YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

CORRESPONDENCE or
XING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
WITH
SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS IN ENGLAND,
DURING THE
REIGN OF QUEEN ELIZABETH;
WITH AN APPENDIX
containing papers illustrative of transactions between
KING JAMES AND ROBERT EARL OF ESSEX.
PRINCIPALLY PUBLISHED TOR THE FIRST TIME FROM
MANUSCRIPTS OF THE MOST HON. THE MARQUIS OF SALISBURY, K.G.
PRESERVED AT HATFIELD.

EDITED BY JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A.

PRINTED FOR THE CAMDEN SOCIETY.

M.DCGC.LXI.

WESTMINSTER:
J. B. NICHOLS AND SONS, PRINTERS,
25, PARLIAMENT STREET.

[lxxviii.J

COUNCIL OF THE CAMDEN SOCIETY
FOR THE YEAR 1860-61.

President,
THE MOST HON. THE MARQUESS OF BRISTOL, V.P.S.A.
WILLIAM HENRY BLAAUW, ESQ. M.A., F.S.A.
BERIAH BOTFIELD, ESQ. M.P. F.S.A.
JOHN BRUCE, ESQ. F.S.A. Director.
JOHN PAYNE COLLIER, ESQ. F.S.A. Treasurer.
WILLIAM DURRANT COOPER, ESQ. F.S.A.
JAMES CROSBY, ESQ. F.S.A.
JOHN FORSTER, ESQ. LL.D.
EDWARD FOSS, ESQ. F.S.A.
THOMAS W. KING, ESQ. F.S.A.
THE REV. LAMBERT B. LARKING, M.A.
JAMES HEYWOOD MARKLAND, ESQ. D.C.L. F.R.S. F.S.A.
FREDERIC OUVRY, ESQ. Treas. S.A.
ROBERT PORRETT, ESQ. F.S.A.
WILLIAM JOHN THOMS, ESQ. F.S.A. Secretary.
WILLIAM TITE, ESQ. M.P. F.R.S. F.S.A.

The Council of the Camden Society desire it to be under
stood that they are not answerable for any opinions or observa
tions that may appear in the Society's publications ; the Editors
of the several works being alone responsible for the same.

INTRODUCTION.

There were circumstances in the condition of England at the close
of the sixteenth century which are without a parallel in the history
of any other country. The strong hand which had swayed " the
rod of empire " for more than forty years, had now grown feeble.
The stately and attractive person, by the princely carriage of which
Queen Elizabeth had in early life excited the admiration of all
beholders, and had raised the attachment of her people to enthu
siasm, now bowed and tottered. The flattery of artists and the
contrivances of ingenuity were no longer successful. Time's
victory was apparent. The tallest of rufls could not conceal it, the
most glittering of diamonds could not overpower it ; voice, action,
attitude, disclosed it; and the exertions necessary for the perform
ance of the more public duties of her royal function pressed home
upon her own consciousness the fact, which politeness forbade
her courtiers to disclose. When she met her parliament in 1601,
the mere weight of the royal purple overwhelmed her. She
staggered, and would have fallen at the foot of the throne — that
throne which she had contributed to make one of the noblest in the
world — but strong arms were ready, as* they always had been, to
support her ; the brave spirit which dwelt within her put forth its
energy; she recovered herself, with a little assistance, and for the
last time seated herself in her accustomed chair.
A multitude of similar indications had, for some time before the
CAMD. SOC. b

INTRODUCTION.

occurrence just alluded to, convinced every one, that what, up to
that moment, had been the greatest reign in our annals, was coming
to a close. The thought naturally presented itself— What was to
follow? Who was to be the successor? The question was the most
important that could be raised. It involved not merely the inquiry
as to what individual person should occupy the vacant throne,
momentous as that consideration was when the regal authority had
been " strained," by Tudor energy, "to a higher pitch than at any
previous period"8 of our history; the inquiry comprehended also the
far more weighty question of whether England should still maintain
the position among nations to which she had been exalted during
the reign of Elizabeth, or whether, entering once more, under a
Roman Catholic successor, into the great confederacy of papal
Europe, she should abandon Holland to the tender mercies of Spain,
and the Huguenots to the dominancy of the party of St. Bartholo
mew, should renounce her friendship with the German Protestants,
should close the sacred oracles which had been to her the source of
light and truth, should replace her defaced altars, restore her broken
images, banish from her literature the noble works which during
the Elizabethan period had been the results and were the evidences
of increasing freedom of thought, and should submit the general
mind to the fetters of that spiritual authority which had traduced
and anathematised Elizabeth and all her doings, and, during the
reign of her predecessor, had burnt its true character indelibly into
the history of the country.
Judged upon the principles of lawyers and canonists, the question
of the succession was one of considerable complication and difliculty.
By a statute passed in the 25th Henry VIII. cap. 22, shortly
after the marriage with Ann Boleyn and the birth of Elizabeth, the
crown was settled upon the King and his issue male. In default of
such issue it was to go to his daughter Elizabeth , passing over Mary as
* Forster's Grand Remonstrance, p. 01, ed. 1860.

INTRODUCTION. Vll
illegitimate; and if Elizabeth died without issue it was to descend in
its accustomed course to the right heirs of Henry VIII. for ever.
By another statute of the same sovereign, passed shortly after the
marriage with Jane Seymour (28 Henry VIII. cap. 7), the mar
riage with Anne Boleyn was declared void, and the succession was
limited to the King's sons and their issue, and, in default of sons, to
the King's legitimate daughters, which excluded both Mary and
Elizabeth. Power was given to the King by this statute, in default
of lawful heirs of his body, to direct the succession by letters patent,
or by his " last will, made in writing and signed with his most gra
cious hand."
By a third statute passed seven years afterwards (35 Hen. VIII.
cap. 1), immediately before the expedition to Boulogne, after
declaring the succession to be in Prince Edward, the heir apparent,
it was enacted, that if the Prince should die without issue, the
crown should go in succession to the King's daughters Mary and
Elizabeth, subject to such conditions as should be limited by the
King by letters patent, or by " his last will in writing, signed
with his most gracious hand." If no conditions were limited by
Henry VIII., then the estates of Mary and Elizabeth were to be
absolute ; and by another section the King was empowered to direct,
by letters patent, or by his last will, what should be the course of the
succession in case of want of issue of his children Edward, Mary
and Elizabeth."3
In pursuance of this power, Henry VIII. made his will on the
30th December, 1546, by which, in default of issue of Edward VI.,
Mary and Elizabeth, the crown was settled, (I.) on the issue of Lady
*
* I am the more particular in stating these provisions, because the power given to the
King by this Act of Parliament, of limiting the ultimate succession to the crown in default
of issue of his children, has been unaccountably overlooked by Blackstone (Comm. lib. i.
cap. 3.), and, so far as I have observed, by all his editors, and by the many writers who
have depended upon his accuracy.

Vlll INTRODUCTION.
Frances, the King's niece, eldest daughter of his late sister Mary,
Queen of France, and afterwards Duchess of Suffolk ; (II.) on the issue
of the Lady Eleanor, the second daughter of the same Mary Duchess
of Suffolk : and (III.) on the next rightful heirs.
Under these formal instruments, it could not be doubted that the
legal right to the succession to the crown was in the representative
of the Lady Frances, the eldest daughter of the House of Suffolk.
At certain periods that right had already been strongly affirmed.
Sir Nicholas Bacon, when Lord Keeper, was one of its supporters,
and during the life of Mary Queen of Scots, the fear of a Roman
Catholic successor had multiplied the friends of the House of
Suffolk. But a question was raised in reference to the proper execution of
the will of Henry VIII. At the close of his Hfe he used a stamp for
the impression of a fac-simile of his signature upon formal documents.
It was asserted that this stamp had been employed in the execu
tion of his will, notwithstanding the statute which gave him the
power, distinctly prescribed, that it should be executed only by a
will " signed with his most gracious hand." One would have
thought that this was a question which might have been easily set
at rest. But the will was not forthcoming. For a long time it
was either mislaid or, more probably, concealed. It is now in the
Public Record Office, accessible to all ; and no one who has seen
it will contend that the king's signature was affixed otherwise than
with a pen. In its absence, some persons argued that, even if exe
cuted with the King's ordinary stamp, it was a valid document ;
but that, we suppose, is not an opinion that would be satisfactory
to lawyers.
Supposing that King Henry's will were not duly executed, who
then would have the right ? - Unquestionably King- James VI. of
Scotland, as the representative of Margaret Queen of Scotland, the
eldest daughter of Henry VII. Henry VIII. had, in his will, passed

INTRODUCTION. IX
over the line of Scotland without notice. He had given the crown,
as we have seen, in the case now about to happen, to the line of
Suffolk. But that line had no present right except under his will.
If that were got rid of, their pretensions were entirely gone, and
the crown would legally descend, in default of heirs of the body of
Henry VIII. to the nearest representative of the eldest daughter of
Henry VII. That person was undoubtedly James of Scotland.
But here arose a new question. James was an alien. Ought he,
who, in the language of lawyers, was devoid of inheritable blood,
who could not legally succeed to so much as a cottage in England,
or an acre of land, — ought he, by right of inheritance, to take the
throne? Every mere lawyer thought it "a question not to be
asked." Or, again, judging upon wider principles, was it consistent
with true policy, or with patriotism, that a foreigner should rule in
England? Above all foreigners, should this pre-eminence be given
to a Scot, one of a nation whom Englishmen were taught from child
hood to despise ? Many a brave heart was ready to declare that it
was " foul scorn " that it should be so.
Supposing that on such principles King James were rejected, who
would come next? The Lady Arabella Stewart, descended from
Margaret daughter of Henry VII. in the same manner as King
James, save that her father was a second son, and King James's father
was the eldest. But she had the fact of her birth and domiciliation
within the kingdom of England as a counterpoise to her father's
want of primogeniture.
Against Arabella there were raised objections which had weight
according to. the prepossessions of the considerers. Many persons
thought another long female reign undesirable. The Earl of
Northumberland, in one of the letters now printed, says that the
people wished for no more queens, fearing they should never enjoy
another like Elizabeth.8 a Page 55.

INTRODUCTION.

Others regarded Arabella's want of definiteness in religion with
dislike. It was understood that, in despair of the success of per
sons more absolutely desirable, the Pope had recommended that
Arabella should be adopted as the claimant to be supported by the
Roman Catholics; and, without openly professing Roman Catho
licism, she was thought to be inclined that way, and to be certainly
willing to make favourable terms with the Roman Catholics.
If,- perplexed with these considerations, inquirers were inclined to
throw aside the line of Scotland and resort to that of Suffolk, there
were many difficulties. To say nothing of doubts as to the validity
of the marriage of Mary the sister of Henry VIII. with Charles
Brandon Duke of Suffolk, Catherine Grey, the eldest representative
of that marriage, had secretly married the eldest son of the Protector
Somerset. Her eldest son was Edward Lord Beauchamp. If legiti
mate, he was the heir of the house of Suffolk, and of the throne
under the will of Henry VIII. But was the marriage of his parents
valid? Was he legitimate? The question had been litigated.
Popular opinion was probably in his favour, but such legal decisions
as had been given were against him. He had, moreover, made a
marriage of disparagement, which had involved him in much trouble-
Was that a family in which to seek an heir to the throne ?
If it were concluded that Lord Beauchamp was illegitimate, the
right of the House of Suffolk was vested in the representative of
Catherine Grey's sister, who was the Earl of Derby; but he was of
course liable to question in reference to the legality of the marriage
of Mary Queen of France and Charles Brandon.
If, confounded by these multitudinous difficulties, all the descen
dants of Henry VII. were thrown aside, the uncertainty was not
diminished. Partisans were found for the Earl of Huntingdon, a
representative of the Duke of Clarence of malmsey-butt memory,
brother of Edward IV., and eight other persons were put forth as
descended from Edward III., among whom were several foreign

INTRODUCTION. XI
princes. The roll of pretenders was closed with the most powerful,
and, in that sense, the most formidable, of the whole, the King of
Spain, Philip II., and his daughter the Infanta Isabella Clara
Eugenia, wife of the Archduke Albert, the Governor of Flanders.
The ultramontane Roman Catholics busily fomented the bewil
derment which seemed to hang around this multiplicity of titles.
It was their care to exaggerate the difficulties of the question, and to
multiply possible pretensions. No less than fourteen titles were in
this manner " idly or mischievously reckoned up."a
It seemed as if the uncertainty which was thus generated must be
most pernicious. It unquestionably gave schemers and persons of
faction ground for disturbing the present quiet, and it looked as if it
must be full of danger for the future. Why then, it may well be
asked, was not the question brought forward and settled in Parlia
ment, especially as, after the death of Mary Queen of Scots, there
would have been little difficulty in doing so ? The only answer is,
that this course was forborne out of respect to the decidedly adverse
opinion of Queen Elizabeth. It has been asserted that she abhorred
to be reminded that she was mortal. But Lord Bacon has emphati
cally declared this opinion to be utterly untrue ; "for very often,
many years before her death, she would pleasantly call herself an
old woman, and would talk of the kind of epitaph she would like
to have upon her tomb."b Her objection was of another kind.
She feared that the indication of her successor might expose her
to the mortification of beholding her own glory wane before
the lustre of the rising sun. It seems probable, also, that she
had some vague notion of her own prerogative right, as the
last of a certain line of princes, to indicate her successor by her
will. But such was the intensity which age gave to her feeling

» Hallam, Const. Hist. i. 389 ; and see a Treatise on the State of England by Wilson.
[Dom. Corr. State Paper Office, 1600.] Wilson was contented with twelve claimants.
b Works, vol. vi. p. 312, of the admirable edition of Mr. Spedding.

