordinate sum
of half a million (in the money, it is to be remembered, of
1592). Ralegh, much nearer the truth, put it at £200,000.
Eventually, — as far as concerns what had been left available,
after plunder, — it proved to be but little above .£141,000, or
some three quarters of a million, in our present currency.
Ralegh— adopting, as I suppose, Sir John Borough's account
of the circumstances of the capture, as he was bound to do —
questioned the fairness of the claim advanced on behalf of the
ships of the Earl of Cumberland. The Queen, as a sharer in
the original joint adventure of March 1592, he estimated to
be entitled, for the tonnage of her ships and her proportion in
the joint-stock, to one-tenth of the net proceeds. But, in courtly
fashion, he adds that if his own share were large enough, — and
no one would lose but himself, — he would willingly quintuple
the royal proportion ; and so offer for Her Majesty's accept
ance " fourscore thousand pounds."
1 MS. Lansdowne, vol. Ixx. §61.

Partition of the Spoils of the ' Madre de Dios.'

67

In the issue, the Queen took quite sufficient care of herself.
Having adventured £1800 out of a joint-stock of .£18,000, and
having furnished 1150 tons of shipping out of 5,000 tons, she
took somewhat more than one-half of the net proceeds of the
fortunate adventure. How Sir Walter himself came out of it,
he has pithily summed up in Letter XXXIV. But he had
subsequent opportunities, — in some of which he fared much
better.

XXVIII.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
As printed by Strype (Annals, vol. iv. p. 180), from his own transcript of
the Original. With some corrections.
Sir George Carew hath dealt with me to know
in particular how Her Majesty might be profited by
the Carique, according to the offer I made. My
promise was not to buy my bondage, but my liberty,
and, I hope, of Her Majesty's favour. . . Before I
heard of the taking of the Carack, I thought not worth
the labour [to compute the account of the Voyage].
And myself being the greatest Adventurer, I was con
tented rather to smother my loss, than labour to publish
an hopeless overthrown estate, &c.
Briefly, of 5,000 ton of shipping, Her Majesty hath
but 1 100. ... Of £"18,000, in money, Her Majesty hath
but ^iSoo,1 for the other £"1200* was employed on her
two ships, as by Sir John Hawkins's account will
appear. To conclude, Her Majesty's adventure will
come but to the tenth part. Which, of £200,000 (such,
1 Strype, '^1500,' but compare Letter XXXIV., printed from the
Original. 2 Strype, '^1500.'
F 2

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERSXXVIII. TO
XXX1V. 1592.
July— Oct.

LETTER XXVIII. 1592.
Sept. (On
or before
Sept. 15.)
To Lord
Burghley.[From the
Tower. ]
Partition
of the
Spoils of
the 'Madre
de Dios. '

Letters of Ralegh.

I think, is the value of the Carack), Her Majesty's part
will be £"20,000. And I know Her Majesty will not
take the right of her subjects from them, contrary to
her hand and seal ; in consideration, that for her service
sake, and the rather for your Lordship's persuasion,
they were contented to adventure.
And this is not the last time that Her Majesty shall
need their contribution. If Her Majesty had set out
the journey of her own charge, it would have cost her
£"40,000. And now it stood her but in £"1800/ besides
her two ships. Instead of this £"20,000 if I had made
it £100,000, and done injury to none but myself, I hope
it may be thought that it proceeded from a faithful
mind, and a true desire to serve Her. Fourscore
thousand pounds is more than ever a man presented
Her Majesty as yet. If God have sent it for my
ransom, I hope Her Majesty of her abundant goodness
will accept it. If I speak, with the least, a2 greater
sum ; — a greater sum will be more thankworthy. If my
imprisonment or my life might do Her Majesty more
good, I protest, before God, I would never desire either
liberty or further respite of breathing.
And if Her Majesty cannot beat me from my affec
tion, I hope her sweet nature will think it no conquest
to afflict me. What her will shall be, I shall willingly
obey. And so I humbly take my leave of your
Lordship. From this unsavoury dungeon, this of
September [1592].

1 Strype, '/1500.'

Misprinted by Strype ' 1 ' (one).

Partition of the Spoils of the ' Madre de Dios.'

69

XXIX.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
As printed by Strype (Annals, vol. iv. p. 182), from his own transcript of
the Original, but apparently imperfect.
By your Lordship's great favour, I have obtained liberty
to ride down. I hope it shall be profitable for Her
Majesty and a quietness and satisfaction to the rest. . .
Present payment must be made the ships, that they
come not under further charge. . . . The ways to profit
Her Majesty's cause be in this wise : To take a fifth
part of her custom. Secondly, a tenth part or more
for her particular adventure. And next, and chiefly, I
will put the third part of all into her hands for the
mariners : which I did undertake to pay ; and of right
belongeth unto myself: which will amount to the one
half of the Carack. . . I did bind myself to all the
ship's company to pay them ; which indeed I did ; and
confessed to Sir Robert Cecil, while I was a prisoner.
. . I will aver, that I undertook on us, in the1 name
and right, who had promised me to save me harmless ;
hoping of Her Majesty's goodness otherwise. For I
protest, before the living God, both my three years'
pension of the Custom-house, — which was £"6,ooo,' — and
all I have besides is in this journey. . All the wages
of the seamen will not amount to £6,000. For that the
third, I doubt not, but will be threescore thousand.
1 So printed by Strype. Probably the reading should be: "in her
name and right, who, " &c.

LETTER XXIX. I592-
Sept. 16.
To Lord
Burghley.[On the
way to
Dartmouth.] On the
partition of the
Spoils of
the 'Madre
de Dios.'

7o

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXX.
1592.
Sept. 17.
To Lord
Burghley. From
Hartle-
bury. On pro
ceedings to
be taken
respecting the Carrack
' Madre de
Dios'

XXX.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
As printed by Strype (Annals, vol. iv. p. 178), from his own transcript of
the Original.
My humble duty remembered. If it please your Lord
ship to send us by this bearer a commission to examine
upon oath as well mariners as townsmen, and all
strangers of other places, what hath been bought or
sold, I doubt not but we shall find out many things of
importance. For the Earl of Cumberland's [ships] — who
had the chiefest pillages — arrived at Plymouth, and
made port-sale of diamonds, rubies, musk, ambergris,
and all other commodities. And not one of the Com
missioners ever moved or sent thither ; but only sacked
my ship, which only attended the Carack, even to the
very keelson. The Earl's ships — the Dainty, the Dragon,
the Foresight, and the rest — ran from her into several
ports, and ever sold all ; only my poor men and ship
was stripped for her good attendance. And if she had
forsaken the Carack as the rest did, she [the carrack]
had been cast away.
Also if it please your Lordship to send a commission
to Alderman Marten and others, to make inquiry into
London what goldsmiths or jewellers are gone down,
and that at their return they may be examined upon
oath, what stones or pearls they have bought, I doubt
not but many things will be discovered. If I meet any
of them coming up, if it be upon the wildest heath in
all the way, I mean to strip them as naked as ever they

On the Spoils of the ' Madre de Dios.'

71

were born. For it is infinite that Her Majesty hath been
robbed, and that of the most rare things.
Whereas I wrote to your Lordship for £2,000, if we
load the same ships with the goods, we shall not need to
pay but part, and the rest at London. So I think one
thousand will serve. Thus, in haste, I humbly take my
leave. From Hartelbery, this Sunday morning.
Your Lordship's humbly at commandment,
W. Ralegh.
If it please your Lordship to send commission to
myself, Sir John Gilbert, Sir Francis Drake,
Mr. Killigrew, Mr. Christopher Harris, and Mr.
Payden, the customer; and Tristram George, — be
cause none 1 other dwell upon Saltashe river, — we [?2] shall
be able among their tenants to find out other things.

XXXI.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
As printed by Strype (Annals, vol. iv. p. 177), from his own transcript of
the Original.
The particularities of all done your Lordship shall
receive from Sir Robert Cecil. If the like diligence
had been used at Plymouth, where the Earl [of CUM-
BERLANDJ'S ships arrived : at Portsmouth, where the
Foresight arrived ; at Harwich, where the Dainty
arrived; as hath been here, their value of the Carack
would then have resembled itself in some sort. But if
the Earl were presented, of voluntary gift, with so many
thousands of pearls and diamonds, and these only from
1 Misprinted by Strype 'some: 2 Strype reads 'and.'

On the
Spoils of
the 'Madre
de Dios. '

72

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXXI. 1592.
Sept. 21.

such of his men as were abiding in the Carack, what is
to be thought of the rest remaining ? His own ships
I leave to your Lordship's discretion : and what was
unpresented was of some account, if it had been reco
vered. For mercenary men are not so affectionate or
religious, but that they can, with safe conscience, lick
their own fingers.
What will be done hereafter, I know not ; but I dare
give the Queen ten thousand pounds sterling for that
which is gained by Sir ROBERT CECIL'S coming down ;
which I protest before the living God, I speak of truth,
without all affection or partiality, for (God is my judge)
he hath more rifled my ship than all the rest ; and yet
she, only, stayed by the Carack, lost most men, most of
all spoiled; and only remaineth here under command
ment. The rest are gone every one his way. And truly,
my Lord, Cross1 was most to blame, and dealt lewdly
to leave the Carack, and afterwards to steal from Sir
Martin [Frobisher]. I have always served him to my
power; but his mad behaviour is too insolent in this
action. Thus, with remembrance of my duty, I humbly
take my leave, and remain most ready to do your
Lordship all honour and service.
W. Ralegh.
1 Robert Crosse, afterwards a captain in the Cadiz expedition, and
knighted.

Proceedings respecting the ' Madre de Dios.'

73

XXXII.
SIR ROBERT CECIL, SIR WALTER RALEGH, AND
OTHERS, COMMISSIONERS OF INQUIRY AT
DARTMOUTH, TO THE LORD TREASURER
BURGHLEY AND LORD ADMIRAL HOWARD.
From the Original. MS. Lansdowne, lxx. No. 93. (British Museum).
OUR duties to your Lordships most humblie re-
membred. Althoughe wee have no great matter to
write to your Lordships, yet the opportunitie of this
messenger makes us bolde to trouble your Lordships,
thoughe by our last letters of the xx* wee did
aduertize you of our proceedinges, and desired some
understandinge of your pleasure whether wee shall be
thinke us of unloading the pepper or no, of which,
althoughe wee be not yet come to it by one whole
decke, yet woulde wee knowe some parte of your
Lordships mynde ; because here be diverse shippes, as
the Alcedo and others, being fitt shippes to assure the
transportation, which woulde (if it were not for this
seruice) be gone eastwarde to their owners, who shall
loose the benefitt of their setting forthe againe, if here
(uppon hope of fraughte) they shoulde be commanded
to stay and then be disappointed ; of which, for the
first point, when your Lordships are resolved you may
with more deliberacion advize to whom it may be solde,
which we leave to your Lordships' consideracion.
Wee have examined Captain Crosse's brother, whom
the messinger wee did send for him did meet on the
way betweene Bridgwater and Exeter; we have ex
amined him uppon theise Interrogatories, and finde no
more then here is sett downe. Sir JOHN BOROGHE
arryved here yesternighte, whose chests voluntarilie he

LETTER XXXII. 1592.
Sept. 27.
Sir R.
Cecil, Sir
W. Ralegh,
and others,
to the
LordTreasurer
and Lord
Admiral.
FromDart
mouth. Proceed
ings of the
Commission re
specting the 'Madre
de Dios. '

74

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXXII. 1522.
Sept. 27.

hathe shewed, hearing of our diligent searche for them in
his absence ; and thoughe wee finde them no common
chests, yet finding in them nether Pearle, Amber, Stone,
Jewell, Hangings, Tapestrie, or riche stuffe, wee have
lefte them in his owne keping, bothe because he assured
us he had tolde Her Majestie of them, and also because
wee finde he thinkes himselfe hardlie dealt withall,
being Her Majesties Generall there, and a Gentleman of
qualitie, not to be suffred to choose out and send from
himselfe some suche present of them as may be accept
able to Her Majestie, to which weefounde reasone to
assent, seing they were nothing in them but certaine
China Taffataes and Damaskes, with painted Caffard
for Quiltes, some Quiltes of White Callicute stitcht, and
2 or 3 parcells of suche white China Taffatae imbrodered
with China golde as Mr. Candishe broughte home ; with
certaine course gilt boxes, and a bunch of seede pearle.
Within 3 or iiij. dayes, wee shalbe able to give some
estimat of the state of this Carricke, and wee shall
knowe whither the iiij. chests spoken of be ether gone
or ryfled; which being done, I, Robert Cecill, doe
purpose to come away, with your Lordships' good favour ;
and thus for this tyme we most humblie take our leaves.
Ffrom the Tonne of Dartmouthe, the xxvijth of
September, 1592.
Your Lordships most humblie to commaund,
Ro. Cecyll.
W. Ralegh.
Fra. Drake.
WlLLM. KlLLYGREWE.
Rich. Carm'den.
Thomas Myddelton.
Addressed :
To the right honorable our very good Lords, the Lord Treasuror and
Lord Admirall of England?-

On Prise Proceedings pending in the Admiralty Court.

75

XXXIII.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY,
THE LORD ADMIRAL HOWARD,
AND THE LORD BUCKHURST.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth, vol. ccxliii. § 89
(Rolls House)- In the hand of an amanuensis, with autograph
subscription and signature.
My verie good Lords,
I UNDERSTAND by Mr. MlDDLETON of your Lord
ships' proceedings in the cause between CORSINA1 and
us ; and although it be prejudiciall unto us, yet in
reguard your Lordships have so prescribed, I am con
tented to submitt my selfe thereunto. And do hum
blie pray your Lordships that theis enclosed articles2
may (if you shalbe so pleased) be performed by such
as particularlie are nominated therein by your Lordships'
order. Thereby CORSINA is to have the benefytt of
making sale of the goods, which are valued at £12,000,
and the use of the money, which wilbe worth unto him
£3,000. In my opinion, if your Lordships will allow
thereof, it were more fytt that the goods might remaine,
as presently they do, in sequestracion, untill your
1 Filippo Corsini, plaintiff in an Admiralty cause respecting the ship
' Uggera Salvagnia.'
2 The enclosed "Articles" (eleven in number) referred to in, and re
turned with, Sir Walter's letter, are both too long and of too little interest
to be here printed. The only article in which Ralegh is expressly men
tioned runs thus: "And that Sir Walter Rawley, in the behalf of Captain
Davies, shall enter into like bonds unto Corsini, in double the value of
such goods as the said Davies can be duly charged to have taken forth of
the said ship." The date of this Inclosure is 10 Dec. 1592. These
articles are followed by a series of charges and answers in the case, also of
great length and minuteness.

LETTERXXXIII. 1592.
Dec. 13.
To Lord
Burghleyand others.
FromDurhamHouse. On Pro
ceedingspending in
the Court
of Admi
ralty.

76

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXXIII. 1592.
Dec. 13.

LETTER XXXIV, 1592. Dec.
To Lord
Burghley.

Lordships' finall resolucion shalbe known therein, be
cause the venting and dispercing thereof will extenuate
the price of the Caracke goods, when they shalbe sold,
being all of one nature and kinde ; or, that they may be
delivered to Her Majesties use, at such rate as they are
prized ; 1 and so all parties, uppon determinacion of the
varyance, to receave their due porcion allotted unto
them. If this course shall be deemed requisite, both
parties will travell for a speedie end, and Her Highness
will be benefited therebye above £3,000 ; otherwise, they
will seeke by protraction of time to delaie an absolute
triall and composicion for some of their private lucre.
Thus, humblie praying your Lordships' direction therein
by this bearer, my servaunt, I take my leave. From
Dirrham House, the xiijth of December, 1592.
Your Lordshipps' humble att cummandement,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my verie good Lords, the Lord Thresurer,
Lord Admirall, and Lord Buckhurst.

XXXIV.

TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
From the Original, in the Burghley Papers, 1592. MS. Lansdowne,
vol. lxx. No. 94 (British Museum).
THE accompt of the whole charge amounteth to
34,000"-. Her Majesty hath giuen order that we shall
receue 36,000"-. So as there is giuen vs of profytt,
2,ooolu. The City of London is to haue 6,ooo"' profytt by
1 Appraised.

Statement of the Charges of the Expedition 0/159:

77

her Majesties order ; then are they to haue her Majes
ties allowaunce of 2,000"- vppon all, and 4,000"- profitt
more, out of the principall. By that meanes we are to
lose 4,ooou- of our mony disbursed.
To help which we haue 3,000"- of the Queen's ; and
then we lose but i,ooou. But of that 3,000"- of the
Queen's, 1200"- was bestowed on her own ships, to make
them perfect. Then there remaineth 1800"- towards the
losse of 4,000"- : so as the losse wilbe 2,200"'.
In respect hereof, we haue the remaines, and our ships
againe : but we are not allowed for our ships in this
accompt as they were worth in aduenture, but onelie
according to the losse which we sustein by them ; and
therefore that remain is nothing to vs : for wee take
our shipps in part of payment.
The Erie of CUMBERLAND is allowed also 36,000"- ;
and his accompt came but to 19,000" : so as he hath
17,000"- profytt, who aduentured for himselfe ; and we
that serued the Queen, and assisted her service, haue
not our own again. Besides, I gaue my ship's sayles
and cables to furnish the Caraque, and bring her home,
or els she had perished : my ship first bourded her, and
onely staid with her ; and brought her into harborough,
or els she had also perished vppon Silley. I was not
present, and therefore had no extraordinary profytt : I
was the cause that all this came to the Queen, and that
the King of Spaine spent 300,000"- the last yere : and
I lost in the last yere in the voiage of my Lo. Tho.
Howard i6oo"- ; besides the interest of 1 i,ooo"-, which I
haue paid euer since this voiage began. And farther, my
ship and Sir Jo. Hawkins' that were takers with The
Foresight of the Queens haue no other allowance then
those that were absent : and whereas the City onely dis
bursed 6,ooo"', and haue 1 2,000 " againe, the same being

LETTER XXXIV. •592. Dec.
Statement
of the
Charges of
the Expe
dition of
1592; and
of the pro
posed partitionof prize
money.

78

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXXIV. 1592. Dec.

LETTER XXXV. 1593-
May 10.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
From Sherborne.Progress
of the
War in
Ireland. —
Aims of
the King
of Spain.

taken out of the halles of London among a multitude :
I that aduentured all my estate, lose of my principall, and
they haue double : I tooke all the care and paines ; caried
the ships from hence to Falmouth, and from thence to the
north cape of Spaine ; and they only sate still, and did
but disburse 6,ooo"- out of the common store, for which
double is giuen to them, and lesse then mine own to me ;
and to the Earle of Cumberlond 17,000"- profytt, who
aduentured for himselfe, and I for the Queen.

Endorsed :

Sir Walter Raleighe's Cawse for the Carick.

1 5 93-

XXXV.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol. 93 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sir, I AM very sorry for Mr. WlLKENSON and the rest,
that I here ar lost in the River of Burdens ; but for my
part I was resolved of the success beforehand, and so
miche I told Willkenson before his departure. Of
this Irish combinaction Her Majestye shall find it
remembred to her sealf not longe since ; but the Troien
Southsayer cast his spear against the wooden horse,
but not beleved. I did also presume to speake somewhat
how to prevent this purpose ; and I thinck it not over
hard to be yet donn ; and if I had by any chance bynn
acquaynted with the Lord Burgh's instructions, I would
have putt you in mynde to have woonne the Earle of
Argile rather then all the rest of Skotland ; for by

Progress of the War in Ireland.

79

hyme this fier must be only maintained in Ulstell.1 But
for me to speake of the one or the other, I knowe my
labors are prejudicate, and I cannot hereafter deserve
ether thancks or acceptance. Less then that number
men apoynted, I tacke it, will serve the turn, if the
garrisons be placed aright to impeach the assemblies,
and sume smale pineses ordered to lye between
Caxtirrs'2 and ODonells Country; but herein the
order and the tyme hath most powere. Ther be also
others in Irland that lye in waite, not suspected ; which
I most feare, and others most able and fitt to make
them neglected and discoraged : which smale matters
would have hartned to great purpose, as the tyme will
better wittness. I had bynn able my sealf to have
raysed to or three bands of Inglishe well armed, till I
was driven to relinquishe and recale my people ; of
which the loss shall not be alone to mee, howsoever I
am tumbled down the hill by every practize.
We ar so busyed and dandled in thes French warrs,
which are endless, as we forgett the defens next the hart.
Her Majesty hath good cause to remember that a million
hath bynn spent in Irland not many yeares since. A
better kingdome might have bynn purchased att a less
prize, and that same defended with as many pence, if
good order had bynn taken. But the question now may
be, whether for so great expence the estate be not less
asured then ever ? If Her Majestye conseder it aright,
she shall fynde it no small dishonor to be vexed with
so beggerly a nacion, that have neather armes nor forti-
ficasion ; but that acursed kingdome hath always bynn
but as a trafique, for which Her Majestye hath paid both
fraight and custome, and others receved the marchan-
dize ; and other then such shall it never be. The Kinge
1 Ulster. 2 Cantyre.

8o

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXXV. IS93-
May 10.

of Spayne seeketh not Irlande for Irlande, but havinge
raysed up troops of beggers in our backs, shall be able
to inforce us to cast our eyes over our shoulders, while
thos before us strike us on the braynes. We have also
knowne the levell of his subversion; but destiney is
stronger than councell ; and good advice, ether neglected
or weakly executed, hath tought our enemis to arme
thos parts which before lay bare to the sworde. Pre
vention is the doughter of Intelligence, which cannot be
borne without a mother ; and the good wooman hath so
many patrons, as the one referreth her cherishinge to
another's trust, and in the meanwhile shee liveth baren
and frutles.
Sir, thes poore Countris yeild no newse. I here
of a frigott that taketh up fishermen for pilatts in the
West. I am my sealf here at Sherburne, in my for-
tun's folde. Wherever I be, and while I am, yow shall
cummande me. I thinck I shall need your furder favor
for the litle parke, for Law and Conscience is not
sufficient in thes days to upholde me. Every foole
knoweth that hatreds are the cinders of affection, and
therfore to make me a sacrifize shall be thanksworthye.
Sir, I pray remember my duty to my Lord Admirall,
and to your father, if it please yow.
From Sherburne, this loth of May [1593].
Your's most asured to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — I am the worse for the Bath, and not
the better.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cicill, Knight, of her Majestie's
most honorable Privy Councell.
Endorsed :
10 Maii, 1593. Sir Walter Rawley to my Master,

Exportation of Pipe-staves from Minister.

XXXVI.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol. 100 (Hatfield). In the
hand of an amanuensis ; the subscription, signature, and postscript in
autograph. [See Vol. I. pp. 94—103.]
My honorable good Lord,
By reason of your Lordship's letters and the rest
of the Lords of Her Majesties Privie Councell, written
to the Lord Deputie and Councell of Ireland, for a
restraint of transportacion of Pipestaves out of that
Realme to the Islands, we have a great quantitie of
barrell and hogshead bords alreadie cutt and made
which, for want of venting and expending, will rott
uppon the ground, if we maie not receave some order
for their utteraunce. Besides, we must be forced to draw
home a great number of able men from thence which
are appointed to serve Her Majestie with their weapons
uppon anie occasion, which will prove to be a great
weakening of the province of Munster.
Wherefore, if it please your Lordship, — for the
keeping and enterteyning of theis men in worke, which
otherwise cannot live there ; and for venting of this
commoditie, which must needs perish if longer staie be
made of them there, — to write to the Lord Deputie
and Councell, that, according to your Lordship's
meaning signified in your former letters, we maie be
licensed to transport from thence into England such
barrell and hogshead bords as we have made, and maie
be sparde out of our own woods ; the rather, because
VOL. II. G

letter xxxvi. 1593-
June 15.
To Lord
Burghley. FromDurham House,London.Enterpriseof prepar
ing and
exporting Pipe-
stavesfrom Munster.

82

Letters of Ralegh.

letter xxxvi. IS93-
June 15.

those of the west countrie here have great want of
this caske, we will putt in such bords to Her Majesty's
use, before th' officers of the ports where they are to be
laden, as are required in your Lordship's said letters,
for th' assured transporting thereof into England and to
no other place. And so I most humblie take my leave.
From Dirrham House, the xvth of June, 1593.
Your Lordship's for ever to be cummanded,
W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.]— For the bringinge of caske1 into
Ireland, I hope wee shall rather deserve thankes, then
that wee shall need to make any great sutes for it. Yet,
so mich it hath pleased the Deputye to malline2 my
particuler, as I know, without your Lordshipp's heulpe,
yeven so mich will hardly be afforded. I do humblie
desire your Lordship to favor mee so mich as to writ
your Lordship's own letteres unto hyme that I may
receve justice at his hands ; and, acknowledging my
sealf only bound and susteyned by your Lordship's
goodnes, I wishe your Lordship eternall health, and
humblie take my leave.
1 So in MS. ; meaning obviously ' the bringing in of cask-making.'
2 I. e. malign. This doubtful word is so written that it ought, perhaps,
to be read ' mallice. '

On behalf of Kelly, a Merchant of Dartmouth.

83

XXXVII.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiii. fol. 31 (Hatfield). In the
hand of an amanuensis ; the subscription and signature in autograph.
SIR, I am earnestlie entreated by my brother, Sir John
GILBERT, to write unto you in the behalfe of Mr.
KELLEV, a marchant of Dartmouthe, his very honest
freind ; and because his and my perswasion may the
better prevaile in his behalfe, I have sent you, as well
his letter to testefie the honest behavior of the gentle
man, as my servant HANC0CKE, to certifie the truth
according to my brother's mocion.
The matter importeth the deliverie of a letter, sent
from Kellie's factor ; sent by Nicholas Fitzhar-
BERT ; written to THOMAS FlTZHARBERT.
The letter, uppon the deliverie to Mr. FlTZHARBERT,
was openly read and nothing found therein either
offensive to the Estate or to any particuler person, as
your Honnor, if you please, maie at large understand.
Sir JOHN GILBERT wilbe bound for him in a thowsand
pounds, and I will undertake for his honest cariage and
demeanoure. And because you shalbe the better per-
swaded of his integritie and good affection to the
Queen's Majestie, and the opinion conceaved of him
by his neighbors, I have sent you my brother's letter
to testefie the same. I beeseech your Honnor therefore
not to suffer anie wrongfull informacions to prevaile I
against him ; and to give order for his dispatch, as |
G 2

LETTERXXXVII. IS93-
Aug. 15.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From
Sherborne.On behalf
of one
Kelly, a
Merchant
of Dart
mouth.

84

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
XXXVII. '593-
Aug. 15.

LETTER
XXXVIII. 1593-
Aug. 27.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From Gilling
ham Forest.Enterpriseof prepar
ing and
exporting
Pipe-
staves from Munster.

soone as your Honnor shall think convenient ; that I
may by this bearer understand some newes. And so I
committ your Honnor to the tuicion of th' Almightie.
From Sherborn Castle, xvth of August, 1593.
Ever to do yow honor and service,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.]— I have sent Hancocke chiefelie to
understand some newes, and to see yow ; and to certefie
mee the rest at his return.

XXXVIII.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiii. fol. 41 (Hatfield). In the
hand of an amanuensis ; the subscription, signature, and postscript in
autograph.
Sir, You know our long suite to the Lords of Her
Majesties Privie Councell for the continuance of trans
portation of Pipestaves out of Ireland to the Islandes,
according to Her Majesties graunt by Her Letters
Patents under the Great Seale. Master Pine, as I
understand, is now at Court to sollicite your Honnor
and the rest, in our behalfe, for a dissolucion of the
restraint procured by the Lord Deputie's letters, upon
his supposicion of some enormities and surmised incon
veniences which thereby will need ensue.
I beeseech your Honnor to fauvor our proceedings
therein, and to assist us, as much as you maie, for the
obteyning of our suite ; and if you please to acquaint

Pipe-staves — Falcon — Mr. John Wollridge.

85

my Lord Admiral with my poore request, I doubt not
but his Lordship will farther so honest a mocion.
If their Lordships would be pleased thoroughlie to
consider the state of the cause, and have patience to
peruse the contents of our demaund (which Master Pine
will shew your Honnor, in all points, according to the
truth), they wold assuredlie allow of our trade to the
Islands, and conceave better of those which undertake
the same. And so I humblie take my leave.
From Gillingham Forrest, the 27th of August, 1593.
Your Honor's humblie att cummandment,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — Sir, The Indian falcon is sike of the
buckworme ; and therfore, if yow wilbe so bountefull
to geve another falcon, I will provide yow a roning
geldinge.Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecil, Knight, one of her Majesties
most honorable Privie Councell.
Endorsed :
27 Aug. 1593. Sir Walter Rowley to my Master.

XXXIX.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiii. fol. 77 (Hatfield). In the
hand of an amanuensis ; the subscription, signature, and postscript in
autograph.
Sir, This gentleman, Mr. John Wollridge, hath been
written unto by my Lord Threasurer, about the deliverie
of a ward, his wives sonne. If he shall have nede of

letter
XXXV11I. 1593-
Aug. 27.

The Falconry
at Gilling
ham.

LETTER XXXIX. IS93-
Oct. 8.

86

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XXXIX. 1593-
Oct. 8.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromWey
mouth. In favour
of the
bearer,
John Woll
ridge,who had a
matterpending in
the Court
of Wards. -
News of
Rimonde.

LETTER XL.
1S93-I594. Feb. 25.

your Honnors fauvor therein, — which he is able himselfe
lawfullie to aunswere, except he be overborn by his
adverse partie, — I praie you, in reguard of the honestie
of the gentleman and of the desire he hath to deale
indifferentlie and uprightlie, to assiste him so farre that
he maie receave no hard measure. And so I humblie
take my leave.
From Weymouth, the 8th of October, 1593.
Your Honor's to do you service,
W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — Sir, I have written to my Lord
Admirall the newes of Rimonde att large. From whom
I pray yow to be acquaynted. This bearer, WULREDGE,
— being sent for by my Lord, your father, — was here
stayde sumewhat longer to examyne a cawse of the
Admiraltye, so as I beseich yow to excuse hyme.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, one of her Majesties
most honorable Privie Councell.
Endorsed :
8 Oct. 1593. Sir Walter Rawley to my Master.

XL.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol. 49 (Hatfield). Holograph.
SIR, This gentelman, Henry Thynne, without sending
for is cum up to aunswere the cumplaynt of the Frensh-
men, for [which] my brother was lately called before
yow. Hee was an adventurer in that journey, and lost

In favour of Henry Thynne.

87

all. For the fishe prize, hee did nothing but by
cummission, and hath accompted for the same.
I beseich yow to favour hyme this mich, that hee be
not charged with more than hee receved, and [that] he
may have tyme till the next terme to bring in the
accompt, which now resteth in other mens hands ; and,
in the meantyme, no hard dealing be offered hyme.
I shall think my sealf mich bound unto yow for any
favor yow shall afford hyme, and so, being allwayes
your servant to be cumanded, I humblie take my leve.
W. Ralegh.
From Sherburne Castell, this 25 of February [1593-4].
Addressed :
To tlie right honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, one of her
Majesties most Jwnnorable Privy Councell.
Endorsed :
25 Feb. 1593 [legal style]. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master; in
favour of Captain Henry Thynne.

LETTER XL.
'593-1594- Feb. 25.
FromSherborne.
In favour
of Henry
Thynne,
whose pro
ceedings at
sea had
been com
plained of
by the
French.

88

Prefatory Note to Letter XLI.

PREFA
TORYNOTE TO
LETTERXLI. The
Barrysof Barry's
Court.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER XLI. — THE BARRYS OF
BARRY'S COURT, AFTERWARDS EARLS OF BARRY-
MORE.
TT was, at all times of life, a characteristic of Ralegh's mind
that no illusive pride of " consistency " hindered either
his acknowledgment of error, or his advocacy, when dealing
with business, of wiser counsels than those which on imperfect
knowledge he had himself previously given. We have seen,
in the letters with which this volume begins, that at an early
stage of his concern with Irish affairs he had counselled
severity towards the half-hearted men who were not quite
ready either to throw themselves fairly into the rebellion, or to
cast their lot with the Queen's decided supporters. Of such
men was Lord Barry. Ralegh had himself seized Barry's
Court. Perhaps his own personal intercourse with its owner
may have helped to convince the half-rebel of the wisdom of
becoming a wholly loyal subject. At all events, the very man
whom Ralegh had strongly denounced, he now as strongly com
mends. And there is ample evidence that the commendation
was merited. Lord Barry and his family rendered honourable
and brilliant service to the Crown in Ireland.
The Barrys, of Barry's Court, in the county Cork, have a
famous ancestry and a curious family history. The stock, one
vigorous branch of which came to its death, or almost to its
death, in a recent "Earl of Barrymore" of very unenviable
notoriety, was itself an offshoot of a race of Welsh princes,
already of a respectable antiquity in the twelfth century.
David Fitzjames Barry, Viscount Buttevant (the "Lord Barry"
of Ralegh's letter), was lineally descended from an elder
brother (Philip de Barri) of Giraldus Cambrensis. Philip,
Barry's ancestor and the founder of the Irish house, was there-

Affairs of Ireland.

89

fore a grandson of the " Princess Nesta," by her first marriage
with Gerald de Windsor, Constable of Pembroke.1
Lord Barry adhered very faithfully to Queen Elizabeth in
the trying times that immediately preceded her death, and
also to her successor. Several of his sons died in the field
for the same cause ; and in succeeding generations many of
his and their descendants were equally conspicuous for loyalty
to Crown and country.
The builder of Barry's Court was also — it is more than pro
bable — the founder of that house of Dominicans at Cork, part
of the ancient possessions of which were, I believe, included
(among other forfeited Geraldine lands) in Ralegh's Irish
estate, under the grant of 1585.

XLI.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. fol. 52 (Hatfield). In the
hand of an amanuensis ; the subscription and signature in autograph.
Sir, This honorable gentleman, the Lord Barry, one
that is well affected to her Majesty and her Estate, is
in humble suite to her Majesty, and hath entreated my
letter to your Honnor that such fine or benefitt as
Florence MacCarty hath by graunt obteined from
her Majesty, by reason of his former offence in Ireland
(which is well knowen to your Honnor), may be again
revoked and remitted.
1 Compare Giraldi Cambrensis Expugnatio Hibernica, edit. Dymock,
vol. v. pp. 351 seqq. (Chronicles and Memorials), with Monasticon Hibcr-
nicum, § Cork.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER XLI.

LETTER XLI.
1593-1594- March 4.
To Sir R.
Cecil. From Dor
chester. Affairs of
Ireland.

90

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XLI.
1593-1594- March 4.
Recom
mendsLordBarry ;
and asserts
that Flo
renceMacCarty
is not sin
cerely
reconciledto the
English
rule.

And if my opinion herein maybe reguarded, I thinke
that his1 pardon which her Highnes graunted him hath
wrought his true affection, and his entire disposicion to
honnor and serve her Maiesty with such unfeined
obedience as can be required; and therfore not fitt to
be discountenanced by Florence MacCarty, [he]
being a man reconciled to the Pope, daungerous to the
present State, beloved of such as seeke the ruine of
the Realme his native cuntrie, and not worthie to bee
relieved by her Maiesties goodnes. He maie for a
time dissemble, and in revealing his poverty, by occasion
of his imprisonment in the Tower, protest that obedience
which he ought to performe : but he is not to be trusted.
His alliance and friends in Ireland are great and manie,
and he wanteth nothing but mony to execute his prac
tices, whereunto the Pope hath animated him.
This noble gentleman1 hath, to my knowledg, a long
time lived civilly and conformablie to all her Majesties
directions and commandments, and hath not deserved
theis troubles and discontentments. I praie you so
much to favour him by yourself, or by the meanes of
my honorable good Lord, your father, that hee maie
bee discharged of this demaund ; and I will reckon it
amongst the rest of your favours. And so I humblie
take my leave.
From th' assises at Dorchester, the 4th of March, 1593.
Your Honor's humblie att cummandment,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the light honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, one of her
Majesties most honnorable Privy Councell.
Endorsed: "4 Mar. 1593. Sir Walter Rauleigh to my Master. Lord
And, in another hand : " To recommend Lord Barn:"

Barry. 1 Lord Barry, the bearer of this Lctler.

See Letter IV.

Capture of a Jesuit in house of Lady Stourton.

91

XLII.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxvi. fol. 25 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Sir, This night, the 13th of Aprill, wee have taken a
notabell Jesuite in the Lady STORTON'S house,— wife to
old Sir John Arundell, — -with his copes and bulles.
Ther hath bynn keipt in this house, as I have formerly
informed, you above thirty recusantts.
Sir George Trencherd, Sir Raufe Horsey, and
my self ar now ryding to take his examinacion, which,
by the next, you shall receve att large. Sir GEORG and
Sir Raufe have used great dillegence in the fynding of
this notable knave.
Being in hast, I do for the present humblie take my
leve. From Sherburne, this 14th of Aprill [1594].
Your's, ever to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — Hee calls hyme sealf John Mooney,
but hee is an Irishman and a notabell stout villayne ;
and I thinke can say miche.
Addressed :
To tlie right honorable my very good frinde, Sir Robert Cecell.
Endorsed :
14 Apr. 1594. Sir Walter Rauleigh to my Master. John Moone,
a Jesuite, taken in the Lady Sturtoris house.

LETTER XLII. 1594-
April 14.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromSherborne. Capture of
a Jesuit in
the house
of Lady
Stourton.

92

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XLIII. 1594-
May 2.
To the
Lord
Keeper.From
Sherborne.Proposingthe re
moval of a
cause,
Denshirev. Stevens,
from the
Star Cham
ber to the
StannaryCourt.

XLIII.
TO THE LORD KEEPER, THOMAS EGERTON;
{Afterwards Viscount Brackley.)
From the Original. MS. Harl. 6696, fol. 132 (British Museum). In
the hand of an amanuensis. Subscribed and signed.
My verie good Lord,
There hath been a subpena graunted out of the
Star Chamber for the appearance of one Thomas
WHITFORD and WILLIAM DOBB before your Lordship
and the rest of her Majesty's most honorable Privie
Councell, for verefying their knowledg in a Stannery
Court, as witnesses in an action uppon the case between
one Denshire and Stevens. The triall and penaltie
of the offence, if any shalbe proved, is to be censured
in her Majesties absolute jurisdiction of the Stannery;
and her Majesty hath been pleased of late, uppon
complaint by me made unto her, to signifie to my
honorable good Lord the Lord Treasurer, that the
Stannery authoritie shall consist and continue, according
to the auncient custome and prerogatives, and not to be
contradicted by private censure; and that all abuses
uppon my informacion shalbe presentlie reformed. I
thinke your Lordship is not thoroughlie acquainted
herewith, because a Stannery cause is suffred to be
prosecuted in that Court ; and therefore I am bold to
putt you in mind thereof, and to praie you to dismisse
the same out of the Starre Chamber, to be tried in the

Nezas of tlie Spanish Fleet.

93

Stannuries, where it is determinable. And so I humblie
take my leave.
From my Castle at Sherborn, the second of May,
1594. Your Lordshipp's most humblie att cummandment,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the rigid honorable my very good Lord, the Lord Keeper of the
Great Scale of England.
Endorsed :
Sir Walter Rowley. For pleas1 in the Stannarye sued in the Star
Chamber.

XLIV.
TO THE LORD ADMIRAL HOWARD.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxvii. fol. 8 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
*-
MY HONORABLE GOOD LORDE,
YOUR Lordshippe may perceve, by the intelligence
sent by my brother, bothe of the strenghte of the
Spanishe fleet as also of their reddiness to sett sayle.
The master hyme sealf, which was taken out of Dart
mouth, is returned. The intelligence your Lordship
had before was from too of his men which weare sett
free; but this master, called MAKERELL, is a man of
good judgment, and very honest. If your Lordship
consider, too things especially 2 . in this intelligence :
first, that sume surprize is purposed by the hast, — for
1 This reading is doubtful, the word being nearly illegible.
2 So in MS., the verb being wanting. Probably, the word 'appear,'
or some equivalent, was intended after ' especially.'

LETTER XLIII. 1594-
May 2.

LETTER XLIV. 1594.
June 21.
To the
Lord HighAdmiral.FromSherborne.News of
the SpanishFleet.

94

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XLIV.1594-
June 21.
Desire to
serve under the
Admiral
against Spain.

the carpenters and all other about the fleet worke the
Saboth dayes ; next, the hugeness of the shipps, which
must neads cary many soldiers, or else lesser vessells
weare farr fitter for the coast of Bryton.1
Ther ar also many shipps taken of ours ; sume of
good burden, but all of good wealth ; as may appeare
by the report sent the Lords.
How the Spaniards have proceeded about Brest, your
Lordship may also understand by this report : First,
havinge receved no impeachment, they have finished the
fortifications at Old Croydun, — which your Lordship
well knowes is within the port of Brest, — and the better
to cumand the haven, they have also built a stronger
peere at the very entraunce. Now, if it pleas your
Lordship to pardon mee, I pray remember that their2
wilbe no entraunce for the Queen's fleet, what weather
so ever happen; for Blewatt, and Brest, and Belsho ar
theirs. The Spanishe shipps ar huge ; wherof eyght ar
betwen 8oo and iooo toones; io shipps more, of good
burden ; divers galles, and full filde with soldiers. I
hope also that your Lordship will remember it is the
Queen's honor and saufty to assaile and not defende.
And, for ought I here, your Lordship's fleet wilbe far
to weake.
I hope your Lordship will take my remembrance in
good part. And if your Lordship will vouchsaife [to
ask] her Majesty for me to attend you privatly in her
service,- 1 hope I shall stand your Lordship in the place
of a poore marriner or soldier. I have no other desire
but to serve her Majestye. And seinge I deserve nor
place, nor honor, nor rewarde, I hope it wilbe easely
graunted, — if I be not condemned to the grave; no
libertye nor hope left that ether tyme or the geving of
1 Brittany. 2 thm.

ATews of the Spanish Fleet.

95

my life may recover, or be a sacrifice for, my offences.
I hope your Lordship will not forgett my desire, or that
I am evermore
Your most assured poore kynsman to serve you,
YV. RALEGH.
Sherburne, the 21 of June [1594]-
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuier good Lord, the Lord Admirall of
Inglande, in haste.
Endorsed [erroneously, being in the hand of a clerk to Sir Robert Cecil] :
21 Junii, 1594. Sir I la Iter Rauleighe to my Master.

XLV.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxvii. fol. 46 (Hatfield). Holo
graph. The address is in the hand of an amanuensis.
Sir, It seemeth that the late advertisement of the
Spanishe preparacions is now confirmed, and this last
weeke ther weare three great Spanishe men of warr, that
gave chace to an Inglishe shipp and her too prizes, and
drave them yeven to the very mouth of Dartmouth. It
is likely that all our Newfounland men wilbe taken up
by them if they be not speedely driven from the coast,
for in the beginninge of August our Newland : fleet ar
expected, which ar above a hundred sayle. If thos
should be lost, it would be. the greatest blow that ever
was geven to Ingland.
I beseich you to remember my leve to go privatly
1 So in M.S.

LETTER XLIV. 1594-
June 21.

LETTER XLV.
1594-
July 20.
To Sir R.
Cecil. FromSherborne. News of
the Spanish
Fleet. —
Cornish Miners for
Ireland. —
Intended
expedition to Brittany.

96

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XLV.
1594-
July 20.

LETTER XLVI. 1594-
Aug. 25.
To Sir R.
Cecil. From
the Coast.

with my Lord Admirall. I may perchance do her
Majestye sume service.
I am now preparynge thos 50 myners for which I had
direction. But if her Majesties letter had left it att
large, as well for Devon as Cornwale, Devon may better
spare men then Cornwale. But I am now tyed by the
letter to Cornwale, which hath fewer men and is nirer
the enemye. I pray, Sir, vouchsaufe me a lyne or too
how things go on, and who goes for Britayne.1
Thus, evermore bound to honor and serve yow, I take
leve.
W. Ralegh.
Sherburne, the 20th of July [1594].
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, one of her
Majesties most honorable Privie Councell.
Endorsed :
20 Julii, 1594. Sir Waller Rauleighe to my Master.

XLVI.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxvii. ff. ioi, 102 (Hatfield)-
Holograph.
Sir, ¦ I BESEICH yow to geve me leve to trobell yow a
littell with my particuler, because it concerns all the
poore estate I have. The priests of Sallisburie have
signed and sealed the fee-farmes more to benefite one
1 Brittany.

Dealings of the Dean and Chapter of Sarum.

97

Fits-James, who hath geven them a good fine, then any
way to satisfye or releve mee. They have stoode uppon
scrupell of conscience to yeilde any thinge to Her
Majestye ; but, — without her letters, without her cum-
mandements, — they have past £$o land to another, and
in suche sorte as myne must be voyde unless that £$0
land pass also. For they have geven myne upon
condiscion that the other shall pass withall, or else
both to be voyde. This 1 bravely they dare to tye the
Queen to do what they injoyne, or else they refuse to
do what she commands.
Now this wilbe the culler of this insolency, — that
unless Fits-James have his fee-farme, the Church shalbe
in danger to lose £50 rent. But it is meerely false ;
for, if by any trick in law FlTS-jAMES may pre-
tende to defraud the Church of that rent, yet it was
never ment to be so ; and therfore the Chancery will
inforce hyme by a decree att the first motion. And, if
that should be doubted, I will undertake to assure that
rent my sealf. This Fits-James is a smooth knave as
any leveth, and a false ; and hee offers mee ^"200 for
my good will. Butt, first, I gave the Queen a Jewell
worth £250 to make the byshope ; 2 I must geve £60
land to the Churche, for ever, of increas, — which will
cost mee £1200 more; the charges will cume to £250
more, which is demanded. And, when all this is spent, I
am not one farthinge the better, butt the assurance of my
estate only ; which I purchase att a most terribell rate.
I am sure, if I weare a Turke I could not be worss
dealt withall then I am by them, who have dun nothinge
for Her Majesties sake butt rackt mee yeven asunder ;
and, notwithstanding, have past to another £50 land, —
better then all Sherburne, — for their own profitt, and to
1 For thus. 5 John Caldwell, ' elected ' in 1591.
VOL. II. H

LETTER XLVI. 1594-
Aug. 25.
Private
affairs. —
Dealings
of the
Dean and
Chapter
of Sarum
with Fitz-
James.

98

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XLVI. 1594-
Aug. 25.

satisfye their frinde. And, if it had not bynn for his
sake, they would never have past myne ; and so it
apeereth : for they pass myne butt on condiscion that
his shall pass withall, or else both to be voyde.
Sir, if you please but a littell to consider, both of the
charge they putt mee to ; how ernestly Her Maiesty
hath dealt for me;- how hardly they use mee; how
undewtifully they dare to condiscion with the Queen;
how, agaynst all presedent that ever was, they pass £50
land of1 their own handes, — which never any Church
did, uncummanded by the Prince ; I hope you may
favor mee so mich, — uppon thes advantages, — as ether
to cumpell them to graunt myne alone ; or else that
Fits-James may ease mee in my charges in a more
liberall kynde, which — of the too — I desire rather. For
if by sute, or by sume frinde in the Privy Chamber,
hee shall obtayne his passage from the Queen, then
shall I lose that which he offereth mee, and have it
carried more to my disgrace. And therfore, if I could
draw hyme to healp toward my charges, I had rather it
should pass by mee then by another.
On the other syde, I hope, by this advantage of the
Byshope and Chapter, that I may be freed for this
increas of rent during myne own life, [or] att least
during the Byshop's, who, I hope, will easely be per-
swaded to spare mee for his tyme. But I desire that
this graunt may be inroled to the Queen, before any
speach b made att all, and then, when it is in Her,
perchance Master Aturney will finde a waye to frustrat
that condiscion, as sure as they think they have made it.
Sir, if you think we may cum bake in tyme, after it is
inrold to the Queen I could wish it rested ther ; unless
my wife be satisfied by Fits-James to her likinge.
1 off.

Defence of the English Channel.

99

[ What follows appears to heivc been added somceiiat later. ]
Sir, we are here att the Forelande, and purpose to
cum over for the French coast as soon as we can. Butt
I feare that wee shall have a wanton peece of work with
thes shipps att this tyme of the yeare ; and, if wee tarry
longe, putt them so out of order, if not in danger, as
they will hardly be reddy for the next yeare, when we
shall have more use of them. My Lord Admirall
knowes that if the wind blow att South, South-West, or ,
South-South- West, and blow strong, — as it will do now
every day, — that wee must then needs ride at ancor in ,
the Downs ; and if wee be driven to shift roades in the j
dark night here amonge the sands, how perrelous it may i
prove ; butt we leve it to your wisedomes. Sure I am I
att this tyme of the yeare we can do no service, unless '
the enemy cum for the Themes mouthe ; and if hee |
dare enter it with his shipps hee shall do more then wee 1
dare do, but with that feare, deliberation, and tyme, as !
no enemy can do the like ; nor ever pass up, while the I
world stands, unless he cume in the beast ] of summer,
and have galles 2 to sound the Chanell, which now he
cannot have for this yeare.
For our instructions, I beseich yow they may be
certayne, for else great advantage may be taken of us :
I mean for goinge westwarde ; wherof I now begin to
be afearde, finding the unweildenes of thes shipps, in
which I shall never sleap night, if I be here till
Chrismass. Yours ever to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
25 August [1594]-
Endorsed, in a different hand from that of the usual endorsements on the
letters of this period: "Sir Walter Rawleigh." Without superscrip
tion, or date of the year.
best. - galleys.
H 2

LETTER XLVI. 1594.
Aug. 25.

100

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XLVII. >594-
Sept. 20.
To Sir R.
Cecil. From
the Coast.
Prepara
tions for
the Guiana
Voyage. —
The plague
at Sher
borne.

XLVII.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxviii. fol. 40 (Hatfield).
Holograph.
Sir, Although Eaton's shipp be gonn, yet the letter
will do no harme, for I may be frynded of hyme in
sume thinges I want. Your own I have returned. And
I can say no more, but what good shall happen in
Ingland, or in India or elsewhere, so God favor mee as
I take it and confess it to be of your most honorable
frindshipps towards mee; and how much for such re
spect I may be bound you know, and which I will
acknowledg and performe, to the end of my life. So,
with my humble dewtye to my Mistris, I leve, and I
am ever your servant,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.]— I had a post this morning from Sher
burne. The plaugue is in the town very hote. My Bess
is on one way sent ; hir sonne, another way ; and I am
in great troble therwithe.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cicill, Knight, of Her Maiesties
most honorable Privy Councell.
Endorsed :
20 Sept. 1594. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master.

Delays of an Expedition by stormy Weather.

101

XLVIII.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lviii. § 52 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Wholly undated. The Hatfield Catalogue assigns this letter, by over
sight, to 1597.
I AM sorry to be now so nire that my letters may cum
to your hands. But this unfortunate yeare is such as
thos that weare reddy and att sea too moneths before
us ar beaten bake agayne and distressed. This longe
staye hath made mee a poore man, the yeare farr spent,
and what shalbe cum of us God knowes. The boddy is
wasted with toyle; the purse with charge; and all things
worne. Only the mind is indifferent to good fortune or
adversety. Ther is no newes from hence worth the writtinge. If
I weare more fortunate, I should be the more worth the
cummandinge ; as I am, yow may dispose of mee ; and
thus, for the present, I leve yow to all good fortune, and
my sealf quo me Fortuna retrudet.
Yours ever to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — I pray be gracious to my frends in
my absence, and not too credulous. And further that
yow wilbe pleased, if any of my officers be suters unto
yow in my behalf, that you will vouchsafe your favor
towards them. I pray excuse mee to my Lord your
father ; havinge nothinge worth his reeding to write of.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robard Cecill, Knight, of her Majesties
most honorable Privey Councell.
Endorsed: "Sir Walter Rowley.''

letter xlviii. 1594?
Sept. 1
To Sir
RobertCecil.Written at

Delays of
an expedi
tion by
stormy
weather.

102

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XLIX.
' 1594-
Dec. 21.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
FromSherborne.Loss of a
letterwhich had
fallen into
the hands
of Essex. —
Lawsuits.

XLIX.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxix. fol. 44 (Hatfield). Holograph,
Sir, My carelessness in loosinge the coppy of the letter
I cannot excuse, butt it concernd no boddy butt my
sealf, and therfore the less matter. Butt how it came to
the Earle's x hand I beseiche you lerne by sume means ;
that I may butt know wher it weare lost, or otherwise
imbeseled. What you have vouchsaufed for the stay
of my sutes in law, especially for the widdo Smith,
I humblie pray you to lett me know, for I stay butt for
the winde to bringe about the shipp. I shall be wiser
one day, and I shall withall, I hope, do you sume service,
after so many of thes troblesome affaires. Till then,
and ever, I shalbe your debtor and most your's of all
livinge, W. Ralegh.
Sherburne, the 21 of December [1594].
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cicill, Knight, of Her Maiesties
most honorable Privey Councell,
Endorsed :
21 Dec. 1594. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master,
1 Earl of Essex.

Delay of Guiana Expedition by contrary Winds.

103

L.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxix. fol. 53 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sir, I AM so importuned by this bearer as I cannot
refuse hyme to write unto you. His desire is to retayne
towards you. What your disposicion hath bynn in thes
thinges I know well, but hee will not be otherwise
aunswered att my hands. I would be gladd he would
sew to serve the Earle of Essex, to which I have per
suaded hyme. I hope to here how you do, and, for my
sealfe, this wynde breakes my hart. That x should cary
mee hence now stayes mee heere, and holds 7 shipps in
the river of Temes. As soone as God send them hither,
I will not lose one houre of tyme. Ever anxious to do
you service,
W. Ralegh,
Sherburne, the 26 of December [1594].
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cicill, Knight, of Her Maiesties
most honorable Privey Councell.
Endorsed :
26 Dec. 1594. Sir Walter Raleiglie to my Master. In favour of
Charles, that was sometyme his page.
1 In the sense of ' that which.'

letter L.
1594-
Dec. 26.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromSherborne.
In favour
of a page,
whodesires to
serve Cecil. — -
Delay of
Guiana
expeditionby con
trarywinds.

104

Letters of Ralegh.

letter LI.
1594. Dec.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
From
Alresford. Private
affairs :
Lawsuitwith Mrs.
"Smith. —
Proposal
for a re
straint of
shipping.

LI.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxix. fol. 61 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sir, You must esteeme me for your yevell spirritt that
haunts you thus with so many tedius busineses. I
could notdispach with that debt of Symson's for the
widoe Smithe. She hath a sonn that waytes on the
Keper, and her doughter maried Mr. Wilkes, so as it
wilbe the harder to clere. Yet, seeing I am butt a
suretye for Spilman, and never borrowed penny of her,
it hath the more reason. If it be not stayde, all that I
have wilbe taken uppon the execusion in my absence.
And, if she will not geve longer day, I thinke the next
way wilbe that the Shirrif of Dorsett be cummanded
to execute no write upon me in that countrey. For
although they can do no good, by reason all the intrest
is in my soonn, yet the discreditt wilbe great if I be
driven to shew that conveance ; and besyds, by that
means my wife will know that shee can have no intrest
in my livinge, and so exclayme. On this all my estate
dependeth, and the Queen, having refused all other
graces, I hope will save me yet from the ruin of others.
I leve it and my sealf to your honorable constant care
on whom I only depend and love above all, and it is all
I cann saye.
Your constantlye and sinserely to be cummanded,
W. Ralegh,
[Postscript.]— It is more then tyme that ther be a
restraynt of all shippinge bound out to the warrs ; for

Levy of Sailors, apparently for Guiana Expedition.

105

ther ar multetuds going for the Indies. If any men be
taken (as sume every yeare ar) the Queen's purpose
wilbe frustrate. And if Eaton's shipps go, who will
attempt the chefest places of my enterprize, I shalbe
undun ; and I know they wilbe beaten and do no good.
From Alsford, this Saterday after I left you, with a
hart half broken.
Addressed :
To tlie right honorable Sir Robert Cicill, Knight, of Her Majesties
most honorable Privy Councell.
Endorsed :
Dec. 1594- Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master.

LII.
TO SIR JOHN GILBERT.
¦From a MS. copy of the Original, made for its then possessor, the late
Macvey Napier, Editor of the Edinburgh Review.
Brother, Wher by my last letters directed vnto yow
concerninge the levieing of sailoris and marrineris I
gave direction that they should be readie against the
xvth of this moneth at Dartmouth, which I am now
thorowe manie vrgente occasions constrained to deferr ;
herebie prainge yow to haue speciall care that they be
levied from places least infected, and to be readie at
Dartmouth the twentith daie of this present moneth to
tak shippinge. I have sent money by LuSKOMBE for
ther conduct : I praie supplie anie thing necessarie that
is wanting ; I will see that annswered at my cominge
about. I haue likewise sent by him proclamations to
be proclaimed with yow and sent vnto my servaunt

LETTER LI.
1594- Dec.

LETTER LII.
1594?
To Sir
John Gilbert.
On a
levy of
mariners ;
apparentlyfor the
Guiana
expedition.

io6

Letters of Ralegh.

Richard Smith into Cornwall, or to Sir William
Bevill to be delivered vnto Smith, with all spede (if
I be at charge of sending a fote man of purpose). And
heirof I desire yow to haue care first that good and suf
ficient menn be ymprested and ther names taken, and
then that yow cause the proclamation to be published,
and not before ; for that the best sort will absent them
selves, not having received the prest before, and to write
the like direction vnto Smith, and appoint him to be
likewise readie at Falmouth at the same daie with the
Cornishe menn. And so, commending me vnto yow, I
comytt yow to God. Your lovinge Brother,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — I praie lett Luscomb have the
levienge of the menn in Devon ; or, if they be alreadie
ymprest, if he know menn of better sufficiency, to ym-
prest them anew, and leave out some of the worse sort
for them alreadie ymprest.
Addressed :
To my verie loving brother, Sir John GlLBART, Knight, theise.

i 5 95-

LIII.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiv. fol. 76 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sir, This gentleman, my especiall frinde and kyns-
man, hath sume controversye with the towne of Ply-

In recommendation of a Kinsman unnamed.

10 j

mouth, and hath desired mee to recummende unto your
Honor his just and reasonable desire, and therin no
farther to be favored then it shall apeare lawfull. If it
shall therfore pleas your Honor to be his honorable
favorer herein I shall acknowledge it as don to my
sealf, and shalbe very proude if it pleas yow to make
hyme know that, as I am yours in all love and service,
so hee may fynde that you pleas for my sake in this his
great righte to aforde hyme sume testimony therof ; and
yeven so, only gasing for a wynde to carrye mee to my
destiny, I humblie take my leve. From Sherburne, this
first of January [1595].
Your Honor's to do you service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cicill, Knight, of Her Majesties
most honorable Privey Councell.
Endorsed :
2"" Jan. 1594 [legal style]. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master.

LETTER LIII.
1594-1595. Jan. 2.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From Sherborne.Recom
mending a
kinsmanwho has a
contro
versy with
the towns
men of Ply
mouth. — ¦
He is only
waiting for
a wind, to
set sail.

LIV.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL,
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 4 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Sir, From this desolate place I have little matter;
from myself, less hope; and therefore I thinke the
shorter the discourse, the better wellcum.
I receved from Lyme, — a port town in this shire, — by
a smale barke lately arived, that there ar lately many
French shipps imbargoed in Spayne, and of good burden

LETTER LIV.
1595-
Nov. 10.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromSherborne.

io8

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LIV.
1595-
Nov. 10.
AllegedNaval Pre
parationsin Spain
againstIreland. —
Desire to
hear if
anything is
to be done
in the
matter of
Guiana.

and very serviceable; notwithstanding that the same
went by pasport and asurance from Spayne. And all
the marriners likewise imprested; and that ther ar a
fleet ether gone or goinge of sixtye saile, as the1 saye,
for Irlande. It seemeth asuredly that the preparations
ar great, and do dayly increase.
If your Honors conceave therof aright, or looke into
the nirest mischeif, wee shall do the better. Butt I
feare, by your favors, ther is somewhat more in the
enemys intent then is supposed. Wee that have mich
ado to gett bread to eat have the less to care for,
unless mich lost labor and love awake us that ar also
thanckles2 busied in things ether beyound our capasates
or cares.
What becumes of Guiana I miche desire to here, —
whether it pass for a history or a fable. I here Mr.
Dudley 3 and others ar sendinge thither ; if it be
so, farewell all good from thence. For although my
sealf, — like a cockscome, — did rather preferr the future,
in respect of others ; and rather sought to wine the
kings to her Majesties service then to sack them, I
know what others will do, when thos kings shall cum
simpely into their hands. If it may pleas yow to
acquaynt my Lord Admirall therwith, lett it then
succeed as it wille.
If my Lord will have a fyne pinnes sent to the coast
of Spayne, to vew what is dunn, I thinke for a matter of
.£40 or £50 I can gett one that shall do service.
Sir, for conclusion, I will only say this mich, — take
good heed least you be not to slow. Expedition in a
little is better than mich, to late. Butt yow, ministers
1 they. 2 For thanklessly.
3 Sir Robert Dudley, afterwards titular Duke of Northumberland (son
of the Earl of Leicester).

Colonization and Mineral Wealth of Guiana.

109

of dispach, ar not plentifull. Neather is it every man's
occupation. God send yow all honor and health. I will
wishe yow both, and be reddy ever to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
From Sherborne, the 10th of November [1595].
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, of Her Majesties
most Iwnorable Privey Councell.
Endorsed :
10 November, 1595. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master.

LV.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 9 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Sir, Yow may perceve by this Relation that it is no
dreame which I have reported of Guiana. And if on l
image have bynn brought from thence wayinge 47 kin-
tails,2 — which cannot be so little worth as 100 thousand
pounde, — I know that in Manoa ther ar store of thes.
If the Relation sent to the Spanishe kinge had bynn
also taken, yow should therin have founde matter of
great admiration. Butt, howsoever this action be re
spected, I know that the like fortune was never offered
to any Christian prince. I know it wilbe presently
followed both by the Spanishe and French ; and if it be
foreslowed by us, I conclude that wee ar curst of God.
In the mean tyme, I humblie beseich yow to move
her Majesty that none be suffred to soyle the enterprize ;
1 one . 2 /. e. forty-seven hundredweight.

LETTER LIV.
1595-
Nov. 10.

LETTER LV.
1595-
Nov. 13.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
FromSherborne.On the
colonization and
themineralwealth of
Guiana.

no

Letters of Ralegh.

and that thos kings of the borders which ar by my
labor, perrill, and charge, woonn to her Majesties love
and obedience, be not by other pilferers lost agayne. I
hope I shalbe thought worthy to direct thos actions that
I have att myne own charges labored in ; and to govern
that countrey which I have discovered, and hope to
conquer for the Queen, without her cost. I am sendinge
away a barke to the countrey, to cumfort and asure the
people, that they dispaire not, nor yeild to any com
position with other nations.
I know the plott 1 is by this tyme finished which yf
you pleas to cummand from HERIOTT, that her Majestye
may see it. If it be thought of less importance then it
deserveth, her Majestye will shortly bewayle her negli
gence therin ; and the enemy, by the addition of so
mich wealth, weare us out of all.
Sir, I pray esteeme it as the afaire requirethe, if
you love the Queen's honor, profitt, and saufetye. If I
be thought unworthy to be imployed, or that because of
my disgrace all men feare to adventure with me, — if it
may not be otherwise, — I wishe sume other, of better
sufficiency and grace, might undertake it, that the Queen
loose not that which shee shall never fynde agayne.
Yow fynd that ther ar, beseds gold, both diamonds
and pearell. And I brought with mee — taken up
amonge the sands — a stone which, beinge cutt, is very
rare. I pray do mee the favor to cummand PETER
VANLORE to deliver you thos too 2 which I gave hyme to
prove, — which hee made litle accompt of. Butt I will
have them cutt by Pepler, who is skilfull, and dwells
here with A[drian] Gilbert. I have sent yow on 3
which was cutt here, — which I thinke is amatist,4 and
1 I.e. a map of Guiana. See the Letters of Harriot and others to Cecil,
in the Appendix of this volume. 2 two. 3 one. 4 amethyst.

Mineral Wealth of Guiana.

in

hath the Strang blushe of carnation. Butt I asure my
sealf that ther ar not more diamounds in the Est Indies
then ar to be founde in Guiana; which yow see also
verefied by the relation of the Spanishe letters.
I have another, cutt, of another sort ; and if it be no
diamound, yet it is exceeding any diamound in bewtye.
Butt I am not in hast to lett it go out of my fingers.
Butt thes stones beare wittness of better, and ther is
enough for all the world if wee have the grace. Butt
we must cast so many doubts ; and this dolt and that
gull must be satisfied, or elce all is nothing. If the
Spanierds had bynn so blockishe and slouthfull, wee had
not feared now their poure, who by their gold from
thence vex and indanger all the estates of kings.
Wee must not looke to mayntayne warr upon the
revenews of Ingland. If wee be once driven to the
defencive, farr well myght.1 Butt as God will so it
shalbe — who governs the harts of kings.
I rest your asured to be cummanded, poore or riche.
W. Ralegh.

Sherburn, this Wensday morning, an houre after the
receipt of your letter; the 13 of November [1595].
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir RoBERTT Cycill, Knight, of her Majesties
most honorable Privey Councell.
Endorsed :
13 November, 1595. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master.

1 This reading is doubtful, the last word of the sentence being partly
defaced.

112

Letters of Ralegh'.

LETTER LVI.
J595-
Nov. 25.
To the
Lordsof the
Council.
From Sherborne.On levies
of men and
defence of
the Coasts
of Devon
and Corn
wall.

LVI.
TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 26 (Hatfield)- In the
hand of an amanuensis ; subscribed, signed, and addressed in auto
graph.
MY dewtie most humblie remembred. In the letters
which I receaved from your Honors, bearing date the.
xvth of this November, yt hath pleased you that mutuall
succour be gyven from the counties of Devon and Corn
wall to each other by renforsing of each with 4,000 men,
uppon notice gyven from me to the Erie of Bathe for
the succour of Cornewall, and the like from his Lordship
to me for Devon. Yt is trewe that before this tyme wee
had not anie warrant to send out of the counties under
our charge any releeffe to the neighbour places invaded.
For remedy whereof your Lordships have gravely
ordered this course of. seconding each other. Notwith
standing, because I holde myselfe bounde in duetie to
speake my knowledge of the estate of Cornwall, where
with it hath pleased her Majestie to put me in trust,—
a charge, both for the greatnes and grace, farr beyond
any worth or deserte of myne, — I doe presume to put
your Honors in minde that, according to my mean
judgement, yt were more fitt to supplie Devon out of
Somersett, then from Cornewall ; hoping that your
Honors will receave my reasons for the same as in
discharge of my duetie, and not that I dare to offer
them in any other sorte ; being bound to obay, and
not to advice.

On Levies of Men and Defence of Devon and Cornwall. 1 1 3

Yf there shall any discent be made by the enymye,
in either county, by the waie of surprise, and that the
enymy doe but burne, or sacke, and departe, then can
nether be releeved as aforesaid, bycause there wilbe no
tyme gyven to unite the forces of the same shere, where
such attempt shalbe offered, much lesse for the drawing
in of any numbers from afarr ; and for any such enter-
prize, where there is no purpose to hold and possesse
the places gotten, each shire with 4,000 men shalbe able
either to repell or resiste the same. But if the enymy
dispose himselfe to fortyfye any parte in Cornewall
or to strengthen any neck of lande of advantage, and
thereby begyne to dryve us to a defensive warr, then
there is noe country adjoyneth to Cornewall but Devon
from whence any spedy supplie maie be had to impeach
the begining of such a purpose. And if ought be at
tempted in Devon — of which Plymouth is most to be
feared, having, in one indraught, two goodly harbor-
oughes, as Cattwater and Aishewater — then it is also
very likely that the enymye will either assure Cornewall,
or seeke utterly to wast yt, bycause yt is next his
suplies, both . from Spayne and Brittaine x ; and hath
divers portes and good rodes to receave a fleete.
Furthermore, maye it please your Lordships to con
sider that Cornewall is stretched owt all in lenght, and
hath little bredth ; the west parts whereof ar little lesse
then 80 myles from Plymouth, and between the one and
the other the great river of Tamar, which is not fordable
in any place within 12 myles of Plymouth: and for
4,000 men to march over at Newbridge above Calstock
— which ys the neerest passage — the journy of one part
of the succour wilbe of one ioo2 myles and more, as they
come to the town of Plymouth ; considering the coasting
1 Brittany. 2 So in MS.
VOL. IT, I

114

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LVI.
1595-
Nov. 25.

of the river on both sides. And for other passaige,
there are but two ferries, — the one at Stonehouse, the
other at Aishe, — and those but smale boats of no recept,
and by which nether carriage, horse, victuall, munition,
nor ought else fitt to followe an army, can be conveyed
but in a very longe time. Besides, if ther be an intent
for Plymouth, yt is to be feared that the enymy will
bring gallies with them, as well to assure there landing
as to comaund the river of Tamar, and then all passages
shalbe taken awaie but at Newebridge aforesaid ; and
yet the same maie be also easelie broken, yf the gallies
once possesse the saied river. And yf the enymy
shoulde lande towards the east of Plymouth, as at
Salcoombe, Slapton, Dartmouth, or Torbay, which I
doe nowe thinke is likely, then sholde also parte of the
succours of Cornewall martche above one hundred and
20 myles, or 140 mile, to the place attempted.
Moreover, may it please you to consider that if 4,000
men sholde at any time be drawen out of Cornwall, and
the same knowen to the enymy, — as it wilbe at the
instant, —I assure your Honors that 300 soldiers, either
sent out of Brittaine1 (which maie be done. in two tydes)
or retorned in a gallye or two from Plymouth, wilbe
strenght sufficient to indaunger and distroy the whole
shire ; at least all the western parts, which oughte most
to be defended in respecte of the good harboroughes
therein. For there is noe parte of Ingland so daunger-
ouslie seated, soe thinnly mande, so littell defensed, and
so easelie invaded ; having the sea on both sides, which
noe other countye of Englande hath, and is withall
so narroe, that yf an enymy possesse any of two or
three straights, neither can those of the west repaire
eastward, nor those of the est westward : for betwyn
1 Brittany.

On Levies of Men and Defence of Devon and Cornwall.

"5

Mounts Baye and the sea entring within St. Tees it is
but 3 miles and a halfe from sea to sea ; without which
their lyeth a good parte of the lande to the west in
forme of a Peninsula.
Betwen Trewro (which standeth on the first sound
of the river of Falmouth) and St. Piran is but fyve miles
overland, passable, and the same also easelie garded ;
which is as much of Cornewall as the enymye should
need. For within soe muche as lieth to the west of the
two indraughts are the best ports, and are very sufficient
to receave the greatest fleet that ever swam, and con-
teyneth 27 myles of lenght, very gardable; which in
my simple juidgement is everie waie more to be sought
for by the enymy then Plymouth ; at least yf the same
weare soe well understode by them, which is not un
likely ; for the enymy taking Plymouth, and not possess
ing Cornewall, there is then a whole country1 to the
west of them, and betwen them- and their supplies. But
possessing this part they ynjoye as good, yf not a better,
porte then Plymouth ; and there is then noe lande
betwen them and Britaine or Spaine : and if they have
any purpose to make warr with us at home, and shalbe
able to dryve us to a defensyve, then is ther2 noe
comparyson betwen the one and the other. For which
I could yeilde your Honors many reasons, but that I
feare I am over tedyouse in these.
The cuntrye eastward ys also but narrowe, there
being but 8 miles betwen the river of Padstowe and
the Baye of Frewardreth.
Againe, Cornewall hath not anie one company of
horse, either lance, lightehorse, petronell, or pistoll.
Notwithstandinge, if it shall please your Honors to
thinke it fitt, there maie be order given that all those
1 So in MS. ' This word has been added in Sir Walter's own hand.
1 ?.

u6

Letters of Ralegh.

companies which bounder the river of Tamar or Salt-
ashe be reddy to releave Plymouth uppon any sudden ;
bycause they maie be soone past over, if there were pro
vision of better passage. But as yet there ar but two
ferries neere Plymouth, — the one at Stonehouse, the
other 'at Aishe, as aforesaid. And two or three gallies
will interrupte all transportation ; bycause there is not
any place strengthened to gard or assure anie passage
over the saied river, neerer then Newebridge, which is
12 miles above, within the lande.
Contrariewise, Somerset lieth1 to Devon in great
bredthe, and is a cuntrye strongly formed ; whereas
the other is stretched all in lenght. Somersetshiere
is not devyded from Devon by any river which is not
fordable, at all tymes and in all places, 'so as both
horse, foot, carryage, victuall, and whatsoever maie
come, in hast, from thence to the succour of Devon.
Cornewall hath Tamar, . noe waie passable neere Ply
mouth. Somerset is seated from daunger, having
Devon towards the southe, and on Severne side it
hath not ports capeable of any shippes of bourden,
and the indraught is long and daungerous. All the
north coast of Devon and Cornewall lyeing betwen
the waters of Somerset, which are Dunster, Minnett,
and Bridgewater, into which smale barques cannot
aryve without precise observation of tyde. Cornewall
is but an arme of lande which stretcheth it selfe even
to the bosome of the enenvye, and hath the best ports
of Ingland on the south; and better than any in
Somerset on the north; and also betwen them and
harme. Somerset is verie riche and full of horse, as
well for carriadge as service ; many welthie gentlemen ;
and aboundeth in victuall. Cornewall hath no horse
1 This word is added, by interlineation, in Ralegh's hand.

Proposals for the Colonization of Guiana.

117

of service ; the cuntrie poore ; fewe gentlemen, and
those of meane livinge ; and, by reason that their riches
consisteth in tynn-workes, there is little come, and lesse
of all things else.
For these respects, I hope that your Honors will have
favorable regarde towards us ; being, notwithstanding,
redye to performe whatsoever it shall please her
Majestie to determine, or your Lordships to comaunde.
And even soe, craving pardon for my presumption
herein, I humblie take my leave. From Sherborne,
this 25th of November, 1595.
Your Honors' in all to be cummanded,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable the Lords and others of Her Majesties mast
honorable Privey Councell.

Endorsed :
25 Nov. 1595.

LETTER LVI.

Nov. 2\.

Sir Walter Raleghe to the Lords.

LVII.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, voL xxxvi. J 44 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, I BESEICH you lett us know whether wee shalbe
travelers, or tinkers; conquerors, or novices. For, if
the winter pass without making provision, there can be
no vitling in the summer ; and if it be now foreslowed,
farewell Guiana for ever. Then must I determyne to
begg or run away. Honor, and gold, and all good,
for ever hopeless.

LETTER LVII.
'595-
Nov. 26 ?
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromSherborne.

n8

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LVII.
'595-
Nov. 26 ?
Proposals
for the
Coloniza
tion of
Guiana.
Arrangements for
the defence
of Devon
and Corn
wall.

I do not heer how you like the white stone. I have
sent for one of each ; as soon as they cume, you shall
have them.
I have written this letter1 to the Lords in aunswere
of that which I receved about mutuall supplies between
Devon and Cornwale^ — a matter soon written, but not
possible to performe. Somersett may best releve Devon,
for if it be apoynted to Dorsett, it is more than need.2
For Dorsett hath never a haven capable of any great
shipp, without which ther is no feare of any discent.
I beseich you let us here sumewhat as soun as you
cann. And so, with my most humble dewtye to my
Mistris — I care not mich for your idle Honor —
W. R.
[Postscript.] — I have sent the letter unsealed.
Hancoke hath a seal of myne ; when you have
perused it. I humblie pray you that your footman
may deliver thes too letters att Derum House.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, of Her Majesties
most honorable Privey Councell. Hast, &c.
Endorsed :
November 1595. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master. [It also bears the
endorsements of the several postmasters on the route.]
1 See preceding letter of 25th of same month.
" This reading is a little doubtful, through abbreviation in the original.

The Panama Expedition of Sir Francis Drake. 1 19

LVIII.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LVIII. — THE PANAMA !
EXPEDITION OF SIR FRANCIS DRAKE, IN 1595.
"D ALEGH'S gloomy anticipation, in this letter, of the fate of j prefa-
Drake's expedition, — " if the Spanish fleet arrive while the ! note to
soldiers are overland," — had been actually realized, though in ' :!
a different way, a few days before its date. Whilst Sir Walter
was writing it, Hawkins already lay dead ; as did also Drake's j
dear friend and comrade, Brute Browne. The unfortunate
attack on Puerto Rico had been made, and had failed of its !
object. Within less than two months, Drake, too, died "of a
broken heart;" as Ralegh himself said, long years afterwards, I
in the letter which records his own disasters in the fatal ex- i
pedition to Guiana.
There is but too much proof that the Queen and her
Ministers were the responsible authors of Drake's failure and :
death. The expedition, at its outset, had been scandalously ;
pinched in its due supplies and appliances. A divided com
mand — that frequent source of failure in the Elizabethan
enterprises — was insisted upon ; and to the divided command .
were added conflicting instructions. As in so many other ,
expeditions, the chief anxiety at home was for the spoils.
Almost from the first day, the commanders differed in '
opinion as to the best course to be pursued, and the mis- '
fortunes began almost as soon as the voyage. On the 30th j
of October, Hawkins' stemmost ship was attacked and taken
by five Spanish ships of war. His death took place on the
1 2th of November, the day before the attack on Puerto Rico.
Drake died on the 28th of January, 1596; — just six months
too soon to share in the rejoicings for the great victory at
Cadiz. A considerable portion of the expenditure for the outfit

120

Letters of Ralegh.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTERLVIII.

LETTER LVIII. 1595-
Nov. 30.
To the
Lord
AdmiralHoward.
From Sherborne.
Proposals
for the
sending of
Spanish
news to
Sir Francis
Drake ;
and for
renewingthe enter
prise of
Guiana.

of this expedition had fallen on the commanders. As soon
as Drake was dead, proceedings were taken in the Exchequer
against his heirs to recover a large debt alleged to be " due to
the Crown."
Such was the monumental recognition awarded, by Queen
Elizabeth and her advisers, to the services of those among
the naval worthies of England who were not courtiers.

LVIII.

TO THE LORD HIGH ADMIRAL HOWARD.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvi. § 42 (Hatfield).
Without date of the year.

Holograph.

My very good Lorde,
I THINCKE your Lordshipp hath understoode by
WATTS,1 that came lately out of Spayne, that ther wilbe
a fleet sent after Sir Francis Drake and Sir John
HAWKINGES. The man was curius to confess any
particulers to mee, butt I did ever gess it to be so. I
thincke your Lordshipp should do very honorable to
cause a coople of smale carvells or pineses to be dis-
patcht, with all hast, with advise to them. The charge
wilbe small to the Queen, and it may save all her shipps
and people in that action. For, as sure as God lives, if
the Spanishe fleet arive while the soldiers ar over lande,
bothe the shipps att ancor and thos at Panama wilbe
both lost. And they may yet be warned in tyme suf
ficient. I dare take on mee to direct them to fynde them out
by a sure and speedy course ; butt your Lordshipp can
1 Sir John Watts, of Loudon, already mentioned in preceding letters.

Proposals to send Spanish Nezvs to Sir F. Drake

121

do it better your sealf, and therfore ther needs nothing
butt the resolution ; — which God grawnt may be effected,
according to the greatness of the necessetye.
If any fleet go for Hande,1 and that your Lordshipp
go not, I beseich your Lordshipp to inable mee to the
service, who would purchace her Majestyes favor with
what labor or perrill soever.
If your Lordshipp send to Sir FRANCIS, it would be
best don from hence — I mean from Wiemouth or Ply
mouth. For a messenger may be with them from hence,
er they can cum about from London hither.
I would also humblie pray your Lordshipp to gett a
resolution for our enterprize of Guiana. For, if pro
vision of vitle be not made in the winter, it cannot be
done for this yeare. Her Majestye shall, by foreslowing
it, lose the greatest asurance of good that ever was
offered to any Christian princes.2 And your Lordship
douth fynde that it is the surest way to devert all
attempts from home.3
Thus, levinge thos afaires to your Lordshipp's honor
able care and my sealf to your service, I humblie take
my leve, and will ever be your Lordshipp's as your
sarvant,
W. Ralegh.
Sherburne, the last of November [1595].
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lorde, the Lorde Admirall
of Inglande.
Endorsed :
30 Nov. 1595. Sir Walter Raleghe to the Lord Admirall. A pynnasse
to be sent after Sir Francis Drake.
1 So in MS. 8 Perhaps, for princess.
3 In view of subsequent events, the reader will do well to bear this very
pregnant sentence in mind.

122

Letters of Ralegh.

LIX.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 55 (Hatfield)) Holograph.
Without date of year.
[See Vol. I. pp. 206, 207.]

LETTER LIX. 1596.
May 3.
To Sir R.
Cecil. FromBlackwall.On the
levying of
men for
the Cadiz
expedition .

Sir, May it pleas yow to vouchsaufe to send for Master
BURROUGHES, the Controler of the Admiralty e, and to
geve charge unto hyme to repaire to Bralkewale1 and
to Ratleife,2 to cummand awaye thos flibotts and other
shipps that remayne, who cann best informe yow of the
possebilletye of thes things. I am not able to live, to
row up and down every tyde from Gravsend to Lundon,
and hee, that lies here att Rackleif, can easely judge
when they 3 rest, and how the rest, of the shipps may
fale downe.

[What follows appears to have been written a little later.} \
I am cum up agayne as farr as Blakewale, and would
attend yow, if I knew how, or when. The names of
thos men that refuse to serve Her Majestye I have
delivered to Pope, Marshall of the Admiraltye. The
rest shall also be sent hyme.
1 So in MS. for Blakewale.
Ratcliff, then a village on the Thames luhveen London and Blackwall.
3 For the.

On the Levying of Men for the Cadiz Expedition.

123

The names of the shipps remayning I will send ; c
Master BURROUGH, whom I humblie pray yow to
speake withall. And so, being more greved then ever
I was, in anything of this world, for this cross weather,
I humblie take my leve. From Blakewale, reddy to go
down agayne this tyde.
Your Honors to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
The 3d of Maye [1596].
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Roisert Cecyll, Knight, of her Majesties
most honorable Privey Councell.
Endorsed :
3 Mav, 1596. Sir Walter Raleghe to my Master.

LETTER fLIX. 1596.
May 3.

124

Prefatory Note to Letter LX.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LX.— RALEGH AND
HUGH BROUGHTON.
""PHE following letter, in addition to the interesting testimony
it affords of Ralegh's friendship with the eminent scholar
and divine to whom it relates, serves to correct a small inac
curacy in the usual biographies of Broughton. It has com
monly been stated that at about the date of this letter
Broughton was in Germany, " and appears," it is added, " to
have continued abroad till the death of Queen Elizabeth.'-
Both before 1596 and after that year, this great scholar was
much in Germany ; but it is clear that at this date he had
revisited England, and was again seeking Church preferment.
He was once more unsuccessful ; and the endorsement of this
letter by Cecil's secretary is plainly an erroneous one. Hugh
Broughton died in the neighbourhood of London in 1612, in
the 63rd year of his age. His contributions to the literature
both of theology and linguistics are well known. His prefer
ment continued, until the end, to be little or none.
In a remarkable letter which Broughton wrote to Archbishop
Whitgift (a letter which is now among the Cecil Papers at
Hatfield), he distinctly asserts that he had more than once the
Queen's assent, or intended assent, to his elevation to the
episcopal bench, — on the occurrence, as it seems, of vacancies
in the see of St. Davids and in that of London; and that
his nomination was prevented through Whitgift's opposition.
But he says nothing about the bishopric of Waterford.
The "Archbishop of Cashell" of this letter was Meiler
Magrath, who held that see for the remarkable period of
fifty-two years ; dying, it is said, a centenarian. The Queen's
letter for the restitution to Magrath of the temporalities is
dated at Windsor, Nov. 11, 1570. He died in 1622, then

Recommendation of Hugh Broughton for a Bishopric.

125

holding, with the archbishopric, the sees of Killala and
Achonry. These united sees he had received " /// custodiam,'1
in April 161 1; up to which date he had continued to hold
those similarly united sees of Lismore and Waterford which
Ralegh was so desirous to obtain for Broughton.
Beatson (in his Political Index , 2nd edition) asserts — with
an inaccuracy but too common in him — that these sees were
surrendered by Archbishop Magrath in 1589. The King's
letter of April 161 1 affords conclusive proof that they were
at that period still held in commendam with Cashel.
Ralegh's unfavourable opinion of the Archbishop's character
is evidently not an impartial opinion. He had a great love
for Church lands, and small love, usually, for prelates in pos
session. In Archbishop Magrath's case, however, Ralegh's
opinion accords with other and better evidence.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER LX.

LX.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 52 (Hatfield). In the hand
of an amanuensis ; subscribed and signed.
THESE maye be to seignifye unto your Honor that the
Archebishopp of Cashell, a man whome, I thincke, my
Lord Treasourer hathe lytell cause to favor, hathe of
late delte verye badlye with me, contrarye to all faythe
and promysse, touchinge diverse of my Irishe leases and
lands ; whoes discortysies I wold gladlye mete withall.
And doe fynde noe better meanes in releffe of my self,
fartheraunce of relygyon, and comforte of all myne
Inglyshe tenants and frendes, then in preferrynge some
other of better sorte to the bishoppricke of Lesmore
and Waterforde, whereof the Archebishop hathe but a

LETTER LX.
1596.
May 3.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
[From Mile End?]
RecommendingHughBroughton
for the
bishopric
of Lismore
and Water-
ford.

126

Letters of Ralegli.

LETTER LX.
1596.
May 3.

comende,1 and hathe, besydes, twoe or three other
bishoprickes. My desire is that you wilbe pleased to be a meane to
prefer unto the same bishopricke of Lesmore and Water-
ford my verye good frend Master HUGHE BROUGHTON,
a man well knowen to my Lorde his Grace of Caunter-
burye,2 my Lorde Treasorer, and all the lerned docters
and scollers of Englande ; and a man unto whome I
wishe moche goode ; besechinge you to have some con
ference with my cosen Goringe aboughte the same —
wherein the said Master BROUTON is able to do moche
good and be a greate comforte to all our Inglishe nation
thereaboughtes, and encrease of relygyon. And the
gentellman hymself wilbe verye thanckefull unto you
for anye favor shewed unto hym, whome I leave to your
good rememberance, and your self to God. This third
of Maye, 1596. Your Honor's to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
3 To Sir Robert Cycill.

Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Roberte Cecill, Knighte, Counceller in
Her Highnes' Prevye Councelles.
Endorsed :
3 May, 1596. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master. In favour of the
Bishop of Lesmore and Waterford.

1 I.e. a. tenure in commendam.
2 See the Prefatory Note to this Letter.
3 Added, at foot, in Sir Walter's hand.

Recommendation of Charles Cartie for a Grant of Lands.

127

LXI.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 50 (Hatfield). In the hand
of an amanuensis ; subscribed and signed.
Sir, This bearer my ancient servaunt, Charles Cartie,
is an humble suitor to your Honnor for the renewing and
confirming of a letter formerlie written by your Honnor
and the rest of the Lords of Her Majesties Privy
Councell to the Lord Deputie and Lord Chauncellor of
Ireland for the passing of certen concealed lands there,
graunted by her Highnes to PATRICK GRANTE, for
which Charles hath agreed and compounded ; for
that he and his father have been possessed of the said
lands a long tyme.
Your Honnors' letters have not been obeyed ; and
therefore he humblie desireth other letters of lyke tenor,
to comaund performance thereof. He will show your
Honnor a letter conceaved in writing, which, if you
shall please to allow of as a reasonable request, he will
ever remaine most bound for your honorable favor,
without which he is like to be undone, for that this is
his chiefest living. And so I humblie take my leave.
From Myle End, the 3rd of May, 1596.
Your Honor's to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, one of Her Majesties
most honorable Privie Counsell.
Endorsed :
3 May, 1596. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master. In favour of
Charles Carter.

LETTER LXI.
1596.
May 3.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromMile End.
Recommending
CharlesCartie for
a grant of
lands in
Ireland.

128

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXII.1596.
May 3.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
[From Mile End?]
Personal
affairs.

LXII.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 51 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, Beinge ever bolde to charge yow with many of
my trobles and burdens, I do still presume on your
favor that yow wilbe pleased to bee bounde for mee for
the £500 which I stande in danger to the Widdow
Smithe for ; and because the conveyance of the Statute
is intricatt, and that I hope this very terme to cumpound
for it, and to discharge yow, I beseich yow to accept of
my counterbonde for your reasurance, in which I will
not faile.
I must hope that, if other then sawftye accumpany
my service in this enterprize, that yow wilbe pleased to
favor thos of myne that remayne, who must only depend
on yow, as I have dun. So, as of all other, I shall take
good order to save yow from any particuler charge or
inconvenience. Thus, hoping to take leve on yow er I depart, I rest
ever your's to be cummanded,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, of her Majesties
j moste honorable Privey Councell.
} Endorsed :
3 May, 1596. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master.

Preparations for the Cadiz Expedition

129

From the Original.

Sir,

LXI 1 1.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 60 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
[Sec Vol. I. pp. 206, 207.]

THE shipps that remayne above ar six : The great
flebote of Brasenes x is on ; 2 — riding at Blakewale ;
another flebote of London, caled the George ; another,
the Jacobe of Agarslote ; another, the Jusua 3 of Home ;
a fourth ; and sume too other. Pope, the marshall of
the Admiraltye, can informe Mr. Burris.4 For Pope
prest all the shipps. Hee can also informe yow how
litle her Majesties autoretye is respected. For as fast
as wee press men on z day the 5 cum away another, and
say the 5 will not serve.
I beseich you, Sir, to vouchsauf to send for Pope, of
Seynt Katerens, who hath taken great payns alreddy,
and to tell hyme that I have recummended his service ;
and hee will do more then any. Here ar att Gravsend,
and between this Lee,6 sume 22 saile. Thos above that
ar of great draught of water cannot tide it down, for
the 5 must take the high water, and dare not make after
an houre ebb untill they be past Barking Shelf. And,
now, the winde is so stronge as it is impossible to turne
down, or to warpe downe, or to tooe 7 downe.
1 Apparently so in MS., but the word is partly obliterated.
2 one. 6 Joshua.
4 Elsewhere called ' Burroughs,' another officer of the Admiralty. ° they.
6 Apparently so in MS. The word 'and ' is probably omitted. 7 tow.
VOL. II. K

LETTER LXIII. 1596.
May 4.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromNorth- fleet.Preparations for
the Cadiz
Expedition.

130

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXIII. 1596.
May 4.

LETTER LXIV. 1596.
May 6.
To Sir R.
Cecil.

I cannot writ to our generalls att this tyme ; for the
pursevant found me in a countre villag, a mile from
Gravend, honting after runaway marriners, and dragging
in the mire from ale-howse to ale-howse, and could gett
no paper, butt that the pursevaunt had this peece.
Sir, by the leving God, ther is nor King, nor Queen,
nor generall, nor any elce, can take more care then I do
to be gonn. Butt I humblie pray yow butt to speak
with Mr. BURROUGH, and lett hyme be sent for after
ward before my Lorde Chamberlayne, that they may
here hyme speak whether any man can gett down with
this wind or no ; which will satisfie them of me.
If this strong wind last, I will steale to Blakwale to
speak with yow, and to kiss your hands.
W. R.
From Norfleet, this Tuesday [4 May, 1596].
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, of her Majesties
most ho7iorable Privey Councell.
Endorsed :
4 May, 1596. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master.

LXIV.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original.

Sir,

Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 63 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date of year.

This gentleman, my frinde and kynsman, hath
intreated mee to be a sutor unto yow in his behalfe, that
it would pleas yow to move her Majestye, after so many
years disgrace to cumfort hyme with one gratius worde.

In commendation of a Kinsman.

131

I do not know how hee may be wronged unto her
Majestye, butt I fynd no man more reddy and disposed,
of his qualletye, to do her service ; neather more willing
to spend all he hath therin.
I know his charge was great in the last Discovery x
with me, and ther is none now of his sort that douth so
chargablie prepaire hyme sealf. I must leve me, and
all myne, to your honorable favor, and wee will all honor
yow and serve yow.
W. Ralegh.
From Quinburrow, this 6th of Maye [1596].
Addressed :
To t/ie right Jwnorable Sir Robertt Cecil, Knight, of her Majesties
most honl>le Frivey Councell.
Endorsed :
6 May, 1596. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master.

letter LXIV. 1596.
May 6.
FromQueen- borough. In com
mendationof a kins
man who
had in
curred the
Queen's
displeasure,

LXV.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, voL xli. § 14 (Hatfield)- In the hand
of an amanuensis; the subscription, postscript, signature, and address
in autograph.
Sir, I HAVE written to Doctor CAESAR2 in the behalfe
of Mr. William HlLLlARD, a master of arts and very
learned, to move her Majestie for her letters to the
Deane and Chapter of Exceter for his admittance to the
1 I. e. the Voyage of Discovery to Guiana of 1595.
2 Afterwards the well-known Sir Julius Ctesar.
K 2

letter LX\.
1596.
May 26.
To Sir R.
Cecil. from Plymouth.

132

Letters of Ralegh.

letter lxv.
1596.
May 26.
Recom
mending William
Hilliard
for a
Prebend in
Exeter
Cathedral.

letter lxvi. 1596.
May 29.
To Sir R.
Cecil. From Plymouth.

next place that shall be void of a Prebend and Cannon
therin. I beeseech your Honnor to further him in his suite,
for the obteyning thereof. He will in dutefull service
acknowledg your honnorable favour, and I shalbe bound
for his sake to remember it to my power. And so I
humbly take my leave. From Plymouth, the 26th of
May, 1596. Your Honors to do yow service, W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — Sir, I beseiche yow for my sake, be
cause it standeth miche on my creditt, to favor the sute ;
and I shall evermore acknowledge it in the highest
digre.
W. R.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecil, Knight, of her Majesties
most honorable Privy Councell.
Endorsed :
26 May, 1596. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master. In favour of
Mr. Hilliard.

LXVI.
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xli. § 25 (Hatfield). In the hand
of an amanuensis ; subscribed and signed.
SIR, I AM entreated by Mr. John Randoll, Deputie
Vice-Admirall of Dorsetshire, to desire your honorable
fauvor towards him, if by reason of his office or other
occasions he shalbe urged by suites to sollicite your

In commendation of John Randall.

133

Honnor. I beeseech your Honnor in reguard of the
honestie of the gentleman, and for the good opinion
that is hereabouts generallie conceaved of him, to fauvor
him in such sort as the equitie of his causes shall
require, and him selfe deserve. And so I humblie take
my leave. From Plymmouth, the 29th of May, 1596.
Your Honor's to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the rigl t honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, one of her Highnes'
most honorable Privy Councell.
Endorsed :
29 May, 1596. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master. In favour of
Mr. Randoll.

LXVII.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. MS. Cotton, Vespasian, C xiii. fol. 290 (British
Museum). Holograph. Without date of year.
*,* Sir Anthony Ashley, the bearer of this letter, was the
first to bring intelligence to England of the capture of Cadiz.
Some particulars of his statements as to the spoils have been
noticed in the preceding volume. {Life, p. 229.) In the
course of his explanations on that very difficult part of the
subject, — which he affected to give with great frankness, — he
was brought repeatedly under cross-examination, by the Queen
herself, as well as by Burghley and Robert Cecil; and his
evidence about it was found to be somewhat unsatisfactory and
incoherent. He was presently put under restraint. Cecil
wrote to Sir John Gilbert to order strict search to be made
along the coast for spoils which Sir Anthony Ashley was

LET I'ER
LXVI. I596.
May 29.
In com
mendationof John
Randall,
Vice-Admiral
of Dorset.

134

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXVII. I596.
July 7-
To Sir R.
Cecil.Written at
sea. Victory at
Cadiz.

supposed to have found means of concealing, in the brief
interval between his arrival at Plymouth and his journey to
London. Sir Anthony's subsequent history is in many respects
remarkable. Both the Council Books and the Domestic Corre
spondence contain numerous references to it. He died towards
the close of the reign of James the First. Lady Ashley, his
widow, married Carew Ralegh, only surviving son of Sir Walter.
Anne Ashley, his daughter and heiress, married John Cooper,
and became the ancestress of the Earls of Shaftesbury.
SIR, This bearer, Sir Anthony Ashley, that hath
seen all, can better report all then any letter or dis
course. The xxi of June we beheld the citty of
Calize, the fleet of the Kinge, and that of Nova
Hispania; all which we mastered the same day.
Of every man's desert, both for councel and per
formance, lett it bee delivered with what device soever,
yet I doubt not butt all shall have right. I was not
secound to any in the fight against the gallions and
gallis; wherin I was hurt, and could not be first att
the taking of this town as att the rest.
Ther hath been good agreement between the Generalls.
The victorye was caried with great honor and mercye.1
Ther hath been mich gotten by the land commanders ;
although I do think little possest by the Generalls
themsealvs. The Kinge of Spain never so much dis
honored ; neither hath he ever receved so great losse.
1 Francisco de Quesada, a canon of the Church of Cadiz, drew up a very
striking account of what passed under his own observation, at this juncture
—just after the victory. On the point here touched by Ralegh, Quesada
says: "Ninguna mujer ha sido forzado ni llevada alnglaterra; a nadre
han dado tormento por haber dineros sino fueron dos otres ; ninguna per
sona murio a sangre fria; casi ninguna insolencia se ha hecho ;" &c. MS.
Siniancas, Estado, Bund. 177. (Coleccion de Dccumcntos ineditos para la
Historia de Esparto, vol. xxxiii. pp. 343, scqq.)

The Victory at Cadiz

135

The Earle hath behaved hymesealfe, I protest unto
yow by the living God, both valiently and advisedly in
the highest degree ; without pride ; without crueltye ;
and hath gotten great honor and mich love of all.
For particulars, your Honor shall receve by others, —
which I had rather should so bee written yow, [than]
by mee.
I hope her most excellent Majestye will take my
labors and indeavors in good parte. Other ritches then
the hope therof I have none ; only I have receved a
blow which now, I thank God, is well amended; — only
a little eysore will remayne. If my life had ended
withall, I had then payde some part of the great deabts
which I owe her. Butt it is butt borrowed, and I shall
paye it, I hope, to Her Majesties advantage, if occasion
be offred.
Sir, I humbly beseich you to excuse me that I write
thus briefly for the present, and that yow will vouchsaife
also to excuse me to my Lord your father. And I
will remayne, evermore to be cummanded by yow as
your sarvant,
W. Ralegh.
To the westward of Calize, sume x leaugs, the 7 of
July [1596].
[Postscript.] — I beseich yow to cummend me to my
cussen . . \ my brother, and to my cussen Stanhope.
Addressed : To Sir Robert Cecil.
1 This name has been torn away.

136

Prefatory Note to Letter L XVIII.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LXVHI.— RALEGH AND
SIR ARTHUR SAVAGE.
C IR ARTHUR SAVAGE, who was the bearer of this letter
to Sir Robert Cecil, together with the despatches from the
Earl of Essex and the Lord Admiral, is the " verrie honest plaine
gentleman," mentioned, in close connection with Ralegh, in a
remarkable letter to Lord Henry Howard from King James,
undated ; but written in the year 1602. The letter to Howard
is at Hatfield, and is one of those which have been recently
printed by Mr. Bruce for the Camden Society. In the
original, the figures '8' and '10' stand as cyphers for the
names of Edward Bruce of Kinloss and of Cecil. The
passage which relates to Savage and Ralegh is as follows : —
"I doe also persave by youre letters to Bruce that Sir Robert
Cecil is verrie desyrouse to knowe the knichtis name that
delt betuixt the Duike of Lenox and Raulie ; and thairfore,
althoch the knicht him self be a verrie honest plaine gentle
man for so farre as I can learne, yett knowing that confident
trust can no more be severid from trew freindshippe than
the shaddow can be cutte from the boddie, I will give to Sir
Robert Cecil this further proofe of my confident truste in
him by discoverie of this gentlemanne's name unto him, —
quhiche is Sir Airthoure Savage ; not doubting but that Sir
Robert Cecil will conserve this as a freind's secreatej- without
suffering the gentleman to receave any hairme hearby, guhiche
more volde interest me in honour e than him in person; especiallie
since the gentlemannis nature appearis to be farre different
from Raulie's, thoch oute of zeale to me and affection to his
freinde he could not refuse to be trucheman unto him."1
1 Cecil Papers, exxxv. fol. S6 (Hatfield). Printed in Correspondence of
King James VI. &c. p. 43. ,

The Victory at Cadiz

137

LXVIII.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
FronCthe Original. MS. Cotton, Otho, E ix. fol. 365, verso (formerly
numbered 334). (British Museum). Holograph. Mutilated ; having
been partially burnt in the fire at Ashbumham House. Without date
01 year.
[The beginning of the letter — all that precedes the word 'burnt' — has been
so burned in the fire at Ashbumham House as to be irrecoverable.]
. . . burnt. We had not means to  and
men, being both wasted in the . Ther is a very
dangerous infection . and siche, as with great
difficultye was . . to the Port. I have my sealf
labored as to . ... person. I thancke God
she is now in the Port of ; and with us my Lord
Thomas1 in the Honor,2 . both which
came3 a litle before by reason of leakes, wherof
my Lord Thomas was in great [peril].4 The rest of the
Fleet will be here to-morrow in [my opinjion, if the
winde stand ; for the second of August I left them well,
and the sixth I arrived. And they came above a dussen
or twentye leaugs astern.
This gentleman, Sir Arthur Savage, is dispatched
by the Generalls. I know not the effect of his message.
Butt, under pardon, I thincke it good for Her Majestye,
if he be agayne returned with order for the Army which
may, for the most, be returned into their countries from
hence; which, the sooner it be done, the less charge
1 Lord Thomas Howard, afterwards Earl of Suffolk.
2 The ship Mer- Honour. 3 Meaning evidently ' came away. '
4 The words within brackets are words of which the fire has left some
trace — more or less.

letter LXVIII. 1596-
Aug. 6.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
From Plymouth
Sound.
TheVictoryat Cadiz.

138

Letters of Ralegh.

letter LXVIII. 1596.
Aug. 6.

Her Majestye shall be att here, with continewance of
her sea charge.
Sir, may it please yow to beleve me, this bearer hathe
deserved with the first and had the Poynt att the
entrance of Calize. Butt he came, with others, in the
rereguard of profitt and good fortune. And I assure
your Honor, by the love I bear yow, that yow shall not
favor any man more honest and valient. He can yield
a good accompt of whatsoever hath past.
For my particular, I beseech yow, if it may be, that I
may be pardoned for cumminge about by sea ; for
besids the great and dangerous infection, I am not well
in health my sealf. My Lord Admiral will cum with
the Fleet, and my Lord Thomas likewise. Sir, I hope
her devin Majestye is well : the report wherof hath
incountred us all with infinit joy.
From the port of Plymouth, cumming in, this 6th of
August [1596],
Your Honor's, ever to honor and serve yow,
W. Ralegh.

Narratives of the Battle in Cadis Harbour.

139

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LXIX.— NARRATIVES OF
THE BATTLE IN CADIZ HARBOUR.
f~\& the question 'To whom was this letter addressed?'
I am unable to throw any light. In a MS. copy
of it which I have seen in the old library known as
"Dr. Williams' Library" (formerly in Red Cross Street,
London ; now, temporarily, in Queen's Square), it is said —
against plain internal evidence — to have been addressed to
the Earl of Northumberland. Other copies are, like Philip
Ralegh's print of 1699, wholly without superscription. For
tunately, its great historical interest depends in no decree
on the solution of that small question. It has, eminently,
the qualities which Ralegh's writings so rarely lack, — force
and clearness. It also combines fairness to his fellows with
his wonted full justice to himself. In half a dozen clear
and simple words, he brings vigorously before the reader
that fearless courage and self-devotion, on the part of the
Earl of Essex, which, in moments of excitement and of peril,
did much towards redeeming very grave errors of judgment.
When, in relation to this event, Ralegh has to touch on
those errors, he touches them with a gentle hand. If, for
example, the reader will compare his account with that of Sir
William Monson (MS. Cotton, Titus, B viii.), he will find that
the rival — whom Essex had so repeatedly and so bitterly
attacked — deals more leniently with the faults of the brave but
rash and inexperienced general, than does the declared follower
and friend. Nor will it be found less interesting, or less in
structive, to compare many of Ralegh's details, as to the doings
and sufferings of the Spaniards, with their own contemporary
accounts, as they have been recently collected from the
Simancas archives and elsewhere, by the Continuators of the

prefa
tory note to
LETTERLXIX. 1596.

140

Prefatory Note to Letter LXIX.

PREFA
TORYNOTE TO
LETTER
LXIX.

1596.

Coleccion de Documentos ineditos para la Historia de Espafia, so
ably began by Navarrete.
Another collation has an interest more directly biographical.
Thomas Carte is known to have had access to many original
papers of the Elizabethan period, not all of which can now be
traced. Some, even, of the Burghley MSS. to which in his
History of England he refers cannot, I believe, be discovered.
Whatever may be thought "of the colouring given to Carte's
inferences by party feeling, his use of documents is admittedly
honest. In his account of the Cadiz battle, he borrows much
from the present letter; yet there are in that account some
details, distinctly personal to Ralegh, which are not mentioned
in Sir Walter's own letter, minute as it is. Whether, or not,
these have been taken from correspondence not at present
accessible, they are obviously founded on original testimony,
and will be seen to have considerable interest. Here, to note
them alt — or nearly all, — is impracticable. One or two points
must suffice, by way of sample.
The victory at Cadiz was notoriously a great blow to the
power and influence of Spain, but no one can study the docu
ments which bear upon it without perceiving that it might,
with little difficulty, have been made a much more effective
and farther-reaching blow. The question, 'Whose was the
neglect ? ' is, for students of English history, not at all an idle
or superfluous question. Ralegh (in Letter LXIX.), Sir William
Monson (in the Cotton MS. Titus, B viii.), and Carte's in
formant, — whosoever he may have been, — all give, or suggest,
an answer. All were present. All, it is obvious, had access
to the- best sources of information, for what did not pass
actually under their own eyes. Each, if listened to separately,
gives, or seems to give, on this point a different answer.
But, if collated, the conflict of testimony may, perhaps, be
found to be much less than it, at first, appears : —

Narratives of the Battle in Cadiz Harbour.

141

Ralegh's '
Narrative.
... I returned
[to the ships] chiefly
for that there was
no Admiral left to
order the Fleet, and
indeed few or no
people in the Navy ;
all running headlong
to the sack; and se
condly, because I
was unfit for ought
but ease at that time.
At break of day
following I sent to
the General to have
order to follow the
fleet of ships bound
for the Indies ; which
were said to be
worth twelve mil
lions, and lay in
Puerto Reall road ;
where they could not
escape. But the town
new taken, and the
confusion great, it
was almost impos
sible for them to or
der ?nany things at
once; so as I could
not receive any an
swer to my desire.
The afternoon of
the same day those
which were mer
chants of Cales and
Sevil offered the
Generals two mil
lions to spare the
Fleet ; whereupon
there was nothing
done for the present.
But the following

Sir William Mon-
son's Narrative.
After the landing,
. . . . my Lord [Essex]
dispatched another mes
senger to my Lord Ad
mirall entreating him
to give orders to attack
the merchants that rode
in Port Royall, for that
it was daungerous to
give them a nights re-
spite,least they should
convey awaie their
wealth or take ex
ample by the Philipp
and the other to burn
themselves. This mes
sage was delivered by
Sir Anthony Ashley
and Sir William Mon
son, even as my Lord
Admirall was in his
boate ready with his
troups of seamen to
land ; scadfeareinge the
Lord General Essex
should be put to dis
tress with his smale
companies, .... has
tened by all meanes to
second him, and gave
order to certain ships
the next day to pursue
them. ... To speak
indifferently, his [Es
sex'] sudden landing
without the Lord Ad
mirall's privitie and
hisgiveinge advice by a
messenger to attack the
shippes, which should
have bene [given] by
u, mature determina-
cion, noe doubt but

Carte.
In the heat 01 the conquest, the
India Fleet was in a manner forgot,
till Sir Edward Conway, Blount, and
Gerard offered to go with the soldiers,
on board some small vessels, to attack it.
But this Ralegh opposed, as the honour
of that service belonged to the seamen.
He was disabled from walking by a
wound in the leg ; and, in the evening,
the Generals desired him to go on
board the fleet, to guard against any
attack the gallies might make upon it
in the night, at low water ; promising
him good quarters in the town, and his
share in the booty. Before he went, he
desired orders for attacking the Indian
Fleet ; asking only one of his ships and
twelve London merchantmen for the en
terprise. But they entreated him to give
them time to think of it till the morrow.
Day was no sooner broke, than Ralegh
sent for the anstoer, and they desired
him to come into the town to considt
with them, about 1 proposal made by
the King's officers and the commis
sioners of the merchants, who offered
two millions of dollars for the ransom
of the Fleet and cargo.
Ralegh said their business was first to
make themselves masters of the Fleet,
and then those who now offered two
millions would give four millions for
its ransome. But to this it was objected
that if the seamen once got possession of
the ships, they would plunder them ; be
sides some other inconveniences.
In the meantime, the Spaniards
worked day and night to get the best
of the goods out of the ships; and,
this being done, the Duke of Medina
Sidonia, Governor of St. Lucar, gave
orders for their being burnt, which
was executed the third day ; before the

142

Prefatory Note to Letter LXIX.

morning, being the
23rd of June, the
Duke of Medina
caused all that fleet
of merchants to be
set on fire, because
he was resolved that
they must needs have
fallen into our hands.

the Lord Admirall
did finde his honor u
little eclipsed; and,
perhappes, did hasten
his landinge for his
reputacion, when he
[himself] thought it
more reason to have
possest the Fleete. 1

contractors, who saw the blaze at a
distance, arrived with the news of their
being ransomed. J

prefa tory
note to
LETTERLXIX.

1596.

With all their variety of circumstance, these three several
accounts will be found, at bottom, to be in substantial agree
ment on certain main points of the story : — (1) That Ralegh
strenuously urged an attack upon the Indian Fleet, without
any delay ; (2) That a want of thorough harmony between the
two "generals in chief" interposed delay; (3) That the con
flicting desires — on the one hand, to make as much available
spoil as possible ; on the other, to follow up with vigour the
blow so successfully struck against the Spanish navy — proved,
in some considerable measure, mutually destructive. Justly to
apportion the blame of this degree of failure is very difficult.
But, assuredly, .Essex would be less anxious for plunder than
Ralegh. Both Ralegh and the tough High Admiral of
England, during the whole active life of each of them, were
" unsatisfy'd in getting.'' Of Essex, at all times, it may most
emphatically be said that "in bestowing, he was most princely.''
As to the want of harmony amongst the chief commanders, it
had evidenced itself, not only before the battle, but before the
very outset of the expedition from our coast. Howard had
written to Cecil from Dover : " My comission in being
1 Sir William Monson, in MS. Cotton, Titus B viii. ff. 120, 121, and
verso. 2 History of England, vol. iii. pp. 659 — 661. Compare also Journall of
all the Particularities that fell out in the Voyage under the charge of the
Lords Generals, MS. Lamb. ccl. ff. 362, seqq. (Lambeth Palace) ; and the
Despatches, as entered in the Registers of Privy Council, Elizabeth, vol. xii.
pp. 348—361 (Council Office).

Narratives of the Battle in Cadiz Harbour.

H3

joyned to the Erie is an idle thynge.
the drage." 1

I am yoused but as

The estimate of their naval loss, formed by the Spaniards
themselves, is thus briefly summed up in a paper entitled
Relation de todo lo sitbcedido en Cadiz desde 29 de Jttnio de
1596, hasta 27 de Julio,'1' which is preserved amongst the
archives of the Dukes of Medina Sidonia : " Besides the loss
of the three galleons, St. Philip, St. Andrew, St. Matthew ;
two galleons were lost of those under Pedro de Soella, which
came from Lisbon ; and also three Levantine ships which had
arrived from Italy a fortnight before, richly laden. The
ships of the Fleet for New Spain — to the number of thirty-
four in all — were burnt, by the advice of Don Francisco Tello
and of the General Luis Alfonso, in order to hinder the
falling of so much wealth into the power of the enemy. The
cargoes were estimated to be worth more than four millions,
without reckoning the value of the ships and guns." 3
The Spanish documents .relating to the affair of Cadiz
abound in curious illustrations of Ralegh's letters of this
period (LXVIII. LXIX. and LXX), but very few of them
can here be noticed. Not the least curious are the examina
tions of the handful of prisoners who, at different stages of
the affair, were captured by the Spaniards, and who were put
through their catechisms with a cool and systematic precision
1 Lord High Admiral to Secretary of State ; Dover, 13 April, 1596.
(Cecil Papers, vol. xl. § 6. Hatfield.)
2 The reader will bear in mind that the Spanish dates are ten days in
advance of the English.
3 " Demas de la perdida de los tres galeones, S. Felipe, S. Andres,
S. Matias, se perdieron dos galeones de los de Pedro de Soella, que
vinieron de Lisboa, y tres naos levantiscas que quince dias antes les habian
llegado de Italia muy ricas, y se quemaron las naos de la Flota de Nucva
Espana, que eran treinta y cuatro en todas, por acuerdo de D. Francisco
Tello y el general Luis Alfonso, porque no viniese tanta riqueza en poder
de los enemigos, que se estima la carga en mas de cuatro millones, sin el
valor de las naos y artilleria." — Coleccion'de los Documentos, &c, xxxvi.
pp. 418, 419.

144

Prefatory Note to Letter LXIX.

and minuteness which would do credit to Doctors Commons.
Among the points on which Spanish curiosity was especially
keen was the suspected presence, in the English Fleet, of
that bete noire of Philip the Second, Antonio Perez, and of
another Antonio, son to the claimant of the crown of
Portugal. Whether the examinant chanced to be a Cornish
foremast-man, an Irish soldier, or an English boy-student a (who
had, according to his own statement, embarked on board the
Fleet, simply to get a quick and cheap passage to a Spanish
university), he was closely questioned as to his knowledge of
the Antonios, as well as of the secret objects and original
plans of the Expedition, and of the information which had
reached its commanders on their way.2
One " Juan Prugs,'' a sailor, who is described as " native of
a suburb of London" (which one would scarcely have suspected
from his name), whilst denying all knowledge of the fugitive
Secretary of the King of Spain, deposed that he saw at
Plymouth some Spaniards who were said to be about to
embark in the Fleet. It seems that a son, if not two sons, of
the titular King of Portugal realljr sailed with the Expedition.
Perez had just before returned to France ; after helping, as
Essex himself declares, to hinder, not further, the enterprise
then in hand : by " feeding the Queen in her irresolution." 3
All the accounts agree in showing how entirely the policy
pursued by Philip the Second had stripped the most vital parts
of the kingdom of adequate defence. After the English Fleet
1 " Duarte de Aquitt, que es de la provincial de Darvi," — which may
perhaps be translated ' ' Edward Hawkins, or Dawkins, a Devonian ? "
2 Amongst these witnesses were four Irishmen who deserted from the
army in Cadiz on the 2nd of July [12th of Spanish accounts], with the
intention of joining the Spaniards, because they were Catholics, and because
they had heard that an Irish gentleman, described as calling himself
"Mores Marchas, tio del Conde de Semont," — to whom some of them
were tenants,— was at the Spanish Court, and would be likely to find an
opening for them in Philip's army.
3 Earl of Essex to Edward Reynolds, MS. Tenison, dclvii. f. 93 (Lam
beth Palace).

Narratives of the Battle in Cadiz Harbour.

'45

had left Cadiz, the Duke of Medina Sidonia wrote to the
Secretary of State at Madrid, that in the course of seventeen
days, and in a province so populous as Andalusia, it had not
been possible for him to get together so many as 4,000 effective
men or 800 horse.1 Another great officer wrote on the same
day, to the King himself, that from this denudation of troops
the English possessed, for a fortnight, the spoils of Cadiz, of
the whole island, and of the vicinity, with as much of security
and quiet enjoyment as they could have had in their quarters
on the banks of the Thames.2 This being so, it is no wonder
that the English commanders found the maintenance of dis
cipline a hard task. As Ralegh here says : " The tumultuous
disordered soldiers, being then given to spoil and rapine, had
no respect."
Another point on which the Spaniards were very earnest and
minute in their inquiries was the rank and family connexions
of the English leaders. To master some of the names they
found to be at least as difficult as the owners had found it to
be to master Cadiz. At length a Spaniard was discovered who
declared himself " muy practico de la lengua inglesa." Begin
ning with the 'Conde de Esiques' and the Admiral, — "son
of the Duke of Norfolk, whose head the Queen cut off," — he
comes to Ralegh, to whom he assigns precisely the dignity Sir
Walter was very ambitious of, but could never obtain — that
of Privy Councillor;3 though he, many times, exercised its
functions. 1 Duque de Medina Sidonia al Secretario D. Mart, de Idraquez ; 16 de
Julio, 1596.
3 Don Luis Fajardo a Su Magestad del Puerto de S. Maria ; 16 de Julio,
1596. 3 " Guaterrale, consejero, coronel de un tercio."

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER LXIX.

1596.

VOL. II.

146

Letters of Ralegh.

letter LXIX. >59°-
To a
person unnamed. N arrative
of the
Action in
Cadiz Harbour.

LXIX.
TO A PERSON UNNAMED.
A.s printed in 1699, by Philip Ralegh, Grandson of Sir Walter, from a
copy, or draft, found among Sir Walter Ralegh's Papers.
YOU shall receive many Relations, but none more true
than this. May it please your Honour, therefore, to
know, that on Sunday, being the 20th of June, the
English fleet came to anchor in the bay of St. Sebastians,
short of Cales half a league. My Lord Admiral,1 being
careful of her Majesty's ships, had resolved with the
Earl of Essex that the town should be first attempted ;
to the end that both the Spanish gallions and galleys,
together with the forts of Cales, might not all at once
beat upon our navy.2 My self was not present at the
1 Charles Howard, Lord Howard of Effingham, and afterwards Earl of
Nottingham. 2 It was probably from the sight of the preparations for this conference
between Essex and Howard — one of the Queen's ships hoisting a flag at
her poop and firing a gun; after which many boats were seen, by the
watchful eyes of the Spaniards, to come off to her — that the President
Pedro Gutierrez Florez wrote to Philip II., on this same 20th of June (30th
of the Spanish documents), that the enemy, "at sight of the galleys and
ships — more than 40 in number — which were in the bay, seemed afraid to
enter, or at least summoned a council to consider what should be done," &c.
(Gutierrez Florez to the King. Cadiz, postrero de Junio, 1596. Archives
of Simancas : Secretaria de Estado, Bundle 177. Printed in Navarrete's
Coleccion de Documentos ineditos, Tomo xxxvi. pp. 208, 209.) The Pre
sident at Cadiz adds that the sails had been counted, and that there
appeared to be twelve ships of war of upwards of 600 tons, and 100 other
ships of from 300 tons upwards, " forming the most beautiful fleet that was
ever seen (la mas hermosa armada que se ha visto) ; " that they formed four
squadrons —having eight flag-ships— and that thence the Spaniards inferred
that the fleet was composed of French ships, as well as of English and
Flemish. — Ibid. (Navarrete, Pidal, and others, as before, p. 209.) The

Narrative of the Action in Cadiz Harbour.

147

resolution ; for I was sent the day before towards the
Main, to stop such as might pass out from St. Lucar, or
Cales, along the coast. When I was arrived back again
(which was two hours after the rest), I found the Earl of
ESSEX disembarking his soldiers ; and he had put many
companies into boats, purposing to make his descent on
the west side of Cales ; but such was the greatness of
the billow, by reason of a forcible southerly wind, as the
boats were ready to sink at the stern of the Earl ; and
indeed divers did so, and in them some of the armed men ;
but because it was formerly resolved (and that to cast
doubts would have been esteemed an effect of fear), the
Earl purposed to go on, until such time as I came aboard
him, and in the presence of all the collonels protested
against the resolution ; giving him reasons, and making
apparent demonstrations that he thereby ran the way
of our general ruin, to the utter overthrow of the whole
armies, their own lives, and her Majesty's future safety.
The Earl excused himself, and laid it to the Lord
Admiral, who (he said) 'would not consent to enter
with the fleet till the town were first possessed.' All
the commanders and gentlemen present besought me to
disswade the attempt ; for they all perceived the danger,
and were resolved that the most part could not but
perish in the sea, ere they came to set foot on ground ;
and if any arrived on shoar, yet were they sure to have
their boats cast on their heads ; and that twenty men in
so desperate a descent would have defeated them all.
The Earl, hereupon, prayed me to perswade my Lord
Duke of Medina Sidonia wrote to the King, on the following day, that
the enemy's ships— to the number of eighty — were first seen off Lagos, on
the 25th [15th of English style], but that the news did not reach him until
the 29th.— Archives : Secretaria de Guerra, Bund. 475. (Navarrete, &c.
p. 220.)
L 2

148

Letters of Ralegh.

Admiral, who, finding a certain destruction by the former
resolution, was content to enter the port.
When I brought news of this agreement to the Earl,
calling out of my boat upon him, Entramus} he cast his
hat into the sea for joy, and prepared to weigh anchor.
The day was- now far spent, and it required much
time to return the boats of soldiers to their own ships ;
so as we could not that night attempt the fleet, although
many (seeming desperately valiant) thought it a fault of
mine to put it off till the morning ; albeit we had neither
agreed in what manner to fight, nor appointed who
should lead, and who should second ; whether by board
ing or otherwise ; neither could our fleet possibly recover
all their men in, before sun-set. But both the Generals
being pleased to hear me, and many times to be advised
by so mean an understanding, came again to an anchor
in the very mouth of the Harbour ; so that night, about
ten of the clock, I wrote a letter to the Lord Admiral,
declaring therein my opinion how the fight should be
ordered : persuading him to appoint to each of the great
gallions of Spain two great fly-boats to board them,
after such time as the Queen's ships had battered them ;
for I knew that both the St. Philip and the rest would
burn, and not yeild ; and then to lose so many of the
Queen's for company, I thought it too dear a purchase,
and it would be termed but a lamentable victory.
This being agreed on, and both the Generals per-
swaded to lead the body of the fleet, the charge for
the performance thereof [was 2] (upon my humble suit)
granted and assigned unto me. The ships appointed
to second me were these: the Mary Rose, commanded
by Sir George Carew ; the Lion, by Sir Robert
Southwell; the Rainbow, by the Marshal, Sir Francis
1 So printed in the edit, of 1697-1700. s Omitted in original edition.

Narrative of the Action in Cadiz Harbour.

14,)

VEARE ; the Swiftsure, by Captain Crosse ; the Drcad-
uaugJit, by Sir Conyers and Alexander Clifford ;
the Nonpareill, by Mr. Dudley;1 the twelve ships of
London ; with certain fly-boats.
The Lord Thomas Howard, — because the Meere-
Honour,2 which he commanded, was one of the greatest
ships, — was also left behind with the Generals ; but being
impatient thereof, pressed the Generals to have the
service committed unto him, and left the Meer-Honour to
Mr. Dudley, putting himself into the Nonpareill. For
mine own part, as I was willing to give honour to my
Lord Thomas, having both precedency in the army, and
being a nobleman whom I much honoured, so yet I was
resolved to give and not take example for this service ;
holding mine own reputation dearest, and remembering
my great duty to her Majesty. With the first peep of
day, therefore, I weighed anchor, and bare with the
Spanish fleet, taking the start of all ours a good distance.
Now, Sir, may it please you to understand, that there-
were ranged under the wall of Cales, on which the sea
beateth, seventeen galleys, which lay with their prowes
to flank our entrance, as we passed towards the gallions.
There was also a fort called the Philip, which beat and
commanded the harbour. There were also ordnance,
which lay all alongst the curtain upon the wall towards
the sea. There were also divers other pieces of culverin,
which also scowred the channel. Notwithstanding, as
soon as the St. Philip perceived one of the Admirals
under sail approaching, she also set sail, and with her
the St. Matthew, the St. Thomas, the St. Andrew, the
two great gallions of Lisbon, three frigots of war, ac
customed to transport the treasure ; two argosies, .very
1 Afterwards Sir Robert Dudley and titular Duke of Northumberland.
2 Mer-Honour, a famous ship of the Queen's Navy.

150

Letters of Ralegh.

strong in artillery; the Admiral, Vice-Admiral, and
Rear-Admiral of Nueva Espagna ; with forty other
great ships, bound for Mexico, and other places. Of all
which, the St. Philip, the St. Matthew, the St. Andrew,
and the St. Thomas, being four of the Royal Ships of
Spain, came again to anchor under the fort of Puntall,
in a streight of the harbour which leadeth towards
Puerto Reall. On the right hand of them they placed
the three frigots ; on the back the two gallions of
Lisbon, and the argosies ; and the seventeen galleys, by
three and three, to interlace them, as occasion should
be offered. The Admiral, Vice-Admiral, and the Rear-
Admiral of Nueva Espagna, with the body of the fleet,
were placed behind them towards Puerto Reall ; hoping
with this great strength to defend the entrance ; the place
being no broader from point to point than that these did
in effect stretch over as a bridge, and had besides the
fort of Puntall to their guard. But the seventeen galleys
did not at the first depart with the rest, but stayed by
the town, with all their prowes bent against us as we
enterd ; with which, together with the artillery of the
town and forts, they hoped to have stumbled the leading
ship, and doubted not thereby but to have discouraged
the rest.
Having, as aforesaid, taken the leading, I was first
saluted by the Fort called Philip, afterwards by the
ordnance on the curtain, and lastly by all the galleys, in
good order. To show scorn to all which, I only answered
first the fort, and afterward the galleys, to each piece a
blurr with a trumpet ; disdaining to shoot one piece at
any one or all of those esteemed dreadful monsters,
The ships that followed beat upon the galleys so thick
that they soon betook them to their oars, and got up to
joyn with the gallions in the streight, as aforesaid ;- and

Narrative of the Action in Cadiz Harbour.

151

then, as they were driven to come near me, and inforced
to range their sides towards me, I bestowed a benedic
tion amongst them.
But the St. Philip, the great and famous Admiral of
Spain, was the mark I shot at ; esteeming those galleys
but as wasps in respect of the powerfulness of the other;
and being resolved to be revenged for the Revenge, or to
second her with mine own life, I came to anchor by the
gallions ; of which the Philip and Andrezv were two that
boarded the Revenge. I was formerly commanded not
to board, but was promised fly-boats, in which, after I
had battered a while, I resolved to joyn unto them.
My Lord THOMAS came to anchor by me, on the
one hand, with the Lyon ; the Mary Rose, on the other,
with the Dreadnaught ; the Marshal,1 toward the side of
Puntall; and towards ten of the clock, my Lord General
ESSEX, being impatient to abide far off, hearing so great
thunder of ordnance, thrust up through the fleet, and
headed all those on the left hand, coming to anchor
next unto me on that side; and afterward came in the
Swiftsure, as near as she could. Always I must, with
out glory, say for myself, that I held single in the head
of all.
Now, after we had beat, as two buts, one upon another
almost three hours (assuring your Honour that the
volleys of cannon and culverin came as thick as if it
had been a skirmish of musketeers), and finding myself
in danger to be sunk in the place, I went to my Lord
General in my skiff, to desire him that he would inforce
the promised fly-boats to come up, that I might board ;
for as I rid, I could not endure so great battery any
long time. My Lord General was then coming up him
self ; to whom I declared that if the fly-boats came not,
1 Sir Francis Vere.

letter LXIX.

152

Letters of Ralegh.

I would board with the Queen's ship ; for it was the
same loss to burn, or sink, for I must endure the one.
The Earl finding that it was not in his power to com
mand fear, told me that, whatsoever I did, he would
second me in person, upon his honour. My Lord
Admiral, having also a disposition to come up at first,
but the river was so choked as he could not pass with
the Ark, came up in person into the Nonpereill, with
my Lord Thomas.
While I was thus speaking with the Earl, the Marshal,
who thought it some touch to his great esteemed valour
to ride behind me so many hours, got up ahead my
ship ; which my Lord Thomas perceiving headed him
again ; — my self being but a quarter of an hour absent.
At my return, finding my self from being the first to be
but the third, I presently let slip anchor, and thrust in
between my Lord Thomas and the Marshal, and went
up further ahead than all them before, and thrust my
self athwart the channel ; so as I was sure none should
outstart me again, for that day. My Lord General
ESSEX, thinking his ship's side stronger than the rest,
thrust the Dreadnaught aside, and came next the War-
spight on the left hand ; ahead all that rank, but my
Lord THOMAS. The Marshal, while we had no leisure to
look behind us, secretly fastened a rope on my ship's
side towards him, to draw himself up equally with me ;
but some of my company advertizing me thereof, I
caused it to be cut off, and so he fell back into his
place ; whom I guarded, all but his very prowe, from
the sight of the enemy.
Now if it please you to remember, that having no
hope of my fly-boats to board, and that the Earl and
my Lord THOMAS both promised to second me, I laid
out a warp by the side of the Philip to shake hands with

Narrative of the Action in Cadiz Harbour.

153

her (for with the wind we could not get aboard) : which
when she and the rest perceived, finding also that the
Repulse (seeing mine) began to do the like, and the Rear-
Admiral my Lord THOMAS, they all let slip, and ran
aground, tumbling into the sea heaps of souldiers, so
thick as if coals had been powred out of a sack in many
ports at once ; some drowned and some sticking in the
mud. The Philip and the St. Thomas burnt themselves :
the St. Matthezv and the St. A ndreiu were recovered with
our boats ere they could get out to fire them. The
spectacle was very lamentable on their side ; for many
drowned themselves ; many, half burnt, leapt into the
water; very many hanging by the ropes' ends by the
ships' side, under the water even to the lips ; many
swimming with grievous wounds, strucken under water,
and put out of their pain ; and withal so huge a fire, and
such tearing of the ordnance in the great Philip, and the
rest, when the fire came to them, as, if any man had a
desire to see Hell itself, it was there most lively figured.
Our selves spared the lives of all, after the victory ; but
the Flemmings, who did little or nothing in the fight,
used merciless slaughter, till they were by my self, and
afterward by my Lord Admiral, beaten off.1
The ships that abode the fight in the morning till ten
aclock, were the Warspight, the Nonpareill, the Lyon,
the Mary Rose, the Rainbow, and the Dreadnaught. To
1 The Spanish account, after describing the entry of Ralegh's squadron
into the Bay, goes on to describe the retreat of the Spanish fleet under the
fort of Puntal, and then proceeds thus : ". . . . quedando en la boca del
los dichos galeones y las galeras, se fueron arrimando a ellos los mayores
navios del ingles, y se han acaiioneado pasadas de cuatra horas con tanta
fuerza de artilleria que los galeones San Felipe y San Andre's queriendo
virar para entrar mas adentro se quedaron en seco, y asi se han perdido,
echandose a nado la gente dellos, y los ingleses pegaj-on fuego d Sant Felipe
y lo mismo haran de los demas," &c. — Duke of Medina Sidonia to the
King of Spain ; Puerto Real, 1 Julio, 1596 [21st June, O. S.J

letter LXIX. 1596.

154

Letters of Ralegh.

second these came up the Earl and the Swiftsure ; and
these were all that did ought against six goodly gallions,
two argosies, three frigots, seventeen galleys, and the
Fort of Puntall, backed by the Admiral of Nueva
Espana, and others ; in all, fifty-five or fifty-seven.
This being happily finished, we prepared to land the
army, and to attempt the town ; in which there were, of
all sorts, some five thousand foot burgers, one hundred
and fifty souldiers in pay, and some eight hundred horse
of the gentry and cavalleros of Xerez, gathered together
upon the discovery of our fleet two days before, while
we were becalmed off Cape St. Mary. The horsemen
sallied out to resist the landing ; but were so well with
stood that they most took their way toward the bridge
which leadeth into the Main, called Puento Souse ; the
rest retired to the town, and so hardly followed, as they
were driven to leave their horses at the port (which the
inhabitants durst not open, to let them in), and so they
leapt down an old wall into the suburbs ; and being so
closely followed by the vanguard of our footmen, as,
when the General perceived an entrance there, he
thought it was possible for ours to do the like ; upon
which occasion the town was carried with a sudden fury,
and with little loss; only Sir John WlNGFEILD was slain ;
Sir Edward Wingfeild, Captain Bagnoll, and Cap
tain MEDICK hurt ; other men of quality, few or none.
For the particular behaviours of any that entered, I
cannot otherwise deliver than by report ; for I received
a grievous blow in my leg, interlaced and deformed
with splinters, in the fight. Yet, being desirous to see
every man's disposition, I was carried ashoar on men's
shoulders ; and as soon as my horse was recovered, my
Lord Admiral sent one unto me, but I was not able to
abide above an hour in the town, for the torment I

Narrative of the A ction in Cadiz Harbour.

155

suffered, and for the fear I had to be shouldred in the
press, and among the tumultuous disordered soldiers,
that, being then given to spoyl and rapine, had no re
spect. The same night I returned ; chiefly for that there
was no Admiral left to order the Fleet, and indeed few
or no people in the Navy ; all running headlong to the
sack ; and, secondly, because I was unfit for ought but
ease at that time.
At the break of day following, I sent to the General
to have order to follow the fleet of ships bound for the
Indies ; which were said to be worth twelve millions, and
lay in Puerto Reall road, where they could not escape.
But, the town new taken, and the confusion great, it was
almost impossible for them to order many things at
once ; so as I could not receive any answer to my desire.
The afternoon of the same day, those which were
merchants of Cales and Sevil offered the Generals two
millions to spare the fleet ; whereupon there was nothing
done for the present. But the morning following, being
the twenty-third of June, the Duke of MEDINA caused
all that fleet of merchants to be set on fire ; because he
was resolved that they must needs have fallen into our
hands ; so as now both gallions, frigots, argosies, and all
other ships of war, together with the fleet of Nueva
Espagna, were all committed into ashes ; only the St.
Matthew and the St. Andrew were in our possession.
Much of the ordnance of the St. Philip hath been saved
by the Flemmings, who have had great spoil. There is
imbarked good store of ordnance out of the town ; and
the two Apostles aforesaid are well furnished, which
(God willing) we purpose to bring into England.
The town of Cales was very rich in merchandize, in
plate, and money ; many rich prisoners given to the land
commanders ; so as that sort are very rich. Some had

156

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXIX. 1596.

prisoners for sixteen thousand duccats ; some for -twenty
thousand ; some for ten thousand ; 1 and, besides, great
houses of merchandize. What the Generals have gotten,
I know least ; they protest it is little. For my own part,
I have gotten a lame leg, and a deformed. For the rest,
either I spake too late, or it was otherwise resolved. I
have not wanted good words, and exceeding kind and
regardful usance. But I have possession of naught but
poverty and pain. If God had spared me that blow, I
had possesst myself of some House.
1 The President of the ' Contratacion,' or Chamber of Commerce, of
Cadiz, gave what (to the reader) is a most amusing account of one part of
the preliminary ' haggling of the market, ' to these and the like bargains
for ransom, in a letter to his fellow-officials of the Contratacion, dated
5th July (25th June, O.S.), which narrates his personal adventures when
taken prisoner by the English. After much prefatory talk about his
poverty, he made an offer, he says, of 300 ducats, — after he had been
asked 20,000, a little while before. Of this offer, the Englishmen made
great derision (han hecho muchar burla de mi). Presently, he offered 1,000
ducats, and there the matter rested 'for the night. In the morning, he
thought it expedient to double the offer. But his captors replied that they
would not be content with a real less than 10,000 ducats ; knowing that
the President was "the principal man in Andalusia, and had under his
charge all the gold and silver that came from the Indies." When his letter
was written, he was still in captivity. The news of the burning of the fleet
had just then arrived. — Carta del Dr. Pedro Gutierrez Flores .... a lis
Oficiales de la Contratacion. De Cadiz en 5 de Julio, 1596. (Coleccion, &c,
ut sup. vol. xxxvi. pp. 271 — 273.)

Death of Lady Cecil.

iS7

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LXX. — DEATH OF LADY
CECIL— CECIL AND THE BROOKES.
HPHE circumstance that the wife of Robert Cecil was the
sister of two of the unhappy Conspirators of 1603 adds
something to the interest of the letter at which we now arrive.
That interest is great, intrinsically, for almost every line of the
letter is characteristic. The writer, indeed, attained at length
to a riper wisdom than that of which we have here the sen
tentious and somewhat laboured expression. His mind grew,
eventually, up to the knowledge that sorrows are capable of
rendering "other service than to multiply harms;'' and that
they are not, always, " dangerous companions, converting bad
into evil, and evil into worse." He learnt (in course of time)
that grief may become, in a certain and pregnant sense, " the
treasure'' of quite other men than fools, — of men ' who going
through the vale of misery use it for a well ; and the pools are
filled with water' But he attained to this knowledge only
with extreme slowness, — at a late period of life, and after
using desperate exertions in the hewing out of very leaky
cisterns of comfort. Perhaps few men of like mental calibre
have taken so long a time to learn the lessons of bereavement,
or the uses of adversity. The task, however, was got by heart
at last. In the letter before us we have Ralegh's crude notions
about the theme, before he had really learnt a line of it.
This letter on Lady Cecil's death is also interesting as
bearing strong through indirect testimony to the existence of
some fine qualities in her husband. No one who knew Robert
Cecil so intimately as Ralegh did, would have written thus,
save under a conviction that the man to whom he was giving
such consolation as he then had to give had loved truly and

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERLXX. I596-I597-

iS8

Prefatory Note to Letter LXX.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTER
LXX. 1596-1597-

would grieve deeply. One feels in reading the letter that it is
written to a real mourner and upon a real loss. Other friends
and correspondents of Cecil, who had enjoyed like closeness of
access, bear like evidence, — both to the worth of the dead and
to the unselfishness of the grief. The Lord Admiral (Howard
of Effingham) writes thus to Cecil on this occasion : " She was
to vertuos and good to live in so wretched a world. And you
that hath an extraordinary jugment, by his gevte that dowth
all, much nede that wysdome. Seke now to master your good
and kynd nature and to thynk that sorro, nor any thyng els,
can now redeme it. And as she is now, most asured, hapyer
than all we that live in this pudeled and trubled world, so
dow I asure yow, as long as God shall spare me lyfe in it ther
shall not any tred on the erthe that shal love you beter then
my poure self."1
We may take Lord Howard's testimony on the point in
hand, without attaching overmuch meaning to his pious
moralizings. For himself, and for his family, he was just as
proud, as ambitious, and as covetous, as ever. His relish for
the pomps and vanities of " this puddled and troubled world "
was still as keen as it had always been. Some eight months
earlier he had written to Sir Robert Cecil one of the most
curiously impulsive, egotistical, and angry letters that even
our Elizabethan repertories — much abounding in that sort of
literature — can show. Under the excitement created by a
passing royal rebuke, he made pretence to the Secretary that
he was ready to pitch the High Admiralship of England to the
feet of the first comer, merely because some official right
"ever before enjoyed," as he said, "by admyralls of my
name," had been infringed, or was thought to have been
infringed, upon. His indignation at the straitening of his
prerogatives rose so high as to make him utter the wish, " I
had drowned by the way, before I aryved at this place." 2 A
1 Lord Howard of Effingham; to Sir R. Cecil, Jan. 1 596- 1597; Cecil
Papers, vol. xxxviii. (Hatfield).
2 Ibid. vol. xl. S 6.

Cecil and the Brookes.

159

few weeks or months have passed ; and now, whilst imparting
tender consolation to the Queen's Secretary on his bereave
ment, the consoler has his eye intent on the weather-tokens
at Court. He knows how much the recent months have
increased Cecil's power and influence. He thinks the Secre
tary's greatness to be still on the growing hand, and his gushing
affection almost overpowers him. He winds up his letter of
condolence thus : " I vow it to God," he adds, " I thynk none
dowth or cane so much love you, as I dow." 1
Cecil himself seems always to have spoken of his lost wife
in terms entirely consonant with those employed by Howard
and by Ralegh. The allusions to Lady Cecil in those of
his letters which are preserved at Hatfield, commonly occur
in his extensive correspondence with her unfortunate brothers.
The consolers of 1597, could they have raised a corner of the
veil of the years then swiftly speeding onward, would have
seen, in Lady Cecil's case, with more than usual clearness, the
special force of the expression — ' taken from the evil to come.'
One of those allusions is of great, though merely incidental,
interest in the biography of Ralegh. George Brooke had
written to his brother-in-law, in the January of 1603 — only
eight months before his execution- — a somewhat strange letter,
Cecil's reply to which is preserved. That letter shows that
Cecil had employed Brooke in some agencies — of which
nothing more is apparent, on the face, than that they were in
some sort political — and that Brooke mistrusted the extent of
Cecil's real confidence in him. It also shows that he was
jealous of the greater favour borne, as he thought, by Cecil to
their brother, Lord Cobham, with whom at that moment, it
would seem, he himself was not on very good terms.2 And
1 Cecil Papers (J sen. 1596-1597), vol. xxxvii. (Hatfield).
2 This dissension, however, had not usually existed between the brothers.
Only a short time before, honest William Lambarde, who was one of the
executors of William Lord Cobham— father of the Brookes, — when writing
to Lord Burghley about the provisions of Lord Cobham's Will, tells him

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTERLXX. 1596-I597.

i6o

Prefatory Note to Letter LXX.

PREFA
TORY
NOTE TO
LETTER
LXX. I596-I597-

he protests, in somewhat angry words, that his own "metal
was as pure as any, howsoever it be valued." Cecil replies
thus : — " Your care to send me your servant is very welcome,
for care is the companion of love. And the dearest bond that
ever I was tyed in made me think that I might challenge it ;
except I could have accused myself to have justly lost it. For
the sending to my Lord [Cobham], and not to you, it proceeded
of no private indisposition towards you, but from the inward
ness of my conversation with my Lord which both our fortunes
hath established in this place where we both ordinarily live ; as
also, this1 being so far from my esteeming worth inquisition.
I made bold with his Lordship to do me the courtesy — rather
accidentally than immediately — to advertise me of some cir
cumstances which made my friends carefuller than I was to
beat out that, of which for myself, I thank God, I have made
my audit ; as of all other hopes or fears, but of God's pro
vidence. For an answer to your profession to be made of ' as
pure a metal as any, howsoever you are valued : ' for the first
part, Sir, if you remember, from what stock you are a branch, —
you may conclude that / need no remembrance, being, next
yourself, as well able to guess at the mixture as any, when I
conceive that if any composition could be purer than other, I
had most tryal of it, to my infinite comfort ; till God found
me fit to be corrected with the privation. For the second part,
which concerns your value, 1 can say no more than this, that
the purest gold may be touched with pitch, and so less valuable
to those that otherwise would have prized it. That pitch, I
mean, — credulity of the practices of malice and envy ; whereof,
when you shall make separation, I confess there remains
nothing of the solid but that which may attract the best offices
"of him that never wronged you, but ever resolved to be your
assured friend and brother-in-law, R. C."2
that the brothers live on terms exemplarily good. Lambarde's letter is one
of great and curious interest. (MS. Harl. lxxxiii. British Museum.)
1 /. e. the transaction respecting which he had sent to Cobham.
2 Cecil Papers, vol. xci. § 85 (Hatfield).

Letter of Sympathy on the Death of Lady Cecil.

161

Whatever mysteries may yet hang over the plots and counter
plots of 1603, it is certain that George Brooke proved in the
issue to have been the instrument of the ruin, alike of his
brother Cobham and of Ralegh. It is also certain that mere
" credulity of the practices of malice and envy " could never
have ripened, save in a very congenial soil, into the con
summate baseness displayed both in the examinations and in
some of the letters of George Brooke,' after his arrest. In cer
tain particulars, his baseness exceeded his brother Cobham's ;
and that is saying not a little as to its depth. One letter of
his, addressed to Robert Cecil, — less dishonourable to Brooke's
memory than the letters just glanced at, — I have printed in the
Appendix to this volume. There also the reader will find a
very remarkable letter from the Bishop of Chichester respecting
a statement made by Brooke immediately before the admini
stration of the Holy Communion.

LXX.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxvii. (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, Because I know not how you dispose of your
sealf, I forbeare to vissitt yow ; preferringe your plesinge
before myne own desire. I had rather be with yow now
then att any other tyme, if I could therby ether take of1
frome yow the burden of your sorrows, or lay the greater
part therof on myne owne hart. In the mean tyme, I
would butt minde yow of this,— that yow should not
1 off.
VOL. II. M

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERLXX.

1 62

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXX.
I596-I597- Jan. 24.
A letter of
sympathy
and conso
lation on
the death
of Lady
Cecil.

overshaddo your wisdome with passion, butt looke aright
into things as the x are.
There is no man sorry for death it sealf, butt only for
the tyme of death ; every one knowing that it is a bonnd
never forfeted to God. If then wee know the same to
be certayne and inevitable, wee ought withall to take the
tyme of his arivall in as good part as the knowledge ; and
not to lament att the instant of every seeminge adversety,
whiche, we ar asured, have bynn on ther way towards us
from the begininge. It apartayneth to every man of a
wize and worthy spirritt to draw together into sufferance
the unknown future to the known present ; lookinge no
less with the eyes of the minde then thos of the boddy —
the one beholdinge afar of, and the other att hand — that
thos things of this worlde in which we live be not strange
unto us, when the1 approach, as to febleness, which is
moved with noveltes. Butt that, like trew men, partici
pating immortalletye, and know[ing] our destines to be
of God, wee do then make our estates and wishes, our
fortunes and desires, all one.
It is trew that yow have lost a good and vertuous
wife, and my sealf an honorable frinde and kynswoman.
Butt ther was a tyme when shee was unknowne to yow,
for whom yow then lamented not. Shee is now no more
your's, nor of your acquayntance, butt immortall, and
not needinge or knowing your love or sorrow. Therfore
yow shall but greve for that which now is as then it was,
when not your's ; only bettered by the differance in this,
that shee hath past the weresome jurney of this darke
worlde, and hath possession of her inheritance.
Shee hath left behind her the frute of her love, for
whos sakes yow ought to care for your sealf, that yow
leve them not without a gwyde, and not by grevinge to
1 they.

Letter of Sympathy on the Death of Lady Cecil.

163

repine att His will that gave them yow, or by sorrowing
to dry up your own tymes that ought to establishe
them. I beleve it that sorrows are dangerus cumpanions, con
verting badd into yevill and yevill in worse, and do no
other service then multeply harms. They ar the trea
sures of weak harts and of the foolishe. The minde
that entertayneth them is as the yearth and dust wheron
sorrows and adversetes of the world do, as the beasts of
the field, tread, trample, and defile. The minde of man
is that part of God which is in us, which, by how mich
it is subject to passion, by so mich it is farther from
Hyme that gave it us. Sorrows draw not the dead to
life, butt the livinge to death. And, if I weare my sealf
to advize my sealf in the like, I would never forgett my
patience till I saw all and the worst of yevills, and so
greve for all att once ; least, lamenting for sume one,
another might not remayne in the poure of Destiney of
greater discumfort.
Your's ever beyound the pour of words to utter,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritary to her Majestye.
Endorsed : "24 January, 1596 [legal style]. Sir Walter Raleigh to my
Master" and beneath, in the hand of William Cecil, second Earl
of Salisbury: "Sir Walter Ralegh's letter to my Father, touching
the deathe of my Mother.''

LETTER LXX.
1 596- 1 597-
Jan. 24.

M

1 64

Prefatory Note to Letter LXXI.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER LXXI.— RALEGH, ESSEX,
AND THE 'RICHARD THE SECOND' OF SHAKE
SPEARE.
TT is much easier to explain what it is which in this in
teresting — but somewhat obscure — letter, Ralegh tells
Cecil it is his wish " shall never alter,'' and the continuance of
which he believes to be " the trew way to all our good," than
even to conjecture what was that " conceit of Richard the
Second" which, when communicated to him from Cecil, made
the Earl of Essex so merry. Our curiosity about that is the
more reasonably excited, inasmuch as the comic merriment
of 1597, — if it grew out of the Play, — turned into very tragic
grief in 1601. All readers remember the remarkable way in
which 'Richard the Second' figures in the last scenes of the life
and death of Essex, and of his associates. Probably, if it were
possible to find the letter of Cecil to which this is a reply,
a gleam of strong light would be thrown, — perhaps on that
strange incident itself of 1601, but certainly on one of the
most obscure points in the literary history of the Plays of
Shakespeare. All Cecil's letters to Ralegh, however, have
disappeared. The quarrels of the myriad of Shakespeare ' commentators'
are far less surprising than is their marvellous agreement when
ever they have to face a real historical difficulty. Whether or
not a Play of Shakespeare helped, in its measure, to take the
head of Essex from his shoulders is a question — both literary
and historical — very worthy of earnest research. To a man,
the commentators have been telling us (now for almost two
centuries) that there was an " old play" on the " Deposition of
Richard the Second" which "Sir Gilly Meyrick procured to
be played before the Conspirators" on the eve of the Essex
insurrection; and that this "old play" was certainly "not

Ralegh, Essex, and Shakespeare's ' Richard the Second.'

i6S

Shakespeare's." When one inquires on what evidence this
confident assertion rests, the only attainable answer is that
there is no evidence at all. Camden's expression — ' tragediam
exoletam,' and the resembling words in the depositions, pre
served amongst our State Papers, prove nothing, either way.
It can need no argument to show that a play which had had
a great run in 1597 might be very 'stale' to the playgoers
of 1601 ; even if, in 1597, it had been new. Of an older
play than Shakespeare's "de tragicd abdicatione regis Ricardi
Secundi," as Camden calls it, no commentator or anybody else,
of recent days, ever saw a line. A playgoer of the time of
James the First has left, however, a notice of the performance
of a play, about Richard the Second, which seems to be
plainly other than Shakespeare's (whether it were really older
or later). But of that play, all the commentators again, who
have written since the discovery of the notice of it, agree in
asserting that it cannot, — from the terms in which its contents
are minutely described by the auditor of 161 1, — be the play
which was performed before the Essex conspirators in 1601.
On that theory, therefore, we are shut up to these three con
clusions : — (1) That there were two old plays on the story of
King Richard the Second, of neither of which a line is now
known to have been preserved ; (2) That both had actual
possession of the stage at some time within the years 1601 —
161 1 ; (3) That both held such occasional possession, notwith
standing the great popularity, on the same boards, and as
performed by the same company, of Shakespeare's play; — a
stage popularity so great, as to be followed by the printing of
two several editions, in the years 1597-98, within a few months
of each other. All this may really be true ; but it is a some
what tall superstructure for such a slight foundation as the one
word 'exoleta' in Camden's Annals, or the words 'old' and
'stale' in the Depositions of 1601 ; even when conjoined
with the curious entry printed by Mr. Collier from Simon
Forman's note-book of 161 1.
How worthily interesting this small item of our literary j

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERLXXI. 1597-

1 66

Prefatory Note to Letter LXXI.

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERLXXI.

I597-

history is will, perhaps, be best seen, if the ascertained points
of information about it be simply enumerated, in their order
of date : — I. In July 1597, Ralegh writes to Cecil that the
Earl of Essex was "wonderfull merry att Cecil's
consait of Richard the Second." 1
II. In August 1597, Andrew Wyse entered at
Stationers' Hall his copyright in Shakespeare's " Tra-
gedye of Richard the Seconde;'' and presently afterwards
published (without the author's name) an edition of
it, printed by Valentine Symmes.2
III. Early in 1598, Andrew Wyse entered and
published a new edition, with the author's name, and
from the press of the same printer.8 Neither of these
printed editions contains what is called the "Deposi
tion Scene." But there is ample reason to believe that
the omitted scene was performed, though not printed.
IV. Between July 1597 and February 1601, several
new plays by Shakespeare,-^-and many other new
plays, of course, by other authors, — were produced
and repeatedly performed in London.*
V. On the 7th February, 1601, Sir Gilly Meyrick—
one of the most conspicuous partisans and personal
followers of the Earl of Essex, as well as an officer of
his househqld— -desired the players of Shakespeare's
company to perform " the Play of the Deposition of
King Richard the Second." Augustyne Phillips, one
of that company, objected to the choice, " holding,"
as he afterwards told the Lords of the Council; on his
oath, — " that play to be so old and so long out of
yous, that they should have small or no cumpany at
yt." 5 Whereupon, to remove the objection, Meyrick
1 Letter LXXI. hereafter.
2 Register of Stationers Company, under A. D. 1597.
3 Ibid., under A.D. 1598. 4 Annals of the English Stage, 1597-1601.
5 Domestic Corresp. .. Eliz. 1601. (Unnumbered Papers. Rolls, House.)

Ralegh, Essex, and Shakespeare's 'Richard the Second.'

167

gave the players forty shillings ; and the play was
performed.1 There is no evidence that Essex saw it;
although he was charged by the Crown lawyers — after
their manner — with having feasted his eyes, by way of
foretaste, on the show of that which he hoped after
wards to execute — the deposition of his sovereign.2
Can the merry "conceit of Richard the Second," of this
letter written by Sir W. Ralegh in July 1597, refer to the
tragedy known to have been about that very time in course of
performance at the Globe Theatre in London ? If it probably
does so refer, What passage or incident in the Play can, at
that date, have turned Cecil's thoughts towards the Earl of
Essex? As we all know, 'King Richard the Second' abounds in
passages which glorify the " anointing balm,'' and denounce
the hands that impiously dare to " gripe the sacred handle of
the sceptre.'' Yet Shakespeare's 'deposition scene' was never
printed, so long as Queen Elizabeth lived. It appeared first,
in print, in the Edition of 1608. And finally, To what per
formance was it that the Queen herself alluded, when, in her
curious conversation about the Pandects of the Records, with
W'illiam Lambarde, on the 4th of August, 1601, she suddenly
startled him, by exclaiming — " I am Richard the Second, know
you not that ? " and was answered : " Such a wicked imagina
tion was, indeed, attempted by a most unkind gentleman, the
most adorned creature that ever your Majesty made;" — the
Queen herself presently adding :— " That tragedy was played
forty times in open streets and houses." 3
These questions are more easily asked than satisfactorily
answered. But it becomes obvious that the supposition of the
performance— in 1601— of "an old play" called 'Richard the-
Second; now totally unknown, leaves at least as many difficulties
1 Domestic Corresp. : Eliz. 1601. (Unnumbered Papers. Rolls House.)
° Ibid.; and Trial of the Earl of Essex, Appendix.
5 MS. Addit. 15664, fol. 226. (British Museum.)

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER LXXI.

1 68

Prefatory Note to Letter LXXI.

as it removes. There are in Shakespeare's play incidental
passages — as, for example, that famous passage in which the
Duke of Hereford is depicted as " wooing poor craftsmen with
the craft of smiles " — which bring Essex to the reader's mind
irresistibly, without any reference whatever to the Meyrick
incident of 1601. Shakespeare might well have painted that
whole passage from the life, and have had the Earl of Essex
as his sitter. That Cecil's application of some passage or
other — either in a play or in a book, entitled ' Richard the
Second! and recently seen or read, — to the Earl can (in 1597)
have conveyed no serious imputation of disloyalty, is just as
certain as it is that Ralegh's anticipation, in our present
letter, of " the better progression " of the Queen's affairs was
pointed at the recent union — or apparent union — of Essex
and Cecil, which had been brought about by his own efforts
and agency. The same post that on the 6th of July carried
this letter from Weymouth to Sir Robert Cecil at Court,
carried one from the Earl to the Queen (written at the same
place, on the same day), in which he expresses his loyal devo
tion to her service^ in terms that seem to bear the stamp of
sincerity. The prosperity of a jest is said to lie in the receptive ear.
It is quite as true that the perception, or apprehension, of
public harm in a play has many times lain entirely in the
sudden application, by an eager audience, of some striking
phrase or passage to some passing incident which had recently
excited public feeling. And it has sometimes happened that
the author has been not the least surprised observer of the
uproar. If evidence should hereafter be discovered that a
Play, the performance of which was thought entirely harmless
in 1597, awakened royal anger in 1601 ; the inconsistency will
be a fact much less surprising than would be the proof, — if it
be ever adduced, — that the friends of the Earl of Southampton,
as well as of the Earl of Essex, applied to Shakespeare's
company to perform, at the Globe Theatre, a Play of 'King
Richard the Second; which was not his ; — which was able to

'Richard the Second.'

169

keep the stage against his ; — and of which every line has now
disappeared. Thus far, however, such a belief has been an
act of faith with Shakespeare's editors — from the days of
Theobald down to our own.

LXXI.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. (Unarranged
Papers.) Holograph. Without date of year. (Rolls House.)
IN this hast and confusion of bussneses amonge so
many wantes and so great hast, I hope you will pardon
mee if I write litell, and that confusedly. Wee have all
written for supply. I beseich yow to further it, or to
looke for nothing att our hands ; for the tyme, together
with the multitude of mens boddes [ ?], hath such an
advantage over us, as wee shall not be abell to retch
the place of our greatest hope.
I acquaynted the Lord Generall 1 with your letter to
mee, and your kynd acceptance of your enterteyne-
mente ; 2 hee was also wonderfull merry att your consait
of ' Richard the Second! 3 I hope it shall never alter,
and whereof I shall be most gladd of, as the trew way
to all our good, quiett, and advancement, and most of
all for Her sake whose affaires shall thereby fynd better
1 The Earl of Essex.
a Essex and Ralegh had recently visited London, in company, and had
been "entertained" by Cecil. Had they also diverted their minds by a
visit, in company, to the Globe Theatre ?
a See, in addition to the Prefatory Note on this Letter, a passage in
Vol. I. p. 293.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER LXXI. 1597-

LETTER LXXI. 1597-
July 6.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
From Wey mouth. Preparations for
Island Voyage. — ¦
" Richard
the Second."

170

Letters of Ralegh.

progression. Sir, I will ever be your's; it is all I can
saye, and I will performe it with my life, and with my
fortune.
W. Ralegh.
Weymouth, the 6 of July [1597]-
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principalt
Secritary to Her Majesty.

LXXII.
[TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL?]
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. (Unarranged
Papers.) Without date of year. (Rolls House.)
*#* It appears by passages in a letter from the Earl of
Essex to Sir Robert Cecil, of the 23rd July, 1597, and in
Cecil's reply to that letter, dated 26th July, that a third letter
j was written by Sir Walter Ralegh, intermediately between
j these despatches of the 18th and 20th July ; which third letter
j is not now known to exist. The Earl says : " We wonder
1 we have not a word from you. Sir Walter Ralegh wrote
on Monday and Tuesday, and I sent Sir Thomas Gates on
Wednesday," l &c. Cecil answers : " For good Mr. Ralegh;
who wonders at his own diligence (because diligence and he
are not familiars 2), it is true that on Wednesday night, I being
1 Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth, as above. (Rolls House.)
2 This expression has been elaborately commented upon, as if written by
Cecil in the way of grave censure. The context shows that it is said
ironically. Readers of this volume will not lack proof that Ralegh's
" diligence" in writing was not less conspicuous than his energy in action ;
and must, occasionally, have been a little embarrassing to a much-Worried
Secretary of State. In the course — for example — of one May day, in tire
year immediately preceding, Sir Robert Cecil had been favoured with fdur
letters from Ralegh.

Disasters at jthe Outset of the Island ]royage.

171

at Greenwich and the Queen at Mr. Walsingham's, his letter
found me ; which I imparted on Thursday, as soon as the
Queen was ready, unto her ; and do confess that, in expecta
tion to hear of you, we did defer answer until Friday. .
Thus do you see that a man whose fortune sea/its him of means
to do you service, will not bear coals to be accused of dulness ;
especially by your Rear-Admiral, who, making haste but once
in a year, to write a letter in post, gave date from ' Weymouth'
to his last despatch, which, by the circumstances, I knew was
written from ' Plymouth.' " x The reader will observe that the
despatch of the 18th [Monday] bears date from Plymouth, as
does that also of the 20th [Wednesday]. It follows that, — if
Cecil's statement be not entirely made in error, — Sir Walter
must have written another despatch dated from Weymouth,
on Tuesday, the 19th of July. And this would agree with the
statement of Essex. The letter which follows has no address.
Although the news of our disseverance and storme-
beaten fleet bee most unpleasinge and discumfortabell,
as well unto us that have first felt and indured the
sorrow and danger, as unto her Majestye, to whom wee
had hoped to have presented sume better relation, yet
the extremetes being such as the2 are, I thought my
sealf bound to advertize the same.
Wee departed Plymouth on Sundaye night, beinge the
10th of this monenth, and held cumpany till Monday
night, beinge the 1 ith, when by reason of fowle weather
with thonder and mich winde and rayne, and for abat
ing sayle for the Mathew and the A ndrew, I lost sight
of my Lorde Generall.3 On Twesday morninge, my
sealf, the Bonaventer, the Mathew, and Andrew, were
together, and steered for the North Cape, not doubtinge
butt to have crost the fleet within six howres, butt att
1 Burghley Papers, in MS. Lansdowne, lxxxv. § 19. (British Museum.)
» tty 3 xhe Earl of Essex.

LETTER LXXI I.
1597.
July 18.
[To the
Lords
of the
Council.]
From Plymouth.
Disasters
at the
outset of
the Island
Voyage. —
Refitting
of the
Fleet.

172

Letters of Ralegh.

the instant the winde changed to the south, and blew
vehemently; so as wee putt our sealves under our fore
corses, and stood to the west into the sea. Butt on
Twesday night I perceved the Mathew to labor very
vehemently, and that shee could not indure that manner
of standinge of,1 and so putt her sealf a try with her
mayne course ; which I did also the better to hold her,
and the Andrew, with mee, being both of myne own
squadron. Notwithstandinge, in the morninge I had lost
sight of them both, and of divers other flibotes nire mee
overnight. The storme on Wensday grew more forsibell,
and the seas grew very exceeding lofty, that my sealf
and the Bonaventer had labor enough to beat it up.
Butt the night following, the Thursday, Freday, and
Seterday, the storme so increased, the shipps being
waighty, the ordenance great, and the billoes so raysed
and inraged, as wee could carry out no saile which to
our judgment would not have bynn rent of1 the yeards
by the winde ; and yet our shipps roled so vehemently,
and so disjoynted themsealvs, as wee weare driven ether
to force it agayne with our corses, or to sinke. In my
shipp it hath shaken all her beams, knees, and stanchens
well ny asunder ; in so mich as on Saterday night last
we made accompt to have yielded our sealvs up to God.
For wee had no way to worke, ether by triinge, hollinge,
or drivinge, that promised better hope ; our men beinge
wasted with labor and watchings, and our shipp so open
every wher, all her bulk-head rent, and her verye cook-
rome of brike shaken down into powder.
The Saterday morning I spake with your Lordships'
survant Captain WATSON, who came from the North
Cape, mysealf beinge, as hee told mee, the windermost
man of our fleet ; so as it seemed that my Lord Generall
1 off.

Disasters at the Outset of the Island Voyage.

173

was ether more to the westward or more asterne ; for
Captain WATSONNE had not then mett with any butt my
sealf. The same day also I spake with another small
man of war that came directly from the Cape, and hee
had not seen any but my sealf. I therefore, fynding the
extremety of the weather such, and perceving that my
Lorde Generall was asterne mee, bare up with a litle
peece of my forsaile to seeke hyme, butt could not cross
any one that could geve mee knowledge of hyme ; only
I know in reason he cannot butt be forced ether with
Ingland or Irland ; and my greatest feare notwithstand
ing is that hee willbe hyme sealf in sume extremetye,
before hee yeilde to putt backe, although it can be butt
too dayes sayling lost, and I know that the flibotes
which transport the army ar skattered into divers places.
Sume of them I found here att Plymouthe, with great
sickness amonge their cumpanyes, and the flibots brused,
the sailes rent, and ther other furneture wasted.
That which most greaveth mee, and which, I protest
before the majesty of God, I do constantly beleve, is
that ether my Lorde Generall hyme sealf will wrestell
with the seas to his perrill, or (constrayned to cum bake)
be found utterly hartbroken ; although it be not in the
powre of man to fight agaynst ellements.
I here that ther ar between thirtye and fourtye saile
putt to Falmouth, to which place I have sent overland
to know of what sort ; but my Lorde hyme sealf is not
among them.
I know not what cource to take here with thos which
importune me to supply them, sume with masts, sume
with sayles, sume having wett all their bredd, and others
that have a great many sicke soldiers which will shortly
infect all the rest. I understand that the fleet is stronge
in Farroll.

LETTER LXXI I.
1597-
July 18.

1 74

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXXII. 1597.
July 18.

LETTER LXX1II. 1597-
July 20.
To Sir R.
Cecil. From
Plymouth,

What shalbe cume of us I cannot judge ; when wee
shall cume together ; or how wee shall repaire the wracke
of this storme ; the tyme of the yeare being so advansed.
You, my good Lordes, can judge how wee shalbe
abell to beat it up with thes waighty shipps. I dare not
advize. It weare to great a presumpsion ; the persons
and natures of the affaires being as the x are.
God send it a blessed end. I beseich your Honors to
direct mee with all speed, and herewithall I humblie
take my leve. From Plymouthe this Mundaye yevening,
the 18 of July [1597]- Your Honors to serve you, W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — Here ar none of her Majesties shipes
butt the Wastspight and the Bonaventer. The Lorde
send us good newse of the Mathew and Andrew. I
hope to here of them, ether in Falmouth or in Torre
Baye. The wind doth remayne forcibell att the writing
hereof, and like rather to increas then slaken.

LXXIII.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.

Domestic Correspondence; Elizabeth. (Unarranged
Without date of year. (Rolls House.)

From the Original. Papers. )
Sir, This Wensday morninge my Lorde Generall is ex
pected here att Plymouth, beinge on Twesdaye night
putt into Falmouth in great extremetye and imminent
perrill of sinking in the sea, which I knew would betyde
hyme err hee would yeild to ether seas or winds. The
1 they.

Disasters at the Outset of the Island Voyage.

175

Matheii) and Andrew and the Mary Rose (wherein the
Marshall is) ar also arived ; the Dreadnought is in Fal
mouth with the Mere Honor. The Admirall of Hollande,
with some three or four of his squadron, ar also cum in.
Most of thes shipps have crakt theire masts and ar
mervelus leake, especially my Lorde Generalls own
shipp. I thinke by this Wensday night all the rest
wilbe on the coast. The most of the longe botes ar lost,
and all the barges. I have here withall sent your Honor
a very trew report of the state of the army at Farroll.
What your Honors will resolve I cannot forthinke ; in
the meane tyme, Sir, I beseich yow to worke from her
Majestye summe comfort to my Lorde Generall, who, I
know, is dismayed by these mischances, eeven to death ;
although ther could not be more dun by any man uppon
the yearth, God havinge turned the heavens with that
fury agaynst us, a matter beyound the powre, or valure,
or will, of man, to resiste, and such accidents as-the warr
draweth with itsealf. This much I thought my sealf
bound to lett your Honor understand of, being among
thes miseres herein cumforted that my Lord Generall
hyme sealf hath escaped such a perrill, and thos other
too shippes the Mathew and Andrew saved, which I
most vehemently feared. Plymouthe, this 20 July [1597].
Your Honor's, to your service,
W. Ralegh.
The shipps alreddy arrived ar — The Mere Honor, the
Wastspighte, the Bonaventure, the St. Mathewe, the St.
Andrew, the Mary Rose, the Dreadnought, the Admirall
of Holland; with sume 25 saile of other sortes.

LETTER LXXIII. 1597-
July 20.
Disastersat the out
set of the
IslandVoyage. —
Report on
the condi
tion of
Ferrol.

Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir R. Cecyl, Knight, Principall Secretory of
Slate to her Highnes.

176

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXXIV. 1597-
July 26.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
FromPlymouth.
Proceed
ings of
the Fleet.

LXXIV.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. (Unarranged
Papers. 1597; formerly numbered '189.') Holograph. Without
date of year. (Rolls House.)
Sir, I HUMBLIE thanke you for your letters. I can add
nothinge of substance to the generall letter. I only
send thes to remember my love and service.
My Lord Generall J is my guest in the Wast-spight,
[with] 2 the Earle of Ruttland, Sir Thomas Germyne,
Allexander Ratklife, and Sir R. Mansfelde. I
should have taken it unkyndly if my Lorde had taken
up any other lodging till the Lion cum. And now her
Majestye may be sure his Lordship shall sleape some
what the sounder, though hee fare the worse, by being
with mee ; for I ame an excelent watchman att sea.
Wee only attend the winde ; having repayred as mich
as wee can our bruses. Butt wee shall not bee in any
great corage for winter weather and longe nights, in thes
shipps. I trust wee shall performe whatsoever — and more —
can be don with like strenght and means. Sir, I pray
love us in your element, and wee will love and honor
you in ours and every wher. And remayne to be cum
manded by you for evermore, W. RALEGH.
[Postscript.]— Sir, I pray vouchsaufe to remember
mee in all affection to my Lorde CoBHAME.
Plymouth, the 26 of July [1597].
Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritory to her Highnes.
Endorsed :
id July, 1597. Sir Walter Raleighe to my Master. From Plymouthe,
1 The Earl of Essex. 2 Omitted in MS.

Proceedings of the Fleet in the ' Island Voyage. '

177

LXXV.

TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original.

Sir,

Cecil Papers, vol. Iv. § 21 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date of year.

I THOUGHT my sealf bound by this bearer to lett
your Honor know the fortuns wee have passed since our
departinge Inglande, which was the 18 of August. Att
which tyme, havinge the winde very bare att north-west,
and afterward more westerly, wee weare forst into the
Baye of Biskey, and had great payns in torninge out.
In which forsibell weather the St. Andrew^ spent her
mayntopmaste ; and, as I hard by a barke of the Fleet
that the Mattheew had spent her maynmast and was
left in the Bay, I hope yow have hard of her, or else
God cumfort them.
About the 26, wee recovered the Cape Prior with a
very prest sayle, and uppon the very dublinge I also
lost my mainyearde, — broken into yeven peeces in the
midle, which I was forst to lay on 2 over the other, and
so make it shorter ; and have past with it to the hight
of the Rocke.3 My Lord Generall, after he had cum
unto mee and seen my mishape, stood in with the North
Cape, and [in] the yeveninge sent unto mee to stand in
also. Butt as I was forst to drive before the winde, and
not able to ly by a winde, without a maynesayle, the
sea beinge also miche growne, I passed on toward the
1 One of the prizes which Ralegh had taken in the harbour of Cadiz.
2 „,., 3 The ' Rock ' of Lisbon.

LETTER LXXV. 1597-
Sept. 8.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
From Terceira. Proceed
ings of
the Fleet
in the
'Island
Voyage.' —
Account
of the
greatstormsmet with
in the Bay
of Biscay.

VOL. II.

i78

Letters of Ralegh.

Rocke, — being the secound rendezvous agreed on, and
sent word to my Lorde that I would attend hyme ther.
Ther stayed with mee of her Majesties shipps the
Dreadnought only, who never leaft mee in that first
and a greater mischance ; for, tarriing att the Rocke 3
dayes for my Lorde Generall, I receved letters from
hyme by a pinnes to follow hyme att the Hands ; in
which course my maynemast also fayled. I had with
me my cussen Sir WILLIAM BROKE in the Dreadnought,
20 voluntary barks of the west countrey that came out
with mee, and 3 flibotes of soldiers of the Low Countres,
Brett, Conway, and Sydney. Sydne's flibote
foundred. Butt I saved hyme and all the soldiers. I
had also that mett mee sume 3 of the vitlers of London,
— the Georg, the Gamaliell, and the Gift. I have not
withstanding followed my Lord's order to cum to the
Hands, and I am now, this 8 of September, in sight of
Tercera, having chosen rather to perishe than to relin
quishe the enterprize ; and, the Lord douth know, in a
tome shipp. Butt her Majestye shall fynd that I valew
not my life ; although I hope that her Majestye would
not that I should perishe in vayne.
I hope after too dayes to fynd my Lorde Generall
and the fleet, with whom, I thinke, all the rest of her
Majesties shipps ar, butt the Mathew with poore GEORG
Carew.1 It is a carfull and perelus tyme of the yeare
1 Sir George Carew, in the St. Matthew, — one of the prizes taken by
Ralegh at Cadiz, — had been constrained by stress of weather to put into
Rochelle. On the 10th of September— two days after Ralegh's letter from
Terceira— he wrote to the Secretary that he had in vain endeavoured to
follow the fleet, overland ; and that "the shyppe withe much perill hathe
bene safelye brought home, and is now att an anker att St. Hellen's Poynt
by Portsmouthe." He entreats also that if the Queen have any despatches
for Essex he may be made the messenger, in one of the ships then lying in
the Downs ; adding that he would have attended the Secretary in person,
but for considerations connected with the stores of the St. Matthew,— -as

Incidents of the Island Voyage.

179

for thes wayghty shipps. The Lorde ol Heaven send
us all well to returne, and send us the good hape to do
her Majestie acceptable service ; to performe which wee
have alreddy suffered miche. For my particuler, I have
never dared to rest since my wreacks, and God douth
judge that I never for thes 10 dayes came so mich as in
to bedd or cabbin.
In hast, I kiss your hands, and will honor yow ever.
Tercera, the 8 of September [1597].
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To tlie right honorable Sir Robert Cecylle, Knight, Principall
Secritory to her Majestye. Hast, &c.
/ or Her Majesties especiall affaires. Delivered at Tercera, the 8 of
September. W. Ralegh.
Endorsed, by Sir R. Cecil : " 9 of September [1597]. Sir W. Ralegh
to me, from the Tercera." [It also bears an endorsement of the
Postmaster of Crewkerne, dated 7 October.]

LXXVI.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the OriginaL

Sir,

Cecil Papers, vol. lvi. § 17 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date of year.

This bearer will go presently into Spayne and vew
all the portes, by whome you shall be ascertained of all
"sayler's fingers be limetwigs." (Cecil Papers, vol. Iv. § 28.) In a sub
sequent letter he tells Cecil that the size and equipment of the St. Matthew
excited such astonishment at Rochelle, that during the course of his brief
stay in that harbour the ship was visited by more than four thousand
persons. (Ibid. § 32.) The junction of Ralegh's squadron with the main
fleet under Essex took place exactly one week after the date of the letter
written from off Terceira.
N 2

i8o

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXXVI. 1597-
Oct. 13.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromDurham House.Proposi
tion for the
sending of
a secret
emissary to examine
the Ports
of Spain.

the King's preparations ; what is becume of this late fleet
that was att the Hands ; wher1 thos, with the rest, be
held in reddines or discharged. I will undertake for the
honesty of the man. He hath the King's pass wherby
he may saufly look into the ports. Hee only desirs, for
the countenance of the matter, a small bulk of wheat
or rye. Yow cannot devise a fitter waye to discover all
his pretence.
Therfore I pray cummend it, and dispatch it with
haste. From Derum House, this xiii of October [1597].
Your asured frinde to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.]— If I had bynn well, I would have
waited on yow my sealf.
Addressed :
To my honorable friend, Sir Robert Cecill, Knight.
Endorsed, by Sir R. Cecil :
Syr Waiter Ralegh to me. 13 October, 1597.

LETTER LXXVI I.
1597.
Oct. 29.

LXXVII.
SIR WALTER RALEGH, THE LORD THOMAS
HOWARD, AND THE LORD MONTJOY, TO
THE EARL OF ESSEX.
From the Original. Wholly in the hand of Sir Walter Ralegh
(signatures, of course, excepted). Cecil Papers, vol. lvi. § 61 (Hatfield).
Without date of year.
Our very good Lorde,
Wee have this Saterday night receved the cumfort-
abell newse of George Summer's arivall, whos letter
wee have here withall sent your Lordshipp. Wee do

1 So in MS. for 'whether.'

Proceedings of the Fleet.

ibT

only now want the Andrew. For other small shipps, we
hope they will as well profitt by the winde or otherwize
to save them sealvs, as the rest have dunn. Thes beinge
all well returned ; her Majesties kyngdoms defended ;
the enemy dishonored and made a great looser ; and the
warr made upon our enimis charge ; wee hope, — together
with the considerations of our great travells and cares, —
her Majestye will receve our service in gratius part.
Wee have not hard of any certayne particular of the
Spanishe Fleet since your Lordshipp's departure, other
then that sume of ours, in reto ming, do discover 10, 12,
or more, in a cumpany, of them, as they ar broken.
Only I, Sir WALTER Ralegh, receved an advertisment
this yevening that the Fleet should be ' nire the coast of
Cornwale,' and by thos very words, not otherwize forte-
fied by any particuler, nor by what means they who
wrat this newse receved it.
Notwithstanding, wee have resolved that I, the Vice-
admirall,1 will go of 2 to the seas with thos few shipps
which may be made reddy ; and that I, the Levetenant
Generall,3 will attend this port and the country adjoyn-
ing ; and I, the Levetenant of Cornwale, use all means
possebell to defend that country.
Herewithall wee humblie cummend our affections and
services to your Lordshipps,4 and rest reddy to be
cumanded by your Lordshipp,
T. Howard.
C. Mountjoye.
W. Ralegh.

LETTER
LXXVII. 1597-
Oct. 29.
Sir W.
Ralegh
and others
to the
Earl of
Essex.From Plymouth. Proceed
ings of the
Fleet ; and
news of
the
Spaniards.

[POSTSCRIPT.] — Captayne RUGWAY, in cumminge
by the Lizarde, was mett by on6 of the Spanishe
1 Lord Thomas Howard. 2 off.
3 Charles Lord Montjoy, Lieutenant- General of the land forces.
4 So in MS.— in the plural. s one.

182

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTERLXXVH. 1597-
Oct. 29.

LETTER
LXXVIII. 1597-
Oct. 30.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
FromPlymouth.
News of
the SpanishFleet.

Fleet nire Falmouth, too of his men kilde, and eyght
hurt. Plymouth, the xxix of October [1597]-
Addressed :
To the right honorable our singuler good Lorde, the Earle of Essex-,
Lorde Generall of her Majestis Force and Fleet. Delivered att
Plymouth att 12 a clock att night the xxix of October. Hast, post,
hast ; hast for life with speed possibell. For her Majesties most
important affaires, from the Levetenant of Cornwall, W. Ralegh.
Endorsed :
1597. 29 Oct. Lord Thomas Howard, Lord Mountjoy, Sir Walter
Raleigh, to my Lord of Essex. Captaine Sommers arryved.
Captaine King mett nere Falmouthe, and fought withall by some
of the Spanishe fleet.

LXXVIII.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lvi. (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date of year.
Sir, Wee have written a joynt letter to my Lord
Generall, of an advertisment brought by on1 BOWDEN
of Plymouth, who fought with on l of the flibots of warr
of the Spanishe fleet in 42 degrees, and 30 leaugs of 2
the Cape. The particularites I send yow here inclosed,
though not in that forme as in the Lorde Generall's
letter: for this being the first examination wee did
afterward marshall it. Other newses ther ar none, butt
that this day ther came another small barke in, of
Spark's of Plymouth, that also mett Georg Carew,

1 one.

"' "ff-

News of the Spanish Fleet.

183

and sayth hee had repaired his maynmast ; so as I hope
he may better shift bothe with the weather and the
enemy. Leving all idle protestations, I am your servant,
W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — I humblie beseich yow to excuse mee
to my Lord Admirall, and that this coppy may serve his
Lordshipp also, and to my cussen STANHOPE and to my
Lorde Cobhame. For we ar here made madd with
intricate affaires and want of means. Plymoth, the 30
of October, att night.
This captayne reported unto us of his own voluntary
that the Earle our generall hath as mich fame and re
putation in Spayne and Italy as ever, and more then,
any of our nation had ; and that for an enemy he is the
most honored man in Europe. My Lord Thomas
HOWARD was present, my Lord Montjoye, my Lord
Marshall and my sealf; and hence1 . . hea shall not take
it for flattery on my part. My Lord Monjoy prayeth
me to recumend his affection and service unto your
Honor.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritory to her Majesty.
Endorsed :
1597. 30 Oct. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master.
1 Here a word seems to have been obliterated.

1 84

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXXIX. 1597-
October.
Sir W.
Ralegh
and Lord
T. Howard
to the Earl
of Essex.
Intelligence of
the SpanishFleet.

LXXIX.
SIR W. RALEGH AND LORD THOMAS HOWARD
TO THE EARL OF ESSEX.
From the original Draft. Cecil Papers, vol. lvi. § 81 (Hatfield). Wholly
in Sir W. Ralegh's hand. Imperfect ; the commencement being
wanting. Without address, signature, or date.
[See the Letter to Sir Robert Cecil which follows.]
the Fleet was devided into 4 squadrons : the
first, — that of the Adelantado, who had green pendants ;
the second, — of DlEGO BROCHERON, who had yellow
pendants ; the thirde, — of Britendona, who had redd ;
and the 4th, — of CEBURES, who had white. Ther was a
5 th squadron, of Marco Arambull, who was to cume
with 30 sayle more, and 5,000 men for supply.
The masters of the Camp were Don John DE Lova,1
Don Farnando Brocheron y Orosa, who was ex
pected out of Britayne.2
Sume of thes Spanierds examined say ther came out
together but 1 10. Butt the alferes of the Spanish cap-
tayne avoweth that they weare 160. They say that
they departed the Gwyne3 St. Lucas daye, as they
thinck the 10 of October. They do farther confess —
severally examined — that this fleet came all within 20
leaugs of the Lisard joyntly and entire ; and ther met
the storme at east, which severed them. After which,
this shipp, taken by BOWDEN, never saw but on i of his
consortts, which was sene 20 leags from the coast of
Spayne. 1 Here the word ' and ' seems to have been omitted.
5 Brittany. 8 Corunna. 4 one.

News of the Spanish Fleet.

185

The Spanish captain is called John Viveres, a
Biscaien. He levied the cumpany hyme sealf in his
countrey, and hee avoweth that ther weare 40 gallions
of the King, of which he knew the names butt of thes : —
the St. Pole, in which the Adelantado went ; the St. Peter,
admiraute ; the St. Lucas, — was cast away cuming out
of Farroll ; the St. Francis ; and the St. John. 1 5 great
Biscaien shipps; 60 great Esterlings ; 10 or 12 fiibotes,
besids freich x and carvells.
Ther was also expected 17 sayle of shipps out of the
Streyts, which fleet another bark of Plymoth of Spark's
— which arived also this present — saw att the South
Cape. Hee sayth that ther weare of infantry, betwen
10 and 12,000; of horss, 500. And 5,000 foot were
expected with Marco Arambull, a Biscayne.
They all confess that they came six dayes on with
good wind, and then taken with the storme. The 2
brought also feld artilery, with store of moyles3 and
oxen. The generall of the artillery was Don PEDRO DE
GUAVARA. Being axed what Inglishe weare in the
fleet, they say, divers ; butt they knew name of none
butt Richard Burley. Of Irishe ther was on 4 cum
pany entire.
Being asked what provision of boates to lande 5
soldiers, they say 20, made of purpose capabell of 200
men apeece, beseds thos of the shipps. Being demanded
what vitell, they answere that the fleet had butt 6 weeks,
for it was determined that, as soon as the men weare
ashore, the fleet should returne.
They do avow all [tojgather that the place of discent
should be Falmouth. This Inglishman, BOWDEN, pass
ing by the Lisard the 28 of this moneth of October, saw

1 So in MS. 2 They. 3 mules.
5 This word is doubtful, being nearly illegible.

1 86

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXXIX. 1597-
October.

LETTER LXXX. 1597-
Nov. 6.

12 sayle nire the head-land, but could not make them;
and the Spanish prisoners say they thinke these 1 not be
of their fleet, because they had no pendants ; which wee
thinke themsealvs tooke in because they weare so few.
This BOWDEN also reporteth that he saw to 2 very
great shipps of3 Silley as hee came ; and, as we gather
bothe by the circumstances and by the confestion of the
prisoners that this poore man fought verie resolutely,
and, having butt 28 men and boyes, tooke this flibote
by an entry 4 — who had 40 soldiers besids saylers — and
yet slew not one butt att the entrance.5 Of whos good
service, and the better to incorage others, wee humblie
pray your Lordship to have consideration.

Endorsed :
1597-

Oct. Advises concerning the Spanish
Walter Raleigh.

LXXX.

t; sent by Sir

THE LORD THOMAS HOWARD, THE LORD MONT
JOY, SIR WALTER RALEGH, AND SIR FRANCIS
VERE, TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lvi. § 110 (Hatfield). In the
hand of an amanuensis. Signed.
May yt please your good Lordships,
We thinck yt oure duties to advertise your Lord
ships that we have now receaved knowledg from Sir
Frauncis Godolphin 6 of a Spanish barck putt into
1 So in MS. Perhaps ' could ' omitted. 2 two% 3 0g_
* I. e. in boarding her. <* So in MS., the sentence being left unfinished.
6 In letters addressed by Godolphin to Sir Walter Ralegh on the 2nd
Nov. One of these letters is in the same volume of Cecil Papers, No. 98,

Proceedings of the Fleet.

187

St. Ives in Cornwaile whose captayn, called Juan
TRIEGO, was taken in her, and his alferes,1— about whom
were found the captayn's commission, signed by the
Adelantado, a ticket for their rendezvous in Falmouthe,
and another patent for reward of the sayed Juan
TRIEGO, for taking sondrie fishermen uppon this coast ;
of which we send herin unto your Lordships the ori
ginals : leaving unto your grave judgments such farther
collections as may be made upon them. And this we
have thought the more necessarie to be presented unto
your knowledges, because the sayed Captayn, Juan
Triego, hath been imployed this 2 or 3 yeare uppon
this coast in taking of smale barcks, of which he hath
taken many.
We also send herewith unto your Lordships a printed
copie of the orders to be observed in the Spanish armie
and fleete. Now, because out of these and other intel
ligences yt hath appeared unto us, and may appear unto
your Lordships, under the Adelantadoe's hand, that
Falmouth was the place which they porposed first to
take hold of, we have thought good to send 200 of the
700 which are heere of the old souldiers unto Falmouthe.
Because yt shalbe no other charge unto her Majestie
then now yt is ; and that place being of so great im
portance, and so ill defensed, we have presumed to
hasten them thether.
We are, before we conclude, to advertise your Lord
ships that the fliboates of the Low Cuntries which
should transport the souldiers are departed without
owre consente.
and is thus endorsed in Ralegh's hand : " A letter of Sir Francis Godolphin,
declaring the weakness of Pendennis Castle and the importance of the
place ; " but this letter begins with intelligence about the Spanish ship.
1 ' Standard-bearer,' acting as lieutenant.

LETTER LXXX. 1597-
Nov. 6.
Sir W.
Ralegh
and others
to the
Lords
of the
Council. Proceed
ings of the
Fleet. —
News of
theSpaniards.

Letters of Ralegh.

And so, recommending owre selvs humbly to your good
Lordships' favors, we rest, readdy to doe your Lordships
all humble service,
T. Howard.
C. Mountjoye.
W. Ralegh.
F. Vere.
[Postscript.] — We humbly desire to have order from
your Lordships concerning the Spanish prisoners heere,
which stand the Queene in 14 pound aweeke, after 6d. a
man. From Plemouth, this 6 of November, 1597.
Addressed :
To the right honorable owre verie good Lords, the Lords and others of
her Majesties Privy Counsayle.
Endorsed, by Sir R. Cecil :
6 November, 1597. The Lord Thomas and the Lord Montjoy and
others to the Lords ; with the Report of a captaine of the Spanish
shypp taken in St. Ives.

LXXXI.
THE LORD THOMAS HOWARD, THE LORD
MONTJOY, AND SIR WALTER RALEGH, TO
THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers, 1597 (formerly numbered '272'). (Rolls House.) Inthehand
of an amanuensis. Signed.
OUR duties most humbly remembred. We receaved
two letters from your Lordships : the one of the 3d, the
other of the 5 of November. By the 5 th wee perceave
that your Lordships have sent downe Mr. CARMARDEN

Conclusion of Island Voyage.

189

to take order for the unlading of the prize ; com-
maunding us to direct two or three of the shipps of
London to transport yt, and some of her Majesties to
guarde it about.
May yt please your Lordships to knowe that there
are heere now, of the shipps of London, left but the
Guiana only, which is of good defense ; a verie excellent
sayler ; and draweth little water. We doe therefore
porpose to putt a part into her, and the rest into the
Rainbowe ; which shipp is also of easy drawght, and
may passe by the Thames as conveniently as any of the
marchants. And because we would be glad to have the
goods of the great prize at Dertmouth delivered unto
the Commissioners well conditioned, — least yt may be
sayed that spoyle hath been made while it hath been in
the custodie of such as my Lord General committed the
charge unto, we have desired Sir GELLI MERICK to be
present at the deleverie and waying of the same, as we
have donn for the rest unladen heere ; and afterward
we will leave yt to the charge of the sayed Commis
sioners. And because Sir Walter Rawleigh hath
appoynted a meeting at Falmouth in Cornewaile to take
a second vew of that place and how yt may be defended,
we have left the care unto him at his return to ride by
Dertmouth, as well to see the Guiana and the Rainbowe
provided of all things necessarie, as to conferr with the
Commissioners how the goods shalbe bestowed in the
shipps, and that bulke-heads be made to devide yt from
the victuall and repayre of the Compagnie. Now, for
her Majesties shipps, my Lord THOMAS HAWARD doth
determin with the first wynde to sett sayle, and by
God's favor to make all possible speede to conduct
them to Chattam.
We have also this day receaved the Examination of

LETTER LXXXI. '597-
Nov. 9.
Joint letter of
Lord T.
Howard, Lord
Montjoy,and Sir W.
Ralegh,
to the
Council. FromPlymouth.Conclusionof Island
Voyage,
andarrangements about Prizes.

190

Letters of Ralegh.

one Perez, Captayn of the smale barck putt in at St.
Ives, which agreeth with the rest in generality; but he
addeth that there are 35 gallies appoynted also to be
joyned to this fleete ; and delivereth this particularity of
the horse : That there were, for certeyn, 500 ; — whereof
50 died ; of oxen, 200 ; of carrs for draught, 200 ; of
mules, 50.
Juan Trigo hath, since owre last, confessed that there
were in this fleete 30 captayns of the Low Cuntries ;
that the Adelantado was appoynted to tarry, and DlEGO
Brochero to returne with the fleete ; and that the next
yeare they ment to sett up there rest for this kingdome ;
hoping, in the meane while, to hold any peece of grownd
in England, where soever they should take foote.
And so, humbly recommending our selvs to your good
Lordships' favors, we rest readdy to doe your Lordships
all humble service,
T. Howard.
C. Mountjoye.
W. Ralegh.
From Plimouth, this 9th of November, 1597.
Addressed :
To the right honorable owre verie good Lords, tlie Lords and others of her
Majesties most honorable Privy Counsayle.
Endorsed :
'597- Vice-Admiralls Lord Thomas Howard, Lord Mountjoye, Sir
Walter Raleighe, to the Lords.

Proposed Enterprises against Spain.

191

LXXXII.
TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL?
From the Original. Wholly in the hand of Sir Walter Ralegh.
MS. Cotton, Otho E ix. fol. 377, formerly numbered '34.6' (British
Museum)- Mutilated, having been partially burned in the fire at
Ashbumham House. Without date.

How this fleet and army of Her Majestye
. . beinge now with the latest to lande at the
Hands . many dangers and dificultes
in the enterprize of Farroll. 1 this course, if
it shall like Her Majestye and your Lordships.
. [There have2] past to the Indies this
yeare, in March, Aprill, and Maye, fourscore [ships, with
purpose2] to returne treasor and marchandize. [In2] the
last yeare, 1596, by reason of the sackinge of Calize and
burninge [of the2] fleete, ther was made no returne, so
as this yeare the treasor which should [have2] cum with
the last, and whatsoever is gathered since, is to be trans
ported now. Because ther is no suspition of any
attempt to be made in the Indies [this year ; and also2]
that the Spanishe kinge would be in effect utterly
broken if this duble returne weare surprised, wee do
thincke it a matter very feasibell with the on[e] half of
Her Majestye's fleet now att Plymouth, and with a third
part of the army, to performe the same.
Out of the 16 sayle of shipps of Her Maiesties to
take eyght, and with the vitell of the others to furnishe
1 [ ? We do therefore recommend].
2 The words within brackets are supplied, either from traces remaining
on the burnt MS., or from the plain necessity of the context.

LETTERLXXXII. 1597-
To the
Lordsof the
Council ?
ProposedEnter
prises
against Spain.

192

Letters of Ralegh.

the rest for one moneath or six weeks,1 to that which
now remayneth in The vitell provided here for
the supply, will make two moneaths vitell more ; and
with the remaynder of that which shalbe saved out of the
flibotes wee shalbe able to [furnish2] the Fleet by us
desired for six moneaths. In which tyme, or less, wee
shalbe abell by [your Lordships'2] favor to go and
returne ; and sufficient pourfull to master and possess
all the King's shipps in the Indies.
The occasion never served so fitly, for hee is no way
warned. For whensoever this enterprize shalbe under
taken of purpose, and that ther be any suspect therof,
the Spanishe kinge will use so many preventions as the
labor and charge on our syde will evermore be loste and
made frustrate.
The Spanishe Fleet now att Farroll is not in any estate
to cum out, and by that tyme in which wee shalbe
reddy to depart it wilbe no tyme of the yeare to make
invasions or incursions by sea.
Wee shal only be wantinge in the dead of Winter,
and be abell to returne in the Spring, sufficient tymely
to aunswere any attempt from Spayne.
In keepinge the seas upon the first pretence of Farroll
and the Hands wee shall spend three moneaths, wherein
wee shalbe shaken and weather-beaten, with small hope
of profitt. And to possess all his Indian Fleet will
require but two moneaths more, and the navigation of
less perrill. And the strenght which wee desire to carry
shalbe butt too shipps more then that which3 was
alloted to Sir Francis Drake and Sir JOHN
Hawkings.
1 Here the word " added " seems to have been omitted in the haste of
writing. 2 See note 2 on page 191.
3 In the writer's evident haste this word is, in the MS., repeated.

Proposed Enterprises against Spain.

193

Her Majesties charge is alreddy past, which wee all
desire to convert to Her Maiesties greater profitt. To
which purpose wee fynde this enterprize to offer it sealf,
which wee assure our sealves will returne the greatest
profitt to Her Maiestye, and the greatest losse to the
enemye, then ever any attempt did in Her Maiestye's
tyme. . .

[The rest is wanting.]

LXXXIII.

LETTER LXXXII. 1597-

TO SIR JOHN GILBERT, THE YOUNGER.
From a Transcript1 made tor Dr. Thomas Birch, from the original (but
mutilated) letter, then in the possession of Major Pomeroy Gilbert,
Fort-Major of Plymouth. MS. Addit. 4231, ff. 85, 86 (British
Museum). Without date.

[ The top of the letter and the corresponding part of the sheet, towards
the end, had disappeared, when the transcript was made.]
met. I had reason . discovered
your not trusting . . towards me, both in the
. . . . witness then hyme sealf, when .
importuned and vexed in your causes. And you .
. . care of you. It is enough that he knows that I
scorn otherwise to plead it now. But I knew the
contents of your letter by arguments used by him.
Comparing those with myne own letter, I also found
that somewhat was written that I might not see ;
because he refused to shew me your's.
1 I have taken no small pains — without much success — to learn whether
or not the original of this letter is still in existence. Sir John Gilbert, to
whom it was addressed, is now represented by the present Walter Ralegh
Gilbert, Esq. of The Priory, near Bodmin, who has informed me that the
letter is not in his possession.
VOL. II. O

LETTER
LXXXIII. 1597?
To Sir
John Gilbert, the
younger. Participa-
tion in the
profits of a
privateer ing adven
ture. —
Personal
affairs.

194

Letters of Ralegh.

For this adventure itsealf, there was never any other
thinge demanded by mee then a third of the Lord
Admirall's forth part. Be the sums more or lesse, all
was and ys only that third of a forth. Either I will
have it, or you shall have it. And when you were
concluded before with a forth part, what was it to you
how the rest had byne devided ; unless, as it seemed, it
was amiss that I had it. For your fear of my threaten-
ings, it was not doubted that you heard them ; neather
did I threaten anythinge but the recovery of that part,
which I will still have, withoute your healpe. And it is
trew I labored foolishly to put by your cussen COLE,
and others, of whom I could have had as good a part as
most of the best adventurers, if I had not respected your
profit more then I finde canbe in your ungratefull nature
to deserve. Now to the rest. —
Wher you say you followed the worst of my fortunes
in despight of envy, I pray forget not your sealf; nor do
not so much mistake my fortunes, but that when they
were at worst they were better then the best of your
owne, and were abell enough to steed my frends, and
despise the rest.1 And for envy, it were a Strang con-
saite to think that a nephew should be envied for going
to the warrs with his unkell ; you being then of no
abilletie ; your unkell livinge.
For your command under Sir JOHN NORRICE, it is
not unknown to me what it was; or, if it might have
been more, in whose respect it had byn. For Sir John
NORRICE him selfe ever needed me ; I never needed
hyme, nor his healpe. And the private jurney to
Guiana had as much honor as the publick jurney of
Britayne,2 and you was as private in Britayne as in
1 This word is doubtful.
2 I.e. the expedition to Brittany, under Norreys.

Participation in the Profits of a privateering Adventure.