INTRODUCTION.

against any approach to the subject, that neither they who were
personally the most intimate with her, nor they who were the
most entirely trusted by her in the management of public affairs,
dared venture to raise so great a s.torm as would have ensued from
soliciting her to give her mind tp the consideration of the proper
disposition of so vast a trust.
But, in truth, the public inconvenience resulting from humour
ing the personal feeling of the aged Queen was nothing like so
great as might have been anticipated. Injustice to the several
claimants there was none, and uncertainty there was really none,
except in the minds of overheated partisans. The people settled
the case at their own firesides. Unseduced by the cavils or quibbles
of Jesuits or lawyers, their common sense threw aside the difficulties
piled up before them, and seized at once upon the true principle
of a right determination. The line of Henry VIII. was about to
fail. They must go back to Henry VII. James of Scotland was
Henry VII's eldest lineal representative, his true and obvious and
nearest heir. Building upon that foundation, the judgment of the
vast majority of the people — it may be said, the judgment of the
nation — was clearly in his favour. Without polling-place or show
of hands, without affronting the weakness of the Queen by a public
discussion, the opinion passed from homestead to homestead by the
electrical influence of an obviously right judgment, until from the
Land's End to Berwick there was substantially but one opinion.
The Jesuit who pretended that he found very few who favoured the
title of the King of Scots, enabled people, as Mr. Hallam has well
remarked, by the impudence of that assertion to " appreciate his
veracity," whilst the stricter religious party among the Protestants
merely exhibited, as they have too frequently done, a distrust in their
own power and the power of their principles, and an over-fear of
their opponents, by clamouring for a parliamentary recognition of
a decision which was already concurred in by every one.

INTRODUCTION. XU1
The only persons who were really deceived by this state of things
were to be found in foreign nations. Ignorant of English people as
English people were of them, and deriving their knowledge of the
circumstances principally from religious exiles and enthusiasts, who
had everything to gain from commotion, foreign nations supposed
that on the death of Elizabeth there was to be a scramble for the
Crown of England; that, as once before in the course of our his
tory, the symbol of royalty would hang upon a bush to be seized by
the victor on some future field of Bosworth. It was not in the nature
of Englishmen to treat such folly otherwise than with silenGe.
But there were some persons, as has been already hinted, who
were likely to pervert such a state of things for factious, or am
bitious ends ; and this consideration brings us into contact with one
of the principal subjects of the present volume.
The two leading men in England at that time were among the
most remarkable persons of their age. They were men also whom
nature seemed to have formed in every thing by way of opposites.
Robert Earl of Essex was in person tall and well proportioned, a
man of able body, and of lofty bearing, although with a remarkable
bending forward of the neck, and a curious want of grace in walk-*
ing or dancing. He was especially distinguished, as all observers
have chronicled, by the true aristocratic mark of hands " incom
parably fair." Sir Robert Cecil, on the contrary, was considerably
below the ordinary stature; he was deformed, and altogether undis
tinguished by any special grace or dignity, either of feature or-
person. The statue on his tomb in Hatfield Church represents
him as boyish, if not almost dwarfish, in height and general ap
pearance. In manners and ordinary conduct the contrast was equally
striking. Essex was what in those days was termed " full of
humours," wayward, uncertain, impatient, fantastic, capricious;
acting by fits and starts, upon impulses and prejudices; but ever
with a dash and brilliancy that were nearly allied to genius. Sir
CAMD. SOC C

xiv INTRODUCTION.
Robert Cecil was hi3 very contrary in all these respects. Brought
up at the feet of his pre-eminent father, he acquired, perhaps
inherited, the highest official qualities; a calm, quiet, patient
thoughtfulness, the power of mastering and applying details how
ever intricate; diligence that was never weary, patience that could
not be exhausted, temper that was seldom ruffled, and a habit of
comparing, and sifting, and weighing, and balancing, which gene
rally led him to right conclusions. Essex was generous in the
highest degree, a patron of literature, and of all noble and gentle
arts, and ever ready to take the lead in kind and liberal deeds;
he was at the same time impetuous, fiery, vehement, — a man of
action ; courageous, daring, and more than anything delighted with
military command, and with the iclat and brilliancy of a soldier's'
life. Cecil was a man of thought and law and peace, neither a
soldier himself nor looking upon war in any shape save as a neces
sity to be deplored. Consciousness of his own physical defects
kept the one man comparatively humble; consciousness of his own
power of dazzling and attracting people, and of attaching them to
himself, puffed up the other, and led him into continual extra
vagances. Sound judgment in the transaction of business was Cecil's
greatest quality, and, after a few years' experience of his eminent
ability in that respect, there not only gathered round him a
knot of attached public men, or, as we should term them, a
" political party," but the people came to look upon him as a man to
be safely trusted and confidently followed. The influence of Essex
extended to a far wider and more enthusiastically attached gather
ing. His early favour with the Queen, his uncertain standing in
her estimation — now hot now cold — and his own romantic character
created and kept alive a general interest in his fortunes, which he
was careful to increase by constant endeavours after popularity.
This last was his weakest point. He sought popular favour; at

INTRODUCTION. XV
first, probably, without any other design than that of enjoying the
consciousness of being well thought of; but when this end had
been often enough attained, when he felt and knew himself to be the
idol of the soldiery and of the people, and beyond all question
the most popular man in England, his mind opened to the charm
of a nation's applause, and the peculiar situation of the kingdom
inspired him with an ambition which, according to his views and the
state of things at the time, could only be accomplished by treason
against the present possessor of the throne. Here again there is
another most striking contrast between Essex and Cecil. The prin
ciple of loyalty in Cecil was fixed in his very heart of hearts. No
circumstances can be conceived which could ever have tempted him
to fail in his allegiance. He had been brought up in a school in
which the sovereign was regarded as the sacred embodiment of an
almqst_jdivin& ^authority, and in which obedience w#s rendered in
stinctively, like some natural action with reference to which doubt
or question is almost without meaning. In Elizabeth's case there
were other and peculiar considerations which weighed heavily with
Cecil. Her age, her sex, the many great qualities she had exhibited
throughout her reign, and the obligations she had laid upon himself
and his family were all remembered and set in the balance against
the occasional mortifications which resulted from the frowardness
and the obstinacy of her old age. Essex's loyalty partook of the
fitful uncertainty of his general character. He had received
from the mere favour of the Queen honours innumerable, and
gifts which were valued at 300,000?. His memory of these benefits
was written in water. When it was his cue to be loyal, no man
could exceed him in professions of attachment ; but, no sooner did
the Queen's wishes or opinions run counter to his feelings, than he
was l^yaLonljJoJrhjijielf
In questions of public policy, it was scarcely possible for two

Xvi INTRODUCTION.
such men to agree. If Sir Robert Cecil had been a statesman of
pre-eminent genius, intellect would have vindicated its power, and
Essex would have taken his place as a member of a government in
which Sir Robert Cecil was the head. As it was, they stood in
the arena as competitors, and it was in their final struggle that the
question of the succession was really determined.
That struggle was brought on by the death of Lord Burghley.
Essex aspired to step into his position. The thought was mere mad
ness. It shows how little knowledge he possessed either of himself
or of the Queen. From early life his overbearing disposition had
been a continual source of trouble to his royal patron; she could
not but know that, as principal minister, the man whom as a
court minion she had found it impossible to govern would have
been her master; and he ought to have observed that in no
part of her administration had the Queen exhibited more ac
curacy of judgment, or more absolute determination of will,
than in her selection of the fittest persons for her official advisers.
The Queen preferred Sir Robert Cecil, and thenceforward Essex's
feud with him became irreconcileable. Even before the appoint
ments were actually made, although it can scarcely be said that
they hung in doubt, Essex's mind was full of projects of the most
dangerous character. Office was his aim, not because its trammels
would have suited his taste or its duties his capacity, but because it
would have given him power which, like the Queen's past benefits,
would have been "wings to his ambition."* He had "a settled
opinion that the Queen could be brought to nqthing but by a
kind of necessity and authority." b The only way by which it
seems to have occurred to him that he could acquire such autho
rity as was necessary to induce her, or rather to compel her, to
appoint him to the desired offices was by an open display of military
* Baccn's Works, vi. 300, ed. Montagu. b Ibid. p. 251.

INTRODUCTION. xvii
power, or in other words by an armed rebellion. All his schemes
tended to that point; but even armed rebellion, if it design to be
popular, which it must be in order to be successful, must assign a
cause, and one of a general character and interest. A purely selfish
plea, even in the case of the rebellion of an Essex, would never
pass muster with the people. Essex deemed that he found
the required cause in the unsettled state of the question of the
succession. He drew a veil over himself and his own pretensions
and alleged grievances, and set abroad or adopted the monstrous
fiction that Cecil and the members of the government were favour
able to the title of the Infanta, that they were pensioners of Spain,
and were ready to sell the country to the daughter of Philip II.
To avert so frightful a calamity, Essex was ready at all risks to take
the field. His object was to drive these iniquitous and unpatriotic
ministers from the councils of the Queen. It was his further inten
tion, as soon as the reins of government were in his hands, to call a
parliament in which the ejected ministers should receive their due
punishment, and an act be passed for the regulation of the succession
to the Crown.
The minute details of Essex's plots are now most difficult to be
recovered, and that for various reasons. The common practice of
the government at that period to omit from the depositions given in
evidence all such passages as were unnecessary with a view to a
legal conviction, or which it was impolitic to make known, has in
this case been a peculiar barrier to historical inquiry. The criminal
facts of which Essex was ultimately convicted, the treasonable con
ferences at Dfury House, and the consequent London outbreak —
to which the depositions used upon his trial were principally applied
— constituted but a very small portion of his plot, They were the
last crowning acts of folly, but they were only the sequence and result
of various previous schemes, all of them not less absurd. It is in
these previous schemes that the true clue to his intentions is to be

xviii INTRODUCTION.
found. But they did not come in question legally at his trial, and
the little information we find respecting them in the proceedings on
that occasion is altogether unsatisfactory and inconclusive. What
then appeared in reference to them rather slipped out than was
made known intentionally; what remained behind in the par
tially used depositions, or in depositions altogether unused, was
purposely kept back because it implicated persons not before
the court, and in some cases persons of such station and im
portance that even the government could not venture to call their
acts in question. One of these persons was Lord Montjoy, Essex's
successor in the government of Ireland, and then successfully em
ployed in putting down that rebellion of Tyrone with which Essex
had failed to cope. Another person was King James of Scotland,
the almost acknowledged successor to the crown. The govern
ment could scarcely throw suspicion upon him, unless they were
prepared to move for his exclusion from the_ succession. Another
reason why they would desire to conceal the actions of these two
persons, probably was that one, if not both of them, had really
given the government more or less information of Essex's dangerous
designs. The same reason no doubt applied to other persons. And
there was still another reason, that the information which was ob
tained by the government came out gradually, and much of it after
Essex had been beheaded, so that the opportunity of using it in the
public proceedings against him was not afforded.
The circumstances under which the fuller information was obtained
are worthy of being borne in mind. Essex had evidently hoped
that his fate would have been determined upon the simple evidence
of his endeavour to rouse the citizens to join him in a movement
against the Court. In that case, the only point in his case would
have been, what was the legal character of his conduct on that '
occasion? But the government had carried the inquiry farther
back, and on his trial examinations were read of several of his

INTRODUCTION. XIX
principal friends in which they had disclosed certain preliminary
conferences, in which the course ultimately endeavoured to be acted
out had been resolved upon. These disclosures filled Essex with in
dignation. He viewed them as acts of treachery, and before he left
Westminster Hall, with his accustomed impetuosity and want of
consideration, returned counter accusations against his friends, and
began to play against them the game which he suspected they had
put in action against himself. His indignation, aided perhaps by
religious considerations infused into his mind by an attendant chap
lain, led him to make disclosures exceedingly damaging to those of
his friends who yet remained to be tried, and implicating persons who
up to that time had not been suspected. He even urged his secretary,
Cuffe, upon whom he ungenerously laid the principal blame of his
own misdoings, to imitate his example and disburdenjhis conscience by
means similar to those which he had himself adopted. The results
may be conceived. Essex himself wrote something in the nature of a
confession, contained in four sheets of paper, and others of his accom
plices followed his example with willing pens. The feelings of the
time with reference to this conduct may be judged from the follow
ing extract from a contemporary letter of George Carleton to his
brother Dudley, the future Secretary of State : a
" It was strange to see the beginning of this action (whereof I was
a beholder) and somewhat strange to consider the circumstances now
toward the end. For these noble and resolute men, assured of one
another by their undoubted valour, and combined together by -firm
oaths, being all taken, severed, examined, and the principals ar
raigned and condemned, fell in the end before their deaths to such
plain confessions and accusations one of another, that they seemed to
strive who should draw one another in deepest ; and sought by all
means to remove the blame and shame of being the first movers and
» State Paper Office, Domestic, 1601, March 25.