I9S

Guiana. I advise you to be just, as well in Britayne as
wheresoever [See the remark at the beginning of this letter.]
And such .
was no shame
the other for spending you
is a riddle to me, for
had no fortune to spend at Cadiz.
Of the reputation that you have, forget not that you
had it cheifly with your tittle 1 in those ; and from what
beginnings hath growne the rest whatsoever. After you
had of your owne, yow went for your sealfe ; and, if I
did not adventure to your liking, yow must know that
ther was more land then to discend unto yow, then 2 to
any of myne. And my estate being outwent so farr in
debt, I could not neglect a sonne and a wife. Your
fortunes had partye and tyme to make them. Myne
had neather ; and yet be not so forgetfull, or say that I
adventured nothing. For if I had £200 of Lorde COB-
HAM, I adventured ^400 worth of ordenance which I
could have sold for so mich more ; which ordenaunce
have been fortunate enough unto yow ever since, though
contrary to me, by reason that no man durst buy the
sugars 3 without warrantize. I left them with SANDER
SON, who cussened me of the money. And therfore
your passion therin is greater then your allegation.
And because yow repeat these thinges, I pray forget
not that first I saved your parsonage3 from Cari,4 in your
brother's tyme, and next from Thynn, in your tyme.
And butt in respect of mee I know how your Aunt 5
1 Used here obviously in the sense of "interest;'' i.e. " your interest,- —
or family ties, — in those already named." 2 than. 3 So in MS.
4 So in MS. Probably the reading should be " Cam," i.e. Ralegh's half-
, brother, Carew Ralegh, afterwards knighted.
6 Probably, Lady Gilbert, widow of Sir Humphrey ?
O 2

196

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
LXXXIII. 1597?

had dealt with yow well enough. Again, by your
pardon, do not beleve that, how ill soever my fortune
was, butt for me and by the healp of my frends, you
were discharged in dispight of a stronge opposition.
Yow may remember with all the sett x wher yow ar, —
that it was not alone for your sealf that you had it, and
that I have yet so many enemis for it, bothe in court
and countre}'. And, — howsoever you may aunswer, —
the world knowes well enough what I have dun, and
will judge you accordingly, both for your father, your
unkell, and your sealf; which I ment not to have re-
peted, but to answere the ' good nature ' of your owne.
[See former note.] self as .
him as you ar
in whatsoever valuation
Mr. Secritory,2 that he is
that you have lost me by shewing
person desire hyme. Notwithstandinge,
I remayne your good frend. You shall not mesure mee
by your own 'good nature;' for I do not labor any
man agaynst yow. I may rather bee ashamed to have
any man know your ingratitude. I will not defile the
neast, nor yet seke 3 to feed thos that cannot fly so well
without mee. Hurt not your sealf. I shall leve you to
your owne courses ; and holde this of your's no stranger
then the usages of others. It beinge more natural to
all men rather to pay wronges then good turnes.
And, for the conclusion : of that you say I dare not
offer this dealing but [to] your sealf, I answere that I
dare do as much as your sealf, and have dared ; and will
ever be found so. And for your fortunes otherwise, fear
1 seai- 2 Sir Robert Cecil.
3 So in MS. The reading should probably be 'leve.'

Appointment of Deputy-Lieutenants for Cornzvall.

197

not that I will labor to lessen them ; as I will not here
after look after them. And when myne shalbe at worst,
yet they shall never neede your healpe, whatsoever
yours have dun myne. Your Unkell,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To my nephew, Sir John Gilbert, Knight.

I598.
LXXXIV.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BURGHLEY.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xlviii. § 101 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date of year.
My very good Lorde,
WHERAS it hath bynn thought fitt that Sir NICHOLAS
PARKER should be made a Deputy Levetenante in Corn
wall, I do for my sealf excedingly well allow of the
gentelman, and do farther humblie pray your Lordshipp
that Mr. BARNARDE Grenvile may be also admitted,
because in all the north parts of Cornwale ther ar none
of the deputes that have any dwellinge. The gentelman
is very sufficient, and the rest shall receve great ease
therby ; and her Majesties service the better performed.
Thus, with remembrance of my humbell dewty, I rest
to be cummanded by your Lordshipp as your sarvante,
W. Ralegh.
From Derum House, this 16 of January [1597-1598].
Addressed : " To the right honorable my singuler goode Lorde, the Lorde
Treasorer of Inglande."
Endorsed: " Sir Walter Rayligh. 1597."

LETTER
LXXXIII. 1597?

LETTER
LXXXIV.
I597-I59S. Jan. 16.
To Lord
Burghley,From DurhamHouse.Appointment of
Deputy- Lieutenants
for Corn
wall.

198

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER LXXXV. I598.
October.
To Sir R.
Cecil. Concerning a plot
for the
' killing of
a rebel ' in
Ireland.

LXXXV.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers. Formerly marked " Bundle 226, No. 144." (Rolls House.)
Holograph. Without date.
%* In a communication — otherwise interesting — read to
the Society of Antiquaries, Mr. Payne Collier has suggested,
from the tenor of this letter, that Ralegh was now again
present in Ireland on the Queen's service. But the letter
itself — in the absence of other evidence — affords no sufficient
foundation for the hypothesis. There is, indeed, somewhat of
a blank in Ralegh's recorded career at this period. But it has
to be borne in mind that Ralegh, in 1598, could not have
served in Ireland, or have visited Ireland, without attracting
much attention ; nor without leaving many unmistakeable traces
of his presence there. He was still the owner of a vast, though
at that time unproductive, estate in Munster.
SIR, It can be no disgrace if it weare knowen that the
killinge of a rebel weare practised ; for you see that
the lives of anoynted Princes are daylye sought, and we
have always in Ireland geven head money for the kill
inge of rebels, who ar evermore proclaymed at a price.
So was the Earle of Desmonde, and so have all
rebels been practised agaynst. Notwithstandinge, I have
written this enclosed to Stafford,1 who only recom
mended that knave to me upon his credit. Butt, for
1 Perhaps the Captain, or Colonel, Francis Stafford, whom we meet
with as serving in Ireland, and corresponding with Sir Henry Wallop, as
early as 1585. (Irish Correspondence ; Elizabeth, vol. cxviii. § 54.)

Appointment of a Captain to serve in Ireland.

199

your sealf, you ar not to be touched in the matter. And
for me, I am more sorryc for beinge deceaved than for
beinge declared in the practise.
Your Lordship's, ever to do you service,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — He hathe nothinge under my hand
butt a passport.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecil, Knight, Principall
Secretory to Her Maiestie.

LXXXVI.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL,
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xix. § 66 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.-
Sir, I BESEICH you to signefye Her Majesties pleasure
to my Lord Deputye of Irland — because his Lordship is
ready to depart — concerning this gentelman, on whom
Her Majestye hathe bestowed Poore's1 companye.
Your Honor's to do you service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritory to her Majestye.
Endorsed :
1590.2 Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master.
1 Probably Captain Anthony Power, who had served in Munster against
the Geraldines contemporaneously with Ralegh himself.
2 The endorsement reads as above ; and in the MS. Catalogue of the
Hatfield MSS. the letter is placed under "1590." The remark is sub-

lkttkr LXXXV. 1598.
October.

letter
lxxxvi.

To Sir R.
Cecil.
The Queen's
appoint
ment of a
Captain to
serve in
Ireland.

:oo

Letters of Ralegh.

I 600.
LXXXVII.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Ixviii. § 103 (Hatfield). In the
hand of an amanuensis. Subscribed and signed, 'i
*^.* The work towards which, on this occasion, Ralegh acts
as official Censor of the Press was a translation of the well-
known book of Jerome dei Franchi Conestaggio which had
been published at Genoa, fourteen years before, under the
title : — Dell ' Unione del Regno di Portogallo alia Corona de
Castiglia, Istoria. It would have added not a little to the
interest of the English translation here spoken of, had Ralegh
so mentioned his " corrections " as that we could now identify
them. The book was published in the same year with that
of Ralegh's present letter, viz. 1600, and was "printed for
Edward Blount." Cecil's interest in the subject was by no
means a literary interest. The " warrs of Africa " here treated
of were those in which Sebastian of Portugal fell, drawing after
him the temporary fall of his kingdom. They had therefore a
close connection with English politics ; and especially with
that most troublesome of all sections of the politics of Queen
joined that this is "the earliest letter addressed to Robert Cecil" which
that collection contains. But as Sir Robert became " Principal Secretary"
only in July 1596, the endorsement must obviously be erroneous. Ralegh,
too, made his first reappearance at Court at the end of May 1597. Possibly,
the letter may belong to that year. It cannot belong to any earlier year
than that. And it is much more probable that it was written in 1598.
Its pittance of interest lies in the fact that, either in 1597 or in 1598,
it presents to us Ralegh — after five years of Court disgrace — as commu
nicating to the Secretary of State "Her Majesties pleasure" about a
captaincy in Ireland.

Report on the Revision of Couestaggio's History.

20 1

Elizabeth's day, the intrigues of the English refugees abroad.
They were also connected, in a very curious way, with some of
the undercurrents of that Munster rebellion in the suppression
of which Ralegh had won his spurs. The fanatic Stucley,
who fell beside Don Sebastian at the bloody battle of Alcazar-
quivir (22 Sept. 1578), was just about to have led a force into
Ireland, under the patronage of the Pope, which was to
dethrone Queen Elizabeth and to provide Ireland with an
Italian king. Sebastian induced him first to make a little
episodical excursion against the Moors. And thus, instead
of putting an Italian on the throne of Ireland, Sir Thomas
Stucley helped to put Philip the Second on the throne of
Portugal.SIR, I HAVE perused this translated storie of the Con
quest of Portugall and the Warrs of Africa, and have
corrected some things therein. For the rest, I see
nothing in the booke but what may well passe, if your
Honnor please to give allowance thereof; which I humblie
desire, in favor of the translator. And so do take my
leave. From Dirrham House, the xvth of March, 1599
[legal style].
Your Honor's to do yow service, W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Her Majesties
Principall Secretary.
Endorsed :
15 March, '99. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master.

letter
lxxxvii.
1 599- 1 600.
March 15.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From DurhamHouse.Report on
the revi
sion of
Franchi Conestag-
gio's History
of the
Conquest of
Portugal.

202

Letters of Ralegh.

letter
lxxxviii. 1600.
March 27.
To Sir
R. Cecil.
[From' Sher
borne.]Accountof the
improved
health of
William Cecil, then
a visitor at
Sherborne.

LXXXVIII.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECLL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Ixxviii. § 7 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date of year.
SIR, BECAUSE I know that yow cann receve no pleasinger
newse from hence then to here of your beloved creture,1
I thought good to lett you know of his good health ; and
whereas I wrat in my last that hee was a littell trobled
with a looseness, I thanck God he is no 2 freed therof;
and, I assure yow, better in health and strenght then
ever I knew hyme. His stomake, that was heretofore
weake, is altogether amended, and he douth now eat
well and digest rightly. I hope this aire will agree
exceedingly with hyme. He is also better keipt to his
booke then any wher elce.
1 William Cecil, eldest son of Sir Robert, and afterwards second Earl of
Salisbury. To this nobleman Sir Walter long afterwards dedicated the
first (and, as it proved, the only) portion of his intended Brief History 0}
England (" I intend, by the help of God and your furtherance, right noble
Earl of Salisbury, to write a Brief History," &c. ) — words which Oldys, by
an oversight not usual with him, has spoken of as addressed to Robert
Cecil, first Earl. Earl William served King Charles the First as an Am
bassador Extraordinary (to the Court of France), and, as is well known,
sat — in company with the Earl of Pembroke - in the Long Parliament,
during the Interregnum. But he was of a cautious temperament, and
seems to have been nearly as fond of retirement as his famous father was
of business. lie survived, by almost eight years, the restoration of King
Charles the Second; enjoying his earldom for the unusual period of fifty-
six years. Men who lived far into the ' Georgian era ' of our history may
well have heard Lord Salisbury's reminiscences of Ralegh from his own
lips. z now.

Ralegh's Desire for the Government of Jersey.

203

This is all I can say from this poore place, and that I
am ever your poorest and trewest frind and sarvcnt,
W. Ralegh.
This 27 of March [1600].
Addressed: " To the right honorable Mr. Secretary.''
Endorsed: " 27 March, 1600. Sir Halter Ralegh lo my Master.''
LXXXIX.
TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. (Unarranged
Papers.) (Rolls House.) Holograph. Without date of year.
I CANNE write your Lordshipp nothing from hence, butt
that wee live. I have written to Master Secritery that
I would be gladd that Her Majesty weare butt good for
PAWLETT'S matter,1 though I hope not after it or ought
elce ; butt if ther be neather honor nor profitt I must
begynn to keep sheep bytyme. Speaking with my
cusen Brett,2 a very honest gentelman, hee com-
playned to me what abuse was offred your Lordship
about your wood-sales by Chardre. It is certayne
that the land will nott be lett for half the valew here
after, when ther is left no trees uppon it, to build or
mend a tenement ; and it seems they have sold the very
hedgros. Wheruppon I desired my cusen BRETT to
enquire more particulerly of the matter, and this day
hee sent me this inclosed letter. I thought good to lett
your Lordship know of it, for thes hireling officers will
undo us all.
1 Meaning the government of Jersey.
2 Sir Alexander Brett ; after 1603, one of Lady Ralegh's trustees.

letter
lxxxviii. l600.
March 27.

letter
LXXXIX. 1600.
April 6.
To Lord
Cobham. [From
Sher
borne.] Ralegh'sdesire to
have the
government ot
Jersey. —
Cobham's
sales of
timber. —
Hope of a
meeting at
Bath.

204

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
LXXXIX. 1600.
April 6.

LETTER XC.
1600.
April 21.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
From Sherborne.

God hold your Lordship in the mind to cum to the
Bathe. If your Lordshipp receve awnswere that Bates'
howse is taken up, it is butt for me ; and your Lordship
may have the on 1 half notwithstanding. I am wher 2
I can do your Lordship no services. I will not, therefore,
pester you with idell words in which I can butt profess
what I would more willingly execute; till when, and
ever, your Lordship's absolutely to comande, W. Ralegh.
I beseich your Lordship to remember me to the Lord
Thomas [Howard]. 6 of Aprill, att night.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my very good Lorde, the Lord Cobham.

XC.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Ixxviii. § 83 (Hatfield).
hand of an amanuensis. Subscribed and signed.

In the

It maie please your Honor, I am much importuned by
my cosen, Mr. Henry Carew, to desire your fauvor
towards his distressed sonne, that his enlargement out
of prison maie be procured by good bonds, sufficient
sureties, or by anie other meanes that were possible.3
1 one. 2 I.e. at Sherborne.
5 In the issue this business proved to be a difficult and protracted one.
Young Carew seems to have remained several years in confinement, or at
least under restraint. There are many letters at Hatfield which relate to
the long treaty for his liberation. Those of them which I have read do
not explain the nature of his offence, but I infer from them that it was of a
political sort. In Elizabethan days the need of a Habeas Corpus was
sometimes much greater than in the worst of the Stuart days. And this
branch of the Carews was ' recusant.'

In favour of the Son of Henry Carew.

205

The gentleman offereth .£1,000 caution, or a greater
sume, if it maie be accepted, to have his sonne out upon
anie condicions that shalbe required ; and his earnest
solicitation importuneth me to move you to direct what
course you shall thinke fytt in your honorable wisedome.
And so do humblie take my leave. From Sherborn
Lodg, the 21th of Aprill, 1600.
Your Honor's to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Her Majesties
Principall Secretary.
Endorsed :
1600. xxith April. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master. In favour
of Mr. Harry Carye,

XCI.
TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence : Elizabeth. (Unarranged
Papers.) (Rolls House.) Holograph. Without date of year.
%* The purposed journey of Lord Cobham to Bath to
meet Ralegh, which forms the subject of this brief note, is
alluded to more than once in the letters of Rowland Whyte
to Sir Robert Sydney, written in the spring of 1600; and he
also speaks often of Cobham's great favour with the Queen; of
which indeed the proofs, otherwise, are ample. After the wont
of courtly favour, it had its partial eclipses. A fortnight later
than the date of Ralegh's present letter, Rowland Whyte
writes : " My Lord Cobham stays from going to the Bathe,
and purposes with all the strength and credit he hath to get
an estate in Otford Park." For this park, Sir Robert Sydney
was also a suitor; and Whyte adds that the Lord Treasurer

letter XC.
1600.
April 21.
In favour
of the son
of Henry
Carew,
then under
imprison ment.

206

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XCI.
1600.
April 29.
To Lord
Cobham. From
Bath.Disap
pointmentat Lord
Cobham's
absence.

LETTER XCII.
1600.
Oct. 15.

Buckhurst had offered to support Sir Robert's suit, — in op
position to Cobham's, — on condition that Sir Robert should
assign to him a life estate in Otford Park.1
My worthy Lorde,
Here we attend you and have don this senight,
and mourne your absence ; the rather because wee
feare that your m[ind] is changed. I pray lett us here
from you att least, for if you cum not wee will go hereby
home, and make butt short tariing here. My wyfe will
dyspaire ever to see you in thes parts, if your Lordship
come not now. Wee can butt longe for you and wyshe
you as [our] owne lives whatsoever.
Your Lordship's everest faythfull,
to honour you most,

W. Ralegh.

Bathe, the 29 of Aprill [1600].

Addressed :
To the right honorable my very good Lorde, the Lord Cobham, give these.

XCIL

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar C, b ii. § 14 (Hatfield). The
letter is undated, but the MS. Catalogue of the Hatfield Papers assigns
to it the date of Oct. 15, 1600, from the endorsement. Holograph.
MAY it please your Honor to receve knowledg from this
bearer, Mr. Paule Juey,2 what wee have determined for
1 Sydney Papers, vol. ii. pp. 193, 194.
2 An eminent military engineer, as will appear presently.

Proceedings in the Fortification of the Island of Jersey.

207

the fort Isabella Bellissima in the ilett,1 where we have
left workmen to finishe as mich as this season of the
yeare will permitt, and the rest to be dun in March
followinge. The charge wherof wilbe exceeding great,
as Mr. Juey uppon his conscienc can wittnes ; and the
profitt of the Iland so farr under the common valua
tion as, untill your Honor see the King's own Liger
Booke, yow will not beleve. But, howsoever it succeed,
I hold my sealf immeasurable bound to her Majestye
for her gratius respect to nte therin. And I will never
thinck of any peny receite till that peece of work be
finished and past the recovery of any enemye ; be it
butt for the name-sake2 which I have presumed to
christen it by, — being before without any denomination
att all.
It had been very happy for mee if Paule Juy had
remayned to finishe what he began ther, — which, I
assure your Honor by the livinge God, is as prayse-
vvoorthy a woorke, both for his judgment, invention,
and industry in saving charge, as ever any man be-
helde. And I have not seene a devize of that place3
and pride in any place of Europe.
Sir, I do assure yow the poore man hath an excelent
gift in thes workes, and — that which is rarely joyned to
suche knowledge — as mich trewth and honestye as any
man can have. Your Honor, in my poore judgment,
shall do her Majestye good service to be a meane for
his releife ; for such an other will not be had.
1 islet.
2 The reader will doubtless call to mind the chronology of " Isabella
Bellissima," but Ralegh's flattery is not => whit more extravagant than that
of his correspondent himself. And it was about this very time that Henry
the Fourth, when embracing a miniature of " Isabella," expressed his
passionate regrets that it was not permitted to him to embrace the original
of the sweet picture. 3 So in MS.

LETTER XCII. 1600.
Oct. 15.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From
Jersey. Proceed
ings in the
fortification of the
Island. —
Characterof Juey,
theengineer.—Ac counts of
the late
Governor.

208

Letters of Ralegh.

For the accompts of the late governor,1 the 2 ar Strang
to me ; for PAWLE JUY did more with £300 then hee did
afterward for £2,000. And PAWLE JUY is fittest to be
used in the accompts because he can cumpare worke to
worke, and judge of the rest, better then any man cann.
For besyds the unmeasurabell reckninge made by Sir A.
Pawlett of her Majesties monies, they ar not ashamed
to aske £500 debt of her Majestye due to them.
For Mountorguell, I have vewed itt,3 and do not find
1 Sir A. Paulett, Ralegh's immediate predecessor.
8 they.
3 Mont Orgueil Castle, here referred to by Ralegh, is still a place of great
interest to the visitor. It derives its attractions, not certainly from its
architecture, but from the romantic beauty of its position. It towers above
a charming bay, to a height which commands an extensive view of the
coast of Normandy. It also possesses many interesting and varied associa
tions with the history of the past. Philip of Valois made an attempt upon
it, in the hope of diverting Edward the Third from his conquests in France.
Bertrand du Guesclin, at the head of a French army worthy of its chivalric
leader, forced it to a surrender, the completion of which was prevented by
the timely arrival of an English fleet. William Prynne was confined here
for three years, as a prisoner of Charles the First ; to be presently suc
ceeded by Charles the Second, as a refugee from the victorious Cromwell.
The Puritan prisoner here diversified his ponderous labours in controversy
and antiquities, with verses in praise of Mont Orgueil, interlaced with
' ' Meditations from its rockie steepe, and loftie situation ;" his verses
proving to be more ponderous even than his records. The royal exile
had a famous attendant who here employed his involuntary leisure in the
composition of part of the History of the Great Rebellion.
That portion of the structure of which Ralegh particularly speaks as so
costly to ' Her Majesties father,' &c. was the work of one of his predecessors,
Sir Thomas Auvrey ; and, when he visited it, was but about fifty years old.
Another adjacent portion still bears the arms of Elizabeth, and the date
' 1593.' Among the older parts of the Castle is a most curious crypt, the
vaulting of which is supported by very short and rude columns. The noble
old pile is— or was a few years ago —
"All tenantless, save to the crannying wind,
Holding but dark communion with the clouds.''
But it will long repay a visit and a climb, and, to many visitors, will have an
additional interest, as having been one of the last objects of curiosity to
Ralegh, in his days of freedom and prosperity.

Affairs of the Stannaries.

209

that I had any cummission to demolishe it ; and to say
trew it is a statly fort of great capacetye, both as to
mentenance and cumfort, to all that part of the iland
next unto Normandy, which stands in vew therof ; so as,
untill I knew further her Majesties pleasure, I have left
att myne owne charg sume men in it. And, if a small
matter may defend it, it weare pitty to cast it down ;
having cost her Majestyes father, brother, and sister, —
without her own charge, — 20,000 marks the erecting.
I will leve the rest untill my cumming from Cornewale,
and then lett you know the estate of that poore place,
the importance of it, and how it hathe bynn handled.
Till then, and ever, I rest reddy to do yow all honor and
service.
W. Ralegh.

XCIII.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BUCKHURST AND
SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxxi. § 33 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date of year.
May it pleas your Honors,
Accordinge to the order which I had from yow,
I have proceeded in1 Cornwale and agreed with the
Tynners for a prize 2 certayne, — twenty shillings in the
thowsand less then I had cummission to geve them,
which they desire by peticion to have added, and which,
for myne own poore oppinion, I could wishe that her
Majestye, out of her own liberalletye, should bestow on
them. 1 into. 2 price.
VOL. II. P

To Lord
Buckhurst
and Sir R.
Cecil.From Radford.

2IO

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XCIII. l60O.
Nov. 4.
Affairsof the
Stannaries.
— Agree
ment with
the Cornish
Tinners.

Mr. Brigan-ce and Mr. CuNXOCKE can informe
your Honors how I have proceeded, — who can best
judge what my littell creditt here hathe done in this
bussness. Mr. CuXNOCKE hyme sealf hathe taken great paynes
herein, and furnisht mee with many good arguments
and reasons. Your Plonors could not have imployed
any man, as I thincke, both for his dillegenc and know
ledge, of more sufficiencye. Mr. Bulmer's offer of £29
held us longe uppon that prize,1 and hath dun us mich
wronge in this bussness. And had we not caled such a
jurey as wee did of the principall gentelmen, wee had
had a longe worke of it.
Ther ar yet many things to be done which this gentel
man 2 can better informe your Honors of then my sealf,
which your Honors will take care of. For my sealf, I
have performed your cummandments, and have littell
elce to do butt to see promis keipt with thes poore men
to whom my faythe is ingaged. And this bearer can
informe your Honors trewly wher3 thes Tynners do not
more rely thereon, then on all the rest of our argumentts.
I will shortly attend yow my sealf. And, in the mean
while, I humblie desire to be continewed in your favors,
and will remayne ever reddy to do all the honor and
service I shall bee abell.
From Radford, by Plymouth, this 4th of November
[1600].
W. Ralegh.
Addressed : "To the right honorabell the Lorde o/BuCKHURST, Lorde High
Treasorer of Inglande, and Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritorye, &*c."
Endorsed, in Sir R. Cecil's hard: "4 November, 1600. Sir Walter Ralegh ;"
and, in another hand, " To my Lord Threasorer and to my Master.
From Radford, by Mr. Cojinocke. "

prie

Connocke, who brought the letter from Devon. 3 whether.

Suits about the Tin Mills on Roborough Down.

211

XCIV.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar C, b ii. § 107. (Hatfield.) In
the hand of an amanuensis. With autograph subscription and signature.
Sir, This gentleman, Mr. Crymes, hath erected certein
clash-mylls upon Roburghe Down, to worke the tynn
which upon that place is gott with extreame labor and
charge out of the ground. And because the townsemen
of Plymouth seeke to procure all the commoditie there
abouts into their own hands, they alleage that theis mylls
are prejudiciall to them, and that the course of their
water, which runneth through Plymouth, is diverted,
contrary to a Statute.
I tooke the paines to view the river and mylls. I
found that, — in my opinion, — they could not disallow
the building or using the same : for that there are about
200 works which must be unwrought, without the use of
such clash-mylls and the benefytt of that river, and no
hindraunce at all to the water-course. Otherwise, her
Highness can receave no commodotie therebie, and the
poore Tynners wilbe undone.
I had an especiall care to satisfie them ; and the
Tynners made an Act that those clash-mylls shold not
be prejudiciall to the towne. Notwithstanding, they
have procured sub penas out of the Starre Chamber, to
call the matter in question there ; the matter being try-
able and determinable in the Stannery Courts, where it
p 2

LETTER XCIV. 1600.
Nov. 15.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromSherborne.
Tin Mills
on Ro
borough Down,and the
suits about
thembetween Mr. Crymesand the
Town of
Plymouth.

212

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XCIV. 1600.
Nov. 15.

now dependeth. But, if this be suffered to proceed in the
Starre Chamber, it will not be avaylable to speake of
her Majesties late imposicion or encrease of Custome, or "
to establish good lawes amongst Tynners ; when others
who can by a great purse, or procuring extraordinary
meanes, deminish to their power her Majesties duties
and the common benefytt of the people.
I do humblie therefore desire your honorable favour
in their behalfe that, when the question shall grow for
this matter in the Starre Chamber, that1 it maie be
either respited untill my comming, or dismissed to the
place and nature of the proper tryall. And so do
humblie take my leave. From my house at Shyre-
bourne, the 15th of November, 1600.
Your Honor's to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Her Majesties
Principall Secretary.
Endorsed :
15 November, 1600. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master, in favour of
Mr. Crymes.
1 MS. thus repeats ' that. '

Ralegh on tlie Treatment of the Earl of Essex.

213

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER XCV. —RALEGH'S COUN
SEL TO SIR ROBERT CECIL, ON THE TREATMENT,
IN THE YEAR 1600, OF THE EARL OF ESSEX.
\ LL that it seems needful here to add to what has been
said heretofore [Vol. I. Life, pp. 258, 259] as to the
true date at which this letter was written, relates to the suc
cession of those events in the life of the Earl of Essex which
intervened between his return from Ireland and his fatal
insurrection. Essex reached the Court on the 28th of
September, 1599. He appeared before the Council on the
following day. On the 1st of October he was committed to
the custody of the Lord Keeper at York House. On the
5th, he was again examined, by the Lord Keeper, the Lord
Treasurer, and Secretary Cecil. On some subsequent day he
wrote a letter to the Queen (undated), in which he says : " To
redeem this offence and recover your Majesty's gracious
favour, I would do, I protest, whatsoever is possible for flesh
and blood." The Court letters of these months of October ,
and November 1599 abound in expressions which make two -
things obvious : first, that growing murmurs, both in the
metropolis and beyond it, at the continuance of the Earl's
imprisonment — without any open trial or inquiry — excited the
Queen's anger, and made the intercession of his friends with
her more difficult; secondly, that, this fact notwithstanding,
there was amongst the courtiers a fluctuating but general
expectation of his speedy release ; varied, at intervals, by
rumours that he was after all to be sent to the Tower. The
letters of Rowland Whyte to Sir Henry Sydney, and those
of Chamberlain to Carleton, may be especially referred to in
illustration of these statements.

PREFATORY NOTE lu
LETTER XCV. 1600.

2 14

Prefatory Note to Letter XCV

On the 28th of November, the Queen, attended by the
Earl of Worcester and the Countess of Warwick, visited
Essex at York House, and on the following day a Court of
Star Chamber was held, at which a public declaration of the
"Causes of the imprisonment of the Earl of Essex" was
agreed upon. One of the Earl's officers, William Trew, wrote
on that day a letter in which he expresses his hope that the
meeting of this Court would turn out well for his master, and
connects both its assembling and the Queen's unexpected
visit to the Earl with the unknown contents of some mys
terious letter which had been laid in the Queen's way, and
upon the finding of which, he says, " there was a great stir in
the Court that night, and some of the Guard that gave out
they must wait upon my Lord to the Tower had their coats
plucked off." 1
" The bright sunshine," writes Chamberlain in February
1600, "that seemed so to dazzle the friends of my Lord of
Essex was indeed but a glimmering light, that was suddenly
overshadowed again. . . . They thought they saw a recon
ciliation between him and Mr. Secretary; whereupon they
built many idle fancies and liberal discoursings, yet either
their eyes were not their own, or else they had false spectacles."
And he goes on to add that all that Cecil had really done
for the Earl (as far as Chamberlain's own information went)
was to carry to the Queen " his letter of submission, that kept
him from the Star Chamber." Chamberlain's letter is dated, —
according to New Style, — "22nd of February, 1600." The
evidence that during some part of that month it had been
intended to bring the Earl personally before the Star Chamber,
and that Cecil had been the means, or the channel, of chang
ing the Queen's intention, appears to be conclusive. This fact,
when coupled with the internal evidence of the document
itself, leaves little room for doubt that the ensuing letter
belongs to the period of the Earl's first imprisonment, and,
1 Letter now at Blithfield, quoted in Lives of the Devereux, ii. 92.

Ralegh on the Treatment of the Earl of Essex.

215

to speak more exactly, to some time during that imprisonment
when rumours of a reconciliation between him and Cecil were
current ; and not to the imprisonment which followed the
insurrection of February 1601. For its transfer — recently
attempted — to the later date there is no evidence, or shadow
of evidence, at all. It is an arbitrary conjecture in the teeth
of the evidence.
It was not until the 19th of March, 1600 [n.s.], that the
Earl of Essex was permitted to leave York House for Essex
House. He was still to remain in strict custody, and to be
visited by such persons only as received the Queen's per
mission. On the 5th of June he was brought before a Special
Commission, which met at York House to hear and determine
five several accusations of misgovemment in Ireland and of
disobedience to the Queen's commands. The decision of
the Commissioners was conveyed to the accused Earl and to
the auditory by the Lord Keeper Egerton, in these words :
" If this cause had been heard in the Star Chamber, my sen
tence must have been as great a fine as ever was set upon any
man's head in that Court, and perpetual imprisonment in that
place which belongeth to a man of his quality, — that is, the
Tower. But now that we are in another place, and in a course
of favour, my censure is that he is not to execute the office
of a Councillor, nor to hold himself for a Councillor of
Estate, nor to execute the office of Earl Marshal of England,
nor of Master of the Ordnance ; "and to return to his own
house, there to continue a prisoner, as before, till it shall
please her Majesty to release both this and all the rest." Of
the effect of this proceeding on the Queen's mind Bacon has
given a striking account : "The Queen," he says, "willed me
to set down in writing all that passed that day. . . I read
the narration to her in two several afternoons ; and when I
came to that part which set down my Lord's own answer,
which was my principal care, I do well bear in mind that she
was extraordinarily moved with it, in kindness and relenting
towards my Lord. She told me afterwards— speaking how

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERXCV. l60O.

2l6

Prefatory Note to Letter XCV.

well I had expressed my Lord's part — that she perceived ' old
love would not be forgotten.' Whereto. I answered, suddenly,
that I hope she meant that by herself." 1
Eighteen days after the inquiry at York House, in the course
of a charge addressed to the Judges of Assize, the Lord
Keeper — when sitting in the Court of Star Chamber — made
a digression upon the case of Essex and repeated many of his
former observations when passing sentence. He added that
the Queen had taken that unusual course " to satisfy the world,
and to stop the slanders that gave out that the Earl was con
demned ' Causa inaudita.' " It was in the brief interval
between the hearing at York House and the Lord Keeper's
speech at the Star Chamber that Rowland Whyte assured Sir
Robert Sydney that " Master Secretary continues to do good
offices " for the Earl, " and in time will prevail, no doubt :
yet," he adds, " is there no reconcilement." 2
On the 26th of August the Earl of Essex was summoned
again to attend the Lord Keeper, Lord Treasurer, and Secre
tary Cecil, at York House, and was then informed that it was
her Majesty's pleasure he should have his liberty. As is well
known, he never received permission to see the Queen or
to approach the Court. His latest and ablest biographer, Mr.
Devereux, is of opinion that by the advice of Lady Warwick
he watched for an opportunity of presenting himself unan
nounced before the Queen, at Greenwich, and was con
temptuously spurned. This opinion is partly based upon an
original letter, from the Earl to the Queen, preserved at Hulton,
in which occurs this remarkable passage : " I sometimes think
of running ; and then remember what it will be to come in
armour, triumphing, into that presence, out of which both by
your own voice I was commanded, and by your hands thrust
out." The letter containing these words is undated, and
the context offers some difficulty in giving to it even a con-
1 Bacon to Charles Blount, Earl of Devonshire,— the Lord Montjoy of
Ralegh's letters.
2 Sydney Papers, ii. 210.

Ralegh on tlie Treatment of the Earl of Essex.

117

jectural date. All that is certain is that, as the hope of I prefa-
. I TORY
regaining the Queen's, favour died away, Essex indulged in note to
frequent and furious ebullitions of anger. Sir John Harrington, | ^"hR

after an interview with him at this period, wrote thus : " His
speeches of the Queen become no man who hath mens saua
in corpore sano." Ralegh, long afterwards, calling to mind
those angry speeches and what he had seen of their effects,
said : " Undutiful words of a subject do often take deeper root
than the memories of ill deeds do. The late Earl of Essex
told Queen Elizabeth that her 'conditions' were 'as crooked
as her carcass ;' but it cost him his head, which Iris insurrection
had not cost him, but for that speech." x
These words of Ralegh are of more weight, perhaps, than
the passage which has been quoted from the letter at Hulton,
in making it probable that Essex did get within sight and
speech of Elizabeth at some time between the close of the
imprisonment at York House in 1600, and the insurrection
of 1601. The word ' conditions' can scarcely be applicable to
anything that had transpired before the year 1600. The terms
of the letter preserved amongst the Hulton MSS. are such
as may, by possibility, refer to the famous ' box-on-the-ear '
interview of 1598.
In the few but pregnant lines which begin with the words
" For after-revenges, fear them not" Ralegh has epitomized
some of the strangest of the many family vicissitudes that
mark the annals of England in Tudor times. He takes his
first example from the career of his own comrade-in-arms of
Cadiz and the Island Voyage, Lord Thomas Howard, who
had already attached himself strongly to the faction and the
fortunes of Robert Cecil in despite of their respective
parentage. He was the son of the great feudal Duke who
had aspired to the hand of the Queen of Scots, and whose
ruin had made no inconsiderable contribution towards broad-
1 Prerogative of Parliament, p. 49.

1600.

218

Prefatory Note to Letter XCV.

ening and strengthening the fortunes of the Cecils. Lord
Thomas was already, when • Ralegh's letter was written, Lord
Howard of Walden. Almost immediately after James' acces
sion he was created Earl of Suffolk (July 21, 1603) and made
Lord Chamberlain. He was one of the Commissioners
appointed to try Ralegh on the charge of high treason, a few
months afterwards ; and it is by his hand that the precept for
impanneling the jury is signed. It was his sagacity, not the
King's, that at the instant put the right interpretation on the
mysterious words in the Gunpowder Plot letter which had been
addressed to Lord Monteagle, and he was the first to go
down into the vaults beneath the Parliament-house. In 1614,
he became Lord High Treasurer. Four years later, he was ac
cused of having embezzled a great part of the money received
from the Dutch for the cautionary towns; and was deprived
of office and fined ^30,000, — a fine which the King reduced
to ,£7,000. He was the builder of Audley End, and the father
of the notorious Frances Howard, successively Countess of
Essex and of Somerset, and the murderess of Overbury.
He married his youngest daughter to the " Will Cecil" of this
letter (afterwards second Earl of Salisbury), and so verified —
in one sense of the words — Ralegh's forecast : " He may
also match in a better house than that of Essex.''
The " Somerset " of the next sentence is Edward Seymour,
better known as Earl of Hertford, and the husband of Lady
Katherine Grey. He was the eldest son of the Protector
Somerset, and was himself Duke of Somerset — though omitted,
as such, in all the Peerages — for the brief interval between
the 22nd of January, 1552, the day on which the Protector
was beheaded, and the day of the passing of that Act of the
5 and 6 Edward VI. which deprived the young Duke both of
his dignities and his lands. The Protector had been convicted
of felony, but not of treason. His honours and estates
passed to his son, until the Duke of Northumberland induced
Parliament thus to visit the alleged crimes of the Protector on
the offender's son, as well as on himself. Elizabeth restored to

Ralegh on the Treatment of the Earl of Essex.

219

the deprived Duke his father's earldom of Hertford in January
1559. The terms on which he lived with the Earls of Leicester
and Warwick led Ralegh to take his case as an illustration of
the doctrine that in the rivalry of political strife hereditary
feuds are little to be feared. The Earl of Hertford afterwards
served James as Ambassador to the Archdukes, in 1605, with
unusual pomp and splendour. He lived until 1621, and
was succeeded by his grandson, William Seymour, famous in
history both as the timid and self-protecting husband of
Arabella Stuart, and as the unwavering and lavish adherent
of Charles the First. He, like his grandfather, survived
many dark days. He lived to be restored to the dukedom of
Somerset, by Charles the Second.
"Northumberland that now is" — namely, Henry Percy,
ninth of the Percy Earls of Northumberland, and often called
the ' Wizard Earl ' — was the son of that Earl who had been
imprisoned in the Tower on a charge of conspiring on behalf
of Mary, Queen of Scots, and who was found dead in his bed,
shot with three bullets, on the 21st of June, 1585. A servant
of Sir Christopher Hatton had been, in some unusual and
irregular way, introduced into the Tower to take the immediate
custody of the Earl, just before his suspected murder. The
rumour that Hatton had some guilty knowledge of that
murder— if murder there was— gained much currency with
contemporaries ; although, upon a coroner's inquest, a verdict
of 'suicide' was found. The passage in the text— "thinks
not of Hatton 's heirs"— is sufficiently remarkable when it is
remembered that Hatton was Ralegh's predecessor in the
Captaincy of the Guard, and that Ralegh himself had, in 1600,
already known the then Earl of Northumberland intimately
during many years. At the least, it affords proof that the belief
in Northumberland's murder existed in the minds of statesmen,
as well as on the tongue of popular rumour. And in this case,
also, the subsequent history of the person referred to enhances
the interest of the allusion. " Northumberland that now is "
had to suffer an imprisonment in the Tower in his turn, and

PREFA
TORYNOTE TO
LETTER
XCV. 1600.

220

Prefatory Note to Letter XCV.

for a longer period than his father, although with a less fatal
issue. As fellow-prisoners, Ralegh and he had many oppor
tunities of intercourse in after years. Alike, they sought to
solace confinement by hard study, and to set their minds at
liberty, notwithstanding the restraint of their bodies. It is
notable, too, that neither of them — after desperate efforts,
backed by exalted influence — succeeded in attaining any
other kind of liberty, until after the deaths both of Cecil and
of Henry Howard.
The reference to Bothwell — " Let the Queen hold ' Bothwell'
while she hath him" — is meant, as it seems, to indicate the
writer's opinion that Essex, if set free from restraint and
permitted to aspire again to power, was likely to become as
formidable to the Queen's peace and safety, as Francis Stuart,
Earl of Bothwell, had then recently proved to be to the quiet
rule of the Scottish king, James the Sixth, his near kinsman ;
both being grandsons, though in a different fashion, to James
the Fifth. This Earl of Bothwell had levied forces more than
once against the King of Scots; had been convicted of
treason ; then pardoned ; then declared again to be a traitor.
For a time, he had been a fugitive in England. There
had been much angry discussion between the Government of
James and that of Elizabeth about the " countenance " alleged
to have been shown to him, and Robert Cecil's assumed
responsibility for such favour as he may at any time have
received was one of the causes — additional to the older ones
arising out of the death of Queen Mary — which made the
very name of ' Cecil ' so long ungrateful to the ears of King
James. At the date when this letter was written, it is pro
bable that Bothwell was an exile in Spain. For we have,
almost contemporaneously with it, another letter addressed to
Sir Robert Cecil, by one of his foreign intelligencers, in which,
after telling the Secretary that Bothwell was about to enter
upon some service against England, the writer proceeds thus :
"In particular he hath promised to raise a great army in
Scotland, when the King of Spain shall be pleased to com-

Ralegh on the Treatment of the Earl of Essex.

mand him."1 Ultimately, he died in Italy, either in 1612
or in 1613.
As to the evidence on the point of date of the endorsement,
it will suffice to remind the reader that another letter of Sir
Walter Ralegh, preserved also at Hatfield, — and already printed
in the present volume,2 — bears, in the hand of a secretaiy of
Cecil, the endorsement " 1590;" although, as has been shown,
it could not have been written until 1597, at the earliest.
There is no need at all to suppose the error — in either
instance — to have been designed. Mistakes of this sort are
far from being uncommon, in cases where no matter of con
flict or controversy is at stake. The papers now at Hatfield
afford many instances of them.
Under any view of it, this letter of 1600 is an ungenerous
one, as it respects Essex. It is also one of an obviously immoral
tendency. It inculcates the doctrine that acts of bitter
hostility, and even deeds of open violence, may be committed
with the less peril, inasmuch as the dictates of human selfish
ness will very often suffice to hinder "after-revenges," by
the relatives of the sufferer, upon the doer ; and it leaves
altogether out of view those "after-revenges,'' of a graver
sort, which Ralegh himself, a few years later, expounded3
in words as impressive as ever came from an English pen.
None the less is it an essential part of the duty of an Editor
to show that this Letter— -whatever its other faults — is not an
incitement to the raising of a political scaffold, in order to
avenge personal injuries sustained by its writer, or to remove
a stumbling-block from his onward path.
1 Izod to Cecil ; Cecil Papers (Hatfield), vol. lxxxiii. § 23.
2 Above, p. 199. 3 In his Preface to the History of the World.

PREFA TORY
NOTE TO
LETTERXCV. l60O.

222

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XCV.
1600.
[BetweenFebruaryandAugust. ]
To Sir R.
Cecil.Againstthe return
of the
Earl of
Essex to
office and
power.

XCV.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xc. § 150 (Hatfield).
Undated.
Sir,

Holograph.

I AM not wize enough to geve yow advise ; butt if
yow take it for a good councell to relent towards this
tirant, yow will repent it when it shalbe too late. His
mallice is fixt, and will not evaporate by any your mild
courses. For he will ascribe the alteration to her
Majesties pusillanimitye and not to your good nature;
knowing that yow worke but uppon her humor, and not
out of any love towards hyme. The less yow make
hyme, the less he shalbe able to harme yow and your's.
And if her Majesties favor faile hyme, hee will agayne
decline to a common parson.
For after-revenges, feare them not; for your own
father that1 was estemed to be the contriver of Nor
folk's ruin, yet his son followeth your father's son, and
loveth him. Humors of men succeed not;2 butt grow
by occasions and accidents of tyme and poure. Sum-
mersett made no revendge on the Duke of Northum
berland's heares. Northumberland, that now is,
thincks not of Hatton's issew. KELLOWAY lives, that
murderd the brother of Horsey ; and HORSEY lett
hyme go by, all his lifetime.
I could name yow a thowsand of thos ; and therfore
after-fears are but profesies — or rather conjectures— from
1 So in original letter, but the word is superfluous.
2 I. c. ' are not inherited. '

Against the Return of Essex to Office and P,

0:00:

223

cawses remote. Looke to the present, and yow do
wisely. His soonne shalbe the youngest Earle of Ingland
butt on,1 and, if his father be now keipt down, Will
Cecill shalbe abell to keip as many men att his heeles
as hee, and more to.2 Hee may also mache in a better
howse then his ; and so that feare is not worth the
' fearinge. Butt if the father continew, he wilbe able
to break the branches, and pull up the tree ; root and
all. Lose not your advantage ; if you do, I rede your
destiney. Your's to the end, W. R.
[Postscript.] 3 — Lett the Q. hold Bothwell 4 while
she hath hyme. Hee will ever be the canker of her
estate and sauftye. Princes ar lost by securetye ; and
preserved by prevention. I have seen the last of her
good dayes, and all ours, after his libertye.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Roberte Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritory to her Majestye.

Endorsed, in Sir Robert Cecil's hand: "Sir Walter Ralegh;
later hand, " 1601."

and, in a.

1 one. 2 too.
3 This last paragraph is written across the margin of the letter. I there
fore print it as a 'Postscript.' The subscription follows immediately after
the word " destiney." ^
4 See Prefatory Note.

224

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XCV I.
1600? or
l6oi ?
Feb. 2.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
[FromSher
borne.] Local
news of
the Spanish
Fleet. —
Lord
Cobham.

XCVI.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxiii. § 36 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, If my newse be stale, it cost mee butt the labor to
write it. A townsman's sonne of Sherborne hath bynn
in Spaine, in a French bottome, and is now returned.
He departed Lysborne the 15 of January which is late,
and reporteth, for certayne, that the fleet of treasor is
returned ; — all but one great shipp, which is doubted of.
Ther had then come sume 17 millions.
Hee spake with divers soldiers att Cascales, wher ther
ar assembled 2,000, reddy to be imbarked in 30 sayle .
of shipps. Thos soldiers know no other butt that they
were bound for Flanders : — it may be for Irland, or for
sume other purpose. They take up our small men of
warr very fast ; not only with the good-sayling Dun-
kirks, butt cussen them with French bottomes, — which
the Inglishe suspect not.
This that I write yow, yow may assure your sealf to
be trew. Yours as your sarvante, W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — I never receved on word from my
Lord Cobhame, — neather of his suite, or of his cum-
minge or other matter, this 3 weekes. Yow have many
letters of myne ; I pray returne sume awnswere.
Candelmas day.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritorye, &c. Hast, hast, post haste. W. Ralegh.
Endorsed by Sir R. Cecil : " Sir W. Ralegh."

Cobham's Journey into Cornwall.

225

1 6 0 1.

XCVII.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. fol. 84 (Hatfield). Holograph.
The superscription in the hand of an amanuensis ; but signed. With
out date of year.
%* In the MS. Catalogue of the Hatfield Papers this
letter is stated to belong to the year 1596. The internal
evidence is conclusive of the fact that it cannot have been
written until long afterwards ; but I assign it only upon pro
bable conjecture to the year 1601. Alarms about the fleets
of Spain, and news about them, brought from the coast of
Brittany, were almost equally rife in the August of 1599, in
that of 1601, and again in that of 1602. (Comp. Domestic Cor
respondence, Elizabeth, of those dates respectively. Rolls House.
Unarranged volumes; formerly marked Bund. ' 230,' and '235.')
But two circumstances make it probable, that this letter was
written in 1601 : — (1) The "charge" here spoken of by Ralegh
is shown by the context to be that of Jersey — conferred upon
him in Sept. 1600. (2) It appears, from a letter of Thomas
Phelippes to Sir Robert Cecil (Bund. '235,' No. 227), that
in August 1601 Lord Cobham made a journey into Cornwall.
Phelippes tells Cecil that Cobham had desired him to obtain
some intelligence about the doings of the Spaniards, and
understanding, he adds, that "his Lordship is in the West
country,'' he therefore sends it to Cecil, in his stead. This
passage seems to refer to the same journey which is mentioned
by Ralegh. At all events, the letter belongs either to August
1 60 1, or to August 1602 ; not, assuredly, to 1596.
VOL. II. Q

226

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XCVII. l6oi ?
Aug. 13.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From
Sherborne.Cobham's
Journey into Corn
wall. —
News of the
Spanish
Fleet— Cecil's
purchaseof Rush-
more.

Sir, I humblie thanck yow for your letter which I
receved this 13th att night, att Sherburne, dated from
the Court the nth ; so it was to dayes and too nights
cumminge. I my sealf went it in half a day less, and
if ther weare any danger it would be no otherwize
handled. My Lord COBHAME stayd here butt one night, but
went on for Cornwale. I could not by any mean disswade
hyme. I canot beleve that thos 80 sayle ar Spaniards,
if they weare seene so high up as St. Mallo's ; for no
winde could serve them in so farr yt hath blowne. Butt
if the[y] hover about the mouth of the Channel!, I am
here nirer my charg then att London.
I have sent away your letter post to my Lord
COBHAME. I humblie thanck yow for VlVlEN. Wee
do wishe you more cordially then yow cann wishe your
sealf. To morrow I go to Rushmore agayne to take
thorrow order. The trees, I thinck, may be released
agayne to the first buyers, for they are not so nire as I
thought, and farr derer then worthe ; and will stand yow,
all wayes considered, 900/. If yow send me your pleasure,
I will leve them. Rushmore will not be fitt for yow to
cum to this yeare. It is so ruined as I canott lodge yow
or my sealf therin.
I pray beleve that when all harts ar open and all
desires tried, that I am your poorest and your fayth-
fullest frind, to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Sherburn, the 13th of August at night, when I receved
your's.

Hopes of a Visit from Cobham.

227

[POSTSCRIPT.]— BESS j returns yow her best wishes,
notwithstanding all quarrells.
Addressed :
For her Majesties speciall affaires. To the right honorable Sir Robert
Cecyll, Knight, Principall Secretaiy to her Majesty, at the Court.
From Sherborne, the 13th of August, at 12 in the night. Post,
haste. Hast, post, haste with all speede. W. Ralegh.
Endorsed: " l^th of August. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master;'' and
also with the dates of receipt at Salisbury, Andover, and Basing.

XCVIII.

TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.

LETTER XCVII. l6ot?
'Aug. 13.

From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers. (Rolls House.) Holograph. Without date.
I HAVE sent your Lordship such news as came to me,
from above, and your Lordship's letter to my Lord
Treasurer agayne ; it was brought me by the post, att
midnight, and I opened it in a badd light and half
asleap, thincking it had byn to my sealf. I hope your
Lordship will be here tomorrow or a' Saterday, or elce
my wife sayes her oysters wilbe all spilt 2 and her partrig
stale ; if your Lordship cannot cum Friday, I will wait
on yow wher yow ar. I praye send mee word if yow
go to lyve in Melplashe,3 that I may attend yow ; or
a' Friday, I shall dispatch my busyness with the Justices
here about those roggs the Meers,4 whereof the elder
hath byn att Court to complayne, and brought the Lord
THOMAS [HOWARD] to Mr. Secritory to deale for hym.
1 Lady Ralegh. - spoiled. 3 Perhaps Malpas, near Truro.
* See Vol. I. , chap. xxi.
Q2

LETTER XCVIII. [l6oi.
August.]
To Lord
Cobham.From
Sherborne. Hopes of a
visit from
Cobham.— Lawsuit
with the
Meeres. —
News of a
Dutch
ship.

228

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER XCVIII. [l6oi. ,
August. ]t

The younger, Master Secritory hath now sent for by
pursevant, and if it had not byn to have sent informa
tions against hym I had byn with your Lordship this
morninge. I feare that my Cornishe men did not repaire
to your Lordship to do yow service, because your passage
was so suddayne ; butt I am sure yow have had an ill
jurny. I pray your Lordship to send us word whether
yow have taken up the howse att Bath or no ; that wee
may send thither.
Your Lordship's ever, and wholly, to command, W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.]— Bess 1 remembers hersealf to your
Lordship, and sayes your breach of promise shall make
yow fare accordingly.
The shipp of the South Sea . of Hollande is past
by — and none of owers stayd her, — with a lantern of
clean gold in her sterne, and arrived att Amsterdame
infinit riche. Master MANSFIELD hath been abrod to
great purpose. The Queen is removed to Ward's2
howse on Friday, and from thence to KNOWLSES in
Reddinge.3 Wher farther, it is not resolved.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my very good Lord, the Lorde Cobham, Lord
Warden of the Cinque Ports, and Her Majesty's Lieutenant- General
of Kent.
1 Lady Ralegh.
2 Or Warder's ? See the Prefatory Note to Letters XCIX. and C.
3 "Knowlses in Reddinge'' is, I suppose, either Caversham Park, in
Oxfordshire, or else the fine old baronial seat of one branch of the great
family of Grey,— Rothei field Greys, also in Oxfordshire. Both of them
were, at this time, seats belonging to " Knowls," and both are near Read
ing. Until very recently, the pious reverence of the late Miss Catherine
Stapleton for her ancestors — among whom were many who did their fair
stroke of work for England in their day and generation— withstood the
much miscalled "modern improvements," and kept up the old house and

Ralegh and the Duke of Biron.

229

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTERS XCIX. AND C-
AND THE DUKE OF BIRON.

-RALEGH

"T^HE date of the preceding letter, No. XCVIII., is fixed
by a comparison of the allusions in its postscript to the
Queen's progress, with the following passages in two letters
of John Chamberlain to Sir Dudley Carleton written in
September 1601 : "On the 13th of August, the Queen came
to Windsor, and is expected shortly at Mr. Comptroller's at
Causham." x And again : " The Queen's first remove from
Windsor was to Mr. Warder's. Then to Reading. During
her abode there she went to Mr. Comptroller's at Causham."
Afterwards she went to Basing, the seat of the Marquess of
Winchester, in Hampshire.
Of the visit to Basing, during this royal progress, of the
Duke of Biron and his numerous companions, to which
Ralegh refers so amusingly in the second of the letters
which follow, Stow, in his Annals, gives this account : —
"The fourth day after the Queen's coming to Basing, the
Sheriff was commanded to attend the Duke of Biron at his
coming into that country. Whereupon, the next day (iothof
the older park as historical places should be kept up. All that is now
quickly suffering change.
The " Knowls " of this letter was Sir William Knollys, son of Elizabeth's
faithful and plain-speaking old counsellor and cousin-gennan, Sir Francis.
William Knollys was, at the time when Ralegh attended the Queen in this
Progress, Comptroller of the Queen's Household. By James, he was suc
cessively created Baron Knollys of Greys (1603), and Viscount Wallingford
(1616) ; and by Charles the First, Earl of Banbury (1626). He followed
Robert Cecil, after an interval, in the Mastership of the Court of Wards.
He lies, under a sumptuous tomb, in the Stapleton chapel of the village
church of Greys, — a church which has lately been very needlessly "im
proved" (after the too-prevailing fashion of the day), into unmeaning smart
ness. The tomb and chapel, however, have escaped the fate of the church
itself. 1 See preceding footnote.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERS
XCIX. AND C
l60I.

230

Prefatory Note to Letters XCIX. and C.

September) he went towards Blackwater, and there met the
said Duke, accompanied with above twenty of the nobility
of France and attended with about four hundred French
men, who were met by George, Earl of Cumberland, and by
him conducted from London into Hampshire. The said
Duke was that night brought to the Vine, a fair and large
house of the Lord Sondes, which house was furnished with
hangings and plate from the Tower and Hampton Court,
and with seven score beds and furniture which the willing and
obedient people of the county of Southampton, upon two
days ' warning, had brought thither to lend the Queen. The
Duke abode there four or five days, all at the Queen's charges,
and spent her more at the Vine than her own Court spent, for
that time, at Basing. During his abode there, Her Majesty
went to him at the Vine, and he to her at Basing. And one
day he attended her at Basing Park in hunting; where the
Duke stayed her coming, and did there see her in such royalty
and so attended by the nobility, so costly furnished and
mounted, as the like had seldom been seen. But, when she
came to the place where the Duke stayed, the said Sheriff (as
the manner is), bare-headed and riding next before her, stayed
his horse, thinking the Queen would then have saluted the
Duke ; whereat the Queen being much offended, commanded
the Sheriff to go on. The Duke followed her very humbly,
bowing low with his cap off, about twenty yards. Her
Majesty on the sudden took off her mask, looked back upon
him, and most graciously and courteously saluted him." She
tarried at Basing, continues the chronicler, thirteen days;
"being very well contented with all things there done;
affirming she had done that in Hampshire that none of her
ancestors ever did, neither that any Prince in Christendom
could do ; — that was, she lived in her Progress in her subjects'
houses; entertained a royal ambassador, and had royally
entertained him." Such entertainment gratified the Queen's
vanity and displayed the lavish magnificence of the English
nobility. But it had its inconveniences. Even the wealthy

Ralegh and the Duke of Biron.

231

Marquess of Winchester was, in some degree, impoverished
by his enormous expenditure on this occasion. It was pro
bably the most costly of all the royal visits ever made during a
Progress. And Basing had very frequently been so favoured
before. That neglect of due attention to Henry's ambassador, on
his arrival, of which Ralegh speaks so strongly, arose, it would
seem, from no lack of instructions on the subject by the Lords
of the Council. Ten days before the date of Letter XCIX.
the Council sent its letters to the Earls of Sussex, Derby, and
Hertford, and to the Lords Bindon, Compton, and Windsor,
desiring them to give their attendance, " for the solemn recep
tion of Marshal Biron, sent hither from the French king." x A
like letter gave special instructions to the Earl of Cumberland
to escort the Duke to Basing.2
In the course of the visit of September 1601, occurred one
of the most curious conversations that have been recorded
between a sovereign and an ambassador. Sully tells us in his
Memoirs that the Duke of Biron had the boldness to question
Elizabeth about her treatment of the Earl of Essex. He went
so far as to express both his own compassion for the Earl, and
his surprise that so much faithful service should have been
followed by so tragical an end. Elizabeth, says Sully, was
complaisant enough to state to the ambassador — who at that
moment was certainly speaking, not for his master, but for
himself — the reasons by which she justified her course. She
told him that Essex had flung himself headlong into projects
far above his strength, and that when, — notwithstanding that
the evidence of his treason had become incontestable, —
submission would still have brought pardon, no entreaties of
friends or relatives could lead him to proffer it. " I know not,"
adds the great statesman who has recorded the conversation,
and who had considerable knowledge of both interlocutors,
"whether the Queen saw in the French ambassador certain
1 Registers of Privy Council: Elizabeth, vol. xvii. p. 364. (Council
Office. ) 2 Ibid. p. 372.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERS
XCIX. AND C.
I60I.

232

Prefatory Note to Letters XCIX. and C.

points of resemblance with the English favourite. The just
reflections on the functions of crowned heads and on the duties
of subjects with which she wound up her recital leads one to
think so. But Biron turned the conversation to no profit." x
It adds to the striking character of the incident to observe
that he was, at the moment when Elizabeth thus addressed
him, already known at the French Court to have been plotting
against his royal master. Henry had hoped that new trust,
and the diversion from a career of arms to a career of
diplomacy — the course which Bacon had recommended to
Essex — would wean his old favourite from the food which had
nourished an unwise ambition. Soon after his return from
England, Biron was sent on a more serious embassy into
Switzerland. But in less than ten months after the interview
at Basing, he too came to the scaffold. Before any judicial
procedure was begun, Henry addressed to him, in person,
almost the very words which (according to Sully) Elizabeth
had told him she, in a less direct way, had addressed, or
had caused to be suggested, to Essex.
The French historian — or romancer on history — Eudes de
Mezerai has improved upon the Duke of Sully's account of the
intercourse between Biron and Queen Elizabeth by stating, for
the information of his compatriots on our domestic manners,
that when the Queen returned to London, Biron accompanied
her ; that they passed together through the Temple Gate of
the City ; and that when they came within sight of it, Eliza
beth pointed out to the ambassador the gory head of Essex,
there exposed as the head of a traitor.
When Ralegh was on his last journey from Devonshire to
London, in 1618, some of the latest incidents of Biron 's
career came to his memory, and he conversed about them
with his companions. Some of those incidents had first come
to his ears, not long before the trials of 1603, in the vague
form in which they had travelled to the French coast, and had
been brought thence to Jersey by the Norman fishermen.
1 Sully, Memoircs (edit, of 1814), torn. iii. p. 57.

Ralegh's attendance on the Duke of Biron.

233

XCIX.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxviii. § 22 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sir, I AM gladd I came hither, for I never saw so great
a person so neglected. He hathe bynn here now left ;
not on 1 nobelman nor gentelman to accompany them
nor to gwyde them. And it is so long er they hard
of my Lord of CUMBERLAND as they thought they
weare neglected. Wee have caried them to Westmister
to see the monuments ; and this Monnday we enter-
tayned them at the Bear Garden, which they had great
pleasure to see.
Here hathe bynn with them Sir A. Savage 2 and Sir
Arthur GORGES, who hathe bynn their guides,8 —
without whom they had byn left allone. Their horses
will not be provided till Wensday morninge. The posts
say they cannot take up horses without cummission from
the Lords of the Concell.
I sent to and fro, and have labored like a moyle 4 to
fashion things so as on Wensday night they wilbe att
Bagshoot, and Thursday at the Vine.
It weare good that A. Savage and A. Gorges weare

2 See the Prefatory Note to Letter LXVIII. p. 136.
3 This reading is doubtful ; the word being indistinctly written,
4 mule.

LETTER XCIX. 1 601.
Sept. 7.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
FromCrosbyHouse.Attend
ance on
the Duke
of Biron
at West
minsterand the
BearGarden. -
Arrange
ments for
the Duke's
journey to
Basing.

234

Letters of Ralegh.

cummanded to cum, because they speak French well,
and ar familliar with them.

Your Honor's to do yow service,

Crosby Howse, this Monday att 6 a'Clock.

W. R.

Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritory. For Her Majesties most especiall service.
W. Ralegh.
London, vii September, att ix a'clock att night.
Endorsed :
61 Sept. 1601. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master. The entertayn-
ment given to the Duke of Byron.

TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: ElizabetL Unarranged
Papers. (Rolls House.) Holograph. Without date.
I THAT know your Lordshipp's resolution when wee
parted cannot take on mee to perswade yow, I will only
say this muche ; it is but a day and half jurney hither,
the Queen will take it exceeding kyndly and take her
sealf more beholdinge unto yow then yow thinke. They
French tarry butt 2 or 3 dayes att most. I will pre
sently returne to the Bathe with your Lordship agayne.
The French weare all black and no kind of bravery at
all, so as I have only made mee a black taffeta sute to be
in ; and leave all my other sutes. This is all I can say,
saving I only wished yow a littell to beare, and make
1 So in MS. The date of the year is in a later hand.

Presence of the Duke of Biron at Court.

235

the Queen so much the more in your debt. It will be
Thursday er they have adience. It were to long to tell
the Queens discource with me of your Lordship, and
finding it, I dust not say that I knew yow weare resolved
not to cum, butt left it to the estate of your boddy. I
need not doubt butt that your Lordship will be here ; yet
I wishe yow to hold such a cource as may best fitt your
honor and your humour together. If yow cum, shee will
take it most kyndly. If yow cum not, it shalbe handled
as yow will have it ; and herein and all elce, I will
remayne yours before all the worlde,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — Basing, this Saterday night, late [12
Sept. 1 601]. I am yeven now going att night to London
to provide me a playne taffeta sute and a playne black
saddell, and wil be here agayne Twesday night ; and if
your French jurney holde, it will muche stand you for
them to know what yow ar here, for I am resolved that
the Queen will most esteeme yow here and use you.
Addressed :
To the Rt- Hontell- my very good Lorde Cobhame.

CI.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxviii. § 53 (Hatfield).
Holograph. Without date of year.
Sir, I RECEVED a letter from Jersey, dated the 12th of
this September, by which I was advertised that a barke
of St. Malo's, cumminge from Lysbone the first of Sep-

LETTER C

236

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CI.
l6oi.
Sept. 19.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromSherborne.News of
the Spanish
Fleet. —
Knavish
proceedings of
John Meeres.

tember, reportethe for certayne that the Spanishe fleete
is still helde ther, together with some 6, or 7,000 soldiers,
yeven then reddy to depart, ether for Irland or the Low
Countres. Ther weare among them of shipps of warr
some 25, the rest weare of all sortts for transportation
only. The Frenche man is helde to be an honezt man
and, as wee beleve in Jersey, will reportt no untrewth.
If they be att sea this weather, they ar hardly besteede.
The rest I leave to your judgements
I ment to have gone to the Bathe the day after my
returne, but I fell sick, and so continew ; wherby I shall
not be abell this yeare to help my sealf therby. That
rooge Meers continews his knavery as violently as ever,
and sent 1 down seven writts out of the Exchequer — on2
to me and six more to divers poore men here, to vex
them only, and to shew bravery. I must in this matter
refer my reputation to your favorabell regard of mee.
For nothinge ever concerned mee more.
I have by this bearer sent yow the gloves, but it is in
dented that if the 3 serve not your own hands, yow must
of your grace return them agayne.
Your's ever to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Sherburne, this 19th of September [1601].
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight. Principall
Secritory, &>c.
Endorsed :
19 September, 1601. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master.

1 So in MS. ; 'hath' omitted.

they,

Lawsuits with Meeres.

237

CII.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxviii. § 62 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date of year.
Sir, It is trew that Meeres1 is bounde to the good
behavior by Sir GEORGE TRENCHARD and Sir RAUFE
Horsey, and three or foure other Justices of this shire.
Butt the recognisence is not above £40. The rest that
ar bound with lij'me ar too or thre roggs of the country,
and wher a counceler's cummandment is layde it serveth
allwayes for a supersedeas ; and did it not, yet by mee no
advantage shalbe taken. That his wife is a kynswoman
to my lady of ESSEX it is trew. She was a poore mans
wife of this country, butt to 2 good for such a knave ;
and beinge a broken piece that, I thincke, few or none
would have had, this knave, — hopinge therby to have
bynn upheld by the Earle of ESSEX, — tooke her. Butt
the Earle did not make shew to like MEERES, nor admitt
hyme to his presence. Butt it was thought that secreatly
he ment to have used hyme for sume mischeif agaynst
mee; and, if ESSEX had prevayled, he had bynn used
for the counterfeter. For he writes my hande so per
fectly, as I cannot any way decerne the difference.
My wife wrate unto my Lady WALSINGAME towching
Meeres, for he tooke into hys howse a sister of his
wives who had sume 200 markes' portion, which the
knave hath cussned her of and turned her of3 a-begginge.
Now that sister being as deere to my Lady as Meers'
1 See previous Letters; and also Vol. I., chap. xxi. 2 too. 3 off.

letter cii.
1601.
Sept. 25.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
[From Sherborne.]
Lawsuits
with Meeres,and other
personal,
affairs.

238

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER en.
1601.
Sept. 25.

wife, she cannot esteme such a knave who, if he respected
her,1 would not so abuse her sister as he hathe, who
being unmaried and begotten with childe in his howse is
now by hyme, — thus undun, — cussned and cast of.2
Besyds, I hope that my Lady of ESSEX cannot say
butt, in matters of more importance, it hath pleased yow
and your frinds to do her service since her Lord's death.
Butt, howsoever it bee, if yow shall not thinck it fitt that
hee submitt hym sealf — having used towards mee many
more cussnegnes and villanes then ever Daniell3 did
to my Lady of ESSEX — I shalbe contente with your
1 Meaning, it would seem, 'if he respected his wife.' 2 off.
3 John Daniel, of Danesbury or Dewsbury in Cheshire, who may pos
sibly claim the distinction of having been the most thorough -paced and
accomplished scoundrel known to the London of James the First. Ralegh's
allusion is to his forgery of a series of letters entrusted by the Earl of
Essex to the Countess' keeping. Daniel had married a Huguenot French
woman, who had been in the service of Lady Essex, and had obtained that
lady's confidence. When the Earl's troubles grew serious, Lady Essex
feared, it seems, to keep the letters in her own house, and entrusted them
to the charge of Daniel's wife. By her, they were shown to her husband,
who stole them, and employed Peter Bales, a famous writing-master of the
day, to make fac-similes. He then worked on Lady Essex' fears for her
husband, by a series of villanies and threats which there is no need to
narrate, until he had obtained an enormous sum of money as the condition
of his returning to her the Earl's letters,— given in charge to her waiting-
woman. The money obtained, he gave up the forgeries, and retained the
originals ; and then began to work upon the poor Countess' fears and love
for her husband again. When the villany came at. length to light, after
the Earl's death, he was tried in the Star Chamber ; sentenced to repay the
money he had obtained from the Countess of Essex ; and to pay a heavy
fine to the Queen. The Queen compounded with him for the fine. He
then set Lady Essex at defiance, and found one or more lawyers to support
his plea that a pardon from the Crown, in such a case, disabled a meaner
claimant from prosecuting her claim. His narrative of his own "Suffer
ings "—addressed to King James the First — was long kept in the Chapter
House at Westminster (among the Records of the Treasury of the Re
ceipt of the Exchequer), and is now in the new Rolls House. It is entitled
Danyell's Disasters, and is a curiosity in the literature of knavery. The
letters of Lady Essex on this strange affair are among the Papers at
Hatfield. They are both touching and admirably written.

Lawsuits with Meeres.

239

order therin, and dare make my Lady of Essex judge
in the cause.
Meers hath sent down 26 subpoenas, to mee and
other poor men, since he was cummitted.
If the Spanierds be now att sea, they ar in great dis
tress. My Lord COBHAME is now with yow. I am sure
the Queen must be a godmother and my Lord Admirall
a fitt deputye. I beseich yow lett us know what becumes
of Ostend and my Lord of NORTHUMBERLAND, to whom
I have written of your carefull respect of hyme.
And, to conclude with Meers, if ther be any nobell
man, counceler, or gentelman that would be contented
to be so provoked by a sarvant, and thinck it fitt to
disgest so many indignites from a villayne raysed by
hyme sealf, I wilbe contented to be ordered in this cause
by such a one.1
Bess sayes that she must envy any fingers whosoever
that shall weare her gloves, butt your owne.
Your's ever as your sarvant,
W. Ralegh.
25 of September [1601].
Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knighte, Principall
Secritory, &°c.
Endorsed :
1601. September 25. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master, concerninge
Meeres.
1 Three days later than the date of this letter from Sir W. Ralegh,
Henry Meeres wrote to Sir R. Cecil a letter dated from Sherborne, and
bearing on its superscription Viscount Bindon's signature, — dated from
Bindon, — enclosing certain "advertisements" which had been received
by his Lordship, who, says the writer, " commanded me in haste to
deliver them to the packet-bearer of Sherborne, which I performed this
present day,'- &c. (Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxviii. § 69. Hatfield.) On the
3rd of October John Meeres, the person specially complained of in

240

Letters of Ralegh.

CIII.

letter CIII.
1601.
Sept. 26.
To Sir
RobertCecil.[FromSher
borne. ]
Arrival of
Scottish-
men at
Wey
mouth. —
News
of the
SpanishFleet.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers, marked '261 A.' (Rolls House.) Holograph.
Sir, Ther arived att Weimouth on Friday, the xxv" of
this September, to Skottishmen, the on called Robert
Blanshill, the other Robert Perison, marchants of
Aburdene ;— they departed Lysbone the thirde of this
present ; — who affirme, on their oathes, that they weare
stayde att Lysbone and St. Uvall1 eyghteen weekes ; and
that ther depted from Lysbone, some dayes before their
cuminge from thence, a fleet of greate Spanish shipps,
to the number of thirty-six, and with them three Irishe
shipps, one Irishe byshoppe, with many preists, and
other Irishe men. They all gave out that they intended to
land either att Cork or Lymbrike. The number of men
weare 8,000, wherof 6,000 soldiers ; the other 2,000 weare
to bringe back the shipps. They weare well furnished
with vittell, munition, and mony; and had also with
them many women.

Sir Walter's letter printed above, thus addressed Cecil from his confine
ment in the Gatehouse : "I do hereby acknowledge my violent speeches
used by [i. e. about] Sir Walter Ralegh, as formerlie I have done, and that
they were spoken furiouslye and foolishelie ; hoping that your Honor
will have a mercyfull consideracion thereof, and waigh the tyme wherin
I uttered them ; the rather for that I am verie sorry for the same, and
wilbe readye to make such satisfaction to him for the same as your Honor
shall thinck meete, nothing doubting but that your Honor wilbe respec
tive of my other causes that they may not [be] hereby impeached, " &c.
1 St. Uvall.] San Juan de Ulloa?

News of the Spanish Fleet.

241

It seemethe by this report that a Plantation is ment.
Thes Skottishe seem to be very honest men, and this
intelligenc differeth littell from that I sent yow from
Jersey. All which I leve to your better judgment, and
rest your most assured to do yow service.
W. Ralegh.
Weimouthe, this 26 of September [1601].
Addressed :
For Her Maiesties service. To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll,
Principal Secritory to Her Maiestie. Shirburne, the 26 of September,
att 10 o'clock the forenoune.
Endorsed :
Sir W. Raleigh to my Master. From Shirbonne.

CIV.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers; formerly marked '263.' (Rolls House.) Holograph.
I WROTE unto yow the 26 of this present what I re
ceived from certayne Skottishe marchants. It is now
manefest that bothe thos advertisements ar trew, for
thos three pinneses which brought in the great prize att
Plymouth of 900 chests of suger were chased by the
Spanish fleet, seven dayes before their arivall ; and they
arived on Tuesday last,1 the second of this moneath, and
weare therfore chased of2 the mouth of the Channell,
which was about the 25 of August, and so must needs

1 So in MS., but evidently by a slip of the pen.
VOL. II. R

off

242

Letters of Ralegh.

be in Ireland or perished ; from whence it seemeth yow
canot hear by reason of this esterly winde.
Thos of Munster had some warninge of ther being
on the coast, for one Captayne LOVE or Capt. Lane,
being on the Irishe coast, forsooke his shipp, and went
into a bote and tooke horse uppon the shore, and gave
warninge to the next adjoyninge about the coast of
Dungarvan, between Yoholl1 and Waterforde. From
there he tooke his shipp agayne and arived att Ply
moth. Thes pinneses tolde 60 sayle. A Fleming also,
cuming from Lysbone, confirmeth the former intelli
gence, and addeth therunto, either out of conjecture, or
knowledge, or fame, affirming that the soldiers ar 6,000 ;
that they have twelvemoneths pay, and like vittell,
beforehande ; that he saw many with chaynes of golde ;
and that generally the army was very brave, and well
provided of all things ; that certayne cannons were
imbarked in some gallions, with all other things answer-
abell. Sir, I beseich [you] to acquaynt my Lord Admirrall-
herewith, and that yow will vouchsaif to excuse me
for not writing to his L[ordship], knowing that yow are
of one mind and fortune, of one love and on 2 indevor
for Her Majesties service.
Yours ever as your sarvent,
W. Ralegh.
Shirb[orne], the 27 of Sept. [1601].
Addressed :
For Her Majesties speciall affaires. To the right honorabell Sir ROBERT
Cecyll, Knight, Principall Secritory, &°c. Hast, &c.

1 Voughal.

Recommendation of Mr. Stucley.

243

CV.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers,vol. lxxxviii. § 128 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sir, If I cum not to1 late, I would be an humbell sutor
unto yow for a cumpany in Irland for a gentelman, Mr.
Stuckly, who hath served with good reputation bothe
by sea and lande. Hee was wounded with Sir Richard
Grenvile in the Revendge, and hath since served longue
in Irland and elcewhere. For the rest, I will not trobell
yow, but I will hope for your favor towards hyme, and
rest your Honors to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Sherburn, this 13 of October [1601].
[POSTSCRIPT.] — This bearer hath brought an Inglish-
man which came in the Spanish fleet. Hee will tell yow
that they imbarked 4,000 men, but want ij great shipps
and almost a 2,000 of their men. They ar riche in
mony. The cummanders have brought their wives and
children, which proveth that they mean to abide it, and
make us a warr ther. They look for great supplies.
They have broken down the wall, man's hight. They
have intrenched without the towne ; out of which they
have bynn beaten twise in a day by Captain FLOWRE.2
The Inglishe serve with invincibell currage agaynst them.
Many Spanierds ar alreddy taken. They have too car-
veils uppon the entrance. The Deputy is not yet cum

2 This reading is doubtful.

LETTER cv.
1601.
Oct. 13.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From Sherborne.Recom
mendation of Mr.
Stucley,
for service
in Ireland.
— Invasion
of Ireland
by the
Spaniards.

R 2

244

Letters of Ralegh.

to beseige them, but will shortly. DiEGO BROCHERO is
admirall ; Seburo, vice-admirall. Brochero is thot
dead. They had 6 great shipps of 900 toon, and on x of
1,300 ; all mand, for the most, with strangers. The
most of the shipps ar gone. The rest tarry yet.
I had thought that this bearer had been STUCKLY,
which made me write as I did. Butt he is still in
Irlande, and therfore I do not miche desire anything in
his behalf. Your's ever to do yow service,
W. R.
Sherburn, this Wensday night.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritorye, &*c.
Endorsed :
14 October, 1601. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Master.

CVI.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxix. § 41 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, I AM of oppinion that ether Kynsale was not the
place purposed to be undertaken, or elce Florence2
was the cause therof, for the port bordereth his country.
The towne is of small reseate, mastered by hills, and cum-
passed with a weake wall. Butt wher as I herd that the
Deputy and Presedent have written that they will make
1 one. -> Florence MacCarthy. See Vol. I. , chapter xvi.

Invasion of Ireland by the Spaniards.

245

a short work of it, I am not altogether of that minde,
and yet I do not thinck that Spayne will supply them
in hast. Neather will thos Spanierds alreddy ther finde
such a party as they hoped, — which may be some cause
of thos governours' hopes. Butt, after a few dayes, yow
shall here more ; for, if the country stand sounde, then the
warr wilbe the easier. Butt sure I am if thes Spanierds
had cum in the begining of the warrs, the kingdome had
bynn once lost. Yow shall finde, I warrant yow, that
Tirrone will bestire hyme sealf in the north, and every
rebell in his quarter. For this is the last of all hopes.
For Meeres, I thinck by this tyme yow finde the
strenght of his villanous spirrite, and yet a more noto
rious cowardly brute never lived. Butt if hee do not
submitt hyme sealfe, hee will triumph that hee hath
resisted mee and my greatest frinds. All which I leve
to your favorabell care, and rest your ever most fayth-
full, to do yow service, W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — My wife sayes that yow came hither
in an unseasonabell tyme, and had no leasure to looke
abrode; and that every day this place amends, and
London, to her, groes worss and worss. I have sent
away her Majestie's letters and your Honor's with all
dillegence; not doubting butt the soldiers, butt1 first
apoynted and thes, shalbe reddy. My deputes have
written to mee that they will arme the first 50 men.
What they will do for thes, I know not.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knighte, Principall
Secritorye, &*c.
Endorsed: "Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master. Without date;" and, in
another hand, "Oct. 1601."
1 So in MS., probably written for ' both.'

letter cvi.
1601. Oct.
Invasionof Ireland
by the
Spaniards.
— Knavery
of John
Me ires

246

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CV1I.
1601?
To Sir R.
Cecil. From
Jersey ?
Remittance of
moneyto Jersey.
- — Particu
lars of a
privateer
ing adven
ture.

CVII.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxxvi. § 131 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, I HAVE now receved of Mr. Thomas Freake the
full summe of foure hundred poundes, accordinge to
your former letter, which I hope will sett all free. By
the next, I will send a particuler, easier to be under-
stoode. Mr. FREAKE had not so mich mony of his owne
att the present, but hathe taken it up of his frinds. He
was exceeding willinge to do yow service therin, *and
wilbe in any thinge that yow shall pleas to use hyme,
for which I pray yow to returne hyme thancks. For it
is a hard matter in this country 1 to make provision of
mony. By the next, I hope yow shall here that the shipp is
gonn, that now stayes butt for the winde ; and so, having
no other matter of importance, I rest your's to do yow
service,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.]— I will returne the last letter by the
next packett.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritorye, <S°f.
Endorsed : "Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master." Without date.
1 Jersey?

Foreign News and Rumours.

247

1602.

CVIII.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.

Cecil Papers, vol. xciv. § 56 (Hatfield).
Without date of year.

Holograph.

From the Original.
Sir, Yow will, I hope, geve me leve to salute my Lord
COBHAME and yow, both in a letter. I can send no
newse from hence. I here not from any part of the
world as yet. I cannot send away a barke for Spayne,
the winde blowing continewally att west and north west.
From France I have hard nothing, butt that a bark of
Granvile told me that the master was offred a hundred
crowns to be pilot for this place by SPINOLA. Butt he
concluded with a sute for the transporting of sea cole ; —
to which, I suppose, his silee 1 tale x tended.
I feare the cumming of many Norman gentelmen.
Butt I cannot prevent it. I shalbe mich pesterd with
them. I beseich yow bestow a line on me, that leve in
desolation. And, if yow find no cause to staye me here,
I would willingly returne.
The newses here of Epernon'S flight from Court,
the Constabell's2 disgrading, and such other Rochell
advertismentts, I beleve not. Yow best know what
hathe paste.
I shall ever rest to do yow bothe service with all I
have, and my life to boote,
W. Ralegh.
1 These two words have been hurriedly written, and the reading is a
little doubtful. The word " tended " is plain.
2 I. e. the Marshal Duke of Biron.

LETTER CVIII. 1602.
July 20.
To Sir R.
Cecil.From
Jersey. Greetings.
— Foreign
news and
rumours.
—Expected arrival of
Normansin Jersey.

248

Letters of Ralegh.

[Postscript.] — Bess will convey me your letters, if
yow send any.
Jersey, the 20 of July [1602]. I arived here the 3rd,
so I have walked here this 17 dayes in the wilderness.
Captain Button is gon with the Vangard. Captain
Turner is here ; and the three Flemings att Garnsey.
Addressed :
For Her Majesties especyall affaires. To the right honorable Sir Robert
Cecill, Knight, Her Majesties Principall Secretary. Hast, &c.
W. Ralegh.
Endorsed :
July 20. Sir Waller Raleigh to my Master. From Jersey.

CIX.
TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers. (Rolls House.) Holograph.
** That this partially-dated letter belongs to the year 1602,
and that the " arrival," with a reference to which it begins, was
from Jersey, is sufficiently shown by a passage in a letter of
Sir Robert Cecil to Sir George Carew, in which the writer
says : " You cannot have answer from my Lord Cobham,
because he is at Dover ; nor from Sir Walter Ralegh, because
he is at the West, newly come out of his Island. The rest
will write unto you by the next." (MS. Tenison, dciv. f. 204.
Lambeth Palace.) This was written on the 9th of August,
1602. On the 8th of July, Chamberlain had written to Sir Dudley
Carleton : " Sir Walter Ralegh is upon the way to his govern
ment in Jersey.'' {Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Un
arranged Papers ; Rolls House.)

Return from Jersey.

249

The " Lord Viscount" of the postscript was Thomas Howard,
third Viscount Bindon, a grandson of Thomas, eighth Duke of
Norfolk. Of the suits referred to some account will be found
in the preceding volume.
My worthy Lorde,
I AM now arived, having stayde so long as I had
means. I caused the Antelope to be revitled for fourteen
dayes, which was as much as that place could afforde ;
and that being spent, I durst not tarry to cum home
towards Winter in a fisherman. I presume, — ther is no
cause to doubt it, — the castells ar defensibell enoughe,
[and] the countrey1 reasonabell well provided. The
Spanierds will ether do somewhat more prayseworthy,
or attend a better opportunetye. I am reddy now to
obey your cummandementts. If yow will cum to the
Bathe, I will not fayle yow, or whatsoever elce your
Lordship will use me in, in this worlde. I will now
looke for the Lord Henry of Northumberlande,
who, I thincke, wilbe here shortly, knowing my returne,
and I doubt not butt hee will meet us also att the Bathe,
if your Lordship acquaynt hyme with the tyme. It is
best, if your Lordship purpose it, to take the end of this
moneth att fartheste.
I here that the Lord Chamberlayne is dead. If it be
so, I hope that your Lordship may be stayde uppon
good cause ; — if it be so, I could more willingly cum
eastward then ever I did in my life. Howsoever it bee,
they be butt things of this worlde, by which thos that
have injoyed them have byne as littell happy as other
poore men. Butt the good of thes changes wilbe that
while men ar of necessety to draw lotts, they shall
hereby see their chanses, and dispose themsealvs accord -
1 Jersey.

letter cix.
1602.
Aug. 12.
To Lord
Cobham.From Sherborne. Return
fromJersey. —
Its de
fences. —
Hopes of
an early
meeting
with Cobham
and with
the Earl of
Northum
berland.

250

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CIX.
l602.
Aug. 12.

ingly. I beseich your Lordship that I may here from
yow. From hence I can present yow with nothinge butt
my fast love and "trew affection, which shall never part
from studiing to honor yow, till I be in the grave,
W. Ralegh.
Weimouth, this 12 of August [1602].
[POSTSCRIPT.] — My Lord Vicount [Bindon] hath
so exalted Meere's sutes agaynst mee, in my absence,
as neather Master Serjent Heale nor any elce could be
hard for mee to stay trialls while I was out of the land
in Her Majesties service ; — a right and curtesy afforded
to every begger. I never busied mysealf with the
Vicont's wealthe ; [nor] of his extortions, or poysoninge
of his wife, as it is here avowed, have I spoken. I
have forborne here, in respect of the Lord Thomas
[Howard], and cheifly because of Master Secritory.
who, in his love to my Lord Thomas, hathe wisht mee
to it. Butt I will not indure wrong att so pevishe a
foole's hands any longer. I will rather loose my life
And I thinck that my Lord Puritan PERIAM1 doeth
thincke that the Queen shall have more use of roggs
and villayns then of men, or els hee would not, att
Byndon's instances, have yeilded to try actions agaynst
mee, being out of the lande.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell my singuler good Lorde, the Lord Cobhame,
Lord Warden of the Five Portts, &°c.
1
1 Sir William Peryam, one of the Justices of the Common Pleas, from
Feb. 1581 until Hilary Term of 1593 ; and Chief Baron of the 'Exchequer,
from the latter date until Oct. 1604.

Continued Efforts for the Colonisation of Virginia.

251

CX.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xciv. § 160 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date of year.
Sir, WHERAS as I wrate unto yow in my last that I
was gonn to Weymouth, to speake with a pinnes of
myne arived from Virginia, I found this bearer, Cap-
tayne GILBERT, ther also, who went on the same voyage.
Butt myne fell 40 leaugs to the west of it, and this
bearer as much to the east ; so as neather of them spake
with the peopell. Butt I do sende both the barks
away agayne, having saved the charg in sarsephraze1
woode; butt this bearer bringing sume 2200 waight2
to Hampton,3 his Adventurers have taken away their
parts, and brought it to London.
I do therfore humblie pray yow to deale withe my
Lord Admirall for a letter to make seasure of all that
which is cume to London, ether by his Lordships octo-
retye or by the Judge : because I have a patent that
all shipps and goods are confiscate that shall trade ther,
without my leve. And wheras sarsephraze was worth
\os., 12s., and 20s. a pound before Gilbert returned,
his cloying of the market will overthrow all myne, and
his owne also. Hee is contented to have all stayde ;
not only for this present : butt, being to go agayne,
others will also go and distroy the trade, which, other-

LETTER CX.
1602.
Aug. 21.
To Sir R.
Cecil.FromWey mouth.Continued
efforts for
colonization of
Virginia,andfoundation of a trade
therewith. — Arrival
of some
cargoes of
sassefraswood, &c.

1 Sassefras.

2 2200 lb. or22cwt., as then- computed.
3 Southampton.

252

Letters of Ralegh.

wize, would yeild 8 or 10 for on,1 in certenty, and a
returne in xx weekes.
I desire butt right herein ; and my Lord Admirall, I
hope, will not be a hinderance to a matter of trade
graunted by the Great Seale of Inglande ; his Lordship
havinge also freedome and an interest in the countrye.
A man of my Lord's, of Hampton, arested part of
Gilbert's, for the tenths. I hope my Lord will not
take it; belonging not unto hyme; having also hyme
sealf poure to trade ther 2 by his interest. And it were
pitty to overthrow the enterprize ; for I shall yet live to
see it an Inglishe nation.
Ther was also brought 26 sedar trees by Gilbert,
which one Staplyne of Dartmouth hath. If my Lord
will vouchsauf to write to C. Harris3 to seaze them, we
will part them in three parts,— to seele4 cabineats, and
make bords5 and many other delicate things. I beseich
yow vouchsauf to speak to my Lord. I know his Lord
ship will do mee right herein. I, for hast, have not
written. For, if a stay be not made, it wilbe spent, and
sold into many hands.
This bearer, Captayne Gilbert — who is my Lord
Cobhame's man— will find out wher it is. Hee came
to mee with your post letter. It is he,— by a good
token,— that had the great diamonde.
I beseich yow, favor our right; arid yow shall see
what a prety, honorabell, and sauf trade wee will make.
Your's ever to serve yow, W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — I hope yow will excuse my cumber
some letters and sutes. It is your destney to be trobled

one- 8 / e. to Virginia.
Christopher Harris, an officer of the Admiralty.
' bords ' is probably here used in the sense of ' tables.'

4 ciel.

News of the Spanish Fleet.

253

with your frinds, and so must all men bee. Butt what
yow thinck unfitt to be dun for mee shall never be a
quarrell, ether internall or externall. I thanck yow ever
more for the good, and what cannot be effected, farewell
hit ! If wee cannot have what we would, methincks it is
a great bonde to finde a frinde that will strayne hyme
sealf in his frind's cause in whatsoever, — as this world
fareth. Wemouth, this 21 of August [1602].
[Second Postscript.] — Gilbert went without my
leve, and therfore all is confiscate ; and he shall have
his part agayne.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Principall
Secritorye, &*c.
Endorsed :
1602. August 21. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master.

CXI.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers, 1602; formerly numbered '174.' (Rolls House.) Holograph.
Without date of year.
Sir, I RECEVED thes inclosed from my levetenant this
present morninge, and have dispatched the bearer which
came from Jersey unto yow. It seemes to be trew. All
that cann be don is to lay for them carefully, and thoughe
the galles slipp by the shore, the flibotts cannot. They
speak of galleasses, butt I understand it not. I am at

254

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXI.

this instant in payne and cannot writ miche. I beseiche
you be good to this poore man that hath taken paynes
and cume with speed, in his own barck.
Your's as your sarvent,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — I beseich you remember me to my
Lord COBHAME.
Bath, the xvth [September, 1602].
Addressed :
For Her Majesties especiall service. To the right honorable Sir Robert
Cecyll, Principall Secritorye to Her Majestye, &c. Hast, post,
hast. Hast for life. W. Ralegh.
Bathe, the 15 of September, att after nowne.
Endorsed :
1602. September xv. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master. With some
advertisements from Jersey.
[ENCLOSURE IN LETTER CXL]
Sir G. Poulet to SirW. Ralegh.
It maye please your Honor to receave here enclosed a letter sent from a
Englysh gentleman lying at Rhenes, 1 certyfying the arryvall of the Spannysh
galleys at Blauett, which advyse being of great importance I have thought
yt my dewtye with all hast possybell to acquaint your Lordship therewith;
and to that purpose have dyspatched this bearer, Phyllyp Rockyer, pur
posely unto you, with expresse charge to use all dyllygence possybell,
which I dowt not but he wyll performe. And yet, fearing what may
happen, I doo send the licke packet by John Crosse in another passage.
And whereas Mr. Howryll's letter maketh mensyon of a letter to Mr.
Secretarye, the same ys not come to my hands. This letter came by the
waye of St. Malloos this mornyng. From whence, beleeke, the letter for
Mr. Secretarye ys sent dyrectlye. And so, wyshing that these advertyse-
ments may have a speedy passage unto your Honour, I wyll humbly take
my leave. Jersey, the xiiith of September, 1602.
Your Honour's in all dewtye to command,
. , , , G. Poulet.
Addressed :
To his honorable Governour, Sir Walter Ralegh, Knyght, Lord
Warden of the Stannerys, Captayn of Her Majesties Gard, and
Governour of Jersey. Hast, &c.

Rennes, in Brittany.

Ralegh about to go into Cornwall.

255

CXII.
TO HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: Elizabeth. Unarranged
Papers. (Rolls House.) Holograph. Without date of year.
My best Lorde,
I DO only write yow thes to salute yow, and to
desire to here from yow how your particular, and our
generall, worlde movethe; and withall that yow will
vouchsafe to lett me know how the Queen accepted the
Jewell. For the littell comonwealth whence I came, I
will leve to trobell your Lordship withall till God send
us to meet. I am now preparing my miserable jurney
into Cornwall. From thence I will hast towards yow,
and elcewher I will ever remayne
Your most trew frinde and sarvent,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — Bess1 remembers herself to your
Lordship, with a challendg that shee never hard from
yow. I beseich your Lordship to favor this poore man,
who is worthy estimation.
Sherborne, this 14th of October [1602 ?].

Addressed :
To my honorable

Lord, the Lord Cobham, Lord Warden of the
Cinque Fortes.
1 Lady Ralegh.

LETTER CXII.
1602?
Oct. 14.
To Lord
Cobham From
Sherborne.Greetings. — Ralegh
is about to
go into
Cornwall.

256

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXIII. 1 602.
Nov. 3.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
From Sherborne.Regulation
of the
Mines of
Cornwall.
— Deten
tion by
privateaffairs at
Sherborne.

LETTER CXIV. 1602.
To Sir R.
Cecil.
From the
Court ?
Business of
the Wine
Office.—

CXIII.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar fj, b ii. § 102 (Hatfield).
Holograph. Without date of year.
Sir, Since I wrate unto yow, out of Cornwale, of the
agreement with the Tynners, I have not hard from yow.
I miche desire to know how our labors ar accepted of,
and how the world farethe.
I linger here as longe as I cann, to dispach my
private affaires ; except ther be cause to hasten me up.
I will herein be directed by yow, and in all things elce
disposed att your pleasure. I can write yow from hence
no other newse, butt that we ar all — littell and great —
in good health, and ever yours faythfully to cummande
wherinsoever,
W. Ralegh.
Sherburne, the 3 of November [1602].
CXIV.
TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xcvii. § 104 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, I HAVE perswaded all the poore Taverners of
Inglande that I would not depart the Court until they
were assured to injoy their estates and free them from
the Promoter. If I shalbe sent away1 before it be
finished, I shall not only be thought a cussener ; butt, in
my absence, I know ther wilbe a thowsand famylies at
' /. e. be sent to his government of Jersey.

The Queen's Disfavour.

257

the Court. The matter is nothinge to her Majestye.
Shee that hath justified all her actions, words, and
intents, to all the yearth, will not finde me out to make
example of the contrary. The Queen may take advan
tage of the acts of her awncestors ; but neather prince
nor private man denieth hyme sealf. Her Majestye
used this grace to Sir Henry Leg for £400 lande, and
yet not of her Majesties gift.
It greves mee to find with what difficulty and torment
to my sealf I obtayne the smalest favor. Her Majestye
knowes that I am reddy to spend all I have, and my life,
for her in a day ; and that I have but the keping of that
I have. For all I have I will sell for her in an howre,
and spend it in her service.
Lett the Queen, then, break their harts that ar none
of her's. Ther is littell gayne in losinge her own. Thes
things should not torment mee if I were as other ar.
But it is trew, — ' Ubi dolor, ibi amor ; exue amorem.'
Wheras it pleaseth her Majesty to promis to do it
hereafter, although it may be certayne that 'Miser est
qui ex fututis pendet,' yet I protest, before God, for my
sealf I never care to have it other wize. Butt I cannot
live, nor shew my face out of my doores, without it, nor
dare ride thorrow the townes wher thes Tavernerss dwell.
I beseich yow to offre it. I hope her Majestye will
not refuse it ; or thinck it a gayne to send mee away
hartbroken and disgraced.1 Your's to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed : " To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Prin
cipall Secritory e, &=c."
Endorsed, in Sir Robert Cecil's hand : "Sir Walter Ralegh;" and, in
another hand, " To my Master. 1602."
1 I am, at present, unable to explain the precise suit to which this letter
on the business of the Wine-licensing Patent directly relates. It is probable
VOL. II. s

letter CXIV. 1602.
The Queen's
disfavour.

258

Letters of Ralegh.

cxv.

TO THE QUEEN.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxiii. § 35 (Hatfield). Holograph.

%* The scription of this letter, like its style, bears the
characteristic marks and stamp of Ralegh ; but its extreme
precision and neatness of hand — so entirely unusual with the
writer at this period of his life — are such as might excite at
least a momentary misgiving as to its genuineness. They
appear, at the first glance, to exceed that natural amount of
care and deliberation which would mark a courtly subject's
deference to his Sovereign. On the whole, however, there
seems to be no ground for questioning its authenticity, as an
original letter in Sir Walter's autograph.
In subsequent years, careful — almost elaborated — penman
ship became characteristic of Ralegh's letters, whenever the
subject was important. I regret that I am not, at present,
able to put before the reader a fac-simile of this later style of
scription, as well as of those early scrawls of which he has
already seen a specimen in the Letter to the Earl of Leicester,
of October 1587.
that some technical irregularity in the terms of the Patent had been dis
covered, and that an attempt had been made — during Ralegh's passing
cloud of disfavour with the Queen— to injure him, and, through him, the
"poor Taverners " or Vintners, by disturbing in some way the licences he
had granted. [See the Letter of the Solicitor-General Egerton, quoted
above, p. 41.] It would also appear that the thing proposed to be done
was expected, in some degree, to benefit the Queen's Exchequer ; and of
course it was also expected not to injure that of the promoters, who —
under such circumstances— would much rather have heard of Ralegh's
banishment to his command at Jersey than have continued to see him at
Court.

Against Proposals to the Queen to declare a S,

accessor.

259

I PRESUMED to present your Majestye with a
paper, contayninge the dangers which might groe by
the Spanish faction in Skotland. How it pleased your
Majesty to accept therof I know not. I have since
harde that divers ill-disposed have a purpose to speak
of Succession. If the same be suppresst, I am gladd of
it ; yet, fearinge the worst, I sett down sume reasons to
prove the motive meerly vayne, dangerus, and unnesces-
sarye. And because I durst not my sealf speak, in any
matter, without warrant, I have sent your Majestye thes
arguments, which may perchance put others in minde of
sumewhat not impertinent ; and who, beinge graced by
your Majesties favor, may, if need require, use them
amonge others more worthy. Without glory I speake
it, that I durst ether by writinge or speach satisfye the
worlde in that poynct, and in every part of their foolish
consaytes which, for shortnes of time, I could not so
amplely insert. This beinge, after one hour's warninge,
but one houre's worke, I humblie beseich your Majestye
not to acquaynt any withall, unles occasion be offred
to use them.
Your Majestye may, perchance, speake hereof to thos
seeminge my great frinds, but I finde poore effects
of that or any other supposed ametye. For, your
Majesty havinge left mee, I am left all alone in the
worlde, and am sorry that ever I was att all. What
I have donn is out of zeale and love, and not by any
incoragement : for I am only forgotten in all rights, and
in all affaires ; and myne enemis have their wills and
desires over mee. Ther ar many other things con-
cerninge your Majesty's present service, which, mee-
thincks, are not, as the1 ought, remembred ; and the
s 2

letter cxv.
Li 602?]
To Queen
Elizabeth. On pro
posals for
the decla
ration of a
Successor
to the
Crown. —
Regrets at
his exclu
sion from
the Queen's
presence.

they.

260

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXV.
[l602 ?]

LETTER CXVI.
[1600?]
To Sir R.
Cecil. Embarka
tion of the
DukeOrsini.

tymes pass away, unmesured, of which more profitt
might be taken. But I feare I have^ alreddy presumed
to1 mich, which Love stronger then Reason hath in-
coraged ; for my errors ar eternal, and those of other
mortall, and my labors thanckless, I mean unaccept
able, for thancks belongeth not to vassalls. If your
Majestye pardon it, it is more then to1 great a rewarde.
And so most humblie imbracing and admiringe the
memory of thos celestial bewtyes, which with the people
is denied mee to revew, I pray God your Majestie may
be eternall in joyes and happines.
Your Majesty's most humble slave,
W. R.
Addressed : " For the Queen's most excelent Majestye. "

CXVI.

TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxxvi. § 132 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, Ther came unto mee a gentelman from Flushing
who saw the Duke Don Virginia2 Ursini ther. It is
trew that hee was imbarked in a Fleminge att Dovor ;
the winde not servinge for her Majesties shipp to cum
about. Now wher3 this Zelander did carry hyme thither per
force, or whether hee desired it, hearing of the Peace of

too.

2 So in MS.

3 whether.

Embarkation of the Duke Orsiui.

261

Savoy, I know not. For I remember hee told me that
hee would see Holland and Zeland, if that peace weare
concluded. How hee shalbe welcume to the Archduke
I conceve not. I thought good to lett yow know this
miche.1 Your's to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed: " To the right honorabell Mr. Secritorye."
Endorsed : " Sir I Tatter Ralegh to my Master."
i I am unable conclusively to identify the " Virginio Orsini, "fhere spoken
of. Probably, he was the same Italian nobleman who is mentioned by
De Thou (Historia sui Temporis, under A. D. 1591), as leading a crusade
against bandits in the States of the Church, but there is no proof. In the
careful index of De Thou's French translators (edit, of 1734), that noble
man is entered as Virginio degli Orsini, ' son of the Marquess of Lamen-
tano,' but nothing can safely be inferred from Ralegh's use of the title
' Duke. ' I do not think that Virginio degli Orsini occurs in De Thou
after 1591.
Ralegh's allusion to " the Peace of Savoy" I had overlooked. It shows
that this letter should have been placed at the end of the letters of ' 1600,'
not of '1602.' The treaty between Henry IV. and Charles Emanuel of
Savoy (by which either the marquisate ^of Saluzzo, or the territory of
Bresse with large appurtenances, was to be ceded by Savoy to France), was
concluded at Paris on the 27th of February, 1600.

LETTER CXVI.
[1600?]

202:

Prefatory Note to Letter CX VII.

1603.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERCXVIL I60-,.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CXVIL — RALEGH AND
THE LONDON PALACE OF THE BISHOPS OF DURHAM.
"piURHAM HOUSE, to the surrender of which by Sir
Walter Ralegh the following letter relates, was built to
be the mansion of the Bishops of Durham during their attend
ance in Parliament, by Thomas de Hatfield, who had served
King Edward the Third as his Secretary, and filled the See of
Durham from the year 1345 until 1381. The building appears
to have been commenced soon after this Bishop's consecration.
It continued to be the town residence of the Bishops of
Durham until nearly the close of the reign of King Henry the
Eighth, when Bishop Cuthbert Tonstal had to resign it to the
King, in the form of an ' exchange ' — after the fashion of the
times. By Edward the Sixth it was given to the Princess
Elizabeth for her life. During Mary's reign, Tonstal recovered
Durham House as well as his dissolved bishopric, but he
was again deprived of both on Elizabeth's accession. In 1562,
De Quadra, the Spanish ambassador whom Mr. Froude has
made famous, lived here ; and hence were written some of
his very curious contributions towards our English history.
Other temporary residents inhabited the old mansion, from
time to time, by the Queen's favour. In 1584, she granted a
lease of the greater part of it to Sir Walter Ralegh. It appears
by a letter from Lady Ralegh to Sir Robert Cecil, written long
subsequently, that Sir Walter expended a considerable sum
upon its reparation, notwithstanding the insecurity of his
tenure. The original mansion was very large, and with its courtyards
and various outbuildings covered nearly the whole site of the
present Adelphi Terrace and of the streets between it and the
Strand, one of which still bears the name ' Durham Yard.'

Ralegh and the Palace of the Bishops of Durham.

263

Immediately on King James' accession, Bishop Tobias
Matthew claimed the house of his ancient predecessors in the
See, and within a few days of the King's arrival at Greenwich
obtained a royal warrant in the following terms : —
" To our trusty and well beloved Counsellors, the Lord Keeper of
the Great Scale, &-\:
James R. — Right trusty and well beloved Counsellors,
we greet you well. Forasmuch as upon examination
before you of the matter between the Bishop of
Duresme and those that now dwell in his house, touch
ing the right of the House called Duresme Place, it
appeareth that neither the said dwellers have any right
therein, nor we, whome they sought to entytle to it ;
and that thereof we are certyfied by you, we think it
reasonable the said Bishop should have quiet possession
of his house. Wherefore we require you to give order
to our Attorny Generall, or some other of our learned
Counsell, to give warning and commandment in our
name to Sir Walter Raleigh, Knight, and Sir Edward
Darcy, to delyver quyet possession of the said house
to the said Bishop of Duresme, or to such as he shall
appoint to receave it in his name. And that they and
all others there abyding do, within such tyme as you
shall think good to lymit, avoid the house, removing
thence themselves and all their goods within that tyme
which you shall appoint, with indifferent consideration
as well of the Bishop's necessary use of the place as
also of their convenyency for removing from thence.
Gyven under our Sygnet at our Manor of Greenwich,
the last day of May, 1603, in the first yeare of our
rayne."
The Bishop, as it seems, was prevented from attending the
Commissioners, in person, and wrote to the Lord Keeper a
letter, of which the following is a copy : —

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER
CXVI I.
1603.

264

Prefatory Note to Letter CXVIL

" To the Rt. Hon. my very good Lord, Sir Thomas Egerton,
Knight, Lord Keeper of the Great Seale of England.
Maie it please your good Lordship,
Whereas yesterdaie morning, when I should have
attended your Lordship, and the rest of his Majesties
Commissioners, for the possession of my house in the
Strand, I received a message from his Highness, by
Sir Roger Ashton and Mr. Hudson, that it was his
Majesties good pleasure and direction that I should
forthwith repaire to the Queene our Sovreigne, and
give myne attendance on her Highness in her journey
from Duresme to the Court (which his Majestye would
vouchsafe to take in very good part of his princely
benignitie), I had no tyme to take my leave of your
Lordship, being the same afternoone to depart the
Cittie northward, much lesse to solicite your Lordship
and the rest as aforesaid. Wherein as necessitie itself
will, I trust, pleade myne excuse, notwithstanding I
thought meete to acquaint your Lordship with this
sodaine occasion of my absence, and to intreate thate
this bearer, my servant Francis Berty, maie have accesse
to your good Lordship to receive your honorable and
favorable answer, togeather with the possession of that
house to my use with what celeritie conveniently may
be graunted ; the supposed tenaunts seeking nothing
els but to gaine tyme to deface the house more then is
justyfiable by lawe, or to shuffle in some noble or other
wise gracious person thereinto (yf not moe then one),
whome to remove it may be harder for me than I am
willing to assaie. I heare that Sir Walter Raleigh doth
earnestly labour to contynue his habitation there untill
Michaelmas, a desyne nothing reasonable, considering
that thereby the commoditie of the summer will be lost,
a tyme most fit for me to repaire the delapidations and
decayes which he by so many yeres space hath made or

Ralegh and the Palace of the Bishops of Durham.

265

suffered, and which I would forthwith sett in hande
with all my workmen of all sorts, whatsoever it cost me.
Humbly beseaching your Lordship that, as hitherto, so
to the ende of this my suite, I maie finde your especiall
favour, whereupon I depende, and must acknowledge
the same with all dutie and thankfulnes at my returne
at her Majesties repaire to London. By which tyme
all these wranglers maie have removed their stuffe,
especially sithe they were not ignorant that none but
myself could clayme any just title, interest, or occupa
tion, and that I had made the same known unto them
all before Easter last, which they cannot denie.
Thus being sorie but that there is no remedie to
be so troublesome to your Lordship, I humbly take
my leave.
At Ware, this vijth of June, 1603.
Your Lordship's humble, bounden and assured,
more and more to be commanded, Tobie Duresme."
The Bishop was very timely — as it proved — in his applica
tion. He had taken advantage of his northern proximity to
be among the first to welcome King James on his crossing
the border, and he obtained permission to preach a congratu
latory sermon before him at Berwick. James, probably, knew
nothing of the very unfavourable view of his own character
which the now courtly Bishop had formed and expressed in
bygone years. As recently as in 1594, Matthew had written
to Lord Burghley that King James "is a deeper dissembler
than is thought possible for his years." " I pray God," he adds,
"the King's protestations be not too well believed." This
deprecation grew out of a then-pending negotiation between
Queen Elizabeth and the King of Scots touching the ' protec
tion '¦ of that Scottish exile, Lord Bothwell,1 who is mentioned,
1 See Prefatory Note to Letter XCV.

PREFATORY NOTE TO
LETTERCXVII. 1603.

266

Prefatory Note to Letter CXVIL

so significantly, in Ralegh's letter to Cecil on the treatment of
the Earl of Essex in 1600. The Bishop, it is plain, had now,
in some degree, made a favourable impression on James, and
his present request came on the eve of Ralegh's fatal impli
cation in some of the schemes of Cobham — whatever may have
been their real object or extent.
The Bishop won his suit. But his direct interest in Durham
House was to be brief. I doubt that he himself lived in it
for more than a few weeks. And within three years, he was
transferred to the Archbishopric of York. There, he found
occasion and motive to do with the London mansion of the
Archbishops of York precisely — but under aggravated circum
stances — what, in 1603, he condemned Queen Elizabeth for
having done with its near neighbour, that of the Bishops of
Durham. He alienated it from the See (of course, under the
j illusive form of an ' exchange ') to the King's all-powerful
! favourite, the Duke of Buckingham. Nor were his dealings
with Durham House itself during his short tenure much to the
credit of his honesty.
A well-known apophthegm has kept alive the memory of
Bishop Matthew's domestic infelicities: — "One of my sons
has wit and no grace ; the other, grace but no wit ; and the
third has neither grace nor wit." The scapegrace first named
in this pleasant trio proved his wit by getting, in some way or
other, from his father — with whom, nevertheless, he was almost
always at variance — an interest in certain outlying portions of
Durham House and its purlieus which was valuable enough to
be purchased by Robert Cecil (by that time Earl of Salisbury),
in the year following the Bishop's translation to York, for the
sum of 1200/.1 The plunder of the Church, and of its
pastors, went on — in substance — just as prosperously under
James as it had done under Elizabeth. But it then became
the fashion to cloke the theft with somewhat of outward
sanctimoniousness in phrase and profession, — a disguise which
before had commonly been deemed superfluous. Two years
1 T. Matthew to E. of Salisbury ; in Cecil Papers, vol. cxx. f. 94 (Hatfield).

Ralegh and the Palace of the Bishops of Durham.

267

after his purchase, Lord Salisbury obtained, from Bishop
Matthew's successor, a lease of the " courtyard of Durham
House." Bishop James, on this occasion, spends no time in
useless remonstrance, but, with the simple rhetoric of cumu
lative figures, sums up to the Lord Treasurer 1 the onerous j
deductions claimed from the revenues of Durham — for very
secular purposes — under the rule of the royal theologian. The
total, thus stated, is certainly expressive.
Not the least curious incident in the history of ' Durham
House' is the fact that its temporary restoration to the ancient
owners was contemplated by Sir Robert Cecil, before the
Queen's death. He it was who instigated the application by
Bishop Matthew, and who paved the way for its success.2
Whatever else had happened to Sir Walter Ralegh, on the
accession of King James, there had been a foregone deter
mination that he should lose his town residence. When part
of the outbuildings had been burnt — in the October of 1600 —
Lady Ralegh had written to Sir Robert : " It is time for you
to get an interest in this rotten house." The context suggests
— but it is suggestion only — the probability that there had
already been some talk between Ralegh and Cecil about the
Subtraction of a part of the large purlieus of the old episcopal
palace, — either as an addition to Cecil's own house and
grounds, or for some ulterior purpose. Whether or not Sir
Robert had, at that date, formed his plan of building a vast
bazaar or ' exchange ' on the site, there is nothing, I think, to
show. The first idea of such a novel scheme would seem more
consonant with Ralegh's mind than with Cecil's. Be that as it
may, the ' New Exchange' — so often mentioned in the dramas
and other popular literature of the Stuart reigns — rose, even
tually, on the site of the offices belonging to Durham House.
1 William James, Bishop of Durham, to the Lord Treasurer Salisbury,
June, 1609; Cecil Papers, vol. cxxvii. f. 83 (Hatfield).
2 Letter of Bishop Matthew, written from Berwick, 7 April, 1603 ; Cecil
Papers, vol. xcix. § 98 (Hatfield).

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER
CXVIL 1603.

268

Prefatory Note to Letter CXVLI.

Sir Robert Cecil's innovation was eagerly welcomed by ex
pectant occupiers of the shops and stalls, who besieged him
with applications to become his tenants there ; and it was just
as eagerly opposed by the established traders of the City. The
Corporation of London tried to induce the powerful minister
of James to abandon his purpose. In his reply to the Lord
Mayor, Cecil protested his strong affection to the citizens, —
whom he had loved, he said, from his cradle by an hereditary
obligation. No man, he told them, could in his opinion be a
good servant to the King " that should go about to weaken
London;" adding, "If I labour against London, I labour
against my own thoughts and affections." But, then (he re
minded the Londoners), their old neighbour; Westminster, had
also claims upon him and them. The Londoners, he thought,
" should be contented to contribute some small portion of
commodity for such a neighbour, even though it were drawn
directly from themselves," — a condition which he was scarcely
inclined to admit. " I have now found," he continued, " this
opportunity to leave unto the inhabitants and unto posterity
some such monument as may adorn the place, and haply
derive some effect of present benefit and future charity to the
whole Liberty." 1
-During the occupancy of Salisbury House by the second
Earl, its new neighbour the ' Exchange ' attracted, for a few
weeks, almost universal attention. Its name was on men's
lips, both at home and abroad. One day, it was the scene of
the wanton murder committed on an inoffensive bystander by
the Portuguese Ambassador's brother, Don Pantaleon de Sa.
On another day, it was the scene of the execution— before a
crowd such as London had then rarely collected, and with
circumstances of unusual parade— of the offender, a few hours
before the signature of Cromwell's treaty with Portugal.
A century later, there remained of the old episcopal mansion
1 Earl of Salisbury to the Lord Mayor of London, 10 July, 1608. (Draft,
with numerous corrections in Lord Salisbury's hand ; Cecil Papers, vol. cxcv.
§§26,30. Hatfield.)

Ralegh and the Palace of tlie Bishops of Durham.

269

itself only a ruined river-front ; and, behind it, a confused
mass of sheds and vaults, with a tottering house or two.
Where mediaeval bishops and Tudor statesmen had once dwelt
in splendour, the outcasts and roughs of London found a
squalid shelter. But, presently, the stately buildings of the
'Adelphi' rose on the site of Durham House. On the spot
where Ralegh had sat in council, — at one time with Essex and
Cecil ; at another, with Cobham and Northumberland, — David
Garrick dispensed his gay hospitalities to the poets, wits, and
scholars, and to the miscellaneous crowd of ' men about town,'
of the early years of King George the Third. Now, — in
1867, — new changes are in rapid progress which will make it
as hard a task, by and by, to find traces of the home of
Garrick as of the home of Ralegh.

CXVII.
TO THE COMMISSIONERS APPOINTED BY KING
JAMES TO INQUIRE INTO THE TENURE OF
DURHAM HOUSE.
As printed from the Original, in the Collection of the Earl of Elles.-
mere, by Mr. J. Payne Collier; Egerton Papers (Camden Society's
Series)-
I RECEVED a warrant from your Lordshippes, my Lord
Keeper and my Lorde Chiefe Justice, and signed also
by Mr. Aturney Generall, requireinge me to deliver the
possession of Deram Howse to the Byshop of Derum,
or to his aturney, before the xxiiij"1 day of June next
insewinge, and that the stabells and garden should be
presently putt into his hands; and that I should not
remove any selinge, glass, iron, &c. without warrant from
your Lordships or any two of you. This letter semeth

270

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXVIL 1603.May.
Claim
made for
the de
livery of
Durham House to
the Bishop
of Dur
ham.

to mee very strange, seinge I have had possession of the
howse almost xx yearese, and have bestowed well nire
£2,000 uppon the same out of myne own purse. I am
\ of oppinion that if the Kings Majestye had recovered
this howse, or the like, from the meanest gentleman
and sarvant hee had in Inglande, that his Majestye
would have given six monethes tyme for the avoydance,
and I do not know butt that the poorest artificer in
i London hath a quarter's warninge given hyme by his
1 land lord. I have made my provisions for 40 persons in
the springe, and I have a  l of no less number
. . .A and the like for allmost xx horse. Now to
cast out my hay and oates into the streats, att an
howeres warninge, and to remove my famyly and stuff
in 14 dayes after, is such a seveare expultion as hath
not bynn offred to any man before this daye. But this
I would have written to any that had not bynn of your
Lordships plase and respect, that the course taken with
mee is both contrary to honor, to custome, and to
civillity, and therefore I pray your Lordships to pardon
me till I have acquaynted the Kings Majestye with this
letter ; and then, if his Majestye shall thinck it reason-
abell, I will obey it. But for the commandment sent
mee for the wenscote and other things, I do not finde
that it pleased his Majestye to give your Lordships any
suche direction, and if I do any thing contrary to law
the Byshope may take his remedy, and I percave cannot
want good frindes. And so I humblie take my leve,
and rest your Lordships to cummande,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed : " To the right honorabell my good Lords, the Lorde Keeper
of the Great Scale, and my Lorde Chief Justice of Inglande, and to
my very good frinde his Majesties Aturney Generall"
1 Blank in MS.

Denial of the Charges brought against him.

271

CXVI 1 1.

TO THE EARLS OF NOTTINGHAM, SUFFOLK, AND
DEVONSHIRE, AND TO THE LORD CECIL,
Lords of the Privy Council, and Commissioners i
for the Examination and Trial of the alleged
Conspirators of 1603.
As printed in Ralegh's collective Works.
I DO not know whether your Lordships have seen
my answers to all the matters which my Lord Henry
Howard, my Lord Wotton, and Sir Edward Cooke
have examined me on, upon Saturday the T^tdi of this
present, which makes me bold to write unto your Lord
ships at this time : the two principal accusations being
these ; the first, that money was offered me, with a pre
tence to maintain the amity ; but the intent was to have
assisted his Majesty's Surprise : the other, that I was
privy to my Lord COBHAM'S Spanish journey.
For the first, I beseech your Lordships to weigh it
seriously, before there be any further proceedings ; for to
leave me to the cruelty of the law of England, and to
that summum Jus, before both your understandings and
consciences be thoroughly informed, were but carelessly
to destroy the father and fatherless ; and you may be
assured that there is no glory, nor any reward, that can
recompense the shedding of innocent blood.
And whereas it seemeth to appear that this money
was offered to others long after it was offered to me,
and upon some other considerations than it was unto
me; for myself, I avow, upon my allegiance, that I

LETTER CXVIII. 1603.
August.
To the
Lords
Commis
sionersappointedto exa
mine into
the alleged
conspira cies
against the
King-Denialof the
charges
brought against
him. —
Origin of
Cobham'saccusation.

272

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXVIII. 1603.
August.

never either knew or suspected either the man or the
new intention.
To me it was but once propounded, and in three
weeks after I never heard more of it; neither did I
believe it, that he had any commission to offer it, as
the everlasting God doth witness. For, if that word
'amity' had been used to me colourably, I must have
been also made acquainted with the true end for which
it should have been given, which it seemeth was for the
Surprise ; but of any such horrible and fearful purpose
if ever I had so much as a suspicion, I refuse your
Lordships' favours and the King's mercy.
I know that your Lordships have omitted nothing to
find out the truth hereof. But as you have not erred,
like ill surgeons, to pay on plaisters too narrow for so
great wounds, so I trust that you will not imitate un
learned physicians, to give medicines more cruel than
the disease itself.
For the journey into Spain, I know that I was accused
to be privy thereunto ; but I know your Lordships have
a reputation of conscience, as well as of industry. By
what means that revengeful accusation was stirred, you,
my Lord Cecil, know right well, that it was my letter
about KEMISH ; and your Lordships all know whether
it be maintained ; or whether, out of truth and out of a
Christian consideration, it be revoked. I know that to
have spoken it once is enough for the law, if we lived
under a cruel Prince : but I know that the King is too
merciful to have or suffer his subjects to be ruined by
any quick or unchristian advantage, unless he be resolved,
or can persuade his religious heart, of the equity : I know
that the King thinks (with all good princes) satius est
peccare in alteram partem. God doth know, and I can
give an account of it, that I have spent forty thousand

Denial of the Charges brought against him.

273

pounds of mine own against that King and nation ; that
I never reserved so much of all my fortune as to pur
chase forty pounds per ami. land ; that I have been a
violent persecutor and furtherer of all enterprises against
that nation. I have served against them in person ; and
how, my Lord Admiral and my Lord of SUFFOLK can
witness. I discovered, myself, the richest part of all his
Indies : I have planted in his territories : I offered his
Majesty, at my uncle Carew's, to carry two thousand
men to invade him, without the King's charge. Alas !
to what end should we live in the world, if all the
endeavours of so many testimonies shall be blown off
with one blast of breath, or be prevented by one man's
word ; and in this time when we have a generous Prince,
from whom to purchase honour and good opinion I had
no other hope but by undertaking upon that cruel and
insolent nation. Think therefore, I most humbly be
seech you, on my great affliction with compassion, who
have lost my estate and the King's favour upon one
man's word ; and as you would that God should deal
with you, deal with me. You all know that the law of
England hath need of a merciful Prince ; and if you put
me to shame, you take from me all hope ever to receive
his Majesty's least grace again. I beseech you to be
resolved of those things of which I am accused, and
distinguish me from others. As you have true honour,
and as you would yourselves be used in the like, forget
all particular mistakes ; ' multos dementia honestavit,
ultio nullum.' Your Lordships know that I am guiltless
of the ' Surprise ' intended. Your Lordships know, or
may know, that I never accepted of the money, and that
it was not offered me for any ill. And of the Spanish
journey I trust your consciences are resolved. Keep
not then, I beseech you, these my answers and humble
VOL. 11. T

274

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXVIII. 1603.
August.

LETTER CXIX.
. 1603.
[October ?]
To the
LordsCommissioners the
Earls of
Suffolk
and De
vonshire, and others.
[Fromthe
Tower. ]
Answer to
a new
accusation
made by
Cobham.—

desires from my sovereign lord, 'qui est rex pius et
misericors, et 71011 leo coronatus.' Thus humbly beseech
ing your Lordships to have a merciful regard of me,
I rest, Your Lordships' humble and miserable suppliant,
W. Ralegh.

CXIX.
TO THE EARLS OF SUFFOLK AND DEVONSHIRE,
THE LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON, LORD HENRY
HOWARD (afterwards Earl of Northampton), AND
THE LORD WOTTON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 25 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
It was so late er your Lordships came, as I could not,
in good manners, beseich yow of longer tyme. It was
your pleasures to tell me of a new accusation — of the
landing of Spanierds att Milford Haven. I beseich yow,
for the love of God, as your Lordships will looke ether
for mercy or justice at God's hands, to consider and
way the likelode hereof; and trewly and charitablie to
thinck butt of this one circumstance : First, I was accused
to have perswaded the Lord COBHAME to have gon into
Spayn, and to have brought mee 600,000 crowns to
Jersey. I was strongly suspected that the mony offred
mee for the Peace was for the Surprise, or for some other
ill intent. The first accusation — for which I was cum-
mitted, indyted, and arreyned — your Lordships do know
to be falce, and yet it was by your Lordships most con
stantly beleved. And my Lord Cheif Justice avowed

Answer to a new Accusation made by Cobham.

275

that it could not be otherwize, because the Lord COB
HAME accused hyme sealf, also, therin.
Then, my Lords, if I had perished therfore,1 yow all
finde that I had perished innocent ; and that the pre
sumption of the mony was also inferred agaynst mee,
and would have strenghtned my condemnation ; and yet
neather trew. And, for a third : The letter delevered by
Rensey2 in my presence — being unknown to be the
Count Arrambergh's by mee — was yet a third pre-
somption agaynst mee. But now for this other.
I do beseich yow, for His sake that shedd His bloud
for us, do thinck of this one argument : Your Lordships
see that from the beginninge that 3 the Lord Cobhame
hath had a crewell deseir to destroy mee ; hoping therby
to extenuate his owne offences. How he hath bynn
therto perswaded, I have seene. Hyme sealf sent me
the letter. And, if this matter of Milford had bynn
trew, what needed the Lord Cobhame have invented
a treason agaynst me which was not trew ?
Secondly, It had been easier to have remembered
that which was, then that which was not.
And, thirdly, In this accusation, he might have indan-
gered me, and spared hyme sealf. And this was also as
great a treason as the other ; and this — if it had bynn
trew — he might have justefied, and bynn confident therin.
Thes considered, good my Lords, judg as yow would
be judged. And remember his letter which he ment no
creature should see but mysealf. A man can have butt
one sowle, and one faythe. And therfore, if your Lord
ships will every day receave new inventions against mee,
then it is veyne for mee to contend.

1 ' therfore, ' i. e. ' on that charge. '
2 Matthew La Renzi or Laurenci '<.
3 'that' — so repeated in MS. T 2

LETTER CXIX. 1603.
[October ?]
Protest
against the
unfairness of the
mode of
examina tion. —
Contrasts
between God's law
and Eng
lish law.

See Vol. I., chap. xvii.

276

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXIX. 1603.
[October ?]

Your Lordships also saw that the night before my
arraynment he spake not a word of this; 1 when he then
studied all he could to distroy me. It was not therfore
without cause that the most wize and mercifull God
gave thes cummandments touchinge the sheding of
bludd ; and His lawes are the trew lawes to Christian
men and Christian kings. God sayd, in the 35 of Num
bers : — ' Non poterit testis unus testari contra aliquem ut
moriatur'. God renewed His cummandment, in the 17
and 19 of Detronomy : ' Ex sermone duorum aut trium
testium morte afficitur is qui meritur, nee morte afficitur
ex sermone testius unius.' And agayne : ' Ne surgite testis
unius in quenquam pro ulla iniquitate aut pro ullo peccato
ex omnibus peccatis quibus quis peccat.' The same also is
confirmed by Christ in Matthew2 and in John.3 And
as St. Augustine sayes : (Non divina humanis sed hu-
mana divinis sunt judicanda.' And, good iny Lords,
beleve, 'Nemo potest melius, aut aliud, fundamentum
ponere, quam posuit Dominus.' 4
But the law is past agaynst mee. The mercy of my
Soverayne is all that remaynethe for my cumfort. And
I know that this law of God wilbe an argument of
remorce to my Soverayne Lorde, howsoever mens lawes
take place.
And I desire your Lordships, for the mercy of God
not to doubt to move so mercifull a prince to cum-
passion ; and that the extremety of all extremeties be
not layd on mee. Lett the offence be esteemed as your
Lordships shall pleas in charety to beleve it and valew
it, yet it is butt the first offence ; and my service to my
country, and my love so many years to my supreme
1 Here the MS. looks as if the writer himself had underlined the words ;
but as many sentences in these Letters have been underlined at Hatfield, f
mention the fact with some doubt.
2 Matt, xviii. 16. 3 john vii;_ ,7_- „ r Cor_ ... u

Contrasts between God's Law and English Law.

277

Lord, I trust may move so great and good a Kinge, who
was never estemed cruell ; and I trust will never prove
so to be.
And, if I may not begg a pardon or a life, yet lett
me begg a tyme at the King's mercifull hands. Lett me
have one yeare to geve to God in a prison and to serve
Hyme. I trust his pitifull nature will have cumpassion
on my sowle ; and it is my sowle that beggeth a tyme
of the Kinge.
Ther is no prejudice cum to the Kinge, nor never could
any prejudice have cum, by that supposed horid intent,
which the Lord of Heven knowes I never imagined.
And if the Kinge, my mercifull Lord, pleas to withdrawe
all his grace from me, it must be the last breathe that
I shall draw in the worlde that I dy his trew vassall,
that have,1 and do love, his very person. Although, I
must confess yt, I am most worthy of this hevy affliction
for the neglect of my dewty in geving eare to sume
things, and in taking on me to harken to the offer of
mony. Butt his mercy, I trust, is greater. And the
Lord, that hath made hyme a lord of many nations, will
incline his royall hart.
I beseich your Lordships, as ever yow tendred the
sorrowes of a penetent hart, that yow will present thes
unto his Majesties knowledg, and afford me your favors
for grace and cumpassion. Your Lordships' most humblie,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed : '
To the right honorabell my singuler good Lords, the Earles (^Suffolke
and Devon, the Lorde Cecill, the Lord Henry Howard, and
the Lorde Wutton.
Endorsed, in the hand of Sir R. Cecil : " Sir Walter Ralegh."
1 So in original : 'loved' omitted.

LETTER CXIX. 1603.
[October ?]

278

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXX.
1603.
[Novem ber?]
To Lord
Cecil.
[FromWin chester. ]
Assertion
of the
injustice
of his
arraign
ment of
treason. —
Entreaty
for Cecil's
intercession with
the King,
should he
fall within
the meshes
of the law.

CXX.

TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 67, B (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
Sir, To speake of former tymes, it were needles. Your
Lordshipe knowes what I have byn towards your sealf,
and how long I have loved yow and have byn favoured
by yow ; but chang of tymes and myne own errors have
worren out thos remembrances (I feare), and if ought did
remayn, yet in the state wherin I stand ther can be
no frindshipe ; cumpassion ther may be, for it is never
seperat from honor and vertu.
If the poure of law be not greater then the poure of
trewth, I may justly beseich yow to releve me in this my
affliction. If it be, then your Lordship shall have cause
(as a just man) to bewayle my undeserved miserabell
estate. I cannot dispaire but that sume warmth re-
mayneth in cynders to move yow to the first. To the
secound, I may assure my sealf that even God Plym sealf
and your Lordship's love to justice will parswade yow.
Your Lordship knowes my accusor; and have ever
known my affection to that nation for which I am
accused. A hevy burden of God to be in danger of
perishinge for a Prince which I have so longe hated,
and to suffer thes miseres under a Prince whom I have
so long loved.
Sir, what mallice may do agaynst me, I know not.
My cause hath byn handled by strong enemyse. But if

Entreaty for Cecil's Intercession with the King.

279

ever I so mich as suspected this practize layd to my
charge, leve me to death ; if the same by any equety
shalbe proved agaynst me. And cquitas is sayd to be
' Juris legitimi emcndatio et justiticc dircctio.'
Your Lordship is now a counceler to a mercifull and
just Kinge, if ever we had any. Yow have ever dealt, in
matter of justice, as knowing no man's face ; yet vouch
sauf now so to use the powre which God and the King hath
geven yow, as to defend me from undeserved crewelty.
' Potcntia non est, nisi ad bonum.' The law ought not to
overrule piety, but piety the law. The law doth warrant
all actions before men ; but God hath sayde, ' Innocentem
non interficies; Your Lordship hath known in your
tyme one in this place condemned, — and in this place
he perished, — who at the houre of his death receved
the Sacriment that he was innocent. How therfore I
shalbe judged, I know not. How I have deserved to
be judged, I know; and I desire nothinge but 'secundum
meritum meuml
If I should say unto the Kinge that my love so longe
born hyme might hope for sume grace, it would per
chance be taken for presumption, because he is a Kinge,
and my Soveraygne. But as the Kinge is a trew gentel
man, and a just man, besyds his being a Kinge, so he
oweth unto me such a mercifull respect as the resolution
most willingly to have hasarded my life and fortune for
hyme agaynst all men may deserve.
For yoursealf, my Lord Cecill, and for me, sumtyme
your trew frind, and now a miserabell forsaken man, I
know that affections ar nether taught nor perswaded.
But, if ought remayn of good, of love, or of cumpassion
towards me, your Lordship will now shew it when I
am now most unworthy of your love, and most unabell
to deserve it. For even then is love, trew honor, and

28o

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXX.

trew vertu expressed. And what I shall leve1 to pay of
so great a debt, God will perform to your Lordship and
to yours.
Your Lordship's wreched poore frinde and sarvant,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.]— Your Lordship will finde that I have
bynn strangly practised agaynst, and that others have
their lives promised to accuse me.
I can say no more, but beseich yow to use charety.
' Charitas est qucedam participatio Spiritus Sanctil
Addressed : " To the right honorabell the Lord Cecyll, &*c."
Endorsed, in Lord Cecil's hand : " Sir W. Ralegh."

CXXI.
TO THE KING.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 67 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date, and without superscription.
Most dread Soverayne,
It is on2 part of the office of a just and worthy
prince to here the cumplaynts of his vassalls— especially
suche as ar in gretest missery. I know that, among many
other presumtions gathered agaynst mee, your Majesty
hath bynn parswaded that I was one of them who were
gretly discontented, and therfore the more likely to be
disloyall. But the great God so releive me and myne
in both worlds, as I was the contrary ; and as I tooke
no greter cumfort then to behold your Majesty, and
allways lerninge some good, and betteringe my know
ledg by your Majesties discource.

' leave to pay ; ' i. e. ' leave unpaid.

Appeals to the King's Justice and Mercy.

281

I do therfore most humblie beseich my soverayne
Lord not to beleve any of thos, in my particuler, who,
under pretence of offences to kings, doe easely work
their particuler revenges. I trust that no man (under
the culler of making examples) shall parswade your
Majesty to leve the word ' mercifull ' out of your stile ;
for it will noe less profite your Majesty, and becume your
gretnes, than the word ' invincibell.'
It is true that the lawes of Ingland ar no less jelous of
the Kinge, then Cesar was of Pompeia, his wife ; for,
notwithstanding that she was clered of the accusation for
Claudius, yett, for being suspected, he condemned her.
For my sealf I protest, before the everlasting God, and
I speak it to my master and soverayne, that I never
invented treason, consented to treason, or parformed
treason, against hyme ; and yet I know that I shall fall
' in mantis eorum a quibus non possum exsurgere; unless
by your Majesties great cumpassion I be sustayned.
Our law therfore, most mercifull Prince, knowing her
owne cruelty, and knoweing that she is wonnt to cum-
pound treasons out of presumtions and circumstances,
doth geve this charetabell advice to the King her superior :
' Non solum enim sapiens debet esse rex, sed et misericors,
ut cum sapientia misericorditer sit Justus ; cum tutius sit
redder e rationem mis ericor dice quam fudicii.'
I do therefore, on the knees of my hart, beseich your
Majesty to take councell from your own sweet and mer
cifull disposition, and to remember that I have loved
your Majesty now twenty yeares, for which your
Majestie hath yett geven me no reward. And it is
fitter that I should be indebted to my soverayne Lord,
then the King to his poore vassall.
Save me, therfore, most mercifull Prince, that I may
owe your Majesty my life itt sealf; then which ther

282

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXXI. 1603.
[Novem ber?]

LETTER CXXII.
[1603.
December 10.]
To the
LordsCommis
sioners the
Earls of
Suffolk
and Devon
shire, and
others. [FromWin
chester. ]

cannot bee a greter debt. Lend it me att lest, my
soverayne Lord, that I may pay it agayne for your
service when your Majesty shall pleas. If. the law
distroy me, your Majesty shall put me out of your
poure ; and I shall have then none to feare, none to
reverence, but the King of kings.
Your Majesties most humble and penitent vassall,
W. R.
Endorsed, in Lord Cecil's hand : " Sr W. R."

CXXII.
TO THE EARLS OF SUFFOLK AND DEVONSHIRE,
THE LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON, AND OTHERS,
Commissioners for the Examination and Trial of
the alleged Conspirators of 1603.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. 1 1 1, B (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
We have this day beheld a worke of so great mercy, and
for so great offences, as the like hath byne seldome if ever
known ; not after the manner of men, or of kings, ' sed
coslestis fudicis, eternique regis more! And although my
sealf have not yet byn brought so nire the very brinck
of the grave, yet I trust that so great a cumpassion will
extend it sealf towards mee also, — every way being as
hopeless as the rest, and who shall as trewly pay that
most great debt of a borrowed life, as any that ever hath
or ever shalbe therto bound. Only the memory of myne
own unworthinis made mee to dispayre of so great grace,

Entreaties for his Life.

283

who otherwize beheld Piety in the face, the voyce, the
writinge, and life of my Soverayne.
I did fear that it would be sayde that I, beinge now
poore, would live but a discontented life. But the Lord
of Heaven doth know that, if it shall pleas my most
good and gratious Lord the King to geve mee that
poore life, that I shall as faythfully and thanckfully
serve hyme, eating but bread and drinkinge water, as
whosoever that hath receved even the greatest honor or
the greatest profyte. For a greater gift none can geve,
none receve, then life.
What the Lord Cobhame hath confest, and how
mich it differeth from the receved oppinion, I leve to
their reportts who know it. I will not in charety con-
demne his fayth ; because he was nirer death, though
not nirer the expectation, then I was. But will only, for
this tyme, accuse his memory or mistakinge.
Good my Lords, do me this grace to beleve and
vouchsaufe to say it for mee to my soverayne Lorde,
that the loss of my estate (which I have deservedly lost)
cannot make mee less faythfull or less lovinge his Estat
and parson. For as I have to this day loved both his
Estate and parson, so have I, in my prayers, besought
God to inclyne his mercifull hart towards mee.
I will leve your Lordships' farther trobell, — remem-
bringe this gratefull oppinion : — ' Non hostiliter so3viit,
qui omnia cum possit, fortunas abstulit, spem vitamque
reliquit.'
Your Lordships' most humbell to cummaunde, W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lords of His Majesties most
honorabell Privey Councell, Cummissioners for the Triall of the
late Treasons.
Endorsed by Cecil : " Sir W. Ralegh."

LETTER CXXII. [1603.
December 10.]
The scene
on the
scaffoldat Win
chester Castle. —
Entreaties
for his
life.— Cobham'sconfession
and accu
sations.

284

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXXIII. 1603.
[Decem ber.]
To Lady
Ralegh.[From Win
chester.] A letter of
farewelland conso
lation. Written on
the eve of
his ex
pected
execution.

CXXIII.
TO LADY RALEGH.
From a contemporaneous Transcript Domestic Correspondence: James I.,
vol. xcvi. § 71 (Rolls House). Collated with another Transcript in
MS. Sloane, 3520, ff. 14—17 (British Museum); and with another
(also contemporaneous) among the Cecil Papers at Hatfield.
YOU shall receave, deare wief, my last words in these
my last lynes. My love I send you, that you may
keepe it when I am dead ; and my councell, that you
may remember it when I am noe more. I would not,
with my last Will,1 present you with sorrowes, deare
Besse. Lett them goe to the grave with me, and be
buried2 in the dust. And, seeing it is not the will of
God that ever I shall see you in this lief, beare my
destruccion gentlie3 and with a hart like yourself.
First, I send you all the thanks my hart cann con
ceive, or my penn4 expresse, for your many troubles
and cares taken for me, which— though they have not
taken effect as you wished — yet my debt is to you
never5 the lesse ; but pay it I never shall in this world.
Secondlie, I beseich you, for the love you bare me
living, that you doe not hide yourself many dayes, but by
your travell seeke to helpe your miserable fortunes, and
the right of your poore childe. Your mourning cannot
avayle me that am but dust.
You shall understand that my lands were conveyed to
my child, bond fide. The wrightings were drawn at Mid-
1 MS. Cecil omits "last." MS. Sloane reads "by my will."
2 MS. Cecil inserts " with me."
6 MSS. Cecil and Sloane read "patiently." i lb. "words."
s MS. Cecil reads "not."

A Letter of Farewell and Consolation.

285

summer was twelvemonethes, as divers1 can wittnesse.
| My honest cosen Brett can testifie so much, and Dal-
BERIE, too, cann remember somewhat therein. | And I
trust my bloud will quench their mallice that desire my
slaughter;3 and that they will not alsoe seeke to kill
you and yours with extreame poverty. | 3 To what frind
to direct thee I knowe not, for all mine have left mee in
the true tyme of triall : and I plainly perceive that my
death was determyned from the first day. | Most sorry I
am (as God knoweth) that, being thus surprised with
death, I can leave you noe better estate. 4 I meant you
all myne office of wynes, or that6 I could purchase
by selling it ; half my stuffe, and Jewells,6 but some few,
for my boy. But God hath prevented all my deter
minations ; the great God that worketh all in all. If
you can live free from want, care for no more ; for the
rest is but vanity. Love God, and beginne betymes to
repose yourself on Him ; therein shall you find true and
lastinge ritches, and endles comfort. For the rest, when
you have travelled and wearied your thoughts on7 all
sorts of worldly cogitacions, you shall sit downe by
Sorrow in the end. Teach your sonne alsoe to serve and
feare God, while he is young ; that the feare of God may

1 This word is not legible in the copy preserved amongst the State
Papers, and the two lines which follow are in that copy wholly wanting,
as they also are in MS. Cecil. They are found in MS. Sloane, where the
preceding words " as . . . can wittnesse" do not occur.
2 MS. Sloane reads " that have thus cruelly murthered mee." MS. Cecil,
" that desired my slaughter."
3 This clause is entirely wanting in the copy in Domestic Correspondence,
xcvi.71. In MS. Sloane the reading is as in the text
1 MS. Cecil reads, ' ' God knowes I meant, " &c.
5 MS. Sloane reads, " all that I could have purchased," &c.
6 MS. Cecil reads, " half my stuffe, and half my jewles, and some," &c.
MS. Sloane, " all my Jewells ; but some on' t for the boy."
7 MS. Sloane reads "over;" and so, also, MS. Cecil.

286

Letters of Ralegh.

grow upp in1 him. Then will God2 be a husband unto
you, and a father unto him; a husband and a father
which3 can never be taken from you.
Bayly oweth me two hundred pounds, and Adrion 4
six hundred pounds. In Gersey, alsoe, I have much
owinge me. The arrearages of the wynes will pay my
debts. And, howsoever, for my soul's healthe,5 1 beseech
you pay all poore men. When I am gonne, no doubt
you shalbe sought unto by many, for the world thinks
that I was very ritch ; but take heed of the pretences of
men and of their affections ; for they laste but in honest
and worthy men. And no greater misery cann befall
you in this life then to become a pray, and after to be
despised. I speak it (God knowes) not6 to disswad you
from marriage, — for that wilbe best for you — both in
respect of God and the world.7 As for me, I am
no more your's, nor you myne. Death hath cutt us
asunder ; and God hath devided me from the world,
and you from me.
Remember your poore childe for his father's sake, that
comforted8 you and loved you in his happiest tymes.
| 9 Gett those letters (if it bee possible) which I writt to
the Lords,10 wherein | I sued for my lief, but God
knoweth that itt was for you and yours that I desired
it, | 9but itt is true that I disdaine myself for begging
itt. | nAnd know itt (deare wief) that your sonne is
1 MS. Cecil, "with." " MS. Sloane, " And the same God will," &a.
3 MS. Cecil, "that."
4 Adrian Gilbert, his half-brother. In MS. Sloane, the name is given in
full. 6 MSS. Cecil and Sloane, "sake." « MS. Cecil omits "not."
7 Here I follow MS. Cecil. MS. Sloane reads, " both in respect of
the world and of God." The Rolls House copy omits the latter words.
8 MSS. Sloane and Cecil, and many other MS. copies, read " chose you."
9 These clauses are wanting in Dom. Corr. xcvi. 71, and also in MS.
Cecil at Hatfield. They are taken from MS. Sloane.
10 See Letters CXIX., CXX., and CXXII. " MS. Cecil, "For."

A Letter of Farewell and Consolation.

287

the childe of a true man, and who, in his own respect,
despiseth Death, and all his misshapen and ouglie
formes.1 I cannot wright much. God knowes howe hardlie I
stole this tyme, when all sleep ; and it is tyme z to
separate my thoughts from the world. Begg my dead
body, which living was denyed you ; and either lay itt
att Sherborne | 3 if the land continue, | or in Exiter
church, by my father and mother. | I can wright* noe
more. | Tyme and Death call me awaye.
The everlasting, infinite powerfull, and inscrutable5
God, that Almightie God that is goodnes itself, mercy6
itself, the true lief and light, keep you and yours, and
have mercy on me, and | teach7 me to | fbrgeve my
persecutors and false accusers ; and send us to meete in
His glorious kingdome. My true wief, farewell. Blesse
my poore boye ; pray for me. My true God hold you
both in His armes.
8 | Written with the dyeing hand of sometyme thy
husband, but now (alasse !) overthrowne.
Your's that was ; but nowe not my owne, |
W. Ralegh.
1 MS. Sloane, "shapes." 2 lb. "itt is alsoe high tyme"
3 See note 9 on preceding page.
4 MS. Sloane, "say." 5 lb. "omnipotent."
6 The words " mercy itself" do not occur in MS. Sloane.
7 These words do not occur in MS. Cecil, which reads, "have mercy on
me, and forgive" &c.
8 All that follows is wanting in the copy in Domestic Correspondence,
xcvi. 71, and also in MS. Cecil at Hatfield. In MS. Sloane the words
"yours that was, but nowe not my owne," follow the signature, and are
initialled "W. R." In MS. Cecil the " W. R." follows the word

288

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXXIV. 1603.
[Decem ber.]
To Lord
Cecil.[FromWinchester.]Thanks
for his
friendlyoffices. —
Promises
of unalter
able affec
tion.

CXXIV.
TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 112 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
My Lord Cecyll,
To geve yow thancks, to promis gratefullnis, to
returne words, is all I can do ; but that your Lordship
will esteeme them I cannot promis my sealf; no, not so
mich as hope it.
To use defences for the errors of former tymes, I
cannot. For I have fayled, bothe in frindshipe and in
judgment. Therfore this is all that I can now say for my
sealf : Vouchsaufe to esteeme me as a man r^ysed from
the dead, though not in body, yet in mind. For neather
Fortune, which sumetyme guyded me, — or rather Vanety,
for with the other I was never in love,— shall turne myne
eyes from yow toward her, while I have beinge ; nor the
World, with all the cares or intisements belonging unto
it, shall ever way down (though it be of the greatest
wayght to mortall men) the memory alone of your
Lordship's trew respects had of mee ; respects tried by
the touch ; tried by the fier ; trew wittnises, in trew
tymes ; and then only, when only availabell.
And although I must first attribute unto God, who
inclined; and secoundly and essentially, after God, to
my deere Soverayne, who had goodnes apt to be in-
clyned ;— goodness and mercy without cumparison and
exampell ;— yet I must never forgett what I find was in
your Lordship's desire, what in your will, what in your

Thanks to the King for sparing his Life.

289

words and works, so farr as coulde becume yow as a
councelor, and farr beyonnd all dew1 to me, as an
offendor. Thes I have fixed to my hart inseperabelly.
From thes, neather tyme, nor perswation, or ought elce,
wonnt to chang affections or to wast them, shall beat
from mee, or make old in mee ; who will acknowledg
your Lordship with a love without maske or cover, and
follow yow to the end.
W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT] — All the rest have written to His
Majesty, since the receving of his grace. I hope I may
presume to do the like.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell the Lorde Cecyll, Principall Secritory e, &c.

cxxv.

From the Original.

TO THE KING.

Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 109 (Hatfield)-
Without date.

Holograph.

Most mighty and most mercifull Kinge,
Seing it hath pleased your Majestye to breathe
into dead yearth a new life, I amonge others do presume
to offer my humblest thancks and acknowledgments,
which (God knowes) can neather in words be exprest
or presented. For wheras your Majestye hath reason to
reckon mee among thos who have foolishly imagined
meischeif, who have wickedly intended the greatest ill
towards the greatest goodnes, and yet have pleased to

VOL. II.

1 due. U

LETTER CXXIV. 1603.
December.

LETTER cxxv. 1603.
December.To the
King-
[from
Win chester.Thanksfor the
sparing of
his life.

igo.

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXXV. 1603.
December.

spare the blowe which both exampell hath taught and
law hath warranted your Majestye to strike, alas ! — what
waight have words, or vowes, or protestations, or wher-
with cann so unworthy a creture make payment of so
uncountabell a debt ?
To promis my fydellety, I know that I am bound by
God both to promis and performe it, though I had never
receyved any such great grace as this. To vow my
service, in what sort soever, I know it to be the dewty
of every vassall towards his Soverayne. To say that I
will hassard my life for your Majestye, — I have done it
for my frind ; for my country ; or even sumetyme for
vayne glory. And if I should directly yeilde it up for
your Majestye, what thancks can be deserved therby,
seinge I shall but offer that which is none of myne, and
in which I have neather right nor property ?
What therfore to promis, or what to pay, I know not.
God only, who doth wittnes my thoughts what they have
byne and ar, must speake for mee. It is trew that I
have allredy suffred diversly, but deservedly. I have
byn beaten with Sorrow, sed mea culpa, for it was myne
own error that opened the passage to that passion. I
have been beaten by Fortune, but it was myne own
unthanckfullnis, who would not know when shee had
dealt liberally with mee. And I have bynn beaten by
God Hymesealf, but with a souft hand in respect of my
greatest offences to Hym. Only my soverayne Lorde,
who might justly have beaten mee and justly have dis-
troyde mee, have vouchsaufed to spare mee ; and hath
! pleased to geve mee every dropp of bludd in my body ;
to hold mee back from shame ; and to stopp his ears
from the voyce of publick law, and private hatred.
For thes works of mercy, of manly gentelnes, of
kingly magnanimity, what deeds to be perfonnde by

Personal and Landed Estate.

291

mee cann Hope itsealf natter mee withall ? No ; in
place of deeds would to God I could but in my very
thoughts attribute what I ought ; what is dew. Here is
all of cumfort which remayneth, — that as your Majestye
hath imitated God the celestiall Kinge in gevinge, that
your Majestye wilbe pleased to do the like in receyvinge.
Other retribution then acknowledgment and love God
looketh not for ; nether can your Majestye have other of
mee, sed miserationum tuarum nuuquam obliviscar, but
remayn your Majesties most humblest and most bound
and indebted vassall,
W. R.
Addressed :
To the Kings most excellent Majestye, my soverayne Lorde.
Endorsed, in Lord Cecil's hand : "Sir W. Ralegh to the King."

CXXVI.

LETTER CXXV 1603.
December,

TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 22 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
If thes letters cume out of tyme to your Lordshipe, I
beseich yow to lay them asyde and to pardon mee. It
pleased the Kinge to promis my wife her goods and
chatells. I have willed her to sew for them. She
thincks it to littell purpose untill she have a Bill drawn
for them. That, she cannot have, without a Warrant to
Mr. Aturney or Sollicitor.
My debts are trebell to my goods ; the ever-living
God doth know it to be trew. And therfore the King's
Majesty shall ease hyme sealf both of charg and trobell
U 2

LETTER CXXVI. 1603.
Decem ber?
To Lord
Cecil.[From the
Tower?]Personal
and landed
estate. —
Debts.—

292

Letters of Ralegh.

by refusing to meddell with ether. I speak it not, to
have a reason for the King's charety — for it hath respect
but to it sealf and to God — but to deliver trewly my
miserabell estat. And thos small debts which ar owing
to me I cannot recover, untill it pleas the Kinge to
inable mee, or sume body for mee.
My lands ar tied uppon my child and my brother.
If I plead that conveyance, I cannot use the poure of
revocation in the conveiance, who have lost all poure.
Then, can I never satisfy my creditors. And besyds, I
shall live a ward to my child and to my brother. If I
take my land from the Kinge, I may then dispose of
sume part of it, to free me from clamor. That the con
veyance was made att Midsomer was twelvemoneth,1
DODRIGE2 can witnes, and, if he have law or honesty, it
is good. Yet I do humblie desire that as I hold my life,
so I may that littell land that I have, of the King's
gift; that nothing may be myne but what his mercy
hath geven mee. The trew valew of my land I have
delivered this bearer ; all but xii' a yeare, in Devon. I
protest uppon my alleagence that this is the trew state
of it to my knowledge ; and God doth know that it will
not geve mee and myne bread and cloaths. I pay here
four pounds3 a week, for my diet. / must pay it, if the
Kinge geve me my poore estate agayne. And, my
1 I.e. Midsummer 1602.
2 Sir John Doddridge was at this time an eminent lawyer, and a member
of the Society of the Middle Temple. Born at Barnstaple, in 1555, he was
almost exactly Sir Walter's contemporary, as well as his fellow-Devonian.
The " if" in this sentence is very memorable, read in the light of the events
of Ralegh's life in 1607 and 1608. Sir John was, in the special sense of
the term, a Crown lawyer, and was made a Judge of the King's Bench in
1613. He died in 1628, and his tomb is amongst the most conspicuous
monuments —not the most beautiful— of Exeter Cathedral.
3 Equal, it will be remembered, to about /20 of these days.

Personal Affairs^

293

Lord Cecill, the Lord in Heaven doth witnis that I,
and my wife and child, must proportion our sealvs
such a famely as we must all live att four pounds a
week, for all our dietts, or elce we must all go naked.
For it takes too parts of all the rent I have in the world.
If, by your goodnis, thes things might cum to sume
question or end, I shalbe most bound unto yow.
My tenants refuse to pay my wife her rent. I hold
divers leases uppon forfeture, in that mannor,1 of myne
own tenants. Alas ! all goes to ruin of that littell
which remaynethe. My woods ar cutt down ; my
grounds wast ; my stock — which made up my rent —
sold. And except sume end be had, by your good
favor to the Kinge, I perishe every waye.
This I leve to your tyme and charetabell care, and
rest your Lordship's miserabell poore frind, ever to be
cummanded by yow,
W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — Of ^3,000 2 a yeare ther remayns but
£300 ; and uppon that ^3,000 debt.3
Addressed :
To the right honorabell my singuler good Lord, the Lord Cecyll,
Principall Secritory, &°c.
Endorsed, in Sir R.f Cecil's hand :
Sir Waller Ralegh.
1 Sherborne. * Equal, substantially, to £15, COO, now.
3 See Letter CXXX., p. 299.

294

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXXVII.
1 603 -1 604'?
[Decem
ber ? or
January. ]
To Lord
Cecil.
[From the
Tower.] Message
sent by the
Earl of
Pembroke
for the
Seals of the
Duchy of
Cornwall.
— Expres
sion of his
desire to
write to
the King.

CXXVII.
TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 10 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
May it pleas your Lordshipe,
Ther came a sarvant unto mee of the Earle of
Pembrooks for the Seal of the Duchy of Cornwale,
having a letter of your Lordship to Mr. Levetenant for
his access unto mee. I beseich your Lordship to excuse
mee in that I did not deliver the Seale unto his man.
For I received it from her Majesty, uppon the death of
the Earle of BEDFORD. And I thinck, when your
Lordship gave up the Duchy, yow delivered the Seales
by warrant from her.
I had thought to have taken this good occasion to
have written to his Majesty, which I never did, since
my returne from Winchester, although all others have
don. If your Lordship do not thinck it unfitting mee,
I would willingly do it. But, if your Lordship thinck
it not best for mee, I will forbeare it; and then write
unto your Lordship and send yow the Seale to deliver
the King.
I do not desire to offend the Earle, but I hope yow
will thinck it reasonabell that I deliver it by order, as
I receaved it, and not uppon a message by his man.
I humblie beseich your Lordship, by Shelbury or
some elce, to vouchsaufe your favorabell advice,— whose
I shall ever remayne to the end of my life, to do yow
service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the Lord Cecyll.
Endorsed : " 1604. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Lord."

Return of the Seals of the Duchy of Cornwall.

295

1604.
CXXVIII.
TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 12 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
I HAVE sent your Lordshipe herewith the Duchy Seale,
and have writen to the King's Majesty that I have
besought your Lordship to deliver the same unto his
Majesties hands, to whom only it apparteyneth to
dispose therof.
I humblie beseich your Lordship also to deliver for
mee this inclosed, wherin I have humblie prayed his
Majesty to continew and perfait his mercies begun.
Good my Lord, remember your poore, awncient, and
trew frind, that I perish not here, where health weres
awaye ; and whose short tymes run fast on in misery
only. Those which plotted to surprize and assaile the per
son of the Kinge, — thos that ar Papists, ar att liberty.
Do not forgett mee, nor doubt mee. For as God liveth
I shall never forgett your trew honor and remorse of mee.
But will remayne, as your thought, to serve yow,
W. R.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the Lord Cecyll.
Endorsed :
1604. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Lord.

LETTER
CXXVIII.
1 603 -1 604?
January ?
To Lord
Cecil.[From the
Tower. ]
With the
Seals of the
Duchy. —
Enclosure of a letter
to the
King.

296

Letters of Ralegh.

CXXIX.

LETTER CXXIX.
1603-1604. Jan. 2t.
To King
James. [From the
Tower ?]
Assertion of his per
sistentloyalty. —
Appeal to
the King's
justice and
mercy.

TO THE KING.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § III (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
The lief which I had, most mighty Prince, the law
hath taken from mee, and I am now but the same earth
and dust out of which I was made. If my offence had
proportion with your Majesties mercy, I might dyspaire ;
or if my deserving had anye quantety with your
Majesties unmeasurabell goodnes, I might hope. But
your great Majesty, and not I, must judg of both.
Name, bloud, gentillety or estate, I have none ; no, not
so mich as a beeing ; no, not so mich as vita plantce.
I have only a penetent sowle, in a body of iron, which
moveth towards the loadstone of Death, and cannot bee
with eld from towchinge it, unles your Majesties mercy
turne the poynct towards it which repelleth.1
Lost I am, for heringe a vayne man ; for heringe
only ; but never belevinge or acceptinge. And, soe
littell accompt I made of that speach of his (which was
now my condemnation), as the livinge God doth trewly
wittnis — that I never remembred any such thinge till it
was, att my triall, objected agaynst mee. So did hee
repay my care who cared to make hyme good, which
I see no care of man can effect.
But God, for my offences to Hyme, hath layd this
hevy burden on mee, - misserabell and unfortunate
1 MS. reads, "which re-expelleth," but it is probable that ' expelleth ' was
first written, and then imperfectly altered with the pen. The allusion is
obvious.

Appeal to the King's Justice and Mercy.

297

wrech. For not lovinge yow, my Soveraigne, God hath
not layde this sorrow on mee ; for the same God
knows, with whom I may not dissembell, that I have
trewly honored your Majesty by fame ; and trewly
loved and admired your Majesty by knowledge : so as
wher I live or dy, your Majesties trew and humbell
sarvant I will live or dy.
If I nowe write what doth not now becume me, most
mighty Kinge, vouchsaufe to ascribe it to the councell
of a dead hart, and to a minde which sorrow hath
broken. But the more my misery is, the more is your
Majesties mercy, if yow pleas to behold it ; and the
less I can deserve, the more liberall your Majesties
gift. God only herein your Majestie shall imitate,
both in geving frely and by gevinge to such a one from
whom ther can be no retribution ; savinge only a desire
to pay agayne a lent lief; and to repay it with the same
great love which the same great goodness shall pleas
to lend it.
This beinge the first letter which ever your Majestie
receved from a dead man,1 I humblie submyt my sealf
to the will of my supreme Lorde, and shall willingly
and patiently suffer what his great and generus hart
shall determyne by that humbell vassell which yet
breatheth by your Majesties permission and meere
mercy,
W. R.
Addressed : " To the Kinges most excelent Majesty, my Soverayne Lorde.'
Endorsed, by Sir Robert Cecil : " S. W. Ralegh." A copy, exactly con
temporaneous, now preserved in MS. Lansdowne, clvii. fol. 155
(British Museum), is endorsed, in the hand of Sir Julius Csesar, in these
words : "A copy of the letter written by Sir Walter Raleigh to the
Kings Majesty, 21 Januarii, 1603" [legal style].
1 The reader will have doubtless noticed that if this expression, " the first
letter" is to be taken quite literally, it follows that Letter CXXV. has been

298

Letters of Ralegh.

CXXX.

TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.

LETTER CXXX.
I 603 -I 604?
To the
Lordsof the
Council.
[From the
Tower.]
Estatesand other
personal-ffairs.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 23 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
My dewty most humblie remembered. Wheras it
pleased your Lordshipps to write your letters for the
stay of the sale of such poore stuff as [re] 1 maynethe
in my howse att Sherburne, I understande that notwith-
stan[dinge] 1 your Lordships' letters that 2 the Cum-
missioners do go on for the finding3 of my lands.
And because my conveyance of thos lands is here in
London]1 in the custody of my sarvant JOHNE WOOD,
Vitler for the Province of Munster, and that he is now
att the Bathes,4 so as I cannot gett [my] x writings
out of his hands, I do most humblie beseich your
Lordships to be pleased to write your letters to Mr.
Sergent Phillips, and the rest, to putt of the execution
of their Cummission for some eyght or ten dayes.
And, althoughe I had rather be altogether bound
unto the Kings Majesty for thos lands, then to hold
misplaced. It would also seem to follow that Sir Julius Caesar's date
so expressly assigned to the present letter is erroneous. But I incline to
the opinion that Ralegh now — i. e. at the time of writing this letter — first
realized to his own mind his position as a man ' dead in law,' and so
his present letter was really the first written to the King, under that con
sciousness. 1 The words or syllables within brackets have been torn away from the
margin of the original letter.
2 So repeated in MS.
3 A ' finding by office,' or inquisition of a jury. * Bath.

Estates and other personal Affairs.

299

them by any other strenght of law, yet, that it may
apere that the conveyance by me made was drawn in
our late Queen's tyme, as Mr. Dodreg1 can witnis, who
drew it, and that I had never any ill intent therin, I do
beseich your Lordships that the same may be perused
by the Cummissioners before they proceed to finde the
lands by Jury, on2 way or other.
The whole receat of thos lands, with the parke and a
stock of £400 in sheep [in] 3 the sayd parke, is but on 2
thowsand marke,4 out of which I pay unto the Byshops
of Sallisbury for ever to5 hundred and sixty pound a
yeare ; and in fees and pensions wherwith the land is
charged, and towards the provision of the Kings howse,
to maymed soldiers, and to the poore, above fifty
pound a yeare more. So as the clere valew is not four
hondred pound, with a stock. My charges in this
place,6 for diet only, is £208 a yeare ; and if his Majesty
do allow the rest of this sume — to make it .£300, unto
me, for all other necessares — ther remaynethe not above
on 2 hundred mark 7 a yeare for my poore wife and
childe, and their sarvants, which, God knowes, will not
geve them bread and cloaths.
My debts ar above £3,000. All my goods that I
have left in the world — I protest before the majesty
of God — ar not worth on thowsand markes.4 All my
rich hangiiis I sold my Lorde Admirall for £500. I
had but on 2 riche bedd, which I solde the Lorde
Cobhame. All my plate — which was very fayre — is
now lost, or eaten out with interest att on2 Chenes'8
in Lumbard Street. That which I have alreddy lost

1 See the note on p. 292.
3 See note ' in the preceding page.
* £~666 i3s. 4J. (=.£3,333, 1867).
6 The Tower.
8 Cheynes, a London goldsmith.

5 two.
1 £66 13*. 4^.

300

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXXX.
1 603- 1 604?

LETTER CXXXI. 1604.
To Lord
Cecil.
[From the
Tower.] Renewed
protestation of the
injustice of
his con
demnation.
— Assur
ances of
affection to
Cecil. —

by Jersey, the Wine Office, the Stannerys, Gillingam,1
and Portland,2 is at least £3,000 a yeare. So as I
trust that his Majesty will be mercifull unto me for the
rest ; which, after the payment of my debts, wilbe but
a miserabell estat, God knowes.
Herein I humblie beseich your Lordships' favors,
that I may not be left to utter beggery ; and that your
Lordships wilbe pleased, in the mean while, to write
thos your letters for the stay of this Cummission ; and
I shall ever rest your Lordships' most humble
W. Ralegh.
Addressed : " To the right honorabell the Lords, and others, of his Majesties
most honorabell Privey Councell."
Endorsed, in the hand of Lord Cecil : ' ' Sir Walter Raleigh to the Lords. ''

CXXXI.
TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 17 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
My Lord,
If all Christian and lawfull poure directs itsealf
equaly by the counsell of Reason and of Charity, — the
on teaching us humane pollecy; the other, celestiall, —
your Lordship, whose mind hath bynn ever moderat,
doth witnes that yow have received this grace from
God, and light from virtu to know that? cumpassion
hath ever bynn repayd with cumpassion, and cruelty
with cruelty. And, if ever this rule have fayled in the
life of man (which is rare), it hath bynn performed
everlastingly elcwher. 1 The rangership of Gillingham Forest.
a The lieutenancy of Portland Castle.

Renewed Protestations of his Innocence.

301

I do therfore humblie pray your Lordship that yow
will looke into that Justice which is never seperate from
Mercy, by which, and in which, whosoever useth it, hee
douth both pleas and imitate God. And therin, first,
but to consider thes too : 1 what my offences have bynn
to my Soverayn, and what my errors were towards my
frinds ; and then, laying both in the balance, together
with my losses and afflixions, to consider and way the
fault with the payn ; and the counterperjures, and person,
by whom I have perished.
To be equall herein is the office of a just magistrat.
To respect the trewth, and not the law, is celestiall
polecy : by which wee must all hope to be judged, and
shalbe judged as wee judge ; and bee dealt withall, as
wee deal with others in this life; — if we beleve God
Hyme sealf.
To be cumpassionat and moderating is an effect of
Piety for which God was never debtor to any man. And
if God have moved others to preserve mee from the
worst of evells, I may trust that the thoughts of my
sowle have found grace with Hym, in which Hee never
beheld any desire of mans ruin or distinction, mallic,
or revendge.
Lastly, to undertake the cause of any man in misery
is ether out of trew honor and generosety, which geveth
freely and out of no other respect then sealf vertu ; or
out of Love, which beholds the ill a farr of, and the
good att hand. Now your Lordship hath used the first
and second to all ; and, for Affection, — if nothing be
left, it hath cast all his leves, of late, and withereth in
the spring, — which I cannot beleve ; seeing in my darck
and dead winter it made that most trew and adventurus
proof of it sealf, which I could not hope for, and can

LETTER CXXXI. 1604.
Entreaties
for the
preserva
tion to his
family of
his landed
estates.

two.

302

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXXXI. 1604.

never repay. For thos lines, writen in another hand,
of which I knew the phraze, ar also writen on my hart ;
which my sowle can never leve to repeat while it liveth
in my body. And if any cunning toong of man, or if
an angell, tell your Lordship the contrary, do not
beleve hym. Neither shall I ever distinguish 1 that
demonstration of my lives care which the effect sealed,
while I have being, or know ther is a God which
hath ever hated that ingratetud to the ministers of His
goodness. A secound effect of your Lordship's great favor was
the preservation of my moveabells, which the ravenus
Sherifs were in hand to have seised, and att my gates
to have rifled, if your Lordship's letters had not then
cum to have countermanded it ; which it also pleased
yow, soon after, to procure mee.
The last is now humblie desired of mee and myne,
— which is the obtayning of that poore estate which
remayns, that the life which your Lordship hath stayed
at the grave's brinck may have wherwith to releve it,
and that my poore childe may be your poore creature
for ever as I am ; which being doon I protest, before the
living God, I shall take my loss for a gayne ; nothing
being lost, that could have bettered any of myne, but
the Lease of the Wines, which was desperat before my
trobells. And, for conclusion, I beseich your Lordship from my
hart, which shall ever devise how to honor yow, that yow
will resolve, and do me right therin, to beleve that my
thoughts and my love can never be seperat from yow,
and that I may be of sume use to yow, if yow pleas
to finishe the worck for me, which yow have begun,
which I shall imprint in the harts of all myne ; and
1 So in. MS.

Assurance of his Dorsetshire Estates.

303

remayne for ever so tied unto your Lordship as, if ther
be any life and body your's which you may accompt
of to expire to what yow pleas, it is my sealf, youi
Lordship's trew poore frind and trew sarvant,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the Lord Cecyll.
Endorsed :
1604. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Lord.

LETTER CXXXI. 1604.

CXXXII.

TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 16 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
My wife told mee that shee spake with your Lordshipe
yesterday, about my poore estate and hers, and that it
pleased your Lordship to tell her that yow would be
pleased to deale for the assurance of my land unto some
Feoffees, of trust to the use of her and my childe ; but
that for my pardon, it could not yet be dunn.
Whatsoever your Lordship shall do herein, it is of your
great goodness, and beyonnd my poure to deserve.
And, if my pardon may not be had, then I most
humblie beseich yow that the land may be so obtayned,
in the mean while, which to the end of my life I shall
acknowledg. But wheras it pleased your Lordship to add that yow
would be contented that somebody elce should hereafter
procure mee a pardon, I do rather desire to attend your

LETTERCXXXII. I604.
To Lord
Cecil.
[From the
Tower. ]
Assurance
of his Dor
setshire estates. —
His ex
pectation of a
pardon.

304

Letters of Ralegh.

Lordship's leasure therin, then to ingage my sealf to
any man livinge for so great a benefyte, but to your
Lordship, who hath first saved my life and estate ; and
keipt mee and myne from utter ruin. For it cannot
bee but a great debt from mee to any man, and a
challendg of my service and love to hyme for ever, that
shall procure it.
And, good my Lord, lett mee bee your trew and only-
creature without any other dependency. I may yet do
your Lordship sume kind of service, ether by word,
deed, or writing ; all which God douth know I will
imploy to do your Lordship honor for ever.
If I had a pardon, I may notwithstanding be
restraynd or confined. If I may not be here about
London (which God cast my sowle into hell if I desire,
but to do your Lordship some kind of sarvice), I shalbe
most contented to be confined within the Hundred of
Sherburn ; or, if I cannot be allowed so much, I shalbe
contented to live in Holland, wher I shall, perchance,
gett some imployment uppon the Indies ; or elce, if I
be apoyncted to any bishope or other gentelman or
nobel man, or that your Lordship would lett me keep
but a park of yours — which I will buy from sume one
that hath it — your Lordship shalbe sure that I will never
break the order which yow shall pleas to undertake for
me. And, if I bee any wher nire yow, yow shall find
that in sume kind or other I shall do your Lordship
service. For God douth know that if I cannot go to
the Bathe this fall I am undun, for my health; and
shalbe dead, or disabled for ever.
Good my Lord, make an end of mee, one way or
other ; that I may witness to the world the great debt
I owe yow. And your Lordship shall find it from
God, — and with men in sume proportion, — to your

Fraudulent Dealings of Thomas Scott.

305

Lordship's advantage ; to whom I will remayne your
then most thanckfullest man that ever received good
from your Lordship or ever shall.
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell my singuler good Lord, the Lord Cecyll.
Endorsed, in Lord Cecil's hand: "Sir Walter Ralegh. 1604;" and, in
another hand, " To my Lord. From the Tozuer."

CXXXIII.
TO LEVINUS MUNCKE, SECRETARY TO LORD
CRANBORNE.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 21 (Hatfield)- Holograph-
Without date.
Mr. Levinus,
If necessitie were not impudent, or if povertie
could heall it sealf, I would not take this boldness to
trobell my Lorde, who hath alreddy putt many debts
uppon hyme that is abell to repay nothing, and every
day less then other; forsaken of frinds, and of health,
and of all but God.
I solde of late to1 peeces of ordenance to one Mr.
Aloblaster, a marchant, whome yow know. Hee that
made the bargayne between us was one THOMAS SCOTT,
a broker, — one that I have done much for in my tyme,
and one that, since I came back from Winchester, offred
to sell his howse for me, if I wanted, with protestations
to shamless to be dissembled. But, having gotten my
mony into his hands which Mr. Aloblaster sent mee,

vol. 11.

two.X

LETTERCXXXII. 1604.

LETTER
CXXXIII. 1604?
To LevinusMuncke.
[From the
Tower.]Fraudulent
dealings
of one
Tnomas Scott, a.
merchant.

306

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
CXXXIII. 1604?

and five pound waight of tobacco promised, hath sold
the tobacco and reteyneth my mony ; finding mee now
fitt for all men to tread on. Hee hath goods in a shipp
of Mr. Aloblaster'S, which Mr. ALOBLASTER advised
mee to attach, but he hath cunningly shippt them in
other men's names, so as I have lost a charge. Arrest
hyme I cannot, nor sew hyme, because the law knowes
me but for dead.
My humble sute is to have a pursevant, and my
Lord's letter to take hyme. Hee meanes to go away
for Spayne in Mr. Aloblaster'S shipp ; so as, if the
pursevant find hyme not this Sonday, he will imbarck
one1 Munday, onless it would pleas my Lorde to write
a cummandment to the master of Mr. Aloblaster'S
shipp, called The Prudence, of London, to command the
master not to take hyme abord, here or elcewher, till
hee have payd me the mony.
If yow thinck it not offencive, good Mr. Levinus,
procure it; if yow do, I must have patience, till God
geve end to my miseres or to mee.
Your poore frinde assured,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To my loving frinde, Mr. Levinus ; or, in his absence, to Mr.
Bruerton, Secritore to my Lord of CRANBORN.
Endorsed : "Sir Walter Raleg ; " and, in a later hand, " To Mr. Bruerton,
Secretary to Lord Cranborn."

Particulars of his Estates at Sherborne, &c.

307

CXXXIV.
TO THE LORD TREASURER BUCKHURST, TO
SECRETARY LORD CRANBORNE, AND OTHERS,
Lords of the Council,

From the Original.

Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 14 (Hatfield).
Without date.

Holograph.

If ther be any more rents then thes,1 to my know
ledg, — but the herbage of the Parks, which was never in
mee, but purchased in my child's name, tenn year since,
and a Lease of Pinford grounds in Mr. HERIOT, for 58
years, — then I refuse all grace of and from His Majesty,
— except I may miscast a matter of foure or five pound
in the whole, or leve out sume five or six akers of
ground in sume quillet.
But this is the substance of all, uppon my alieagence ;
and, therfore, if it pleas your Honors to make further
inquiry, I submit my sealf unto it ; and I beseich your
Lordships that a coppy hereof may be delivered to the
Commissioners. All that greevs mee herein is that so
infamus and detested a wrech as Meere2 is made a
Commissioner, — as hee hath vaunted and sent me worde,
— and who dares not, otherwise, shew his face, having
so many executions agaynst hyme ; and hath not forty
shilling-worth of ground in the world, but of my gift,
and who now rooteth up my copps-woods and promiseth
to pay all his creditors with the part promised hyme out
of Sherburn ; — spreding it abrod that sume one of your

See the Schedule, hereafter.
See Letters XCVIII. CII. and CVI..
X 2

heretofore ; pp. 227, 237, 245.

letter
cxxxiv.

To Lord
Buckhurst
and others.
[From the
Tower. ]
Particulars
of his
Estates at
Sherborne,
&c.

308

Letters of Ralegh.

Honors hath imployed hyme, withe a purpose to procure
this (the remaynder of all which I had in the world)
of His Majesty, and to turne my poore wife, child, and
famely a begging. But I trust that God hath not geven
so cruell a hart to any worthy man, — whom the spoyle
of me and myne cannot inrich ; but that all your Lord
ships will in charety stand my good Lords herein, —
having lost allreddy ^3,000 a yeare.
And I shall remayne your humbell sarvant,
W. Ralegh.

[SCHEDULE.
Wholly in Sir W. Ralegh's hand, and written on the first leaf of the sheet.
The letter printed above being written on the second leaf]
The Manner of Sherburne, with the
Hundred and Liberties, with the Park,
Farm, and all other demayn grounds,
are of the yearly rent of assise , £\t,o
The Village called Casteltoun, wherin the
old Castell standeth, is of rent of assise
A secound street or Village within Sher-
burn towne, called Newland, is of rent
of assise
A Village in the country, three mile from
Sherburn, being a member of Sher-
burn, called Caundell Byshope, is of
the yearly rent of assyse of
A Village without the park wall, parcell
of Sherburn, and a member therof, is
of the old rent of assyse
The Farm of Whitfeild is of the old rent
of .
Carried forward . £200 14 9J-

16 41

003 12 o

003 13

021 11

4 \

007 13 iofc

013 8 o

Particulars of his Estates at Sherborne, &c.

309

Brought forward . . . ,£200 14 9^
The Manner of Yetminster is of the old
rent of assyse  .. 012 5 11
But this Manner is a kind of Fee simpell in the
Tenants, and the Lord hath but a small
fine att every death or alienation.
Sum totall of the old rent

1 £207 8 o|

The Farm of Sherburn is worth by im
provement, besyds all reprises, if it do
not decay . . . . . £250 O o
Ther ar also certayn demayn grounds in
Whitfeild which are let to farm for
the yearly rent of .... 060 O O
Ther ar other grounds, redeemed out of the
Tenants' hands, in Caundell Byshope,
or Doton, worth by the year . 040 0 o
/ do also rent sume pasture grounds of a
Tenant of myne called Swetnam,
and do make profite of them, besyds
the rent which I pay hyme by the year 012 o o
Ther ar other grounds and closes about
Sherburn which may be worth about
£30 or £40 a yeare ; so as all these
demayns and farms and feilds ar
zvorth, by the year, in the totall, £400.
Ther is also a rent charg which Sir
Robert Miller douth pay unto
mee, out of Up Cern, and other his
lands, in consideration of the fee farm
of them which I procured hyme 022 10 3^
Carried forward . .£384 10 $\
1 So in MS., instead of £213 os. 8J(/.

letter
cxxxiv. 1604.

3io

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
CXXXIV. 1604.

005 O O

007

7\

Brought forward £384 10 3 \
I have also half of a demayns 1 in Pinford,
called Pinford Manner, of the yearly
old rent of .
I have also the moyty of the Manner of
Prunsley, of the yearly old rent of
I have also a Mill in Sherburn which I
purchased of her late Majestie, which
was in leas to ARTHUR SWAYN for
3 lives, of the old rent of
I have also a Close behind the Castell of five
akers, and too or three other littell closes
which, to bee lett, ar worth by the year
The totall of the rent charg. £22 10 3^
The totall of the old rent 18 7 o\
Theracktrentofthecloses is 650
Sum total of all together is 629
Reprises which go out of this sum : —
To the Bishop, for ever £260 c
To one Edmond Lane, for 25
years or 30 years . . 030 o o
In fees dew to Officers and others 044 13 o
Besyds payments to the King for the Hous-
hold and other small charges.
Butt wheras in this deduction of fees the
Bayly is to have £8. a yeare, and the
Receiver sume £7. a year, I do not
pay the Baylife, because he is myne
enemy, and hath abused mee; and
the Receiver, being my sarvant, douth
not exact it of mee. Butt yet all thes
be dew, and have ever bynn payd.
So remayneth clere, £295 0
1 demesne.

006 4 10

006 5 0

8 4 or nire therabout.

o N

334 13 o

Estates and other personal Affairs.

3"

Now the reason why, by the Office, ther is found but
fourscore pound to the Kings Majesty is because
the Farm, valued at £2\o or ^250, being in lease
and the Assignment not found, ther is but the old
rent found for the King. As also because it hath
pleased his Majesty to geve too of my sarvants all
my goods, leases, and chattells. And then, if the
rackt rent of the Farm — which is £240 or £250 —
bee deducted, ther remayneth, according to the
Office, about fourscore and odd pounds.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell my singuler good Lords, the Lord Treasorer of
Ingland, the Lord Cecyll, and the Lord Humes, Chancelor of
his Majesties Exchequer, drc.
Endorsed :
1604. Sir Walter Ralegh to the Lords.

cxxxv.
TO SECRETARY LORD VISCOUNT CRANBORNE.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 24 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
That life, which cann be of no use to others, and is
now also weery of mee, at parting putts mee in mind of
thos whom Nature and Charetie commands me not to
neglect,- — a wife and a childe, and a wife with childe,
whom, God knowes, have nothing elce to inherite then
my shame and ther own misery. How to healp it, or to
whom to cumplayn, I know not, whose fortune is over
darck for the reason of the world to peirce. And I who
can never pay old debts, nor deserve new trust, cannot
be so partiall to my sealf but to know that to press your
Lordshipp (who have alreddy cast back unto mee all
I have) were ether foolishness or impudency.

LETTER
CXXX1V.

1604.

LETTER CXXXV. 1604.
To Lord
Cranbome.
[From the
Tower. ]
Estatesand other
personalaffairs.

312

Letters of Ralegh.

And while I know that the best of men are but the
spoyles of Tyme and certayne images wherwith childish
Fortune useth to play, — kisse them to-day and break
them to-morrow,— and therfore can lament in my sealf
but a common destiney, yet the pitifull estate of thos
who ar altogether healpless, and who dayly wound my
sowle with the memory of their miseries, force mee, in
dispight of all resolvedness, bothe to bewayle them and
labor for them. Not that I wish them, God knowes, the
least proportion of plenty, having forgotten that happi
ness which found to mich to littell ; but my thoughts
are now guyded by thos affections which Povertie hath
begotten, who contemplate it to be a sufficient felicitie
for them but to be able to eat of their own bread.
Now if it shall please your Lordship to pardon the
necessetie of my presumtion, I most humblie beseich
you to receve the opinions of my Lord Cheif Justice
and Mr. Aturney for the Conveyance. Mr. DODRIGE
knows that it had bynn sealed almost to years ere the
Queen died, if the feoffes had not bynn so farr asunder ;
and God doth witness with mee that att that tyme when
it was dun Sir A. Brett was the sole cause, in respect
of my quarells with GORGE1 and Preston.2 If they
shall judg fraud herein, God judg them with more grace
then they have judged of it, and mee.
Howsoever it bee, it seemes to mee that His Majestye
(by your Lordshipp moved to compassion) promised to
leve me what was left ; and that the more it appeered in
valew that His Majestie would then more willinglygraunt
it. This mich I had cause to hope for ; the rather
because your Lordship tolde mee att Winchester that
yow were sorry that I had resigned Jersey, — words which,
God knowes, peirced my hart to the center, as witnesing
1 Sir Ferdinando Gorges. See Vol. I. p. 256. 2 Sir Amias Preston.

Estates and other personal Affairs.

313

a feeling of his adversetie whom yow had once loved.
That and other things of the greatest debts layd on
mee, makes mee still presume that your Lordship's hart,
which God for goodness hath blest, being ether moved
with the past, or by the compassion of my present,
would yet vouchsauf to save this quarter which re-
mayneth from the ravens of this tyme, which feed
on all things. For, as it is, so ar my tenants made
afeard as I protest, before God, ether I must spoyle all
and receve 20s-. for £20, or elce want altogether. And,
in the mean tyme, can neither pay debts, releeve my
sealf, or assure bread to my children.
For my own tyme, good my Lord, consider that it
cannot be calde a life, but only misery drawn out and
spoone into a long thride, without all hope of other end
then Death shall provide for mee ; who, without the
healp of kings or frinds, will deliver mee out of prison.
If your Lordshipp shalbe pleased to do any thinge
herein, I shall but offer my sealf for recumpence who
am but as a broken reed. But I shall hope that God
shall pay your Lordship all my debts. If your Lord
shipp forsake mee herein, all I can do is to lett them
know that I cannot healp them, — that they may try
for themsealvs, while, by my life, they have yet a
possession of their birthright.
For the rest, lett the pollecy of the world be what it
will ; as ther is a God, I know my sealf bound unto
your Lordshipp, and which I would pay agayne, if I
could, with a gratetud never surmounted.
W. R.
Addressed :
To the right honorabell my singula- good Lord, the Lord Cecill,
Viscount CRANBORNE, &c.

Endorsed, in the hand of Lord Cranbornc :

Sr. W. Ralegh."

314

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
CXXXVI. 1604.
To Lord
Cranbome.
[From the
Tower. ]
Change in
Cran-
borne's behaviourtowardshim. —
Injustice of his con
demnation. — Personal
affairs. —
Appearance of the
Plague in
the Tower.
— Desire of
removal.

CXXXVI.
TO SECRETARY LORD VISCOUNT CRANBORNE.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 13 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Without date.
SINCE the tyme that my wife was last with your Lord
shipe I have withered in body and mind. By whom I
perceived a sad chang in your Lordship's favor towards
mee, on which all my hopes have ever lived, and made
mee live. Not for the discumfort of liberty only, but
in that it pleased your Lordship to thinck that I had
dealt ungratfully with yow since my trobels ; which, as
ther is a God, I never did, nor could so mich as thinck
to do.
For the tymes past, whatsoever your Lordship hath
conceived, I cannot thinck my sealf to have bynn ether
an enemy, or such a viper, but that this great downfall
of myne ; this shame, loss, and sorrow ; may seem to
your Lordship's hart and sowle a sufficient punishment
and revendg. And, if ther bee nothinge of so many
years love and familiarety to lay in the other scale,
O my God ! how have my thoughts betrayd mee in1
your Lordship's nature, compassion, and piety. For to
dy in perpetuall prison I did not thinck that your Lord
ship could have wished to your strongest and most
mallicious enemyes.
I know that Law, and Condemnation, ar formal2
arguments to men of iron harts. But God, that must
judg us all, — and extend infinit compassion towards all,
1 ' of first written, and erased.
2 Evidently used in the sense of " formidable.''

Desire of Removal from the Tower.

315

or elce wee must all perish in the never ending sorrows
to cum, — that God, when the sorrowfull night of death
shall cum uppon us, will remember the cries and grones
of the miserabell whom wee have suffred to perishe, not
releived. I have presumed at this tyme to remember your
Lordship of my miserabell estate, — dayly, in danger of
death by the palsey ; nightly, of suffocation, by wasted
and obstructed lungs. And now, the plaug being cum
att the next dore unto mee, only the narrow passage of
the way between. My poore child having lien this 14
dayes next to a wooman with a running plaug sore, and
but a paper wall betwen, — and whose childe is also this
Thursday dead of the plauge. So as now my wife
and child, and others in whom I had cumfort, have
abandoned me ; and in what fearfull estate, the Lord
knowes. My most humble desire is to be removed elcewher,
even to what place which God's goodness, and Charitey,
shall move your Lordship's hart ; that I be not left
alone and remedeless, as well for this visitation as for
other as lamentabell deseases which possess mee.
That I shall not ever acknowledg your Lordship's
great and cumfortabell favors, God make yow know the
contrary, — the same God that knowes that I was never
farther from my Lord Cecyll, but that I would have
sett my life between hyme and harme. God geve me
cumfort as it is trew, and as I shall evermore be found
gratfull in the highest degree ; and remayne your Lord
ship's poore disconsolate
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the Lord Cecyll,
Vicount Cranbokn, &c.
Endorsed by Lord Ccul : " 1604. Sir Walter Raleigh."

316

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
CXXXVII. 1604.
To Lord
Cranborne. [From the
Tower ?]
Entreaty
for the
restorationof his
landed
estates.

CXXXVII.
TO SECRETARY LORD VISCOUNT CRANBORNE.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cv. § 50 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
I might feare that this my importunety might offend
your Lordshipp, if I did not withall hope that the pro
portion of your Lordship's favor sett by for me cannot,
by any weakness of this nature, be recalde, or cast back
into that heape, out of which your Lordship taketh out,1
to releive all men.
Thos seasons which honor and good fortune accum-
pany seeme but short, and steale from us unwares.
But their tymes, whose days run out in misery only,
appeare exceedinge longe and draw sloely to their end.
Sorrow rydds the ass ; Prosperitie the eagell.
That which makes me adventure to beseich your
Lordship herein is the nireness of the terme, att which
tyme the Kinges councell-in-law wilbe more busied and
mich deerer ; the bussness intricate and therfore dange-
rus in a careless hand. For my sealf, being unpardoned,
I must wholy trust other mens consciences ; wherin,
howsoever the fathers deale, God knowes how the
soonns may.
Besides, I have keipt my Steward2 here ever since
your Lordship's first cumfort geven mee, — a man whom
I can better intreat then know how to reward. His
1 'out ' is thus repeated in original MS.
2 John Shelbury (of whom, in relation to the conduct of the " intricate
business" referred to in this letter, there is a curious anecdote recorded in
Manningham's Diary, MS. Harl. 5353, fol. 43, verso. B. M.).

Entreaty for the Restoration of his Lauded Estates.

317

owne estate requiring his presence more then it doth my
love, — as it hath pleased God to order it. All which I
leve to your Lordship's goodness to valew, for whom
Charitie only must finde out frinds.
Your Lordship's ever to serve yow,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed : " To the right honorabell my singuler good Lord, the Vicouut
Craxuorn, &*c."
Endorsed: "1604;" then, in Lord Cranborne's hand, "Sir Walter
Raleigh ;" and in another hand, " To my Lord."

1605.
CXXXVIII.
TO SECRETARY THE EARL OF SALISBURY.

From the Original.

Cecil Papers, vol. cix. § 9 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.

YOUR Lordshipp being now reddy to depart hence (and
being otherwise imboldned by your Lordship's cum-
fortabell promises) makes me adventure once agayne
to beseich yow to remember my long sute. I do not
press your Lordship as doubtinge your Lordship's favor
therin. My life had sauftie without your worde ; and
therfore no cause for me to doubt my land with it.
But it is trew : ' Dant animum ad loquendum libere
ultimo? miserio?; and being into such estate brought, I
lay before your Lordship the trew cause of my impor-
tunetis. The on is (which I speake in the presence and
feare of God) that I am every second or third night in

3i8

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
CXXXVII!..

1605.

danger ether of suddayne death or of the 'loss of my
lymes1 and sense, being sume tyme two howres without
feeling or motion of my hand and whole arm. I com-
playn not of it. I know it vayne, for ther is none that
hath compassion therof. The other, that I shalbe made
more then weary of my life by her crijng and bewayling
who will return in post when shee heares of your Lord
ship's departure, and nothing don. Shee hath alreddy
brought her eldest sonne in one hand and her sucking
child in another, crijng out of her and their destruc
tion ; charging mee with unnaturall negligence,2 and
that having provided for myne own life I am without
sense and compassion of theirs.
Thes torments, added to my desolate life, — receiving
nothing but torments and wher I should look for sume
cumfort, together with the consideration of my cruell
destiney, my dayes and tymes worn out in sorrow and
imprisonment, — is sufficient ether utterly to distract mee
or to make mee curss the tyme that ever I was born
into the world, and had a being ; did I not hope that
God wilbe pleased to accept thos misires of myne in
this world for thos eternall sorrowes which my neglect
of Hyme and offences agaynst Hyme have deserved.
I beseich your Lordship, even as you must one day
begg cumfort from God and cry unto Hyme for His
aboundant mercie, that yow wilbe pleased to spare the
tyme, and to finishe and effect, in sume sort, your hart's
intents toward me. If I could ether healp or blame
their cries and impatience, I would, for my sealf, leve
all to God and your Lordship. But, if your Lordship
spare one thought toward this estate of myne, I cannot
1 limbs.
2 The allusion here is to the inadequate conveyance (for technical error)
of the Sherborne estates. See Vol. I. chap. xxi.

Restoration of his Dorsetshire Estates.

319

but hope for sume happie end ; which I leve to your
Lordship's goodness to resolve of, and rest your most
miserable creture to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lorde, the Lord Vicount
Cranborn, Earle of Sallisbury, cVr.
Endorsed :
" 1605. Sir Walter Raleigh ; " and, in another hand, " To my Lord."

CXXXIX.
TO THE EARL OF SALISBURY, LORD HIGH
TREASURER.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cix. §11 (Hatfield). Holograph.
As all my cumforts and sorrowes are in your Lord
ship's poure, so it pleaseth your Lordship to mixe them,
though with a gentell hand.
My wife tolde mee that your Lordship had pleased to
move his Majestie for Sherburne, and that his Majestie
was graciously disposed toward the releife of her and
her poore children. My thanckfullness I know your
Lordship cannot valew. Thos bonds of debts are only
layd up wher payment may be hoped for. But all dew
from me I must leve to the world, to pay your Lordship
withe a great part of the honor it hath to geve ; and to
God to allow for satisfied in your great accompt towards
Hyme the compassion yow shew towards others. All
men have one entrance into life, and a like going out.
In the world, we live by glorie ; in the heavens,
by mercie. ' Prudentia humana mortalis, misericordia
cvtema.'

LETTER
CXXXVII1 1605.

LETTER
CXXXIX. 1605.
To the
Earl of
Salisbury.
[From the
Tower. ]
Restora
tion of the
Dorset
shireestates. —
Terms of
the re-
grant in
trust.

320

Letters of Ralegh.

Ther is nothing more trew then that the greatest
prosperitie hath the greatest envie. And though wise
men do not therfore neglect the blessings of God in this
world, yet they carefully distinguish her two natures :
the on, biting at Prosperitie it sealf, att what prise
soever Vertue hath bought it ; the other, at that
poure1 accumpanied with severitie, especially agaynst
thos whom it hath sometyme loved, and are afterward
become miserabell. ' Ea prosperitas maxime invidiosa
est, in qua est asperitas ; prcecipue in amicos afflictos
ac miseros, etc in nostram potestatem redactos; For the
plentie of happines is never decreased by imparting
cumfort to others, wher God hath geven sufficient for
both. How your Lordship may thinck that I acknow-
ledg your Lordship's liberalitie to my sealf, I can no
otherwise gess then by the continewance of your favor.
To geve your Lordship farther assurance of my desire to
honor your Lordship with all the pouers of my sowle, I
find no other argument then trewth in my sealf, and
uttered by thes emptie voyoes which your Lordship's
charitie pleaseth to accept.
For the sute it sealf, with which I have so often
trobled your Lordship, as I must take most thanckfully
what soever your Lordship shall vouchsauf to procure
mee, — so, if the land be tied with a remaynder, a third
of the valew is therby lost. Besids that neither can I
have means to pay my debts (owing to Mr. Vanlor2
and Sir J. Spilman £1300; and, as God liveth, as mich
more elcewher ; and the debt of the Wines alreddy
assigned). Agayne, the Church of Sallisburie, which
1 power.
" Peter Vanlore of London, an eminent Flemish merchant, who at this
date had long been domiciled in England, and to whom one of Sir Walter's
latest letters (on the fatal Guiana expedition) is addressed. See under
' 1616,' hereafter; Letter CLI.

Restoration of his Dorsetshire Estates.

321

hath no great estate, might therby loose ^260 a yeere
which I pay. For the King can be no man's tenant nor
hold land of any vassall.
I did desire it free the rather, in- hope to bargayn
with your Lordship for it. For ther is no seat within
the cumpass of your titells so fitt for your Lordship as
that. And I will make it appere that your Lordship
may save ^10,000, in respect of building, imparking,
and setling, elcewher.
It was once entayled uppon my brother's children.
But I might have revoked it agayn, and ment it. I
beseich your Lordship do me that grace as I may be
therin no less free then heretofore. And if your Lord
ship do not find reason in my offer towards your sealf
(my debts being payd), I protest before God I will then
tie it, as your Lordship shall advise me or command
mee. And, howsoever, I shall remayne your Lordships
faithfull sarvant to the end,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the Lord Vicount
Cranborn, Earl of Sallysburie, dr-v.
Endorsed : " 1605. Sir Walter Ralegh to my Lord."

CXL.
TO SIR ROBERT COTTON, BART.
From the Original. MS. Cotton, Julius C iii. fol. 31 1 (British Museum).
Holograph. Mutilated.1 Without date. Written during his imprison
ment in the Tower; probably between the years 1605 and 1 61 2.
** The learned biographer of Cotton, Dr. Thomas Smith,
has taken it for granted that Sir Walter Ralegh's object in
1 The words printed within brackets I supply from a copy of the letter,
which was made anterior to the fire at Ashbumham House.
VOL. II. Y

322

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXL.
After1605?
To Sir
Robert
Cotton.
[From the
Tower. ]
Requeststhe loan of
variousbooks of
History.

addressing this letter to Sir R. Cotton was to obtain materials for
the continuation of the History of the World. This may well
have been so. It is, however, matter rather of conjecture than
of proof. Sir Walter's object may have been that ' Brief His
tory of England' in particular, on which we know that he was
also employed, whilst in the Tower. " Quorum hinc"
writes Dr. Smith, when speaking of the great scholars whose
studies Cotton had helped to promote, — " carceris in Turre Lon-
dinensi poznam luens, in Secunda Universalis Historise parte
antiquitates Britannicas indagaturus, ut quosdam Codiees tum
typis impressos, tum manu exaratos, sibi utendos dare vellet
Cottonus, Uteris petit." Cotton's answer is not extant. But
his character is a sufficient assurance of its nature.
Sir Robert Cotton,
If yow have any of thes old books, or any manu-
scrips, wherin I cann reade any of our written antiquites,
if yow pleas to lend them mee f1 for a little while, I
will sjwifly restore them ; and thinck my sealf miche
[behoulding unto yow ; or, if yow have any old French
histjory wherin our nation is mentioned, or any [else, in
what language sojever. Your poore frind,
W. Ralegh.
Sigebert's Cronikells.2'
Vincent's Speculum historiale.
Gervasius Tilesberius.3
Phillip : Bergomus.4
1 See note on the preceding page.
2 Sigeberti Gemblacensis Ccenobitae Chronicon, ab anno 381 ad annum
1131. 3 Gervasii Tilberiervsis De Imperio Romano, et Gottorum, Lombardorum,
Brittonum, Francorum, Anglorumque regnis, Commentatio ; known also as
Oho Imperialia ad Ottonem IV. Imperatorem.
4 Supplementum Chronicorum Orbis, ab initio Mundi ad annum 1485 ;
by James Philip Foresti, of Bergamo.

Proposed Conveyance of Sherborne to the King.

323

Natalis Talipes.1
Amand : Zirescens.
Caius Hondinius.
John Major, Degestis Scotorumr
Lessabius of Herault.3
Alex. Evesham.4
Brute Booke.
Cronikell of Teuxberry}
Peter de Icham.8

1608. CXLI.
TO THE LORD TREASURER SALISBURY.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cxx. § 36 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
Doubting that something may be sayde unto your
Lordshipe of my proceeding towching Sherburne, I
humblie pray your Lordshipe to judg of me herein by
the same goodnes and charitie which hath hitherto
directed all your actions. For, that the graunt required
of mee and others is indeed fearfull unto us, I cannot
1 Histoire de V estat et ripublique des Druides, £s*c. Par Noel Taillepied.
(Printed at Paris in 1585.)
2 Probably but another title for the well-known Historia Majoris
Britannice, tarn Anglice quam Scotia.
3 Chronicon Universale, attributed (on very doubtful authority) to James
Lessabe, a Fleming, who flourished in the earlier part of the sixteenth
century. ,
1 Perhaps Chronicon Abbatia; Eveshamensis . , . a fundatione ad annum
1213. 5 Annates Monasterii de Theokesberia, ab anno 1066 ad annum 1263.
MS. Cott. Cleopatra, A vii.
6 Chronica de regibus Anglice, . <J tempore Bruti usque ad annum
1301. MS. Cott. Dom. iii. 1. In the original, Ralegh's list of books is
put at the top of his letter. Y 2

LETTER CXL.
After
1605?,

LETTER CXLI.
1607-1608. Jan. 29.
To the
Lord
Treasurer Salisbury.
[From the
Tower. ]

324

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXLI.
1607-1608. Jan. 29.
On a pro
posedConvey
ance of his
Sherborne
estate to
the King.

deny : because wee therin pass unto His Majestie those
things which are out of our powre to performe, and
j wherby those that joyne with mee do not only inthrale
their own estates, but my wife and sonn therby forfeat
their anuetie. For if those that never had fee simple
graunt a fee simple ; if wee covenant to graunt all the
lands free and unstated ; if wee also binde ourselves to
deliver all writings, evidences, court-roles, &c. — which
wee never had, — wee do presently fayle, and fall under
I know not how many inconveniences, dangers, and
trebles ; and from which the proviso offred doth no way
deliver us.
I protest before the majestie of God that I deale
cleerly in this busenes, and that as I have alreddy de
livered many things for the good of the Lord that shalbe,
so will I make it appeere that I will reserve nothing in
my knowledg that may assure those lands to the pro-
priator. Only this mich I humblie desire that, as I would
be gladd never to heere the place named henceforth, so
in parting from it, I might also part from all future
treble and vexation concerning it ; and that for those
bonds and covenants entred into for the injoying of
estates and anueties by me and mine, I may be with
them which have dealt for mee freely and cleerly dis
charged. I mean for such and no other as do appeare
just, and are found by the last survey.
And if it shall please your Lordshipe to be advised
by mee heerein, I thinck it farr better that such a graunt
be devised for us to signe, so indifferent and equall, as
that the same shall not hold any dispute in Parlement,
then that the parties which joyne with mee therin shall
seeke to bee releived in that great court, and so their
desires retarded which would be gladd of a free passage
and expedition.