xx INTRODUCTION.
contrivers of these their confessed treasonable plots one from another,
in which the Earl himself exceeded all other, to all men's wonder.
For he accused Cuffe, Sir Christopher Blunt, &c. to be his motors;
they excused themselves ; Sir Christopher Blunt flatly accused him
to have entered into consultation at his being in Ireland for the
bringing in of 4000 of the Queen's soldiers then under his com
mandment with him, with full purpose to right himself by force, of
such wrongs as he complained he had received here in his absence,
unto which there were none made privy but the Earl of Essex, the
Earl of Southampton, and himself; which course he avouched at his
death had been put in execution, had he not earnestly, and the
Earl of Southampton in some measure, dissuaded. Further the
Earl of Essex of his voluntary confession accused Sir Henry Neville,
Lord Ambassador for France, to be privy and a party to this con
federacy, as they term it, of Drury House (where the secret conven*
tides were kept for three paonths together before the action, at the
least,) whom no man did dream upon, in this case. Whereupon he
was presently sent for back again, being in his journey toward
France as far as Dover, examined, and committed; and his confes
sions served tQ accuse others. The like with most of the rest. Sir
John Davis is thought to have saved his life with telling first, who
otherwise was in with the deepest."
The curious information obtained by this general humour of con
fessing has been but partly made applicable to our history. Some
of it is to be found in the State Paper Office, but still more among
those papers from Hatfield which have been placed at the disposal
of the Camden Society for the purposes of the present volume. I
have thought that it would be appropriate to our present subject,
and most useful to future historians, if such of these confessions
as in any way affect the King of Scotland were added to this
volume. In some cases, only a passage here and there in a long

INTRODUCTION. XXI
examination has that bearing, but partial publication of such papers
is always unsatisfactory. I have preferred, therefore, to print the
whole in an Appendix.
As my object is not to write a history of the Essex conspiracy,
it will suffice that I point attention to these documents, and notice
their contents so far as they relate to King James. It seems clear
that Essex had been in correspondence with that sovereign for a
considerable time, certainly from the year 1598. a His letters were
written, as Cuffe states, from a desire to. keep King James sted-
fast in his Protestantism, then popularly esteemed doubtful, and
to concert measures for counteracting the designs o£ the presumed
friends of the Infanta, that is, the members of the Queen's govern
ment. James answered these letters, but neither letters nor answers
are known to be in existence. Shortly after Essex's return from
Ireland, he was committed, as is well known, to the custody of the
Lord Keeper. Essex's friend, Lord Montjoy, anxious for his
safety, wrote to King James soliciting his interference. James
replied by a messenger, that he " would think of it, and put him
self in a readiness to take any good occasion." Montjoy, in the
depth of his solicitude for the fate of his friend, and urged by Essex
to do something for his extrication, — probably also being at the time
under the maddening influence of his passion for Essex's sister, sent
his Scottish Majesty " a project," as it was termed, the effect of
which was that James should prepare an army, should march at the
head of it to the Borders, should thence fulminate a demand to the
English government, of an open declaration of his right to the
succession, should support the demand by sending an ambassador
into England, and of course, although not so stated, if his demand
were refused, should cross the Borders as an invader.
To this notable scheme of a northern armed demonstration, Mont
joy added a proposal on his own part, that, being now about to go to
* Cuffe, Appendix, p. 86.
CAMD. SOC. d

xxii INTRODUCTION.
Ireland as Lord Deputy, he would bring over from that country
one-half of the Queen's army, sent thither to suppress the rebellion
of Tyrone, by way of supporting the demand of the Scottish mo
narch. Essex was also to raise his friends within the kingdom; and
the union of the Irish invaders with the army of Essex, to
gether with the aid to be derived from the Scottish demonstration
or invasion,, was calculated upon as sufficient to effect the de
signed purpose. All this was proposed, and was to be enacted,
amidst the customary protestations of a reservation of duty to her
Majesty, and all possible respect to the claims of allegiance. The
Earl of Southampton informs us, that he wrote to James with an
offer to support this preposterous scheme with his " endeavours and
his person." The reply of the peaceful James is declared by the
Ear-L of Southampton to have been one .of acceptance — " he liked'
the course well, and would prepare himself for it." (Appendix,
p. 97.) Sir Charles Danverg alleges, with more likelihood, that
it was one of evasion, either that he was not ready, or that he
could not declare himself until the Irish troops were at Lough
Foyle prepared to embark for England.
In the mean time Essex, for whose benefit the dangerous pro
ject had been suggested, was partially released, and for the time
the scheme fell to the ground. After some months, the Queen,
being probably partly acquainted with some of these treasonable
plottings, still continued to regard Essex with disfavour. She
would not admit him to her presence, notwithstanding his many
protestations of fidelity and affection. Her firmness excited his
impatience, whilst the arrest by the government of the messenger
who had been sent on his behalf into Scotland alarmed him.
In his fear of some great discovery he called upon his friends
again to rouse themselves on his behalf. The Earl of South
ampton, an impressionable person, full of flighty notions, and
evidently as weak as water, was sent into Ireland to propose

INTRODUCTION. XXU1
to Montjoy a partial revival of his former project. King James
was for the present left out of the calculation. Sir Charles
Danvers, whom Essex much relied upon, thought that the Irish
troops, with the addition of the contingent of the Earl of Essex,
would be sufficient for the contemplated purpose, and Southampton
was commissioned to express to Montjoy the solicitude of Essex
that the army from Ireland should be landed in Wales as soon as
possible. But Southampton found things greatly changed with
Montjoy. As the Queen's representative in Ireland, with a clear
perception of the onerous responsibilities which were attached
to that position, and full practical experience of the serious diffi
culties and responsibilities connected with rebellion in any shape
— removed also from the influence of Essex and of Essex's sister —
his judgment had regained its clearness. He saw what ruin he
had narrowly escaped, and determined no longer to play with
weapons so dangerous and so dishonourable. " He utterly rejected
it," are the words of the Earl of Southampton, " as a thing which
he could no way think honest, and dissuaded me from thinking of
any more such courses  I do protest also before God, I left
the Deputy (as I thought and so I assure myself ) resolved to do her
Majesty the best service he could, and repenting that he had ever
thought that which might offend her.""
Montjoy endeavoured to find an excuse for his past folly in the
circumstance that he had previously been acting, or proposing to
act, in conjunction with the presumptive heir to the throne. " He
thought it more lawful," is the account of Sir Charles Danvers,
professedly derived from Montjoy himself, " to enter into such a
cause with one that had an interest in thei succession than otherwise,
and though he had been led before, out of the opinion he had to do
his country good by the establishment of the succession, and to
deliver my Lord of Essex out. of the danger he was in, yet now his
1 Appendix, p, 97.

INTRODUCTION.

life appeared to be safe, to restore his fortune only, and save himself
from the danger which hung over him by the discovery of the
former project, and to satisfy my Lord of Essex's private ambition,
he would not enter into an enterprise of that nature.' a
Again there was a pause in these treasonable speculations. Lord
Deputy Montjoy suggested to the Queen's government that his friend
Southampton — no less repentant than himself— should be appointed
Governor of Connaught. . The Queen and Sir Robert Cecil were
too well acquainted with the nature "of their past transactions to
concur in any such appointment. Southampton was rejected, and
withdrew into the Low Countries.
But the fire in the heart of Essex was unquenchable. The last
fatal project of forcing himself into the Queen's presence by a coup
d'dtat, and violently assuming the reins of government in her name,
broke upon him. The foolish and unprincipled persons whom he
gathered about him encouraged the idea; all means were used
to increase his popularity. The " people were persuaded that none
was careful of them but he ; the soldiers, that none considered their
preferment but he;" to " the purer sort in religion " he appealed by
seeming more religious than others; to the Roman Catholics by
expressions in favour of toleration and the withdrawal of penalties.
All the customary artifices of demagogues were used by him and
all around him. Mr. John Littleton, of the family since worthily
ennobled, was sent over into the Low Countries to tempt South
ampton to return home and take part in the plot. The representa
tions addressed to him are stated by Southampton in his letter
before referred to (Appendix, p. 97). They are perhaps a little too
highly coloured; but, whatever was the nature of Littleton's mission,
it is unquestionable that it brought Southampton back to England
to run with Essex that career which led one of them to the scaffold,
and the other so close to it that his escape seemed almost a miracle.
« Danvenf, pp. 103, 104.

INTRODUCTION. xxv
Essex would again have applied to Montjoy for the troops to be
landed in Wales ; but being assured of the inutility of any such pro
posal, he limited his request to a letter in which Montjoy should
complain of the ill government of the State, and express his wish
that some course might be taken to remove her Majesty's bad ad
visers. Southampton declared that Montjoy would not write any
such letter — " there was no spirit in him towards any such course;"
and if Montjoy had been totally free from the weakness of his
father, who ruined himself and his' family by the vain pursuit of
alchemy, he would peremptorily have rejected such a proposal.
But the fascination of Essex kept him in awe, and, although he
protested against his schemes, and urged him to patience, and the
use of ordinary means to recover the Queen's favour, he told him,
that if he would needs have a letter from him, he would send him
such a one as he could justify. Either this was not the kind of
letter which Essex desired, or the denouement came on too rapidly,
for no letter seems ever to have been written.
The King of Scotland, the other party to the original scheme of
the three armies, was not forgotten. A letter to him was debated
and finally agreed upon about Christmas time in 1600, by the Earls
of Essex and Southampton, Sir Charles Danvers, and Cuffe. The
purport of only one part of it appears. That was to urge the King
to send up the Earl of Mar to London, by the first of February, as
an ambassador to the Queen ; but to act, in that character, in concert
with the Earl of Essex, so as to promote the objects of some con
templated movement. Essex and his friends knew, by this time,
that the government was watching them with eagles' eyes.a It
was difficult therefore to communicate with King James by any
messenger who should not excite suspicion. Such a messenger was
1 The expression is Sir Robert Cecil's (State Paper Office, Dom. Feb. 13, 1600-1),
but was applied by him to the suspicious scrutiny with which the proceedings of Essex were
watched in Ireland.

xxvi INTRODUCTION.
found in a person who is described as " Norton the bookseller,"
not Bonham Norton, but his cousin who stands in the list of
printers as " John Norton, Esquire." This Esquire printer kept;
shop in St. Paul's Churchyard, and had business connections
with Scotland, which would render his journey to Edinburgh
in the dead of winter less liable to suspicion. He had very lately
been engaged in the republication of a book of public interest,"
originally printed in Scotland, by royal command. Cuffe, it will be
seen, leaves him a legacy in his will (printed in the Appendix,
p. 92), and mentions him in terms which almost lead to the inference
that he had induced Norton to lend himself to this dangerous
employment. Norton received Essex's letter at Berwick from the
hands of Lord Willoughby, the Queen's governor of that town, —
how conveyed to him, or whether with his knowledge of the
contents, does not appear. Norton was to deliver it to the Scottish
King, and his Majesty was solicited to return his answer " in dis
guised words of [i.e. relating to] three books," which it is said he
did. The scribe who penned the examination from which we quote,
began to write the names of the three books which were disguisedly
to stand in place perhaps of those of Essex, King James, and the
Earl of Mar ; but having written thus far, " vizt. Garrie Lonyes,"
he desisted and struck his pen through what he had written. The
last word is confused by the attempt at cancellation, and is difficult
to be made out ; I am not sure that I. read it accurately. The word
" Garrie " may perhaps mean " Gowrie," and have reference to the
account published of the Gowrie conspiracy.
James's answer has not been found, nor have I discovered any
allusion to its contents. We may conclude that it was to a certain
• " A Discoverie of the unnatural and traiterous Conspiracie of Scottish Papists against
God and his Church ... set down as it was confessed by Maister George Ker and David
Graham of Peutrie." Lond. 4to. 1593. The book .related to the conspiracy known as
that of the " Spanish Blanks."

INTRODUCTION. XXvii
extent favourable — first, because it was preserved by Essex with
great care ; and secondly, because, in consequence of Essex's
request, the Earl of Mar was expected to arrive, and did actually
arrive, in London, although not at the time appointed.
The point of the Earl's careful preservation of King James's
letter is thus made out. Several of the examinations indicate
that Essex was accustomed to wear round his neck a small black
taffeta bag, or purse, for it is called by both names. In this
purse he kept, as he himself says, " a paper, which contained not
in quantity above a quarter of a sheet, and in it there was not
above six or seven lines." He further described it as " an adver
tisement sent unto him, and not of his own hand, but written by
another man."1 All this very well describes what James's answer
may have been, and Cuffe distinctly says that the answer of the King
of Scots " was it which the Earl carried about him in a black purse."
Southampton asserts the same thing. The Earl himself, when in
terrogated on the subject, declared, that on his return to Essex House,
after his failure in the City, he took the paper out of the bag and
threw it into the fire, in the presence of his wife and sister, and the
lords, knights, and gentlemen who were then with him. The govern
ment, deeply interested in tracing out and securing the evidence
of every ramification of the conspiracy, especially so far as related
to King James, directed Sir John Peyton, the Lieutenant of the
Tower, to search the person and clothes of the Earl for the black
bag. Sir John's report of the way in which he performed his
disagreeable duty, couched in terms of jailor -like particularity, will
be found in the Appendix, p. 80. The search was entirely unpro
ductive, and was conclusive against the Earl's having any such bag
in his possession whilst in the Tower. Edward Bushell, it should
be added, one of the persons examined in reference to the conspiracy,
and who was probably the first to give information respecting this
» Peyton, Appendix, p. 81.