Proposed Conveyance of Sherborne to the King.

325

For the rest, if Mr. Thelwal have told your Lord
shipe that hee found unwillingnes in me to bee att any
charg for the patents, it is trew that I prayd him that all
might come free unto us, but my meaning was for the
future. For this charg is not great, and in lew therof
I am content (because it cannot be otherwise) to yeild
so mich longer time to the farmers of Custome as the
interest would amownt to .£40. For as ther is demanded
above tenn pound for the tallies, so do the officers tell us
that the fees going out of the £400 wilbe att the least
£20 yeerly, which, if wee had had a lease of land, would
have bine saved, and to which I would have held my
sealf, had I not feared your Lordshipes construction that
I sought delay and a prolongation of the busenes. But
in all these I submit my sealf to your Lordship's cha-
ritie, and rest your humble sarvant,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my singuler good Lord, the Earle of Salsburie,
Lord Treasorer of Ingland, &-c.
Endorsed, in Lord Salisbury's hand : "29th Ja. 1607. Sir Walter Raleigh."
The date of the endorsement is, of course, according to legal
style, viz. 1607-1608.

1609.
CXLII.
1 TO JOHN SHELBURY, Steward of the Manor
of Sherborne.
From the Original? Domestic Correspondence: James I. vol. xliii. § 6
t (Rolls House)- Apparently, Holograph ?
*.. * I insert this letter — but not without some hesitation —
because it is calendared at the Rolls House as a genuine

LETTER CXLI.
1607-1608. Jan. 29.

326

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXLII.
1608-1609. Jan. 3.
To John
Shelbury.[From the
Tower.]Lease to
J. Meeres,
of Bishop's
Down,
near Sher
borne.

LETTER CXLIII. 1609?
To Sir
RobertCarr. [From the
Tower. ]

document. There are several difficulties about it ; arising
rather from the contents than from any peculiarities of the
writing, although these, also, are observable. On the subject-
matter, the reader is referred to Vol. I, chap. xxi. He may
also be reminded that Ralegh stated on one occasion, in rela
tion to lawsuits about Sherborne, that Meeres was so expert a
forger as to be able, for a moment, to put him into doubt as
to what he (Ralegh) had, or had not, himself written with his
own hand.
John Shelbury,
I PRAY give John MEERES a promis under your
hand to make him a good and perfect lease of all
Bishops Down, so soun as it shalbe known to whom the
land doth belong, which I will that you performe unto
him freely and without all question or cavill ; and this
shalbe your sufficient warrant. Written this 3 of Jan^- 1608.
W. Ralegh.

CXLIII.
TO SIR ROBERT CARR (afterwards Earl of Somerset).
From a nearly contemporaneous copy in MS. Addit. 4106, fol. 81 (British
Museum). In another copy of this Letter (MS. Harleian 6908,
fol. 4), the following date is added : 'From the Tower. Jan. 2, 1608.'
Sir, After manye great losses, and manye yeares sor-
rowes, of both which I have cause to feare I was mis
taken in ther endes, it is come to my knowledge that
yourself (whom I knowe not, but by an honorable fame)
have bene persuaded to geve me and myne our last
fatall blowe, by obtayninge from his Majestie the in-
heritaunce of my children and nephewes, lost in law for

Intreaties to Carr in regard to Sherborne.

327

want of wordes. This done, ther remayneth nothinge
with me but the bare name of lief, dispoyled of all els
but the tythe 1 and sorrowe therof. His Majestie, whom
I never offended (for I ever helde yt both tmnaturall
and unmanlye to hate goodnes), stayed me at the
grave's brincke ; not, as I hope, that his Majestie thought
me worthye of manye deathes and to beholde all myne
cast out of the worlde with my selfe ; but as a Kynge
who, judginge the poore in truthe, hath retayned a
promyse from God that his throne shalbe established
for ever.
And for yourselfe, Sir, seinge your daye is but now in
the dawne, and myne come to the eveninge, — your own
vertues and the King's grace assuringe you of manye
good fortunes and muche honor, — I beseich you not to
begynne your first buildings upon the ruyns of the in
nocent; and that thergreifes and sorrowes doe not attende
your first plantacion. I have bene bounden to your
nation, as well for many other graces as for the true
reporte of my tryall to the Kings Majestie ; against
whom, had I been found malignant, the hearinge of my
cause woulde not have chaunged enemyes into freindes,
malice into compassion, and the greatest number present
into a commiseracion of mine estate. It is not the
nature of foule treasons to begett such fayre passions ;
neyther woulde it agree with the duetye and love of
faythfull subjectes (especiallye of your nation) to be-
wayle his overthrowe who had conspyred1 against ther
most liberall and natural! Lorde. I therfore trust, Sir,
that you will not be the first that will kyll us outright,
cutt downe the tree with the fruyte, and undergoe the
curse of them that enter into the fieldes of the fatherles ;
— the which (yf it please you to knowe the truthe) are
1 So in MS. , but probably an error of the transcriber

LETTER CXLIII. 1609? ~tr
Written on
receiving
intelligence that Carr
had ob
tained a
grant of
the Sher
borne estate.

328

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXLIII.
, 1609 ?

LETTER CXLIV. 1610?
Oct. 9.
To Sir W.
Cope.
[From the
Tower.]Requesting
his inter
cession for
leave to
Lady
Ralegh to
return to
the Tower.

farre lesse fruitfull in value then in fame ; and that soe
worthie a gentleman as yourselfe will rather bynde us
to your service, beinge, Sir, gentlemen, not base in burth
or allyance, who have interest therin. And my selfe
with the uttermost thankfulnes will ever remayne readye
to obey your commaundments, W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the honorable and worthye knight, Sir Robert Carr, at the Courte.

1 6 1 o.
CXLIV.
TO SIR WALTER COPE.
As communicated to the Society of Antiquaries (June 2, 1853), by Mr.
J. Payne Collier, from the Original, then in the possession of
Mr. Willoughby, of Lancaster Place, London. (Archcuologia, vol.
xxxv. pp. 219, 220.)
Sir Walter Cope,
You are of my old acquayntance, and were my
familiar frind for many yeeres, in which time I hope
you cannot say that ever I used any unkind office
towards you. But our fortunes are now changed, and
it may be in your power greatly to bynde me unto you,
if the bynding of a man in my estate be worth any
thing. My desire unto you is, that you wilbe pleased
to move my Lord Treasorer in my behalf, that by his
grace my wife might agayne be made a prisoner with
me, as she hath bine for six yeeres last past. Shee
being now divided from me, and thereby, to my great
impoverishing, I am driven to keip to1 howses. A

Request of Sir Walter Cope 's Iutereessio

329

miserable fate it is, and yet great to me, who, in this
wretched estate, can hope for no other thing than
peacible sorrow. It is now, and I call the Lord of
all power to wittnes yt, I ever have bine, and am
resolved that it was never in the worthey hart of Sir
Robert Cecyll (whatsoever a Counceler of State and
a Lord Treasorer of Ingland must do) to suffer me to
fall, mich less to perrish. For what soever termes it
hath pleased his Lordship to use towards mee, which
might utterly dispaire any bodie else, yet I know that
he spake them as a Counceler, sitting in Councill, and
in company of such as would not otherwise have bine
satisfied. But, as God liveth, I would have bought his presence
att a farr deerer rate than those sharp words and these
three moneths close imprissonment, for it is in his Lord
ship's face and countenance that I behold all that re-
maynes to me of comfort and all the hope I have, and
from which I shall never be beaten till I see the last of
evills and the dispayre which hath no healp. The bless
ings of God cannot make him cruell that was never so,
nor prosperitie teach any man of so great worth to
delight in the endles adversitie of an enemie, mich less
of him who in his very sowle and nature can never be
such a one towards him.
Sir, the matter is of no great importance (though a
cruell destinie hath made it so to me) to desire that my
wife may live with me in this unsavery place. If by
your mediation I may obtayne it, I will acknowledg it
in the highest degree of thankfullness ; and rest reddy in
trew fayth to be commanded by you,
W. Ralegh.
October the 9 [16 10 ?].

330

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXLV. 1610?
To Prince
Henry.[From the
Tower. ]
Plans for
building a
war-ship.

CXLV.
TO HENRY, PRINCE OF WALES.
As printed, in 1656-1657, in the Collection entitled Remains of Sir
Walter Raleigh. Without subscription, signature,, or date.
Most excellent Prince,
If the ship your Highness intends to build be
bigger than the Victorie, then her beams which are laid
overthwart from side to side will not serve again, and
many other of her timbers and other stuff will not
serve ; whereas if she be a size less, the timber of the
old ship will serve well to the building of a new.
If she be bigger, she will be of less use, go very deep
to water, and of mighty charge,, — our channels decaying
every year ; less nimble ; less manyable ; and seldom
to be used. " Grande navio, grande fatica," saith the
Spaniard. A ship of six hundred tuns will carrie as good ordi
nance as a ship of twelve hundred tuns ; and where the
'greater hath double her ordinance, the less will turn her
broadside twice before the great ship can wind once,
and so no advantage in that overplus of guns. The
lesser will go over clear, where the greater shall stick
and perish ; the lesser will come and go ; leave or take ;
and is yare ; whereas the greater is slow, unmanyable,
and ever full of encumber. In a well conditioned ship
these things are chiefly required : —
(1.) That she be strong built; — (2.) Swift in
sail ; — (3.) Stout-sided ; — (4.) That her ports be
so laid, as she may carry out her guns all

Plans for building a War-ship.

33i

weathers; — (5.) That she hull and trie well; —
(6.) That she stay well, when boarding or turn
ing on a wind, is required.
To make her strong, consisteth in the care and truth
of the workman ; to make her swift, is to give her a
large run or way forward, and so afterward, — done by
art and just proportion; and that in laying out of her
bowes before, and quarters behind, the shipwright be
sure that she neither sink nor hang into the water, but
lie clear and above it ; wherein shipwrights do often fail,
and then is the speed in sailing utterly spoiled.
That she be stout-sided, the same is provided by a
long bearing-fioaf, and by shaving off from above waters
to the lower edge of the ports ; which done, then will
she carry out her ordnance all weathers.
To make her to hull and to trie well, — which is called
a good sea-ship, — there are two things principally to be
regarded : the one, that she have a good draught of
water ; the other, that she be not overcharged. And
this is seldom done in the King's ships; and therefore
we are forced to lye, or trie, in them with our main
course and mizzen ; which, with a deep keel, and stand
ing streak, she would perform.
The extream length of a ship makes her unapt to
stay, especially if she be floatie, and want sharpnesse of
way, forward. And it is most true, that such overlong
ships are fitter for the Narrow Seas, in summer, than for
the Ocean, or long voyages ; and therefore, an hundred
foot by the keel, and thirtie-five foot broad, is a good
proportion for a great ship.
It is to be noted, that all ships sharp before, not
having a long floar, will fall rough into the sea from a
billow, and take in water over head and ears ; and the

LETTER CXLV. l6 IO?

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXLV. l6lO?

same quality have all narrow-quartered ships to sink
after the tail. The high charging of ships is that that
brings many ill qualities; it makes them extream lee
ward, makes them sink deep into the seas, makes
them labour sore in foul weather, and ofttimes overset.
Safety is more to be respected than shews, or nicenesse
for ease; in sea journeys, both cannot well stand to
gether ; and therfore the most necessary is to be
chosen. Two decks and a half is enough, and no building at
all above that, but a low master's cabbin. Our masters
and mariners will say, that the ships will bear more well
enough ; and true it is, if none but ordinary mariners
served in them. But men of better sort, unused to such
a life, cannot so well endure the rowling and tumbling
from side to side, where the seas are never so little
grown, which comes by high charging. Besides those
high cabbin works aloft are very dangerous in fight, to
tear men with their splinters.
Above all other things, have care that the great guns
be four foot clear above water, when all lading is in ; or
else, these best pieces are idle at sea : for if the ports lie
lower and be open, it is dangerous, and by that default
was a goodly ship, and many gallant gentlemen, lost in
the days of Henry the Eigth, before the Isle of Wight,
in a ship called by the name of Mary Rose.

Proposals for the Colonisation of Virginia.

333

CXLVI.
TO QUEEN ANNE OF DENMARK, Consort of King
James the First.
From a contemporaneous transcript in MS. Harleian, xxxix. fol. 359
(British Museum). Without address and undated.
THE same blessinge which God doth contynewe towards
your Majestie will, I hope, put your Majestie in minde
of your charritie towards otheres. I long since presumed
•to offer your Majestie my service in Virginia, with a
shorte repetition of the comoditie, honor, and safetye
which the King's Majestie might reape by that planta
cion, yf it were followed to effecte. I doe still hombly
beseech your Majestie that I may rather die in serving
the Kinge and my countrey then to perrish here.
I did also presume hertofore to set downe my answeres
to all objectyones that could be made, to wit, that yf
I wente not by a day sett that I would forfete my life
and estate ; that I wold leave my wife and two sonnes
pleadges for my faith, and that my wife shall yeald
herself to death, yf I performe not my duty to the
Kinge. And yf this suffice not, that it may be tould the
masteres and marrineres that transporte me that yf I offer
to saile elsewhere that they may caste me into the Sea.
But were ther nothinge ells, let your Majestie, I be
seech you, be resolved that it shall never be said of me
that the Queen of England gave her worde for this man ;
that the Queen tooke him out of the hands of Death ;
that he, like a villaine and perjured slave, hath betrayde
so worthy a princes, and hath brokene his faithe. Noe,
Maddam, as God lyveth, ther is no bonnd, noe, not the
lose of 20 sonnes, cane tye me so faste as the memory of

LETTER CXLVI. l6lO?
To Queen
Anne of
Denmark.
[From the
Tower.] Proposals
for the
coloniza tion of
Virginia.

334

Letters of Ralegh.

your goodnes, and ther is neither death nor life that cane
allewre me or feare me from the performance of my duty
to soe worthie and charritable a Lady.
This I knowe your Majestie may effecte for me, and
the sooner, if you please to engage your worde for me
to the Earle of Salesbury. And yf your Majestie thinke
me worthie of life, or that I have any bloud of a gen
tleman in me, I beseech you vouchsaife it ; and your
Majestie shall never repente you or receave lose by your
goodnes towards me, from whose reverence and service
no power but that of God by death shall ever seperat,
but that I will ever rest Your most humble vassall,
W. Raleghe.
Headed, by the transcriber :
The Letter written by Sir Walter Raleghe to Queen Anne the ... anno 1 6 . . .

i 6 i i.
CXLVI I.
TO QUEEN ANNE OF DENMARK, Consort of King
James the First.
From the Original. Domestic Correspondence: James L (Rolls House.)
I DID lately presume to send unto your Majestie the
coppie of a letter written to my Lord Treasorer, towell
ing Guiana ; that ther is nothing done therin I could not
but wonnder with the world, did not the mallice of the
world exceede the wisedome thereof. In mine owne
respect, the ever living God doth witness that I never
sought such an imployment, for all the gold in the earth
could not invite me to travell after miserie and death,

Proposals for an Expedition to Guiana.

335

both which I had bine likeler to have overtaken in that
voyage, than to have returned from it ; but the desire
that ledd me was the approving of my fayth to His
Majestie, and to have done him such a service as hath
seildome bine performed for any King. But, most excel
lent Princes, although His Majestie do not so mich love
him self for the present as to accept of that riches which
God hath offred him, therby to take all presumption
from his enemies, arising from the want of treasor, by
which (after God) all States are defended, yet it may be
that His Majestie will consider more deiply therof here
after, if not to late, and that the dissolution of his
humble vassall do not preceede His Majesties resolution
therin. For my extreeme shortnes of breath doth grow
so fast on me, with the dispaire of obtayning so mich
grace to walke with my keeper up the hill within the
Tower, as it makes me resolve that God hath otherwise
disposed of that busenes, and of me ; who, after eyght
yeers imprissonment, am as strayghtly lockt up as I was
the first day, and the punishment dew to other mens
extreame negligence layd altogether uppon my patience
and obedience. In which respect (most worthy Princes)
it were a sute farr more fitting the hardnes of my destinie
(who every day suffer, and am subject every day to
suffer, for other mens offences) rather to desire to dye,
once for all, and therby to give end to the miseries of
this life, than to strive against the ordinance of God,
who is a trew judge of my innocencie towards the King
and doth know me
For your Majesties most humble
and most bound vassall,

W. Ralegh.

Addressed :
To the Queens most excellent Majestie.

LETTER CXLVII. [I6ll.]
Proposals
for ail ex
pedition to
Guiana.

33&

Prefatory Note to Letter CXL VIII.

r 6 i 2.
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CXLVIII.— PROPOSALS FOR
THE GUIANA VOYAGE IN 1612.
'"PHE original of the letter which follows is not now known
to exist. The Harieian copy bears no address ; but is
headed (with an obvious inaccuracy) "Agreement betwen Sir
Walter Raleigh and the Lords for the Journey of Guiana, to
be performed by Captain Keemish, in 161 1." It is plain, on
the face of the document itself, that it is a letter tending
towards an ' agreement' for such a voyage, and that there had
been much negotiation about the terms. It is also plain,
from subsequent evidence, that the obstacles in the way
proved to be, at that time, irremovable, and that no definite
agreement was come to. The date assigned to this trans
action is also questionable. It appears to have been founded
merely upon a misconception of the words " sixteen years
since." Those words, however, do not apply to anything that
occurred in Ralegh's own voyage of 1595, but to an incident
of Keymis' voyage, in 1596. Did no allusion to any date
occur in the letter itself, the probabilities of the case would
tend to assign to it the date of 16 12, rather than that of 1611 ;
inasmuch as there are several expressions in other letters of
Ralegh, relating to Guiana, which imply that during the life
of the Lord Treasurer Salisbury none of Sir Walter's many
attempts to obtain a resumption of the enterprise attained so
nearly to apparent success as did that which is the subject of
the present letter. Salisbury died in May 1612 ; just "sixteen
years'' after that voyage of Keymis to which reference is here
made. One or two sentences of the letter may be thought to
suggest that it was addressed to certain peers who purposed
to be 'joint-adventurers' in the new enterprise, rather than
to the Privy Council collectively. On the other hand, there

Proposals for the Guiana Voyage in 1612.

337

are also expressions which seem applicable to the Council
alone, in its governing capacity.
This letter was, I believe, first referred to by the late Mr.
Napier in his article 'Sir Walter Raleigh; published in the
seventy-first volume of the Edinburgh Review. It was first
printed, in full, by the late Sir Robert Schomburgk, in an
appendix to his excellent edition of Ralegh's Discovery of
Guiana, printed in 1848. In Sir Robert's copy there are
some slight verbal inaccuracies.
The "former letter" addressed to the same Lords, to which
Ralegh refers in the last paragraph but one, is not now known
to exist in any shape, — original or copy. Elsewhere, there are
references to other Guiana letters which are not now discover
able. There is evidence, too, that Sir Joseph Jekyll, Master of
the Rolls, once possessed, in his private library, a MS. volume
described as containing "Several letters wrote by Sir W.
Rawleigh in relation to Guiana, subscribed by his own hand''
The volume thus described was sold by auction in London in
1739. 1^ 1S probable, however, — the Sale Catalogue notwith
standing, — that these letters were but copies. Sir Joseph
Jekyll would scarcely have left such a volume to the chances
of loss, had the documents been really originals.

CXLVIII.
TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL?
From a nearly contemporaneous transcript in MS. Harl. xxxix. ff. 350, 351
(British Museum).
YOUR Lordshipps, as I remember, did offer to be att
the charge to transport KEEMISH into Guyana with such
a proportion of men in twoe shipps as should be able
to defend him against the Spaniards inhabiting upon
VOL. 11. z

338

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER
CXLVIII. 1612
To the
Lords of
the Council ?
[From the
Tower.] Proposals
for a
voyage, by
Keymis,
to Guiana.

Orenocke, if they offered to assaile him (not that itt is
meant to offend the Spaniards there, or to beginne any
quarrell with them, except themselves shall beginne the
warre). To knowe what number of men shall be sufficient,
may itt please your Lordshipps to informe your selves
by Captain MOATE, a servant of Sir JOHN WATTS 1
who came from Orenoke this last spring, and was often
times ashore att St. Thome, where the Spaniards in-
habite, which numbers made knowne to your Lordshipps
and to the captaines which you shall please to imploy
with Keemish, those captaines shall be able to judge
with what force they will undertake to secure Keemishes
passage to the Mine, which is not above five miles from
the navigable river, taking the neerest way.
Now your Lordshipps doe require of mee that if
Keemish live to arrive, and shall then faile to bringe
into England halfe a tunne, or as much more as he shall
be able to take upp of that slate gold ore whereof I gave
a sample to my Lord KNEVETT,2 that then all the charge
of the journey shall be laid upon mee and by mee to be
satisfied, whereto I willingly consent. And though itt
be a difficult matter — of exceeding difficulty — for any
man to find the same acre of ground againe in a country
desolate and overgrowne which he hath seene but once,
and that sixteene yeares since (which were hard enough
to doe upon Salisbury Plaine), yett that your Lordshipps
may be satisfied of the truth I am contented to adven
ture all I have, but my reputacion, upon Keemishe'S
memory; hoping that itt may be acceptable to the
Kings Majestie and to your Lordshipps soe to doe, con-
1 A well-known and very enterprising "Merchant Adventurer'' of the
period. (See Letter XX. pp. 43, 44.)
2 Thomas Knyvett, Lord Knyvett of Escrick.

Proposals for resuming the Guiana Enterprise.

339

sidering that if KEEMISH misse of his marks my poore
estate is utterly overthrowne, and my wife and children
as utterly beggared.
Now, that there is noe hope, after this tryall made, to
fetch any more riches from thence, I have already given
your Lordshipps my reasons in my former letter, and
am ready upon a mappe of the country to make demon-
stracion thereof, if itt shall please your Lordshipps to
give me leave. But to the King's Majesties wisdome
and your Lordshipps' I submitt my selfe.
But that which your Lordshipps doe promise is that
halfe a tunne of the former oare being brought home,
then I shall have my libertie, and in the meane while
my free pardon, under the greate seale, to be left in
his Majesties hands till the end of the journey.
[Both the subscription and the address are wanting.]
i 6 i 6.
CXLIX.
TO SECRETARY SIR RALPH WINWOOD.
As printed, in 1656-1657, in the Collection entitled Remains of
Sir W. Raleigh.
Honoured Sir,
I WAS lately perswaded by two gentlemen, my
ancient friends, to acquaint your Honour with some
offers of mine made heretofore for a journey to Guiana,
who were of opinion, that it would be better understood
now, than when it was first propounded ; which advice
having surmounted my dispair, I have presumed to send
unto your Honour the copies of those letters which I
then wrote, both to his Majestie and- to the Treasurer
z 2

To Sir R.
Winwood.[From the
Tower.]

34Q

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CXLIX.
1615-1616? January ?

CECILL, wherein as well the reasons that first moved me
are remembered, as the objections by him made are
briefly answered.
What I know of the riches of that place, not by hear
say, but what mine eyes have seen, I have said it often,
but it was then to no end : because those that had the
greatest trust were resolved not to believe it ; — not be
cause they doubted the truth, but because they doubted
my disposition towards themselves, where 1 (if God had
blessed me in the enterprise) I had recovered his
Majesties favour and good opinion. Other cause than
this, or other suspicion, they never had any. Our late
worthy Prince of Wales was extream curious in search
ing out the nature of my offences ; the Queen's Majesty
hath informed her self from the beginning ; the King of
Denmark, at both times of his being here, was throughly
satisfied of my innocencie ; they would otherwise never
have moved his Majestie on my behalf.
The wife, the brother, and the son of a King do not
use to sue for men suspect ; but, Sir, since they all have
done it out of their charitie, and but with reference to
me alone, your Honour (whose respect hath onely rela
tion to his Majesties service), strengthened by the ex
ample of those princes, may with the more hardnesse do
the like, being princes to whom his Majesty's good estate
is no lesse dear, and all men that shall oppugne it no
lesse hatefull, then to the King himself.
It is true, Sir, that his Majestie hath sometimes
answered, that his Councel knew me better than he did ;
meaning some two or three of them ; and it was indeed
my infelicitie. For had his Majesty known me, I had
never been here where I now am ; or had I known his
Majestie, they had never been so long there where they
1 Here used in the sense of " in case that," or "in the event that."

Thanks for procuring his Release from the Tower.

now are. His Majestie not knowing of me, hath been
my ruine ; and his Majestie misknowing of them, hath
been the ruine of a goodly part of his estate : but they
are all of them now — some living and some dying —
come to his Majesties knowledge. But, Sir, how little
soever his Majestie knew me, and how much soever he
believed them, yet have I been bound to his Majestie
both for my life, and all that remains, of which, but for
his Majestie, nor life, nor ought else, had remained. In
this respect, Sir, I am bound to yield up the same life,
and all I have for his Majesties service. To die for the
King, and not by the King, is all the ambition I have in
the world.
Walter Ralegh.

CL.
TO SIR GEORGE VILLIERS, afterwards DUKE OF
BUCKINGHAM.
As printed by Oldys, from the Original, then in the Library of
James West. (Life, p. 468.)
Sir, You have, by your mediation, put me again into
the world. I can but acknowledge it, for to pay any
part of your favour by any service of mine, as yet it
is not in my power. If it succeed well, a good part
of the honour shall be yours ; and if I do not also
make it profitable unto you, I shall show myself ex
ceeding ungrateful.
In the mean while, and until God discover the success,
I beseech you to reckon me among the number of your
faithful servants, though the least able,
March 17 [161-5—1616]. W. RALEGH.

341

LETTER CXLIX.
1615-1616? January?

LETTER CL.
1615-1616. March 17.
To Sir
George
Villiers.
Thanks for
procuringhis release
from the
Tower.

342

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CI.L
I6l6.
- J«iy I-
To Peter
Vanlore;with a
form of
letter to be
written by
Vanlore to
Amsterdam, for
information about
Guiana.

CLI.

TO PETER VANLORE.
As printed, by Oldys, from a copy made by Browne Willis of " the
original draft of Sir Walter's own hand," then in Willis' Library
at Whaddon Hall. That original draft is stated to have borne the
following endorsement : — " This letter was shewn unto Mathias
Penewart, at thetime of his examination, on the part and behalf of
Sir Peter Vanlore, knight, Defendant, against Dame Elizabeth
Ralegh, widow, Complainant, 120 Junii, 1623. Signed ' Martin
Basill.'" Willis, it will be seen, has modernised the spelling. Sir
Peter Vanlore was an eminent merchant in London. Of his suit with
Lady Ralegh some notice has been already given.
Mr. Peter Vanlore,
This is the letter which I desire you to write to
your brother in Amsterdam ; and for any assurance
you shall give I will again put you in sureties to save
you harmless,
W. Ralegh.
July I, 1616.
' Brother TlBOTEs,1
' There is a merchant in Amsterdam that,
' for the love he bears to my honourable friend
' Sir Walter Ralegh, is content to discover
• somewhat of importance unto him in Guiana,
' to which country Sir Walter Ralegh is now
' preparing to go ; but he doth require assurance
' from Sir Walter Ralegh that he himself
' may be assured to enjoy such part of the
' commodity discovered as he shall agree upon
1 Sir Adrian Thibaut, a merchant at Amsterdam, apparently brother-in-
law to Vanlore.

Form of Letter to be written by Vanlore about Guiana.

343

' with Sir WALTER Ralegh by his deputy, Mr.
' HENRY Hovenar. I do therefore pray you
' to speak with the party which Mr. HOVENAR
' will bring unto you, and to know what assur-
' ances he will require, which, to pleasure Sir
' Walter, I shall be willing to give ; that is
' to say, to give him assurance that upon Sir
' Walter's return into England, the charges
' being deducted, the discoverer shall receive
' from Sir WALTER such part of the said mer-
' chandise as Sir Walter and he shall agree
' on ; although there needs no such assurance to
' be given, because His Majesty doth assure all
' Sir Walter's partners, by the great seal of
' England, that they shall truly and quietly
' enjoy all their parts and shares of what goods,
' merchandise, or treasure soever, shall be re-
' turned ; out of which great seal of England
' the discoverer shall have an assignment for so
' much as belongs unto him, to be delivered
' here in London to whomsoever he shall appoint
' to receive it.' 1
i " Such as thought to find some great deceit in me in the detaining
a great part of the monies adventured, in perusing the Bills of Adventure
written by scriveners found above fifteen thousand pounds more than all
my charge demanded came unto. But of the money I never received any
penny. The monies and provisions adventured with all the other captains
amounted to very nearly twenty thousand pounds ; for the greatest part
whereof I gave the Bills. " — Apology for the Voyage to Guiana ; in Works of
Sir Walter Ralegh, ed. Oxford, vol. viii. p. 481.

344

Prefatory Note to Letter CLII.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTER
CLII. 1617.

1 6 1 7.
PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CLU.-RALEGH AND THE
•CONSEIL D'ETAT' OF FRANCE.
A LL that is yet known of the letter which purports to have
been addressed by Sir Walter Ralegh to M. de Bisseaux
is due to Mr. Gardner's recent researches at Simancas. Pri
marily, it rests upon the authority of the story told at Madrid
by a Frenchman, named Antoine Belle, who was examined by
the Spanish functionaries in that city, on his voluntarily
presenting himself (in May 1618) to give information against
Ralegh, in accordance with the advice given him in Rome
by a Jesuit confessor. Belle told the Spaniards that he and
"Captain Faire" (who is called "Faige'' in the letter itself,
and "Sage" in the letters and examinations addressed by
Sir Thomas Wilson to King James) were Ralegh's " intimate
friends ;" that he, Belle, had known Ralegh for six or seven
years, " having had communication with him in London, in
the prison in which he was confined." He stated that the
first messenger sent by Sir Walter into France was Captain
Faige; that by Faige the answer to that first despatch was
brought to his employer, "at the Wight;" and that the pur
port of the embassy was to ask the Admiral Montmorency
to intercede with the King of France for the grant to Sir
AValter Ralegh of a decree permitting him, at his return, to
enter the French ports, and giving assurance that he " might
be received with favour and affection."
Belle then proceeds to state, in the course of this extremely
remarkable "voluntary declaration," that he embarked with
Ralegh in London, and that on reaching Plymouth he and
Faige were sent, in company, with further despatches to the
Admiral Montmorency, and with this letter to De Bisseaux.
The Admiral answered, he continues, that he was " urging Sir

Ralegh and the ' Conscil d'Etat ' of France.

345

Walter's business with the King of France." Of the answer of
De Bisseaux, Belle says nothing. Nor does he explain how
it happened that a letter dated by Ralegh, " Plemouht, ce
14 May, 1616," and sent into France by two "intimate friends"
of the writer, came to be shown in Rome, in the original, to a
Jesuit confessor, in 1618 ; and to be brought thence to Madrid,
— on its way to the archives of Simancas. Mr. Gardner's
voucher is conclusive for the apparent genuineness of the
document itself, upon its face. His knowledge of the history
of the period is great ; and his inferences founded on that
knowledge carry authority. But it is no less obvious that the
story told by the bearer of the document stands much in need
of further elucidation. Both Belle and his companion, Faige,
left Ralegh, as the former of them says, at Plymouth, after
returning thither with Montmorency's answer, — "because they
did not wish to go with people who were Huguenots" To Sir
Walter himself they represented that they " were going to
Dieppe and Havre, to meet other captains, who were arming
ships." When examined at Madrid, Belle deposed that he
parted from his comrade Faige at Genoa, leaving him " sick,
and imprisoned, on account of some money which he owed."
The Spanish magistrates reported to the Council of State that
Belle himself was very poor, "and would be glad of fifty or a
hundred ducats, to get home to France." And the Council
ordered him to be paid the sum last-named.
Mr. Gardner adds to his most interesting narrative of the
incidents of Belle's examination, which I have thus briefly
epitomized, the significant fact that the examinartt produced,
not only the original letter to De Bisseaux and one of Ralegh's
Guianian charts, but also (1) a transcript of the original
instructions to Faige — undated and unsigned, but initialled —
in which Sir Walter expressed his "wish to take refuge in
France for the singular and natural affection which he bears
to the King and State ; wishing to serve them with his talents
and experience ; " and (2) a Declaration by Montmorency,
engaging himself to obtain the King of France's permission

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERCLII.

346

Letters of Ralegh.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERCLII. 1617.

LETTER CLII.
1617.
May 14.
To M. de
Bisseaux.From Ply
mouth.

for Ralegh to enter a French seaport " avec tons ses ports,
navires, Equipages, et biens, par luy trades ou conquis."
Probably, any thorough elucidation of this strange episode
in a career teeming with marvels is reserved for the fortunate
explorer, hereafter, of those of the Count of Gondomar's
original despatches from London which are preserved in the
private library of the Queen of Spain, at Madrid. At Siman
cas, there are but secretarial minutes of his despatches —
perhaps, only of some of them — made for the use of the King
and his Council. The " minutes," as it seems, add very little
to what was known already, from other sources.
With how much of cautious scrutiny Spanish evidence about
Ralegh's doings — or about those of any of our great Elizabethan
worthies — should be received, there can be little need to show
to the readers of these Letters. Nor ought it to be forgotten
that Spanish ignorance of England, at this period — like English
ignorance of Spain — was quite as fruitful a cause of mutual
error, as could possibly be Spanish enmity to England or
English enmity to Spain.

CLII.
TO M. DE BISSEAUX, Member of the Council of
State of France.
As printed by Mr. S. R. Gardner (from a MS. at Simancas), in Fortnightly
Review, vol. vii. (May 1867).
Monsieur,
Estant sur le point de faire voile, j'ay entendu
le heureux changement des afaires de France que me
donne beaucoup d'esperance et de courage ; m'assurant
que le party Espagnol ne sera pas si-apres si puissant ;
et qui m'a occasionne renvoyer par devers vous mon
fidelle amy le Cappitaine Faige, avec ample com-

Proposals to France respecting the Guiana Voyage.

347

mission de conduire certains navires promis, et autres
qui desireront avoir part a ma fortune, et luy ay assigne
le temps et les places ou il me doibt trouver aux Indes ;
et cepandant je travailleay aux mines, que, si je les
treuve suffisantes et telles que je desire, il vous dira la
resolution que j'ay prinse, la luy ayant confiee il y a
longtemps, laquelle j'espere me reusiya au contentment
de ceux qui me font l'honneur de m'armer. C'est
pourquoy je vous prie de donner au present gentil-
homme la mesme croyance que autre foys, et l'assister
pour obtenir le brevet qui m'est promis par celuy qu'il
m'a aporte et lequel je retiens par devers moy ; toutes
foys remettant le tout a vostre prudence de voyr si le
temps le permet. Ce que atendant je vous conjure de
croyre que vous pouves et pourres a jamais disposer
de moy, comme de vostre tres humble et affectionne
serviteur,
W. Ralegh.
De Plemouht, ce 14 May, 1616, ancien stille.
** To his copy of this letter Mr. GARDNER adds the following note : —
"The date, with its mistake of ' 1616 ' for ' 1617,' is in Ralegh's
handwriting, as is the signature."

CLIII.
TO LADY RALEGH.
As printed, in 1656-1657, in the Collection entitled Remains op
Sir Walter Raleigh.
Sweet heart,
I CAN yet write unto you but with a weak hand,
for I have suffered the most violent calenture, for fifteen
days, that ever man did, and lived : but God that gave

LETTER CLII.
1617.
May 14.
Proposals
respecting the Guiana
Voyage. —
Applica
tion for a
Frenchcommission.

LETTER CLIII. 1617.
Nov. 14.

34&

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLIII. 1617.
Nov. 14.
To Lady
Ralegh.
FromCaliana, in
Guiana. Particulars
of his dis
astrous
voyage. —
Bayly's de
sertion. —
Numerous
deathsamong his
officers.

me a strong heart in all my adversities, hath also now
strengthened it in the hell-fire of heat.
We have had two most grievous sicknesses in our
ship, of which fourtie-two have died, and there are yet
many sick ; but having recovered the land of Guiana,
this 12 of November, I hope we shall recover them.
We are yet two hundred men ; and the rest of our fleet
are reasonably strong ; — strong enough, I hope, to per
form what we have undertaken; if the diligent care
at London to make our strength known to the Spanish
king by his ambassadour, have not taught the Spanish
king1 to fortifie all the enterances against us. How
soever, we must make the adventure ; and if we perish, it
shall be no honour for England, nor gain for his Majestie,
to loose, among many other, one hundred as valiant
gentlemen as England hath in it.
Of Captain Baylie's base coming from us at the
Canaries, see a letter of Kemishes to Mr. SCORY ; and
of the unnatural weather, storms, and rains, and winds,
he hath, in the same letter, given a touch. Of the way
that hath ever been sailed in fourteen days, now hardly
performed in fourtie days, God, I trust, will give us
comfort in that which is to come.
In passage to the Canaries I stayed at Gomerah, where
I took water in peace, because the countrey durst not
denie it me. I received there, | of a countess 2 | of an
English race, a present of oranges, lemmons, quinces,
and pomegranates, without which I' could not have lived.
Those I preserved in fresh sands, and I have of them
yet to my great refreshing. Your son had never so good
1 So printed ; but evidently corrupt. I have failed to discover either the
original or any authoritative transcript of this letter.
2 The words ' of a countess ' occur in other texts of this letter, but are
wanting in the Remains.] _It is obvious that the context needs them.

Particulars of his disastrous Voyage to Guiana.

349

health, having no distemper, in all the heat under the
Line. My servants have escaped, but Crab and my
cook ; yet all have had the sickness. CROFTS, and
March, and the rest are all well. Remember my service
to my Lord Carew and Mr. Secretarie WINWOOD.
I wrote not to them, for I can write of nought but
miseries yet. Of men of sort, we have lost our Sergeant-
major, Captain PlGOTT; and his lieuetenant, Captain
Edward Hastings, — who would have died at home,
for both his liver, spleen, and brains were rotten ; my
son's lieuetenant Payton ; and my cosin Mr. Hews ;
Mr. Mordant; Mr. Gardiner; Mr. Hayward;
Captain JENNINGS, the merchant ; Kemish of London ;
and the Master Chyrurgion ; Master Refiner ; Mr. MOOR,
the governor of the Barmoudas ; our Provost Marshal,
W. Steed ; Lieutenant Vescie, but1 to mine inestimable
grief, HAMMON and TALBOT. By the next, I trust,
you shall hear better of us ; in God's hands we are,
and in Him we trust.
This bearer, Captain Alley, for his infirmitie of his
head I have sent back ; an honest, valiant man, he can
deliver you all that is past. Commend me to my
worthy friends at Loathbury, Sir John Leigh, and
Mr. Bower (whose nephew Knevit is well), and to
my cousin BLUNDELL ; and my most devoted and
humble service to her Majestie.
To tell you that I might be here King of the Indians
were a vanitie ; but my name hath still lived among
them. Here they feed me with fresh meat, and all
that the countrey yields ; all offer to obey me. Com
mend me to poor Carew my son.
From Galliana2 in Guiana, the 14 of November [1617].
1 So in MS. There is probably an omission.
2 So printed ; and without subscription or signature.

3So

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CL1V. I6l8.
March 21.
To Sir R.
Winwood.From St.
Christo
pher's.

1 6 1 8.
CLIV.
TO SECRETARY SIR RALPH WINWOOD.
From a contemporaneous and official copy. Domestic Correspondence:
James I., vol. xcvi. No. 7°- Five pages ; of which the first is in a
different hand from all that follows. (Rolls House.) Collated with
another transcript in tt Letter Book belonging to the Marquess of
Salisbury ; Cecil Papers, Pillar A, D, V, fol. 12 (Hatfield).
*#* There is no endorsement on this letter itself. But what
appears to have been the fly-leaf — now severed — is endorsed
thus : — " Copie of Sir Walter Ralegh's letter of 210 Martii,
16 if [o. s.]. At the time when Ralegh wrote this letter at
St. Christopher's, Secretary Winwood had been almost five
months dead. He died, in London, on the 27 th October, 161 7 ;
just at the moment when Ralegh was himself sickening of that
almost fatal fever which he describes as " the most violent
calenture that ever man suffered and lived." Winwood was
succeeded, as Principal Secretary of State, by Sir Robert
Naunton. The change was eminently unfortunate for Ralegh.
The Cecil copy has only this heading : " Sir Walter Rauleighe
to Sir Ralfhe Winwood"
Winwood's death was very sudden. His case — medically —
is one of the many contemporary cases which gave so unfor
tunate a reputation to Dr. Theodore de Mayerne, and set so
many caustic tongues a-wagging,
SIR, As I have not hitherto given you any account of
our proceedings and passage towards the Indyes, so
have I no other subject to write of | x since our aryvalle |
then of the greatest | 2and sharpest | misfortunes that
1 MS. Cecil omits the words within lines.

Misfortunes of the Guiana Voyage.

351

| ^ave | ever befallen2 any man: for whereas, for the
first, all those that navigate betweene Capo Verde
and America doe passe4 it in 15 or 20 dayes at most,
we found the winds so contrary (which ° is also contrary
to nature), and so many violent stormes and raynes, as
wee spent six weeks in that passage, by reason whereof,
and that in so great heate we wanted water (for at the
He Bravo,6 of7 Cap de Verd, we lost our cables and
anchors and our water-casks ; being driven from the
Island with a hurrlican, and were all like to have
perished) great sicknes fell amongst us, and caryid
away great numbers of our hablest men boath for sea
and land. The 17 of November we had sight of the
coast of Guiana, and, soone after, came to anchor in
fyve degrees at the river Caliana.8 Heere we stayed
till the 4th of December; landed our sick men, set up
the barges and shellups, which we brought out of
England in quarters ; washed our ships ; and tooke in
fresh water ; being fedd and assisted 9 by the Indyans
of my ould acquaintance, with a great deale of love
and respect.
My selfe | haveing1 | beene10 to11 in the hands of Death,
without hope, som 6 weeks (and not yet hable otherwise
to moove, then as I was caryed in a chayre) gave order
to fyve small shipps to sayle into Orenoke, haveing
Captain KEMISH for theyre conductor12 towards the
myne ; and in those five shipps fyve companyes of fifty,
under the command of [Captain] PARKER and Cap
tain NORTH, brothers to the Lord MouNTEAGLE
and the Lord NORTH, valient gentlemen, and of
1 MS. Cecil omits the words within lines.
2 MS. Cecil, "befell." 3 lb. " also they."
4 lb. " passe betweene." 5 lb. " and which are almost contrary," &c.
8 lb. "Prano." [Praya, St. Jago.] "> "off. " » lb. "Galliano."
» lb. " cherished." 10 lb. " beinge." u loo. , 12 lb. "conduction."

LETTER CLIV. I6l8.
March 21.
Misfor
tunes of
the Guiana
Voyage. —
The infor
mationsent to
King of
Spain from
London. —
Conflicts with the
Spaniards.

352

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLIV. I6l8.
March 21.

| x infinite | patience for the labor, hunger, and heate which
they have | J endured |. My sonne had the third company ;
Captain Thornix of Kent [the] fourth ; Captain CHUD-
lay,2 by his lieutenant, the fifth. But as my Sergent-
major, Captain PlGOTT, of the Low Contryes, dyed [in]
the former miserable passage, so my lieutenant, Sir
Warham Saint Leger, lay sick, without hope of lyfe ;
and the charge confered on my nephew, GEORGE
Ralegh, who had also served long with singular com-
mendacions in the Low Contryes, but by reason of my
absense, and of Sir Warham's, was not so well obeyed
as the enterprise required.
As they passed up the river, the Spaniards began
the warre and shot at us, both with their ordonance and
muskets ; whereuppon the companies were forst to charge
them, and soone after beate them out of their towne.3
In the assault whereof, my son (having 4 more desire of
honor than of safety) was slayne, and with whome, to
say the truth, all respect of the world hath taken end
in me. And although these five captaines had as weake
companies as ever followed valiant leaders, yet were
there amongst them some 20 or 30 very 5 adventurous
gentlemen, and of singular courage ; as | J of my
Sonne's | companie, Mr. KNEVET; Mr. Hamon, Mr.
LangI1 worth |, Mr. John Plesington, his officers;
Sir John Hamden, Mr. Simon Leak (corporall
of the field) ; Mr. Hammen's 6 elder brother ; | x Mr.
Nicholas], of Buckingham ; Mr. Roberts, of Kent;
1 Rolls House MS. omits the words within lines ; but they are here
printed, as being plainly required by the context.
2 MS. Cecil, " Chidley."
3 In Rolls House MS. "their owne towne" was first written, and then
the word ' owne ' scratched through with the pen.
4 MS. Cecil reads, " more desirous of honour then safetie."
5 lb. "valiant gentlemen." 6 lb. "Mr. Hammon, the elder brother!'

Misfortunes of the Guiana I royage.

353

Mr. Perin; Mr. Tr[esham] ; Mr. Mullinax ; Mr.
WINTER, and his brother; Mr. Way;1 Mr. MILES
Herbert; Mr. William Herbert; Mr. Bradshaw;
Captain Hall, and others.
Sir, I set downe the names of these gentlemen, to the
end that if his Majesty shall have cause to use their
service, it may please you to take knowledge z of them
for very sufficient men.3
The other five ships stayed at Trinidado, having no
other port capable of them neere Guiana. The second
ship was commaunded by my vice-admirall, Captain
John Pennington, of whome (to doe him right) 4I
must confesse that he is one of the sufficientest gentle
men for the sea that England hath. The third, by Sir
Warrham Saint Leger, an exceeding valiant and
worthy gentleman. The fourth, by Sir JOHN FERNE ;
and the fyft, by Captain Chydley of Devon. With
these five ships I dayly attended the Armada of Spaine,
which, had they set uppon us, our force divided, — the
one half in Orenoque, a hundred and fiftie miles from
us, — wee had not only been torne in peeces, but all those
in the river had also perished, being of no defence at all
for a sea-fight ; for we had resolved to have burnt by
their sides, and to have dyed there, had the Armada
arrived ; but, belike, they stay for us at Marguerita, by
which they know we must passe | towards | the Indies.
For it pleased his Majestie to value us at [so little, as
to comjmaund me, upon my allegeance, to sett downe
| under my hand | the countrey, and the very river by
which I was to enter | it ; to set down | the number of
my men, and burden of my ships ; with what [ordnance]
every ship caryed ; which being made knowne to the
1 MS. Cecil, " Wray." 2 lb. "notice." 3 lb. "gentlemen"
1 lb. omits " I must confess."
VOL. II. A A

LETTER CL1V.1618.
March 21.

354

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLIV.

March 21.

[Spanish ambasjsador, and by him, in post, sent to the
King of Spaine, a d[espatch was] made by him and his
letters sent from Madrill, before my departure out of the
Thames ; for his first letter, sent by a bark of advice,
was dated the 19th of March, 161 7, at Madrill; which
letter I have here enclosed1 sent your Honour. The
rest I reserve, not knowing whether these may be inter
cepted or not. The second, of the King's, dated the 17
of May, sent also by a caravell to Don DiEGO DE Palo-
MEQUE, governor of Guiana, El Dorado, and Trinidado ;
the third, by the Bishop of Puerto-Ricco, and delivered
to PALOMEQUE the 15th of July at Trinidado 2 ; and the
4th was sent from the Farmer and Secretarie of his
Customes in the Indies, at the same time. By that of
the King's hand, | brought [ by the bishop, there was also
a commission for the speedy levying of 300 soldiers, and
ten peeces of ordenance, to be sent from Puerto Ricco
for the de[fence of] Guiana ; a hundred and 50 from
Nuevo Reino de Granado, under the com[mand] of
Captain ANTONIO MUSICA, and the other 150 from
Puerto Rico to be conducted by Captain FRANCESCO
Zanchio.3 Now, Sir, if all that have traded to the Indies since
his Majesty's time know it that the Spaniards have
flayed alive those poor men which they have taken,
being but marchant-men, what death and torment shall
wee expect,4 if they conquer us ? Certainly, they have
hitherto fayled grossely, being set out unto them as wee
were, and discovered, both for our numbers, time, and
place. Lastly, to make an apologie for not working the mine,
1 The enclosure does not now accompany the letter.
2 M.S. Cecil omits the words "at Trinidado."
3 11). " Lavelio." 4 lb. here inserts "other."

Misfortunes of the Guiana Voyage.

355

although I know1 not (his Majestie excepted) whom I
am to satisfie so much as my self, having lost my sonne
and my estate in the enterprise ; yet it is true that the
Spaniards tooke more care to defend the passages lead
ing unto it, then they did their 2 towne, which (say the
King's instructions) they might easily doe, the country
being " aspera et fragosa."3 But it is true, that when
Kemish founde the rivers low, and that he could not
approach the bankes in most places neere the mine by a
mile, and when he founde a descent, a volley of muskets
came from the woodes uppon the boat,4 and slew two of
the rowers, hurt six others, and shot a valiant gentleman,
Captain Thornix, | in the heade,5 | of which wounde he
hath languished to this day. He (to wit, Kemish)
following his own advise that it was in vaine to discover
the mine (for he gave me this for excuse, at his returne,
that the companies of English in their town of St. Thome
were hardly able to defend it against the dayly and
nightly alarmes and assaults of the Spaniards ; that the
passage to the mine was of thicke and impassable
woodes ; that, being discovered, they had no men to
worke it), did not discover it at all. For it is true that
the Spaniards, having two6 gold mines neere the towne,
— the one possessed by Pedro Rodrigo de Parana ;
the second [mine by] Hernian Fruntino; the third, of
silver, by 7 FRANCISCO FACHARDO, — [ ? left them] for the
want of negros to worke them. For, as the Indians can
not [be constrained, by a law of Charles the Fift, so the
Spaniards will not, [neither can] they endure the labor of
these mines, whatsoever that brag[gadochio], the Spanish
1 MS. Cecil reads, "although I know His Majesty expects."
2 lb. "the." 3 lb. " nemosa."
4 Rolls House MS. reads, "banks"
5 MS. Cecil omits these words. " So in MS.
7 MS. Cecilinserts "Captain" and omits " Fachardo.''
A A 2

LETTER CL1V. 1618.
March 21.

356

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLIV. I6l8.
March 21.

ambassador, say, I shall prove it under the proprietaries
[hand ; by x] the custome-bookes, and by the King's
quinto, of which I recovered an [ingot] or two. And I
shall make it appeare, to any Prince or State that | will |
undertake it, how easily those mines and five or six more
may be [possess]t, and the most of them in those places
which never yet have bene attempted by any enemie,
nor any passage to them ever discovered by the' English,
Dutch, or French.
But at KEMISHES returne 2from Orenoque, when I
rejected his counsell and his course, and told him that
he had undone me, and wounded my credite with the
King past recoverie, he slew himself. For I told him,
that, seing my sonne was lost, I cared not if he had lost
an hundred more in opening the mine, so my credite
had been saved. For I protest before God, had not
Captain WHITNEY (whome I gave more countenance
unto then to all the captaines of my fleet) runne from
me at the Granadas, and carried another ship with him
of Captain WOLLASTON'S, I would have left [my bod]ie
at St. Thome, by my sonnes, or have brought with me
out [of that or] other mines so much gold ore, as should
have satisfied | the King that | I had propounded no
vaine thing.
What shall become of me now, I know not ; I am un
pardoned in England, and my poore estate consumed ;
and whether any other Prince or State will give me
bread,3 I know not. I desire your Honour to hold me
in your good opinion, and to remember my service to
my lords of Arundell and Pembroke ; to take some
pity on my poore wife, to whome I dare not write, for
1 These words are in MS. Cecil.
2 MS. Cecil omits the words "from Orenoque."
3 Here MS. Cecil inserts "or no''

Misfortunes of the Guiana Voya^

357

renewing the sorrow for her sonne ; and beseech you to
give a copie of these to my Lord Carew. For to a
broken mind, to a weake bodie, and weake eyes, it is a
torment to write many letters. I have founde many
thinges of importance for discovering the estate and
weakenes of the Indies, which, if I live, I shall hereafter
impart unto your Honor, to whome I shall ever1 re-
maine a faithfull servant,
W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.2] — Sir, since the death of Kemish, it is
confesst by the Sergeant-major and others of his inward
friendes, that he told them, when they were at the river's
mouth coming thence, that he could have brought them
to the mine, within two howers march from the river's
side ; but because my sonne was slayne, myself unpar
doned, and not like to live, he had no reason to open the
mine either for the Spaniards or for the King. They
aunswered, that the King (though I were not pardoned)
had graunted me my pa[tent under the great] seale. He
replyed that the graunt to me was | to a man who | was
non ens in law, and therefore of no force. | This discourse |
he had, which I knew not of till after h[is death]. When
I was resolved to write unto your Honour, [he prayed]
me to joyne with him in excusing his not go[ing to the]
mine. I aunswered him, I would not doe [it ; that] if
himself could satisfy the King and the State that he had
reason not to open it, I should be glad of it ; but for my
part, I must avow it that he knew it, and that he might,
with litle losse, have done it ; other excuse I would not
frame. He then told me that he would waite on me
1 MS. Cecil omits "ever."
2 In MS. Cecil the Postscript appears as a separate letter,

358

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CL1V. 1618.
March 21.

presently, and give me better satisfaction : but I was no
sooner come from him into my cabin, but I heard a
pistoll go of1 over my head, and sending up to know
who shott it, word was brought that Kemish had shott
it out of his cabin window to dense it ; his boy, going
into the cabin, found him lying on his bed with much
bloude by him, and looking on his face saw he was deade.
The pistoll being but litle, the bullet did but cracke his
ribb ; but he, turning him over, founde a long knife in
his bodie, all but the handle.
Sir, I have sent into England, in a fly-boate, with my
coosen Herbert (a very valiant and honest gentleman),
diverse other unworthy persons, good for nothing, either
by land or sea ; and, though it was at their owne suite,
yet I know that they will wrong me in all that they can.
I beseech your Honor that this scumme of men may not
be beleeved of me, who have taken more paine, and
suffered more then the meanest rascall in the ship.
These being gone, I shalbe able, if I live, to keepe the
sea till the end of August, with fower reasonable good
ships. Sir, whensoever God shall permitt me to arrive in any
part of Europe, I will not faile to let your Honour know
what wee have done. Till then, and ever,
Your Honour's servant,
W. Ralegh.
2 From St. Christophers, one of the Handes of the
Antillias, the 21th of March, 1617 [o.S.].

"ff

8 Omitted in MS. Cecil,

Death of his Son Walter.

359

CLV.

TO LADY RALEGLI.
From a Copy in MS. Harl. 4761, ff. 23-25 (British Museum)-
Collated with another Copy in MS. Sloane, 3520, ff. 2-4.
I WAS loathe to write, because I knewe not how to com-
forte you ; and, God knowes, I never knewe what sorrow
meant till nowe. All that I can say to you is, that you
must obey the will and providence of God ; and remem
ber, that the Queene's Majestie bare the losse of Prince
Henry with a magnanimous harte, and the Lady HAR
RINGTON of her onely1 sonne. Comfort your hart
(deerest Besse), I shall sorrow for us bothe. I shall
sorrow the lesse, because I have not longe to sorrowe,
because 2 not longe to live. I referr you to Mr. Secretary
WlNWOOD's letter, who will give you a coppy of it, if
you sende for it. Therein you shall know what hath
passed. I have written [but] that letter, for my braynes
are broken, and it is a torment for mee to write, and
espetially of misery. I have desired Mr. Seacretary to
give my Lord CAREWE a coppy of his letter. I have
clensed my shipp of sicke men, and sent them home.
I hope God will send us somewhat ere wee returne.
3 Comend mee to all att Loathbury. You shall heare
from mee, if I live, from the Newefoundland ; where I
meane to make cleane my shipps and revittle ; for I have
tobacco enough to pay for it. The Lord blesse and
* MS. Harl. omits this word. ' MS. Sloane here repeats " / have."
3 MS. Harl. omits this sentence.

LETTER CLV.
1618.
March 22.
To Lady
Ralegh.
From St.
Christo
pher's.Death of
their son
Walter. —
Particulars
of the ex
pedition
under Keymis.

360

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLV.
I6l8.
March 22.

comfort you, that you may bear patiently the death of
your x valiant sonne.
22d of March [1618], from the Isle of Christophers,
Your's, W. Ralegh.
[Postscript.] — I protest before the majestie of God,
that as Sir Francis Drake and Sir Jhon Hawkins
died hartbroken when they failed of their enterprise, I
could willingly doe the like, did I not contend against 2
sorrowe for your sake, in hope to provide somewhat for
you ; and to comfort and releive you. If I live to returne,
resolve yourselfe that it is the care for you that hath
strengthened my harte. It is true, that Kemish might
have gonne directly to the myne, and meante it. But,
after my sonnes death, hee made them to beleive hee
knew not the waye, and excused himselfe uppon the
want of water in the river,3 and, cdunterfetting many
impediments, left it unfound. When hee came backe, I
told him that hee had undone mee, and that my creditt
was loste for ever.
He answered, that when my sonne was loste and 4 that
he left mee soe weake that hee resolved not to finde mee
alive, hee had no reason to enrich a company of rascalls,
who, after my sonnes death, made no accompt of him.
Hee further told mee, that the English sent upp into
Guiana could hardly defend the Spanish towne of St.
Thomas 6 which they had taken, and 'therefore for them
to passe through 6thicke woods it was impossible; and
more impossible to have victualls brought them into the
1 Here MS. Sloane inserts " most." 2 MS. Sloane reads, "with."
3 The words " in the river" are omitted in MS. Harl.
4 MS. Sloane omits the words " and that." s j^. << fhome."
c Here MS. Sloane inserts "the."

Particulars of the Expedition under Keymis.

361

mountayns. And it is true, that the governer DiEGO
POLEMEQUE,1 and foure other captains, being slayn
of which my sonne Watte2 slue one; PLESSINGTON,
WATT'S serjeant,3 and JOHN of Morrocoes, one of his
men, slue other 4 two. I say five of them [being] slaine
in the enterance of the towne, the rest went of in a
whole body, and tooke more care to defend the pas
sages to their myens (of which they had three within
a leauge of the towne, besides a myne that was about
five myles of) then they did of the towne 5 itselfe.
Yet Kemish, at the first, was resolved to go to the
myene ; but when he came to the banke-side to the
lande, hee had two of his men slaine outrighte from the
banke, and six other hurte, and Captain THORNIX shott
in the head, of which wounde, and the accidents thereof,
hee hath pined away these twelve weeks.
Now when Kemish came backe, and gave mee the
former6 reasons which moved him not to open the
myene — the one, the death of my sonne ; the second,
the weakenes of the English, and their impossibilities to
worke and to be victualled ; a third, that it were a follye
to discover it for the Spanyards ; and the last, both my
weaknes and my beinge unpardoned — and that I re
jected all these 7 arguments, and told him that I must
leave him to himselfe, to resolve 8 it to the King and the
State, he shutt upp him selfe into his cabbin, and shott
him selfe with a pocket pistoll, which brake one of his
ribbs ; and finding that itt 9 had not prevailed, hee
thruste a longe knife under his shorte ribbs upp to the
handle, and dyed. Thus much I have writt to Mr.
1 MS. Harl. reads " Poleneyo." 2 lb. reads " whereof Watte."
3 lb. "servant." 4 MS. Sloane reads "each two." 6 lb. "cittie."
s So iii both MSS. and in many other transcripts ; but evidently a mis
reading of "fower." 1 Here MS. Harl. inserts "his."

8 MS. Sloane, " aunswer.'

MS. Harl. "hee.'

362

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLV.
I6l8.
March 22.

Seacretary, to whose letters I referr you. x But because
I thinke my freinds will rather hearken after you then
any other to knowe the truthe, I did after the sealinge
breake open your 2 letter againe, to let you knowe in
breife the state of that busines, which I pray you impart
to my Lord of NORTHUMBERLAND, and SlL. SKORY3
| 4and to Sir John Leigh. |
For the rest, there was never poore man soe exposed
to the slaughter as I was ; for beinge commaunded upon
my allegiance to sett downe, not onely the country, but
the very river by which I was to enter it, to name my
shipps, number my men, and my artillery ; — this 5 was
sent by the Spanish ambassador to his master, the Kinge
of Spaine.6 The King wrote his letters to all parts of
the Indyes, espetially to the governor POLOMEQUE of
Guiana, El Dorado, and Trinidado ; of which the first
letter bare date the 19th of March, 16 17, at Madrill, when
I had not yett lefte the Thames ; which letter I have
sent Mr. Seacretary. I have also two 7 other letters of
the King's which I reserve, and one of the Councell. The
King alsoe sent a comission to leavye 300 soldiers out of
his garrisons of Nuevo Reigno de Granadoes or 8 Porto
Rico, with tenn peeces of brasse ordnance to entertaine
us. Hee alsoe prepared an armado 9 by sea to sett uppon
us. It weare to longe to tell you how we weere pre
served. | 10 If I live, I shall make it known. | My
braynes are broken, and I cannot write much. I live
yet, and I have told you why. WHITNEY, for whome I
sold u my plate at Plymouth, and to whome I gave more
1 MS. Harl. omits from "but" to "any other." 2 lb. reads "the."
3 Silvanus Scory. 4 These five words are omitted in MS. Harl.
5 MS. Harl. inserts " now" "This now was sent," &c.
* MS. Sloane omits the words " of Spaine."
7 MS. Harl. omits "two." 8 lb. reads "and." » lb. reads "army."
"' MS. Sloane omits this clause. n MS. Harl. inserts "all."

Particulars of the Expedition under Keymis.

363

creditt and countenance then all the captaines of my
fleete, ran from mee at the Granadoes, and WOOLASTON
with him ; soe as I am 1 nowe but five shipps, and one 2
of those I have sent home — my fly-boate — and in her a
rable of idle rascalls, which I knowe will not spare to
wounde mee ; but I care not. I am sure there is never
a base slave in 3 the fleete hath taken the paines and care
that I have done ; 4 hath sleppt so little, and travilled soe
much. My frends will not beleive them; and for the
rest I care not. God in heaven blesse you and strengthen
your hart. Your
W. Ralegh.
1 MS. Harl. reads, " that I have."
2 lb. "out of those I have sent some into my fly-boate," &c.
3 lb. inserts "all." 4 lb. " that have."

LETTER CLV.
1618.
March 22

364

Prefatory Note to Letter CL VI.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTERCLVI. I6l8.

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CLVI. — PARTICULARS OF
THE GUIANA ENTERPRISE.
'T'HIS Letter was sent to the King through the hands of
Sir Thomas Wilson, then acting as Ralegh's gaoler and
the King's spy. In transmitting it, Wilson wrote to the
King as follows : —
" Most gratious Soveraigne,
" Heere hath your Majesty something more ex
farragine istius veteratoris, but what it is I know not.
I only told him that your Majesty said that what he
had before written was something, but that you loked
for more. To which hee answeared and protested, with
many othes, that he had written all that he knew.
' Nay,' said I, ' you have written nothing of that you
told me, concerning your conselling for takeing the
Indian Fleete, and your saying that you had a French
commission ; and of one Captain Charles Sage,1 a
Frenchman, who promised to bring you shipps and
men from Rochell.' To this he answeared that he
thought your Majesty desired nothing but the busines
with the Agent and Frenchmen now, and about his
escape. ' But,' said he, ' if His Majesty desire to
know former matters, I can say much more ; '' and soe
desired paper and inck to sett it downe, which before
I gave him, I conjured him by all meanes I cold, to
sett down all his knowledg, not only of this buisnies
before herin mentioned, but of any other matter what
soever here or elsewhere that might concerne your
1 So in MS. It should evidently be 'Faige.' See the Letter to De
Bisseaux.

Particulars of the Guiana Enterprise.

365

Majesty to know; which, he said, he wold do, but in
no hope to save his lyfe, for he knew that the more he
confessed the sooner he shold be hanged j1 but ' God is
my judg,' quoth he, ' I will discharg my conscience in
all things to His Majesty,' which whether he hath
done or noe your Majesty will soone see by his letter
enclosed."
The copy of Wilson's letter preserved by himself in the
State Paper Office, of which he had the custody, — a fact very
necessary to be borne in mind, in regard to all these docu
ments of 1618, — is twice dated in his own hand, " 24 Sept. ;"
and is endorsed " Copy of my letter to His Majesty, with a
letter to him from Sir W. Rawley ; " and thus the date of Sir
Walter's letter is ascertained. The letter is followed, under
the same date of 24 Sept., by a series of questions and answers
in the hand of one of Wilson's clerks, which read thus : —

Questions :
[I.] "What is the name
of your servant that brought
you the message, out of your
gallery, that two gentlemen
were to speake with you on
Saturday at 8 o'clock in the
evening, the night before you
attempted to escape 1

[IL] "What servants or
frends of yours had any sight
or notice of the French

Ralegh's Answers :
" I do not remember who it was that
brought me word of the Frenchmen being
in the gallery. I thought it was eyther
my page, who is a prisoner in the Towre,
or Cuthbert, who is also a prisoner. I
therfore writt unto them by Sir Thomas
Wilson, requiring them to call to mynde
whether any of them brought them in, or
brought me word that they were in my
gallery, or conducted them out.
"I do not know what servant of myne
had any sight or notice of the French
Agent's coming to me. As for friends, I

1 The entire tenor of Wilson's correspondence — to say nothing of his
well-known character — warrants from an editor the renewed caution, that
for such assertions as this, as for so many others in regard to the incidents
of Ralegh's imprisonment and conversation, in 1618, the reader has before
him Wilson's word, and that only.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERCLVI. I6l8.

366

Prefatory Note to Letter CL VI.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER
CLVI. l6l8.

Questions :
Agent's coming to you, or
of his goeing from you ?

[III.] "What servants or
frends of yours had any sight
or notice of La Chesne's
coming to you or going from
you at any tyme ?

[IV] "You shall do well
to sett downe whatsoever
you know concerning that
French Commission you
sought for, and said you
had, out of France, and the
depences thereon, wherof
His Majesty hath not yet
cleere satisfaction. "

Ralegh's Answers :
had none in the house at that hour of the
night ; and if any servant of myne had any
notice of theyr coming, sure I am that that
servant wold have acquainted me there
with. But, as I have alredy said it to His
Majesty by my letter, I protest it upon
myne allegeance, I knewe not of theyr
coming before I saw them. Only, when
Chesney met me at Brannford, I told him
I wold be at my bouse that Fryday night,
and therfore I cold not doubt but that he
wold come eyther that night or the next
day. " Stukely saw Chesne at Branford, and
I thinke he saw him againe on the Sonday ;
for therupon it was that I told him he had
provided me the French barke to carry us
over. What servants saw him come or
goe on the Sonday I know not. All the
house might see him. For me to confess
the matter and deny the cercumstances
were extreame foolery.
" I never sought for any French Com
mission, nor never had any. The French
King's commissions are of record. If ever
I had any, it may be known for a French
crown. Why I said I had one, I have
given the reason to His Majesty in my
letter."

The letter from Wilson and the examination of the 24th
of September were thus answered by Secretary Sir Robert
Naunton, on the next day : —
" Sir, His Majesty hath as yet received no satisfaction
at all out of your last examination of Sir Walter Rauhly
and his attendance ; and therefore hath comaunded me
to direct you anew that you sholde proceede to examine

Particulars of the Guiana Enterprise.

36>7

his Lady, and the rest of their howshold servaunts that
were about them while they were together in Broad
Streate. To which end I returne you here back inclosed
the papers you redemanded, which you must returne
back again safe, for that they conteine a confirmacion
of what hee formerly confest, which is more then all his
soaring and tedious last letter did importe. So I com
mend me kindly to your self and your fellow prisonner,
your good Lady, and am
Your assured loving frend,
Robert Naunton.
"Hampton Courte, the 25th of September, 1618.
[Postscript.]— "I pray you make as much speed in
despatch of this buisness and retourning your accompt
thereof as conveniently you may, doing it well, as His
Majesty expects that you wil.
" Memorandum. To examyne who was the keeper
of the Gate."
Ralegh's pithy remark— ' The French King's commissions
are of record. If ever I had any, it may be known for a
French crown ' — is an extremely suggestive one. Had it been
borne in mind, and turned to the due account, it would cer
tainly have abridged some of the diplomatic correspondence
between Buckingham, Naunton, and Beche, at the time. Pos
sibly, it might also have abridged some of the epithets — ' Liar,'
'Traitor,' and the like — which have been indulged in more
recently.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER
CLVI. 1618.

368

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLVI.
I6l8.
Sept. 24.
To the
King.
[From the
Tower.] Further
particulars of the
Guianaenterprise.

CLVI.
TO THE KING.
From a contemporaneous and official Copy. Domestic Correspondence:
James I., vol. xcix. No. 69, I (Rolls House).
Maye it please your most excellent Majestie,
If in my jorny outward bound I had of my men
murthered at the Hands, and spared to tak revenge;
if I did discharge some Spanish barkes taken, without
spoile; if I forbare all partes of the Spanish Indies,
wherin I might have taken twentye of their townes
on the sea cost, and did only follow the enterprise
which I undertooke for Guiana, — where, without any
direccion from me, a Spanish village was burnt, which
was newly sett up within three miles of the mine, — by
your Majesties favor I finde noe reason whie the
Spanish Embassadore should complaine of me. If
it were lawfull for the Spanish to murther 26 English
men, tyenge them back to backe, and then to cutt
theire throtes, when they had traded with them a whole
moneth, and came to them on the land without so much
as one sword amongst them all ;— and that it may not
be lawfull for your Majesties subjects, beinge forced
by them, to repell force by force; we may justly say,
' O miserable English ! '
If Parker and Mutton J took Campeach and other
places in the Honduraes, seated in the hart of the
Spanish Indies; burnt townes, killed the Spaniards;
1 In another copy, also preserved amongst the Domestic Correspondence,
this name is written ' Mutam.'

Further Particulars of the Guiana Enterprise.

369

and had nothing sayed to them at their returne, — and
that my selfe forbore to looke into the Indies, because
I would not offend, I may as justly say, ' O miserable
Sir Walter Ralegh ! '
If I had spent my poore estate, lost my sonne,
suffred, by sicknes and otherwise, a world of miseries ;
if I had resisted with the manifest hazard of my life
the rebells1 [robberies?] and spoiles which my company es
would have made ; if when I was poore I could have
mad my selfe rich ; if when I had gotten my libertye,
which all men and Nature it selfe doth so much prise,
I voluntarilie lost it ; if when I was master of my life
I rendred it againe ; if, [though] I might elsewhere have
sould my shipp and goods, and put five or six thousand
pounds in my purse, I have brought her into England ;
I beseech your Majestie to beleeve, that all this I have
done because it should [not] 2 be sayed to your Majestie
that your Majestie had given libertie and trust to a man
whose ende was but the recoveiy of his libertie, and
whoe had2 betrayed your Majesties trust.
My mutiners tould me, that if I returned for England
I should be undone ; but I beleeved more in your
Majesty's goodnes then in their arguments. Sure I
am, that I am the first who, being free and able to
inrich my selfe, hath embraced povertie. And as sure
I am that my example shall make me the last. But
your Majesties wisdome and goodnes I have made my
judges, whoe have ever bine, and shall ever remain,
Your Majesty's most humble vassall,
W. Rauleigh.3
1 So in MS., but obviously an error either of the amanuensis or tran
scriber. 2 "not" has here been omitted by transposition. MS. reads, "it
should be sayed . . . and whoe had not betrayed," &c. 3 So in MS.
VOL. II. B B

37 o

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLVII I6l8.
[Septem ber?]
To Lady
Ralegh.From the
Tower.
A note of
introduction for
Edward
Wilson,
his under-
keeper.

1618.
[Septem ber ?]
LadyRalegh to
Sir W.
Ralegh. Reply to
the pre
cedingnote.

CLVII.

TO LADY RALEGH.
From a copy in the hand of a clerk of Sir Thomas Wilson, made, — as it
seems, — before the delivery of the Letter to Lady Ralegh. Domestic
Coirespondence : James I. vol. xcix. § 9 I (Rolls House).
I AM sycke and weak. This honest gentleman, Mr.
EDWARD WILSON, is my keeper, and takes much payne
with me. My swolne syde keeps me in perpetual paine
and unrest. God comfort us ! Your's,
W. R.
REPLY TO THE LETTER PRTNTED ABOVE.
LADY RALEGH TO SIR WALTER RALEGH.
From a copy, made as above, and upon the same sheet,
I AM sory to hear amongst many discomforts that your
health is so ill. 'Tis meerly sorrow and greaf that with
wynd hath gathered into your syde. I hope your
health and comforts will mend, and mend us for God,
I am gladd to heer you have the company and comfort
of so good a keeper. I was something dismayed, at the
first, that you had no servant of your own left you,
but I hear this Knight's servants are very necessary.
God requite his courtesyes ; and God, in mercy, looke
on us. Your's,
E. Ralegh.

Further Particulars of the Guiana Enterprise.

37'

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER CLVIII. —FURTHER PAR
TICULARS OF THE GUIANA ENTERPRISE.
HP HE letter to which this is an answer appears to have been
written by Lady Ralegh, at the instigation either of
Secretary Naunton, or of some other person about the King.
Neither the letter nor any copy of it is now to be found among
the State Papers. But it is plain from the correspondence
between Naunton and Wilson that, whilst the writer must have
fondly hoped that some benefit would result to her husband
from his answering the questions she was instigated to put to
him, the ingenious contrivers had a purpose directly the oppo
site of this. Naunton enclosed Lady Ralegh's letter to Wilson
with this note, dated Whitehall, 4 Oct. 1618, from himself:
" His Majestie wold have you deliver this to Sir W. Raghly, to
discover what you can by his aunswer ; which I pray you send
me backe as soone as you can, that I may acquaint the Lords
with it. So, in hast, I bid you and your lady farewell."
Wilson replies, on the same day : " Sir, Heer have you Sir
W. R. his answer to his wyve's letter, which, if you please,
when you have done with it to retorne to me, I may goe [to]
her and gett those wrytings he saith she hath concerning the
shipp. I demanded of him certayn questions also about the
shipp, wherof his answers are sett downe in the margent of the
copie of his wyve's letter which I send, least that which I left
with your Honour be not neer hand." This copy with the
marginal notes is also missing. Naunton returned the answer
thus sent to him, with these additional words : " I returne
you Sir Walter's aunswer to his Lady, to make the best use of
it you can. I forbeare to send your long letter to the King,
who wold not read over the Ladie's, being glutted and cloyed
B B 2

PREFA
TORY
'NOTE TO
LETTER
CLVIII. l6lS.

372

Letters of Ralegh.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTERCLVIII. I6l8.

LETTER CLVIII. 1618.
Oct. 4.
To Lady
Ralegh.
[From the
Tower.]Particulars
as to the
outfit and
charges of
ships em
ployed in
the Guiana
expedition.

with buisnes, before his parting hence. So, in hast, I bid you
good night. Your's assuredly to do you service, R. Naunton.''
In the Letter which follows, " Mr. Harbert " is, of course,
the " William Herbert " whose name has occurred so often in
preceding Letters.

CLVIII.
TO LADY RALEGH.
From a copy made by Sir Thomas Wilson, before,— as it seems,— the
Original was delivered to Lady Ralegh. Domestic Correspondence:
James I. vol. ciii. § 21 (Rolls House).
You have a note what the shipp cost in which every per-
ticuler is sett downe, and it is signed by Mr. HARBERT.
The lyke note he hath of myne and signed by me. I
gave you myne att Plymouth, with other writtings of
Penington's and Fern's. As I remember, the shipp
and her furniture,— to witt, her cabells, ancors, sayles,
ordnance, bullets, powder, joyners worke, carving,
paynting, and all ells,— did amount to 7,000/. or neare
it, as you may perceive by the inventory under my hand
and Mr. Harbert's hand.
And, as I do remember, Mr. Harbert hath disburssed
towards his fourth part 11 hundred pounds. You say
that hee demands twelve, and it J may be true. You have
also an Inventory of all that is now remaining and
belonging to the shipp. You have also a writing from
C[aptain] Pennington of the forth part of his shipp,
which I pray deliver to Sir Cha[rles] Snell, to whome
it belongs. You have also a writting from Sir Jo[HN]

true

So in MS.; the meaning evidently being that the "demand" maybe

Defence of the Guiana Enterprise.

373

Ferne to discharge me for 1700/. which I was some way
entangled for him, with whome I adventured of Mr.
Harbert's mony 200/. There is a paper booke which
Sam[uel] King kept of all perticulers of the shipp,
and to whome the mony was paide. My sonn whome I
have lost hath also signed that note, Inventory, and
agreement betweene me and Mr. Harbert.
Your desolate husband, W. R.
Endorsed by Sir T. Wilson :
Copie of Sir Walter Rawly's Answer to his Wyve's letter concerning
the Shipp.

CLIX.
TO GEORGE VILLIERS, MARQUESS OF
BUCKINGHAM.
%* I have been unable to find either the original of this
letter or a satisfactory contemporaneous copy of it. I there
fore print it as the Curators of the University Press of Oxford
have printed it in the Works of Ralegh (vol. viii. p. 651).
If I presume too much, I humbly beseech your Lordship
to pardon me, especially in presuming to write to so
great and worthy a person, who hath been told that I
have done him wrong. I heard it but of late, but most
happy had I been, if I might have disapproved that
villany against me, when there had been no suspicion
that the desire to save my life had presented my excuse.
But, my worthy Lord, it is not to excuse myself that
I now write : I cannot, for I have now offended my
Sovereign Lord : for all past, even all the world, and my
very enemies, have lamented my loss, whom now, if his

To the
Marquessof Buck
ingham.

374

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLIX. I6l8.
In defence
of the
Guianian enterprise ;
and be
seechingthe Marquess'
interces sion with
the King.

Majesty's mercy alone do not lament, I am lost. How
soever, that which doth comfort my soul in this offence
is, that even in the offence itself I had no other intent
than his Majesty's service, and to make his Majesty know
that my late enterprise was grounded upon a truth, and
which, with one ship speedily set out, I meant to have
assured, or to have died : being resolved (as it is well
known) to have done it from Plymouth, had I not 'been
restrained. Hereby I hoped not only to recover his
Majesty's gracious opinion, but to have destroyed all
those malignant reports which had been spread of me.
That this is true, that gentleman whom I so much
trusted, (my keeper,) and to whom I opened my heart,
cannot but testify, and wherein, if I cannot be believed
living, my death shall witness : yea, that gentleman
cannot but avow it, that when we came back towards
London, I desired to have no other treasure than the
exact description of those places in the Indies. That I
meant to go hence as a discontented man, God, I trust,
and mine own actions, will dissuade his Majesty ; whom
neither the loss of my estate, thirteen years' imprison
ment, and the denial of my pardon, could beat from his
service. And the opinion of being accounted a fool, or
rather distract, by returning as I did, unpardoned,
balanced with my love to his Majesty's person and
estate, had no place at all in my heart.
It was that last severe letter from my Lords, for the
speedy bringing of me up, and the impatience of dis
honour that first put me in fear of my life, or enjoying it
in a perpetual imprisonment, never to recover my repu
tation lost, which strengthened me in my late, and too
late lamented resolution ; if his Majesty's mercy do not
abound ; if his Majesty do not pity my age, and scorn
to take the extremest and utmost advantage of my

Defence of the Guiana Enterprise.

375

errors ; if his Majesty, in his great charity, do not make
a difference between offences proceeding from a life-
saving, natural impulsion, without ill intent, and those of
an ill heart ; and that your Lordship, remarkable in the
world for the nobleness of your disposition, do not
vouchsafe to become' my intercessor, — whereby your
Lordship shall bind an hundred gentlemen of my kin
dred to honour your memory, and bind me for all the
time of that life which your Lordship shall beg for me,
to pray to God that you may ever prosper, and ever
bind me to remain, Your most humble servant,
W. Ralegh.

CLX.
TO GEORGE, LORD CAREW OF CLOPTON (after
wards Earl of Totnes).
From the Original. MS. Cotton, Vitellius C xvii. ff. 439, 440 (British
Museum)- Chiefly in the hand of an Amanuensis ; but with some
corrections in Sir W. Ralegh's own hand. Mutilated.
[ The beginning oj each of the three pages of this letter was burned off in the
fire at Ashbumham House ; as were also some letters, or syllables, of
many words towards the jnargins of two out of the three pages. These
omissions are supplied (from a copy of the letter made before the fire)
within brackets.]
[BECAUSE I know not whether I shall live to come be
fore the Lords, I have, for his Majesty's satisfaction, here
set down as much as I can say, either for mine own
defence or against myself, as things are construed.
It is true that though I acquainted his Majestie with
my intent to land in Guiana, yet I never made it known]
to his Majestie that the Spann[ierds] had any footing

To Lord
Carew.

376

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLX.
I6l8.
Defence of
the Guiana
expedition.— Inva
lidity of
the
Spanish
pretensionsand com
plaints.

there], neither had I anie authority by my patent to
remove the Spannfierds from thence], and therefore his
Majestie had no interest in the attempt of Saint Thome,
[by any fore]knowledge thereof in his Majestie.
Butt knowinge his Majesties title to the cuntry to bee
the best and most Christia[n, because] 1 the naturall lords
did most willingly acknowledge Queene ELIZABETH to
be their sovran, [who by] mee promised to defende them
from the Spanishe cruelty, I made noe doubt butt
that I [might] enter the land by force, — seeinge the
Spa2[niard] had noe other title butt force (the Pope's
donation excepted) ; consideringe alsoe that they gott a
possession divers yeares since my possession, taken for
the Crowne of England. For, were nott Guiana his
Majesties, then mighte I as well have beene questioned
for a theefe, for takinge of gould out of the Kinge of
Spaine's mines ; as the Spa2[niards] doe now call mee a
peacebreaker : for from anie territory confessed to be the
Kinge of Spaines itt is noe more lawfull to take gould,
then lawfull for the Spaniards to take tinne out of
Cornewall. Now, were this possession of theirs a sufficient barr to
his Majesties righte, the Kings of Spaine mighte as well
call themselves Dukes of Brittaine,3 bycause they held
Bluette and fortified there ; and Kings of Ireland because
they possessed Smericke 4 and fortified there ; and soe in
other places.
That his Majestie was well resolved of his right there,
I make no kinde of doubt, because the English both
under Mr. Charles Leigh and Mr. Harecourt had
leave to plant and inhabitt the country.
1 Burnt off; the reading somewhat doubtful, notwithstanding the autho
rity of the early copy. -2 So written—" Spa "
' Brittan>'- 4 Smerwick. [See Vol. I. p. 40.]

Defence of the Guiana Enterprise

377

That Oronoque itt selfe had, longe ere this, 5,000
Englishe in itt, I assure my selfe, — had nott my imploy-
ment at Cales,1 the next yeare after my returne from
Guiana, and after that our journey to the Hands, hyndred
mee for those two yeares ; after which Tyron's rebellion
made her Majestie unwillinge that anie great number
of shipps or menn should bee taken out of England till
that rebellion were ended. And, lastly, her Majesties
death, and my longe imprisonment, gave time to the
Spannierds to sett upp a towne of staks,2 covered with
leaves of trees, upon the bancks of Oronoque, which
they called ' St. Thome ; ' butt they have 3 reconsiled nor
conquered any of the Casiques or naturall lords of the
country, which Casiques are still in armes against them,
as by the Governor's letter to the King of Spa4[ine]
may appeare.
That by landinge in Guiana there can be anie
breache of peace, I thinke ytt, under favor,5 impos
sible. To breake peace where there is noe peace, itt
cannott bee.
That the Spa * [niards] give us noe peace there, ytt
doth appeare by the King's letter, to his governor, that
they shall putt to death all those Spa4 [niards] and
Indeans that trade 'con los Engleses enemigos,' — with
Englishe enymyes. Yea, those verye Spaniards which
wee encountred att St. Thome did, of late yeares, murder
36 of Mr. Hall's menn, of London, and myne, who
landed, without weapon, upon the Spa i [nish] faithe, to
trade with them. Mr. THORNE, alsoe, of Tower Street
in London, besids many other Englishe, was in l[ike] sort
1 Cadiz. 2 stakes.
1 The word "neither" seems here to have been omitted in the original.
4 So written by Ralegh.
5 Or, " under your favour." The reading is doubtful. Here the winds
have been partly lorn, or washed, away ; not burned.

378

Letters of Ralegh.

murdered, the yeare before my deliverey out of the
Tower. [Now, if this kind of trade be ' peaceable,' there is
then a peaceable trade in the Indies between us and the
Spaniards. But, if this be cruel war and hatred, and no
peace, — then there is no peace broken by our attempt.
Again, how doth it stand with the greatness of the
King of Spain first to call us ' enemies ' when he did
hope to cutt us in pieces, and then, having failed, to
call us peacebreakers, for] to bee [an enemy and a
peacebreaker in one and the same accion is] impos
sible. Butt the Kinge of Spa1 [in], in his letter to the
[Governor of] Guiana, dated att Madrill, the 29th of
Marche — before wee left the Thames — calls us ' Engleses
inimigos.' Had itt pleased the King of Spaine to have written
to His Majestie in six monethes time (for wee were soe
long in prepairinge), and have made His Majestie knowe
that our landinge in Guiana would draw after itt a
breache of peace, I presume to thinke His Majestie
would have staied our enterprise for the present. This
he might have done with lesse chardges then to leavye
300 soldiers, and transport 10 peece of ordinance from
Puerto Rico ; which soldiers added to the garrison of
St. Thome (had they arryved before our comminge) had
overthrowne all our rawe companies. And there would
have followed noe complaint.
For the vayne point of landinge near St. Thome, itt
is true that wee were of opinion that wee must have
driven the Spaniards out of their towne before wee could
passe the thick woods upon the mountayne of the myne,
which I confesse I did first resolve upon. Butt better
bethinkinge my self, I referred the takinge of the towne
1 So written by Ralegh.

Invalidity of the Spanish Pretensions.

379

to the goodnes of the myne, which, if they founde to
bee soe ritch as it might perswade the leavinge of a
garrison theer, then to drive the Spaniards thence. Butt
to have itt burnt was never my intent ; neither could
they give mee anie reason why they did itt.
Upon the returne, I examined the Serjeant Major and
Kemishe, why they followed nott my last direccions for
the triall of the myne, before the takinge of the towne.
And they aunswered mee that althoughe they durst
hardly goe to the myne, leaving a garrison of Spaniards
behind them and their botes, yet, they said, they followed
those latter direccions and did land betweene the towne
and the myne ; and that the Spaniards, without anie
manner of parley, sett upon them unawares and chardged
them, — calling them Peros Engleses, — and by skirmishing
with them drew them on to the very entrance of the
towne, before they knew where they were; soe as, if
anie peace had bine in those partes, the Spaniards first
brake the peace and made the first slaughter. For as
the Englishe could nott butt land to seeke the myne,
beinge come thither to that ende ; soe beinge first reviled
and chardged by the Spaniards, they could do noe lesse
then repell force by force.
Lastlie, itt is a matter of noe small consequence to
acknowledge wee have offended the Kinge of Spaine by
landinge in Guiana : — For, first, itt weakens His Majes
ties title to the country, or quitts ytt. Secondly, There
is noe Kinge that hath ever given the least way to anie
other Kinge or State in the traffick of the lives and
goods of his subjects, — to wytt, as in our case, that ytt
shall bee lawfull for the Spaniards to murder us either
by [war l ?] or treason, and nott lawfull for us to defend
ourselves, and pay them with their owne [coin '].
1 These words have been effaced.

38o

Letters of Ralegh.

[ ThU part of the lettei  occupying the top of the second leaf — has been
burned away.]

retourne. You an

Plymouth, a French gentleman called FLORIE went
thence with p[urpose and ? J] with commission to burne
and to sacke all places in the In [dyes that he could ? x]
master; and yett hath the Frenche Kinge maried a
daughter of Spaine.
This is all that I can say, other then I have spent my
pore estate, lost [my son J] and my health, and indured
as many sortes of miseries as ever mann did, in [hope
to] doe his Majestie service ; and have nott, to my under-
standinge, commytted anie hos[tile] act, other then the
entrance upon a territory belonginge to the Crowne of
England, where the Englishe were first sett upon and
slaine by the usurping Spaniards.
I invaded noe other parts of the Indies, pretended by
the Spaniards. I returned into England with the mani
fest perrill of my life, with a purpose nott to holde my
life by anie other act then His Majesties grace, and from
which noe mann nor any perrill could disswade mee.
To that grace, and goodnesse, and kinglinesse, I referr
my self ; which, if itt shall finde that I have nott yett
suffred enoughe, ytt may, if ytt please, adde more
affliction to the remaynder of a wretched life.
[The subscription and signature — if any — have been either burned or
cut off. ]
1 These words are conjectural ; only slight traces of them remain.

Naval Matters connected with the Fleet against Spain.

38i

LETTERS
OMITTED IN THEIR DUE ORDER OF TIME.
*^ The printing of some of these Supplemental Letters was
postponed in the hope of giving them, if possible, from the Ori
ginals, instead of from Transcripts. But the hope has not been
realized, save in one instance. The marginal numbers to which
the mark * is affixed will serve to show the due place of each
letter in the General Series, as far as that place is at present
ascertainable.

1596.
CLXI. [LXIV*]
TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. clxxiii. § 73 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
SINCE I sent my letter to your Honor from Dover —
before I departed the rode — ther came up unto mee
sume seven or eight sayle of the Fleet, who being all
like to perris on Wensday after midnight, they weare
driven to lett slip all their cables and ancors.
I humblie beseich your Honor to cause a letter to be
written to the Maior of Dover, to send a boate of the
towne to save the sayd cables and ancors, — having all
boyes uppon them. They weare left on the north-est

To Sir R.
Cecil.
FromDover.Naval
matters connected
with the
Fleet pre
pared against Spain.

382

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLXI.
[LXIV.*] 1596.
May 13.

LETTER CLXII.
[LXXXIV*.] I598?
July 12.
To Michael
Hickes.From
Sherborne.Entreaty
for the
furtheranceof the pay
ment, by
the Lord
Treasurer,of a debt
owing to
CaptainSpring.

part of Goodden Sands, in five or sixe fathume. Thus
I humblie take my leve. From Dover,— on 1 hower after
my former letter. Yours ever to do yow service,
W. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecill, Knight, of her Majesties
most honorable Privy Councell. In hast.
Endorsed :
13 May, 1596. Sir Walter Raleigh to my Master. From Dover.

I598?
CLXII. [LXXXIV.*]
TO MICHAEL HICKES, Secretary to the Lord
Treasurer Burghley.
As printed, in 1720, by Arthur Collins, in the first edition of his
Baronettage of England.
Worthy Mr. Michael,
I AM most earnestly to entreat you for this gentle
man, Captain Spring, that partly for love, partly for
honest consideration, you will further him with my Lord
Treasurer for a debt of £300 which Her Majesty doth
owe him. It hath been long due, and he hath good
warrant for it. Besides, he hath served Her Majesty
very long, and hath received many wounds in her service.
These reasons delivered by a man of your utterance,
and having his good angel at your elbow to instruct you,
I doubt not but it will take good and speedy effect.

A Letter of Farewell and Consolation.

383

| And, in the conclusion,1! I never wrote unto you for
any man or in any matter wherein you shall more binde
me unto you than for this bearer ; and so, not doubting
of your assured friendliness, I leave you to God, and
remain, Your most assured loving friend,
W. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — Always remember you must deal
conscionably, for my sake, and I will requite it.
From Sherburn, the 12th of July.

1603.
CLXII I. [CXVIL*]
TO LADY RALEGH.
As printed, in 1839, by the Rev. J. S. Brewer, from a nearly contempo
raneous transcript in MS. Yelverton xvi. fol. 100 (All Souls College,
Oxford)-2
RECEIVE from thy unfortunate husband these his last
lines ; these the last words that ever thou shalt receive
from him. That I can live never to see thee and my
child more ! — I cannot. I have desired God and dis
puted with my reason, but nature and compassion hath
the victory. That I can live to think how you are both
left a spoil to my enemies, and that my name shall be a
1 These four words are printed by Collins in brackets, without any note.
2 I have visited the All Souls Library, and (by the kindness of the War
den and Fellows) have profited by some of the MSS. there preserved; as
the readers of the first volume of this book will have seen. But I was
accidentally deprived of the opportunity of collating this letter with the MS.

LETTER CLXII.
1. XXXIV.

. «1

1598?
July 12.

LETTER CLXI1I.
[CXVIL*] 1603. July.
To Lady
Ralegh.
[From the
Tower.]

384

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLXI1I.
[CXVII.*] 1603.
July.
A letter of
farewelland conso
lation. —
Reasons
of his
purposed
suicide. —
His last
wishes as
to the dis
posal of his
Estate.

dishonor to my child, — I cannot. I cannot endure the
memory thereof. Unfortunate woman, unfortunate child,
comfort yourselves ; trust God, and be contented with
your poor estate. I would have bettered it, if I had
enjoyed a few years.
Thou art a young woman, and forbear not to marry
again. It is now nothing to me ; thou art no more
mine ; nor I thine. To witness that thou didst love me
once, take care that thou marry not to please sense, but
to avoid poverty, and to preserve thy child. That thou
didst also love me living, witness it to others ; — to my
poor daughter, to whom I have given nothing ; for his
sake, who will be cruel to himself to preserve thee. Be
charitable to her, and teach thy son to love her for his
father's sake.
For myself, I am left of all men that have done good
to many. All my good turns forgotten ; all my errors
revived and expounded to all extremity of ill. All my
services, hazards, and expenses for my country — plant
ings, discoveries, fights, councils, and whatsoever else —
malice hath now covered over. I am now made an
enemy and traitor by the word of an unworthy man.
He hath proclaimed me to be a partaker of his vain
imaginations, notwithstanding the whole course of my
life hath approved the contrary, as my death shall ap
prove it. Woe, woe, woe be unto him by whose false
hood we are lost. He hath separated us asunder. He
hath slain my honor; my fortune. He hath robbed
thee of thy husband, thy child of his father, and me of
you both. O God ! thou dost know my wrongs. Know,
then, thou my wife, and child ;— know, then, thou my
Lord and King, that I ever thought them too honest to
betray, and too good to conspire against.
But, my wife, forgive thou all, as I do. Live humble,

A Letter of Farewell and Consolation.

385

for thou hast but a time also. God forgive my Lord
HARRY,1 for he was my heavy enemy. And for my Lord
Cecill, I thought he would never forsake me in ex
tremity. I would not have done it him, God knows.
But do not thou know it, for he must be master of thy
child 2 and may have compassion of him. Be not dis
mayed, that I died in despair of God's mercies. Strive
not to dispute it. But assure thyself that God hath not
left me, nor Satan tempted me. Hope and Despair live
not together. I know it is forbidden to destroy our
selves ; but I trust it is forbidden in this sort, — that we
destroy not ourselves despairing of God's mercy. The
mercy of God is immeasurable ; the cogitations of men
comprehend it not.
In the Lord I have ever trusted ; and I know that my
Redeemer liveth. Far is it from me to be tempted with
Satan; I am only tempted with Sorrow, whose sharp
teeth devour my heart. O God ! Thou art goodness
itself, Thou canst not but be good to me. O God !
that art mercy itself, Thou canst not but be merciful
to me!
For my estate, [it] is conveyed to feoffees — to your
cousin BRETT and others. I have but a bare estate for
a short life. My plate is at gage in Lombard Street ; my
debts are many. To Peter Vanlore, some £600. To
Antrobus as much, but Cumpton is to pay £300 of it.
To Michael Hext,3 ^"ioo. To George Carew, £100.
1 In printing this name, Mr. Brewer has by an oversight added ' ' Cob
ham," in a note. There is no doubt whatever that Howard was meant by
Ralegh. The expression is strictly appropriate in Howard's case, and he
was so called by others of his contemporaries. No instance is known of
the designation "my Lord Harry'' as applied to Cobham. And the in
ternal evidence of the letter itself points to Howard.
2 As " Master of the Court of Wards."
3 Sir Michael Hickes, who had been secretary to Lord Burghley, and to
whom Letter CLXII. is addressed.
VOL. II. C C

386

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLXIII.
[CXVIL*] 1603.
July.

To Nicholas Sanders[on], £100. To John Fitz-
JAMES, £100. To Master Waddon, £100. To a poor
man, one Hawkes, for horses, £70. To a poor man,
called Hunt, ^20. Take first care of those, for God's
sake. To a brewer at Weymouth and a baker, for Lord
CECILL'S ship and mine, I think some £80. JOHN
Renolds knoweth it. And let that poor man have his
true part of my return from Virginia. And let the poor
men's wages be paid with the goods, for the Lord's sake.
Oh, what will my poor servants think, at their return,
when they hear I am accused to be Spanish who sent
them, — at my great charge, — to plant and discover upon
his territory.
Oh, intolerable infamy ! O God ! I cannot resist
these thoughts. I cannot live to think how I am derided,
to think of the expectation of my enemies, the scorns
I shall receive, the cruel words of lawyers, the infamous
taunts and despites, to be made a wonder and a spec
tacle ! O Death ! hasten thou unto me that thou
mayest destroy the memory of these, and lay me up
in dark forgetfulness. O Death ! destroy my memory
which is my tormentor ; my thoughts and my life cannot
dwell in one body. But do thou forget me, poor wife,
that thou mayest live to bring up my poor child.
I recommend unto you my poor brother A[drian]
Gilbert. The lease of Sandridge is his, and none of
mine. Let him have it, for God's cause. He knows
what is due to me upon it. And be good to Kemis, for
he is a perfect honest man, and hath much wrong for
my sake. For the rest, I commend me to them and
them to God. And the Lord knows my sorrow to part
from thee and my poor child. But part I must, by
enemies and injuries ; part with shame, and triumph of
my detractors. " And therefore be contented with this

Explanation of his Intercourse with Captain Whitlock.

38?

work of God, and forget me in all things, but thine own
honor and the love of mine.
I bless my poor child, and let him know his father was
no traitor. Be bold of my innocence, for God — to whom
I offer life and soul — knows it. And whosoever thou
choose again after me, let him be but thy politique
husband. But let my son be thy beloved, for he is part
of me and I live in him ; and the difference is but in the
number and not in the kind. And the Lord for ever
keep thee and them, and give thee comfort in both
worlds. [ W ithout signature or address.]

160 5.
CLXIV. [CXXXIX.*]
TO THE LORDS OF THE COUNCIL.
From a transcript made (in the last century) by the Librarian of James,
Earl of Salisbury, from the Original, then in the Library at Hatfield.
MS. Addit. 6178, fol. 469 (British Museum). Without date.
I HAVE not had any other affair with Captain WHITLOCK.
then familier and ordinarie discourse, neither do I know
any other cause of his cumming unto me then to visite
me ; having not mich wherewith to busie himselfe.
I have sume time spoken to him, to finde the Earle
of NORTHUMBERLANDS disposition towards me, from
whom [i. e. Whitlocke] I never received other then a
drie and frindless awnswere. From the Earle, I neither
received letter, nor sent him any, either by WHITLOCK
or any man else, since my trobles.
c C 2

LETTER CLXIII.
[cxvn.*] 1603.
July.