XXviii INTRODUCTION.
black bag, stated, that when the Earl came back to Essex House
he said, " that if a black purse [originally written ' bag,'] he had
about his neck weref found, it should appear by that was in it, how
he was betrayed in the City." Both accounts are probably true; the
Scottish letter may have been ordinarily and principally kept in the
bag; but some paper, received at the last moment, perhaps from
Sheriff Smyth, who was Essex's principal reliance in the City, may-
have been temporarily deposited there. There can be little doubt that,
whatever were the contents of the bag, they were presumed by
Essex to be inculpatory of the writer, or writers, if there were really
two papers, or of himself, and that Essex destroyed them on the
occasion above mentioned. His rebellion of a day having miserably
failed, and his fate staring him in the face, he consigned to the
flames many papers over and above those in the black purse. Besides
the written paper or papers, the purse contained the key of a httle
iron chest, in which there was " a book of his troubles, all written
with his own hand." He had also another " little iron chest," of
which the key was lost. He broke it open, and took out " divers
private papers and letters that no man's eye ever saw but his
own " — perhaps letters from the Queen — and destroyed them all,
together with the book of his troubles, and the contents of the black
purse. The fact that the Earl of Mar was expected by Essex, is unques
tionable. Essex prepared a paper of instructions for him, of which
Cuffe gives the main particulars, in Appendix, p. 82. It states,
at considerable length, the assumed facts from which Essex inferred,
or would have had the King of Scots infer, that the members of
the Queen's government were in a conspiracy against his interest.
From one of Cuffe's letters, it also appears that it was the Earl's
intention to send " some well-qualified confidant" to meet the Earl
of Mar before his arrival in London. The object of this confidant
would have been to understand " the full resolution of the principal

INTRODUCTION. XXIX
party from whom he [Mar] was sent," and, according as it was
found to be thoroughly favourable to Essex's views, or not, so Mar
was to be dealt with. If Mar's instructions from King James were
such as Essex desired, the part which the ambassador was to play in
London was clearly defined for him by Essex in these instructions.
I cannot doubt that the arrival of Mar and his coadjutor — for
James joined with him in his embassy Mr. Edward Bruce, the
titular abbot of Kinloss, a lawyer of eminence in the Scottish
courts — was purposely delayed. They left Edinburgh about the
middle of February, with a train of forty persons. Such a cavalcade
at that time of the year travelled slowly. Essex was executed on
the 25th February. It was well into March before the Earl of Mar
and his companions reached London.
In that interval an extraordinary change had taken place in the
state of England, and in the position of the question of the succession ;
but, blinded by the representations of Essex, full of deep-seated
prejudices, and living at a distance from the scene of action, James
comprehended little of the real character of the new position in
which he was placed. He was infinitely grieved for the fate
of Essex. It was in vain that those about him pointed out that
the popular Earl would have been as dangerous to the hopes of
the presumptive successor as he was to the peace of the actual
sovereign. James termed him his martyr, and expressed him
self strongly against Sir Robert Cecil, whom he still believed to
be his enemy. In James's second instructions to the Earl of
Mar and his fellow ambassador, written after the death of Essex,*
he proceeds upon the supposition that there was a serious disagree
ment between the Queen and the people. He instructs his ambas
sadors how to finesse according to the nature of this disagree-
• Their first instructions written before that event have not been found.
CAMD. SOC. e

XXX INTRODUCTION.
ment, and the prospect of a consequent rebellion. He directs them
to crave of the Queen and Council, or, as he more frequently terms
them, " the present guiders," the release of all persons imprisoned for
going into Scotland without licence, and a declaration to be entered of
record that he was untouched by any action or practice ever intended
against her Majesty, especially by that of Essex; also to solicit them
to put a difference between those of her subjects who dealt with him
and those that practised with her greatest enemies; also that the
Queen would liberally consider of his necessities, and would bear in
mind her old promise not to do anything in prejudice of his future
right. On these heads he directed them to assure Mr. Secretary and
her principal guiders that if the King found his requests answered,
he would make account of their affections towards him accord
ingly. He authorised his ambassadors in that case to give them
full assurance of his favour, ' ' especially to Mr. Secretary, who
is king there in effect." If they could get nothing but a flat and
obstinate denial to all their requests, "which," he says, "I do surely
look for," he directs them to inform the Queen that he should pray
to God to open her eyes, and to let her see how far she was wronged
by such base instruments about her as abused her ear, .and that,
although he should never give her occasion of grief, yet the day
might come when he would crave account of her ministers of their
presumption, and when there should be no bar betwixt him and
them; "and ye shall plainly declare," he proceeds, "to Mr. Secretary
and his followers, that since now, when they are in their kingdom,
they will thus misknow me, when the chance shall turn I shall cast
-a deaf ear to their requests; and whereas now I would have been
content to have given them, by your means, a pre-assurance of my
favour if at this time they had pressed to deserve the same, so now,
they contemning it, may be assured never hereafter to be heard, but
all the Queen's hard usage of me to be hereafter craved at their

INTRODUCTION. XXXI
hands; and thus shall ye part, without any just offence to the Queen,
please the humour of the people, and use no greater threatenings
than such as I shall be very able to perform in the own time.""
These instructions have been praised as an exhibition of King
James's sound judgment and clear apprehension ; they rather indicate
his want of information, and folly. They are a manifestation of the
spirit which had been raised by Essex, and, if acted upon, would
have gone far to have been fatal to King James's hopes of succession.
That the ambassadors of a prince who had been mainly kept on his
throne by Ehzabeth, and for many years had received a handsome
annuity from her bounty — a prince who owed her respect, if not
allegiance, as the head of his house — should have been instructed to
address her in the language which is above quoted, and that, among
other reasons, in order to buy popularity, or, as it is termed, to please
the humour of the people, and thus to pave the way to the throne,
was an act of almost incredible want of wisdom. It was fortunate
for James that his ambassadors were wiser or had better means of
observation than himself.
A few days' residence in London must have convinced them of
the necessity of adopting a very different course. They would
there have learned that the asserted support of the Spanish title
by Sir Robert Cecil had been proved to be a wild and mon
strous fiction, by one of the most striking incidents in our history.
It occurred in court on Essex's trial. Credulous in the belief
of anything which told against his opponents, Essex justified his
declaration, made openly in the streets of London, that the Crown
of England was sold to the Spaniard, by asserting that he had been
told that Sir Robert Cecil had said to one of his fellow-councillors
that the Infanta's title was as good as that of any other person. On
the instant, Cecil, who had been sitting within ear-shot, but in some
• Lord Hailes's Secret Correspondence, pp. 9, 1 0.

XXX11 INTRODUCTION.
place where he was hidden from observation, stepped forth into the
open court. Dropping on his knee to the honourable tribunal, he
begged permission to answer " so foul and false a report."* The
Lord Steward and others of the peers made light of Essex's accusa
tion; but Sir Robert persisted in his request, and in a speech of
vehement eloquence challenged Essex to name the councillor to
whom he was stated to have spoken those words: " Name him,
if you dare; if you do^not name him, it must be believed a
fiction !" Essex, thus openly challenged, turned to his fellow-
prisoner, the Earl of Southampton, and vouched him as having
heard the assertion as well as himself. Cecil appealed to South
ampton, by all the love and friendship that had been between them
from their tender years, by the honour of his family and house, and
by his Christian profession, to name the suggested councillor. After
a little hesitation, Southampton indicated Sir William Knollys, an
uncle of the Earl of Essex, and the Comptroller of the Household.
Cecil entreated that a messenger might instantly be despatched to
the Queen to command Sir William's immediate attendance in
Westminster Hall. Mr. Knevet was directed to wait upon the
Queen accordingly, Cecil charging him, "as he was a gentleman and
tendered his reputation," not to acquaint Mr. Comptroller with the
cause of his being needed, and to assure the Queen, that if either
out of her care for Cecil's reputation, or out of her love to Mr.
Comptroller, who was her relative, her aunt Mary Boleyn's grandson,
she denied to send him, Cecil vowed upon his salvation that he
would never again serve her as a councillor while he lived. The
cause proceeded during Knevet's absence. In due time he returned
into a crowded court, in which every heart must have fluttered with
anxiety. He came accompanied by Sir William Knollys. Sir
William stood forward. This was the critical moment of Essex's
fate, no less than that of Cecil. The answer would be the ruin of
¦ ¦ Jardine's Criminal Trials, i. 353.

INTRODUCTION. XXXlll
one of them. What a breathless hush must there have been among
the crowded and excited auditory ! No need to pray silence in the
court. The lawyers stood aside whilst the cause was being deter
mined upon an issue which they had not raised. The Lord Steward
put the question, " Did Mr. Secretary ever use any such speeches
in your hearing, or to your knowledge?" The answer was prompt
and decisive: " I never heard him "speak any words to that effect!"
The reply must have fallen upon Essex like the stroke of the axe.
But there was something more. Sir William proceeded: "There
was a seditious book written by one Doleman, which very corruptly
disputed the title of the succession, inferring it as lawful to the
Infanta of Spain as any other; and Mr. Secretary and I being in
talk about the book, Mr. Secretary spake to. this effect : ' Is it not
strange impudence in that Doleman to give an equal right in the
succession to the Crown to the Infanta of Spain as any other?'
Hereupon was grounded the slander upon Mr. Secretary, whereof
he is as clear as any man here present." The witness returned to
his attendance in the palace. Essex apologised, but his cause was
lost ; his principal pretence for rebellion was cut from under him, the
chief link which bound him to the hearts of his adherents was
severed, he stood before them the champion of a lie. " I confess I
have said," added Cecil, with scarcely more than allowable triumph,
" I have said that the King of Spain is a competitor of the Crown
of England, and that the King of Scots is a competitor, and my lord
of Essex I have said is a competitor; for he would depose the Queen,
and call a parliament, and so be king himself; but as to my affec
tion to advance the Spanish title to England, I am so far from it,
that my mind is astonished to think of'it, and I pray God to con
sume me where I stand, if I hate not the Spaniard as much as
any man living !"
In this incident there was far better instruction for the ambas
sadors of King James than in the paper dictated by his own petu-

XXXIV INTRODUCTION.
lance and misinformation. They soon found it to be so. Cecil had
refuted the Essex slander, he had repudiated the King of Spain, but
the question remained — whom did he favour? The juxtaposition in
which he had placed the King of Scots in the passage just quoted
seemed almost to answer the question; but could not an explicit
declaration be drawn from him ? The Scottish ambassadors deter
mined to try. Cecil favoured their attempt. His situation had been
materially altered by the removal of Essex. In England his power
had been greatly increased; towards Scotland he stood in a new
position. The influence of his opponent had ceased, the untruths
circulated against him, merely, as Essex is said to have admitted in
his confession, ad faciendum populum, had been swept away. James
could now, therefore, be fairly approached, and there were circum
stances which rendered such approach desirable — the Queen's growing
infirmities; the fussy anxiety and curious self-conceit of James,
which laid him open to deceits and misleadings on all hands; and
the fact that Essex's death had not removed all those who sought to
derive personal advantage from intrigues in reference to the succes
sion. It is clear that, although upon Cecil's principles a parliamentary
recognition of James's title could not be obtained, it was for the
benefit of the country that an understanding with him should be
come to by those upon whom would devolve the business of taking
the practical initiative in reference to his succession. To have left
all that was then to be done to the last moment, and to the hap
hazard determination of the Queen's dying hour, would have been
both unstatesmanlike and unpatriotic. Regard for the Queen's
feeling, or folly, if it pleases any body so to term it, rendered it
necessary that the understanding should be private; but regard for
the pubhc and the country rendered it imperative that there should
be an understanding. Since Sir Robert Cecil's appointment as
head of the ministry, no opportunity until this time had been offered
for anything of the kind. It came now, and he took advantage of it.

INTRODUCTION. XXXV
A meeting was held between Cecil and the ambassadors, appa
rently on their request, at the Duchy House, that is, the house of the
Duchy of Lancaster in the Strand. Probably some cause of con
ference was assigned in reference to James's solicitation for an
increase to his allowance, or to his claim of the right of succession to
the lands of his paternal grandmother, Margaret Countess of Lennox.
However that may be, the conference was held, overtures were
made to Cecil by James's ambassadors, he replied to them without
disguise, and thence ensued the understanding out of which sprang
the following letters.
Among Cecil's terms stipulated with the ambassadors were the
following : —
1. That an absolute respect should be paid to the feelings of the
Queen, and therefore that there should be a cessation of all en
deavours on the part of King James to procure any parliamentary
or other recognition of his right to the succession ; and
2. That all intercourse between Cecil and the King should be
kept an inviolable secret, so that it might never reach the ears of the
Queen, with whom it would be a subject of misconstruction and an
occasion of the deepest offence against both parties.
In order to carry out these terms of arrangement, a series of num
bers, which should represent the principal persons whose names were
likely to be introduced in any communication by or on the part of
Cecil or James, was agreed upon, and these numbers will be found
to be used throughout the following Correspondence : —
0 was The Earl of Northumberland.
2 „ Sir Walter Raleigh [?].
3 „ Lord Henry Howard.
7 „ Lord Cobham.
8 ,, Mr. Edward Bruce.
9 „ Mr. David Foulis.
10 „ Sir Robert Cecil.

XXXVI INTRODUCTION.
20 was The Earl of Mar.
24 ,, Queen Elizabeth.
30 ,, King James.
40 ,, A colleague of Cecil's, but who has
, not been discovered.
The report which Mar and Bruce made to their sovereign of the
results of this important conference was quickly followed by the first
of these secret letters, addressed by King James to Cecil. James
commended, it will be seen, Cecil's plain and honourable dealing
with his ambassadors, and suggested that Lord Henry Howard, whom
he recommended to Cecil in terms which indicate that he did not
suppose that Lord Henry had hitherto been much in Cecil's con
fidence, should be the " sure and secret interpreter " between them.
Out of Cecil's concurrence in this suggestion arose that corre
spondence which was published at Edinburgh in 1766, in a small
12mo volume, under the title of " The Secret Correspondence of
Sir Robert Cecil with James VI. King of Scotland."
The letters thus published are unquestionably genuine. They
agree in every way with those now brought to light, and, although
all written by or to Lord Henry Howard, in a certain sense they
constituted a "secret correspondence " between James and Cecil; but
they were not their only nor their principal secret correspondence.
The letters now published were the only correspondence which can
with strict propriety be so entitled.
It is not my intention to dwell on the contents of the letters now
published. They speak for themselves, and must be read by all persons
who desire to understand this incident in our history, or the feelings of
the several parties ; but I cannot refrain from pointing attention to
the second letter, which is Cecil's first direct address to his royal
I correspondent. It contains an explanation of his past conduct, a
vindication of the step taken by him in opening up this secret com
munication, a full assurance of the state of the Queen's mind, and

INTRODUCTION. XXXV11
plain advice with respect to James's future conduct. In all these
points the letter alluded to will be found clear and satisfactory.
Cecil's vindication against the accusations of Essex had been effected
before the correspondence was opened. That James believed him
to have been wronged by Essex, and promised henceforth not to
credit adverse rumours without inquiry of himself, constituted the
foundation of Cecil's whole proceeding. For the future, he entreats
the King to quiet his thoughts in reference to the Queen, to dismiss
from his mind all apprehension that she entertained any alienation
of heart from him, and to pluck up by the roots any notion that she
was inclined to " cut off the natural branch and graft upon some
wild stock;" he warns him of endeavours made by many persons to
prejudice the Queen against him, and urges the adoption of clear
and temperate courses to secure her Majesty's heart, " to whose sex
and quality nothing is so improper as either needless expostulations
or over-much curiosity in her own actions." He assures the anxious
King that so long as he keeps from urging his pretensions he may
sleep secure, so far as concerns the Queen. Above all things, he
cautions him against being over busy and anxious to prepare the
people for the coming event. The whole letter deserves the most
careful attention and study. As an indication of the course of
policy recommended by Cecil to James, and from this time acted
upon by him, it- is peculiarly valuable. In that view, it fully
establishes for Cecil the honour of having, by his advice and manage
ment, brought his aged sovereign to the grave in domestic peace and
with untarnished lustre, and secured the transference of the crown
from the house of Tudor to that of Stuart with the same tranquillity
that it might have passed from father to son.a
The correspondence began between March and June, 1601. Dur
ing the two years that elapsed between the former of those dates and
the death of Queen Elizabeth, all the letters now published were
'Hume, cap. xiv.
CAMD. SOC. /

XXXV111 INTRODUCTION.
written. Throughout that time it is obvious that there was a gradual
but steady increase in Cecil's influence, not only in England, but over
the flighty self-conceited James. His Majesty's eyes were at length
opened to the danger of Essex's plottings. He learned to write of
him as '' a noble gentleman," but one in whom he " lost no great
friend " (p. 65). On the other hand, Cecil's solid business qualities
won their way, until from intense dislike the King passed to the most
ardent admiration. He came to see how entirely the minister's
policy, neither blind nor overtrusting, but persistently quiet and
quieting, was surely working in the direction which his Majesty
desired to steer. There was something, too, in the mystery of the cor
respondence, and the little plots and concealments and evasions and
denials to, which both parties had recourse in order to secure their
secret, which was quite to the King's taste. It smacked of the state
craft which was then too generally practised by all parties, and
was pretty nearly King James's idea of the perfection of wisdom.
Sometimes an occasional doubt came over him. He longed to be
doing something to widen or to strengthen, as he thought, his foun
dations, and the correspondence now published, as well as other
letters which passed from 1601 to 1603 between Cecil and Nicol-
son, and the Master of Gray, and which exist in the State Paper
Office or at Hatfield, show that Cecil occasionally found it difficult
to repress the disposition to make surety doubly sure, which was
natural under James's circumstances, as well as the unwise and
unwary gossip in which it was part of his nature to engage.
The secret of this correspondence was well preserved. Known to
half a dozen persons (King James, Cecil, Lord Henry Howard, the
Earl of Mar, Bruce, and Foulis), and probably to several others,
nothing ever occurred to betray it to any of the inquisitive persons
by whom the leading parties were surrounded. James on one
occasion, dropped unwary words, which Nicolson, the English agent
in Scotland, instantly caught up and communicated to Cecil. A

INTRODUCTION. XXX1X
strong denial written by Cecil to Nicolson in reply, in a form designed
to be communicated to the King, either put an end to Nicolson's
suspicions, or demonstrated to him, as well as to James, that the
subject was not one to be talked about. Many persons suspected that
there was an understanding between the King and the minister, but
no accident ever revealed its exact character. A well-known story,
which stands upon the authority, excellent in many respects, of Sir
Henry Wotton, and by him asserted to be " precisely true,"a proves
the hazard of detection which Cecil occasionally ran, and the ease
with which he could extricate himself by a stroke of mother-wit.
" The Queen," says Wotton, " having for a good while not heard
any thing from Scotland, and being thirsty of news, it fell out that
her Majesty, going to take the air towards the Heath (the Court
being then at Greenwich), and Master Secretary Cecil then attending
her, a post came crossing by and blew his horn. The Queen, out
of curiosity, asked him from whence the despatch came, and being
answered ' From Scotland,' she stops the coach and calleth for the
packet. The Secretary, though he knew there were in it some
letters from his correspondents, which to discover were as so many
serpents, yet made more show of diligence than of doubt to obey,
and asks some one that stood by (forsooth in great haste), for a knife
to cut up the packet (for otherwise he might have awaked a little
apprehension); but in the mean time approaching with the packet
in his hand, at a pretty distance from the Queen, he telleth her it
looked and smelt ill-favouredly, coming out of a filthy budget, and
that it should be fit first to open and air it, because he knew she was
averse from ill scents. And so, being dismissed home, he got leisure
by this seasonable shift to sever what he Would not have seen."
Cecil's eyes seem to have been ever open to the possibility of
his correspondence coming to the knowledge of the Queen. His
• Reliq. Wotton. p. 169, ed. 1672.

xl INTRODUCTION.
letters now published were clearly written with that idea in his
mind, and he was careful to keep about him persons who could be
trusted with a secret of such importance, or those who had not wit
enough to draw inferences from what they might possibly see going
on around them. An instance in proof of this occurred in July
1602. Cecil had at that time a Secretary named Simon Willis, a
man of ability, but a pushing, excitable, ambitious person. Of
a sudden he was dismissed. The cause privately assigned was
"insolence and harsh behaviour"^ to his master; but Willis, jus
tifying his dismissal, went to Rome, and, with the accustomed zeal
of such converts, strove to make himself conspicuous, and of use to
his new church. Half-a-dozen years afterwards, when James was
well seated on his English throne, Cecil was desirous to ascertain
something of Willis's doings at Rome, and wrote upon the subject
to Sir Henry Wotton, then ambassador from England to Venice.
He prefaced his letter thus : —
" You know Simon Willis, whom, about a year before the Queen
died, I discharged of my service, partly for his pride, whom pro
vender had pricked, but principally because I was loath he should
have come to some discovery of that correspondency which I had
with the King'our Sovereign, which without great difficulty I could
not have avoided, considering his daily and near attendance as my
Secretary, to whose eyes a packet or a paper might have been so
visible, as he might have raised some such inferences thereof as
might have bred some jealousy in the Queen's mind, if she had
known it, or heard any such suspicion to move from him. Wherein,
although I hope you remain secure, if her Majesty had known all
I did, how well these [she ?] should have known the innocency and
constancy of my present faith, yet her age and orbity, joined to
the jealousy of her sex, might have moved her to think ill of that
* Chamberlain's Letters during the reign of Elizabeth, edited by Miss Williams for
the Camden Society, pp. 151, 154.

INTRODUCTION. xii
which helped to preserve her. For what could more quiet the
expectation of a successor, so many ways invited to jealousy, than
when he saw her ministry, that were most inward with her, wholly
bent to accommodate the present actions of the state for his future
safety, when God should see his time?" He further assured him that
this cause of Willis's putting away was known to most of those
great men with whom in this correspondence he was associated,
and then proceeded to the main-purpose of his letter, which is not
connected with our present subject."
Some persons, who may be presumed to have known more or less
of the correspondence, are indicated by the seals still remaining
attached to many of the letters now published. In only one case,
and that not a royal letter (p. 52), is there a seal which clearly
belonged to the King himself. The others are seals of Sir Thomas
Erskine (afterwards Earl of Kellie), Patrick Young, David Foulis,
and Edward Bruce, all well known persons in connection with the
royal household, or with this correspondence. It would seem to
have been the King's practice, in reference to his letters to Cecil,
to use the seal of some member of his household, acquainted with
the secret, who chanced to be in attendance upon him at the
moment when the letter was despatched.1*
It is a curious subject of speculation in what way letters of such
great importance and secrecy were conveyed from London to Edin
burgh. The ordinary mode of government conveyance was that
described by Sir Henry Wotton. The packet, inclosed in a budget
or wallet, was carried by a special messenger who rode post, that is,
on horses furnished by the postmasters at the ordinary stage towns,
and accompanied by a guide or servant of the postmaster, who
a Collins's Sydney Papers, ii. 326.
b In describing and identifying these seals, I have had the great advantage of the
assistance of Thomas William King, Esq., York Herald. His perfect acquaintance with
all heraldic subjects, and the zeal with which he aids literary inquirers, cannot be too
frequently commemorated.

xiii INTRODUCTION.
attended to the hired horses on the road, and after the traveller
had completed his stage brought them back to the place of
departure. Such a mode of conveyance, at a time when men are
presumed to have been rough and unscrupulous, and over such
roads as then existed, seems as if it must, have been dangerous and
exposed to many chances. Private travellers no doubt sometimes
got roughly handled, and the ordinary messenger or letter-carrier
of the postmaster was occasionally waylaid and robbed of a par
ticular letter or packet, but my recollection does not supply me
with any instance of the stoppage or loss of a government packet
conveyed in the way that I have indicated. Still, I cannot think
that these letters were forwarded by any common channels. Letters
to Edinburgh passed ordinarily through Berwick, and the messengers
were subjected to inquiry by the government authorities of that
Border garrison. Certainly these letters did not go to George
Nicolson, the ordinary English agent in Scotland (the " pigeon " of
this correspondence and that published by Lord Hailes), for delivery
to the Scottish King. A government messenger bringing letters
to any other person than Nicolson, would have given occasion to
more suspicion and inquiry than any of the parties to this corre
spondence would have desired to excite. I incline therefore to the
supposition that they must have been conveyed by special and
secret messengers, and probably by or through diplomatic agenta
of the Scottish sovereign, not ordinarily carriers of letters.
It has been asserted that they were conveyed round by Dublin,
a mode of transit which seems full of difficulties. It is true that
the messenger going that route would not be liable to the same
suspicion as he would if taking the direct road to Edinburgh;
but such a roundabout way must have added immensely to the
danger and the chances of accident. It must have been as diffi
cult to get the letters to Dublin as to Edinburgh, if not more
so. In Dublin, James had certainly two trusty agents — Mr. James
Hamilton and Mr. James Fullerton, two Scotchmen connected