LETTER CLXIV.
[CXXXIX.*] 1605.
November.
To the
Lords of
theCouncil.[From the
Tower.]

388

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLXIV.
[CXXXIX.*] 1605.
November.
Explana
tion of his
intercourse
with Capt.
Whitlock,
a retainer
of the
Earl of
Northum
berland.

With the French Imbasador 1 I have no affaires. His
wife came hither once, with the Ladie of EFFINGAM,2
and the pale being then down she saluted me, and
desired me to give her a little balsemum of Guiana.
Whitlock being then in her cumpanie, I sent it by
him to her.
I sent your Lordships, in the beginnings of my trebles,
a letter from Sir John Bodle's,3 concerning Rensay
and others ; and the same was my utter ruine. I did it
to do the Kinge service. If I now knew anything, or
could devise how this horribell and fearfull practise4
might be discovered, then — if it were with the loss of
my own life — as God liveth, I would give the one to
performe the other. I beseech your Lordships to call
to mind my many sorrowes, and the causes ; and to re
member my services and love to my countrie. And I
beseech you in charitie, and for the love of God, not to
make me more odious then ever the earth brought forth
any, by suspecting me to be knowing this unexampled
and more then develishe invention.5 Your humble servant,
W. Ralegh.
Endorsed, in Lord Salisbury's hand :
1605. 9 November. Sir Walter Ralegh.
1 Christophe de Harlay, Count of Beaumont, who, when this letter was
written, had just quitted London.
2 Anne St. John, daughter of John, Lord St. John of Bletsoe, and wife
of William Howard, Lord Howard of Effingham, son of the Lord Admiral
Nottingham. 3 So in MS. Meaning, doubtless, from the house in which he was de
sired to await the King's pleasure prior to his committal, as a State prisoner
to the Tower, in July 1603. 4 The Gunpowder Plot.
6 The following extract from an anonymous 'Advertisement' by some
Government spy, about meetings on the Powder Treason, will sufficiently
explain the occasion on which this Letter was written :— " Whitlocke that
is now in the Tower, was in the beginninge of somer last in the Arche-
dukes country, as he contest himself; and often, afterwards, came to the

Nature of Mineral Ores brought from Guiana.

389

1607?
CLXV. [CXL*]
TO THE LORD TREASURER SALISBURY.
From a transcript made (in the last century) by the Librarian of James,
Earl of Salisbury, from the Original, then in the Library at Hatfield.
MS. Addit. 6178, fol. 827 (British Museum). Without date.
I HAVE hard that Sir Amias Preston informed your
Lordship of certain minerall stones brought from Guiana,
of which your Lordshipe had sume doubt ; — for so yow
had att my first returne ; — Secondly, that your Lordshipe
thought it but an invention of myne, to procure unto
myself my former liberty ; suspitions which might rightly
fall into the cogitations of a wise man.
Now, whatsoever difference your Lordshipe shall make
between your own inriching and my misery, of which as
yet I cannot by any means fear the worst ; for the first,
I protest before the majestie of God that one of those
minerals here, and never before, tried, was not only
found and gathered in the land of Guiana by myself,
but thereof there may be had an aboundance sufficient
to please every appetite, the mountayn being nire the
river-side, and [the mineral] of easy cariage thither.
Secondly, I take the same God to witnes that I never
esteemed this minerall att any price, both in respect of
the quantetie and of the similitude it had with other
merquisite formerly found. And had not a refiner cume

LETTER CLXV.
[CXL.*] 1607?
To Lord
Salisbury.
[From the
Tower.]Nature of
the mineral
oresbrought
from Guiana. —
Plans for
the re
sumptionof the
enterprise.

Tower (after his returne), and theire accompanied Sir Walter Raughley."
I believe that this notable extract contains the sole foundation of the
calumny of which Ralegh complains in the Letter now printed.

390

Letters of Ralegh.

unto me, to try another mettall, to whome I presented
this stone by chance, and without hope, I protest, before
the everlasting God, that it never had cume into question
all my life, for it had byne many times in my hand
heretofore, to cast away.
The refiner that made the assay is a man very skilfull
but poore, and it is trew that I promised him twenty
pound, if he could find gold or silver in the oare. Now,
if he have delt justly, or — in hope of the money — falcely,
it may easily be examined. And yet that which most
perswades me is that he offers to go in person, and is
contented to be hanged there, if he aprove not his assay
to be good. And, for the more surtie, I have reserved a
little quantitie of each to make a second tryall.
I beseich your Lordship, then, to consider what I
offer. And I beseich yow to way it in the ballance of
your wisdome, and pietie, — which I cannot suspect but
that the same doth yet hang in your hand, by sume one
thride or string of your Lordship's great and auntient
love towards mee. And because it may be objected that
when I have a shipp [or] two or three, that I may turn
my course sume other way ; although I trust that your
Lordship will not, for yourselfe, judg that in my old
years I would becume a runagate and live from my wife,
children, and frinds, in a strange countrie; yet, that
others may not say that there was not care enough and
caution had, I am content both to go and cume as a
private man ; that both the charge of the shipp be given
to another — which I desire might be the bearer hereof —
and that he have order that if I do but perswade a con
trary course to cast me into the sea. Your Lordship
may also appoynt the master, and all other officers.
Only, if God give us leive to arive in sauftie, that
uppon the land they may be directed by me, or by

Plans for the resumption of Guiana Enterprise.

391

any joynt commissioneres ; if your Lordship shall so
please. The charge of the jurney will amount to £5,000, of
which if the Queenes Majestie (to whome I am bound
for her cumpassion) and your Lordship will bear two
parts, I and my frinds will bear a third ; or if her Ma
jestie and your Lordship will not adventure, I will finde
meanes to beare all, and present her Majestie and your
Lordship with the one half, so wee may be assured to
injoy the rest.
The charg will be the greater in this respect, because
we would ride at ancor 3 or 4 months in the river ; and
carying with us six paire of great bellowes, and bricke
in ballast, wee would melt down the minnerall into
ingots, as fast as wee gather it ; for to bring all in oare
would be more notorious.
My tymes are not long in the world ; and I shall not
be able, hereafter (if now), to performe such a jurney.
Your Lordshipe may have gold good cheap, and may
joyne others of your honorable frinds in the matter, if
yow please. For there is enough. Your Lordshipe may
releive me and my destroyed estate ; and bind mee,
more then ever, to live and dye your sarvant.
The jurney may go under the culler of Virginia, for
NEUPORT will shortly return. We will break no peace ;
invade none of the Spanish townes. We will only trade
with the Indiens, and see none of that nation x — except
they assayle us. If your Lordship will send my Lord
CAREW, or any elce, I will satisfye them in all perti-
culars; and rest your Lordship's, ever more to serve
yow,
W. R.
1 The Spaniards.

392

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLXVI.
[CXLV.*] I6l0?
To Lord
Hadding ton.
[From the
Tower.]Proposals
for a
voyage to
Guiana.

1 6 1 o ?
CLXVI. [CXL V.*]
TO JOHN RAMSAY, VISCOUNT HADDINGTON,
(afterwards Earl of Holderness.)
From a transcript made (in the last century) by the Librarian of James,
Earl of Salisbury, from the Original, then in the Library at Hatfield.
MS. Addit. 6177, fol. 241 (British Museum). Without date.1
I GAVE commission to sume of [my] frinds to move your
Lordship in a matter of great importance, if the attain
ing of honnar and riches may be so accounted. To
treble your Lordship with the particulers I will forbeare,
till such tyme as I may know wher any good thing
offered by me may be accepted. For if in my late
Soveraignes tyme, — in whose favor I had sum little
interest, — I could not obtayne leve to adventure myne
own lyfe and myne own estate to inrich her; because
myne own honnor, fame, and benefite, had in all like-
lihode byne adjoyned ; what may I hope for now, being
altogather frindless in the world, except his Majestie,
| who 2 | accordinge to the trust given hym by God,
do vouchsafe to remmember that there is no prise 3 nor
1 The original of this letter is, I believe, still at Hatfield, but apparently it
is misplaced. The transcriber has headed his transcript with the date ' 1603,'
without authority and against the internal evidence. Lord Haddington, to
whom it is addressed, is the John Ramsay who was in attendance, as a
page, upon King James, on the occasion of his visit to the Earl of Gowrie's
house at Perth, in August 1600, and who so promptly struck his dagger
into Alexander Ruthven on the King's cry of 'Treason! Murder 1'
Ramsay was knighted in 1600, created Viscount Haddington, in the
Peerage of Scotland, in June 1606, and raised to the English earldom of
Holderness in January 1621.
2 So in MS. This superfluous ' who ' is possibly an error of transcription.
3 MS. reads 'praise.'

Proposals for a Voyage to Guiana.

393

ransume for inocent blood ; and that to suffer those to
perish that are his (whatsoever a Middlesex Jurie hath
sayed to the contrary) hath no destinction to satisfy that
great God by whom kings reygn, and whom for ther
mercie and truth he hath preserved.
But, my Lord, — leving the succes to God's providence,
— it is a journey of honnor and riches I offer you ; an
enterprise fesible and certayne. And though it may be
sayed that miserie feareth no change, and that my pre
tences and intentes are diverse, yet I beseech your
Lordship to beleive that I am more in love with death
then with falsehode, and that whatsoever Tyme, or
Fortune, or I know not what else, hath taken from [me],
yet nether of them, nor any poure else under Heaven,
shall teache me, or force me, to be a knave. A base and
unworthy remedie it were aganst imprisonment to for-
sweare God, to betray the King's mercie, and to cast
away my frinds ; to undertake a jurney full of hazards,
and soe farr, to return agayne a perjured, false, and
foolish knave. No, my Lord, when myne enimies have
done ther worsed, and distroyed me and mine, yet the
former (which is in myne own minde's poure) shall never
be my destinye.
Yet, because I desire no truste, and that wise men
may have warrant for their jelocies, I am content, — your
Lordship liking it, — to follow yourself in this enterprise,
as a private man. If your Lordship cannot obtayne the
expense of such a tyme, I am content to be comitted to
others ; and, setting down the course and project in
writing, if at ani time I perswade the contrarie let them
cast me into the sea. Secondly, when God shall permit
us to arrive, if I bringe them not to a mountaine (nire a
navigable river) covered with gold and silver oare, let
the comander have commissione to cut of my head ther.

394

Letters of Ralegh.

LETTER CLXVI.
[CXLV.*] l6lO?

If this bee not sufficient, I will presume to nominate
unto his Majestie such commanders as his Majestie shall
like of, whoe wilbe bound, bodie for bodie, to return me
again live or dead ; and if I have mistaken myselfe, and
may be yet of more prise, his Majestie shall have forti
thowsand pounds bond to boot.
Lastly, I pray your Lordship not to marvaile why I
have desired to ingage you in this enterprise, and desire
that yourself may be the commander. For I know that
you are valient, and without falsehode, — qualities rarely
found in one man in this age. I know that you are
deere to the King. And I hope withall that, by your
means, we shall injoy the fruites of our travails, and such
parts as we adventure for and deserve. With which
hope I rest your Lordships, to doe you service,
W. RALEGH.

APPENDICES: I.
LETTERS OF LADY RALEGH (1594-1618).
II.
COMMERCIAL AND PRIVATEERING ENTERPRISES (1589-1602).
III.
CHARTS OF GUIANA (1596).
IV.
JOURNEY OF RALEGH AND COBHAM TO OSTEND (1600).
V.
IMPRISONMENT OF THE LADY ARABELLA STUART (1602-1603).
VI.
PLOTS ANDf COUNTERPLOTS OF 1602-1603.
VII.
RALEGH'S EXECUTION (1618).

' Tell us, we do you pray,
Who, now, in Court doth bear the greatest sway ?—
That if such fortune do to us befall,
We may seek favour of the best of all.'
' Marry,' said he, ' the highest now in grace
Be the wild beasts, that swiftest are in chase.'
And, sooth to say, it is no sort of life
For shepherd fit to lead, in that same place,
Where each one seeks with malice, and with strife,
To thrust down other into foul disgrace, —
Himself to raise ; and he doth soonest rise
That best can handle his deceitful wit
In subtile shifts, and finest sleights' devise,
Either by slandering his well-deemed name,
Through leasings lewd, and feigned forgery ;
Or else by breeding him some blot of blame,
By creeping close into his secrecy;
To which him needs a guileful hollow heart,
Masked with fair-dissembling courtesy.
Spenser.

I.— LETTERS OF LADY RALEGH.

i 5 94

I.

LADY RALEGH TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.

Cecil Papers, vol. xxii. § 50 (Hatfield).
Without date.

Holograph.

From the Original.
SUR, I RESEVED your tabells of no less rare device then
the sentans within was cumforttabell. If faith wear
broken with mee I was yet farr away, but I feare that
my Mistris, if all hartes weare opene and all desiars
knowne, might without so gret curiosetye of desciphering
reed her owne desteni in a playne alphebett, but wee ar
both great belevars, and therin wee flatter our seulevs
and nurishe our owne mindes with what wee would.
Now, Sur, for the rest I hope for my sake you will rather
draw fur watar towardes the est then heulp hyme forward
toward the soonsett, if ani respecke to me or love to him
be not forgotten. But everi monthe hath his flower and
everi season his contentment, and you greate counselares
ar so full of new councels, as you ar steddi in nothing ;
but wee poore soules that hath bought sorrow at a high
price desiar, and can be plesed with, the same misfortun
wee hold, fering alltarracions will but multiply misseri,
of wich we have allredi felte sufficiant. I knoo unly
your parswadcions ar of efecke with him, and hild as

'593-1594- Feb. 8.
LadyRalegh to
Sir R.
Cecil.
Thanks for
a book of
tablets. —
Allusion to
some instance of the
Queen's" curiosity
of deci
phering." —
Entreaty
that Cecil
will not
forward Ralegh's
plan of an
enterprise " toward
the sun
set."

39«

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER I.
1593-1594- Feb. 8.

LETTER II.
1594-1595- March 20.
LadyRalegh to
SirR.
Cecil. From
Sherborne.
Desiring
that no
impediment be
suffered to
the due
course of
law in a
suit
against the
Earl of
Hunting
don.

orrekeles tied to them by Love ; therfore I humbelle
besiech you rathar stay him then furdar him. By the
wich you shall bind me for ever. As yet you have ever
geveng me caus to love and serve you for ever}
as shee that honnereth you most,
E. RALEGH.
Addressed : " To my veri honarabell frind, Sur ROBERT ClSCIL, Knight."
Endorsed: "8 Feb. 1593. Lady Rawleigh to my Master. Tra. I."

15 9 5-

II.

LADY RALEGH TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxi. § 29 (Hatfield). Holograph.
SUR, AMOUNGEST many vertus hit is not your least to
be a comfort to the greeved, and so ar you to mee with
your honnorabell and kind lettar, whearby you fullnll
the desiar of your absent frind, as allso bind me for
ever to honnor you.
Sur Wattar's remembrans of me to you at his last
departur shall ad and incres, if itt weer possibell, mor
love and dew respect to him. I am in hope, er hit be
longe, to heer of him, thought 2 not of longe time to see
him. In which tim I shall fly to you in all my cumbars,
as to the shurest staf I trust to in Sur Wattar's absens.
1 These words in italics are strongly erased by pen-scratches and with
an ink different from that of the letter ; but they are now legible beneath
the erasure. 2 though.

Suit against the Earl of Huntingdon.

399

I thank my honnorabell mistris 1 for wishing me neer
heer. To doo heer sarvis, and to injoy both your com
panies, I oft wish hit with heer ; els, is an hermit's sell
most fit for me and my mind at this time ; beeing for a
tim thus desevered from him that 2 I am.
I must intret your faforabell word to me Lord Keppar
that hee will suffar me to folow the cours of law to me
Lord of HUNTINGTON.3 I desiar noo fafor ther in, but
only sufferans. This berar can tell you the mattar. I
rathar chuus this time to folow hit in Sur Wattar's
absens, that my selfe may bear the unkinnes, and not
hee ; the moni being long time past dew to me. This,4
for ever wishing you all honnar and happines, I end.
Sherbon Loge, the xx of March. Your asured pour frind,
E. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the most honnorabell Sur ROBART Ciscill.

Endorsed :
20 March, 1595.

The Lady Raleigh to my Master.

III.

LADY RALEGH TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxi. § 77 (Hatfield). Holograph.
SUR, THOUGHT5 I fere I shall be trubbellsum to you
with my desiaring lettars, yet I can not but wryt to you
1 Lady Cecil.
a ' that' is evidently here used in the sense of 'whose.'
3 Into whose hands Lady Ralegh's marriage portion, or part of it, had
passed upon bond or mortgage. 4 Thus. B Though.

I594-I595- March 20.

LETTER III.
1595-
April 7.

400

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER III.
1595-
April 7.
LadyRalegh to
SirR.
Cecil.From Sherborne.
Recommendationof Arthur
Radford,
who is de
sirous of
serving at
sea.

. LETTER IV.
1595.
July 28?
Lady Ralegh to
SirR.Cecil.Recom
mendation
of a suit of
Mr. Brett.

at this time, in the behalfe of this bearer, hee being to
Sur Wattar as hee is ; wich I knoo is a sufficent reson
of your fafor and car of him. Not withstanding, to
sattisfi myselfe in leavinge nothing undon, as nere as I
may, to ani of his, I presum to desiar you that in this
his desiar of gooing to see, hee may be grassed 1 and
helped by you, wich I noo wayes dout of. And so, with
all happi wishis to you and my honnarabell mistris, I
end. Sherbon Loge, the vii of Aprill.
Your poore frind that honereth you,
E. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the most honnarabell Sur Robard Ciscill, &=c. 6>f.
Endorsed :
7 April, 1595. The Lady Raleigh to my Master. In favour of
Arthur Radford.

IV.

LADY RALEGH TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxxiii. § 53 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sur, PRESUMENG of your honnarabell fafor ever to me,
I am bould to trobell you in the behalfe of this my
kinsman Mr. BRETT ; yet noo wayes fardar then I knoo
in rit and honnar you may. Nether wold I requist,
nether will hee intret, fardar your fafor then unly to hold
a indeffrant openion of him, tell you heer the mattar
hooly. 1 graced.

Recommendation of a Suit of Mr. Brett.

401

The mattar is a falling out betune Sur Rafe Hores'1
and him selfe, which hath groon fardar then I wish with
all my hart hit had ; thay bothe being my veri good
frindes. Yet for that the gretnes of the onne may, by
his frindes, informe most faforabelly in his side, and so
cos 2 more condemnacion on this my kinsman then ther
is cas,2 1 ernestly intret you, good Sur, to stand indiffrant
for my sake in this matter, when hit shall, or if hit doo,
cum befor you. I am the mor bouldar to wryt for him,
for I will3 knoo the honestti and plane trewthe of the
gentellman such as hee will informe — no, not on his own
side, — mor then a trewthe. Unly his collar4 is sumthing
to be condemned wich men that stan so much on ther
trew onnest[y], as I knoo this man doth, will me 5 moved
if they reseve ronges.
This,6 desiaring your pardon for my so oft trobelling
you, I wish and pray for your grettest honnar and hap
piness. Sherbon Loge, the xxviii. of July.
Your Honnar's pour frind,
E. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the most honnarabell Sur Robard Cissil, on of heer Magistes most
honnarabell Previ Concill.

Endorsed :
25 ' July,

1595. The Lady Raleghe to my Master. In favour of
Mr. Brett.

1 Sir Ralph Horsey. 2 cause.
6 MS. 'me' ion 'be.' e Thus.

well. 4 clwler.
So in MS.

VOL. II.

D D

402

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER V.
1596. July-
Lady Ralegh to
Sir R.
Cecil.
From Mile
End.On the
return of
Keymis
from Guiana.

IS96.

V.

LADY RALEGH TO SECRETARY SIR R. CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. § 29 (Hatfield). Holograph.;
SUR, I UNDERSTAND that The Darling, wherin Kemish
went to Gueano,1 is com in to Yarmouthe safly, sum
viij dayes paste. As yet, I have not heard on 2 worde
from him or any of my mene theare, wich I wonder at,
but that I thinke thay are rounning a bowte with the
pinnis for London. As soune as I heer whear thay ar,
if an't pies you to sende downe a man to them, as I will
sende then on 2 to them, that you may knoo what thay
have broute ; wich cannot bee ani thing, as I thinke,
much worthe, for that the Spanniardes ar allredi pos
sessed in Gueano. I mean along the shoar, so as thay
durst not lande. And also Topeaware the King, that
was heer Magisti's subgect, is ded, and his sun returned.
Thus, Sur, you heer your poour absente frindes fortune,
who, if hee had bin as well credited in his reportes and
knooleges as hit simmethe the Spanniardes wear, thay
had not now bin poscisars of that plas. Thus, humbly
taking my leve in hast. Mil end, this Wensday.
Your poour frind,
E. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the honnarabell Sur Robard Ciscill.
1 Guiana. 1 nn.

Attxiety for News of Sir Walter, then at Sea.

403

1 5 97-

VI.

LADY RALEGH TO SECRETARY SIR R. CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. Iv. § 88 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sur, I knoo not what to thinke. Thes gentellmen that
ar com from the Flit can tell me no newes of Sir
Watter, but that he is goon befor me Lord Ginerall.1
His shipe the Gueano 2 is cast away. This littell pinnes,
Tlie Darling, which this gentellman cam in, was the unly
shipe hee had left him, and is com away unknoon to
him, — apointed so by me Lord Generall.
For God sake, let me heer from you the trewth ; for
I am much trobled. Pardon my hast and skrebbling.
This Thursday. Your poore ffind,
E. Ralegh.
Addressed :
To the most honnarabell Mr. Sekretari.
Endorsed :
Sept. 1597. The Lady Ralegh lo my Master.

1 The Earl of Essex.

GuiauO.

LETTER VI..
1597-Sept.
Lady
Ralegh to
SirR.Cecil. Anxiety
for news
of Sir
Walter.

D D 2

404

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER VII.
1600.
October.
Lady
Ralegh to
Sir R.
Cecil.
Fire at
DurhamHouse. —
News from
Sir Walter
at Jersey.

VII.

LADY RALEGH TO SECRETARY SIR R. CECIL.

From the Original.

SUR,

Cecil Papers, Pillar C b, ii. § 36 (Hatfield). Holo
graph. Without date.

Hit tis trew that your packet brought me the
newes of the mischans of feeiar1 at Durram Houes,
wher, I thanke God, hit went noo fardar. Other wies,
hit had rid ous of all our poour substans of plat and
other thinges. Unly now the loos is of your cumpani
| and my Lord COBHAM'S,2 | wich I thinke by this
menes wee cannot injoy this wintar.
Hit will be now a fit time for you to get sum intres3
in that rotten houes for your selfe and your frind : other
wies, I knoo none so un wies that will besto so mani
hundred pounes as Sur Wattar hath dun, without
fardar intrest or asurans of hit. I besuch remembar
hit now, soo shall not the Quine be trobled to bild the
Bushope's ould stabels.
I ded heer from Sur Wattar within too dayes after
he landed at Jarsi : wher he was safly landed and rioly 4
intertaned with joye. But he was too dayes and too
nites on the see, with contrari windes ; not withstanding ¦
hee went from Wamouthe in so fayer a wind and weether,
as littell Wat and my selfe brought him abord the
shipt. Hee wrytteth to me hee never saw a plesanttar
1 fire.
2 The words between the upright lines are inserted in the MS.by inter
lineation, s interest. 1 royally.

News from Sir Walter at Jersey.

405

iland ; but protesteth unfannedly hit tis not, in valew,
the veri third' part that was reported, or inded hee
beliffed. My cossin Will1 is heer,2 very will,3 and
louketh will s and fat with his batheing. This,4 wishing
you all honnar and the full contentements of your hart,
I ever rest Your asured poour frind,
E. Ralegh.
[POSTSCRIPT.] — I am glad this mischans of feeiar cam
not by ani neckelegans 5 of ani sarvant of mine, but by
me cossin Darci's sarvant, — a woman that delleth6 just
under our logging, and anoyeth ous infenitly. I hope
hee will now remoueve heer. I humbelly besuch you
let this lettar heer inclosed be sent.
Addressed: " To Jhe most honnorabell Mr. Sekretari, cVv. &c.''
Endorsed : " 1600. October. The Lady Raleighe to my Master."

1602. VIII.
LADY RALEGH TO SECRETARY SIR R. CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. lxxxv. § 134 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Sir, I UNDARSTAND that hit tis thought by me Ladi
Kelldare that you shuld doo me that fafor as to let
me knoo how unfaforabel shee hath delt with me to the
1 'Will Cecil,' afterwards second Earl of Salisbury.
2 Probably at Weymouth. 3 well. 4 Thus.
6 negligence. *¦ dwelleth.

406

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER VIII.
1 6oi-l6o2. March.
Lady Ralegh to
SirR.Cecil.
On ill
offices at
Court,
done by
LadyKildare
(wife of
Lord
Cobham).

LETTER IX.
1603.
Nov. 18?
To Lord
Cecil.

Queen. Hit tis trew that I shuld not have mistrosted
so unhonarable a thought in heer to me, without good
prowf. But I protest, as you knoo, I never understood
hit by you ; nether did I ever see you, or heer from you,
sens heer ladiship deed me that good office. Therfor hit
tis but heer mistaking, wich shee ewsseth to 1 much. I
unly say this, that for the honnar I beear heer name and
the auncient aquaintans of heer, I wish shee wold be as
ambitious to doo good, as she is apte to the contrari.
This,2 ever wisheng you all honnar, I rest
Your asured poour frind,
E. Ralegh,
Addressed : " To the rite honnarabel Mr. Sekretar. '"
Endorsed : "March, 1601. The Lady Raleigh to my Master." _;

1603.

IX.

LADY RALEGH TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF
ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 20 (Hatfield). Holograph.
If the greved teares of a unfortunat woman may resevef
ani fafor, or the unspekeabell sorros of my ded hart may
resevef ani cumfort, then let my sorros cum before you
— which, if you trewly knew, I asur my selfe you wold
pitti me, but most espescially your poour unfortunat
frind wich relyeth holy on your honnarabell and wontid
fafor.

Thus.

Entreats Cecil's Intercession on her Husband's behalf.

407

I knoo in my own soule — wich sumthing knooeth his
mind — that hee douth, and ever hath doon, not unlly
honered the Keng, but naturally loveth him. And God
knooeth 1 far from him to wish him harme, but
to have spent his life as soune for him as ani cretuer
leveng. I most humly besiech your Honnar — even for God
sake — to be good unto him ; to onns more make him
your cretur, your relifed 2 frind ; and dell with the Keng
for him — for onn that is more worti of fafor than mani
eles ; having worthe, and onnesti, and wisdom to be a
frind. Pitti the name of your ancient frind on his poour
littell cretuer,3 wich may leve to honnar you ; that wee
all may lift up our handes and hartes in prayeur for you
and youres. Bind this 4 our pooure famelies to prayes 5
your honnar and wonted good natur. Let the hole
world prayes 6 your love to my poour unfortunat hosban.
For Cristis sake, wich rewardeth all mercies, pitti his
just case ; 6 and God for his infeni marci bles you for
ever, and work in the Keng merci.
I am not abell, I protest befor God, to stand on my
trembling leges, otherwies I wold have waited now on
you ; or be derectid holy by you,
Shee that will trewly honnar you in all misfortune,
E. Ralegh.
Addressed : " To the most honnarabell my Lord Cissell, &°c. &c."
Endorsed: "1603. Lady Ralegh to my Lord."
1 "it was," or some like words, have here, it is obvious, been omitted in
the writer's agitation. relieved.
3 Walter, their son, then about eight years of age.
4 For these. s praise. 6 cause.

LETTER IX.
1603.
Nov. 18?
Entreaties
for his in
tercessionwith the
King
on her
husband's behalf.

408

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER X.
[1604?]
Lady Ralegh to
LordCranborne.Entreaty
for his
interposi
tion against
seizures
made by
the Earl of
Notting
ham, under
pretext of
grants from King
James, of
part of
Sir W.
Ralegh's
posses
sions.

1604.

X.

LADY RALEGH TO SECRETARY LORD VISCOUNT
CRANBORNE.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cxc. § 6 (Hatfield). Holograph.
Without date.
My good Lord,
As it hath plesed your Lordshept hetherto to be
our only cumfort in our lamentabell misfortuns, so I
most humbly beseich your Lordshept, both in cumpas
sion and justes, to speke one word to me Lord Admirall
not to take from us by strong hand that which his
Magesti hath geven us for our relife.
I might have hoped that me Lord Admirall— if wee
might hope for anithing from any leving man — would
rather have geveng us sumthing back agayne of his
great porcion. His Lordshepe hath six thowsand
pound, and three thowsand pound a yeare, by my
husban's falle. And, since hit pleseth God that his
Lordship shall build uppon our ruines, which wee never
suspected, yet the porcion is great and I trust sufficient,
out of onn1 poour gentelman's fortun to take all that
remaines, and not to louke backe before his Magisti's
grant, and take from us the debts past, wich your Lord
shept knoos ware stayed from us, by a proclamation,
befor my husban was suspected of ani offence.
If me Lord's grant do beare them, and his conscience
warrant hime, wee must yeild willingly to Gode's will

Entreats Cecil's Interposition against Lord Nottingham.

409

and the King's. But if me Lord Admirall have no onn 1
word, in his grant, for them, then what neither the Keng,
lawe, nor conscience, have geven from us, I trust his
Lordship will espare us willingly.
God knous that our debts ar above three thoussand
pound, and the bread and foode taken from me and my
children will never augment my Lorde's table, though hit
famish us. If your Lordshept, without his Lordship's
ofens, can in charitie parswade his Lordshept to relin
quish ether all, or but the half, of that wich belongs not
unto him, wee shall be more and more bound to your
Lordshept. Who, being unworthi to be a frind, will remaine your
Lordsheptes poour servant,
E. Ralegh.
Addressed : " To the right honorable the Lord Vicount CRANBORNE, &°c. &=c."
Endorsed, in Lord Cranborne's hand : " 1604. Lady Ralegh."
The endorsement is followed by a list of names which reads thus : —
Lady Rawlegh. Lady Saltingstone. Lady Woodroofe. Lady Bronker.
Lady Pawlett. Lady St. Leger. Mrs. Killegrew. Lady Kings-
mell. Lady Cornwallis. Lady Oxenbridg. Lady Throgmorton.
Lady Walssh. Lady Sydley. Lady Herbert. Mrs. Blanch. Lady
Martin [?]. Lady Cheek. Lady Trafford. Mrs. Goring.

I 609? XI.
LADY RALEGH TO KING JAMES THE FIRST.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cxcv. § 85 (Hatfield)- Undated.
Without subscription or signature.
I BESEICH your Majestie, in the mercies of JESUS
Christ, to signifie your gracious pleasure concerning

410

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER XI.
1609?
LadyRalegh to
the King.
Entreatythat the
Kingwould
spare to
herself and her
children
some frag
ment of
Ralegh's
Dorsetshireestates, —
of which
the bulk
had been
given to
Carr, after
the gift of
Ralegh's
other pos
sessions to
the Earl of
Notting
ham.

my self and my poore children : That, whereas your
Majestie hath disposed of all my husband's estate, to
the valew of four thowsand pound a yeare, so that ther
remayneth nothing to geve me and my children bread
but one fee farme held of the Bishop of SARUM, which
your Majestie hath bestowed upon my husband during
his life, that 1 it will please your Majestie of your aboun-
dant goodnes to relinquish your Majesties right in the
reversion of that farm, and suffer those poore harmless
children to injoy the same, in imitation of the most just
and mercifull God, who though Hee punished the fathers
yet Hee gave the land to the guileless and innocent
children. And wee shall ever pray to God for the
continewance and increase of your Majesties deerest
cumfortes.Headed : " The humble Petition of the Ladie RALEGH."
%* Attached to this Petition, in the present (and recent)
arrangement of the Cecil Papers at Hatfield, is the following
Draft of a royal letter to the Lord Treasurer Salisbury,
which Draft bears this endorsement in the hand of the Lord
Treasurer's secretary :
Draught of a Warrant to pass to the Lady Ralegh, and her
children, all his Majesties interest in the lands.
' Salsburie, ' Wheras We understand that by rigor of law the
' reversion of Sir Walter Ralegh's lands may come
' into Our hands, yet seing his conveiance was made in
' the Queen Our Sister's time, as also because We have
' given to him self those lands for his own life, Our
• pleasure is that you cause a grant to be drawn for Us
1 So repeated in MS.

Delays in payment of her Annuity from the Exchcqu,

er.

411

' to signe, wherin all Our title and interest may be past
' over unto his wife and children, that We be no more
' troubled with their pittifull cries and complaints for
' that busines.'

1 6 1 7.

LETTER XI.
1609?

XII.

LADY RALEGH TO SIR JULIUS. CESAR.
From the Original. MS. Lansdowne, cxlii. fol. 282 (formerly numbered
' 292 '). (British Museum.) Wholly in the hand of an Amanuensis.
Without date. Written in 161 7, after Sir Walter Ralegh's departure
for Guiana.
Sir, May it please you to call to mynd that when my
husband's land was taken away from hym and gyven
to my Lord of Somersett, all meanes and offices being
gone from hym before, it then pleased the Kyng's Ma
jestie to graunt his Patents to me, and after me to my
eldest sonne, [for] 400/. by yeare, to be paid oute of the
Exchequer. I then understanding the payments were
slow, I desired a covenant of the Lords for performance of
that payment, which I had, under their hands and seales,
as your Honour knoweth : — the Earle of Salisbury,
being then Treasurer ; the Earle of Northampton ;
the Earle of Somersett ; and yourself. The two first
Earles having performed their covenant with Death, the
third beinge not in case to perform any covenant, I must
flye to yourselfe, whose honor and charity is such as
I make no doubt but you will see me satisfyed and
relieved in this my just desire, being agreeable to His

LETTER XII.
[1617. After
June 30.]
LadyRalegh to
Sir Julius
Caesar. Delays in
the pay
ment of
her annuity
from the
Exchequer.

412

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER XII.
[1617. After
June 30.]

Majesties expresse comandement that I should receyve
my payment without molestation or delay, — which I
am dayly put of1 by Mr. Byngley.2 I should have
receyved 200/. at Michaelmas ; most of it being long due
to poore men from Sir Walter, for his necessaries ;
and the rest to mayntayne me till Our Lady day. But
I have not received one penny from the Exchequer
synce Sir WALTER went.
I beseech you, Sir, to take some order for this, that I
may not be thus contynually pynsshed for the payment
thereof ; and that you will be earnest with Mr. Byngley
and the officers that I may not be thus put of, from
tyme to tyme; but that I may receyve ytt somewhat
orderly ; paying the fees due, which is fyve pounds in
the 100/. Thus, desyring your honorable remembrance
and speedy helpe, I rest att your service,
E. Raleigh.
Addressed :
71? my honorable good friend, Sir JULIUS Cesar, Knight, Master oj
the Rolles, and one of His Majesties most honorable Pryvy Councell.
Endorsed, by Sir Julius Cjesar :
The Lady Raleigh, that, according to the Kings Letters Patent and the
Commissioner^ covenant, she may receive her yearly annuity from
the Receipt of the Exchequer.
1 off.
2 An officer of the Treasury, under the Lord Treasurer Suffolk ; and
the "Sir John Bingley" of Bacon's speech against Suffolk, in the Star
Chamber ; where he is described as pimping for Lady Suffolk in her sale,
for bribes, of her influence over the Treasurer.

On the Burial of Sir Walter Ralegh.

413

1 6 1 8.
XIII.
LADY RALEGH TO SIR NICHOLAS CAREW.
As printed (from the Original?) by Manning and Bray, History of Surrey,
vol. ii. p. 495.
*#* Nothing, I believe, is now known of the causes which
led to the interment of Sir Walter Ralegh, in St. Margaret's
Church at Westminster, instead of at Beddington, as this
Letter shows to have been at first intended.
I DESIAR, good brother, that you will be plessed to let
me berri the worthi boddi of my nobell hosban, Sur
Walter Ralegh, in your chorche at Beddington, wher
I desiar to be berred. The Lordes have geven me his
ded boddi, thought1 they denied me his life. This nit
hee shall be brought you with two or three of my men.
Let me here presently. God hold me in my wites. E. R.
Addressed :
To my best brother, Sur Nicholas Carew, at Beddington.

XIV.
LADY RALEGH TO LADY CAREW.
From a copy made by direction of Sir Thomas Wilson. Domestic
Correspondence: James I. vol. ciii. § 76 (Rolls House)-
Maddam, As I remember when your Ladyship was last with
me you towld me that you knew Sir Thomas Wilson
1 though.

LETTER XIII.
I6l8.
Oct. 30?
Lady
Ralegh to
SirN.Carew.On the
burial of
Sir Walter
Ralegh.

LETTER xiv.
1618.
Nov.?

414

Letters of Lady Ralegh.

LETTER XIV.
I6l8.
Nov.?
Lady Ralegh to
Lady Carew.
Entreaty
for the
exercise of
her influ
ence to
prevent the
seizure, by
SirT.
Wilson, of
Ralegh'sLibrary.

well, adding therunto good commendacions of him, I
beseech your Ladyship that you will doe me the favour
as to intreat him to surcease the pursuit of my husband's
bookes or lybrary : they being all the land and lyveing
which he left his poore child, hopeing that he would
inheritt him in those only, and that he would apply
himself to learninge to be fytt for them, which request I
hope I shall fullfill as farre as in me lyeth. Sir THOMAS
WILSON hath already, by vertue of the Kinge's letter,
fetched away all his mathematicall instruments. One of
them cost a £100 when it was made. I was promised
them all againe, but I have not receyved one back. If
there were any of theis books, God forbid but Sir
THOMAS should have them, for His Majestie, — if they
were rare, and not to be hadd elswhere. But they tell
me that Byll, the book-bynder or stacioner, hath the
verry same. Thus intreating your Ladyship's favour
that you wilbe a meane unto Sir Thomas that I may be
troubled noe more in this matter concerning the bookes ;
haveing hadd so many unspeakable losses and troubles
as none of worth will seek to molest me, but rather
give me comfort and help. Thus I rest, ever to be
comanded, and to love you truly,
E. Ralegh.1

1 The "Lady Carew,'' to whom this letter is addressed, was Joyce
Clopton, wife of George, Lord Carew of Clopton, the cousin and life-long
friend of Ralegh, and afterwards Earl of Totnes.

Ralegh's Answer to the Complaints of Albert Reynardson. 415

II.— COMMERCIAL AND PRIVATEERING
ENTERPRISE S. 1 5 89- 1 602.
I.
PRIVATEERING ENTERPRISE OF 1589.
The Answer of Sir Walter Ralegh to the
Complaints of Albert Reynardson.
From the Original. Cssar Papers, in MS. Lansdowne, vol. cxliv.
ff. 57-60 (British Museum).
To the first I aunswer, that my shippe being uppon the
coast of Spayne the 26 of December last, mett with
a hulke of the burthen of 350 tonns, named in an ould
passe which they had out of the Admiralty, dated in
July 1587, The Aitngell Gabriel, but in their bills of
ladinge the Jobe of Hamborough and Middleborough ;
which shippe came into Spaine by the backside of
Ireland, in company with some of the King of Spaines
fleete that had bene here. Yt appeered by diverse
letters that were in her that much of the goodes did
properly belonge to one GEYTOR, an inhabitant in
Cadys, and their maryed, and other Spaniards. Uppon
theis presumpcions the Capten sent her to Plimmowthe
by a gentleman of good accompt and lyving, named
Arthur Hals; who at his comminge did send me
such letters as were found in her, which I sent pre
sently to the Judge of the Admiralty. And he, upon
deliberate hearing and examinacion of the letters and
circumstaunces, graunted a commyssion to Sir John

APPENDIX II.
Commercial and
Privateer
ing Enter
prises. 1589-1602.

416

Privateering Enterprise of 15 89.

APPENDIX n.
Commer cial and
Privateer
ing Enter
prises. 1589-1602.
Ralegh'sAnswer to
Reynard
son.

Gilbert, Knight, the Maior of Plimmowth, Chris
topher Harris, Esquire, NICHOLAS JONES, Gentleman,
and Marten White, to take the possession of the
goodes and putt them in safe keeping. By vertue
wherof the goods were unladen by inventory, which
otherwise would have receaved greate spoile by the
leakedge of the wynes. That which they found is put
in safetie, and wilbe justly aunswered. If any spoile
were made before by any disordre of the company, I
disclayme and will not, neither am bound by lawe to
aunswer for them therin, having not medled with any
parte of the goodes. If she prove not prize, they may
have her delyvered by like order from the Admiralty.
Yet I thinke it as necessary (yf it shall so seeme good
to your Lordships) that she should serve her Majesty in
this journey if theie want shipping, as it is probable she
served the King of Spayne in his Armado.
To the Complaint of Walter Artson:—
To the second I aunswer, that I never heard by the
Captens or any of the company that Artson's factor,
or any such fower buttes of seeke, were taken into
my shippe, neither did Artson or any men from him
acquainte me with any such thinge. Their came none
of the wyne to my handes, if any such were taken ;
therefore I am not bound to make him satisfaccion.
Lett him charge the Capten, who", I doubt not, wilbe
well hable to aunswer him.
TO THE COMPLAINTE OF WALTER ARTSON
AND OTHERS: —
To the third I saie that although the shippe of Ham-
borough was laden with wheate to victuall the enimy,

Ralegh's Answer to the Complaint of Michael Leomans. 417

and the shipper confessed that the goodes hidden in the
wheate and taken out by the company of my shippe
did belonge and were conseyned to Spaniardes dwelling
in Spaine, and therefore desiered only to have his fraight
or assueraunce for the same, which the Capten of my
shippe gave him ; yet uppon such slender proofe as was
made to me by the merchant es of London and Ham-
borough (who have bene found to colour many such
matters) I gave present ordre that there goodes should
be all delivered them, without putting them to any
further proofe or charge, as they wilbe ready to testify.
And if their be any other that have goodes taken out of
that shippe (as I thinke their be none) that hereafter
shall come to me, I will give like order for restitucion.
To the Complaint of Michaell Leomans : —
To the furth I aunswer, that if any such sugar or
mace were taken, yt was in the time that my shippe
was in her Majesties service, wherof I never hearde,
neither came any part of it to my handes. Therfore I
am not to be charged with it, but the Capten, who is
sufficient to aunswer the same. I do much mervaile
that LEOMANS having bene often with me sithence the
time that he pretendeth such sugar and mace to be taken,
did never make any mocion to me of it, nor to any other
about me. This maketh me doubt, that he is a colourer
of this, as he and others are of matters of greater im-
portaunce ; seking the good and profitt of the common
enemy, with the losse and hindrance of such of her
Majesties subjects as to their great charge do adventure
upon reprizall.

APPENDIX II.
Commer
cial and
Privateer
ing Enter
prises. 1 589- 1602.

VOL. II.

E E

4i8

Ralegh's Enterprise for exporting

APPENDIX II.
Commercial and
Privateer
ing Enter
prises. 1589-1602.
Ralegh'sArticles,sent to the
Lords of
the Council.

II.

ENTERPRISE FOR THE EXPORTATION OF
PIPESTAVES FROM MUNSTER.
1 590-1602.
Articles to be considered touchinge the makinge and
transportinge of Pipestaves, etc. out of Irelande.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xxiv. § 68 (Hatfield).
First, the merchaunts of Waterford, Washeford,1 and
others, have heretofore of longe tyme used the trans
portinge of Pipestaves in to the Kinge of Spaynes cun-
treys, with other comodities as they best lyked, without
any restreinte.
Sir Walter Rawleigh, Henry Pyne, and theire
partners have transported only pipestaves and noe other
comoditie whatsoever.
There hath been transported in these three years
about 340,000 pipestaves, laden in 1 2 ships ; the trees
whereof they were made did not excede 700 tons of
tymber, which, there to be solde, were not worth £40.
And yet her Majestie hath receaved in custome, by
twoo shipps retorned from the Canaries for our ac
compte, about £300, and by the shipps laden by others
£600 or .£700, as by the Customs Books may appeare.
Out of the woodes of Moggeley-Gee and Kilcoran,
where this tymber hath byn felled, there hath not byn
1 Wexford.

Pipestaves from Munster.

419

taken the hundreth tree. And those woods lye from the
River of Lysfenny about three Englishe myles.
The place is of that nature that greate tymber can
hardely be conveyed forth of those woods ; but beinge
wroughte, we are driven to carrye them by horse and
on mens backs to our extreame charge. . . .
The Undertakers of this busines have disbursed in
theire buildings, the carryinge over of theire men, in
workemanshipp and other charges, above £5,000, whereof
there is not retorned the one halfe.
[It is then recited that the Undertakers entered on these
large disbursements on the faith of the Queen's Letters Patent
for fourteen years; and that above two hundred persons would
be thrown out of work by the stoppage of the enterprise, be
sides the indirect injuries to local trade. (See also Life,
chap. vi. ; Vol. I. pp. 94-103.)]

APPENDIX II.
Commer
cial and
Privateer
ing Enter
prises. 1 589-1602.

E E 2

420

Charts of Guiana.

APPENDIX III.
1596.
July II.
ThomasHarriotto Sir R.
Cecil.Proposals
for the
framing of
Charts of
Guiana,from the
papers of
Ralegh and
Keymis.

III. — CHARTS AND OTHER PREPARA
TIONS FOR THE FURTHER EXPLORA
TION AND COLONIZA TION OF GUIANA,
IN 1596.
THOMAS HARRIOT TO SECRETARY SIR R. CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. (Hatfield). Holograph.
Right Honorable Sir,
These are to let you understand that whereas, according
to your Honor's direction, I have been framing of a Charte out
of some such of Sir Walter's notes and writings which he
hath left behind him, — his principall Charte being carried with
him, — if it may please you, I do thinke most fit that the
discovery of Captain Kemish be added, in his due place,
before I finish it. It is of importance, and all Chartes which
had that coast before be very imperfecte, as in many thinges
elce. And that of Sir Walter's, although it were better in
that parte then any other, yet it was don but by intelligence
from the Indians, and this voyadge was specially for the dis
covery of the same ; which is, as I find, well and sufficiently
performed. And because the secrecy of these matters doth
much importe her Majesty and this State, I pray let me be
so bould as to crave that the dispach of the plotting and
describing be don only by me for you, according to the order
of trust that Sir Walter left with me, before his departure, in
that behalf, and as he hath usually don heretofore. If your
Honor have any notes from Sir Thomas Baskerville, if it may
please you to make me acquaynted with them, that which they
will manifest of other particularytyes then that before Sir
Walter hath described shall also be set downe.

Exploration and Colonisation of Guiana.

421

Although Captain Kemish be not come home rich, yet he
hath don the speciall thing which he was injoined to do, as1
the discovery of the coast betwixt the river of Amasones and
Orinico, where are many goodly harbors for the greatest ships
her Majesty hath and any nomber ; wher there are great rivers,
and more then probability of great good to be don by them
for Guiana, as by any other way or to other rich contryes
borderinge upon it. As also, the discovery of the mouth of
Orinico it self, — a good harbor and free passage for ingresse
and egresse of most of the ordinary ships of England, above
3 hundred miles into the contry. Insomuch that Berreo
wondred much of our mens comming up so far; so that it
seemeth they know not of that passage. Nether could they,
or can possibly, find it from Trinidado ; from whence usually
they have made their discoveryes. But if it be don by them
the shortest way, it must be don out of Spayne. Now, if it
shall please her Majesty to undertake the entreprise, or permitte
it in her subjectes, by her order, countenance, and authority,
for the supplanting of those that are now gotten thither, I
thinke it of great importance to keepe that which is don as
secretly as we may, lest the Spaniardes learne to know those
harbors and entrances, and worke to prevent us.
And because I understand that the master of the ship with
Captain Kemish is somewhat carelesse of this, by geving and
selling copyes of his travelles and plottes of discoveryes, I
thought it my dutye to remember it unto your wisdome, that
some order might be taken for the prevention of such incon
veniences as may thereby follow : by geving authority to some
Justice, or the Mayor, to call him before them, and to take all
his writinges and chartes or papers that concerne this discovery,
or any elce, in other mens handes, that he hath sold or con
veyed them into ; and to send them sealed to your Honor, as
also to take bond for his further secrecy on that behalf. And
the like order to be taken by those others, as we shall further
1 Meaning ' that is, ''

422

Charts of Guiana.

APPENDIX III.
Charts,&c. of
Guiana. I596-
July n.

informe your Honor of, that have any such plots, which yet, for
myne owne parte, I know not of; or any other order, by
sending for him up or otherwise, as to your wisdome shall
seeme best.
Concerning the Eldorado which hath been shewed your
Honor out of the Spanish booke of Acosta, which you had
from Wright, and I have seene, when I shall have that favour
as but to speake with you I shall shew you that it is not ours —
that we meane — there being three. Nether doth he say, or
meane, that Amazones river and Orinoco is all one, — as some,
I feare, do averre to your Honor; as by good profe out of that
booke alone I can make manifest ; and by other meanes
besides then this discovery, I can put it out of all dout.
To be breef, I am at your Honor's comandement in love
and duty farther then I can sodeynly expresse for haste. I
will wayte upon you at Court, or here at London, about any of
these matters or any others, at any time, if I might have but
that favour as to heare so much. I dare not presume of my
selfe, for some former respectes. My fidelity hath never been
impeached, and I take that order that it never shall. I make
no application. And I beseech your Honor to pardon my
boldnes, because of haste. My meaning is allwayes good.
j And so I most humbly take my leave. This Sonday, nth of
July, 1596. Your Honor's most ready at commandement
in all services I may,
Tho. Harriote.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir ROBERT ClCILL, Knight, Principall
Secretary to Her Majesty, these.
Endorsed :
11 July, 1596. Mr. Harriott to my Master.

Charts and Documents concerning Guiana.

4^3

SIR GEORGE TRENCHARD AND SIR RALPH
HORSEY TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. § 17 (Hatfield). In the
hand of an Amanuensis.
Right Honorable,
To the purporte of your letters we have received into our
handes, the Plott or Discovery of the Indias voyage, with other
bookes which your Honour wrotte for, beinge in the custody
of one Samuell Mace and William Downe, whoe, uppon
delyvery of them, made greate mone and complaynt unto us
that the same shoulde be taken from them ; doubtinge thereby
that other men shoulde take the benifitt of their travell, and
soe defeate Sir Walter Raughley and them selves of the
prosecution of their harde and daungerous adventure begone.
In so muche that uppon monefull complaynt, beinge poore men
and had great charge this voyage, beinge the onlye thinge they
relye uppon for their good, — havinge bine imployed divers
tymes before in the action to their great losse and hinderance,
— by them selves and frindes have intreated us to solicite your
Honor this far : That you wilbe pleased to let the Plotts
remayne in our handes till Sir Walter Rawleighe returne —
uppon whom yt shoulde seeme they wholy stande, — to be to
him in salfty delivered ; hopinge thereby to be further imployed
by him in the said service ; for whom they judge your Honour
undertakes this that is done. In regarde whereof they hope
your Honour will afforde them this favour. Yf otherwyse, these
thinges that are in our custodye shalbe addressed to your
Honor, with all the conveniency that maye bee. And soe, with
the remembrance of our humble dutyes, doe take our leave.
From Dorchester, the last of July, 1596.
Your Honours at commande,
Georg Trenchard. Raufe Horsey.
Addressed : " To the right honorable our very good friend, Sir Robert
Cecyll, Knight, Principall Secretary to her Majestie, give theis. "
Endorsed: " Sir Georg Trenchard and Sir Ralfe Horsey. Last July, 1596."

appendix hi.
1596.
J^y 3'-
SirG.
Trenchard and Sir
R. Horsey
to Sir
R. Cecil.
From Dorches
ter. Relating
to certain
documentsconcerning Guiana.

424

Charts of Guiana.

appendix III.
1596.
Aug. 10.
SirG.
Trenchard
and Sir
R. Horsey
to Sir
R. Cecil.
Withcertain
charts and
documents
relating to
Guiana.

SIR GEORGE TRENCHARD AND SIR RALPH
HORSEY TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.

From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xliii. § 72 (Hatfield).
hand of an Amanuensis. Signed.

In the

Right Honorable,
Accordinge to your direction, wee have sent, by the
ordinary poste, the Indyan Carde,1 with two others not per
fected, with a red booke and two other paper bookes. All
which wee founde in the howse of one Samuell Macye and
William Downe ; one of which marriners wee judge will not
be longe behinde his carde and bookes, hopinge to obtayne
some favour at your Honours handes, to be imployed in the
prosequution of the accion and for the obtayninge of the same
agayne. And so, with the remembrance of our dewtyes, doe
moste humblye take our leaves, wishinge your Honor longe
happynes. From Wolveton, the xth of Auguste, 1596.
Your Honours to commaunde,
Georg Trenchard. Raufe Horsey.
Addressed :
To the right honorable our very good friend, Sir Robert Cecyll,
Knight, Principal Secretary to Her Majestie, give theis.
Endorsed :
10 Aug. 1596. Sir George Trenchard; Sir Ralph Horsey; to
my Master.
1 Chart.

Arrival of Ralegh and others at Sandwich.

425

IV.— JOURNEY OF RALEGH AND COBHAM
TO OSTEND, IN JUL Y 1600.

HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM, K.G. TO
SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, Pillar C b iv. § 100 (Hatfield).
Holograph.
May it please you, Sir,— This nyght, Sir Walter
Rawley, with the rest of your pour frinds, cam to
Sandwich, coming hither all the way by watter. We
had thought to have found my Lord of Northumber
land at Margat, but at our coming thether we under-
stod that Sir Edward Hobie [h]ad invited his Lordship
to Quinborow, so that hee cam not thether so soun as
wee imagined.
At Margatt, by Sir Henrie Palmer, wee understod
that for certayntie the Stats had raysed thear seag befor
Newport, and that thear armie was seated befor the fort
called Isabella, by Ostend ; and that all the shipping
that was within the Haven of Newport was commaunded
to goe presently thens, which gav the mor probabilitie
that then the Stats armei was gon from befor Newport.
But sins our coming to Sandwich all this former rap
port is contraried. And from1 them that this day cam
from thens hav assured us that the Stats armie is still
befor Neuport. So that now, God willing, we hould
our former determination, and mean to morrow morning,
1 So in MS.; the form of the sentence being altered towards its con
clusion.

APPENDIX IV.
Ralegh's
Journey to
Ostend. 1600.
July 10,
LordCobham
to Sir R,
Cecil.From Sandwioh,
Arrival of
Sir W.
Ralegh
and other
friends of
Cecil at
Sandwich,— News of
the war in
the Low
Countries,

426

Journey of Ralegh and Cobham to Ostend, in 1600.

appendix iv.
Ralegh's
journey to
Ostend. 1 600.
July 10.

by 4 of the clok, to goo abord the Queens ship The
Adventure, for Ostend.
Upon our arivall thear you shall hear from us. We
hope to keep our tym of retourn, which I promised unto
her Majestie. But, in this occasion, I hope that the
precise tym of our retourn will not be expected.
This1 1 thought good to acquant you with our purpos ;
and not having other occasion to troble you mor, I leve
you to God's protection. From Sandwich, the 10 of
July, 1600. Your loving brother in lawe to commaund,
Henry Cobham.
Addressed :
To the right honorable Sir Robert Cecyll, Knight, Her Majesties
Principall Secretary, and one of her Privy Consell.

Thus.

Arabella Stuart's willingness to make Disclosures.

427

-IMPRISONMENT OF THE LADY ARA
BELLA STUART, IN 1602-1603.

ELIZABETH, DOWAGER COUNTESS . OF SHREWS
BURY, TO SECRETARY SIR ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xci. § 105 (Hatfield)-
[Extract.]
Arbell is nowe in minde, as she sayth, to make the
parties name that she favoreth knowne to hir Majestie
by any yt shall please hir Highnes to send hither, as
maye appeare by hir owne letter to you here inclosed.1
For that Sir Henry Brouncker hath ben ymployed
before in theise matters, hir humble suit is that he maye
be sent agayne. He is a verie discreete gentleman.
She sayth she would more willingly imparte hir minde
to him that doth alredie understand some part of theise
matters, then to another.
I wishe she had ben better advised then to have
entred into any of theise courses, without hir Majesties
good allowance and appoyntment. The Almightie for
ever prosper hir sacred Majestie. And so, wishing, Sec.
1 The inclosure here spoken of does not now accompany Lady Shrews
bury's letter.

APPENDIX v.
Imprison
ment of
Arabella
Stuart.1602-1603. Feb. 6.
DowagerCountessof Shrews
bury to Sir
R. Cecil.
From Hardwick.
Arabella's
willingness to make
disclosures, and her
desire to
see Sir H.
Brouncker.

428

Imprisonment of the Lady Arabella Stuart.

APPENDIX v.
Imprisonment of
ArabellaStuart. 1602-1603. March.
The Lady
Arabella Stuart to
Sir Henry
Brouncker.From Hardwick.
Acknow
ledgments of past
kindness. — Protest
against the
Commis
sion of
Inquirynow en
trusted to
hirn.— -

II.

THE LADY ARABELLA STUART TO SIR HENRY
BROUNCKER.
From the Original. Cecil Papers (§ Royal Letters), vol. cxxv.
ff. 130-142 (Hatfield).
[Extracts.]
%* The portions here printed of this long and somewhat
hysterical letter contain its full pith and substance. What is
omitted is, for the most part, mere amplification of what is
given. SIR, As1 you weare a private person I found all humanity
and courtesy from you, and whilest I live will thanck-
fully acknowledge it, and with all humility and duty
yeild Hir Majesty more due thanckes for first choosing
and after, upon my humble suite, reemploying you, then
for any or all the favours I have received from Hir
Majesty since my birth to this day ; and, if they weare
all sett together, it farre exceedeth them all.
But your Commission was, as it seemed, so strangely
streight that it was not possible Hir Majesties expecta
tion should be better satisfied, which as I know it pro
ceeded not of Hir Majesties gratious disposition, so was
it not altogether long of me, but others, I dealt as I did.
And you perceived somm2 truthes which I confessed not ;
as you promised somm favours I found not. When it
shall please Hir Majesty to afford me those ordinary
1 Here used in the sense of 'when.'
2 MS. ' sofh,' and so in other like cases.

Lady Arabella's Complaint of the Queen's Ill-usage.

429

rightes which other subjectes cannot be debarred of
justly, I shall endevour to receive them as thanckfully
now, as if they had binne in due time offred ; though the
best part of my time be past, whearin (my hart being
not so seasoned with sorrow as it is) comfort should
have binne wellcomm, and better bestowed because my
hart was not then so overworne with just1 unkindnesse.
And Sorrow hath binne capable of joy, and thanckfully
glad of evry small kindnesse or favour.
They are dead whom I loved. They have forsaken
me in whom I trusted. I am dangerous to my guilt-
lesse frends — in all respects, if it weare not because
they are my frends, as worthy Hir Highnesse' favour
able countenance as theyr unjustly (to my disgrace, and
their hurt) favoured enimies. So that I must conclude —
as a privat person, I would trust you as soone as any
gentelman I know, upon small aquaintance ; but whilest
Hir Majesty referreth the managing of any matter to
those 2 counselors,2 Hir Majesty shall be abused. For
I am able to prove Hir Majesty is highely abused in this
matter, and I dare say no more then I have ; and will
rather loose my life then utter one word more then I
have donne. Nay I will rather dishonour my selfe so
much3 to deny what I have affirmed, then committ my
cause to theyr partiall examination and relation.
You delivered me at your first comming a most
gratious message, whearin I apparently4 discerned the
long diswonted beames of Hir Majesties gratious in
clination to me. I sincerely delivered the truth, and
was rewarded with a most hard censure and frustration
1 So in MS. ; but obviously, the writer here employs the word 'unkind-
ness ' in the sense of ' resentment.'
"I.e. Secretary Sir Robert Cecil and Vice- Chamberlain Sir John
Stanhope. 3 The word ' as' is here to be understood.
4 In the sense of ' obviously. '

APPENDIX v.
Imprison
ment of
Arabella Stuart.1602-1603. March.
Com
plaints of
the Queen's
ill-usage of
her,throughthe adverse
influence of Sir R.
Cecil and
of Sir J.
Stanhope.
— Allusions
to her love
affairs and
their im
pediments.

43°

Imprisonment of the Lady Arabella Stuart.

APPENDIX V.
Imprison
ment of
Arabella Stuart. 1602-1603. March.

of my most earnest and reasonable suites that I might
attend on Hir Majesty, or be from my Grandmother at
least. But my woodden yoake was made of iron, and I
can beare it, as long as I thinck good to convince them
that impose it of hardnesse of heart ; and shake it off
when I thinck good to take my Christian liberty, which
either shall be apparently1 denied me and the whole
world made judge upon what cause or coulour, or how
justly given or taken, and by whom; or must be pre
vented by a reflux of Hir Majesties favour to me in
greater measure then I have hitherto found .-—which I
do not doubt of, if it would please Hir Majesty to take
that course which hir royall inclination would take to
those of hir own blood, if it weare not, to my great
astonishment, diverted from them to these 2 counselled
kinred. They favour theyr kinred, against Hir Ma^
jesties. Hir Majesty defendeth not her innocent, un
stained bloud, against theyr mallice. Doth Hir Majesty
favour the Lady Catherine's husband2 more then the
Earl of Essex' frend?3 Are the Stanhopes and
CECILLES able to hinder or diminish the good reputa>
tion of a STUART, — Hir Majesty being judge ? Have I
stained Hir Majesties, bloud to unworthy or doubtfull
marriage? Have I claimed my land these 11 yeares,
though I had Hir Majesties promise I should have it ?
And hath my Lord of HARTFORD regarded Hir Ma
jesties expresse commaundment, and threatened and
felt indignation so much ? Have I forborne so long
to send to the King of Scots to expostulat his unkind-
nesse, and declare my minde to him in many matters ;
1 In the sense of 'obviously' or 'openly.'
2 The Earl of Hertford, married to the Lady Katherine Grey, and
grandfather of William Seymour, afterwards the husband of Arabella
Stuart- 3 I. e. the writer herself.

Lady Arabella's Complaint of the Queen's Ill-usage.

431

and have no more thanckes for my labour? Doth it
please Hir Majesty to commaund me by hir letter, in
Mr. Secretarye's hand, to my Grandmother, to be
soudainely examined for avoiding excuses ? And will
it not please hir, by a letter of hir owne hand, to com
maund that which Hir Majesty cannot commaund, as
my Souverin, but as my most honoured, loved, and
trusted kinswoman ? Shall I many weekes expect what
I most earnestly begged and longed for ; and must I
reveale the secrettes of my heart, importing my soule,
my life, all I hold deare in this world, in a shorter
time then at your now first comming I told you I
could ; when it seemes Hir Majesty careth not for
knowing anything concerning me, but to breake my
just desires ?
Shall Mr. HOLFORD1 be sent for by commission, and
.1 not have commission to send for whom I will, and I
not protest I have hard mesure ? Who can graunt out
the Commission which can, even in good nature, good
manners, or equity, require such a confession ? Have I
conceiled this matter thus long from frends, servants,
kinsfolkes, — all the world, — to reveale it now ?
Jhon Good2 was so extremely, cunningly, and
partially handled, and I so injuriously intreated, that
they who have either occasioned, executed, furthered,
or suffred such rigour to light on me, and so long to
continu, may thanck themselves if they have lost all
the interest of voluntary obedience they had in me.
Do you thinck, I say, that I will reveale that to my
servants or frends now, which shall be prejudiciall for
1 An officer in Lady Arabella's service.
2 Good, also, was fn the writer's service; and it would seem that the
treatment here referred to occurred upon occasion of a former commission
of inquiry into the circumstances of an alleged contract of marriage.

APPENDIX V.
Imprisonment of
ArabellaStuart. 1602-1603. March.

432

Imprisonment of the Lady Arabella Stuart.

APPENDIX V.
Imprisonment of
ArabellaStuart. 1602-1603. March.

them to be suspected to ghesse at, — much more to
know, — much more to conceale ? I can assure you all
that are of my counsell are out of all possibility of
danger, and out of your reach. Neither doth Hir Ma
jesties commaundment prevail so farre, though her fame
and intreaty be every where glorious and powerfull.
And, for my selfe, I will rather spitt my tongue in my
Examiner, or Torturer's, face, then it shall be said, — to
the dishonour of Hir Majesties abused authority and
bloud, — an extorted truth came out of my lippes.
It would have binne an eternall honour to Hir Ma
jesty that she, whom neither the Privy Signet nor the
Great Seale of England had availed in great matters
and ordinary courses, durst trust the 2 first lines of hir
Souveraine's hand, after such a retrograde course as
hathe binne held against me these many yeares, with
that infinitely deare adventure. If Hir Majesty have.
regarded my contentment, or most bitter teares of dis
content, heartofore ; I may hope Hir Highnesse may do
so hearafter. And so Hir Highnesse hath, when a noble
unintreated mediatour, who now holdeth his peace, hath
delivered his opinion of my traictement. But I am
growne a woman, and thearfore, by Hir Majesties own
saying, am not allowed the liberty of graunting lawfull
favors to piincely sutors. How, then, dare subjects
justify theyr nost justifiable affection ?

Admitt I had binne in love, and would
have declared his name; I assure you on my faith I
would have delivered it you in writing, and, by my
good will, have seene you no more after, till I had binne

Allusions to her Love Affairs and their Impediments.

433

out of feare of blushing, — which though I did not, as I
thinck, while you weare heere, I should have done ; or
at least did, within few dayes after you weare gonne.
But theare was somm cause, though very little. But it
was true, and no suposition or false accusation, or autho
rised examination, which wrought that (with me) very
unusuall effect; which I am lothe to be accused by,
though it be a very fallible conjecture even with me, or
I thinck any body ; then by the false tonges of as many
as list to conspire with my enimies in uttering, sooth
ing,1 and augmenting theyr authorised lies. And thear
fore, what so ever an other would do, I know and assure
you I would rather write then speake my minde in a
love-matter, espetially of my owne.

I have conquerd my affection. I have cast away my
hopes. I have forsaken all comfort. I have submitted
my body and fortune to more subjection then could be
commaunded. I have disposed of my liberty. I have
cutt off all meanes of your attaineing what you seeke,
till you seeke it of me by such meanes as I tell you.

From Hardwick, this Ash Wensday.
Your pore frend,
Arbella Stuart.
1 ' To sooth ' would here appear to be used in the sense of ' to confirm '
or 'corroborate.'

APPENDIX v.
Imprison
ment of
Arabella Stuart. 1602-1603. March.

VOL. II.

F F

434

Imprisonment of the Lady Arabella Stuart.

III.

APPENDIX V.
Imprison
ment of
Arabella
Stuart. 1602-1603. March ?
Lady Ara
bellaStuart
to the
Countess
of Shrews
bury.Love
affairs.

THE LADY ARABELLA STUART TO THE DOWAGER
COUNTESS OF SHREWSBURY.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cxxxv. § 143 (Hatfield).
[Extract. ]
As I may compare the love
of this worthy gentleman (which I have already unre-
vocably accepted and confirmed, and will never deny,
nor cannot nor will repent, whatsoever befall) to gold
which hath bine so often purified that I cannot find one
fault to me, — jelousy onely excepted, — so I have dealt
unkindly, shrewdly, proudly, with him.1 And if any
living have cause to thinck me proud or shrewd it is
he, whom I have loved too well (even since I could love),
to hide any thought, word, or deede of mine from him,
unlesse it weare to aw him a little, when I thought his
love converted into hate ; for I did him the wrong to
thinck so a great while.

1 " Being demanded what this gentleman was, with whom she
hath ' dealt so unkyndly, ' ... she answeared that it was ' the Kinge of
Scots, — with whom, I appeale to Nelson, whether I have dealt privily or
noe.' . . . ." (Report of the Examination of the Lady Arbella, 2nd March,
1602-3; Cecil Papers, vol. cxxxv. § 153. Hatfield.) The Nelson here
' ' appealed to " was one of her servants. Well might the fair examinant
write, a few days afterwards : "lean overrule my tongue, howsoever I am
overruled otherwise." (Ibid.) She had declared, before the examination,
that nothing should be wrung from her which it was her wish to conceal.
Sir Henry Brouncker, in his official report, says that her answers were
such as to excite a suspicion — at least for the moment — that her mind was
disordered. It would almost seem, from some of her own letters, that she
desired, at' this time, to excite such a suspicion. But obviously her most
passionate desire was to escape from the guardianship of her grandmother.

Brouncker s Uncertainty about the Succession.

435

IV.

SIR HENRY BROUNCKER TO SECRETARY SIR
ROBERT CECIL.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xcii. § 73 (Hatfield).
[Extract.]
Howbeit, if there be no other remedye but
I must here attende the heavy evente of future evills,
God's will be don. I am resolved in life and death to
love you, and will pray that God will rewarde your well
deservinge of your friends and contry with unexpected
happynes. For myself, I can hope for no contentmente
nor saftye, nor know how to direct my course, unles it
may please you to advertise me whether anythinge be
resolved concerning a Successor; that so I may shewe
my faythfulnes to the State, which through my ignoraunce
of your Honor's jugement and proceedings may be
broughte in question. And, besides, I know not whether
(after Her Majesties decease) I may retayne the Lady
Arbella, without a warrante under the Great Seale of
Englande ; whereof I desire to be resolved, least, affect
ing the reputation of faithfulnes, I incurr the opinion of
indiscretion, and cumme into daunger.

APPENDIX v.
Imprison ment of
ArabellaStuart. 1603.
March 25.
Sir H.
Brounckeito Sir R.
Cecil. FromHardwick.His uncer
tainty as
to the
Council's
resolves about the
Succession ;
and as to
the con
tinued im
prisonmentof the
Lady Ara
bella.

F F 2

436

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1 602.
[Probably, between
March and
June.]

VI. -THE PLOTS AND COUNTERPLOTS OF
1 602- 1 603.

I.

LORD HENRY HOWARD (afterwards Earl of North
ampton) TO SECRETARY SIR R. CECIL.
[Extracts.]
From the original Minutes or rough draft. MS. Cotton, Titus, C vi.
ff. 386-392 (British Museum). Holograph. " Without date, super
scription, or address ; and imperfect. Headed, in Sir Robt. Cotton's
hand : 'Contra Rawlegh et Cobham.'
[The beginning is wanting.']
to crave for their owne pleasur, and to your
future prejudice.1
1 There is, somewhere, another MS. of portions of this letter, or letters,
which I have been unable to find. It appears to have been used by the
Editors of the Oxford edition of the Works of Ralegh, and is there quoted
as one of the " Burghley Papers." Lord Burghley died in 1598. This cor
respondence began in 1602. What is given of it in the collective Works
(vol. viii. pp. 756-770) so abounds in errors of transcription, and in false
readings, that a large proportion of the matter there printed is scarcely
intelligible. In several instances, one half of a sentence is inaccurately
printed, and the other half is omitted, without explanation or remark.
What is here given, from the writer's autograph, is printed word for word,
as in the original, wherever the Editor was able to read it. Illegible or
doubtful words are specified in the foot-notes. The Oxford print affords no
help towards completing the imperfect and obviously important sentence
with which the autograph Minute in MS. Titus, C'vi., begins. That
Minute, it may be added, bears the look of a mere rough draft ; but part
of its confused state is probably due to the blunder of the bookbinder in
collation.

Suggestions as to Means of injuring Ralegh and Cobham.

437

The first thinge, therefor, that must be don is to pre-
par the Quene's mynd to accept mor willinglie, and mor
easilie beleve, the proposition wee afterward menntion,
or opportunitie shall caus to be delivered. Hir Majesty
must knowe the rage of their discontent for want of
being called to that height which they affect ; and made
to taste the perrill that growes out of discontented
mynds, untamed by due reverence of loyaltie. She
must know that the blame is only laid on hir, in their
opinion, though danger make them seek to cover and
disguis the reste1; — complayning to their frends of
ministers of State, and threatninge the better sort, — with
words of spleen and passion, — to requit their curtesie, if
occasion be offered.
This course, if there wear anie vertewe or valewe in
the men, I doo confess myght make a fearfull princess
more enclinabel to give them entranc,2 for fear of work
ing mischief in the State ; — as the philosopher adviseth
wise howsholders : ' Dare pueris crepitacula, ne quid per-
fringant in domol But the Queen doth so well under
stand their levitie, indignitye, and slander, and 3 interest
which theie hold in the world's conceit; — acordinge to
that exposition of the word Thecel by the prophet Daniel :
Appensus es in statera, et inventus minus habens ; as ther
is no doute of hir relentinge. So that roundly hir Ma
jestie must daily, and by divers meanes, be let to knowe
the worlde's apprehendinge hir deepe wisdome in discern-
inge the secret flawes of their affections. She must see
some advertisements from forrain parts of the greif which
1 This word is doubtful.
2 Meaning entrance into the Privy Council. Compare the passage in
Cecil's Letter to Sir George Carew (written in June 1601), quoted in Vol. I.
p. 262, with passages in R. Whyte's letters to Sir R. Sydney, of same
date, printed by Arthur Collins, in the Sydney Papers.
3 So in MS.; 'the' being omitted.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1602.
[Probably, between
March and
June.]
Lord Henry
Howardto Sir R.
Cecil.Suggestions as to
the means
of injuring
Ralegh
and Cobham
in the
Queen's
opinion. —
Impedi
ments
to the
Queen's
service
arising out
of their
unpopu
larity. —
Advice
that Cobham
should be
employed
in some
negotiation with
Spain.

438

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602- 1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter plots of
1 602 -1 603.
1602.
[Probably, between
March and
June.]

the Quene's enimes doo take at their sittinge x out ;
hoping that their placinge in authoritye wold so farr
aliene the peoples reverent affection, as some mischef
wold succeed of it. She must be taught to see the perrill
that growes unto princes by protectinge, countenancing,
or entertaininge persons odious to multituds, without
necessity to warrant grace. For ther is no question but
EMPSON and DUDLEY had a kinde of serviceable en-
clination to the present State, in the time of the King hir
grandfather ; and yet, at the cominge in of Henry the 8,
no sacrifice besids their lives could be found proximately,1
for the people's discontent,2 though both LOUVEL and
the Bishoppe of Durham, that wear councellors to the
deceased, did all they coulde to quitt them of extremitye.
Some pageants of theirs must be brought to light dailye,
that maie move her spleene, and cheflie — if it be possible
— some touch wherin theie seeke to make some benefit
of the Quene by delusion or cousening. The
Queene must know the weakenesse of theas gouvernors
in places which they have in charge, and howe much is
often drawen from the service by the distast of their in-
solencye. For as her Majesty hath first, — as reason is
in the eie of observatioun, — the furderanc of her owne
ends, so must she be perswaded that those shrincke by
weakenesse of the ministers that deale in them. She
must be told what canons ar concluded in the Chapter of
Durham, whear. Rawlye's wife is presedent ; and withall
how weakely COBHAM is induced to comende the courses
that ar secretelie inspired by the consente of that fellow-
shyppe. Evrie one havinge at his hart a mortall gripe
of some particuler that vexeth him : NORTHUMBERLAND
1 So in MS.
2 Here the MS. repeats the words ' besids their lives ' of the line imme
diately above.

Suggestions as to Means of injuring Ralegh and Cobham.

439

is mad that any man should be thought so fit for place
of martiall employment as himself, havinge never before
the last year's siege, beholden either place or service that
might make him capable of any command in a less
jeopardaie ; Cobham dies to think that any man alive
should be thought so fitt for any place that falles,
vewinge both his owne person and his quality in glasses
of false presumption. Rawlie, that in pride ex-
ceedeth all men alive, findes no vent for paradoxis, out
of a councell bord ; but, holdinge absolutelie lost to him
what others gaine, inspireth Cobham with his owne
passions, that by such a trunk they may be carried to
another ear ; and cares not at what rate he purchase
opportunitie to vex others, having no great hope of
ascending to his owne altitude. His wife, as furious as
PROSERPINA with failinge of that restitution in Court
which flatterie had moved her to expecte, bendes her
whole witts and industrie to the disturbance of all mo
tions, by councell and encouragement, that may disturbe
the possibilitie of others' hopes, sine her owne cannot be
securid. It should be put into the Queene's head
indirectlie howe unable men ar to advertis any point
of moment, that ar hated in a State. For intelligenc is
grownded uppon trust ; and all men are very farr from
trustinge persons neither valewed for worth, nor affected
for curtesy. Thus much touchinge the discussion that
must be used, in distastinge the Quenes judgement
toward them, in such sort as I said befor, that she may
be more apt to receave impressions of more importante
reasons, when time serves with opportunitye.
Out of the division of provinces wherof we spake
befor, it doth behove us to direct our industry that everie
motion may be caried uppon his proper poles. . The
waie that COBHAM hath elected to ingreate himself is

APPENDIX VI.
Plols and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1602.
[Probably, between
March and
June.]

V

440

The Plots and Counterplots of 1 602- 1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1 602- 1 603.
1602.
[Probably, between
March and
June.]

fol. 387,
verso.

by the Peace with Spaine, — which hath so many diffi-
cultes as will rather confound his dizziness then reward
his industry. But as my Lord of Lester dealt with my
brother1 — finding his humor apte to deale with Scotland,
when he thrust him into treatie about thos affayrs,
assuringe him self that either he should loos the Quene
for the present, or the other Quene for the futur — so
must you embark this gallant COBHAM by your witt and
interest, in some cours the Spanish waie, as either may
reveale his weakenesse or snare his ambition. If the
Queen wear once constant to her first election, or un-
movable by circumstance from those degrees wheron
she pitcheth her direction in primo motu, ther wear
littell good to be don. But sine you maie be sure of
the advantage first in hand with hir [?], and afterward,
in treating that, if things 2 be beheld 2 to come forward,
you maie turne the streame another waie ; and if theie
be not, breake the neck of the negotiation, — either by
imputation of wants, or aggestion of error, or insinuation
of inwardenesse, or ascription of infelicity. Be not
unwilling both befor occasion of any further employ
ment, to ingage him in the traffick with suspected
ministers ; and, uppon the first occasion of farther
treatie, to make him the minister. For my own part,
I account it unpossible for him to scape the snares which
wit may sett, and weakenesse is apt to fall into. The
Quene did never yet love man that fayled in a project
of importance put into his hand.

1 Thomas, ninth Duke of Norfolk (fourth of the Howard dukes), who
was attainted and beheaded in 1572.
2 These two words are somewhat conjectural, being scarcely legible.
They seem, however, to be the right reading.

Suggestions as to Means of injuring Ralegh and Cobham. 441

We see that theas two gallants, having 'one chosen to
converse inter a/ifafiia, . . . devide their provinces at
this day, touching traffick of the State, with so great
artifice, as, if the Peac goo forward, Cobham prospers
by his industri; if it doo not, RAWLIE by his opposition.
In matter of intelligence Cobham is commended as
most secret ; in matter of action Rawlie blazed as
most sufficient. Cobham in discoursing hath holden a
kind of privelege to vent his passions ; Rawly, to
temporize. Cobham must have the rough hand of
Esau, in exeqution of rigor ; Rawlie, the softe voic of
Jacob in courtlye hypocrisy. Cobham must delight,
seconde, inveigle, and possesse the Queen's opinion,—
by improving dangers, casting figurs, and contrivinge
invectives against the Scottish hopes, pretensions, and
actions. Rawly must insinuat his own affection,
applaud their expectations, and concurr with them.
Cobham must in all things tender1 the consirvation
of the present State, to maintayn his owne tenur.
Rawlie must perswad anticipation, for prouf of
knowne destini. Cobham must exclayme against the
small account and reckininge that is made of noblemen.
Rawlie must in all discoursis hold them to bee fooles,
and therby unsufficient for charge ; or cowhards, and
therfore uncapable of lieutenancye. Cobham must
relate, and gain the credit of the Queen's satisfaction ;
Rawly must inspir and romanc ; secur from justifica
tion. Cobham must be the block almighte, that gives
oracles; Rawlie must [be] the cogginge spirit that
still prompteth it.
The patience of theis in being thus well pleased with a
cupp of cold water, when their sowle doth thirst for aqua
1 Apparently, this is the reading of the MS., but the word is doubtful.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1602-1603. 1602.
[Probably, between
March and
June.]

fol. 390.

fol. 390,
verso.

442

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602- 1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter plots of
1 002- 1 603.
1602.
[Probably, between
March and
June.]

vitce of the highest kinde ; their humble carriage, in so
great oppression of hart ; their dissimulation of supposed
and pretended wrongs ; their resolution to watch ; their
custome to praye ; their satisfaction to fast ; — in pre
sence1 [?] of that sufficiency to judge — of that agility
to cumpare — of that temper to prayte — of that encli-
nation to stirr — of that disposition to mutine — of that
eagerness to revenge — maie move you to conclud that
in their own judgments they conclud the ruin of their
credit is uppon opposition to you, and the weaknesse of
their advantages, upon contradiction of opposits. Wher
uppon, since it is certain that this lough in the wind
is only for advantage for the ventinge of their passions ;
and this advantage cannot choos but growe by time,
uppon occasions that ar either publick or privat ; it
wear good to gain the start, — which winns the garland
in all prizes of this natur ; and cutte down the thorne,
befor the time come wherin it can make account to take
hold of you. For to give them a blowe in the Queen's
conceit — once possessid with suspicion and prejudice
after their suggestions — must of necessity be found mor
harde then nowe, when neither the Quene, for her privat
humor, nor the State, for any publick use or employment,
doth stande in any need of them.
Since, therfor, the maine foundatiouns of the futur
buildinge in a diverse elemente is grounded upon Peace
with Spaine, and combination with the North ; out of
theas two respects there may be waies invented to
dissolve them, befor they ascend into those higher
regions that should sende them backe, like meteors,
with combustion of crudites.
That out of Scotland littell good is to be don, we
1 This word is doubtful. In the MS. it is abbreviated, and looks like
' prsn,' or 'phsn,' of which it is hard to make any sense.

Suggestions as to Means of injuring Ralegh and Cobham. 443

gather by their daintiness to write ; by the littell good
they gotte, or their sollicitor, at the last embazy ; by
their diffidence in that untrustie nation; by their un
certainty of the Kinge's acceptance ; and in respect of
the danger that may yet growe to them, in the case they
should not accept — like the witches of Sevile in Spain,
which, having all renownced their beleafe, yet wear not
all possessed of the power of illusion — by causing their
knight first to sownde the passage, befor they put in
their foot ; by giltiness of their own opposition to
persons, that in favor have the start ; by danger of
discoverie, — consideringe the Secretarie 1 doth not favor
it. Without their adventur, we can derive no grownd
of operation. Of their adventuringe, against so many
palissados of pike, there is no probability in such
craftie fellowes. Therefor the life of operation, in this
degree, may be reputed desperat.
I have hard it noted in my Lord of SUSSEX that
when my Lord of LESTER had no other way to take
advantage of his oversights, but by stopping the
springs of bowntie (sine he lived farr above his rate),
. . it stirred him so forcibly, out of unkindness,
emulation, necessitie, and disdayne ; as in a passion he
grewe, — twice or thrice in my time, — to speake thos
words to the Quene which lost him absolutelie that
advantage which temperance, attendance, and respect
, to take his best advantage in dewe time, might have
steaded him much, to the knapping in sunder of thos
spider-webbes that wear only spun for rash adventurers
that wear not masters of their owne abilitye. It did
my Lord of Lester no great good, as I conceav, — that
1 So in MS., meaning either Cecil himself, or else the Scottish Secretary
of State.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1602-1603. 1602.
[Probably, between
March and
June. ]

fol. 392.

444

The Plots and Counterplots of 1 602-1 603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1602.
[Probably, between
March and
June.]

furie thrust out, through passion uppon a sodain thwart
[more?1] then repentance afterward could cooleTformen
growe more wise ; yet Princes growe not less sensitive.
It is trewe that theas wear greater men of worth and
vallew, but not in opinion and pride. And therfor by
howe much this man [Ralegh] wanteth better helpes
by nature, art, or industry, to countenanc a pride above
the greatest Lucifer that hath lived in our age, by so
much shall he sooner runne himself on ground in rage,
and make the Queen more sensitive in scorninge so
great sawciness in so great infirmity. Besids the sparks
and flabs of fier that will break out of conflict, assur your
self it will enflame him with some violent desir uppon
the sodain to shuffle the Stoik ; and findinge that his
rest is set uppon so slender cards, looke all the waies and
wrinches that he can, for a better gain ; which will bring
him into that snare which he wold shunn otherwise.
If it wear possible to drawe ' 30 ' [King James the
Sixth] to consent that advantage might be taken of
their traffick with his ministers, — or by interception of
meanes and instruments that concurr in termino, by
making his own satisfaction their rendezvous, — it wear
not possible to make shorter nor surer work, then by
this overtur. But as they will not write, without some
stronge motive of confidenc ; and after such a warrant
is awarded by the King he will not willingly permitt
the cancellinge or defacer of his owne workemanshyppe,
therfor no good is to be brought to pass in that cir-
cumferenc. Besids, it maie be that the King will be
afraid that such a scandale maie discourage others for
embarkinge, out of fear that ther is intelligence betwen
the scowts and the enemy.

1 This, or some other like word, is wanting in MS. to complete the sentence.

D' Arenbergh' s Desire for a renewed Conference.

445

II.

THE COUNT OF ARENBERGH TO HENRY BROOKE,
LORD COBHAM.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. xcvi. § 53 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Monsieur, L' AFFECTION et zele que je porte au bien publicq
m'ha donne courrage de vous escripre la presente, pour
entendre si vous demeurez encores pres de vous si con
stant qu'il n'y peult avoir aultre conference, sans que
nous envoions pour trauter chez vous.
Je vous supplie, Monsieur, me voulloir tant obliger de
me faire entendre librement sur cela votre opinion ; ne
faisant doubte d'une bonne responce bien agreable : vous
asseurant que je m'emploieray tant affectueusement
pardeia en ce faict, comme je voy que la calamite en
quoy le pais et generallement tout la Chrestiente est, le
requiert ; — m'asseurant reciproquement de votre bonne
affection a ce bon ceuvre tant publicq ; et avecque cest
asseurance je demeureray, Monsieur,
Votre bien humble et tres afifectione
serviteur,
Charles d'Arenbergh.
De Bruxelles, le 22me de qbre, 1602.
[Postscript] — Long temps y a que j'attende avecq
devotion la pourtraiture par moy tant desire, lequel, je

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1602.
Nov. 22.
Count
Arenberghto Lord
Cobham.From Biussels.Desire for
a renewed
conference.
— Import
ance of a
Peace. —
His wish
to receive
a promised
portrait.

446

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602— 1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1602.
Nov. 22.

vous promets, sera si bien venu comme I'affection de
l'avoir me presse.
Addressed :
A Monsieur, Monsieur Cobham, Chevalier de I'Ordre Gartiere, Gentil-
homme de la Chambre de la Serenissime Reyne d' Atigleterre, et
Gouverneur des Cincq Ports.
Endorsed : " 22 November, iboz. Count of Arenbergh to my Lord Cobham.
From Brussells."

1603.
May 23.
Lord
Cobham
to Sir R.
Cecil.From
Black Friars.Corre
spondence
with the
Count of
Arenbergh

III.
HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM, KG. TO SECRE
TARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. c. § 33 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
May it pleas your Lordship,
This berer, sonn to Martin De La Falie,1 brought
me this letter of recommendation from the Count of
ARENBERG, whow it seams had a desir to com and see
his Majestie and our new world. The partie, as I under-
' stand, hath both kindred hear,2 and divers honest mer
chants that be of acquaintens. I hear but honestly and
well of him. His abod with him will- not be many days,
but 8 hath a intension to retourn.
ARENBERG doth imagin my credit to be as formerly
it was. Otherwis, he wold recommend his frinds to
others then to my sealf, who far may better stead them.
I hold it my part to acquaint you herwith. And so I
committ your Lordship to God's protection.
From my hous in the Black Friers, the 23 of May,
1603. Your Lordship's humbly to commaund,
Henry Cobham.

1 Faille.

2 here.

3 Original letter thus omits "he'

Cobham's Thanks for promotion of his Suit to go abroad. 447

[POSTSCRIPT.] — May it pleas your Lordship, I wold
be loth in any kind to be offensive to your Lordship, but
wold willingly, if it pleas you, wayght upon you at your
next coming to your hous, which if I may know, and
that you will send for me, I shall tak it as a great favour.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my very good Lord, tlie Lord ClSELL, his
Majesties Principall Secretarie.
Endorsed :
23 May, 1603. Lord Cobham to my Lord.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1602-1603. 1603.
May 23.

IV

HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM, TO SECRETARY
LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the OriginaL Cecil Papers, vol. t. § 36 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
May it pleas your Lordship,
I PROTEST befor God I cam away from you yeaster-
day, as well satisfised ; and your undertaking for me to
his Majestie that I may traveyl presently [? I take] mor
kindly then I can express. And I protest unto you that
conceatt of unkindnes on my part is clean wiped away.
For I take this favour from you as an argument of
your respect towards me.
In my pellicular, now, I will desir to be behoulding
unto your Lordship. Your Lordship may pleas to re
member that I have a licens of cloths.1 For me now to
stand upon it, I know I should not prevayll ; and therfor
1 I.e. a licence for the exportation of woollens at reduced rates of duty ;
such as had frequently been granted to Leicester, to Burghley, to Hatton,
and to Ralegh.

1603.
May 24.
LordCobhamto Lord
Cecil.Thanks for
the pro
motion of
his suit for
leave to go
abroad. —
Patent for
Exporta
tion of
Woollens.

448

The Plots and Counterplots of 1 602-1 603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
May 24.

1603.
July 22.
George
Brooke to
Lord Cecil.

will not undertake impossibilities. But in this kind I
may receav favour, and sum profitt, — by your favourable
letter unto Stone, the mercer, who is Maister of the
Company of the Clothworkers. Hee may deall with
them to compound with me for my Patent. Sum two
or 3 words unto him — that you will thanck him, if this
he will undertake for me — and this wilbe effected ; and
you a means to bring sum ,£400 to my purs, which wer
better gotten then lost. If this you will do, I humbly
pray that your letter may be sent me by this berer, and
if it wer written with your own hand it wold be to my
most advantage. Excuse, I humbly pray your Lordship,
my bouldnes ; and so I humbly take my leav. From
my hous in the Black Friers, the 24 of May, 1603.
Your Lordship's humbly to commaund,
Henry Cobham.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my very good Lord, the Lord Cisell, his
Majesties Principall Secrelarie.
Endorsed :
24 May, 1603. Lord Cobham to my Lord.

V.
GEORGE BROOKE TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL.1
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 85 (Hatfield).
[Extract.] 2
Sir, I PERCEAVE that I am fallen quicke into Hell;
nether can I finde any other comforte in it but this,—
1 On the back of this letter Lord Cecil has written : " Ralegh's book,
Cecill House."
2 The omission is indicated by dots. It is quite immaterial to the
subject of this book.

Brooke's Entreaties for the continuance of Cecil 's Favour. 449

that I hope I shalbe excused from it in the world to
come. The sensible and daily declininge of my health,
I know not whether I may take joy in or no ; the value
of alle such things dependinge upon variable circum
stance. You know that I am not precious unto my self;
but what my care is, I have ingenuously imparted unto
you, and confidently thrown myself upon your Honor.
I remember what I have receaved from you, and doubt
not of it ; yeat do I hold my self bound to sollicite in a
matter of this importance, and still to entreat that you
will not be weary to move the Kinge for grace, and that
he will not exempt us only out of this great and uni
versal jubilee. . . . .

I would not appeare other unto you, but such as you
might have joy of me when you had restored me.
[Postscript] — If you come to this place, let me
entreat to speak privately with yourself.

VI.

HENRY BROOKE, LORD COBHAM, TO SECRETARY
LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 87 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
Your Lordship did ons or twis ask me tochinghe my
purpos for the Ladie Arbella: It is a hard taske for
me to remember every conceat that past in my humour
of. discontentment; and, when all is known that can
VOL. 11. G G

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
July 22.
Complaints of
misery. —
Entreaties
for the
continuance of
Cecil'sfavour.

1603.
July 23.
LordCobham
to Lord
Cecil.

4SO

The Plots and Counterplots of 1 602-1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
July 23.
Cobham's
intercoursewith, and
projectconcerning, Arabella Stuart. —
Lapse of
time since
the project
was con
ceived and
aban
doned.

1603.
Aug. 12.
Sir W.
Waad to
Lord Cecil.

be, it wilbe found far idell, and no such ground of foun
dation on my part as I fear me both by other's confes-
tions and your Lordship's aprehensions is conceved.
For, if I hav erred, it was soon salved : for God is my
wittnes, when I sawe her, I resolved never to hazard my
estat for her. And lett the tyme be compared when
this conceat cam into me, and how loung it was sins I
ever spak, or thought, of it : Your Lordship shall per-
ceave it soon died, and never had a reviving sins.
God mayk yow aprehensive of the afflixion I am in,
and dispos your hart to yeald me comfort, if it be His
will. And so I humbly tak my leav. From the Tour
of London, the 23 of July, 1603.
Youre poore distresed and comfortles brother in law,
Henry Cobham.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my very good Lord, the Lord ClSEIX, His
Majesties Principall Secretaire.

VII.
SIR WILLIAM WAAD TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL
OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 1 1 1 (Hatfield)- In the hand
of an Amanuensis ? Signed.
IT MAY PLEASE YOUR HONORABLE LORDSHIP,
I HAVE examyned again WALTER PENYCOCKE
upon those interrogatoryes I receaved, and fynd he
before had awnswered the cheefest part of the artycles
concerning the letters he carryed in the cape of his

Examination of Walter Penycuik.

45 1

cloke, — and not in his doublet, — which were from the
Lord COBHAM to the Cownt of Aremberge, as in a
former Confession your Lordship may fynd. The other
letter was from ' Riotelli ' [? x] unto Martin De La
Faylla. For the fyrst artycle, how he was set at lyberty at
Plimmouthe, he affyrmethe it was by the Maior, in re
gard he had no meanes to pay for his dyet.
For his sendinge in post to Brussells, it was not upon
his return from Plimmowth, as he saythe. But he con-
fesseth he was once sent from the Fyscall with letters to
Brussels. But what those letters did concern he knowes
not, and never was ther, as he saythe, but that one
tyme. He further saythe he receaved but one hundreth
florins for sea victuals, and no more. He also saythe
he brought no letters hether in Aprill ; but came over
for the ransom of SAUNDERS JHONSON. But in June
he brought letters to La Fayla.2
He knoweth not the other post that came with him,
other then that he is post for the Admiraltye at Dun-
kirke and Brussels. And thus, having set downe his
awnsweres, I do make ready those observations I can
collect owt of the Examinations of George Brook and
Watson, and will gyve my attendance on the Lords to
morrow, as your Lordship doth dyrect me.
Yf your Lordship will be pleased to let me have the
first Relations WATSON brought with him, ther maybe
somthinge picked out of them.
I heer do humbly acknowledge your Lordship's honor
able favors, and offer the uttermost indevors of a trew

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
Aug. 12.
Examina
tion of one
Penycuik,
a Scottish
messenger betweenLordCobham and the
Count of
Arenbergh.

1 This name is not, to the Editor, legible.
the reading is merely conjectural.
2 See Lord Cobham's Letter of May 23.
G G 2

It looks like 'riotelli,' but

452

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
Aug. 12.

1603.
Aug. 14.
Confession
of Thomas
Markham.
— The plot
of Griffin
Markham
and others
for sur
prising the
Court, and
the Tower
of London.

and sincere affeccion, with which I wilbe allwayes at the
commandment of your honorable Lordship,
W. Waad.
12 August, 1603.
Addressed :
To the ryght honorable my especyall good Lord, the Lord Cecill,
Principall Secritarye to His Majesty.
Endorsed :
1603. August 12. Sir William Waad to my Lord.

VIII.
THE DECLARATION AND CONFESSION OF
THOMAS MARKHAM.
August 14, 1603.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 114 (Hatfield).
My brother1 answering for himself, hathe nowe given
me free liberty to confess the trueth ; before the which
my case was thus desperate that I was dyrectly bound
either to conceal the accion or els dyrectly to forswear
my self ; and besids indainger the betraying of my owne
brother. All that ever my brother acquainted me withall, there
fore, I do here now confesse. At the first, he swore me
to the Oath, — the which, as farr as I remember, con
sisted onely upon theis three points : the first was for
the advauncement of the Catholique Churche ; the second,
for the safe preservacion of the prince ; and the last, to
keepe the accion secrett. He moreover tolde me that he
1 Sir Griffin Markham,

Confession of Thomas Markham.

453

well hoped they should procure a thowsand ; and, if not
so manie, he made but litle doubt of five hundred ; the
which he thought would serve the turne.
I did moreover understand by him that my Lord
Gray and Mr. Brooke were actors.
The Plott was to enter the Court, and the Tower,
bothe at an instant ; and was to be performed on Mid-
somer day. To the which purpose he brought both my
brother x and my self up, — whoe tooke the oath with me.
To this was I brought into (as I beseeche you consider)
by a brother whome I did much respect. For the which
I protest I am infinitly sorry, and do humbly submitt
my self unto the King's Majesty's- mercy and your
Lordships'.
Tho. Markham.
The 14th of August, 1603.
[Postscript.] — This was forgotten : Howe they detir-
mined to have surprized the King's person, and as manie
of the Counsell as the 2 could, and to have put them all
into the Tower.
Tho. Markham.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
Aug. 14.

Exmd per W. Waad.
1 Charles Markham, whose examination is contained in the same volume
of the Hatfield MSS. (ci. § 118). The interview between the three brothers,
referred to in this statement, seems to have taken place on or about the
1 2th of June.. a they.

454

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
July? or
August ?
Interroga
tories for
WilliamWatson.

IX.
"CERTEN QUEERIES MINISTRED UNTO
WILLIAM WATSON." 1
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. (Hatfield).
1. To set down the time when it was first propounded
to undertake any accion.
2. From whome came the mocion ?
3. What was resolved to be don, and whoe were ac
quainted with the true intencion of their purpose ? Or
how manie thinges were resolved of as heads : — as the
Surprizing of the Kinge ; the takeing of the Tower ; the
takeing of the Counsell, — removing some ; — calling others
in question ; — apointing new officers ; — creations with
new dignityes ; . . 2 Parlament ; the Maior, Allder-
men, and Cheife Officers to be imprisoned ; Ostages to
be taken ; Pencions to be bestowed from Spaine ; Setting
up the Catholicque Religion ?
4. How manie meetings had they, and which of them
were togeather at those Conferencies; what was handled?
and to set downe the times and places.
5. To set downe the time which3 the Accion should
have bin attempted.
1 In the margin of these Questions is a list of names, bearing the heading
" Divers- Preists, " and reading thus : — Darques. Owen. Harding. W.
Gage. Fitzgerald. Harell Swyft. W. Vaughan. Geo. Herbert. Ashey[?].
The last-written name is now scarcely legible.
2 What here follows is illegible ; probably by an erasure.
3 So in MS.; the word 'at' being probably omitted.

Interrogatories for William Watson.