INTRODUCTION. xliii
with Trinity College, Dublin. Hamilton was the eldest of the
six adventurous sons of Hans Hamilton of Dunlop, who all sought
fortune in Ireland, ana founded families in that country, mem
bers of several of which have, been ennobled. Fullerton's origin
was humble, but both were men of learning, and both, for several
years before the death of Elizabeth, were in direct communication
with the court of Scotland as political agents. The story told
about them is, that they were sent into Ireland by King James in
the year 1587, to keep alive and advance his interests in that
country. The better to disguise their object, they established a
school in Dublin, and took upon them the places of master and
usher. Among their pupils they had the honour of numbering the
illustrious Usher, afterwards Archbishop of Armagh. On the esta
blishment of Trinity College, Dublin, Hamilton was appointed a
Fellow, and in that capacity continued his tutorship of Usher, who
followed him to Trinity College in 1593, at the age of thirteen.
Hamilton was much employed in the affairs of the College and of
his master King James, and is traceable in the correspondence of the
period, now in Scotland, now in Ireland, now in England. He was
anxious to have arranged with the English government for the em
ployment .of Scottish troops in Ireland against Tyrone, and was
recommended to effect that object by Sir Richard Bingham, who
praised his honest carriage and loyal demeanour, and described him
as having lived in Ireland with the good liking and commendation
of the State and best-affected." It is perfectly possible that he
may have been one of the messengers employed in the transmission
of this secret correspondence, and there was a tradition that he was
so. The rewards heaped upon him Very shortly after James's
accession, indicate that his services had been of a kind which were
deemed to have deserved ample recompense. Weighty grants to
him are quoted from the Patent Rolls, ultimately culminating in his
elevation to the peerage in 1622, by the titles of Lord Hamilton
» Ireland, State Paper Office, 1600, Feb. 1.

xliv INTRODUCTION.
and Viscount Claneboy. He survived until the 23rd January,
1643-4." The usher Fullerton's services ^are not so obvious; but after
James's accession he removed to England, and not only attained to
high offices about the Court, but procured also some of those con
venient grants which courtiers generally managed to appropriate to
themselves. The last office held by him was that of Groom of the
Stole to Charles I., said to have been worth 2,500£. per annum.b
He died in January, 1630-1, and was interred in Westminster Abbey
by torchlight, his body being accompanied from his house in Broad
Street by a procession of one hundred coaches. A news-writer, in
communicating the intelligence, remarks, " Little did he think of
such grandeur when he was usher of the Free School in Dublin, and
Sir James Hamilton, since created Viscount Claneboy, and now one
of the greatest subjects in that kingdom, schoolmaster, where they
laid the first foundation of their fortune, in the latter end of Queen
Elizabeth's reign, by conveying the letters of some great lords of
England, who worshipped the rising sun, to King James, and his
letters back to them ; this way of obliquity being chosen as more safe
than the direct northern road."0 Here, at any event, we have the
tradition."1 Among the Scottish agents of the highest class who may have
been similarly employed, David Foulis was probably one. He came
with the Earl of Mar and Bruce as their secretary, and was several
a Lodge's Peerage, ed. Archdall, iii. 1; and Strype's Life of Sir Thomas Smitii
p. 137.
b Court and Times of Charles I., ii. 89.
" Court and Times, ii. 89, 90. Fullerton's punning epitaph was, I suppose, written by
Fuller. d Bishop Goodman says that " the correspondency was ever sent by the French post, .
and not by Berwick," which seems more improbable than the asserted transmission by
way of Ireland. The Bishop follows this statement with a singular perversion of the
story quoted at p. xxxix. from Wotton. It is evident that he had not any accurate
information upon the subject. (Court of James I, i. 32,)

INTRODUCTION. xiv
times sent to London to receive the allowance paid to James by
Queen Elizabeth. He attained his reward in estates in Yorkshire,
but fell under the displeasure of Lord Wentworth, the subsequent
Earl of Strafford, and the censure of the Court of Star Chamber,
in the reign of Charles I.
As the time drew on for the realisation of James's long-
cherished hopes — when, according to his own figure, he was to
change the wild unruly colt which it had been his hard and weari
some business to manage, for the towardly riding horse which was
ridden by St. George (p. 31) — his anxiety and that of his friends
increased. As early as November, 1599, when, under the blinding
influence of Essex, and almost regardless of the goodwill of Eliza
beth, or the maintenance of a good understanding with her Ministers,
then supposed to be Spanishly affected, James procured it to be
suggested to his principal nobility of Scotland that they should enter
into a league or "Band" for the preservation of his person, and
the pursuit of his right to the crowns of England and Ireland. Such
an engagement was accordingly entered into. He also solicited
from his Parliament, perhaps in connection with the Montjoy plot
of the three armies, which had just been proposed to him, a liberal
grant for warlike purposes in reference to the succession. " He was
not certain," he told them, " how soon he should have to use arms;
but whenever it should be, he knew his right, and would venture
crown and all for it".a The Scottish burghers gave no support to
these wild and foolish schemes, calculated only to irritate Elizabeth,
to render James himself unpopular in England, and to play the
game of Essex.b
» Scotland, State Paper Office, Dec. 15, 1559. Nicolson to Cecil.
" The Bond entered into by the Scottish nobility attracted little attention in England,
although well enough known. Chamberlain notices it as an article of news in a letter to
Dudley Carleton, dated 22 Feb. 1600. See Chamberlain's Letters during the Reign of
Queen'Elizabeth, edited by Miss Williams for the Camden Society, p. 66.
CAMD. soc. g

xlvi INTRODUCTION.
After the fall of Essex, and the understanding with Cecil, all
James's tactics were changed. He became the most affectionate of
relations to the Queen. To disturb the amity between them was a
thing not to be dreamed of. " With what mask or veil," he asks,
could I cover that blot to mine honour, in being the first breaker
of (for an untimely ambition) that long-continued friendship be
twixt the Queen and me, especially at this time when, by my long
honest behaviour towards her, I have at last attained to a more-
inward and confident amity with her than ever was betwixt us here
tofore?" (pp. 62, 63.)
The idea of employing arms against England was shocking to him.
" He could neither be religious, wise, nor honest," to do anything of
the kind. " How," he innocently inquires, " could I be religious to
prevent God's leisure by unlawful anticipation, and to do that wrong
to my neighbour the like whereof I would be loth to suffer in my
own person? It were very small wisdom by climbing of ditches
and hedges for pulling of unripe fruit, to hazard the breaking of my
neck, when by a little patience and abiding the season, I may with
far more ease and safety enter the gate of the garden, and enjoy the
fruits at my pleasure in the time of their greatest maturity." In
these quaint similes we see the evidence and the results of Cecil's
influence. But some of his gentry, who were not in the secret, did not
display anything like the King's calmness and equanimity. Ignorant
of his actual position, they even thought to win his favour by
exhibiting their zeal for his unrecognised rights. An example occurs
in a letter of Nicolson's, in Vol. 92, No. 130(2), of the Hatfield
letters, which may be quoted as an unpublished evidence of the fact.
This letter is dated " Brighen [Brechin], the 16 of April, 1602."
Nicolson writes —
" The King remaynes still in these partes feasted vp and downe
the contry, and very kyndely caryenge me with him, and playenge

INTRODUCTION. xlvii
at mawe against Mr. Lepton and me. At his being at Kynnarde
he was well entertayned and welcomed, where in drinck the larde
of the house thought he should have pleased the King by drinckinge
to the joyninge of thes two kingdomes in one, and soone, and
sayeing he had forty muskitt ready for the Kinges service to that
vse^ which the King saide was a faulte in him to wish soone, or by
force, and protested he wished no haste but Godes tyme in it, and
her Majestie's daies to be longe and happie without any abridgment
of them or howre of them, for any cause or kingdom to him ; prayeng
God if he wished otherwaies in the secrett of his harte, that he neuer
enjoyed his owne kingdome or life, with many good wordes of her
Majesty, and protestacones that he looked not for it by force but by
right, when that day should come, and with fauor of the people and
not as a conqueror. And, by the way, in his goinge from thence to
Montrosse, he protested in his discourse with me, his vpright and
true harte to her Majesty to be neuer to wishe or know her hurte
but to reveale it as God should judge him, and that as her kynsman
and commed of her Majesty he aught her and would performe her
alleageance, and would be subject and answere her as her subject so in
any thing, albeit as. King of Scotland he was not so bounde; with
many other better wordes then I can write, acquiting her Majesty
of the Queen his mothers deathe freely. The King intends to
write his thanckes to her Majesty and is still impeded, but within few
daies will do it. I se him of that good mynde as I can not wish
him better, nor do thinck there is any thinge in his powre that he
may pleasure her Majesty in that he will not willingly do, so well
affected is he now to her Majesty. He staid in thes partes huntinge,
but with mynde also to reconsile Murray »nd Huntlay, and to have
them at the baptisme, where the younge Prince " I thinck shall not
now be; in this tymo also he is doinge justice and agreinge other
quarrells in this contry."' a Prince Henry.

xlviii INTRODUCTION.
The papers at Hatfield give much information respecting the final
illness of the Queen, and the movements in consequence, both in
England and Scotland. The way in which Cecil secured the suc
cess of his plans for the peaceable accession of the successor, may be
clearly gathered from his own papers.
The Queen's illness assumed a decided character early in March,
1602-3. Want of sleep was its first and most continuous symptom,
accompanied by weakness and exhaustion. " I am not sick, I feel
no pain," she said of herself; " and yet I pine away."a The news
spread like wildfire, and with it all kinds of rumours and specula
tions. The citizens were warned to pay attention to watch and
ward, and it appears, from a letter of Sir John Carey, Lieutenant-
Governor of Berwick, to Sir Robert Cecil, that as early as the third
of March, either Sir Robert himself or some one whose letter was
inclosed in the government packet for Scotland, apprised Sir John
" of my Lady of Nottingham's death, and of her Majesty's not
having been well." - Sir John had long been striving to get leave of
absence to come up to the Court — partly, probably, to seek instruc
tions with reference to coming events. It was now, he judged, too
late to solicit such permission. With the Queen ill, it was out of the
question for him to quit his government. He must, he says, " arm
himself with patience perforce."b On the 9th March, matters had
so far advanced that Sir Robert Cecil took the initiative more deci
dedly. He Wrote to Nicolson in Edinburgh the following letter,
which is printed from a draft or copy in the handwriting of Levinus
Monck, probably dictated to him by Sir Robert.
Mr. Nicholson,
Although booth the last packetts served for convoye of other
mens letters, and this haue noe other great perticuler occasion,
yet because I would not haue you ignorant of those thinges which
¦ Ellis's Letters, 2nd Ser. iii. 194. » Hatfield MSS. vol. xcii. No. 19.

INTRODUCTION. xlix
are like enough by bruict to passe into that kyngdome, espe
cially concerninge matter of that nature wherof I now must write,
I haue thought it my part to acquaynt you as followeth : First, it is
trew that till within these ten or twelve dayes I never beheld other
shew of sickenes in the Queen, then meerely those thinges that
are proper to age; Next, that now, her Majesty, thankes be to God,
is free from any perill ; but because all fleshe is subiect to mortallity,
and that all her creatures can never ymagyne to [her ?] to die, or
fear to much when ought concerneth her, I must confesse vnto you,
that she hath been soe ill disposed theise eight or nyne dayes, as I
am fearefull least the contynuance of such accidents should bringe
her Majesty to future weakenes, and soe to be in danger of that
which I hope myne eyes shall never see ; for although she hath good
appetite, hath nether cough nor fever, distemper nor inordinate
desyre to drincke, yet she is troubled with a heate in her brestes and
drynes in her mouth and tongue, which keepesher from sleepe every
night, greatly to her disquiett. And this is all, whatsoever you
hear otherwise ; for which she never keept her bedd, but was within
theise three dayes in the garden. For all other matters I must referr
you to the next, and soe committ you to God's proteccon."a
About the 13th of March it was rumoured that the Queen was
better. On the day following, Lord Cobham wrote to Cecil from
his house in the Black Friars, expressing his hope to hear from
Cecil " the continuance and assuredness of her Majesty's recovery." b
The amendment was merely a flash of lightning. On the 16th,
Sir John Carey writes to Cecil, from Berwick: " I despatched away
your last letter to Master Nicolson into Scotland presently, which
went in good tyme, for that there came -post with the same packett
a gentleman of Scotland, called Master Alexander Morrey, who
came a thorrowe post from London, although he deneyed it hear,
» Hatfield MSS. vol. xcii. No. 18 (2). b Ibid. No. 33.

1 INTRODUCTION.
and brought with him letters of her Majesty's being verey ill; but
your packett was at Edenborrowghe befor he came ther, wherbey
Master Nicolson had the first knolledge, wiche the retorne of his
packett will fortefey you. Honorabell Sir, youer last letter to me,
with the report of Master Morrey, hathe sett suche a grefe so neer my
hart as I fear will not eseley be removed, styll doutinge the worst." a
Nicolson writes the same day from Edinburgh that he was comforted
by Cecil's last, and that he prayed for her Majesty's " yet good and
many days . . . albeit some other do advertise secretly otherways." b
The " some other" were probably the correspondents of whose letters
Alexander Murray was the bearer.
On the 17th March, the Earl of Rutland, who had been in the
Essex outbreak, writes from Belvoir, that Lady Howard had sent
him word that the Queen had promised that he should see her and
kiss her hand — a parting token of reconciliation ; but that the report
of her indisposition was no less grievous than the former was com
fortable. He woidd pray for her recovery as for his own soul.c On
the same day was written from London a letter of the Earl of North
umberland to King James, which will be found at p. 72, and which
gives one of the best accounts in general terms of the Queen's ill
ness. She had then been ill almost a month; for the first twelve
days her indisposition was kept secret, under the mistaken notion
that annoyances in public affairs and the death of Lady Nottingham
were the occasion, and that time would restore the patient. These
anticipations had totally failed. Sleep and appetite had forsaken her.
For twenty days she had scarcely slept at all. Physic she would
take none, and serious apprehensions began to be entertained. In
these grave circumstances the Council had called upon Lord Thomas
Howard, Lord Cobham, and the Earl of Northumberland (being all
the noblemen, besides the Council themselves, then in London), to
> Hatfield MSS. Vol. xcii. No. 42. » Ibid. No. 43. <= Ibid. No. 46.