>r55

6. The places to be named where the Kinge should
have bin surprized, and the manner.
7. The cheife Conductors ; what charge every man
should have had.
8. To set downe how manie of those named by Wat-
SON (that should have joyned with them) had bin delt
withall by himselfe, and whoe, by others ; And how
manie men were acquainted with the Plott ; How manie
tooke the Oathe, and howe farr every man was ingaged.
9. To set downe every mans opinion for the surprizing
of the Tower ; — how it should have bin don ?
10. Whoe were the persons that were sent into the
country to raise men ?

X.

AN ABSTRACT BY SIR WILLIAM WAAD, FOR THE
USE OF SECRETARY LORD CECIL, OF "A LARGE
DECLARATLON OF WILLIAM WATSON, OF
THE i&th OF AUGUST, 1603."

From the Original.

Cecil Papers (Hatfield).
Sir Wm. Waad.

In the handwriting of

I REMEMBER out of Mr. BENSON'S Relation there was
mention made of my speeche unto him for rescuing of
the Kinge upon Midsomer day at night, or about that
time. At which time I tould him ther was, as I under-

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1602-1603. 1603.
July? or
August ?

1603.
Aug. 18.
Waad'sAbstractof the
" Declara
tion of
WilliamWatson.''

456

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

stood, a practise in hand by my Lord Gray and the
Puritains against His Majestie. This Relation brings
one thinge to my minde which I had forgotten, to witt,
how that I still altered my motives to urge men on to be
in a readines for His Majesties defence and furthering
of the Catholike cause, according to the diversityes of
chaunges in mens opinions. Daungers increasing dayly
to His Majesties person, I mooved it as one1 upon a,
speeche of Mr. Broake's unto me about that same time
(and it was before my Lord Gray had entered in with
us) ; to witt, Mr. BROAKE and I talked togeather of the
daungers His Majestie was in, — yea, and the whole
Realme, — and how he had heard of a most daungerous
plott intended for a generall confussion and distruccion
of all, which was to begine by coming by coming z
in thorroughe Scotlande at first; — but whether the
Spaniards] or the Frenche, or bothe, I know not.
Onely this I remember, he told me of the Count of
AREMBERGE some things that in both our conceipts
did seeme to make it manifest that the great masse of
monie reported to be in the Jesuits' disposing was moste
of it from the said Count, as impossible for all the Ca-
tholikes in Englande to raise so muche of themselves.
And withall wee had some speeche then also of his
brother my Lord Cobham and Sir WALTER RAWLEY
— how they two stood for the Spanishe faction ; at what
time something (as I take it) was spoken concerning Sir
Walter's surprizing of the King's Fleete, as Mr. Coply
hathe noted ; and what it was I cannot possibly call to
mynde. But, for my Lord Gray, thus it was, as farr as I can
remember touching that pointe : Mr. Brooke being with
his brother my Lord COBHAM, whoe tould him then (as
1 So in MS. 2 So repeated in original MS.

Waad 's A bstract of the ' Declaration of J I rm. J I 'also a.' 45 7

I take it) that one MILES Gerrard (whoe is wholly
Jesuited, and dweles at Trent in Somersetshire) whis-
. pered him in the eare,1 bid him be of good comforte, for
his Lordship should see the Catholikes very shortly ease
bothe his Lordship and others, and send redresse, &c.
About which time (as I take it), my Lord Gray and
Sir Walter Rawley were there, at the Black Fryers,
and shewed, every one of them, great discontent, but
especyally the two Lords ; my Lord COBHAM discover
ing his revenge to no lesse then the depriving of his
Majestie and all his royall issue both of crowne, king-
dome, liff, and all, at once.2 And my Lord Gray (to
use Mr. BROOKE'S owne words unto me) uttering no
thing but treason at every worde, and soe forward to
doe something for revenge, as he seemed even despe
rate in a sort.
Hereupon, all theis circumstances concuring togeather,
I used that of my Lord Grayes intent and others,
to hasten on Mr. Benson, and others, as occacion
was offered ; and withall, upon a motion of Sir GRIFFIN
Markham for weapons, I wished Mr. Benson to send
to his sonne to bring up his armor brought out
of Ireland to be solde. But Sir GRIFFIN tould me,
afterwards, there would neede no armes, save only
caliveres to breake open locks withall, if neede were.
And afterwards, when Mr. Brooke and Sir Griffin
Markham had drawne my Lord Gray to them, yet did
1 The word ' and' would seem here to have been omitted by the scribe.
2 The whole of this and the preceding paragraph, from the words "ana
withall wee had some speeche," consists, it is obvious, of an amplification — at
third hand — of the statements of George Brooke ; statements, too, the
most material of which were earnestly retracted by Brooke, when at the
point of death. As regards Watson, they were hearsays. To those who
now read them, they are an ' abstract ' of Watson's hearsays, drawn up
by Sir William Waad.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
Aug. 18.

458

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
Aug. 18.

I still, to some, use the same perswacion as before to be
reddy to defend the Kinge, against the Lord GRAY and
the Puritanes faction ; partly to make Catholikes more
reddy to joyne in the Kings behalf, but moste especyally
indeede for that I still doubted of my Lord Gray, what
his intent might be (even when he was joyned to ours),
as well against the King's person as also against Catho
likes in gennerall, if he and his had prevayled. And
therefore was I carefull to learne oute by Mr. Brooke
what companie my Lord GRAY was able to bringe with
him, and withall that he might not prevent us nor over
rull all, but, — if it came to accion, — that either Sir
Griffin Markham or Master Copley might have the
guarde of the Kinges person ; and that accion in hand
for surprizing of his Majestie and my Lord 1 to be sett
to my Lord of SOUTHAMPTON, and those whome it was
thought he had an earnest desire to be revenged upon ;
and so his Majestie to have bin secured from him or
anie other of his ennemyes.

* *
*

This Declaration is not signed by Watson. It bears the
following subscription, in the hand of Sir William Waad :—
Taken out of a lardge Declaration of William Watson, of the
1 8th of August, 1603. " W. Waad."
1 Apparently, meaning Lord Cecil.

Letter of Cecil to A renbergh.

459

XI.

SECRETARY LORD CECIL (BY COMMAND OF KING
JAMES I.) TO THE COUNT OF ARENBERGH.
August 18, 1603.
From the original draft. In the hand of an Amanuensis, with corrections
in Lord Cecil's hand. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. ff. 121, 122 (Hatfield).
HIS Majesty finding by a late letter of yours written to
him that you doe interprett a former answeare of his
to you to import a promise for the absolute restrayninge
of all his subjects for goinge to serve the States of the
United Provinces, hath commanded me to lett you
understand that he cannot remember any cause given
you to make such an inference. For thereby he should
have promised to restrain his subjects of the common
and accustomed liberty which is used by all nations1 to
take the courses which are indifferently open unto such
persons as have not certain means to make their advan
tage,2 but by such accidents ; which, as before he could
never deny his subjects (as other Princes also have not
done in the like cases), so, of all times, now he could not
so abruptly have proceeded, without apparent shew to
abandon all respect unto the States;3 between whom
and his Crown of England divers contracts stood undis
solved. For it cannot be imputed to have in it any
meaning of partiality, considering that the same liberty
is left unto the Archdukes to be furnished with any
1 Here the word ' Princes ' has been supplied and then struck out, and
• nations' restored by Cecil in his own hand.
2 In the sense of ' livelihood ' or the like.
3 This clause is an insertion in Cecil's hand.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1 602 -1 603.
1603.
Aug. 1 8.
Letter of
Cecil to
Arenbergh;
showing the rela
tions sub
sistingbetween the King's
government and
that am
bassador
after the
examination of
RaleghandCobham.

460

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602- 1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
Aug. 18.

1603.
Aug. 20.

number of His Majesty's subjects, if they will proceed
by the same courses and means to draw Voluntaries to
their service.
Secondly, His Majesty having, as before was answered
you, sent unto the States purposely to represent his
resolution to hold peace with the Archdukes upon
honorable terms ; howsoever they should resolve to join
in treating or no with him, it were hard for him to
take so direct negative courses with them, before he
have heard how they stood affected to rely upon his
counsels.1 . . .......
And, therefore, in this matter he conceiveth that the
Count of Aremberge now will easily reconcile any
his mistaking of His Majesty's words, or any doubts of
His Majesty's sincerity, which shall never be easily vio
lated in any his Majesty's actions towards the meanest ;
— much less towards such Princes, of whose amity he
maketh such estimation.

XII.
SECRETARY LORD CECIL TO SIR G. HARVEY,
Lieutenant of the Tower.
From the original Minute. Cecil Papers, vol. ci. § 125 (Hatfield)-
. . . For any of their letters, I am not desirous
of them because I cannot procure their requests, which I
have no more power to effect then others ; neyther have
1 The following addition has been first written and then cancelled: —
" He hath only kept himself thus retentive as neither to yield letter,
commission, perswasion, or money, towards it ; but left them barely to
their own industry and charges."
The closing paragraph is in Lord Cecil's hand.

Letters of Supplication from Prisoners in the Tozver.

461

I less will to help them then any other, though I mislike
their fawlts. In it, therefore, Sir, I leave it to you,
neyther to grant to1 facilly nor deny to1 severly. For
it is no troble to me to heare, seing they are so wise as
they will be satisfied with mine honest and just answers'.
To my Lord Grey I pray you, Sir, retourne this
answer : that in any thing wherein his case may be
freended by me, without my prejudice in duty or mislike
in my Soverain, — I say it constantly and never will be
found untreu, — that I will do as much for him as I wold
ever have don for him in such a time when I held him
dearest ; protesting that, as I cannot accuse my self for
any thoght or desire to suppress, nay to hinder him when
he thoght me coldest or worst afected (thogh it is treu
that I had suspended my indevour to labour for him—
first, because I had somewhat els to do for others ; next,
because I saw him suspicious of me, which I bare with
because his estate might make him impatient), so all
those conceipts or misunderstandings are as clerly buried
as if they had not ben. This I write, not as needing or
using to disguise, but even for trewth's sake. To which
I only add this (and thereof I pray you require his
Lordship to make good observation), that notwith
standing this my profession, such is his fortune as he
cannot make to many freends ; which, if I thoght he
wold neglect one jott the rather because I have now
sayd cleerly that I am his freend (duty reserved), I pro
test that I wold say to him that I were his enemy ; and
so plainely, Sir, let him see mine owne woords, that he
may the better know my sense. For anything he will
send me, in writing, of his case, lett him know I will
receave nothing which I will not shew, at any time, to
all my Lords Commissioners ; and therfore let him be

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
Aug. 20.
Lord Cecil
to Sir G.
Harvey.Letters of
supplica tion from
the Pri
soners in
the Tower.
— Message
to Lord
Grey.

462

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602- 1 603.
1603.
Aug. 20.

1603.
August ?
Coke's" Abstract
of the
Treasons. ''

resolved that my friendship must in such thinges have
the precisest limitts,
For any other privat letter of request, if you signe
it, I will at any time receave it. For his reader, I wish
he had him, and will move my Lords. But if he come
in, he must not out againe.
Your loving and assured friend,
Ro. CECYLL.

XIII.
SIR EDWARD COKE'S " ABSTRACT OF THE
TREASONS."

From the Original.

Domestic Correspondence: 1603 (Rolls House).
Holograph.

Persons.

Out of the Examinations and proofes it appeareth
there were 3 severall treasons, which, for distinction
sake, I ame inforced to name by severall names.
!Lord Cobham.
Lord GREYE.
Sir Walter Raleighe.
George Brooke.
Sir Griffith Marcam.
Countie Arr[embergh].
The Spannishe By intelligence and meanes of ARREM-
Treason. BERGH to gett an(j obteyne 5 or 6 hundred
thousand crouns from Spaine, and 3 or 4 hundred thou
sand pounds from France. The Lord COBHAM to goe
to the Archduke to acquaint him with his purposes;
from thence to Spayne ; to retorne by the Isle of Jersey,
ther to mete and conferre with Sir WALTER RALEGH,

Coke's "Abstract of the Treasons'.'

463

and with the money to levie forces of discontented
persons to take away 'the Kinge and all his cubbes;'
and to bring in a Spanish army to land at Milford
Haven. The manner Lord COBHAM only with ARREMBERGH.
of the intern- RAWLEY only with Lord COBHAM. COB-
gence and '
conspiracye. HAM with Lord GREY, GEORGE BROOKE,
and Raleighe ; but severally. Brooke with Cobham.
Lord GREY and Marcam, severally. [ At my Lord Cobham's
house in London ;
at ARREMBERGH'S
lodginge in London.
The tyme : Within 5 dayes after ARREM-
BERGH'S coming to London.

Place.

Tyme.

The places where '
these treasons were"!
plotted :

2. The Priests' Treason.
To assemble force and strengthe, and on Midsom-
mer-day last, in the night, to come to the Parke pale at
Grenewich, to enter in by the gardein with a key, that
should be borowed ; and when the numbers were come
in, there should be a watche set at the dores of prin
cipall persons, and at the passages ; and then to goe up
to the King's lodging. And when they cam to the
KING, they should surprise his person, and cary him to
the Tower, and they would move him for 3 things : —
1, for there pardon ; 2, for tolleration of relligion ; 3, for
assuraunce thereof, to preferre Catholiques to places of
credit, as Watzon the priest to be Lord Keper ; Grey,
Erie Marshall ; GEORGE BROOKE, Lord Treasorer ; and
Marcam, Secretary. They concluded to cutt of many
of the Privy Councill, and to have made a Proclamation,
purporting howe the KING had bene misled, and to have

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1602- 1603.

464

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602- 1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
August ?

Confederates.

The Confede-'
rates in this<
treason :

had many things reformed. They determined to have
possessed the principall ports of the realme, and to have
kept the King in the Towre a quarter, of a yeare. For
secrecy an othe was prescribed. When this treason by
God's providence was defeated, they resolved to have
surprised his person at Hamworth, by rushinge in by
tymes in the morning ; and so many of the Scotts as
eschaped the fury, they meant to have sent them into
Scotland, for that will make the accion honorable.
Lord Grey.
William Watzon, priest.
Fraunces Clarke, priest.
George Brooke.
Sir Griffin Marcam,
Anthony Copley.
The Lord Cobham knew of it after it was dissolved.
r , . The Lord Grey, Brooke and Marcam,
Manner of their
conference : twice ; WATZON, BROOKE and MARCAM,
twice ; but many tymes severally. COPLY
with Marcam ; George Brooke, Watzon, &c.
In Channon Row ; in the Lady BAROWE's
house at St. James ; in the Stronde.
Tyme: About the 8 of June.
3. The Lord Greye's Treason.
The Lord Grey expecting a regiment of such souldiers
as should be sent into the Lowe Countries, the Lord
Grey; with a hundred gentlemen of quality, should have
come to the KlNGE, and (under colour of preferring a
peticion to informe the King of such inconveniences as
were likely to growe to his Majestie and the State)
to have executed the former treasons; which motion
George Brooke commended. Lord Grey required

Place :

Coke's "Abstract of the Treasons!'

4^5

it to be kept secret ; for though, saith he, the busines be
honest, yet if it com to light, both the end must dye,
and they about the KING would make of every mote a
beame. Lord Grey held Marcam a valiant gentleman,
yet would not conferre with him ; but sett BROOKE to
impart it to him ; with this, that MARCAM to his, —
viz. the Papists, — should not disclose him, nor I (saith
Lord Grey) will once name him to myne.
{Lord Grey,
George Brooke,
Marcam.
Tyme: 25 Junij.
Place: At Brook's lodging in Channon Rowe.
( Georg Brooke ;
Profes. : < Marcam, ex relat. Brook ;
( Lord GREY'S Confession.
Endorsed: " An Abstract of the Treasons. — Clarke. Marcam. Lord
Grey. Copley. Gage. Gage."1

XIV.
SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON AND
OTHER LORDS OF THE COUNCIL TO SIR BEN
JAMIN TICHBORNE, KNIGHT, High Sheriff of
Hampshire.
From the original Minute. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 48 (Hatfield)-
Holograph.
We have shewed the King's Majesty your letters, and
he hath read that of Sir W. Ralegh's without super
scription, evry woord. He shall heare answer, by Shel-
1 This name is so repeated in MS. The. five persons here named had all
made " confessions."
VOL. II. H H

466

The Plots and Counterplots of 1 602-1 603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
Dec. 4.
Lord Cecil
To Sir
Benjamin Tichbome.The King's
reception of Sir W.
Ralegh's
letter.— Directionsfor burial
of Brooke.

1603,
Dec. 4.
Bishop of
Chichesterto the
Lords Commis
sioners. FromWin
chester.

BURY, what shalbe don. for Heriot's coming about his
accompts; which grace his Majesty intends to aford1
him. Where you doubted how Mr. G. BROOK shalbe
buried, you may please to bury him privatly, in some
church.2 And for a scaffold, it was not to be doubted
but he must have one.3 There shall be no need of any
new4 questions to be asked at his death. For all is
known. And it will be pity to troble him at that time,
but with the best preparation for his sowle, — of which
God Almighty take mercy. And so we end,
Yowr . .
Endorsed, by a Secretary of Lord Cecil :
Mynute to Sir Benjamin Titchbourne, the 4th of December, 1603.
Concerninge Sir W. Rawligh and Mr. G. Brook.

XV.

ANTHONY WATSON, BISHOP OF CHICHESTER, TO
THE EARLS OF SUFFOLK AND DEVONSHIRE,
THE LORD HENRY HOWARD, AND THE LORD
CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 49 (Hatfield). Holograph.
May it please your Lordships,
Upon Mr. Brook's preparacion for the Communion
and my exhorting to a worthy receyvinge, we entred into
some particulars, both for the last action and his former
lyfe. I vexed againe that speech for ' the Fox and his
cubbs; which now, I assure your Lordships, he abso-
1 First written 'give.' 2 'after his' written and then erased.
3 First written thus : " Andjor a scaffold, there can be no doubt."
4 The word ' new' added by interlineation.

Brooke's Retractation of his Charge against Cobham.

467

lutely denyeth ; saieng that he wold not sweare, for all
the world, that my Lord COBHAM ever uttered them.
Somwhat was spoken to lyk sence, as he doubtfully
alledgeth. Yff ther remaine any doubte wherin he may further
satisfy the King, or your Lordships, he professeth his
readinesse fully to accomplishe. Thus much I am bould
to signifye to your Lordships, folowinge the opportunity
of my Lord of WINCHESTER his sendinge to the Courte.
And so, with remembrance of all dewty to your Lord
ships, I take my leave. From the Castle at Winchester,
December 4th [1603]. Your Lordships' in all dewtye,
Antho. Cicestren.
Addressed :
For the Kinge's Service. To the right honorabele the Earle of
Suffolke, the Earle of Devonshyre, the Lord Henry
Howarde, the Lord Cecill, Lords of his Majesties most
honourable Pryvie Councell. Hast. Hast.
Endorsed :
December 4. Lord Bishop of Wynchester to the Lords. From Wyn-
chester.

XVI.
ANTHONY WATSON, BISHOP OF CHICHESTER, TO
THE EARLS OF SUFFOLK AND DEVONSHIRE,
THE LORD HENRY HOWARD, AND THE LORD
CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 55 (Hatfield). Holograph.
MAY IT PLEASE YOUR LORDSHIPS,
On Sonday, before eaveninge prayer, I made the
last motion to Mr. Brooke, concerninge wordes uttered
H H 2

appendix
VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602- 1603.
1603.
Dec. 4.
George
Brooke'sretractation (on re
ceiving the
Holy Com
munion) of
his charge
against Cobham
for saying,
" We will
kill the fox
and his
cubs."

1603.
Dec. 6.

468

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603:

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
I 602- I 603.
1603.
Dec. 6.
TheBishop of
Chichester
to the
LordsCommis
sioners. From
Winchester.Statementsmade by
GeorgeBrooke,
just before
his execu
tion.

against Sir George Carew and Sir Henry Bron-
KARDE.1 His very awnsweare was this : ' Its a jeaste 2 [?].
I never spake of them but by supposition that yff any
thing wer attempted for the Lady ARBELLA, Sir GEORGE
Carew and Sir Henry Bronkarde wer lyk to knowe
it.' And, further, he could not say any think against
them. After prayeres, I commended him to God, for his
comfortable meditations till the next morninge ;— when
I came againe to pray with him, and, by his importunat
request, folowed him to the skaffolde, wher he suffred at
the tyme appointed ; which, I presume, hath restored me
to my former libertye and dewtyes. And so I humbly
tak my leave. At Winchester, Decemb. 6 [1603].
Your Lordships' in all dewty,
Antho. Cicestren.
1 Brouncker.
2 So apparently in MS., but this reading must be taken as conjectural;
the word being but partially legible.

Lord Grey's Participation in the Plot to seize the King. 469

PREFATORY NOTE TO LETTER XVII. — EXTENT OF
LORD GREY'S PARTICIPATION IN THE PLOT TO
SEIZE THE KING'S PERSON— NOTICE OF HIS LIFE,
CHARACTER, AND POLITICAL AIMS.
QO far as respects one principal count of the Indictment
against Lord Grey, the charge is, in a great measure,
borne out by so much of the prisoner's Confession as has been
preserved. The two statements, of course, differ totally
in regard to the real aim and object of the accused person.
Nor do they differ much less as to the relative position,
amongst themselves, of the conspirators concerned in the
plot to ' surprize ' the King and to seize the Tower.
The specific counts against Grey in the Indictment of
November 1603, — as I find them in the original document,
preserved in the Baga de Secretis, — are briefly these : (I.) That,
on the 14th day of June, Lord Grey had a meeting at West
minster with George Brooke and with Sir Griffin Markham ;
that Brooke and Markham declared to Lord Grey their
treasonable intention "to seize the King's person, and that
of Prince Henry, and to imprison them in the Tower,'' in
order to "extort three promises from the King :" viz. (1) Their
own pardon for the imprisonment; (2) A toleration of the
Romish religion; (3) The exclusion of certain lords from
the Council. And then the Indictment proceeds to allege :
(II.) That on the 18th day of the same month these three
accused persons had another meeting at Westminster, wherein,
after "assenting to all their plans, Lord Grey stipulated that
after the King's imprisonment he should be made Earl
Marshal, and Master of the Horse."
Grey's confession — made in the Tower of London, before
his trial — admits his complicity in the plot to seize the King,

PREFA
TORYNOTE TO
LETTER *'
XVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
December.

Baga de
Secretis, Pouch 58,
membrane 16 (R. H.).

470

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602- 1603.

PREFATORYNOTE TO
LETTER
XVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602- 1603.
1603.
December.

with a view to influence the subsequent course of government.
But in that confession, as in all his numerous letters about the
plot, written during imprisonment, he uniformly asserts an
entire divergence of ultimate purpose between himself and his
fellow-conspirators. He declares that their real plans had been
only partially disclosed to him, and that when he discovered
what it was that Markham, Brooke, and the priests were in
truth aiming at, he withdrew from all further complicity with
them. What was it, then, which Grey had hoped to attain
when he first entered into a plot to surround the King sud
denly on a Midsummer morning and to keep him, for a time,
in durance in the Tower of London ?
It will be in vain to seek an answer to this question in the
mere text of his Confession. The collation of his extant
correspondence will, probably, be more to the purpose. But
in order to a clear understanding of the letters, there must be
some preliminary remembrance of the life and character of the
man who wrote them.
Thomas Grey, fifteenth Baron Grey of Wilton, was essen
tially a soldier. He was also a man of fine parts and of
scholarly cultivation. Passionately fond of the noble profession
which he had studied as well as adopted, he was one of the
many soldiers who have shown, conclusively, that a devout
mind and a refined intellect may shine as brightly in the camp
as in the court. He was also a strenuous and disinterested
politician. The grave mistakes and dark blots of his brief
political career are insufficient to hide the patriotism and the
public spirit which were as inherent in his nature as was the
passionate and reckless impulsiveness that helped to bring
about his ruin. Those who lived in his intimacy loved him
dearly. And no one could live with him a month, it seems,
without witnessing some outburst of temper or some escapade
of Quixotic adventurousness, of the sort which opens an easy
breach to the assaults of enmity, though it may fail to weaken
the strength of friendship.

Lord Grey's Life, Character, and Political Aims.

4; I

Lord Grey's precise age at the accession of King James is
not recorded. But it is likely that he was still under thirty.
He had been first summoned to Parliament in 1597. During
the reign of Elizabeth, he saw considerable service both in the
Low Country wars, and in the wars of Ireland. It is charac
teristic of the man that within eighteen months he was twice
put under arrest for outbreaks of anger. And both incidents,
as it chances, are curiously, connected with the long rivalry
between the Earl of Essex and Mr. Secretary Cecil. This
fact makes the strife which so long subsisted between Lord
Grey and Lord Southampton a matter of some historical
interest. But for its bearing on the Essex tragedy, and on
what grew thereout, the affair would have seemed but a mere
personal brawl between two angry boys.
The key to Grey's quarrel with the Earl of Southampton is
to be found in a passage of almost the only letter which sur
vives to testify to the terms on which Grey and Cobham lived,
before the Queen's death. On the 21st July, 1598, Grey
wrote to Cobham : " The Earl [of Essex] has lately required me
to declare myself his friend only, or Mr. Secretary's friend. . .
I cannot forget what I owe to Mr. Secretary. I consider the
Earl 'a lost child.'" And then he adds: "If the Queen
suffer one man thus to engross all men of the sword so
servilely, she must shortly be content to hold her Crown of
him also." From this time forth, Grey seems to have made
his election. He weaned himself from all dependence on the
Earl. He attached himself openly to Cecil. He espoused
Cecil's quarrels. Cecil, on his part, in writing of Grey as well
as to him, uses the language of warm friendship.
Thus, for example, at the time of Grey's arrest in Ireland
Sir Robert Cecil wrote to Sir Henry Neville :— " If you chance
to hear any flying tale that my Lord Grey should be committed
in Ireland, the accident was only this : He being only a
colonel of horse, and Lord Southampton general [of the
cavalry, under Essex], he did charge without direction, and
so, for order sake, was only committed to the Marshal for one

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERXVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
December.

Grey to
Cobham ;
Cecil Pap.
vol. lxii.
§ 71 (Hat
field).

Cecil to
Sir H.
Neville ;
Win-
wood's Memorials,
vol. i.
p. 47.

472

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER
XVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
December.

SirR. Cecil's
autographdraft of
Proclamation in
Cecil Pap.
vol. xcix.
§ 43 ^Hat-
field).

night.'' When both Grey and Southampton had returned to
England, the broil was renewed. " My Lord Grey," wrote Sir
Henry Neville to Winwood in January 1601, "upon some
new-conceived discontent assaulted my Lord of Southampton
on horseback in the street, for which contempt of Her Majesty's
command given before to them, he was committed to the
Fleet." x This incident strongly excited the Earl of Essex. At
that time, writes Essex himself, " I was fully resolved to have
received the Communion, to be a testimony that I was far
from bearing of malice to any ; not so much as to my private
enemies. But then the breach between the Earl of Southamp
ton and the Lord Grey happening on a sudden, hindered my
intent. For so soon as I knew of it, I found my affections to
stir in it exceedingly, seeing that Her Majesty had not power
sufficient to prevent my friend from being publicly assailed in
the streets." When, only a few weeks afterwards, Essex and
Southampton had to hold up their hands before their Peers, on
a charge of High Treason, an eye-witness, keenly watching the
demeanour of the accused Lords, records that when the
name of the Lord Grey was called, " the Earl of Essex laughed
upon the Earl of Southampton, and jogged him by the
sleeve." When Elizabeth died, and the Lords of Council held their
hasty meeting at Westminster soon after daybreak, to assert
their readiness — "to maintain and uphold King James' person
and estate, as our only undoubted Sovereign Lord and King,
with the sacrifice of our lives, lands, goods, friends, and
adherents, against all force, power, or practice, that shall go
about, by word or deed, to interrupt, contradict, or impugn
his just claim, or his entry into this kingdom or into any part
thereof, at his good pleasure," the Proclamation was signed
both by Grey and by Cobham. Of the deliberations and
discussions — whatsoever they were — which occurred at this
meeting, and which preceded the signing of the Proclamation,
1 Neville to Winwood ; Winwood's Memorials, vol. i. p. 292.

Lord Grey's Life, Character, and Political Aims.

473

no record is now known to exist. Has the disappearance
of the Council Book any probable connection with these
deliberations, or with the like deliberations on any former
occasion ?
There has always existed a tradition that, in the discussion
which must needs have occurred at that critical moment, Lord
Grey took a prominent part. The .tradition has been handed
down through many distinct channels. It bears about it certain
marks of probability. To diligent students of the obscurer
points of our history, that measure of probability which the
tradition bears on its face, cannot but be somewhat strengthened
by the recollection that only a few years had passed since the
most wary of English statesmen had set their hands to a
proposition for declaring, by Act of Parliament, that imme
diately upon the Queen's death, " the three Estates of the
realm shall consider and hear all pretensions of title to the
Crown, and, after due deliberation had, they shall consult, in
the name of God, and as it were in His presence, upon the
justice and righteousness of all the pretensions, and thereupon
they shall accord of the manner how they may admit, accept,
and receive such a person to the Crown of the Realm." But
still it is a tradition only.
The several forms in which that tradition has been handed
down descend little into particulars. Most of them say
simply that Lord Grey proposed that 'Articles' should be
drawn up and sent to the King for reservation of the liberties
of the kingdom. Some accounts say that one particular item
of limitation of the royal power, propounded in the Council,
was a set restriction upon the number of Scottishmen who
should be admitted to offices of state or public trust in
England. And it is with this item that the name of Ralegh
has been persistently identified, — without any proof whatever.
One nearly contemporary account of the part taken by Lord
Grey in this debate about ' Articles ' is preserved amongst the
Wharton MSS. at Oxford. It is slightly— and only slightly-
more circumstantial than others, and was written by Walter

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER
XVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
December.

Domestic Corresp.
Elizabeth,
vol. clxxvi.
§22(R. H.).

474

The Plots and Counterplots of 1 602-1 603.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER XVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
December.

Vol. I.
chap. xvii.

Sir Thos.
Gorges to
LordCecil,
July IS.
1603; Cecil Pap.
(Hatfield).

Fitzwilliam, a near relative, it would seem, of that Sir William
Fitzwilliam who had succeeded Lord Grey's father as Lord
Deputy of Ireland. When, says Fitzwilliam, the Peers were
met to consult "what was most convenient for the present
affaire, — not any questioning the undoubted right of the King
of Scotland, — this noble Lord, like a zealous patriott, stood up
and desired that articles might be sent to the King for the
reservation of the libertys and foundementall laws of the
kingdom. This was only seconded by Sir John Fortescue;
but contradicted and withstood by the Earle of Northum
berland, whoe prevailed, and soe it ended." 1
The anecdote which, in a preceding part of this book, has
been told about the renewal of the quarrel between Grey and
Southampton, in the presence chamber of Queen Anne of
Denmark, shows that Grey must have remained at Court nearly
to the time of Anthony Copley's first examination about the
plot of 1603. But it seems, from a passage in a letter addressed
to Lord Cecil by Sir Thomas Gorges, from the Netherlands,
on the 15th of July, that Grey escaped from England when
the revelations about the intended attempt to seize the King
began to* be bruited abroad. Lord Grey, writes Sir Thomas
Gorges, " is taken into custody at Sluys, and none is permitted
to speak with him ; nor is he permitted to write or send
[receive?] any letter." Before the end of the month he was
lodged in the Tower.
" My Lord Gray is now confissed," wrote Waad to Cecil on
the 3rd of August, when forwarding to the Secretary, with
great self-complacency, his Lordship's ' Declaration ' in answer
to a series of Interrogatories. That he had no traitorous
purpose was his uniform assertion. But it is strange to find a
man like Grey avowing another purpose which was, in some
sort, the counterpart to Watson's plot within a plot. And it
was to his mother, — the relict of that Lord Grey of Wilton
1 Fitzwilliam's Testimony of the Lord Gray, MS.Wharton, Ixxx. fol. 439
(Bodleian Library, Oxford).

Lord Grey's Life, Character, and Political Aims.

475

who had fought so strenuously for English supremacy in the
sister island, and under whom Ralegh's first home service was
performed, — not to his Examiners, that Grey avowed his inten
tion, had he not been prevented, of making, " for the safety
of the King, the full discovery of all their designs " [i. e. the
designs of the Papists]. In his days of leisure, Lord Grey had
busied himself — amongst many other studious tasks — -in the
translation of Saint Cyprian concerning Patience. In this
letter to his mother, written from the Tower, he entreats her to
send him the book; and then, amidst many ardent expressions
of his filial affection, goes on to say : — " I fear not evil ; my
heart is fixed ; I trust in the Lord ; " and again : " Madam, be
not dismayed. I am in the Tower, but neither for deed nor
thought against King or Country. You will hear I am com
bined with Papists ; " — a thought which seemed to him full of
horror. Then follows the assertion that he had hoped to
disconcert and discover their designs. "To compass this,"
he continues, " and to execute a purpose of mine own, good to
the King, to the State, and, as 1 hold, justifiable before God and
man, I could not avoid danger of law. My friends with their
own ruin have brought me into danger which, if I cannot shun,
I will constantly suffer. . . I see, I sorrow for, my faults.
God will amend them, and I shall live yet to yield you com
fort ; my religion, my country, service ; and myself right. Of
Cobham's or Rawleigh's plot I neither knew nor, in my
life, conferred counsaile with either of them touching their
businesses ; yet would God that different ends, different ways,
at once should be revealed. So soon as I have more liberty
I will acquaint your Ladyship with all which may cleer mine
innocency, which, doubt not, will never be stained." This
letter was written to Lady Grey on the same day (August 3rd)
on which Waad had procured the ' Declaration ' which he so
complacently trusted might help the operation of other motives
in impressing on George Brooke the wisdom and necessity " of
being before, and not behind, the rest; as well in ample
declaracion, as in time."

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER
XVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
December.Grey to
DowagerLady Grey;
MS.Whar
ton, Ixxx.
(BodleianLibrary, Oxford).

Ibid.fol. 431,
verso.

Waad to
Cecil ;
A"g- 3.
1603
(R. H.).

476

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602- 1603.

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTER
XVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
December.

Carleton'sLetters, in
MS. Whar
ton, Ixxx.
ff. 440,
seqq.(Bodleian Library,Oxford).

Vol. I.
chap. xx.

Grey's demeanour at the Trial by his Peers was worthy of
his ancestry, and of his education. Amongst those who
looked on at not the least remarkable of the many historic
scenes which have passed within the walls of the time-honoured
Castle of Winchester, was that Dudley Carleton who, in after
years, attained some distinction as a statesman, and who in
the reign of Charles I., bore the title of Lord Dorchester.
When Ralegh and Grey fought their hard battles for life
against terrible odds, with a courage so mingled with temperance
and grace as to turn — as both of them did— some enemies
into friends, Carleton was in the service, as a secretary, of their
common acquaintance the Earl of Northumberland. When
he tells us that Lord Grey "held the Court the whole day,
from eight in the morning till eight at night, in subtle traverses
and scapes," from the too well-arrayed evidence of 'De
clarations ' and ' Confessions,' I suppose he is scarcely to be
taken at the strict letter. A speech of twelve hours, under
such circumstances, would have been a marvel indeed. Carleton
probably means that charge and answers together took up the
day. When he adds that Grey's old antagonist, the Earl of
Southampton, " was mute before his face," but when the Peers
had retired to consult amongst themselves, " spake very much
against him," he is doubtless speaking from the best authority—
that of the Earl his patron, who was there present.
When the last call was made upon him, before sentence was
passed, Grey answered amidst breathless silence — "I have
nothing to say." The silence continued, and then, after a
long pause, he added : " Yet a word of Tacitus comes into
my mind. Non eadem omnibus decora. The House of the
Wiltons have spent many lives in their Princes' service.
Grey cannot beg his. God send the King a long and pros
perous reign, and your Lordships all honour." And then
calmly listened to his sentence. Of the strange scene which
followed in the Castle-yard, some account has been given in
the preceding volume. Lord Grey's deportment in it was in
keeping with his conduct before the Peers.

Lord Grey's Life, Character, and Political Aims.

477

I believe that as Grey would not beg his life through any
intercession by the Lords, so he refrained from any entreaty
for it of the King. Very probably, this quietness and dignity
of mind, when known by Ralegh to have been evinced by his
fellow-prisoner, — as well in the solitude of his cell, and in the
hours when Death must have seemed to come nearer and
nearer with the beating of every pulse, as amidst the excite
ment of the crowded hall, and in contemplation of the pos
sibilities of the weeks that would intervene before the final
issue, — enhanced his regret for his own passionate supplication
for life. Doubtless the reader remembers the earnest but
fruitless request: "Get those letters, — if it be possible, —
which I writ to the Lords, wherin I sued for my life. God
knoweth it was for you and yours that I desired it. But it is
true that I disdain myself for begging it." When those lines
were penned, Grey's abstinence from all supplication was
probably known to their wTiter.
On the other hand, there is a phrase in Lord Grey's sub
sequent letter of thanks for the unbegged mercy, addressed
to the King, which most persons who read it are likely to
regret to see there. And to it there is no parallel in the
numerous letters of Ralegh, written before or after the mock-
scaffold scene. "So long," wrote Grey, whilst still at Win
chester, " as your mercy draws out my life, I cannot deny it the
only object it aspires to — by unfeigned confession, and contri
tion, to diminish my offence and your displeasure." Surely,
there was now no further need of victims ; and the time of
' confessions ' was fully past.
As the years in the Tower wore on, Grey's impatience of
imprisonment, and above all of inactivity, chafed his spirit by
turns into ardent longings after liberty, and into occasional fits
of despair. The prayers which he would not utter to King or
Councillors for life, he was instant in offering for freedom.
And there is no reason to doubt his sincerity when he told
James : " My soul only desires life, to serve and to obey you
till death." More than most things, the interest with which he

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERXVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
December.

Letter
CXXIII.
p. 286.

478

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

PREPA
ID OTE TO
LETTER
XVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
December.

Grey to
Winwood, 1604;Cecil Pap.
vol. cv.
§ 19 (Hat
field).

had watched and shared in the great struggle of the Nether
lands against the tyranny of Spain kept its hold upon his
mind. It was his unwavering creed that to fight for the
Hollanders was to fight for England. The King's view was
very different. On this point (as on but few other points)
Ralegh and Grey were at one.
Alike in the most gloomy and in the more cheerful hours of
the prison-life, Grey continued to look intently at the progress
of the Dutch, and he was allowed to correspond about it.
Thus, in 1604, he wrote, from the Tower, to an old comrade:
" No one accident hath so much grieved me as this of Vere,
that he should forsake the Low-Country employment, when
my misfortune hath made me so unavailable." And then came a
bright gleam of hope across his fervid mind : " Yet," he adds,
" although this untimely frost hath nipped my hopes, even in
the bud, such a serenity may ensue, as may recover and
increase them. For we see often backward prove fruitful
years." These gleams of hope led him to ply with entreaty
new acquaintances, as well as old friends. Some of those
whose intercession with the King he sought persistently were
men whose very nature seems, — to the student of the doings
and sayings of those times, — at the opposite pole from his
own. Conspicuous, in this point of contrasted character,
amongst Grey's correspondents during his Tower life, stands
Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton. Part of the inter
course between them about the hoped-for pardon is mysterious.
Only one or two of the letters which passed are now extant.
But it is probable that if the full meaning even of these could
be elicited, some new light would be thrown upon more than
one of the obscurest incidents in the plots of 1 603.
By steps which must rather be conjectured than traced,
Grey's hope of liberty seems to have reached its climax
towards the close of the administration and life of Lord
Salisbury. But it was not on the Treasurer's favour or in
fluence that he mainly relied. His trust lay rather in the
joint influence— then far more powerful with King James— of

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^^«e* * W Set ^ a^Ojy f^^^Z&A

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Ca^jZcc^ c^/tW^/Cm^C 4> ^ece^'cyt_ &^MJ?*^/^i,

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Lord Grey's Life, Character, and Political Aims.

479

that most apposite pair of courtiers, the Lord Privy Seal
Northampton and the Lord Chamberlain Rochester. Under
their conjoint auspices, Grey drew up a letter to the King — for
which I have hitherto sought in vain, — and sent it for North
ampton's revision. It was then submitted to Salisbury,
under precautions against his knowledge that it had first been
seen by his colleague Northampton. Its subsequent fate
cannot now be traced. It was Grey's intention that it should
be given to the King by that Scottish page of his, John Gibb,
who had forced his way with so much difficulty through the
crowd at Winchester, when carrying the reprieve for Grey and
his companions on the scaffold. " Perswade and inchant Gib
with goulden promises, which shall truly bee performed," was
Grey's written instruction to the servant to whom he entrusted
his Letter to the King. And then he adds : " When this is
doon, deliver my Lord Chamberlin's with your soonest
commodity, unto whome I am in the meantime promised to
have a good office perfourmed." That this lost letter contained
some secret or other connected with the plottings of 1603, I
have a strong persuasion. Grey's written directions to the
agent or confidential servant whom he employed in the business
are preserved amongst the Wharton MSS. in the Bodleian
Library. And of this enigmatical but interesting paper a
fac-simile is here inserted. It is possible that the documents
which once accompanied it — or some of them — may yet be
found. Whatever their fate, Grey's effort on this as on so many
previous occasions was unsuccessful.
That visit to the Tower on the occurrence of which, — in all
probability, — Grey and "mine own Lord of Northampton"
had concerted about the document to be laid before the King,
by the instrumentality of John Gibb, took place on the nth
or 1 2th of July, 161 1. It possesses interest in relation to
Ralegh, as well as to Grey. The interview which Northampton
and his companion had on this occasion with Ralegh was thus
narrated by the Lord Privy Seal to - his comrade Rochester :
"We had afterwards a bout with Sir Walter Ralegh, in whom

PREFA
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERXVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
December.

48o

The Plots and Counterplots of 1 602-1 603.

PREFA TORY
NOTE TO
LETTERXVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counterplots of
1602-1603. 1603.
December.Northampton to
Somerset ;
July 12,
1611.

we find no change ; but the same boldness, pride, and passion
that heretofore hath wrought more violently, but never ex
pended itself in a stronger passion. Hereof his Majesty shall
hear when the Lords come to him; and yet you may assure
his Majesty that by this publication 1 he wanne 2 little ground.
The lawless liberty of that place [the Tower], so long cockered
and fostered with hopes exorbitant, hath bred suitable desires
and affections." Such, in 161 1, was the confidential outburst
of Northampton to Lord Chamberlain Rochester. The writer
had fattened on the spoils of Cobham. The receiver was then
fattening on the spoils of Ralegh. The man who had been,
as Lord Northampton thought, indulged with overmuch ten
derness and liberty, in the Tower, was then brightening his .
imprisonment by toiling at the History of the World. The
men for whom Wardenships, Privy Seals, Lord Chamberlain-
ships, and broad lands in half-a-dozen counties, were all too
little, as the rewards of Court subserviency, were just about
to vary their enjoyments by plotting together for the murder
of poor Overbury. When a few months more had passed, the
'cockered' prisoner surrendered his apartment in the Tower
to the courtier who had wrested from his wife and children
the ownership of Sherborne ; and a sudden death saved, as by
a hairbreadth, the prosperous successor of Cobham in the
Wardenship of the Cinque Ports from the penalties of felony.
Whilst Ralegh was soon to leave his prison for a sharp but
brief struggle with Spain and with Destiny in remote Guiana,
and Somerset was, at the same moment, to enter upon a
lingering death drawn out through almost thirty years of shame
and degradation, Grey's trials were to have their appointed
end much earlier. Probably, his efforts for liberation ceased
with the failure of that which he had made by means of
Northampton and of Somerset. He died in the Tower on
the 9th of July, 16 14,— just as he was about to enter on the
twelfth year of his imprisonment.
1 This word is doubtful. » So in MS.

Lord Grey's Life, Character, and Political Aims.

481

As Sherborne had passed to the royal favourite Somerset,
and Cobham Hall to the royal favourite Lennox, so Whaddon
passed to the new royal favourite, Villiers, soon to be Duke
of Buckingham. The more beautiful and much older Here
fordshire seat of the Greys, Wilton Castle, on the Wye, had
been alienated, before the attainder of 1603, to the family of
Brydges (afterwards Dukes of Chandos), and with other lands
of that family came eventually to be part of the large estates
belonging to Guy's Hospital.
Lord Grey's elder sister, of the half blood, carried the
representation of this historic family to the Whartons of
Westmoreland; Philip, fourth Lord Wharton (grandfather of
the notorious Duke, familiar to all readers of Pope or of
Horace Walpole), having married her granddaughter. It was
by reason of this marriage that many of Lord Grey's papers
passed to the Whartons, and from them to Carte the historian,
— eventually to form part of the Carte MSS. in the Bodleian.
Bridget Grey, Lord Grey's own and only sister of the whole
blood, married Sir Rowland Egerton of Cheshire (1st Baronet
of his family), and is now lineally represented by Sir Philip
De Malpas Grey Egerton, of Oulton, the descendant of their
youngest son. The last representative of the elder line (seventh
in descent from Sir Rowland) was created Baron Grey de
Wilton in 1784 and Earl of Wilton in 1801. He died, without
male issue, in 18 14. His only daughter married Robert
Grosvenor, Viscount Belgrave (afterwards Marquess of West
minster), and, by vhtue of a special remainder in the Patent of
1 80 1, carried the Earldom of Wilton into the Grosvenor family,
in the person of Thomas Grosvenor, second son of that
marriage. The barony of Grey de Wilton became again
extinct

PREFA.
TORY NOTE TO
LETTERXVII. OF
APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1 602- 1 603.
1603.
December.

VOL. II.

I I

482

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602-1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
December.Lord Grey
to Lord
Cecil.
[From Win
chester ?]
Offers to
relate fully
and cir
cumstan
tially his
entireknowledge of the
Conspiracy;from the
date of his
first com
plicity with
Brooke to
that of
his quarrel
withMarkham.

XVII.
THOMAS, LORD GREY OF WILTON, TO SECRETARY
LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 40 (Hatfield)- Holograph.
My Lord, I BEESEECH you forget not to moov the King for my
scoller,1 whoe will yield me much comfort. If the King
think my letter imperfet, or myself recluse in confession
of what I knew concerning this business, shall your
Lordship or any whom the King shall command (but
especially yourself) have occasion to cum this way, I
will successivly relate what passed by mee, eaven from
my first entrance with GEORG Brook ; whearin, if I bee
proved to have concealed any man or passage which
your Lordship either had not in hand, or more, against
them then I could informe, which concerned the King
or State, let mee dy without judgment ; or if, from my
begining with GEORG Brook unto my breach with
Markham, I doe not demonstrate (soe farr as such a
subject can permitt) a cleer heart of ill intension to the
King and State of Ingland. Think, then, how unfor
tunate I am, and prejudg not my ends, for I much
doubdt you have to aunswear for your opinion of them.
But with patience I will indure the King's pleasure, and
doubdt not to live to make the King and the world see
how I have been misjudged in this business, — to him
1 Lord Grey had previously made application for leave to obtain the
attendance upon him, during his imprisonment, of a youth who was to act
as an amanuensis and reader.

Harvey's Letter to Cecil, enclosing Cobham's Confession.

483

and my religion. And you will cleerly finde, — however
you have judged mee, — yet I never deserved but to bee
held your lovinge frend. And, as I desire the King's
favour, I know not the gentleman in his kingdoom — out
of this place 1 — that I can say hath thought of inno-
vasion.
Grey.

XVIII.
SIR GEORGE HARVEY, Lieutenant of the Tower,
TO SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 77 (Hatfield). Holograph.
My singuler good Lorde,
Knowing howe easelie a man might be lymed in
matters of treason, I did heretofore leave my sonne to
him sellffe, without making of any apollogie for him
(because I knewe not the quallitie of his offence). But
now that the lawe and His Majesty's mercyes have had
ther course, I am bold to acquaint your Lordship with
these inclosed, written unto me by the Lord COBHAM,
the 24 of October last, wherebie he hath, under his own
hande, manifested the gret desire he had, of him sellffe
(without any instigacion of my sonne), to Justine Sir
W[ALTER] R[ALEGH] ; which course of his being by me
then stopped (as was fitt), he diverted it, as I conceive
and as is verie lykely, unto Sir W. him sellffe ; — which
I leave unto your honorable considerations. And do
humblie crave pardon to intreat your honorable com
miserations towards my unworthie sonne, in releasing
his restraint. 1 Winchester? I I 2

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
December.

1603.
Dec. 17.
SirG.
Harvey to
LordCecil.From the
Tower,Enclosing LordCobham'sconfessionof remorse
for his false
accusationof Ralegh ;
prior to the
messagesent through
theyounger Harvey.

484

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602— 1603.

In my last (in the anguishe of my mynde for my
Sonne's offence) I certified your Lordships of my will-
ingnes to leave this place 1 which I hold (so as it might
be without disgrace). But, if I shold uppon this suddain
be putt from it (my Sonne's errors being in fresh memorie),
it wold touche my reputacion very much. Besids my
hole provisions (to my great charge) being layd in
heere, I cannot without infinite troble and hinderaunce
in winter tyme remove them and my housholde ; my
humble sute therfore is that (in consideracion of my
daungerous and faithfull services) his Majestie wilbe
pleased to continewe me heere untill one yeare expired,
or at the least untill Our Ladie daye next, in which
tyme the memorye of errors wilbe well quenched, and I,
with less troble and loss, inhabled to remove ; wherin
I humbly intreat your honorable furtherance.
Yesterday I receyved direction from your Lordships,
for ease of my Lord Grey, to lodge him in the bricke
tower — which, belonging to the Master of the Ordi-
naunce, I have thought good to acquaint your Lordship
therwith, because he shold not therebie take any offence,
— notwithstanding that, in my predecessor's tyme, I
have knowen divers of the Prisoners there lodged. And
so, being readie therein to do any thing that your Lord
ships shall think fitt, do humbly take my leave. The
Tower, i/° December, 1603.
Your Lordship's ever most bounden,
G. Harvy.
Addressed :
To the right honorable my very singuler good Lorde, the Lord Cecill,
His Majesties Principall Secretarie ; att the Courte.
Endorsed, in Lord Cecil's hand : " 17 Dec. 1603. Sir G. Harvy."

1 /. e. the Lieutenancy of the Tower.

Cobham's Remorse concerning his Charge against Ralegh. 485

ENCLOSURE IN THE PRECEDING LETTER.
XIX.
HENRY, LORD COBHAM, TO SIR GEORGE HARVEY,
Lieutenant of the Tower.
From the Original. Cecil Papers, vol. cii. § 76. Holograph. Without
date. Enclosed in Harvey's Letter to Cecil of December 17th.
Mr. Lieutenant,
If that I may wright unto the Lords I wold, toching
Sir Walter RAWLYE ; besyds my letter to my Lord
ClSELL : 1 God is my wittnes, it doth troble my contiens :
As you shall send me word so I will do, that my letter
may be redy agaynst your sonn's going: I wold very
fain have the words that the Lords used of my bar-
berousnes in accusing him falsly. I ever troble you : if
God ever mayk me able, you shall find me thankfull : if
otherwis, God will requit your charitie towards me.
Your true prisoner,
Henry Cobham.
Noted, in the margin, by Sir G. Harvey : "Reed. 240. Octobr."
1 The colons printed in this letter are so written in the original MS.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
Oct. 24.
Lord
Cobham
to Sir G.
Harvey. Remorse
concerninghis charge
againstRalegh.

486

The Plots and Counterplots of 1602- 1603.

APPENDIX VI.
Plots and
Counter
plots of
1602-1603. 1603.
Dec. 20.
Lord
Cecil to
Sir G.
Harvey.On the
return of
Papers
belonging
to Sir W.
Ralegh. —
Letter of
thanks to
the King.

XX.

SECRETARY LORD CECIL OF ESSINGDON TO SIR
GEORGE HARVEY, Lieutenant of the Tower.
Sr W. Ralegh being desirous to have this little trunk
againe, I send it him. Only I have staied 3 papers :
First, y" K\ing] of Sp[ain's] Will ; [2] a Discourse of
Spanish government ; [3] a little Collection of Comon
Places. All things els are in it ; and these shalbe re
stored when he will have them, or when I have redd
them. Your loving friend,
Ro. Cecyll.
[POSTSCRIPT.]— I pray you tell Sr W. R. y* I will
deliver any 1™ 1 of his to the K[ing], to whom I think it
very fitt yt2 he do write thanks; and, as they deserve,
indeav[our] 3 to shew that he, only, accompts them dew
to him. For y" rest of his lie, by Sir Rob4 MANSFIELD,
tell him he can be no more sensibell of my part towards
him, then I confess I wold be gladd of his future good ;
wch I write ingenue ; and can look for no more from him
then he doth profess, nor will believe less.
Addressed: "To my very loving frend, Sir George Harvy, Knight,
Lieutenant of the Tower of London."
Endorsed : "Rec'd. zoDecember, 1603. My Lo. Cecill. SrW.R. his trunck."
1 letter. 2 that,
3 This word, which I read 'indeav,' may possibly be ' indead.' Any
how, —whether we read 'indeed' or 'endeavour,' — the precise meaning of
the sentence is somewhat obscure. The punctuation — here, as elsewhere 
is, of course, the Editor's. But in this instance I have thought it best to
print the abbreviations, instead of extending them, as has been usually
done.

Entreaty for Buckingham's Influence zvith the King.

487

Mil.— RALEGH'S EXECUTION.

QUEEN ANNE OF DENMARK, Consort of King James
the First, TO GEORGE VILLIERS, Marquess of
Buckingham.
From a transcript made by Archbishop Sancroft, from the original
Letter, then in his possession. MS. Tanner, vol. ccxcix. fol. 87
(Bodleian Library, Oxford). Without date.
Anna R.
My kind dogge,
If I have any power or credit with you, I pray you
let me have a trial of it, at this time, in dealing sincerely
and ernestly with the King that Sir Walter Ralegh's
life may not be called in question.
If you do it so that the success answer my expecta
tion, assure yourself that I will take it extraordinarily
kindly at your hands; and rest one that wisheth you
well, and desires you to continew still, as you have been,
a true servant to your Master.
Addressed : " To the Marquis of Buckiugame."

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh's
Execution. 1618.
[October ?]
Queen Anne
to the ,
Marquessof Buck
ingham.Entreatyfor his
influencewith the
King to
prevent the exe
cution.

488

Ralegh's Execution.

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh'sExecution. 1618.
October ?
CarewRalegh to
King
James.Entreatyfor his
father'spardon.

II.

CAREW RALEGH TO THE KING.
From an early copy in MS. Ashmole, dcclxxxi. fol. 101 (Bodleian
Library, Oxford)- Without date, signature, or superscription.
It may please your Majestie mercifully to looke downe
upon the distressed estate of my poore Father, some-
tyme honnored with manie great places of commaund
by the moste worthy Queene ELIZABETH, the possessor
whereof she lefte him at her death, as a token of her
good will to his loialtie. That the same may stand up
as an example and protection of those whoe beare the
stamp and marke of your Majesties favor, as alsoe to
uphould that redeeminge hand of your princely goodnes
which once saved him from destruction.
Greate Lord, conceit not too grievously the error of a
despairated minde, torne with everie misfortune, whilst
his lounge shiftings for life perswaded the fittest fpr the
capacities of humors not his own. And, greate Lord,
though merrit and reason cannot requier, yet let the
priviledge of old age and the innocency of a fatherles
child begg mercie from your Majestie, — and from the
Image of God, who pardons the greatest offences to
the meanest sutor.

Narrative of the Manner of Ralegh's Death.

489

III.

DR. ROBERT TOUNSON, Dean of Westminster, TO
SIR JOHN ISHAM, Bart.
From the Original, as communicated to Thomas Hearne, in 1731, by its
then possessor, Sir Justinian Isham, Bart ; and by Hearne printed
in the Appendix to his Preface to Walteri Hemingforde Historia
(vol. i. pp. clxxxi. seqq.). Holograph.
Sir, The last weeke was a busy weeke with me ; and the
weeke afore that, was more. I would gladly have with
yow, but could find no time : yet I hope yow had the
relation of Sir Walter Rawleigh's death ; for so I
gave order, that it should be brought unto yow. I was
commanded by the Lords of the Counsayle to be with
him, both in prison and att his death, and so sett downe
the manner of his death as nere as I could. There be
other reports of itt, but that which yow have from me is
trew; one CRAFORD, who was sometimes Mr. Rode-
KNIGHT'S pupil, hath penned it prettily, and meaneth to
putt it to the presse; and came to me about it, but I
heare not that it is come forth. The summe of that which
he spake att his death, yow have, I suppose, already :
when he never made mention of his offence for which
he dyed, namely his former treason ; but only desired
to cleare himself of new imputations, there mentioned.
Privately, he told me in prison, that he was charged
to have broken the peace of Spaine, but he put that, he
sayd, out of the count of his offences ; saving that he
heard the King was displeased att it ; for how could he
breake peace with him, who within these 4 years, as he

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh'sExecution. 1618.
Nov. 9.
Dr. Robert
Tounson
(afterwardsBishop of
Salisbury)
to Sir John
Isham. Narrative
of the
¦manner of
Ralegh's
death.

49°

Ralegh's Execution.

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh's Execution.

sayd, tooke diverse of his men, and bound them backe
to backe and drowned them ? And for burning the
towne, he sayd it stood upon the King's owne ground,
and therefore he did no wrong in that. He was the
most fearlesse of death that ever was knowen ; and the
most resolute and confident, yet with reverence and
conscience. When I begann to incourage him against the feare
of death, he seemed to make so light of itt that I
wondred att him ; and when I told him, that the deare
servants of God, in better causes than his, had shrunke
backe and trembled a little, he denyed not, but yet
gave God thanks, he never feared death ; and .much
lesse then, for it was but an opinion and imagination ;
and the manner of death though to others might seeme
greevous, yet he had rather dye so then of a burning
fever : with much more to that purpose, with such con
fidence and cheerefulnesse, that I was fain to divert my
speach another way, and wished him not to flatter him
selfe ; for this extraordinary boldnesse, I was afrayd,
came from some false ground. If it sprong from the
assurance he had of the love and favour of God, of the
hope of his Salvation by Christ, and his own innocency,
as he pleaded, I sayd he was an happy man ; but if it
were out of an humour of vain glory or carelessnesse or
contempt of death, or senselessnesse of his own estate,
he were much to be lamented, &c. For I told him, that
Heathen Men had sett as little by their lives as he could
doe, and seemed to dye as bravely. He answered that
he was perswaded, that no man, that knew God and
feared Him, could dye with cheerfullness and courage,
except he were assured of the love and favour of God
unto him ; that other men might make shewes out
wardly, but they felt no joy within ; with much more

Narrative of the Manner of Ralegh's Death.

491

to that effect, very Christianly, so that he satisfyed me
then, as I thinke he did all his spectators at his death.
After he had received the Communion in the morning,
he was very cheerfull and merry, and hoped to perswade
the world, that he dyed an innocent man, as he sayd.
Thereat I told him, that he should do well to advise
what he sayd ; men in these dayes did not dye in that
sort innocent, and his pleading innocency was an oblique
taxing of the Justice of the Realm upon him. He con
fessed Justice had been done, and by course of Law he
must dye ; but yet, I should give him leave, he sayd, to
stand upon his innocency in the fact ; and he thought,
both the King, and all that heard his aunswers, thought
verily he was innocent for that matter. I then pressed
him, to call to mind what he had done formerly, and
though perhaps in that particular, for which he was con
demned, he was cleare, yet for some other matter, it
might be, he was guilty ; and now the hand of God had
found him out, and therefore he should acknowledge
the Justice of God in itt; though at the hands of
men he had but hard measure. And here I putt him in
mind of the death of my Lord of ESSEX : how it was
generally reported that he was a great instrument of
his death, which if his hert did charge him with, he
should heartily repent, and ask God forgivenesse. To
which he made aunswere, as is in the former relation, and
sayd moreover, that my Lord of ESSEX was fetcht off
by a trick, which he privately told me of.
He was very cheerfull that morning he dyed; eate
his breakfast hertily, and tooke tobacco ; and made no
more of his death, than if had bene to take a journey ;
and left a great impression in the minds of those that
beheld him; inasmuch that Sir Lewis Stukely and
the Frenchman grow very odious. This was the news a

492

Ralegh 's Execution.

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh's Execution. 1618.
Nov. 9.

weeke since ; but now it is blowen over, and he allmost
forgotten. The newes which I hear is, that the promoter of
Kowel hath gotten his charges of Sir Thomas Brookes,
and Sir THOMAS much cheeted, and hath entered into
a bond of a ^100. to the promoter, never to molest
or trouble him againe, and the promoter is as cranke,
and triumpheth in his victory very much ; and Sir
Thomas glad he hath escaped so. I once saw Henry
Tremill, and that is all. What is become of Robin
Dallison, I cannot tell; but he was here in great
expectation of a place, which I thinke now he has fallen
from ; for all officers here are much younger than him
selfe. The business of the Treasurer sleepeth ; and that
of my Lord of Exeter and Sir Thomas Lake will not
be called upon this terme. There be, as I heare, 17,000
sheets of paper in that Book, which, upon ordinary
account, cometh to eight hundred and fifty pounds, the
very writing. The King and Prince, thanks be to God,
are very well. The Queen is still at Hampton Court,
and crazy, they say. Yow will remember me kindly to
my Lady and your mother ; and if yow have any imploir
ment for me here, yow shall find me allwayes
att your service,
Robert Tounson.
Westminster College, Nov. 9, 161 8.
Addressed :
To the Right Worshipfull my very loving frend Sir John Isham, at his
Howse in Langport in Northamptonshire; This.

Ralegh's First Testamentary Note.

493

IV.
RALEGH'S FIRST TESTAMENTARY NOTE.
November 1618.
From Sir Thomas Wilson's transcript. Domestic Correspondence : James I.
voL ciii. § 37 (Rolls House).
There is a lease of certaine parcells of land, claymed
by one JOHN MEERE, near Sherborne Castle. MEERE
clayming it by a grant of myne to one Captain Thomas
CAUFEILDE, I do protest before God I never made any
lease or grant to CAUFEILDE of that land.
There is a lease in controversy betweene the Lord
BOYLE and one HENRY PlNE, of the Castle and lands
of Mogile,1 in the county of Corck in Ireland ; and
although I did write something at my going from Ire
land towards Guiana to the prejudice of Pine's lease,
yet since that time better bethinking myself, I desire
that the opinion which I gave of Pine's lease may be no
evidence in law against Pine, but that it may be left
to other prooffs on both sydes.
I desire that my wife, if shee enjoy her goods, may
have consideration of CHRISTOPHER HAMON'S wyfe.
That my wife do in any case, according to her ability,
releive Mr. John Talbot's wife,2 who, I feare me, — her
sonn being deade, — will otherwise perish.
1 So in MS.
2 John Talbot was one of his faithful servants, who had attended him
throughout the long imprisonment in the Tower and had followed him to
Guiana, where he died.

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh'sExecution. 1618.
Testamentary Note, de
livered to
SirThomasWilson.

494

Ralegh's Execution.

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh'sExecution. "|6i8.

Sir Lewis Stukeley sold all the tobacco at Plimouth
of which, for the most part of it, I gave him a fift part
of it, as also a role for my Lord Admirall and a role for
himself. He had also tenn peeces of mee the Sonday
that wee tooke boate, which he pretended to borrow
to send his men into the country, which notwith
standing hee sent downe the river to joyne with
Mr. Harbert I desire that hee may give his account
for the tobacco.
W. Ralegh.
Endorsed by Sir Thomas Wilson .
A copy of the note written by Sir Walter Rawley, in his owne hand, which
hee gave me for discharge of his conscience, &*c.

V.

RALEGH'S SECOND TESTAMENTARY NOTE.
From a contemporary Transcript. MS. Cotton, Titus C vi. § 93 (British
Museum).
I DID never receive advise from my Lord Carew to
make any escape, neither did I tell ytt Stukeley.
I did never name my Lord Hey1 and my Lord
Carew to Stukeley in other words or sence then
as my honourable freinds, among other Lords my
honourable freinds.
I did never shew unto STUKELEY any letter wherein
there were £10,000 named, nor ance one pound. Onely
1 James Hay, first Baron Hay of Sauley, created Viscount Doncaster, in
1618 ; and Earl of Carlisle, in 1622 ; K. G.

Ralegh's Second Testamentary Note.

495

I told him I hoped to procure the paiment of his debts
in his absence.
I never had Commission from the French king. I
never saw the French king's hand nor seale in my life.
I never had any plot or practise with the French,
directly or indirectly, nor with any other King, Prince,
or State, unknowing to the King.
My true intent was to goe to a Mine of Gold in
Guiana. Itt was not fained, but is true that such a Mine
there is, within three miles of St. Tome.
I never had itt in my thought to goe for Trinidado,
and leave my companies to come after to the Salvage
Hands, as hath by FERN bine falsly reported.
I did not carrie with me ioo peces (as I remember).
I had with me 60 peeces, and I brought backe neare
about the said somme.
I did never speake to the French MANNERING x anie
one disloyall word, or dishonorable word, of the King.
Noe; if I had not loved and honored the King truly,
and trusted in his goodnesse somewhat too much, I had
not suffred death.
These things are true, as there is a God, and as I
am now to appeare before his tribunall-seate, where I
renounce all mercy and salvacion if this be not a truth.
Att my death,
W. Raleigh.

1 Manourie, a French surgeon — or quack doctor — who at that time was
estabhshed in London; and who is c" the Frenchman" mentioned in the
preceding letter of Dr. Tounson (p. 491 ), The conversation alleged against
Ralegh was said to have occurred at Salisbury, during the journey from
Plymouth to London. (See Vol. I. Chap. XXVII.)

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh'sExecution. 1618.

496

Ralegh's Execution.

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh's Execution. 1618.

VI.

AN INVENTORY OF SUCH THINGS AS WEARE
FOUND ON THE BODY OF SIR WALTER RAWLEY,
KNIGHT, THE ioth DAY OF AUGUST, 1618.
From the Original (but with a supposititious signature). Domestic Cor
respondence: James I. vol. xcviii. § 79 (Rolls House). With the
attestations and notes (marked **) of Secretary Sir Robert Naunton
and of Sir Allen Apsley, Lieutenant of the Tower.
Imprimis, in gowld about £$0, in his pursse and owne
custody. Item, a Guiana idoll of gold and copper.
Item, a Jaccintt seale, set in gold, with a Neptun cut
in yt ; with certen Guiana oare tyed to yt.
Item, a Symson stone, set in gold.
Item, a loadstone, in a scarlett purrse.
Item, an aunciant seale of his own armes, in silver.
Item, one ownce of ambergrease; left with him for
his own use.
Item, a spleene stone ; left with him for his owne use..
Item, one wedge of fine gold at 22 carracts.
Item, one other stobb of courser gold.
Item, 63 gold buttons, with sparks of diamonds.
Item, a chayne of gold, with sparks of diamonds.
Item, one diamond ring of 9 sparks.
Item, one gold whistle, set owt with smale diomonds.
Item, one gold case of a pictuer set with diomonds
which, according to Sir Walter's desier, is left apart
with Mr. Levetennant.
Item, one ringe with a diamond which he weareth on
his finger. ** Given him by the late Queen.

Inventory of Things found on the Person of Ralegh.

+ Item, one Plott of Guiana and Nova Regnia,
and another of the river of Orenoque.
The Description of the River of Orienoque.
A Plott of Panama.
+ A Tryall of Guiana oare, with a description thereof.
+A sprigg jewell, sett with soft stones and a made
ruby in the middest.
+ Fyve assayes of the Silver Mine.
W. Rawley.

497

APPENDIX VII.
Ralegh's
Execution. 1618.

*#* I thought fitt to send you this note of such thinges as J
were left in his hands, that you might see whether he hath
used than in way of subornation, by your own discrete j
observation, before examination. Those that be crossed
are delivered over by warrant.
R. Naunton.

All these particulars noted within and the rest
crossed, except the picture, were delivered to Sir Lewis
Stuklye. Sealed uppon a bagg, by the hands of
Allen Apsley.

vol. 11.

K K

498

The Treatise on The Art of War by Sea.

1618.
Oct. 4.
Sir w.
Ralegh to
Lady Ralegh.
Adventu
rers' shares
in the ship
Destiny, employed
in the last
Guianaexpedition.The lost
Treatise on
the Art of
War by
Sea. With
a Note by
Wilson.

POSTSCRIPT TO LETTER CL VIII.
(Page 372.)
From a transcript in the hand of Sir Thomas Wilson. Domestic Cor
respondence: James I., vol. ciii. No. 21, A. The Letter to which this
is an authentic Postscript has been misbound ; so that the recto of the
leaf has been made the verso. Hence the omission.
WHEN the shipp shalbe praysed, Mr. HARBERT is to
have a fourth part, wanting a thride, for he adventured
11 hundred, and the fourth part came to seventeene
hundred or thereabouts ; and so, after that rate, he is
to have a 4th part as the shipp is praysed ; deducted
a third. Ther is in the bottome of the sedar chist some paper
bookes of myne. I pray make them up alltogether,
and send them me. The title of one of them is The
Art of War by Sea} The rest are notes belonging
unto it.
Ther is amongst the litle glasses the powder of Steele
and pumex, for to stay the flux. If you can, finde it
now ; for I have had a greevous loosenes, and feare
that it will turne to the bloddy flux. Send some more
bitony.

j 1 See Chap. XXII. ol Life of Ralegh (Vol. I. pp. 505-507). This treatise
j is now known only by fragments. Some of them are preserved in MS.
I Cotton, Titus B viii. These are in Ralegh's autograph. Others I have
! nowhere seen, save in MS. Jones 60, now in Dr. Williams' Library,
in London. These are copies, transcribed into a mere compilation, by an
' unknown hand, of Ralegh's Miscellaneous Tracts.

The Joint Stock of the Guiana Expedition.

Note on the above Postscript, by Sir T. Wilson.
My Lady Rawley hath noe other wrytyngs but only
articles of agreements what parts of the goods or trcasttr
gotten in the viag 1 shold have for furnishing or
setting out their shipps : vis. —
PENNINGTON £24 6s. od. of every hundred ; Sir
J[OHN] FERNE £12 6s. od. on every hundred; Sir
W[arham] Sellenger £io2 6d. They are ingrossed,
and signed and sealed by Sir W. Rawley.
Site saith that all other things that are mentioned in
this letter were delivered to Sir G[EORGE] CALVERT,
and tlte chests3 ar with Alderman CoKAINE.

499

1618.
Oct. 4.

1 Here occurs in MS. an omission of an intended word or two. Pro
bably, the omitted words should read " the Adventurers."
2 No shillings are mentioned.
3 This word is conjectural. The note has been written in great haste,
and in some parts is scarcely legible.

K K 2

INDEX.

Act for Sowing Hemp, Ralegh's remarks
on the, i. 272.
Act for Tillage, Ralegh's remarks on
the, i. 272.
Act for Establishing the Succession to the
Crown, i. 283.
Acufia, see Palomeque.
Aguas Blancas, or Umadea, River, i.
170.
Aguirre, Lope de, Expedition of, in
search of 'El Dorado,' i. 167. 168.
Alfinger, Ambrose von, Expedition of,
in search of ' El Dorado,' i. 165.
Allen, Sir Francis, i. 119.
Allen, William, Cardinal, on the Suc
cession of the Crown, i. 281.
Alley, Peter, Captain, i. 612.
Aloblaster, Mr., a merchant, Ralegh's
dealings with, ii. 305 .
Amadas, Philip, takes possession of
Roanoke under Ralegh's Charter of
1584, i. 86; made Deputy Lieut. -
Governor of Virginia, 87.
Amana, or Manamo, River ( ' Brazo
Macareo'), in Guiana, i. 185.
Amazon, or Orellana, River, i. 166 ;
ii. 422.
Anderson, Sir Edward, sits as a Com
missioner for the trial of Ralegh,
i. 386.
Anjou, Duke of, i. 43, 60.
Anne of Denmark, intercession of, for
Ralegh's pardon, i. 492 ; her request
that Ralegh would prepare an elixir
for Prince Henry, 511 ; Ralegh's
letter to her, containing proposals for
the colonization of Virginia, ii. 333 ;
another, containing proposals for an
expedition to Guiana, 335 ; letter
of the Queen to Villiers, entreating

his influence with the King to prevent
the execution of Ralegh, 487.
Antonio, son to the claimant of the
crown of Portugal, ii. 144.
"Appesley's band," ii. 5-
Aramball, Marco, ii. 184, 185.
Arenbergh, Charles, Count of, inter
course between, and Lord Cobham,
i. 355 ; Cobham's application to King
James to know the answer he should
give to Arenbergh, 357 ; arrival in
England of, 359 ; alleged intercourse
of, with Ralegh, 395, &c. ; return of,
to England, early in 1604, 485 ;
King James' account of him, written
to the Archdeacon Albert, 486 ; letter
to Lord Cobham, ii. 445 ; letter of
Cecil to him, 459.
Ark Ralegh, The, i. 83, 147.
Armada, Spanish, of 1588, i. 108;
Ralegh's service against it, ill.
Artson, Walter, answer of Ralegh to
his complaints, ii. 416.
Arwacas, or Arawacks, an Indian tribe,
in Guiana, i. 182.
Ashley, Sir Anthony, serves in the ex
pedition against Cadiz, i. 208, 222,
229 ; notice of, ii. 133.
Assapana, see Yaya.
Atahualpa, i. 164.
Atienza, Inez de, i. 167.
Audley, see Touchet.
Azores, naval battle near the, i. 144.

B.
Babington, Anthony, and his Conspi
racy, i. 68 ; seeks to purchase Ra
legh's intercession with the Queen,
69 ; his estates granted to Ralegh,
7c.

502 [bathurst]

Index.

[BLOUNT]

Bacon, Francis, Viscount St. Albans,
advice of, to Essex, as to places of
command, and as to Secretary Cecil,
i. 228 ; Ralegh's reply to, in a debate
about taxation, 270; alleged conver
sation of, with Ralegh, on the
effect of his commission of Ad
miralty for the Guiana Expedition
of 161 7, 589; and Ralegh's alleged
bravado about an attack on the
Spanish Plate fleet, 591 ; his advice
to King James about Ralegh's execu
tion, 689 ; conversation with the
Queen respecting the Earl of Essex,
ii. 215.
Bagnoll, Captain, wounded at Cadiz,
1596, ii. 154- .
Bagot, Anthony, on the relation be
tween Elizabeth and Lord Essex in
1587, i. 72.
Bailey, Captain John, deserts the
Guiana Expedition at Lancerota, i.
606, ii. 348 ; his arrival in England,
and proceedings there, i. 612 ; is
examined before the Privy Council,
and protected by the intervention of
the Spanish Ambassador, 614.
Balfour, Michael, Lord Balfour of Bur-
ley, i. 325-
Bancroft, Richard, Archbishop of Can
terbury, writes to Cecil concerning
William Watson, i. 342 ; urges George
Brooke to confession, 369 ; writes to
Cecil on the subject, ib.
Barbary, captives in, Report of Ralegh
and Heneage to the Lords of Coun
cil respecting, ii. 30.
Barima, Point, i. 617.
Barkley, Edward, Report of the 1581
campaign of Cork, ii. 6, 14.
Barlow, Arthur, takes possession of
Roanoke under Ralegh's charter of
1584, i. 86.
Barrancas, St. Raphael of, i. 185.
Barry, David, proceedings of, ii. 9.
Barry, Lady, ii. 15.
Barry, Lord, letter of Ralegh in his
favour, ii. 89.
Barry, Rowe, his share in the Rebel
lion, ii. 15.
Barrys, of Barrys' Court, note on, ii. 88.
Barter, Nathaniel, enters into bond
to Ralegh in relation to an enter
prise in Munster, i. 103.
Basing House, in Hants, Ralegh's
visit to, in attendance on the Queen,
i. 277 ; ii. 229.
Bath, William, Earl of, see Bourchier.
Bathurst, Robert, becomes 1 partner

with Ralegh in the enterprise for
exportation of pipestaves from Mun
ster, i. 1 01.
Bayonne, capture of a ship belonging
to, ii. 55, 56.
Beauchamp, Lord, Deputy Vice-Ad
miral of Cornwall, i. 67.
Beaumont, Christophe de Harlay,
Count of, see Harlay.
Beddington, Church of, ii. 413.
Beddington Park, in Surrey, interview
between King James I. and Ralegh
at, i. 364 ; Ralegh's plantations
there, ib.
Belphcebe and Timias, i. 51.
Bennett, Robert, Dean of Windsor,
and afterwards Bishop of Hereford,
i. 464.
Benson, Mr., ii. 455-458.
Berreo, Antonio de, life and character
of, i. 169 ; origin of his Guiana Ex
peditions, ib. ; his voyage on the
Orinoco, 170 ; his conversation with
Ralegh, 171, 174 ; his imprisonment
of Captain Whiddon, 172 ; and its
punishment by Ralegh, 173 ; sends
his Lieutenant into Spain, 175 ; re
sults of the mission, 176.
Berry, Leonard, is sent by Ralegh to
Guiana, in 1596, as Commander of a
third English Expedition, i. 198.
Bethune, Maximilien de, Duke of Sully,
conversation with Henry IV. about
Arabella Stuart, i. 300 ; Ralegh's
examination about his conferences
with, 379 ; account of the interview
between Queen Elizabeth and the
Duke de Biron, ii. 231.
Bevill, Sir William, ii. 106.
Bingley, Sir John, ii. 412.
Biron, Charles, Duke of, see Gontaut.
Bishop's Down, near Sherborne, ii. 326.
Blackwall, ii. 122.
Blackwell, George, R. C. Arch-priest
of England, appeal against him by
Watson, i. 340 ; his Pastoral Letter
against" the plotters of 1603, 351.
Blanshill, Robert, ii. 240.
Blount, Charles, Earl of Devonshire,
i. 119; his opinion on the Spanish
invasion of Ireland in 1601, 320;
sits as a Commissioner for the trial of
Ralegh, 386 ; letters of, ii. 180, 186,
188.
Blount, Sir Christopher, serves as a
volunteer in the expedition against
Cadiz, i. 208 ; account of his share
in the spoils of Cadiz, 223 ; excites
dissension between Essex and Ralegh

[BROOKE]

Index.

[BROOK K] 503

during the Islands Voyage of 1597,
240 ; attempts to assassinate Ralegh
on the Thames, 257 ; at the time of
his expedition, solicits and receives
Ralegh's forgiveness, 25S.
Borough, see Burgh.
Bothwell, Francis, Earl of, see Stuart.
Bourchier, William, Earl of Bath,
jealousies between Earl of Bath and
Ralegh as to the special jurisdiction
of the Stannaries, i. 276 ; Ralegh
confers with him respecting defence
of the country, ii. 36.
Bowden, of Plymouth, ii. 1S2, 184-
186.
Bowser, Sir George, ii. 14.
Boyle, Richard, Earl of Cork, com
pletes Ralegh's castle at Lismore, i.
97 ; purchases Ralegh's estates in
Munster, 106 ; Ralegh's interven
tion in July 1617, whilst detained at
Cork, in a suit between Boyle and
H. Pine, 601, ii. 493.
Brandon, Frances, Duchess of Suffolk,
see Grey.
Brest, proceedings of the Spaniards at,
ii. 94.
Brett, Sir Alexander, i. 203, 312, 468.
Brett, Mr., recommended by Lady Ra
legh to Sir R. Cecil, ii. 400.
Breviary of the History of England
under William the First, i. 513.
Brigance, Mr. ii. 210.
Britendona, ii. 184.
Brittany, intended expedition to, ii.
96' - o
Brocheron, Diego, ii. 184, 190, 244.
Brocheron y Orosa, Fernando, ii. 1 84.
Broke, Sir William, ii. 178.
Brooke, Frances, Countess Dowager of
Kildare, i. 307, 309, 311.
Brooke, George, i. 343 ; brings about
a meeting between Grey and Sir
Griffin Markham, 348 ; is employed
by Markham to procure a passport
for Lord Cobham, 352 ; alleges a
plot to have been formed by Ralegh
for seizing the King's fleet, 353 ;
conversations between him and Wat
son on the designs of Cobham and
Ralegh, ib. ; execution of, 441, ii.
451, 455-458, 462-468; letter to
Cecil, 448.
Brooke, Henry, Lord Cobham, obtains
the Wardenship of the Cinque Ports,
i. 225 ; accused by Essex of a design
to kill him, 255 ; goes to Ostend in
company with Ralegh, 317; they
visit Lord Grey in the camp of

the English contingent, as bearers of
1 message from Cecil, 317 ; confers
with Duke of Lennox, 326 ; Henry
Howard's account of his aim and
motives, ib. ; Joint Stock adventure of,
with Ralegh and Cecil, in privateering,
333 ; conference between Watson and
George Brooke about the alleged de
signs of Ralegh and Cobham, 352-
354 ; his project in favour of Arabella
Stuart, 354 ; and interview with the
Count of Arenbergh, 355 ; conference
between him and Ralegh, and Sir
William Waad's report about them,
359 ; meets the King on his entering
into England, 362 ; the King's recep
tion at Burghley of a message about
him, 362 ; a letter written by Ralegh
to Cecil is shown to him, and with
what result,' 369, 397 ; his examina
tions and interrogatories, 371, 372,
376, 378, 379, 382 ; conversation be
tween him and Sir John Peyton the
younger, 373 ; intercourse with La
Fontaine, 378; retracts his charge
against Ralegh, and confesses its fal
sity, 380 ; examinations of, 394, 395,
402, 405 ; Ralegh's account of his
character, 397 ; and of the reason
of his frequent meetings with him in
the spring of 1603, 401 ; his story
about the book 'against the King's
title,' alleged umbrage given him by
Ralegh, 422 ; retractation and re
petition of his charge against Ra-
tegh, 431. 434. 435 5 intercourse
between Cobham and Ralegh in the
Tower, 430 ; his story as to a plot for
the landing of Spaniards at Milford
Haven, 439 ; behaviour in the
mock-execution scene at Winchester,
452 ; asserts on the scaffold the
truth of his charge against Ralegh,
453 ; his speech after the reprieve,
454 ; his letter to the King, ib. ;
letter of Ralegh to, 1600, ii. 206 ;
journey into Cornwall, 226; Ralegh's
letters to him, 227, 234, 249 ; Ralegh's
answer to his accusations, 271, 274,
283 ; letter of Cobham to Sir R.
Cecil, on the arrival of Ralegh at
Sandwich, &c. 425 ; Lord H. How
ard's letter to Cecil respecting him,
436 ; letter to Sir R. Cecil, corre
spondence with Count D'Arenbe'rgh,
446 ; and with Cecil, giving thanks
for the promotion of his suit to go
abroad, 447 ; to the same, concerning
the Lady Arabella Stuart, 449 ; letter

504 [byron]

Index.

[carleton]

of Sir W. Waad respecting him, 450 ;
Watson's declaration respecting him,
455-458; Sir E. Coke's 'Abstract
of the Treasons ' of Cobham, Grey,
Ralegh, &c. 462-465 ; confession of
remorse for his false accusation of
Ralegh, 483-485-
Brooke, Sir William, serves under
Ralegh at the taking of Fayal, i.
240 ; ii. 178.
Broughton, Hugh, notice of, ii. 124 ;
letter of Ralegh, in his favour, to
Sir R. Cecil, 125.
Brouncker, Sir Henry, has the cus
tody of Arabella Stuart on her im
prisonment in 1603, i. 301 ; letter to
him from the Lady Arabella Stuart,
acknowledging past kindness, &c. ii.
428 ; letter from him to Sir R. Cecil,
respecting the Lady Arabella, 435.
Browne, Sir Anthony, i. 289.
Browne, Richard, obtains a lease for
seven years, from Ralegh, of the
Farm of Wines, i. 63 ; suits, arising
thereout, 65 ; ii. 23, 40, 41.
Brownists, Ralegh's speech in Parlia
ment on the tenets of, and on the
motion to punish them with banish
ment, i. 271.
Bruce, Edward, Lord Kinloss, i. 307.
Buisseaux, . . . de, French Ambassador
at London, and a Member of the
French Council of State, i. 597 ; Ra
legh's lettei- to him, ii. 346.
Bulmer's assay of the metallic ores of
Guiana, i. 189.
Burgh, Lady, widow of Thomas Lord
Burgh, KG., i. 299, note.
Burgh, or Borough, Sir John, serves as
Vice - Admiral of Ralegh's fleet
equipped against the Spaniards in
1592, i. 146, ii. 60; captures the
Great Carrack Madre de Dios, i. 49,
ii. 62.
Burghley, William, Lord, see Cecil.
Burghley House, in Northaviptonshire,
interview between King James I. and
Ralegh at, i. 362.
Burhill, Robert, and the History of the
World, i. 544, 545.
Burley, Richard, ii. 185.
Burre, Walter, and the continuation of
the History of the World, i. 541.
Burrough, or Burroughs, an officer of
the Admiralty, ii. 123, 130.
Butler, Thomas, Earl of Ormond, i.
39-41, ii. 2-16.
Byron, Sir John, i. 344.

Cadiz, project of Sir John Hawkins, in
1587, for an attack on Cadiz, i. 201 ;
its revival by the Lord Admiral
Howard in 1596, ib. ; the success of
the enterprise is emperilled by the
Queen, 202, 203 ; discourse in Council
on the plan of operations, 205 ; Ra
legh's delay in joining the expedition,
and its causes, 206 ; preparations for
its defence, 208 ; blockade of the har
bour, 209 ; Ralegh leads the English
squadron past its fortifications, and
attacks the Spanish fleet, 21 1 ; debate
in the Munition House on the reten
tion for the Queen on the razing of
its fortifications, and the result, 219 ;
results of the victory, 220 ; partition
of the spoils, 221, 229 ; letters relating
to the expedition against, ii. 122,
129 ; victory at, 134, 139.
Caliana, Caiana, or Cayenne, i. 611,
6I5.
Cambridge, licensing of vintners at, 11.
24, 27, 28.
Canary Islands, Ralegh's visit to the,
in 1595, i. 173, 604-609.
Captainship of the Guard, i. 262, 363.
Capuri, or Macareo, River, i. 285.
Carapana, a Guianian Chief, i. 171,
194.
Carew, Sir George, afterwards Earl
Totnes, advises Ralegh on sale of
his Munster estates, i. 106 ; serves in
the Cadiz Expedition, 207, 211 ; his
account of Ralegh's service in it, 220;
Cecil's correspondence with him after
the death of Essex, 261 ; expresses
his thankfulness for the peaceable
succession of James, 302; his opinion
on the Spanish invasion of Ireland in
1601, 320 ; his account of an at
tempt to kill John FitzThomas
FitzGerald, 323 ; extracts from his
accounts of Ralegh's preparations for
Guiana in 1616-17, anc^ OI tne Pr0"
gress of the expedition, 598, 610 ;
letters to him from Ralegh, 1589, ii. V
41J148, 178,468. ^o
Carew, Henry, ii. 204. ^ Aw^
Carew, Sir Nicholas, i. 364. I
Carew, Richard, of Antony, dedicates
to Ralegh his Survey of Cornwall, i.
275.
Carey, George, of Cockington, i. 244.
Carleton, Dudley, Viscount Dorchester,
account by, of the demeanour of the
people at Ralegh's trial, i. 410.

[CECIL]

Index.

[CECIL] 505

Caroni ('Caroli' of Ralegh), River, a
tributary of the Orinoco, i. iS^, 186,
188.
Carr, Robert, Earl of Somerset, grants
and re-grants of the Manor and Castle
of Sherborne and their dependencies
to, i. 469, 480, 481 ; Ralegh's letter to
him on receiving intelligence that
Carr had obtained a grant of the
Sherborne estate, ii. 326.
Carrack, the Great, capture of, i. 149-
i58 ; »• 59-74-
Carte, Thomas, account of the battle in
Cadiz harbour by, ii. 141.
Cartie, Charles, ii. 127.
Cary, Sir Robert, afterwards Earl of
Monmouth, i. 74, 361.
Cassanare, Meta, or Negro, River, i.
170.
Caufeilde, Thomas, ii. 493.
Caux, or Caix, Momon de, complaint of,
against Ralegh,and Council directions
therein, i. 117.
Cavendish, Sir Charles, account of an
interview between Ralegh and Ara
bella Stuart by, i. 75.
Cavendish, Thomas, goes out to Vir
ginia under Ralegh's charter of
1584, i. 87.
Cebures, ii. 184.
Cecil, Lady, notice of, ii. 157 ; Ralegh's
letter to Sir R. Cecil on her death,
161.
Cecil, Sir Robert, afterwards Earl of
Salisbury, is sent to Dartmouth as
Commissioner for the spoils of the
Great Carrack, i. 152 ; his account of
the arrival and reception of Ralegh,
154 ; serves as joint commissioner
with Ralegh and W. Killigrew, 155 ;
contributes to the outfit of the Guiana
Expedition of 1595, 173 5 l"s re
ception of Ralegh's proposals for the
resumption of Guiana enterprise, 199;
brings Ralegh into the Queen's pre
sence to resume his command of the
Royal Guard, 226 ; his appoint
ment to the Secretaryship, 227 ; fre
quent political conferences between
him, Essex, and Ralegh, ib. ; Bacon's
advice to Essex about him, 228 ;
renewed conferences between Cecil,
Essex, and Ralegh, 251 ; his diplo
matic mission to France, 252 ; his
account of the calumnious aspersions
of the Earl of Essex, 255 ; Ralegh's
advice to him on the treatment of
Essex in 1600, 258 ; his correspond
ence with SirG. Carew, 261 ; alleged

desire to obtain for Ralegh n resigna
tion of the Captaincy of the Guard
in favour of Carew, 262 ; Jan\cs the
Sixth's distrust of, 265 ; his secret
correspondence of 1601-1603, 266 ;
Ralegh's reply to him, in a debate on
taxation, 2 70 ; colloquy with Essex at
his trial, 293 ; want of proof to substan
tiate Henry Howard's assertion of an
identity of views between himself and
Cecil in 1602, 312; extracts from
Cecil's own correspondence with
James about Ralegh and Cobham,
313 ; his message by Ralegh and
Cobham to Lord Grey of Wilton, at
Ostend, 317 ; conversation of, with
Ralegh on the mission of the Duke of
Lennox, 327 ; is a joint-stock adven
turer with Ralegh in the ownership
and equipment of privateers, 333 ;
opinions on the toleration of Roman
Catholic worship, 341 ; causes Ra
legh to be examined in the Coun
cil Chamber at Windsor, as to his
knowledge of any plot to surprise
the King's person, 366 ; conflicting
statements of Cecil and Ralegh, as to
any questions having then been put
about the intercourse between Cobham
and D'Arenbergh, 367 ; directs the
withholding of a letter addressed to
the Council by Ralegh, 368 ; gives
an account of an examination of
Cobham, on the 29th July, in a des
patch to Sir Thomas Parry, 372 ; and
also of Ralegh's attempted suicide,
373 ; sits as a Commissioner for
the trial of Ralegh, 386 ; friendly
offices rendered to Ralegh by, after
the conviction of 1603, 461 ; nego
tiation with the Dean of Windsor in
relation to the bishopric of Salisbury
and the manor of Sherborne, 464 ;
correspondence of, with Sir Edward
Coke and Sir John Popham, in
relation to Ralegh's Dorsetshire
manors, 469 ; his death, 508 ; con
temporary opinions of him, 509 ; Sir
Walter Cope's defence of his offi
cial career, ib. ; Sir John Digby's
statements as to his pension from
Spain, 510, note; his purchase of
portions of Durham House, ii. 266 ;
Ralegh entreats his intercession for
him with the King, 278; Ralegh's
letter of thanks for his friendly
offices, 288 ; letter to Sir G. Harvey,
on the letters of supplication from
the prisoners in the Tower, Aug. 20.

506 [CHRISTIAN IV.]

Index.

[COMPTON]

1603, 460 ; letter to Sir B. Tich-
borne, respecting the execution of G.
Brooke, &c. 465 ; letter to Cecil,
from Lord Grey, praying for his in
tercession with the King, &c. Dec.
1603, 482 ; letter to Sir G. Harvey
on the return of papers belonging
to Sir W. Ralegh, 486.
Cecil, William, Second Earl of Salis
bury, i. 259 ; ii. 202, 218, 223.
Cecil, William, Lord Burghley, letter
to Ralegh, May 1583, requesting his
intercession with the Queen on behalf
of the Earl of Oxford, i. 59 ; conver
sation with Ralegh about Arabella
Stuart, 75 ; obtains Ralegh's enlarge
ment from the Tower, in order to
his mission to Dartmouth respecting
the spoils of the Madre de Dios, 152 ;
notice of his calculations respecting
that prize, 157 ; his account of the
Queen's anger at his counsel respect
ing the partition of the spoils of
Cadiz, 222, note ; letters from Ra
legh to Burghley, Feb. 22, 1580-
1581, ii. 7 ; May 12, 1583, 21 ; Dec.
20, 1587, 36.
Chamberlain, John, his account of the
prospects of Virginia in 1612, i. 92 ;
letter respecting the Earl of Essex,
ii. 214.
Champernoun, Sir Arthur, i. 31.
Champernoun, Henry, commands the
contingent in which Ralegh com
menced his military services in
France, i. 26.
Champernoun, Katherine, i. 13 ; see
also Ralegh, Katherine.
Champion, Richard, custodian of Lady
Ralegh in August 1618, Council
instructions to him, i. 685.
Charles Emanuel I. Duke of Savoy,
Ralegh's discourse on the propositions
of, and on his relations with Spain,
i. 497 ; Ralegh's alleged negotia
tion with the Ambassador of, re
specting an attack on Genoa, 577,
579-584.
Charles, Duke of Sudermania, after
wards Charles IX. King of Sweden,
report to Lord Treasurer Buckhurst
of the Duke's willingness, in 1598,
to fit out a fleet for Guiana, to
co-operate with Ralegh, i. 199.
Cheshull, William, suit of, against
Ralegh, in relation to the estate of
. Kilmachone, i. 103.
Cheynes, a London goldsmith, ii. 299.
Christian IV. King of Denmark, inter

cedes for the pardon of Ralegh, i.
493-
Clara Isabella Eugenia, Infanta of
Spain, i. 288, 292.
Clerke, Francis [or William ?], agency
of, at the Court of Scotland, i. 340 ;
execution of, 441 ; ii. 464.
Clifford, Alexander, ii. 149.
Clifford, Sir Conyers, serves in the ex
pedition against Cadiz, i. 207, 212 ;
ii. 149.
Clifford, George, Earl of Cumberland,
becomes joint-adventurer with Ralegh
in an expedition against the Spanish
Plate Fleet, and the settlement at
Panama, i. 116; discourses and pro
ceedings in reference to the spoils of
the Madre de Dios, 156 ; results of
the partition, 158; he escorts the
Duke de Biron to Basing, ii. 231.
Clyst Saint Mary, in Devon, anecdote
of Walter Ralegh of Fardell, and the
insurgents at, i. 16.
Cobham, Henry, Lord, see Brooke.
Coke, Sir Edward, i. 353, 355 ; asser
tion by, that Lord Grey refused to
confer with Markham about the 'Sur
prising Plot,' and its falsity, 349 ;
conducts the prosecution of Ralegh
at Winchester, 387 ; his speech to
the jury, 388 ; his scurrilous abuse of
Ralegh, 391, 407 ; Cobham's offer
of a cabinet to, for drawing the
conveyance of a fee-farm, 401 ; final
speech against Ralegh, and allusion
to the death of Essex, 432 ; his
argument on the treason statute of
Edward VI. 390 ; correspondence
with Lord Salisbury about the
conveyance by Ralegh of the Sher
borne manors, 468 ; ' Abstract of
the Treasons ' of Cobham, Grey,
Ralegh, &c. ii. 462-465.
Colaton Ralegh, notice of the history
of the manor of, i. 12, note.
Coldwell, John, Bishop of Salisbury,
dealings of, with the Manor of
Sherborne and its dependencies, i.
464.
Coligni, Gaspar de, Admiral of France,
i. 26.
Colin Clout's come home again, i. 120
130.
Commercial Policy of England under
Queen Elizabeth, notices of the, i.
62, 65, 97, 100, 102, 116, 158, 242.
Compton, William, Earl of Northamp
ton, is present at the execution of
Ralegh, i. 699.

[CROMWELL]

Index.

[dennys] 507

Compton Castle, near Torquay, i. 76.
Concini, Concino, Marshal d'Ancre,
Ralegh's comment on the assassina
tion of, i. 588.
Conde, Lewis (I.) de Bourbon, Prince
of, i. 26.
Conference about the next Succession to
the Crown of England, i. 291.
Conndon, Patrick, proceedings of, ii. 9.
Conseil d'Etat, ii. 344.
Copley, Anthony, antecedents of, i.
343 ; his confessions about the con
spiracies of 1603, ib. ; his subsequent
employment in Holland, 344 ; his
story about a plot by Ralegh ' to sur
prise the King's fleet,' 353 ; is be
friended by Lord Cecil after his
conviction, 460 ; particulars of his
plot for surprising the Court, &c.
ii. 458, 464.
Coppinger, i. 323.
Corn Laws, Ralegh on, i. 273.
Cornish Miners, ii. 96, 210, 256.
Cornwall, Duchy of, i. 68, 273, 275,
276 ; Ralegh's complaint as to in
judicious treatment of Crown lands
there, 363 ; proposals for defence of,
ii. 38, 112, 118.
Corsini, Filippo, buit of, in the Court
of Admiralty, against Ralegh, i. 159 ;
ii. 75.
Cotterell, Edward, a servant of Sir W.
Ralegh, i. 381.
Cottington, Sir Francis, English Am
bassador at Madrid, is directed to
assure the Spanish Court that no
harm will come to Spain by Ralegh's
expedition to Guiana, i. 597 ; his
account of the attack on Ralegh's
men at Lancerota, 607 ; and of the
chase of the French ship near Cape
St. Vincent, ib. ; reports to the
Spanish Secretary of State Ralegh's
attempted escape, and his re-com
mittal to the Tower, 675.
Cotton, Henry, Bishop of Salisbury,
grants to Queen Elizabeth an estate
of inheritance in the castle and manor
of Sherborne, for assignment to Ra
legh, i. 464.
Cotton, Sir Robert, letter of Sir W.
Ralegh lo him, from the Tower,
requesting the loan of various books
of history, ii. 322.
Craik, George L. i. 122, note.
Cromwell, Edward, Lord Cromwell,
serves as a volunteer in Islands' '
Voyage of 1597, i. 233.
Cromwell, Oliver, intervenes on behalf

of William Spenser, grandson of the
poet, i. 12S.
Crosse, Sir Robert, accompanies Ra
legh into Northamptonshire, on his
journey to meet King James, i.
361 ; takes spoils from the 'Great
Carrack,' lo the value of ^2,000,
ii. 65.
Crown of England, Succession of the,
i. 266, 279.
Crown Jewels of England, questions
addressed to Ralegh about the treat
ment of the, after the death of Queen
Elizabeth, i. 677.
Crymes, Mr., ii. 211.
Cumberland, George, Earl of, see
__ Clifford.
Cunnocke, Mr. ii. 210.
Curiapan (' Punto Gallo,' 'Los Gallos,'
'Point de Galle'), now called 'Point
Hicacos,' i. 1S5.
Cynthia, i. 121.

D.

Dalrymple, David, Lord Hailes, edition
of the Secret Correspondence of
1601-3 on the Succession, published
by, i. 306.
Daniel, John, notice of, in a letter
of Ralegh to Cecil, ii. 238, and
note.
Daniel, Samuel, remarks on the contro
verted question as to Daniel's author
ship of the Breviary of the History
of William I. attributed to Ralegh,
i. 513 ; his own statement as to the
compilation of his History of England,
515-
Dartmouth, arrival of the Carrack
Madre de Dios at, i. 149 ; Robert
Cecil's adventures there, and his
account of the reception of Ralegh
after his release from the Tower,
154-
Davis, John, incorporation of, with
Ralegh, in the ' North-west Passage
Company,' i. 84.
Davys, John, see Davis.
Defence of the honour of Mary, Queen
of Scotland : with a declaration of her
right, title, and interest in the Crcnvn
of England, i. 289.
Denny, Edward, i. 47.
Dennys, Sir Robert, of Bicton, in Devon,
had a feoffment of Colaton Moor
from Walter Ralegh of Fardell,

So8 [devereux]

Index.

[DODDRIDGE]

Denshire and Stevens, case between,
ii. 92.
Des Marets, Count, French Ambassador
at London, visit of, to Ralegh's ship
Destiny, on the eve of the expedition
to Guiana in 161 7, and his account
of the conversation there, as reported
to Richelieu, i. 592 ; extracts from
his despatch of April 14th, contain
ing an account of an interview, and
of an alleged proffer of Ralegh's ser
vices to France, 595-
Desmond estates, in Munster, grant of
a portion to Ralegh, i. 94 ; their sale
to Boyle, 106.
Desmond, James of, commission to
Ralegh and Sir W. St. Leger for the
trial of, i. 38.
Desmond, John, Earl of, see Fitz-
Gerald.
De Thou's account of the arrival of
Champernoun's contingent in the
Huguenot camp in 1569, i. 25.
De titulo et jure Maria Scotorum
Regintz, quo Anglice sitccessionem jure
sibi vindical, i. 289.
Devereux, Robert, Earl of Essex, rival
ries between Ralegh and, i. 71 ; his
account of a scene at North Hall,
during a progress of 1587, 72 ; his
attempt to escape from court, 74 ;
alleged combination with Ralegh in
efforts to relieve persecuted Puritans,
132; parallelism in their fortunes,
135 ; is made general-in-chief of the
expedition against Cadiz, 202 ; re
monstrates against the Queen's ir
resolution, and against the changes
in the plan of operations, 203 ; ex
tracts from his correspondence on the
enterprise, 204 ; urgently entreats the
presence of Ralegh with the fleet,
206 ; determines, on the advice of
Lord Admiral Howard, to assault
the town before attacking the Spanish
fleet, 210 ; consents, on the urgent
remonstrance of Ralegh, to postpone
the attack on the town, 211;' and
empowers Ralegh to lead the van in
the attack on the fleet, ib. ; thrusts
his flagship into the van of the battle
in Cadiz harbour, 214 ; heads the
land attack on the town, 217 ; Ra
legh's account of his gallantry and
brilliant success, ib. ; his disdain of
plunder, 222 ; Philip the Second's
remarks on him, 223 ; frequent poli
tical conferences between him, Cecil,
and Ralegh, 227 ; Bacon's advice to

him about the Secretary, and about
places of command, 228 ; scene be
tween him and Ralegh after the tak
ing of Fayal, 240 ; interposition of
Lord Thomas Howard, 242 ; has a
cochineal contract, 243 : his quarrel
with Nottingham, and Ralegh's in
terposition to heal it, 249 ; renewed
conferences between Essex, Cecil, and
Ralegh, 250 ; created Earl Marshal,
ib. ; promotes the marriage of South
ampton with Elizabeth Vernon, 252 ;
his pledge to Robert Cecil on Cecil's
departure for France, ib. ; hesitates
to accept the government of Ireland,
253 ; his acceptance, and immediate
discontent, ib. ; Ralegh's letter to
Cecil on the treatment of Essex
in 1600, 258 ; Ralegh's presence at
his execution, and the sadness noticed
in his bearing on returning from the
scene, 260 ; incidents of his insurrec
tion, 292 ; the colloquy with Robert
Cecil at the trial, 293 ; allusion at
Ralegh's trial to his execution, 430,
433 ; victory at Cadiz, ii. 134, 139,
146-156 ; Ralegh, Essex, and the
Richard the Second of Shakespeare,
164, 169 ; Ralegh's advice to Cecil
respecting his treatment in 1600,
213-223.
Devonshire, state of, in Ralegh's youth,
i. 20 ; proposals for raising forces in,
ii. 36 ; defence of, 118.
Digby, George, Earl of Bristol, i. 476.
Digby, John, Earl of Bristol, has a
grant of the castle and manor of
Sherborne, i. 475, 481.
Dimoke's assay of the metallic ores of
Guiana, i. 189.
Discourse of the invention of ships, i.
504.
Discourse touching a marriage between
Prince Henry of England and a
daughter of Savoy, i. 493.
Discourse touching a match propounded
by the Savoyan between the Lady
Elizabeth and the Prince of Piedmont,
i. 494.
Discourse touching a war with Spain,
and of the protecting of the Nether
lands, i. 365.
Disraeli, Isaac, and his account of the
composition of Ralegh's History of
the World, i. 543-548.
Discoverie of Guiana, i. 196.
Dobb, William, ii. 92.
Doddridge, Sir Tohn, i. 466 ; ii. 292,
299, 312.

[ELIZABETH]

Index.

[FALMOUTH] 509

Lodge, Edward, becomes a. partner in
Ralegh's enterprise for exportation of
pipestaves from Munster, i. 101.
Dolbery, John, i. 471.
Downe, William, ii. 423
Drake, Joan, first wife of Walter Ralegh
of Fardell, i. 12.
Drake, Sir Francis, furnishes supplies
to Ralegh's colony in Virginia, i. 88 ;
and brings the colonists back to
England, 89 ; his warning to Burghley
about the Armada of 1588, 109 ;
Ralegh's service under him in the
Portuguese expedition of 1589, 115 ;
visit to the Netherlands, 15S7, ii.
35 ; Panama expedition of 1595, 119,
120.
Drexelius' (Dreschel), Jeremiah, ac
count of Ralegh's magnificence in
dress, i. 32.
Dudley, Robert, Earl of Leicester,
letters to Mm from Ralegh, Aug. 25,
1581, ii. 17; March 29, 1586,33;
Oct 8, 1587, 35.
Dudley, Sir Robert, serves in the expe
dition against Cadiz, i. 208 ; ii. 108,
149.
Duke, Richard, of Otterton, grants a
lease of Hayes to Walter Ralegh of
Fardell, i. 11 ; letter to him, from
Ralegh, for purchase of Hayes manor,
ii. 26.
Durham House, surrender of, by Ralegh,
to Bishop Tobias Matthew, ii. 262 ;
letter of Ralegh respecting it, 269 ;
fire at, 404.
Dyer, a pilot, called at Ralegh's trial
- to give evidence as to gossip at
Lisbon about James' coronation, i.
427.

Egerton, Sir Thomas, afterwards Vis
count Brackley, letters to him from
Ralegh, April 10, 1583, ii. 20; March
8, 1587, 1588, 40; conveys to the
Earl of Essex the decision of the
Commissioners respecting him in
1600, 215.
El Dorado, the fabled wealth of, i. 159 ;
origin and meaning of the term, 164 ;
the early expeditions in search of,
165, ii. 422 ; see also Guiana.
Eliot, Sir John, is present at the execu
tion of Ralegh, i. 699.
Elizabeth, Queen of England, negotia
tion of, with the French Huguenots

prior to the departure of Champer-
noun's contingent, i. 27 ; her treat
ment of the Count of Montgomery,
30 ; her person, 51;' Timias and Bel-
phcebe,' 56 ; Ralegh's interview with,
on behalf of the Earl of Oxford, 59 ;
her conversation about Ralegh with
the Earl of Essex in 1587, 72 ; her
treatment of Ralegh's prediction of a
new Irish rebellion, 99; Spenser's
account of the quarrel between her
and Ralegh, 121 ; her caprice in
the choice of commanders for great
enterprises, 202 ; her irresolution
about the expedition against Cadiz,
204; her conduct in regard to the
partition of the spoils, 222 ; her pro
position for the marriage of James
VI. with Arabella, 297 ; conversa
tion with the French Ambassador
about Arabella, 298 ; her seizure of
Arabella's property, 299 ; state of
parties in England at the time of her
death, 340 ; sends a token by Ralegh
to Sir H. Gilbert, ii. 19 ; Ralegh
writes to her, expressing his regrets
at being excluded from the Queen's
presence, 259.
Elwes, William, account of a portrait
of Lady Ralegh, formerly belonging
to, i. 137.
England, Crown of, Succession of the,
i. 266, 279.
English soldiers, treatment of the, en
gaged in the capture of Cadiz, i.
224.
Epernon, Duke of, Ralegh's notice of
his flight from the French Court,
ii. 247.
Erinetta,  , i. 622.
Erskine, John, Earl of Mar, i. 307.
Erskine, Sir Thomas, mission to Calais
of, i. 325 ; appointment of, by James
I., to supersede Ralegh in the office
of Captain of the Guard, 363.
Essex, Robert, Earl of, see Devereux.
Exeter, imprisonment of W. Ralegh of
Fardell in, during the rising of the
west, i. 17.

F.

Fachardo, Francisco, ii. 355.
Faery Queen, i. 123, 139.
Faige, Charles, Ralegh's intercourse
with, on the eve of the last expedi
tion to Guiana, ii. 344, 346, 364.
Falmouth, fortification of, i. 244.

SIO [fortescue]

Index.

[gibb]

Fane, Sir Thomas, feigned correspon
dence between Lord Cobham and,
i- 394-
Fardell, in Devonshire, notice of the
Ralegh manor-house of, i. 8.
Fayal, capture of, by the English
squadron, under Ralegh, i. 239.
Featley (or Fairclough), Daniel, D.D.,
extracts from his letters to Ralegh on
the education of his eldest son, Walter
Ralegh, i. 624.
Federmann's Expedition in search of
'El Dorado,' i. 165.
Fellowship for the discovery of a
North-west Passage, i. 84.
Fenton, James, i. 46.
Feogh, Mac Hugh, i. 105.
Feme, Sir John, accusation of intended
piracy against Ralegh, i. 683 ; ii.
373-
Field, Richard, D.D., i. 451.
FitzEdmonds, John, of Cloyne, recom
mended by Ralegh to Leicester, ii.
18.
FitzEdmonds, John, Seneschal of Imo-
kelly, lays an ambush for Ralegh on
the road to Bally, i. 44.
FitzGerald, Catherine, Countess of Des
mond, widow of Thomas, twelfth
earl, i. 107.
FitzGerald, James Fitz-Thomas, i. 319.
FitzGerald, John Fitz-Thomas, Earl of
Desmond, i. 319 ; attempt to assassi
nate him near Arklow, 323.
Fitzjames, John, dealings of the Dean
and Chapter of Sarum with, ii.
97-
Fitzwilliam, Sir William, orders dis
traint to be levied on Ralegh's
tenants in Munster, i. 98 ; seizes a
castle belonging to Ralegh in Mun
ster, ib., ii. 49, 50.
Fleet, proceedings of the English, in
1597, ii. 172, 177, 180.
Flemish ships, treatment of, by Ra
legh, ii. 47.
Fletcher, George, statement of, that he
had been deceived by calumnies of
the Earl of Essex being in personal
danger at the hands of Ralegh, i.
255-
Floire, John, see Floyer.
Flores, Pedro Gutierrez, see Gutierrez.
Floyer, John, captures a ship of
Bayonne, ii. 55, 56.
Fortescue, Sir John, remonstrates with
Burghley on the proceedings in rela
tion to the partition of the spoils of
the Carrack Madre de Dios, i. 156.

Fowler, Sir Thomas, foreman of the
jury at Winchester, in Nov. 1603,
i. 405.
Fowler, Thomas, trustee for Arabella
Stuart, i. 298.
France. AtLorney-General Yelverton's
assertion that Ralegh had obtained,
in 1617, a P'rench Commission 'to
assail Spaniards,' i. 678.
Franchi Conestaggio, Girolamo dei,
ii. 200.
Freake, Thomas, ii. 246.
Free Trade, Ralegh on, i. 273.
Frobisher, Sir Martin, is sent to recall
Ralegh from the expedition against
Panama, and to act for him as Ad
miral of the Fleet, i. 147 ; Ralegh's
instructions to him, 149 ; note on,
ii. 45.
Frontino, Hernan, ii. 355.

Gage, John, writes to the Archbishop
Blackwell about the Romanist plot
ters of 1603, i. 351.
Gascoigne, George, verses alleged to
have been addressed by Ralegh to,
i. 36 ; publishes Sir Humphrey Gil
bert's Discourse on a North-west
Passage, 77.
Gawdy, Sir Francis, a Justice of the
King's Bench, sits as a commis
sioner for the trial of Ralegh,
i. 386 ; his alleged saying about
that trial when on his death-bed,
388.
Gawen, Walter, i. 480.
Genoa, alleged negotiation between
Ralegh and the Ambassador of
Savoy respecting an attack upon,
i- 577, 579-584-
Geographical discovery, Ralegh's li
beral promotion of the literature of,
i. 163.
Geraldines, rising of the, ii. 6.
Gerard, Miles, i. 353.
Gerard, Thomas, Lord Gerard of Ge-
rards Bromley, serves as a volunteer
in the expedition against Cadiz, i.
208 ; apprehends Thomas, Lord
Grey of Wilton, on a charge of
treason, 405.
Geronimo de la Conception, account of
the English attack on Cadiz by, i.
209, 212, 213.
Gibb, John, is employed by James I. to
convey the secret warrant for staying

[GONDOMAR]

Index.

[grey] 5 1 1

the execution at Winchester, i. 448,
450.
Gilbert, Adrian, is joined with Ralegh
and John Davys in a North-west
Passage Company, i. S4 : contro
versy with John Meere about the
Constableship of Sherborne Castle,
470 ; Ralegh's mention of him in
a testamentary letter written in 1603,
ii. 3S6.
Gilbert, Captain, voyage to A irginia of,
ii. 251.
Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, service in the
Netherlands, i. 35, 77 ; discourse on
a North-west Passage to China,
ib. ; his intended voyage to New
foundland, in 1579, interrupted by
Privy Council, 78 ; alleged attack
by one of his ships on a Spanish
barque at Warfleet, 79; Royal
Charter to, in 1578, for the prosecu
tion of voyages of discovery, 80 ; cor
respondence with Sir F. Walsingham
on his voyage of 1583, 82 ; and with
Sir G. Peckham, 83 ; death, ib. ;
Ralegh's account of the suppression
of Irish insurrections by, ii. 2 ;
Ralegh's letter to, accompanying a
token of the Queen's favour, 19.
Gilbert, Sir John, i. 78 ; Deputy Vice-
Admiral of Devon, 67 ; prepares
for an expedition to Guiana in
1598, 199 ; letter to Cecil, on pri
vateering enterprises in 1601, 333 ;
letter to him from Ralegh, on the
victualling of ships at Plymouth, ii.
34 ; Ralegh confers with him re
specting defence of the country,
Gillingham, falconry at, 11. 85.
Godolphin, Sir Francis, ii. 186.
Godwin, Thomas, Bishop of Bath and
Wells, falsehood of an assertion that
Ralegh organized or concocted a
scandalous report against, i. 131.
Gondomar, Diego Sarmiento de Acufia,
Count of, tradition of his personal
dislike of Ralegh, i. 568 : his pedi
gree, 569, note ; his portraits, 569 ;
his early career in Spain, 570 ; his
embassy to England, 571 > proofs of
his power over King James, 573 ;
and of his personal estimate of James,
574 ; protests against Ralegh's expe
dition to Guiana, 587 ; obtains de
tailed account of Ralegh's plans, and
a chart of his intended route, and
sends them to Madrid, 588 ; induces
James to alter some of the terms em

ployed in Ralegh's commission, 589 ;
interposes on behalf of the deserter
from Ralegh's fleet, Captain John
Bailey, 642 ; accuses Ralegh of piracy,
646 ; has a parting interview with
James on leaving London, 651 ; and
goes to Madrid, ib.
Gontaut, Charles de, Duke of Biron,
Marshal of France, Ralegh's attend
ance on the Duke of Biron in
London, and at Basing House, i. 277 ;
ii. 229-235.
Good, John, ii. 431.
Goodman, Godfrey, Bishop of Glou
cester, anecdote about Ralegh's em
balmed head by, i. 706.
Goodwin, Hugh, an English boy, left
in Guiana, i. 192 ; Oldys' statement
as to his fate, ib. note. [The contrary
statement in the text is an error,
arising out of a misconception of the
passage in Ralegh's MS. journal,
there referred to. ]
Gorges, Sir Arthur, describes, in a letter
to Robert Cecil, a scene in the Tower,
in 1592, between Ralegh and Sir
George Carew, i. 141 ; account by,
of the interview between Essex and
Ralegh, after the taking of Fayal,
241, ii. 233.
Gorges, Sir Ferdinando, interview of,
with Sir W. Ralegh, on the Thames,
at the time of the Essex Conspiracy,
i. 256 ; allusions to, in Ralegh's trial
at Winchester, 396 ; Ralegh's quarrel
with, ii. 312.
Goring, George, becomes lessee of part
of Ralegh's estate in Munster, i. 103.
Grados, Geronimo de, ii. 622, 632.
Grant, Patrick, ii. 127.
Grenvile, Bernard, ii. 197.
Grenville, Sir Richard, made com
mander of an expedition to Virginia,
in 1585, i. 87 ; arrives at Roanoke,
89 ; death in a combat at the Azores,
with one ship against five, 144 ;
Ralegh's relation of the event, 145,
214; Ralegh's conference with him
respecting defence of the country, ii.
3°-
Grey, Arthur, Lord Grey of Wilton,
i. 37, 48 ; letter to Burghley respect
ing Ralegh, ii. 4 ; letter to Walsing
ham, ib. ; letter in reply to Walsing
ham, 5.
Grey, Frances, Duchess of Suffolk, i.
288.
Grey, Henry, Duke of Suffolk, i.
288.

512 [GUZMAN]

Index.

[HARVEY]

Grey, Lady Katherine, see Seymour.
Grey, Thomas, Lord Grey of Wilton,
serves as a volunteer in the Islands'
Voyage of 1597, i. 233 ; conferences
at Ostend, July 1600, with Ralegh
and Cobham, as bearer of a message
for Sir R. Cecil, 317; his account
of their visit, 318; career and
character of, 345 ; dispute between
him and Lord Southampton in the
presence chamber of Queen Anne
at Windsor, 346 ; extent of his com
plicity in the plot for surprising the
court, 347 ; his conference with Sir
Griffin Markham, 348; Watson's
plot against him, 350; behaviour of,
at the mock-execution scene at
Winchester, 45 1 ; his speech after the
reprieve, 454 ; Watson's account of
his conspiracy, ii. 456-458 ; mes
sage to him, while a prisoner in
the Tower, from Cecil, Aug. 20,
1603, 461 ; Sir E. Coke's ' Abstract
of the Treasons ' of Lord Grey and
others, 462-465 ; extent of his parti
cipation in the plot of 1603, his life,
character, &c, 469-481 ; letter to
Cecil, from Winchester, Dec. 1603,
praying for his intercession with the
King, &c, 482.
Guanipa, River and Bay of, i. 179.
Guiana, the early explorations of, i. 163 ;
Philip von Hutten's account of, 166 ;
journeys of Ursua and Aguirre in,
167 ; and those of Antonio de Berreo,
169 ; pilot voyage of Jacob Whiddon,
172; Ralegh's first voyage, 1 73 ; his
pictures of its scenery, 181- 183 ; his
account of the ores of Guiana, and of
the experiments in their assaying,
189, 196 ; conversation between Ra
legh and the chieftain Topiawari, on
its productions, climate, and inhabi
tants, 187, 190, 192 ; publication of
Ralegh's Discoverie of Guiana, 196 ;
his MS. treatise Of the Voyage for
Guiana, 198; new preparations for the
voyage to, ii. 100, 103, 105 ; coloni
zation and wealth of, 109-m, 118;
proposals for an expedition to, made
to Queen Anne of Denmark, 335 ;
further proposals, 336, 347 ; account
of the final voyage and its misfor
tunes, &c. , 347-380 ; charts of, 420.
Gutierrez Florez, Pedro, i. 212.
Guzman, Fernando de, expedition of,
in search of 'El Dorado,' i. 167;
murder of, by Lope de Aguirre,
168.

H.

Haddington, John, Viscount, see Ram
say.
Hailes, David, Lord, see Dalrymple.
Hakluyt, Richard, i. 33, 163.
Hakluyt, Richard, the Elder, i. 163.
Hales, John, notice of an Invective
against the Succession of the Queen of
Scots, written by, i. 288.
Harcourt, Robert, voyage of, to Guiana,
i. 191.
Harington, Sir John, i. 131 ; he ob
tains a promise from King James
of the forfeitures of the Markhams,
i- 457-
Hariot, Thomas, goes out to Virginia
under Ralegh's Charter of 1584, i.
87 ; dedicates the Brief and True
Report of Virginia to Ralegh, 88 ;
defamation of, by Chief Justice Pop-
ham, in passing sentence at the trial
of Ralegh, in Nov. 1603, 436 ; help
rendered by him to Ralegh in the
revision of the History of the World,
545 ; letter to Sir R. Cecil, with
proposals for framing charts of
Guiana, &c, ii. 420.
Harlay, Christophe de, Count of Beau
mont, statement of, as to the relations
between Lord Cobham and Sir Robert
Cecil, in May 1603, i. 358 ; account
of the examination of Cobham, in
his correspondence addressed to
King Henry IV. 377 ; account of
the conference between D'Arenbergh
and Cobham, 378 ; his account of a
conversation with Lady Ralegh, 379;
his comments on the dying words
of George Brooke, 442 ; account of
the hesitation of King James in de
ciding on the fate of Ralegh, and of
the other condemned persons, 443 ;
and of the alleged intervention of
the Spanish Ambassador, 445 ;
his statement as to Ralegh's beha
viour at the mock-execution scene,
450.
Harlay, Countess of Beaumont, visit of,
to the Tower of London, and conver
sation with Ralegh, i. 489.
Harry, ' the Indian,' \. 611, 612.
Harvey, Sir George, suppresses a re
tractation of the charges against Ra
legh, made by Lord Cobham, until
after the trials at Winchester, i. 381,
434 ; removal of, from the Lieutenancy
of the Tower,-486 ; his letter to Cecil,

[hey]

Index.

[HOWARD] 5 1 3

inclosing Lord Cobham's confession
of remorse for his false accusation of
Ralegh, ii. 483.
Hastings, Edward, a volunteer in
the Guiana expedition of 161 7, i. 567.
Hawkins, Sir John, Spenser's portrait
of him as ' Proteus, i. 124 ; his in
tervention on behalf of Ralegh, in
1592, 150 ; projects, in 15S7, an attack
on Cadiz, 201 ; Ralegh asks his
opinion respecting the Great Susan,
ii. 52 ; his Panama expedition, 1595,
with Sir Francis Drake, and Ra
legh's proposals in relation to it,
119, 120.
Hay, James, 1st Earl of Carlisle, i.
449 ! »• 494-
Hayes, near Otterton, in Devon, the
birthplace of Ralegh, i. 9.
Hayes, Edward, account of Ralegh's
voyage in 1579 by, i. 81.
Hayward, Sir John, i. 294.
Hele, John, Serjeant-at-Law, opens the
indictment of Ralegh in the trial at
Winchester, i. 387.
Heneage, Sir Thomas, report of, to
Lords of Council ^respecting captives
in Barbary, ii. 30.
Henry IV., King of England, Sir John
Hayward's History of, i. 294.
Henry IV., King of France, conversation
Of, with Sully about Arabella Stuart,
i. 300 ; Elizabeth's eagerness for a per
sonal interview with Henry, 330 ;
comment of, on the conduct of King
James in relation to the trial at
Winchester, in 1603, 456 ; his com
mission to Rene Maree de Mont-
bariot for the ' Conquest and Planting
of Guiana,' 596.
Henry, Prince of Wales, fruitless suits
of, for the pardon of Ralegh, i. 492 ;
his request that Ralegh would advise
him on the Savoyan proposition of a
double marriage, 494 ; has a ship
built after the suggestion of Ralegh,
510; his death, 511 ; Ralegh's letter
to him, with plans for building a war
ship, ii. 330.
Herbert, Henry, Earl of Pembroke,
asks Ralegh's mediation with the
Queen for a grant of the New Forest,
i. 119.
Herbert, William, a volunteer in the
Guiana expedition, i. 567 ; ii. 353,
358, 372. 494-
Hertford, Edward, Earl of, see Seymour.
Hey, Lord, see Hay, James, 1st Earl
of Carlisle.
VOL. II.

Hickes, Sir Michael, Secretary to Lord
Burghley, letter to him from Ralegh
in favour of Captain Spring, ii. 382.
Highington, Robert, i. 290.
Hill, James, a Diplomatic Agent in
Finland, report to the Lord Treasurer
Buckhurst of the willingness of Duke
Charles, of Sudermania, to join in an
English expedition, under Ralegh, to
Guiana, i. 199.
Hilliard, William, Ralegh recommends
him for a prebend in Exeter Cathe
dral, ii. 131.
History of the World, i. 25, 33, III,
239 ; where was it written ? 488 ;
its design and plan, 517; the History
of the Four Monarchies of Antiquity
intended as an Introduction to a
History of England, 518; its new
portraits in old dresses, 523 ; its chro
nology, 535 ; its ethics, 536 ; causes
of its having remained unfinished,
541 ; the helpers in its composition,
543-
Hoby, Sir Edward, ii. 425.
Hody, Pierre de, complaint of, against
Ralegh, and Council determination
therein, i. 117.
Holderness, John, Earl of, see Ramsay.
Holford, Mr. ii. 431.
Holland, Joseph, a pedigree of Ralegh
[now in 'MS. Harl. 1500'] drawn
by, i. 8.
Hooker,  , tutor of Walter Ralegh
the Younger, at Oxford, i. 624.
Hooker, John, addresses Ralegh on the
Ralegh alliances and pedigree, i. 3 ;
and draws a moral therefrom, 4;
Pole's criticism on Hooker's state
ments, 5 ; Hooker's account of a
Ralegh tradition connected with
Smallridge Chapel, 6 ; notice of
Ralegh's stay in France, 33 ; notices
Ralegh's encounter with Spaniards
in 1579, 81.
Horsey, Sir Edward, i. 65, 66.
Horsey, Sir Ralph, ii. 401 ; letters to
SirR. Cecil, written in 1596, 423, 424.
Hoskyns, Sir John, and the History of
the World, i. 544, 545-
Howard, Anne, Lady Howard of Effing
ham, ii. 388.
Howard, Charles, Earl of Nottingham,
and Lord High Admiral of England,
Ralegh's commendation of his tac
tics for the defeat of the Spanish
Armada of 1588, i. Ill ; revives, in
1596, a project for an enterprise
against Cadiz, 201 ; is joined in
L L

5 14 [HOWARD]

Index.

[JAMES I.]

commission with Essex, as general-
in-chief, 202 ; advises an attack on
the town of Cadiz before attacking
the Spanish fleet, 210 ; but on the
urgent protest and entreaty of Ralegh
consents to a change of plan, 211 ;
his summary of the results of the
expedition, 219 ; quarrels with Essex,
249 ; Ralegh interposes to heal the
breach, 250 ; allegation by Henry
Howard that Lord Nottingham had
expressed a. wish, in 1602, that he
had a commission to carry artillery
against Ralegh's house, 311 ; has a
grant of the Wine Licensing Patent,
458 ; claims the outstanding ar
rears, 459 ; Ralegh thanks him for
his interposition with the Queen, ii.
53 ; letter to him respecting the
capture of a ship of Bayonne, 55 ;
letter on the victory at Cadiz, 134,
139, 146-156; letter to the Earl of
Essex, 1597, 180 ; letter to the Lords
of the Council, 1597, 186 ; to the
same, 188.
Howard, Frances, see Brooke.
Howard, Henry, Earl of Northampton,
secret correspondence of, with James
I., i. 265 ; his account of the confer
ences between Lennox, Ralegh, and
Cobham, 326; characterof themanand
his writings, 328 ; the minutes of his
secret letters to Cecil preserved in his
Common-place Book, 329 ; conflict
of opinions between him and Cecil
on the toleration of Roman Catholic
worship, 341 ; aphorism of, on the
art of juggling, 382 ; sits as a com
missioner for the trial of Ralegh,
386 ; account by, of the examination
of Cobham about the book ' against
the King's title,' alleged to have been
given him by Ralegh, 422 ; succeeds
Cobham in wardenship of Cinque
Ports, 458 ; letter to Sir R. Cecil, on
the means of injuring Ralegh and
Cobham, ii. 436.
Howard, Lady, of Effingham, wife of
the Lord High Admiral, on the
partition of the spoils of Cadiz, i. 222.
Howard, Thomas, Earl of Arundel, &c.
conversation with Ralegh on the
scaffold, i. 703 ; ii. 356.
Howard, Thomas, Earl of Suffolk,
shares with Ralegh in certain priva
teering enterprises, i. 116; joined in
commission with Ralegh, in 1591, for
an attack oh the Spanish fleet, 143 ;
Ralegh- is superseded, and Lord

Thomas Howard sails, with Grenville
as his Vice-Admiral, 144 ; results of
the expedition, 146 ; serves as Vice-
Admiral in the expedition, or Islands'
Voyage, of 1597, 233 ; interposes to
heal the breach between Essex and
Ralegh about the capture of Fayal,
242 ; sits as a commissioner for the
trial of Ralegh, 386 ; notice of, ii. 217.
Howard, Thomas, Lord Howard of
Bindon, intervention of, in the law
suits between Ralegh and John
Meere, his bailiff of Sherborne, i.
471 ; ii. 250.
Humboldt, Alexander von, researches
of, in Guiana, i. 168, 183, 190.
Hurault de Maisse, conversation of,
with Queen Elizabeth, i. 330, note.
Hutten, Philip von, Expedition of, in
search of ' El Dorado, i. 166.

Ireland, colonial and industrial enter
prises of Ralegh in, i. 94 ; planting
of the potato in, 106 ; government
of, by the Earl of Essex, 253 ; his
views of English policy in relation to
that country, 254, 320 ; and about
the killing of Irish rebels, 321 ; in
vasion of, by the Spaniards, in Sept.
1 60 1, 319 ; Ralegh's complaint that
it was not a Commonwealth, but a
Common- woe, ii. 18 ; progress of
the war in, 78 ; invasion of, by the
Spaniards, 243, 245.
Irish insurrections, Ralegh on the sup
pression of, ii. 2.
Islands' Voyage of 1597, *¦ 230, 233 ;
ii. 171, 174, 177.
Iwana, or Tortola, Island of, i. 185.
J-
James I., King of England, Secret
Correspondence of, with Cecil and
Henry Howard, i. 265 ; notice
of Blatkstone's assertion of the ex-
haustiveness of James' title to the
English crown, 279 ; Romanist ma
nifesto thereon, 283 ; tract on that
subject, of which a copy was made for
Ralegh, 290 ; despoils Arabella Stuart
of her paternal lands, 288 ; proofs,
in the Secret Correspondence, that
his mind was poisoned against Ralegh
by Howard rather than by Cecil,
304; opinion and promises on the
toleration of Roman Catholic wor-

[JUY]

Index.

[knowls] 515

ship, 341 ; interviews between the
King and Ralegh, at Burghley, in
Northamptonshire, 362 ; and at
Beddington Park, in Surrey, 364 ;
his hesitation as to the fate of
Ralegh and the other prisoners
convicted at Winchester, 443 ; his an
swer to the intercession of the Lords
of the Council, 447 ; signs the death-
warrants for Markham, Cobham,
and Grey, and another and secret
warrant for stay of the execution,
448 ; his assertion that George Brooke
was the chief plotter, ib. ; his speech
to the courtiers at Wilton, 455 ; visits
the Tower of London, in March 1604,
for a bull-baiting, having previously
commanded the removal thence of
Ralegh and others, 484 ; character of
the Count of Arenbergh written by
King James to the Archduke Al
bert, 486 ; reception by, of a pro
posal made by the Ambassador of
Savoy, for an attack, by a combined
English and Dutch fleet under Ra
legh, upon Genoa, 577 ; he exacts
minute particulars of Ralegh's plans
for the expedition to Guiana, and a.
chart of his intended route, and de
livers them to Gondomar, 588; Ra
legh's letter to him, protesting against
the injustice of his conviction of
treason, ii. 280; letter of thanks to
the King for sparing his life, 289 ;
letter appealing to the King's justice
and mercy, 296.
Jersey, government of, the compromise
for the, in 1600, i. 262 ; results of
Ralegh's administration there, 263 ;
new letters patent issued to Ralegh
for the governorship of, .364 ; Jurats
of, address Ralegh on the King's ac
cession, ib. ; Ralegh desires to have
its government, ii. 203 ; his first visit
to the island, 404 ; his account of the
expected arrival of Normans in, 247 ;
defences of, 249.
Johnson, Saunders, ii. 451.
Jones, Rev. Mr. , chaplain on board the
Flying Chudleigh, quotation from his
MS. narrative of the Guiana expe
dition of 16 1 7, preserved at Corpus
Christi College, Oxford, i. 604, 605,
643, note.
Jonson, Benjamin, literary assistance
alleged to have been rendered by
him in the compilation of Ralegh's
History of the World, i. 545.
Juy, Paul, a Flemish engineer, employed

under Ralegh in the fortifications of
Falmouth, i. 245 ; and in those of
the Isle of Jersey, ii. 207, 208 ; letter
of Ralegh respecting him, to Sir
R. Cecil, 206.

K.

Keemish, Lawrence, see Keymis.
Kelly, a merchant of Dartmouth, letter
of Ralegh respecting him, ii. 83.
Keymer, John, licensed by Ralegh to
sell wines in Cambridge, i. 63 ; ji. 25.
Keymis, Lawrence, second voyage to
Guiana of, in 1596, i. 195 ; his report
to Ralegh on his return to England,
197 ; serves under Ralegh at the
taking of Fayal, 240 ; examination
of, in relation to the plots of 1603,
422 ; and the threat to put him to
the rack, 423 ; his letter to Lord
Salisbury about the surrender of
copyholds at Sherborne, 480 ; acts
as trustee for Lady Ralegh in the
conveyance, ib. ; imprisoned in the
Tower and Fleet in 1603-4, 483 ;
has the special charge of the
search for the gold mine, in
the expedition up the Orinoco, 615 ;
the Admiral's instructions to him,
616; is attacked by Spaniards in
ambush, near Seiba, 633 ; abandons
the expedition, 634 ; returns to St.
Thomas, 636 ; and to Trinidad, 638 ;
his report to Ralegh, and its results,
639 ; writes to Lord Arundel, ib. ;
commits suicide, ib. ; Ralegh's
opinion of him, in 1603, ii. 336,
337-339, 348, 351. 354-357, 360 ;
his proceedings in the final Guiana
expedition of 1617, 379, 402, 420.
Kilcolman Castle, Ralegh's visit to,
i. 120; its descent in the Spenser
family, and subsequent alienation,
129.
Kildare, Lady, see Brooke (Frances).
Killigrew, William, brings a message
to Ralegh from Queen Elizabeth, i.
148 ; serves as joint commissioner
with Ralegh and Robert Cecil in the
proceedings for partition of spoils of
the Madre de Dios, 155.
Killmackow, castle and lands of, i. 103.
Kinsale, Ralegh's opinion of the causes
of the Spanish landing at, in Sept.
1601, i. 319.
Knollys, William, Earl of Banbury,
i. 253, 292 ; notice of, ii. 229.
Knowls, see Knollys.
L L 2

5 16 [maccarthy]

Index.

[markham]

l.
La Fayla, Martin de, employment of,
as an agent between Lord Cobham
and the Count of Arenbergh, i. 358.
La Fontaine,  , a French Huguenot
Minister, conversation and correspon
dence between him and Lord Cob
ham, &c. i. 378, 379.
Lake, Sir Thomas, i. 363.
Lambarde, William, conversation of,
with Queen Elizabeth about King
Richard the Second, i. 294.
Lambert, Sir Oliver, i. 229.
Lancerota, Island of (one of the ' Great
Canaries'), Ralegh's visit to, i. 604;
ii. 348 ; its sufferings from the attacks
of Barbary corsairs, i. 605.
Lane, Ralph, made Lieut. -Governor of
Virginia, i. 87.
Languedoc, Ralegh's account of an ad
venture in certain caves of, i. 33."
La Renzi, or Laurencie, Matthew, em
ployment of, as an agent between
Lord Cobham and the Count of
Arenbergh, i. 359, 397, 415, 425 ; ii.
275.
Lascelles, Sir Philip, i. 344.
La Touche, Daniel de, Lord of Ravar-
dies, i. 596.
Laurencie, Matthew, see La Renzi.
Leigh, Captain, killing of an insurgent
in Ireland by, and Ralegh's commen
tary on grant of head-money, i. 105.
Leomans, Michael, answer of Ralegh
to his complaints, ii. 417.
Lesley, John, Bishop of Ross, i. 289.
Leveson, Sir Richard, serves in the
expedition against Cadiz, and cap
tures three Hamburg vessels, i. 209.
Lionello, John Baptist, account by, of
King James' festive visit to the Tower,
and of Ralegh's removal thence, i. 484.
Lismore Castle, built by Ralegh, i. 96 ;
and finished by the Great Earl of
Cork, 97 ; lawsuits concerning, ii. 42.
Llantwit (Llan-IUtydd-Vawr), in Gla
morganshire, Ralegh monuments for
merly in the church of, i. 6.
Lova, Juan de, ii. 184.
Low Countries, see Netherlands.
Luscombe, ii. 105.

M.
Macartey, Finnin, proceedings of, in
Ireland, ii. 9, 15.
MacCarthy, Florence, Ralegh on the

intrigues with Spain of, i. 319 ;
letter of Ralegh respecting him, ii.
90.
MacDermod, Cormac, Ralegh's advice
to the Queen on the treatment of, i.
323-
MacGrath, Meyler, Bishop of Lismore,
grants to Ralegh a lease of the castle
and manor of Lismore, i. 96 ; ii. 124
125.
MacThomas, John, see Fitzgerald.
Macareo River, a branch of the oceanic
delta of the Orinoco ('Capuri' of
Ralegh), i. 185 ; Ralegh returns to
Trinidad by this branch, 194.
Mace, Samuel, is sent by Ralegh to
reinforce the colony of Virginia, i.
91 ; ii. 423.
Madre de Dios, a Spanish Carrack, is
captured by Ralegh's ship, The
Roebuck, commanded by Sir John
Borough, i. 149 ; proceedings and
discussion relating to the partition of
her spoils, 151-158; ii. 59-73.
Makerell, Master of a merchantman,
gives news of the Spanish fleet,
ii- 93-
Manamo River, or ' River of the Red
Cross' ('Brazo Macareo'), i. 184,
185.
Mannenng, a French surgeon, see
Manourie.
Manners, Roger, Earl of Rutland,
serves as volunteer in the Islands'
Voyage of 1597, i. 233.
Manoa, legends of the city of,
named by Martinez the capital of
'El Dorado,' i. 178; ii. 109.
Manourie, Guillaume, a French sur
geon, is employed as a spy on
Ralegh, in the journey from Ply
mouth, i. 656 ; his account of their
conversations, 657-665 ; his reward,
673 ; Ralegh's dying assertion of the
falsehood of his allegations against
him, 701 ; ii. 495.
Maree, Rene, Lord of Montbariot, com
mission to, for the conquest and
planting of Guiana, i. 596.
Markham, Charles, plot of, for surprising
the Court, &c. ii. 453.
Markham, Sir Griffin, i. 343; career
and character of, 344 ; the conference
at Beskwood Park between him and
two of his brothers, in June 1603,
ib.; his conference with Lord Grey
of Wilton, 348; behaviour of, in
the mock-execution scene at Win
chester, 449 ; subsequent fortunes in

[MONTEZUMA]

Index.

[oldys] 51;

exile, 460 ; particulars of his plot
for surprising the Court, &c. ii.
452, 455-458, 462.
Markham, Thomas, declaration and
confession of, ii. 452.
Martens, Veronio, becomes a partner
with Ralegh in the. enterprise for ex
portation of pipestaves from Munster,
i. ioi.
Martinez, Juan, marvellous deposition
made by, at S. Juan de Puerto Rico,
of his visit to Manoa, the capital of
'El Dorado,' i. 178.
Marv Stuart, Queen of Scots, i. 69,
io'8.
Matthew, Tobias, Bishop of Durham,
lays claim to the possession of
Durham House, ii. 263.
Medick, Captain, wounded at Cadiz,
1596, ii. 154.
Medina Sidonia, Duke of, attempts to
substitute mercantile bills for the sum
stipulated as the ransom of Cadiz,
and orders the Spanish fleet to be
burned, i. 218; ii. 145.
Meere, John, and his lawsuits with
Ralegh, i. 470; ii. 227, 236, 237,
245, 250, 493.
Mexico fleet, Ralegh's alleged purpose
to attack the, i. 591, 643, 678, 679.
Meyrick, Sir Gilly, shares in the spoils
of Cadiz, i. 223, 294 ; excites dis
sension between Essex and Ralegh
during the Islands' Voyage of 1597,
240.
Mezerai, Eudes de, account of the in
terview between Queen Elizabeth, and
the Duke de Biron by, ii. 232.
Middleburgh, merchants of, Ralegh's
answer to their complaint, ii. 46.
Milford Haven, Cobham's story about
Ralegh's plot for the landing of
Spaniards at, i. 439.
Moncontour, Ralegh's account of the
retreat after the battle of, i. 26.
Monmouth, see Cary.
Monopolies, Ralegh on, i. 273.
Monson, Sir William, reflection by, on
Ralegh's capture of Fayal, i. 242 ;
account of the battle in Cadiz Har
bour, ii. 141.
Montagu, C. J., address of, on granting
execution, in Oct 161 8, of the Win
chester verdict of Nov. 1603, 691.
Montbariot, Rene, Seigneur de, see
Maree.
Montezuma, tradition of the escape
into Guiana of fugitive adherents of,
i. 164.

Montgomery, Gabriel de, Count, i. 26,
3°-
Montorgueil Castle, in the Isle of
Jersey, Ralegh's visit to, i. 263 ; ii.
208.
Morgan, Miles, i. 8i.
Morgan, Thomas, i. 289.
Mountjoy, Charles, Lord, see Blount
Munster, rebellion in, i. 35-45, 254 ;
ii. 3, 78, 198, 243, 319; colonial and
industrial enterprises of Ralegh in,
i. 96 ; sale of his Munster estates to
Boyle, 106.
Musica, Antonio, ii. 354.
N.
Nassau, Lewis, Count of, i. 26 ; serves
as a volunteer in the expedition
against Cadiz, 208.
Naunton, Sir Robert, account by, of a
dispute between Ralegh and Lord
Grey of Wilton, i. 48 ; intercepts
Lady Ralegh's letters, 683 ; his
correspondence with Sir Thomas
Wilson during Wilson's employment
in the Tower, 688 ; letter in reply to
one of Sir T. Wilson, concerning his
examination of Ralegh, ii. 366.
Netherlands, co-operation of the States-
General of the, with the English, in
the expedition against Cadiz, i. 206,
216 ; letters on the sending of pio
neers to, ii. 33 ; news of the war in
the, 425.
New Exchange, ii. 267.
Newfoundland, Ralegh's establishment
of a trade between Jersey and, i. 263 ;
fleet, ii. 95.
Normans, expected arrival of, in Jersey,
ii. 247.
Norreys, Sir John, Ralegh's alleged
service under, in the Netherlands, i.
33 ; "• '94-
Northampton, Henry, Earl of, see
Howard.
Northumberland, Henry, Earl of, see
Percy.
North-west Passage, Sir Humphrey
Gilbert's discourse on a, i. 77 ;
royal charter of 1 584, creating a
fellowship for discovery of, 84.
O.
O'Dodall has a band of soldiers in
Youghal, ii. 49.
Oldys, William, his account of the
literary help rendered to Ralegh in

Si8 [parry]

Index.

[pine]

the History of the World, i. 543 ;
notices of the Life of Ralegh by,
Introduction, xlix. 545 ; his account
of Ralegh's fellow-workers in the
History of the World, 544.
Opinion upon the Spanish Alarum, i.
231.
Ordaz, Diego de, expedition of, in search
of 'El Dorado,' i. 178.
Orellana, or Amazons, a river of South
America, first exploration of, i. 166.
Orellana, Francisco, voyage of, down the
river of the Amazons, i. 166.
Ores of Guiana, Ralegh's experiments
with the, i. 189, 196.
Orinoco, Ralegh's description of the
river, i. 183, 185, 186 ; ii. 422.
Ormond, Thomas, Earl of, see Butler.
Orsini, Virginio, ii. 260.
Osorio, Jerome, Bishop of Algarve,
capture of the library of, after the
victory of Cadiz, i. 223.
Ostend, visit of Ralegh and Cobham to,
in July 1600, i. 317 ; and their con
ferences there with Lord Grey of
Wilton, as bearers of a message for
Sir R. Cecil, ib. ; ii. 425.
Owen, John, of London, Ralegh on
the proceedings of, with respect to
captives in Barbary, ii. 31.
Owseley, Richard, i. 219.
Oxford, Edward, Earl of, see Vere.
P.
Palmer's assay of the metallic ores of
Guiana, i. 189.
Palmer, Sir Henry, ii. 425.
Palomeque de Acufia, Diego, Governor
of Trinidad and Guiana, i. 619, 620 ;
checks the English forces, on their
following the retreating Spaniards to
St. Thomas, 621 ; but is eventually
defeated and slain, 622 ; ii. 354,
361.
Panama, Ralegh's plan of an expedition
against the Spanish settlement at,
i. 146 ; his advice as to the expedition
of SirF. Drake, ii. 119.
Parana, Pedro Rodrigo de, ii. 355.
Parham, Sir Edward, conversation be
tween, and William Watson, about
opposing Lord Grey, and aiding to
carry King James to the Tower, i.
349 ; extracts from his examination,
35°-
Parker, Charles, i. 567.
Parker, Sir Nicholas, ii. 197.
Parry, Sir Thomas, i. 372.

Parliamentary career of Ralegh, i. 268.
Parsons, Robert, i, 290.
Peckham, Sir George, i. 83.
Peirson, John, i. 291.
Pelham, Herbert, becomes lessee of
part of Ralegh's estate in Munster,
i. 103.
Pembroke, Earl of, see Herbert.
Pennington, Captain John, delay of his
ship, the Star, at the Isle of Wight,
i. 600 ; Lady Ralegh supplies him
with money for his provisions, ib. ;
his arrival at Kinsale, 649 ; and im
prisonment in London, ib. ; particu
lars of his proceedings in the Guiana
expedition, ii. 353, 372.
Penycuik, Walter, i. 359 ; ii. 450.
Percy, Henry, Earl of Northumberland,
correspondence with King James
about the succession of the English
crown, i. 310; Howard's assertion
that he dealt with King James to
favour Ralegh and Cobham, ib. ;
notice of, ii. 219; Ralegh's allusion
to him, 222 ; hopes of a meeting
with him, 249 ; Ralegh's desire to be
certified of the Earl's disposition to
wards him, 387, 438.
Perez, Antonio, ii. 144.
Perez, Captain, ii. 190.
Perez de Quesada, Hernan, expedition
of, in search of 'El Dorado,' i. 165.
Perison, Robert, ii. 240.
Perrot, Sir Thomas, affray between
Ralegh and, i. 50.
Peryam, Sir William, ii. 250.
Peyton, Sir John, takes custody of
Ralegh, in July 1603, as Lieutenant
of the Tower, 373 ; is appointed
Governor of Jersey in Ralegh's
room, 385.
Peyton, Sir John, the younger, con
versation with Lord Cobham of, i.
373-
Philip II., King of Spain, remarks of,
on the noble conduct of Essex at
Cadiz, i. 225.
Philips, Serjeant, speech of, in summing
up the prosecution of Ralegh, i. 428.
Pigott, Captain John, death of, i. 610.
Pine, Henry, becomes a partner with
Ralegh in the enterprise for exporta
tion of pipestaves from Munster, i,
101 ; his defalcations towards his
partners, and the lawsuits thence
arising, 102, ii. 493 ; Ralegh's in
tervention in a suit between him and
Lord Boyle (afterwards Earl of Cork),
i. 601.

[QUESADA]

Index.

[RALEGH] 519

Pipestaves, exporting of, from Minister,
ii. 81, 84, 418.
Pizarro, Gonzalo, expedition of, in
search of 'El Dorado,' i. 165.
Plessington, John, i. 622.
Plots and counterplots of 1602-1603,
ii. 436-482.
Plymouth, Ralegh's views as to the im
portance of, i. 269.
Pole, Sir William, on John Hooker's
account of the Ralegh alliances and
pedigree, i. 5.
Ponte, Isabel, or Elizabeth de, second
wife of Walter Ralegh of Fardell,
i 12.
Pope, Marshal of the Admiralty, ii.
129.
Popham, Sir John, sits as chief com
missioner for the trial of Ralegh, i.
386 ; his exposition of the law of
treason as to testimony, 411, 417;
speech on passing sentence, 435 ; his
defamation of Thomas Hariot, 436 ;
correspondence with Lord Salisbury
about the Sherborne Manors, 469.
Poulet, Sir George, letter to Ralegh,
Sept. 1602, ii. 254.
Powell, Thomas, a captive in Barbary,
1581, ii. 31.
Prerogative of Parliaments, i. 552.
Prest, Agnes, a martyr for Protestantism
at Exeter, visit of Katherine Ralegh
to, i. 19.
Preston, Sir Amias, challenge of com
bat given to Ralegh by, i. 419 ; ii.
3I2> 389-
Privateering adventures, i. 114, 149,
153, 216, 221, 229, 243; ii. 193,
246.
Privy Council, proceedings in relation
to the charges against Ralegh for the
capture of St Thomas, and other
alleged offences, arising out of the
expedition to Guiana, 677-680 ; in
structions to Wollaston and to Cham
pion, respecting the custody of Lady
Ralegh, 685.
Prizes, prize-takers, and prize-money,
under Queen Elizabeth, i. 114, 149,
153, 216, 221, 229, 243.
Prugs, John, ii. 144.

Q-
Quesada, Francisco de, account of vic
tory at Cadiz by, ii. 134-
Quesada, Hernan Perez de, expedition
of, in search of ' El Dorado,' i. 165.

Quito, entrance of the survivors of
Gonzalo Pizarro's Guiana expedition
into, i. 166.

Radford, Arthur, is recommended by
Lady Ralegh to Sir R. Cecil, ii.
399-
Rakele, Ralegh's treatment of the Irish
insurgents at, i. 38.
Ralegh families of Devonshire, i. 7.
Ralegh, of Nettlecombe in Somerset,
pedigree of the family of, i. 6.
Ralegh, in Virginia, town of, i. 90.
Ralegh, Sir Carew, i. 467.
Ralegh, Carew, son of Sir Walter
Ralegh, i. 475, ii. 352 ; entreaty to
the King for his father's pardon,
488.
Ralegh, Elizabeth, Lady, wife of Sir
W. Ralegh, marriage, i. 135 ; paren
tage, 136; notice of a family por
trait of her, 137 ; her trust in Sir
Robert Cecil, 159 ; Henry Howard's
assertion of her intimacy with Lady
Shrewsbury in 1602, 311 ; Countess
of Beaumont's statement of a con
versation with her about the ex
amination of Ralegh, 379 ; letter
about the Wine Patent, 458, ii.
408 ; her residence at Sherborne, in
1605, i. 472 ; has an annuity from the
Exchequer, 477, 480 ; payment to
her, for forbearance of a sum of ^500
due to her from the King, 480 ; re
moval of, from the Tower, 483 ; sells
an estate at Mitcham, in Surrey, in
aid of the preparations for the Guiana
expedition, 567 ; supplies Captain
Pennington to free his ship from de
tention at the Isle of Wight, 600 ;
her imprisonment in her house at
Broad Street, 684 ; her last interview
with Sir Walter, 696; letter to Sir
N. Carew respecting the burial of
her husband, 697 ; buries him in St.
Margaret's chancei, 706.
Letters of, ii. 397-414. [See their
Table of Contents, ii. xxxi. , xxxii. ] ;
letter of farewell and consolation to
her from Ralegh, on the eve of his
expected execution, Dec. 1603, 284 ;
Ralegh asks for leave for her re
turn to the Tower, 328 ; Ralegh's
letter of farewell to her, July 1603,
383-
Ralegh, George, nephew of Sir Walter,

520 [RALEGH]

Index.

[RALEGH]

i. 567 ; succeeds Sir Warham St.
Leger, and has the command-in-chief
of the expedition up the Orinoco,
615; the Admiral's instructions to
him, 616 ; sails on loth Dec, ar
rives at Yaya ('Assapana' of Ra
legh), 619 ; Jan. 1, 1618, makes Point
Araya, 620 ; and lands the men for
the expedition to the mine on same
day, ib. ; is attacked at nightfall by
Spanish soldiers, and driven into St.
Thomas, 621, ii. 352 ; he ascends
the Orinoco for its exploration, i.
636 ; and rejoins Sir Walter at Tri
nidad, 638.
Ralegh, Katherine, mother of Sir Wal
ter, anecdote of the visit of, to Agnes
Prest, one of the Marian martyrs at
Exeter, i. 19, 76.
Ralegh, Walter, of Fardell, marriage
of, i. II ; anecdote of his imprison
ment in St. Sidwell's church, Exeter,
during the rising of the West, 1 5.
Ralegh, Sir Walter, pedigree and ge
nealogy of, i. 2 ; books dedicated to
him, 3, 88, 275 ; his residence at
Oriel, 24 ; campaigns in France, 25 ;
is engaged in the retreat under Charles
Lewis of Nassau, after the battle of
Moncontour, ib. ; his alleged service
in the Netherlands, under Sir John
Norreys, 33 ; was he author of the
verses prefixed to Gascoigne's Steele
Glasse, in 1576536; serves in the wars
of Ireland, 37 ; is joined in commis
sion with Sir W. St Leger for the
trial of James of Desmond, 38 ; lays
an ambush for Irish rebels at Rakele,
ib.; attends the Earl of Leicester to
the Netherlands, and is present at the
'joyful entrance' of the Duke of
Anjou into Antwerp, 43 ; brings
despatches from Cork, 46 ; Council
warrant for payment to him, for service
in Ireland, 47 ; Naunton's account of
his dispute with Lord Grey, 49 ;
is at Court, 51; ' Timias and Bel-
phcebe, ' 56 ; wishes to be bearer of
despatches to Leicester, 61 ; collects
Devonshire miners for the Nether-
land service, 62 ; obtains licences for
exportation of woollen broad-cloths,
ib. ; obtains grant of the farm of
wines, 63 ; leases it to Richard Browne,
ib. ; licenses Keymer to sell wines at
Cambridge, ib. ; correspondence with
the University and with Lord Burgh
ley thereon, 64 ; suits with Browne on
the wine patent, 65 ; correspondence

with Solicitor-General Egerton, 65 ;
and minute of Privy Council thereon,
ib. ; succeeds Francis, Earl of Bed
ford, in the wardenship of the Stan
naries, 67 ; succeeds Sir Christopher
Hutton, as Captain of the Queen's
Guard, ib. ; Babington seeks his in
tervention with the Queen, 69 ; grant
to Ralegh of Babington's estates, 70 ;
his rivalries with Essex, 71 ; the
scene at North Hall during a
royal progress, 72 ; his first in
terview with Arabella Stuart, 74 ;
his presence at Dartmouth, 79 ; is
about to sail with Sir H. Gilbert for
Newfoundland, but prohibited by the
Privy Council, ib. ; Captain Hayes'
account of his venturing to sea, de
spite the prohibition, and fighting
with the Spaniards, 81 ; resumes the
enterprise of Sir H. Gilbert, and
obtains a royal charter for creating
a fellowship for discovery of North
west Passage, 84 ; founds the first
colony of Virginia at Roanoke, 86 ;
equips a new expedition, and gives
the command of it to Sir Richard
Grenville, 87 ; founds the town of
Ralegh in Virginia, 90 ;. receives a
grant of a tract of land of 12,000
acres in the counties of Cork, Water-
ford, and Tipperary, 95 ; has a grant
of the castle and manor of Lismore,
96 ; builds Lismore Castle, ib. ; es
tablishes a commerce in Irish timber,
97 ; has a lawsuit with Wingfield
about a castle in Munster, 98 ; com
plains of the dealings of Sir William
Fitzwilliam with the tenantry of the
Ralegh estate in Munster, 98; opinion
of Ralegh on the danger of a new re
bellion, 99 ; his commentary on head-
money for the killing of rebels, 105,
ii. 198 ; planting of the potato in
Ireland, i. 106 ; service against the
Spanish Armada, III; commentary
on the tactics of Howard, 112; his
reprisals on Spaniards, 115, 116 ; suit
of Reynardson and others against
him, 1 14 ; service in the Portugal
expedition under Drake, 115 ; is
directed by Council to enforce the
restoration of certain Dutch ships,
which had been taken into Dart
mouth, 117 ;. supports a suit of Lord
Pembroke for grant of the New
Forest, 119 ; retirement from Court,
ib. ; his relations with Essex, 120 ;
visits Spenser at Kilcolman Castle,

[RALEGH]

Index.

[RALEGH] 521

120; their conversation and its results,
121 ; Ralegh's advice concerning the
"Faery Queen," 123; Spenser ad
dresses Ralegh in prose and verse,
126 ; parallels, in the fortunes of
Ralegh and Spenser, 127 ; services
rendered by him to Spenser, 131 ;
returns to Court in 1591, 132 ; al
leged combination with Essex in re
lief to persecuted Puritans, ib. ; his
zealous efforts on behalf of John
Udall, 133 ; parallelisms in fortune
of Essex and Ralegh, 135 ; his court
ship and marriage of Elizabeth Throg-
morton, ib. ; imprisonment in the
Tower, 140 ; scene there with Sir G.
Carew, 141 ; his correspondence from
thence with Cecil, 142 ; first appear
ance as an author, in his Report of the
Truth of the Fight at tlie Isles of the
Azores, 144 ; narrates the death of
Grenville at the Azores, ib.; Report
of the Service at Sea performed by
the Fleet of Sir Walter Ralegh,
149 ; intervention of Hawkins on his
behalf, and his letters to Burghley,
151 ; release from the Tower, under
charge of a keeper, 152; his journey
to Dartmouth, and reception there,
154 ; his meeting with his brother,
Sir J. Gilbert, ib. ; his account of his
treatment in the partition of the
spoils of the Great Carrack of 1592,
157 ; his first ponderings about the
fabled ' El Dorado,' 159 ; residence at
Sherborne, 160 ; his love of garden
ing, ib. ; and of the enjoyments of a
country retirement, 161 ; his prepa
rations for the first expedition to
Guiana, 172; sends Captain Whid-
don to Trinidad, ii. ; and himself
sets sail from Plymouth, 173 ; con
versations of, at Trinidad, with Antonio
de Berreo, 1 70, 1 74, 1 76 ; captures a
Spanish ship near the Canary Islands,
173 ; attacks and captures the Spanish
town of St. Joseph, and liberates five
Indian caciques, who had been tortured
by Berreo, 174 ; his word-pictures of
the scenery of Guiana, 181 ; account
of the metallic ores of Guiana, and
of their assay, 189, 196; and of the
furious inundations of the Guiana
rivers, 183, 186 ; his voyage down the
Brazo Macareo and Cano Macareo
to Point Hicacos, 185 ; notice of
his conversations with Topiawari on
the productions, climate, geography,
and inhabitants of Guiana, 187, 190,

192 ; causes the ores of Guiana to
be assayed by London goldsmiths and
refiners, 189; the voyage homeward,
195 ; calls at Cumana, St. Mary's,
and Rio de la Hacha, ib.; reaches
England, ib. ; despatches Keymis on
a second voyage to Guiana, 196 ;
urgent request far his services in the
expedition against Cadiz, 206 ; his
delay to join the fleet and its causes,
207 ; has to press mariners in Kent,
iA ; is detached from the main body
of the fleet, at the head of his own
squadron and that of the Nether
lands, in order to a blockade of Cadiz
Harbour, 209 ; on his return, protests
against the resolve to attack the town
before attacking the Spanish fleet,
2 10; his successive remonstrances with
Essex and with the Lord Admiral,
211 ; writes to the Lord Admiral as
to the best order of battle, ib. ; is
chosen to head the attack, ib. ; leads
the van of the English fleet into Cadiz
harbour, 212 ; captures the St.
Philip and the St. Matteo, 216; is
severely wounded, ib. ; but causes
himself to be carried in a litter to the
land-fight, ib. ; his despatch to Secre
tary Cecil on the gallantry of Essex,
217 ; brings the first authentic details
of the Cadiz victory to England, ib. ;
is still excluded from Court, 225 ; re
appears at Court, 226; resumes the
personal command of the Queen's
Guard, ib. ; frequent conferences be
tween him, Essex, and Sir R. Cecil,
227 ; draws up a State paper on the
defence of the English coasts, 231 ;
acts, with Essex, as purveyor and
contractor for the equipment of the
fleet newly prepared against Spain,
232 ; commands, as Rear-Admiral,
a squadron in the ' Islands' Voyage, '
233 ; his account of the great storm
of July, 234 ; sends a message to the
Lord General Essex, 237 ; and re
joins the other squadron at Flores,
ib. ; the scene in the flag-ship, 238 ;
particulars of the capture of Fayal,
239 ; his estimate of the strength and
weakness of Spain, 245 ; extent and
variety of his opposition to Spanish
policy, 246 ; his intervention to heal
the quarrel between Essex and Not
tingham, 250 ; renewed conferences
between Ralegh, Essex, and Cecil,
251 ; incident in the Presence Cham
ber during a game of Primero, 25 r ;

522 [RALEGH]

Index.

[RALEGH]

doubtful allegation of an offer to him
of the government of Ireland, 253 ;
renewal of Essex's ill-will to him,
254 ; allegation by Essex of a plot by
Ralegh and Cobham to kill the Earl
after his return from Ireland, 255 ;
Blount's attempt to assassinate him
on the Thames, 257 ; his entreaty
for Ralegh's forgiveness, and the as
surance of it, 258 ; Ralegh's counsel
to Sir Robert Cecil on the treatment
of Essex, in 1600, 259, ii. 213-
223 ; tradition of his sadness after
witnessing the execution of Essex,
i. 260 ; is returned to Parliament as
knight of shire for Devon, 268 ;
parliamentary labours of, ib. ; his
speeches on the power and resources
of .Spain, 269; on subsidies and on
the incidence of taxation, 270 ; on
compulsory church-going, 272 ; on
the Tillage and Hemp Acts, 'ib. ;
on tillage and on a. free trade in
corn, ib. ; on the tin mines of Corn
wall, and on other monopolies, 273 ;
advocates a free trade in corn, ib. ;
his administration of the Stannaries
and of the Duchy of Cornwall,
273, 276 ; attends the Duke of Biron
and his train in London and at
Basing, 277 ; causes copies to be made
by one of his servants of a tract on
the Succession, entitled Reasons why
the King of Scots is unacceptable to
the People of England, 291 ; ad
dresses to Elizabeth a discourse " In
defence of the Queen's not nomina
ting a Successor," 295 ; proofs, in the
"Secret Correspondence," that. James'
mind was poisoned against Ralegh
rather by H. Howard than by Cecil,
304 ; his counsel to Cecil on the
Spanish invasion of Ireland, 320 ;
his opinion as to the giving of head-
money for the killing of Irish rebels,
321 ; his advice to Queen Elizabeth
on the treatment of Cormac Mac
Dermod, 323 ; conference with Len
nox, 326 ; conversation with Cecil on
the mission of Lennox, and on what
had passed between them, 327 ; his
meeting with Sully at Dover, 330 ;
his view of the relations between
England and France, 331 ; joint-stock
privateering adventure with Cecil and
others, 333 ; alleged conversations
between Watson and G. Brooke
about the supposed designs and
plots of Ralegh, 353 ; alleged con

ference between Lord Grey and
Ralegh at Cobham House, 353; in
timacy, and frequent conferences, be
tween Ralegh and Cobham, 359 ;
journeys into Northamptonshire to
meet King James, accompanied by
Sir R. Crosse, 362 ; meets the King
at Burghley, ib. ; Secretary Lake's
account of his reception, 363 ; is
summoned to the Council Chamber,
and informed of the King's pleasure
that the office of Captain of the
Guard should thenceforth be dis
charged by Sir Thomas Erskine, ib. ;
has a new warrant, by letters patent,
for the government of Jersey, 364 ; his
interview with James at Beddington
Park, ib.; presents the King with a
Discourse touching a War with Spain,
365 ; writes to Cobham about the
arrest of Copley in Sussex, ib. ; at
tends the Court at Windsor, 366 ;
is summoned from the terrace to the
Council Chamber, ib. ; denies all
knowledge of a plot to surprise the
King's person, or of any plot con
trived between Cobham and Aren
bergh, 367 ; writes afterwards to the
Lords of the Council to suggest that
Matthew La Renzi had probably been
an agent of some communication
between Cobham and Arenbergh,
368 ; Ralegh's subsequent committal
to the Tower, 373; Cecil's account
of his attempt, or alleged attempt,
to commit suicide, 375 ; Beaumont's
account and comment, 377 ; Beau
mont asserts, on the authority of Lady
Ralegh, that Ralegh was examined
about his visits to the Marquis of
Rosny, 379; his indictment at Staines,
383 ; erasures on the jury panel, 385,
note ; is deprived of the Lieutenancy
of Cornwall, 386 ; notices of the
character and authority of the MS.
reports of his trial at Winchester, 385,
note ; goes from London to Win
chester to take his trial, 386 ; opening
of the indictment, 387 ; trial, 388-
436 ; his account of the character of
Cobham, 397 ; and of the reasons of
their frequent meetings in the spring
of 1603, 401 ; his appeal to the
jury on the condition and policy of
Spain, 398 ; demand for Cobham's
production before him, face to face,
407, 425, 426 ; Chief Justice Popham's
answer, 409 ; Lord Cecil's interpo
sition on that point, 426 ; Ralegh

[RALEGH]

Index.

[RALEGH] 523

produces Cobham's second letter of
retractation, 435 ; his speech after the
verdict of the jury, ib. ; his message
to the King, ib. ; Count Beaumont's
account of the King's long hesitation
as to the execution of the sentence,
442 ; and of the intercession of Lords
of the Council, 443 ; and of that of
the Spanish Ambassador, 445 ; his
own eager suit for life unworthy of
him, 446 ; witnesses the mock-execu
tion scene of the 10th of Dec. 449 ;
Beaumont's account of his beha
viour there, 450 ; is succeeded in
the Wine Patent by Lord Notting
ham, 458 ; is befriended by Lord
Cecil, 461 ; obtains the assignment
of a lease of the manor of Sherborne
and its dependencies, 463 ; retro
spective account of his endeavours to
convert the lease of Sherborne into
an estate of inheritance, ib. ; convey
ance of his landed estates in trust
for his son Walter, 465 ; execution
of a new conveyance of his landed
estates in trust for his son Walter
Ralegh, 467 ; memorials of him at
Sherborne, 478 ; grants an annuity to
Walter Gawen, 480 ; returns to the
Tower, 482 ; is removed to the prison
of the Fleet, and why, 483 ; decline
of his health during his imprisonment
in the Tower, 491 ; is befriended by
Prince Henry, who makes repeated
intercessions for his pardon, 492 ; his
Discourses on the Savoyan, or Spanish,
propositions of 161 1, for a double
marriage with England, 497; his
Discourse of the Invention of Ships,
504 ; his Observations concerning the
Royal Navy and Sea Service, ib. ; the
lost treatise Of the Art of War by Sea,
505 ; his interview with Lord Salis
bury, 502 ; and with Lord Northamp
ton and other members of the Privy
Council, ib. ; is put for several months
under close imprisonment, 503 ; sends
an elixir to Prince Henry in the
Prince's last illness, 511; his unad
vised expression about its potency,
and Queen Anne's inference there
from, 512 ; the History of the World,
where was it written ? 488 ; its design
and plan, 517 ; the History of the
Four Monarchies of Antiquity in
tended as an Introduction to a
History of England, 518; its new
portraits in old dresses, 523 ; Ra
legh's treatment in it of ques

tions of morals, 538; probable fal
sity of Winstanley's story as to the
cause of its remaining incomplete,
541 ; the helpers in the work, and
the origin of Mr. Isaac Disraeli's
' Discoveries of its Secret History,'
543 ; Ralegh's other pursuits during
his imprisonment in the Tower, 548 ;
the statements of Oldys and of Dis
raeli as to the assistance rendered to
Ralegh in the composition of the
History of the World, 543-548 ; the
Prerogative of Parliaments, and the
occasion of its composition, 552 >
his proffers of service to the King of
Denmark, and to the French Hugue
nots, 560 ; negotiations for his libera
tion from the Tower with Sir George
Villiers and his relatives, 562 ; Coun
cil Minute on the liberation, 563 ; he
makes a tour of London, 564 ; nego
tiations of the Ambassador of Savoy
with Secretary Winwood and King
James I. respecting a projected expe
dition, under the command of Ralegh,
for an attack on Genoa, 576, 579—
584 ; is obliged to furnish the King
with minute particulars of the plan
and projected route of the expedition
to Guiana, which are communicated
to Gondomar, 588 ; his alleged con
versations with Lord Keeper Bacon
about the tenns and legal effect of
his commission for Guiana, 589 ;
and his bravado about an alleged
purpose to attack the Spanish
Plate fleet, if the mine should fail,
591 ; Count des Mar6ts' account of a
visit to Ralegh, on board the ship
Destiny, 592 ; survey of his fleet in
the Thames, made by officers of the
English Admiralty, and a copy of it
given to Gondomar, 597 ; second visit
of Des Marets, and allegation of Ra
legh's proffer of service to the King of
France, 595 ; receives, from Sylvanus
Scory, a poetical remonstrance
against his departure from England,
598 ; his fleet sails from the Thames,
599 ; his orders to the fleet, issued
at Plymouth, 600 ; the fleet sails from
Plymouth, ib. ; meets with a gale
near Scilly, 601 ; its long detention
at Cork, ib. ; his intervention there
in suits between Pine and Lord Boyle,
ib. ; departure from Cork, 602 ; ex
tracts from the journal of his voyage,
604, 610, 612, 616; gives chase to
four French vessels near Cape St.

524 [RALEGH]

Index.

[RICH]

Vincent, 603, 607 ; makes Lancerota,
604 ; seeks water and fresh provisions,
605 ; subtlety of the Governor, and
its results in an attack on the English,
ib. ; account subsequently given of
the affray by Reeks, a mariner of
Ratcliff, 618 ; Ralegh hinders re
prisals, and why, 606 ; Ralegh visits
Gomera, 608 ; the Governor's kind
reception of him, and the interchange
of courtesies with the Governor's
Anglo-Flemish wife, 609 ; his depar
ture from Gomera, ib. ; great sickness,
and storm in the Brava Roads, ib. ;
loses many of the best officers and men
of his fleet, 610 ; his own serious, and
nearly fatal, illness, 611; arrives at
the Cape of Wiapoco (now called
'Cape Orange'), ib. ; great sickness
and mortality on board the fleet,
610 ; violent hurricane, ib. ; anchors
within the river Cayenne ( ' Caliana '
of the Apology), 611 ; appoints the
Triangle Islands, or 'Isles of Health,'
as the general rendezvous of the fleet,
615 ; detaches an expedition for the
mine, under George Ralegh and
Lawrence Keymis, ib. ; his instruc
tion to George Ralegh for the ascent
of the Orinoco, and to Keymis for
the mining expedition, 616 ; makes
Point Barima (' Puncto Anegada' of
Ralegh), 617 ; makes Point Hicacos
(' Curiapan' of Ralegh), ib.; anchors
at Terra de Bri, ib. ; his account of
the origin of the second Spanish set
tlement of St Thomas, 620; recep
tion in England of certain statements
as to Ralegh's proceedings at the
Canaries, brought by a deserter from
the fleet, John Bailey, 612, 619, 640,
641 ; Ralegh receives news of the
failure at St. Thomas, 628, 638 ; his
interview with Keymis, and its conse
quences, 639 ; attempted mutiny in
the fleet, 643 ; the return voyage to
England, 648 ; and arrival at Ply
mouth, 649 ; Ralegh's apprehension
by Sir L. Stukeley, 653 ; incidents of
the journey to London, 655-667; at
tempts at escape, 654, 665, 668 ; news
of his attempted escape reported to
the Spanish court, 675 ; he is accused
before the Privy Council of the un
lawful capture of St. Thomas, and
of a design to attack the Mexico
fleet, 677 ; and of disloyal speeches
against the King, 679 ; his answers,
ib. ; he is placed under the custody

of Sir T. Wilson, 681 ; Wilson's
reports of his conversations in the
Tower, 682, 683 ; petition in verse
to Queen Anne of Denmark, 686 ;
Lord Keeper Bacon's advice on
the mode of his execution, 689 ;
departure from the Tower, 690 ;
appearance in the Court of King's
Bench, 691 ; his address to the Court,
ib. ; imprisonment in the Gate-house,
693 ; conversations with Beeston, with
Thynne, and with Tounson, 694;
last interview with Lady Ralegh, 696 ;
testamentary notes, 697, ii. 493-495 ;
his words on leaving the Gate-house,
i. 698 ; speech on the scaffold, 699 ;
conversation with Arundel on the
promise of return from Guiana, 703 ;
last words, 704, 705 ; death, 705 ;
burial at St. Margaret's, 706.
Letters, ii. 1-394. [See Table of
Contents, ii. ix. — xxx.]; Introduction
to, xxxix. — lxxxv.
Ralegh, Walter, the Younger, sails as
Captain in the Guiana fleet of 161 7,
i- 599 ! withstands the pestilence,
ib. ; drives off the assaults of the
English watering-party, at Lancerota,
ib. ; has a chief command in the
Orinoco expedition, 615; rallies the
English at St. Thomas, and kills
the Spanish leader, but falls in the
moment of victory, 622 ; notices ot
his college life at Oxford, 623.
Ramsay, John, Viscount Haddington,
afterwards Earl of Holderness, letter
of Ralegh to him, containing propo
sals for a voyage to Guiana, ii. 392.
Randall, John, commendation of, by
Ralegh, ii. 132.
Ratcliffe, Robert, Earl of Sussex, K.G.
serves as a volunteer in the expedition
against Cadiz, i. 208.
Ravardier, Daniel, Seigneur de, see La
Touche.
Reasons why the King of Scots is unac
ceptable to the People of England,
i. 292.
Reeks, a mariner of Ratcliff, brings an
account to England of the affray at
Lancerota, i. 618.
Relation of Cadiz Action, i. 212, 213, 215,
217; ii. 139-156. <
Rensey, Matthew, see La Renzi.
Reynardson, Albert, suit of, in the Court
of Admiralty, against Ralegh, i. 114;
answer of Ralegh to his complaints,
ii. 415.
Rich, Robert, Earl of Warwick, serves

[SAINT THOMAS]

Iltdc.

[SEYMOUR] 525

as a volunteer in the Islands' Voyage
of 1597, i. 233.
Richard the Second. Ralegh, Essex, and
the ' Richard the Second ' of Shakes
peare, i. 294; ii. 164, 169.
Richelieu, Cardinal, notice of Ralegh
and of the fleet in preparation for
Guiana, written to the Marshal
D'Ancre by, i. 593 ; Count des
Marets' despatches to him, about
Ralegh and his alleged proffer of
service to France, 595.
Roanoke, in Virginia, i. 86.
Roborough Down, ii. 211.
Roche, Lord, captured by Ralegh at
Bally, i. 44.
Roche, Morrice, proceedings of, ii. 9.
Roe, Sir Thomas, i. 598.
Rugway, Captain, ii. 181.
Rushmore, Ralegh on the purchase of,
by Sir R. Cecil, ii. 226.
Russell, Sir William, rumoured nego
tiation between Ralegh and, to ex
change the wardenship of the Stan
naries for the government of Jersey,
i. 262.
Rutland, Roger, Earl of, see Manners.

Sackville, Thomas, Earl of Dorset,
L 222, note ; Ralegh's complaint to
King James about the injudicious
dealings of, with crown lands in the
Duchy of Cornwall, i. 363.
Sage, Charles, see Faige.
Saint John, Oliver, LordTregoz, i. 553.
Saint John, Sir William, i. 562.
Saint Leger, Sir Warham, i. 38.
Saint Leger, Sir Warham (II.) i. 567 >
drives off, at Lancerota, the assaults
on the English watering-parties, 6 1 1 ;
his illness, in the Cayenne, 615, 617; is
succeeded, as second in command, by
Captain George Ralegh, ib. ; his testi
mony respecting an alleged intention
to attack the Mexico fleet in the
homeward voyage from Guiana in
1618, 679.
Saint Margaret's Church, Westminster,
Ralegh's burial there, and the inscribed
brass above his grave, i. 7°6-
Saint Thomas, in Guiana, account by
Ralegh of the fortification of the
second settlement of, i. 620 ; arrival
of the retreating Spaniards at, and
capture of the town by the English,
621 ; proceedings before the Privy

Council in relation lo the capture
of, 678.
Salignac de la Mothe Fenelon, account
by, of Elizabeth's negotiations with
the French Huguenots, i. 28.
Salisbury, Robert, Earl of, see Cecil.
Salisbury, William, Earl of, see Cecil.
Sanchez de Ulloa receives the instruc
tions of Philip III. as to the execu
tion of Ralegh, i. 688.
Sancroft, William, Archbishop of Can
terbury, statement by, as to the
authorship of the Breviary of the
History of William the First, i. 513.
Sanderson, William, i. 459.
San Felipe, a great galleon of Spain,
capture of the, i. 216; it serves against
Spain in the expedition of 1597,
233-
San Matteo, the, is disabled in the
storm near Cape Ortegal, i. 236.
Sarmiento de Acuna, Diego, see Gon
domar.
Sarmiento de Genaboa, Pedro, i. 568.
Sarum, Dean and Chapter of, Ralegh
on the dealings of, with one Fitzjames,
ii. 97. _
Savage, Sir Arthur, brings together
Ralegh and the Duke of Lennox to
wards the close of 1601, i. 326; ii.
136, 137, 233.
Savage, Robert, see Snagge.
Savoy. Ralegh's discourses on the Sa-
voyan propositions of 161 1, and their
origin, i. 497.
Scarnafissi, Antonio de, Count, Ambas
sador of Charles Emanuel I. Duke
of Savoy, at the Court of London, i.
575 ; his negotiations with Secretary
Winwood and with Ralegh, respect
ing a projected expedition against
Genoa, 577, 579-584-
Schomburgk, Sir Robert, researches of,
in Guiana, i. 168, 180, 183, 200.
Scory, Sylvanus, poetical remonstrance
addressed to Ralegh by, against his
departure, in 1617, for Guiana, i. 598,
note.
Scotland, Ralegh's advice to Queen
Elizabeth on the danger which might
grow by a Spanish faction in, i. 318.
Scott, Thomas, a merchant, Ralegh on
the fraudulent dealings of, ii. 305.
Secret Correspondence of Sir Robert
Cecil with King James the Sixth, i.
310.
Seymour, Edward, Earl of Hertford,
notice of, ii. 218; Ralegh's allusion
to him, 222.

526 [SOUTHWELL]

Index.

[SPENSER]

Seymour, Lady Katherine, i. 288 ; ii.
43°-
Seymour, Lord Henry, conferences of,
with Ralegh, for the government of
Jersey, i. 262 ; reserve of a life-rent
in his favour, ib.
Seymour, William, Duke of Somerset,
KG, i. 296.
Shakespeare, William. Ralegh, Essex,
and the ' Richard the Second ' of
Shakespeare, i. 294; ii. 164, 169.
Shelbury, John, i. 468.
Sherborne Castle and manors, in Dor
setshire, dealings of the commission
ers with, after Ralegh's condemna
tion, i. 461 ; history of, 462 ; the
conveyance of, in 1602, 469 ; negotia
tions for a conveyance to the King,
473 ; the new owners of Sherborne,
474 ; the ' Curse of Sherborne,' 477 ;
Ralegh memorials there, 478 ; the
successive transfers of the manor,
480.
Sherborne, plague at, ii. 100 ; particu
lars of Ralegh's estates at, 307 ;
restoration of the estates, 319 ; pro
posed conveyance of, to the King,
323-
Shrewsbury, Elizabeth, Countess of,
see Talbot.
Shrewsbury, Gilbert, Earl of, see
Talbot.
Simon, Pedro, extracts from his Setima
Noticia Historiale, &*c, i. 62c, 622,
633, 636.
Smallridge Chapel, in Devonshire, tra
dition of a Ralegh memorial long
preserved at, i. 6.
Smith, Richard, ii. 106.
Smith, Widow, lawsuit of Ralegh with,
ii. 104, 128.
Smythe, Robert, i. 468.
Snagge, Robert, allusions at the trial of
Ralegh to a book ' against the King's
title,' written by, i. 419, 421.
Snedale, Margaret, i. 459.
Somerset, county of, compared by
Ralegh with Cornwall, as to means
of defence, ii. 116.
Somerset, see Seymour, Edward, Earl
of Hertford.
Somerset, Edward, Earl of Worcester,
KG., i. 262.
Sotomayor, Diego de, i. 212.
Southampton, Henry, Earl of, see
Wriothesley.
Southwell, Sir Robert, serves in the
expedition against Cadiz, i. 208 ; ii.
148.

Spain, Ralegh's service against the
Great Armada of, i. 108; English
reprisals against, 113, 143, 146; the
expedition against Spain in 1592, and
its results, 147 ; conquests and losses
of, 163 ; the expeditions of the
Spaniards to Guiana, 164 ; new
naval preparations against Spain in
1597, 232 ; Ralegh's estimate of its
strength and weakness, 245 ; extent
and variety of his opposition to
Spanish policy, 246 ; Ralegh's
speeches in Parliament on the power
and resources of, 269 ; invasion of
Ireland by the Spaniards in 1601,
319 ; Ralegh's address to the jury at
Winchester on the condition and
policy of, 398 ; Beaumont's account
of the proceedings in the treaty with
Spain in 1603, 445 ; Spanish account
of the state of English opinion in
1602, about Continental alliances,
495 ; Count des Marets' despatch on
the same subject in 1616, 496 ; recep
tion of the news of Ralegh's attempted
escape, 676 ; offer to the Court of
Spain, by King James I., that he
would give up Ralegh to be executed
at Madrid, 678; the offer declined,
with a desire for his. immediate exe
cution in England, 688 ; ports of, ii.
1 79 ; proposed enterprises against,
I7I-I93, 236, 240, 247.
Spaniards, proceedings of, at Brest,
ii. 94 ; invasion of Ireland by, 243,
245.
Spanish Faction in Scotland, ii. 259.
Spanish Fleet, news of the, ii. 93, 95;
184, 224, 236, 240, 241, 253.
Spanish Prisoners in England, treat
ment of, i. 219.
Sparrey, Francis, an Englishman, left
by Ralegh in Guiana, and his subse
quent adventures, i. 192.
Spenser, Edmund, Ralegh's visit to, at
Kilcolman, and its results, i. 120 ;
his views of English policy in Ireland,
123 ; Ralegh's advice to him about
the " Faery Queen," ib. ; incidents of
their voyage together to England,
124 ; his addresses to Ralegh in
prose and verse, 126 ; mischance at
tends on his Irish estates, 127 ;
Cromwell's intervention on behalf of
his descendants, 128 ; their subse
quent fortunes in Ireland, 129 ;
Spenser's allegory of the loves of
Ralegh and Elizabeth Throgmorton
as ' Timias and Amoret, ' 139.

[STUART]

Inde.

[tiiorne] 527

Spenser, William, Cromwell's interven
tion on behalf of, i. 128.
Spihnan, Sir J. ii. 320.
Spring, Captain, letter in his favour,
from Ralegh to Michael Hickes, ii.
382.
Standen, Sir Anthony, account of
Ralegh's behaviour at Cadiz, by, i.
221.
Stanhope, Sir John, sits as a commis
sioner for the trial of Ralegh, i. 386.
Stannaries, Lord Wardenship of the, i.
68, 262, 275, 276; Ralegh on the affairs
of the Stannaries, 273 ; ii. 210.
Stannary Court, ii. 92.
Star Chamber, ii. 92.
Stourton, Lady. Ralegh's report of
the capture of a Jesuit hi her house,
ii. 91.
Stow's account of Queen Elizabeth's
visit to Basing, and of the Duke de
Biron's embassy, ii. 229.
Stuart, Arabella, first interview between
Ralegh and, i. 74 ; Burghley's account
of her accomplishments, 75; Arabella
and the succession of the crown, 266 ;
is called by the Venetian resident, in
1603, ' Omicida delta Regina,' 296 ;
proposition of a marriage between
her and James VI. of Scotland, in
1585, 297 ; other marriage proposi
tions, 298 ; Elizabeth's conversation
with a French Ambassadress about her,
ib. ; Lord Cobham's allegation that
she sought his friendship, 301 ; her
imprisonment in 1603, ib,, ii. 427-
434 ; Cobham's cogitations about a
possible successorship to the crown in
the person of, i. 354 ; and what came
of it, 355 ; her appearance and pro
testation at the trial of Ralegh, 425 ;
Coke's admission that ' she was never
acquainted with the matter,' 427 ;
death of, 556 ; the Council warrant
to Ralegh and others about her
jewels, 558 ; further particulars of
her imprisonment in 1602-3, ii. 427;
letter of, to Sir H. Brouncker, 428 ;
letter of, to the Dowager Countess of
Shrewsbury, 434 ; letter of Sir H.
Brouncker respecting her imprison
ment, 435.
Stuart, Esme, Duke of Lennox, James'
proposition of a marriage between
Arabella Stuart and, 297 ; his mis
sion into England, in Nov. 1602, 309,
325 ; and conferences with Ralegh,
327 ; Lord Henry Howard's account
of those conferences, in his letter to

Markham and Kinloss, 310; his
conferences with Cobham, 326 ; con
versation between Ralegh and Cecil
about Lennox's mission, and his
conference with Ralegh, 327 ; Ra
legh's negotiations with him for a
fee-farm to be granted to Cobham,
401.
Stuart, Francis, Earl of Bothwell,
notice of, ii. 220 ; Ralegh's allusion
to him, 223.
Stucley, Mr. recommendation of, by
Ralegh, to Sir R. Cecil, ii. 243.
Stukeley, Sir Lewis, is commissioned
to apprehend Ralegh at Plymouth,
i. 653 ; incidents of the journey to
London, 655-666 ; has the custody
of Ralegh during his stay in Broad
Street, 667 ; contrives a plan to
entrap him into a futile attempt to
escape, 668 ; his reward, 673 ; Ra
legh's dying assertion of the false
hood of several charges made against
him by, 701, ii. 494.
Stupney, Clement, assignment to him
of leases from Ralegh, ii. 21.
Succession to the crown, i. 266, 279 ;
ii- 259, 435.
Summer, George, ii. 180.
Sydney, Francis, see Devereux.
Sydney, Robert, Earl of Leicester, i.
225.
Sydney, Sir Henry, letter to Burghley,
4th January, 1570, ii. 2.
Symcots, William, proceedings with
respect to captives in Barbary, ii. 30.

T.
Talbot, Elizabeth, Countess of Shrews
bury, letter to Sir R. Cecil, on the
imprisonment of Lady Arabella
Stuart, ii. 427.
Talbot, Gilbert, Earl of Shrewsbury,
KG., i. 261.
Talbot, John, character and death of,
i. 610.
Taverners, or Vintners, of England,
letters of Ralegh respecting their
licences, ii. 23-25, 27-29, 40, 256.
Taxis, Don Juan Baptista de, alleged
intervention of, on behalf of Ralegh,
after the verdict at Winchester, in
1603, i. 444, 456 ; King James' ac
count of, 568.
Thorne, Mr., of Tower Street, in
London, murdered by the Spaniards
in Guiana, ii. 377.

528 [ulloa]

Index.

[VIVERES]

Thornix, Captain, ii. 355, 361.
Thou, J. A. de, notice of his story
about * Ralegh's Sister, ' and the
plot of 1603, i. 351, note.
Throgmorton, Elizabeth, see Ralegh.
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, i. 136.
Thynne, Francis, Ralegh's last conver
sation with, i. 694.
Thynne, Henry, letter of Ralegh in
favour of, ii. 86.
Tichborne, Sir Benjamin, i. 448, 454.
Tillage, Ralegh on compulsory, i.
272.
'Timias and Amoret,' i. 139.
' Timias and BelphGebe,' i. 51.
Timitwara, a Guianian chief, i. 193.
Tin mines, Ralegh on, i. 273.
Topiawari, an Indian chieftain of
Guiana, i. 187 ; Ralegh's conversa
tions with him, 187, 190, 192; sends
his son to England with Ralegh, 192,
ii. 402.
Tortola ( ' Iwana ' of Ralegh), island of,
i. 185.
Toucher, George, Earl of Castlehaven,
serves as a volunteer in the Islands'
Voyage of 1597, i. 233.
Tounson, Robert, Bishop of Salisbury,
conversations of, with Ralegh in the
Gate-house at Westminster, i. 694;
his account of Ralegh's death, 694,
695 ; ii. 489.
Touse, William, assignment of leases
to him from Ralegh, ii. 20.
Tower of London, and its prisons, i.
487 ; Ralegh's abode in the Bloody
Tower, 488 ; the Venetian resident's
account of the festivities there, in
March 1604, 484 ; appearance of the
plague in, ii. 314.
Trenchard, Sir George, letters of, to Sir
R. Cecil, 1596, ii. 423, 424.
Trew, William, letter respecting the
Earl of Essex, ii. 214.
Triego, Juan, ii. 187, 190.
Turner, Peter, M.D., account of the
decline of Ralegh's health by, i.
491.

U.
Udall, John, character and works, i.
132; Ralegh's zealous efforts to be
friend him, 133 ; his correspondence
with Ralegh and with Essex, 134 ;
his death, ib.
Uggera Salvagnia, the ship, ii. 75.
Ulloa, Sanchez de, see Sanchez.

Ursini, Virginio, see Orsini.
Ursua, Pedro de, expedition of, in search
of 'El Dorado,'i. 167.

V.
Vander Woord, Admiral of the Dutch
squadron of 1597, K. 233.
Vanlore, Peter, ii. no, 320, 342.
Vavasour, Sir Thomas, i. 405.
Velasco, Fernan de, Duke of Frias
and Constable of Castile, i. 568.
Vera, Domingo de, expedition of, on
the banks of the Orinoco, i. 171 ;
his mission by Berreo to Spain, 175;
his accounts of Manoa, and of ' El
Dorado,' 176 ; his successes in Spain,
and their results, 177; fate of his
expedition, 197.
Vere, Edward de, 1 7U1 Earl of Oxford,
Ralegh's interview with Queen Eliza
beth on behalf of, i. 59 ; letter re
specting him, from Ralegh to Burgh
ley, ii. 21.
Vere, Sir Francis, serves in the expedi
tion against Cadiz, i. 207, 211, 215;
ii. 148, 186.
Vernon, Elizabeth, see Wriothesley.
Villiers, Sir Edward, i. 562.
Villiers, George, 1st Duke of Bucking
ham, refuses a proffered grant of
Ralegh's Sherborne manor, i. 475,
481 ; procures Ralegh's discharge
from the Tower, 562 ; Ralegh's
letter to him on the Guiana expe
dition, 683 ; Ralegh's letter of thanks
for procuring his liberation from the
Tower, ii. 341.
Vintners, licensing of, i. 63 ; ii. 23, 24,
27, 28, 256, 408.
Virginia, Ralegh's first expedition for the
colonization of, i. 86 ; establishment
, of a colony at Roanoke, ib. ; rein
forcements, 87 ; misfortunes of the
early colonists, 88 ; Drake's visit, and
its result in the return of the colonists,
89 ; third expedition, under White,
90 ; further expeditions sent by Ra
legh, and their failure, 91 ; successful
revival of the enterprise in 1608, 92 ;
Ralegh's purposed visit to, in 1595,
and how it was defeated, 195 ; con
tinued efforts of Ralegh for its co
lonization, ii. 25 1 ; his letter respect
ing it to Queen Anne of Denmark,
333-
Viveres, Juan, ii. 185.

[white]

Index. [WINDSOR CASTLE] 529

w.
Waad, Sir William, i. 343, 352, 359 ;
sits as a commissioner for the trial
of Ralegh, 386 ; has a grant of
manors in Lancashire, as a reward
for his services in 1603, 457 ; is
made Lieutenant of the Tower, 486 ;
his account of Ralegh's distillations,
489 ; his new ordinances for the
government of the Tower, 490 ; letter
to R. Cecil, on the examination of
one Penycuik, &c. ii. 450 ; his ab
stract of a ' Large Declaration of
W. Watson, &c.,' 455.
Walsingham, Frances, see Devereux.
Walsingham, Sir Francis, letter of, to
Leicester about Ralegh, i. 61 ; noti
fication to Lord Deputy Grey respect
ing Ralegh, ii. 5 ; letters of Ralegh
to him, 9, 11.
Warburton, Mr. Justice, sits as a com
missioner for the trial of Ralegh, i.
386 ; his argument on the law of
treason, as to testimony, 41 1.
Watson, Captain, ii. 172.
Watson, Anthony, Bishop of Chiches
ter, letters respecting G. Brooke, his
retractation, and statements, prior to
his execution, ii. 466-468.
Watson, William, agency of, at the foot
of the scaffold, i. 340 ; his imprison
ment before the death of Queen Eliza
beth, and liberation by Bishop Ban
croft, 342 ; confers with Brooke
and Copley about a plot to surprise
the King and seize the Tower, 348 ;
contrives a new plot against Lord
Grey, 349 ; his conversation thereon
with Sir Edward Parham, ib. ; con
versation between him and George
Brooke about Ralegh, 353 ; execution,
440; "Certen Queeries ministred
unto, " ii. 454 ; Sir E. Coke's " Ab
stract of the Treasons" of Cobham,
Grey, Watson, &c, 462-465.
Western Counties, Ralegh's proposals
for defence of, ii. 36-39.
Westminster Gate-house, i. 693.
Westwood's assay of the metallic ores
of Guiana, i. 189.
Wharton MS. of the Trial of Ralegh
noticed, i. 385, note.
Whiddon, Jacob, pilot voyage of, to
Trinidad and the Orinoco, i. 172;
is imprisoned by Antonio de Berreo,
ib.
White, John, is sent by Ralegh, at the
VOL. II.

head of a third expedition, to Vir-
finia, i. 89.
ite, Martin, letter of, to Lady Ra
legh, containing news of Ralegh's
first Guiana voyage, i. 173.
Whitelock, Captain, a retainer of the
Earl of Northumberland, examination
of Ralegh respecting his intercourse
with, i. 490 ; ii. 387.
Whitford, Thomas, ii. 92.
Whitney, Captain, i. 615, 642, 643 ;
ii. 356, 362.
Whyte, Edward, letter of, to Walsing
ham, ii. 6.
Whyte, Rowland, account by, of Ra
legh's return to court in 1597, i.
226.
William I., King of England, Ra
legh's Breviary of the History of,
i- 513-
William of Nassau, Prince of Orange,
message of, sent by Ralegh to Eliza
beth, i. 61.
Williams, George, of London, Ralegh
on the proceedings of, with respect
to captives in Barbary, ii. 31.
Williams, Peter, a captive in Barbary,
1581, ii. 31.
Willoughby, ' Esquire of the Body ' to
Queen Elizabeth, and the Earl of
Southampton, i. 251.
•Wilson, Edward, under-keeper of Ra
legh in the Tower, 161 8 ; letter of
Ralegh, introducing him to Lady
Ralegh, ii. 370.
Wilson, Sir Thomas, is employed in the
Tower as a spy, i. 680 ; his character,
and previous mission to Spain, 681 ;
his reports to the King and to Secre
tary Naunton, of Ralegh's conversa
tions about the Guiana expedition,
and about intercourse with French
men, 682; intercepts Lady Ralegh's
letters, 683 ; acts as Ralegh's gaoler
and spy of the King ; his letter to the
King, enclosing one from Ralegh,
ii. 304 ; Lady Ralegh's letter to Lady
Carew, entreating her aid to prevent
the seizure, by Sir T. Wilson, of
Ralegh's library, 413.
Windsor, Henry, Lord Windsor, serves
as a volunteer in the Islands' Voyage
of 1597, i. 233.
Windsor Castle, Ralegh's visits to, in
1583 and 1603, i. 366, 367; alarm
excited in the court, whilst at Wind
sor, by the appearance of a French
man, supposed to have paid a visit
to Ralegh, 680.
M M

530 [woolridge]

Index

[ZUCCHERO]

Wine Licences, Ralegh's farm of, .i.
63, 458 ; ii. 23-29, 256, 408.
Winecapora, in Guiana, i. 193.
Wingfield, Sir Edward, wounded at
Cadiz, 1596, ii. 154.
Wingfield, Sir John, serves in the expe
dition against Cadiz, i. 208 ; is killed
there, 1596, ii. 154.
Wingfield, Richard, suit of, with Ra
legh, about a castle in Munster, i.
98 ; ii- 49-
Winstanley's story as to Ralegh's con
versation with the publisher of the
History of the World, i. 541-
Winwood, Sir Ralph, negotiations be
tween the Savoyan Ambassador and,
respecting a proposed attack upon
Genoa, to be led by Ralegh, 577,
580-584 ; Winwood's conferences
with the Count of Gondomar re
specting the expedition to Guiana of
1617, 586; death of, 614; Ralegh's
letter to him, giving an account of
the Guiana voyage, ii. 350; note on
Winwood's death, ib.
Wollaston, Captain, i. 633, 643 ; ii.
356, 3°3-
Wollaston, Mr. , a merchant of London,
is appointed ' custodian of Lady
Ralegh in August 1618 ; Council in
structions to him, ib.
Wood, Anthony, i. 131.
Woolridge, John, letter of Ralegh in
his favour, ii. 85.

Worcester, Edward, Earl of, see So
merset
Wotton, Edward, Lord Wotton of
Morley, i. 297 ; sits as a commis
sioner for the trial of Ralegh, 386.
Wright, Nicholas, Ralegh's life saved
by the gallantry of, near to Clove,
i- 43-
Wriothesley, Henry (III.), Earl of
Southampton, serves as a volunteer
in the Islands' Voyage of 1597, i.
233 ; incident in Queen Elizabeth's
Presence Chamber during a game of
Primero with, 25 1 ; his marriage with
Elizabeth Vernon, 252 ; quarrel be
tween him and Lord Grey of Wilton
in the Presence Chamber of Queen
Anne of Denmark, i. 346 ; ii. 474.
Wrothe, Sir Robert, i. 420.

Yelverton, Sir H. accuses Ralegh, as
Attorney-General, before the Privy
Council, in August 1618, i. 677.
Youghal, Ralegh's manor-house at,
i. 96. Z.
Zanchio, Francisco, ii. 354.
Zucchero's portrait of Ralegh, i. 51.

THE END.