INTRODUCTION.

Ii

give their assistance in consultation, and the result was that the
Earl became daily more and more convinced of the power of the
Secretary, and that he was friendly to King James. " If your
Majesty can win him sure to you, you shall give a great hope to your
business, and to all our eases."
On the 19th March, Nicolson writes that the accustomed musters
of King James's household had been put off for this time, and a
contemplated northern journey with a French anSbassador been turned
into a Stirling journey to see the young prince." On the same day
Sir Robert Cecil's elder brother Lord Burghley, Lord President of
the North, addressed him in a very remarkable letter: — " My desyre
is now," he says, " after so manny days paste, to know what is to be
lookyd for. Her Majesties yeres consyderyd can beare no vyolent nor
long sycknes. But pryncypally my wrytyng is to know from yow
what course yow think fittest for me to hold, for that yow know best
what is to be intendyd .... whether to come uppe or to go north
ward. Here I doo intend to make my randyeuouse to be ready ethar
way as occasyon shalbe offryd. For I thank God I can remayne
strong in booth places, by authoritye in thone place, and by love and
frendes in these partes. I only doo relye uppon God's prouydence,
but yett I thank God not vnprovyded booth of men, horse, and
weapons, to defend the ryght, to the which God direct our myndes;
and I hope though we may be farr dystant in myles, yet we shall
concurr ' in one harte and in one waye,' as yow repetyd, thembleme of
hym that is gone."b The allusion is of course to their illustrious
father, and to his motto, " Cor unum, via una," still retained by
the elder branch of his descendants. On the same day, probably,
Sir Robert Cecil forwarded to King James a copy of the intended
proclamation of his accession (p. 47); and Sir Robert Carey des
patched a messenger from Richmond, where the Queen was lying
• Hatfield MSS. Vol. xcii. No. 47. b Ibid. No. 47 (2).

Hi INTRODUCTION.
past all hope. The messenger had audience of King James in
his bed at seven in the morning, and delivered his tidings. The
Queen, it was affirmed, could not outlive three days ; and Sir
Robert Carey, in anticipation of that journey which brought him
fame and fortune, had already placed horses along the Northern
road, that he might be the first to bring the King the news of his
accession. By the 21st the rumour ran that the Queen was in extremis. The
tide now flowed strong towards the North, and the letters here pub
lished picture vividly the arrival of successive messengers, and the
feverish impatience of King James. Throughout England uncer
tainty and agitation were becoming extreme. Sir John Carey,
either craftily, or in utter ignorance of what was to ensue, suggested
to Sir Robert Cecil the propriety of fortifying Berwick, and fur
nishing him, as governor, with victual and munitions. He pictured
the wonderful discontent and desperate murmurs of the Scots at
rumours that the Lady Arabella was about to be married, and
foolishly revived his request to be allowed to come up and be the
better resolved how to discharge his duty.a
As the real crisis approached, offers of service and assistance flowed
in, some to the Council, and some to Sir Robert Cecil individually.
Official people were bewildered as to what they were to do, and Lord
Burghley and Sir John Carey were not the only persons who
wished to have a few private words with Sir Robert Cecil; — the last
thing which Cecil would permit. The Lieutenant of the Tower, if
I understand rightly the following letter, was as much puzzled and
as distrustful as any one. He had already been in communication
with King James, who entertained a very exalted idea of his
importance, perhaps derived from some conjectured similarity be
tween the situation in reference to the metropolis of the Tower of
¦ Hatfield MSS. Vol. xcii. No. 58.

INTRODUCTION. liii
London, and that of Edinburgh Castle. At sunset on the night of
the 22nd March, some directions were sent to Sir John Peyton by
the Council, perhaps relating to his prisoners. Some clue to their
purport may perhaps be guessed from the following mysterious
letter which was his reply: —
" Right Honorable,
"Yesternight, at the shutting of the gates, I receyued your honors
letters, having then neither tyme nor means to return answere, as to
me in duty appertained. Tocheing the matter informed, I doe assure
me selfe, that in your honorable judgements your [honors] wylle con-
ceyve, that I am not so voyde of respect as to immagin that singula-
larytye or disorder can geue any advancement vnto meryte, leaueing
those hasty cowrses onely to be vsed in suche cases wher ther is an
opposytion agaynst right intended, the which I am sure is as farre
remoued from every of your honors reasolu tions, as it is from myne
to doe eny thing that maye preiudys your honorable opinions of me.
Most humbly takeing me leaue. Your honors to doe you all seruyss.
John Peyton.
Towre, this 23 of March, 1602."
[Addressed,'] " To the right honorable, my very good lords, the lords and
others of her majestyes most honorable pryvye Councell.""
When the Tower gates were • next closed after the date of that
letter, the Queen was lying in utter unconsciousness. At midnight
she fell into a slumber, the state which she had so long desired, but
had found to be unattainable. After a couple of hours she awoke,
but it was only to die. At three o'clock the consummation had
been attained. She had ceased to breathe.
For days and weeks past much public business had been utterly
• Hatfield MSS. Vol. xcii. No. 65.
CAMD. SOC. h

liv introduction.
paralysed. Now of a sudden all was bustle and activity. The
members of the Council who had stood round the Sovereign as she
sank to rest shortly afterwards dispersed. Posting to London, the
doors of Whitehall opened for them as the grey dawn of a March
morning began to appear. Summonses were issued to other persons
whose presence was desired. At six o'clock, as the sun rose, they
assembled in the Council Chamber. Cecil produced the proclama
tion which had sounded so harmoniously in the ears of James. It
was read and settled. If any one spoke of making terms, the analogy
of an heir succeeding to a patrimony, was the answer. At ten
o'clock the ceremony of proclamation was commenced at Whitehall
Gate, at eleven it was repeated at the Cross in Cheapside, and that
same night - printed copies of the proclamation were transmitted to
the new Sovereign. Before he received them the voice of the nation
had fully ratified the act of the Council ; the will of Henry VIII.
had been set aside; all questions respecting inheritable blood had
been passed over ; James the First was in full possession, and the
act of statesmanship of Sir Robert Cecil was complete. In his own
words, he had steered King James's ship into the right harbour,
without cross of wave or tide that could have overturned a cock-boat.
The present volume originated in two purchases, one made by
the Camden Society, and the other by the Editor, of transcripts
made many years ago of some of the letters now published.
Those transcripts were found to be imperfect, and an application
was made to the Marquis of Salisbury, through the noble Presi
dent of the Camden Society, to know whether he possessed the
originals from which the transcripts had been made, and whether,
in that case, he would permit the Camden Society's transcripts
to be collated. The Marquis answered the appeal made to. him
in the most liberal spirit. Anxious that any publication which
might possibly affect the reputation for statesmanship of his an-

introduction. lv
cestor Sir Robert Cecil, should represent the actual truth, the
Marquis placed in the hands of the Editor, for the use of the Society,
the whole of the invaluable originals of the Secret Correspondence,
with other papers bearing upon the subject. The Camden Society,
and all lovers of historical truth, will, I am sure, properly appreciate
an act of such kind and judicious liberality.
John Bruce.
5, Upper Gloucester Street, Dorset Square,
5th March, 1861.

CORRESPONDENCE OF
RING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND,
RESPECTING HIS SUCCESSION TO THE THROVE OF ENGLAND.

PART I.
CORRESPONDENCE WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL.
No. I.
30 [KING JAMES] to 10 [SECRETARY CECIL.]
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 54. ORIO. AUTOGRAPH.]
I ame most hairtelic glaid that 10 "[Sec, Cecil] hath nou at last
maid choice of tuo so fitt and confident ministeris* quhom with he
hath bene so honorablie plaine in the affaires of 30 [K. James],
assuring 10 [Sec. Cecil] that 30 [K. James] puttis more confidence
in thaime, according to the large and long proofe that he hath had
of thaime, then in any other that followis him, lyke as 10 [Sec.
Cecil] is most beholden unto thaime for the honorable reporte that
thay haue maid of him to 30 [K. James], quhomto thay haue, upon
the perrel of thaire credit, geuin full assurance of the sinceritie of
10 [Sec. Cecil]; and because 30 [K. James] can not haue the occa
sion to speake face to face with 10 [K. James], that, out of his owin
mouthe, he may giue him full assurance of his thankefull acceptance
of his plaine and honorable dealing, he thairfore prayes 10 [Sec.
Cecil], to accepte of his long aproued and trustie 3 [Lord Henry
* John seventh Earl of Mar, and Mr. Edward Bruce, afterwards Lord Kinloss, sent by
King James as ambassadors to Queen Elizabeth in February 1601 .
CAMD SOC. B

2 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
Howard],* both as a suretie of his thankefulnes and his constant loue
to him in all tymes hearafter, as also to be a sure and secreate inter-
pretoure betwixt 30 [K. James] and 10 [Sec. Cecil], in the opening
up of euerie one of thaire myndis to another ; quhom 10 [Sec.
Cecil] hath the bettir cause to lyke of and truste, since, long before
this tyme, 3 [Lord Henry Howard] dealt uerrie earnistlie with 30
[K. James] to take a goode conceate of 10 [Sec. Cecil], offering him
self to be a dealer betuixt thaime, quhair upon 30 [K. James] was
contentid that 3 [Lord Henry Howard] shoulde deale betuixt essex
and 10 [Sec. Cecil] for a conformitie betuixt thaime, for the uell of
30 [King James] in the owin tyme,f but that 10 [Sec. Cecil] mis
trusted the aspyring mynde of essex, 30 [K. James] can not but
comend, taking it for a sure signe that 10 [Sec. Cecil] uoulde neuer
allow that a subiect shoulde climbe to so hie a roume, and that he
shoulde euer be thrall to a subiect that hath from his chyldehode
bene trained up in the seruice of a free prince; and yett 30 [K.
James] doth protest, upon his concience and honoure, that essex
had neuer any dealing with him quhiche uas not most honorable and
auouable. As for his misbehauioure thaire, it belongis not 30 [K.
James] to iudge of it, for althoch 30 [K. James] loued him for his
uertues, he uas no uayes obleished to embrace his querrellis, but to
accepte of euerie man according to his owin desairtis. This farre
hath 30 [K. James] thocht goode to comitte to paper, to be a uit-
nesse to 10 [Sec. Cecil] of his inuarde disposition touardis him, as
suring him that he takes in uerrie goode pairt his warenes in deal
ing, lyke as he doth promeise, upon his honoure, that in all tymes
heareafter, the suspition or disgraceing of 1 0 [Sec. Cecil] shall touche
30 [K. James] as neare as 10 [Sec. Cecil], and quheh it shall please
* Second son of Surrey the poet. King James, shortly after his accession to the throne
of England, advanced Lord Henry to the Earldom of Northampton, and subsequently con
ferred upon him the order of the garter, and other honours. Lord Henry inherited much
of his father's ability, but degraded it by many vices. He won the heart of James by
flattery almost unparalleled.
f This passage is printed as it stands in the original.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 3
god that 30 [K. James] shall succeide to his rieht, he shall no sure-
lier succeide to the place then he shall succeide in bestowing as
greate and greater fauoure upon 10 [Sec. Cecil] as his predecessoure
doth bestow upon him, and in the meane tyme ye maye rest assured
of the constant, loue and secreatie of
Youre most louing and assurid freinde,
30 [King James].
[Addressed in the King's haudivriting,]
"10." *
[The letter has been fastened in two places with pink silk, and
sealed, also in two places, with a seal bearing for arms, a pale,
charged with a crescent as a mark of cadency ; and for crest, a cres
cent, between the horns of which is placed the letter T with the
letter S on the dexter side of the crescent and the letter A on the
sinister, probably the initials of Sir Thomas Aireskine, or Erskine,
afterwards Earl of Kellie.]
[Indorsed by Sec. Cecil,']
" 1600. 30, first letter to 10." He has subsequently added in
explanation of 30 and 10, " The K."; " Secretary."

No. II.
10 [SECRETARY CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMES.]
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 55. COPY CORRECTED BY SEC. CECIL.]
May it please your Majesty,
Although it hath pleased you to lett me reade in royall charac
ters, what the constitution of your mynde is towardes me, what you
esteeme my disposition towardes you, and vppon what argumentes
both your favour and opinion are and shalbe grounded (whereby I rest
secure that an even measure hath been offered me by all those that
haue handled that subiect), yet can I not deny my mynde that ius-
tice which it exacteth from me, to be heard speake as much (with

4 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
his proper organ) as hath been allready reported by other, meanes.
A desyre deriued from noe exception to the least article of their rela
tions (of whom [sic] integritye and wisedome your Majesties lettres
have yeilded soe cleare demonstration), but only as a motive from
those reverent respectes of myne which liue in doubt how silence
would be censured to such a summons. In which consideration I
have resolued in this forme to rctourne my humble thankes. First,
because it hath pleased your Majesty to beleive that I have been
wronged. Secondly, because you expect nothinge from me to wrong
any other. Thirdly, because you promise hereafter in all accusations
to.deale with me as God did with Adam, " Vbies?" Fowerthly,
because I perceaue when that naturall day shall come, wherein your
feast may be lawfully proclaymed (which I doe wish may be long
deferred) such shall appeare the equitye of your mynd to all-men, as
those shall not be reiected (as wantinge their wedding garment)
whoe have not falslye or vntymely wrought for future fortunes.
For I doe herein truly and religiously profess before God, that
if I could accuse my selfe to haue once imagined a thought which
could amount to a grayne of errour towardes my deare and precious
souverayne, or could haue descerned (by the ouvertures of your
ministers) that you had intertayned an opinion or desyre to draw
me one poynct from my individual! center, I should wish with all
my hart, that all I haue done, or shall doe, might be converted to
my owne perdition. For, though it is trew that natural cares and
providence might have importuned me long since, to seeke some
honest meane to dissolue those hard obstructions which other mens
practise had bredd within your hart, yet had I still determined con
stantly to haue runne out the glasse of tyme (thoughe with ideas of
future perill), rather then by the least circumstance of my actions
(ether open or priuate) to give any ground for insidious spiritts to
suspect that I would varrye from the former compass of a sole
dependeneye, by which I haue only steered my courses.
But when I saw that all those whose eyes weare blynde to all but
high imaginations, had left behynde them the dreggs of fowle im-

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 5
pressions agaynst some ministers of this estate (especially agaynst
my selfe, as one that was solde ouer to Spanish practise, and
swollen to the chynn with other dangerous plottes agaynst your
person), I did straight consider how necessarye it would be for me.
if ether I desyred to keep my souveraynes cleare intentions from
beeing blemished, or to quiett your thoughtes towardes her (in which
the preservation of your future hopes (by consequence) is included),
to plucke upp quickly by the rootes those gross inventions of my
conspiracyes, because the multiplyinge still of such shaddowes vppon
me (holdinge that place I doe) might prooue in tyme tho cause of some
effects verye preiudiciall to both your Majesties fortunes, the feare
whereof hath been (I protest to God) the principal! ground of my
soe playne dealing with your embassadours. For when I perceaued
that the practises which weare vsed to disgrace me, must conse
quently haue setteled an apprehension in you, of an alienation of hart
in her Majesty towards you, which must have mortised an opinion
in your mynde, that she must needes be inclyned (if not resolued) to
cutt of the naturall branch, and graft vppon some wilde stocke,
seeinge those that helde the neerest place about her weare described
to be soe full of pernicious practises agaynst your Majesty, I did
thinke it my dutye to remooue that inference, by that occasion which
was offered me vppon your Embassadours beeinge here, though I
assure my selfe (it beeing knowue) would preiudice me in her
Majesties iudgment, of whom that language which would be tunable
in other princes eares would iarr in hers, whose creature I am. But,
Sir, I know it holdeth soe iust proportion, even with strictest
loyaltye and soundest reason, for faythfull ministers to conceale some-
tyme booth thoughts and actions from Princes, when they are per-
swaded it is for their owne greater service, as albeit I did obserue
the temperature of your mynde (in all your cdurses) to be such, as
gaue me great hopes that you would doe allwayes like your selfe, yet
I was still iealous, least some such causelesse dispayre of the Qaeenes
iust intentions might be wrought into you, as might make you
(though happelye not dissolue the mayne bond of honour and
amitye), plonge your selfe vnawares into some such actions, as might

6 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
ingage all honest men, out of present dutye, to oppose themselfes
soe farr agaynst you, as they would stand in doubt hereafter what
you would doe, in the future, towardes those which should soe lately
haue offended you. Wherein I will only for the present lay downe
this position, which I knuw I can iustly mayntayne, That it is, and
wilbe, in noe mans power on earth, soe much as your owne, to be
faber fortunes tuoe.
And now must I leaue the quicke and resort to the dead,* of
whom I would to God I could speake the best, seeing by your selfe
his name was remembered, which is shortly this: — that if I could
haue contracted such a freindship with him, as could haue giuen me
securitye that his thoughtes and myne should haue been noe further
distant then the disproportion of our fortunes, I should condemne
.my iudgment to haue willingly intruded my selfe into such an
oposition. For whoe know not that haue lived in Isaraell, that such
weare the mutuall affections in our tender yeares, and soe many re-
ciprocall behefittes interchanged in our growing fortunes, as besydes
the rules of my owne poore discretion, which taught me how perilous
it was for Secretarye Cecyll to haue a bitter feudf with an Erie
Marshall of England, a Favorite, a Nobleman of eminent partes, and
a Counsellour, all thinges els in the composition of my mynde did
still concurr on my part to make me desyrous of his favour.
Thus have I now (ex mero officio to my Souverayne, and out of
affectionate care to your Majesties future happines, whom God hath
instituted to sitt (in his dew tyme) in the chayre of state, at the feet
whereof I dayly kneele,) exposed my self to more inconvenience
then ether your Majesties former indisposition or my owne caution
(in a iealous fortune) should adventure, seeing (by it) I doe reape
noe other purchase then what I know your justice would yeild to all,
which is to be only secured thus farr (in my owne honest and payn-
full labours), that 1 shalbe censured by cleare and vpright proofes,
and not by borrowed lightes of envy and revenge.
It remayneth, therefore, that I draw toward an end of this tedious
* Of course the allusion in this very important passage is to the late Earl of Essex.
-f* This word has been altered and is a little doubtful.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 7
lettre of myne, in which my affection must only couver my errours.
Your Majesty knowes that iealousye stirreth passion, even between the
father and the soonn, that passions begett iniuryes between Princes,
and that iniuryes ether giuen or taken, in your case, breed alienation.
To the first weaknes in her Majesties mynde I haue allready breefely
sayd, That what was possible for art and industrye to effect, agaynst
the person of a successour, in the mynde of a possessour, hath been
in the highest proportion laboured by many agaynst you. Out of
this conclusion,' that the eyes of her Majesties suspition could not be
diverted from other practises, vnles it weare ingrauen in her hart
that you weare impacient of any longer attention. It beinge well
knowne, that as love is of all thinges subiect to greatest blyndnesse,
soe feare once multiplied nether trusteth profession, nor heareth #
reason. To resort therefore to my first groundes, your best approach
towardes your greatest end, is by your Majesties cleare and tempe
rate courses, to secure the heart of the Highest, to whose sex and
qualitye nothinge is soe improper as ether needles expostulations,
or over much curiositye in her owne actions. The first, shewinge
vnquietnesse in your selfe; the second challendging some vntymely
interest in hers ; booth which , as they are best forborne when there is
noe cause, soe be it farr from me (if there shalbe cause) to perswade
you to receaue wronge and be sylent. Only this I dare say for the
present (and that vppon good experience) that as longe as we see our
horison cleare from lively apparitions of anticipation, your Majesty
may dormire securus, for any counsell or humour rising from hence,
of preiudice or prevention.
Further I must presume (vnder the former pardon) to say thus
much to your Majesty; — that although it be a common rule with
many rising princes to refuse noe adress, yet you will fynde it in
your case, that a choyce election of a feaw in the present, wilbe of
more vse then any generall acclamation of many ; the one strength -
ninge selected and honest myndes when they see they are not reckned
in the ordinarye (though they affect noe singularitye) , the other
having such a repugnancye in the mynde of her Majesty as those

8 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
that resolue to be trew to booth, in ordine, shalbe forced to be more
negligent of the second, least they should be mistrusted of lack of
duty to the first. Whoesoeuer therfore perswades your Majesty that
it is necessarie for you to be to busy,* to prepare the vulgar before-
i hand, little understands the state of this question : nether shall your
majesty fynde my woordes vntrew in this one thing more ; — that if the
extraordinarye persons (though small in nomber) whom nether base
nor hawtye humours draw to love you, should fynde themselfes to be
vsed as a motive to increase a publicke partye, (it being ordinarye
for the vulgar to follow better example, without any such precedent
insinuation,) suerly the myndes of men of spiritt and vallue are so
compounded, the addition that is sought of the greater part, will be
the privation of the other; sed hoc nimis, hie posui baculum. From
my selfe and my f freind 3 [Lord Henry Howard] you shall not be
combered with other petition, then that you will remember for your
owne good (wherein I leaue to your iudgment to applie it to
the right person) that noe man is soe very impious that travayleth
not for some opinion of vertue. Next, that we doe nether presume i
to indent with you for future favours, nor present reseruidnesse,
because we thinke it not ingenious to recommend to honour it selfe \
the thinges which honour requireth; with which conclusion I J
humbly kisse your royall handes, beeseechinge your Majesty to beleive
that when I lived in deepest silence, your Majesty might then (as
you may now) have iustly sayd vnto me (usque ad aras); Cur non
mecum loqueris, qui mecum sentis?
[Indorsed by Sec. Cecil,]
A copye of my first lettre to the Kinges
Majesty in the Queenes life, vppon my
conference with the Erie of Marr and the
Lord Kinlosse, at the Duchye House.
* The words " to be to busy " are an interlineation. The second " to " seems super
fluous. f " worthye " was struck out in revision.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 9
No. III.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SECRETARY CECIL].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 59. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
Eicht trustie and uellbelouit 10 [Sec. Cecil], If at my first
dealing uith you by my kite ambassdouris, I had not bene setlid in
that assurance that the partie I delt uith uas uise, and that my
fauoure was to be groundit upon a fixed starre, and not a mobile or
uauering pianette, I coulde not (I must confesse) haue thocht my
selfe fullie secure of a thankefull meiting, quhill from youre selfe
I hadde bene certified of youre thankefull acceptance of my lettir
by a direct and dewtiefull ansoure thaimnto, as laitlie ye haue
done; but being (as I haue allreaddie said) uell aquaintid uith youre
qualities, and resolued that I delt with a uyse man, I no sooner
uas certaine that my lettir uas putt in youre handis, but as soone I
laide my counte euer after dormire securus in utramque aurem for
youre pairt, and thairfore mayeye assure youre self that I doe accepte
of youre most uyse and kynde ansoure as only proceeding from the
feruentie of youre affection, quhiche hath made you to surmount all
doubtis of incurring suche hazairdis thairby as one in youre place is
euer subiect unto, accounting nou youre honest affection so muche
the more preciouse unto me that ye have neuer untymouslie and
undeutifuUie snatched at future fortunes, quhiche unlawfull forme of
doing micht some daye tende as farre to my owin discontentement ;
protesting in the presence of god that, uith his grace, I shall euer
keepe that alyke christiane as politike reule, to measure as I uould
be measured unto, and since (god be praised) my claime is both
iuste and honorable, euer to ioyne the aduerbe to the name in using
bonum bene.
It is indeid trew, as in youre owin lettir ye confesse, that if youre
sylence hadde continued any longer it micht haue bredde sum ha
zairdis to the fortunes of both the princes (besydes youre owin par-
ticulaire), for as princes must heare and see uith other cares and eyes
CAMD. SOC. . C

10 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
then thaire owin, so (to deale plainlie uith you) it uas contmuallie
beatin in my earis that youre sylence did proceede, not of dewtie to
youre souueraine, but out of unquenchable malice against me ; for,
althoch I thocht it euer the pairte of a uyse man to iuge by certaine
effeetis, and not by outuarde and deceauable apperances, yett too
many impressions micht in the ende haue proued it to be trew that
gutta cauat lapidem, non in sed sepe cadendo, so as by youre breaking
of sylence at this tyme ye haue not onlie reaped the full assurance of
my constant fauoure, but also done most honest seruice to youre
owin souueraine, by remouing suche iealousies as micht other uayes
haue brangled oure amitie, quhiche, allthoch it be not conuenient
that she know, (by reason of her iealousie,) yett is it most avowable
hou soone it shall come to licht, proineising to you for my pairt, in
the honoure of a king, that not only shall I neuer by any untymouse
impatience preasse in the least iote to diuert you from youre dewtie-
full fidelitie to youre souueraine, but shall also in all tymes cumming
reule all my actions for aduauncing of my lawfull future hoapes by
youre aduyce, euen as ye uaire one of my owin counsaillouris all-
readdie, being justlie moued to this confidence in you, as uell by the
experience of youre uisdome and sinceritie in her seruice, as by the
uyse and honest aduyce ye giue me hou to behaue myself touardis
her, in your laite most kynde and uyse lettir, assuring you that I
will not only use youre honest aduyce in my behauioure touardis
her, (as I proteste to god I was neuer other uayes enclyned,) but I
uill also use and follou youre other aduyce concerning my beha
uioure uith her people.
No ! ye neid not to thinke that I ame so euill aquentid uith the
histories of all aages and nations that I ame ignorant quhat a rottin
reide mobile uulgus is to leane unto, since some in youre cuntrey
haue uerrie derelie bocht the experience thairof of lait. I ame no
] usurper; it is for thaime to play the absalqn. Yea, god is my uitnes
that I shall euer eschew to giue the quene any iuste cause of iealousie,
throuch my to bissie behauioure, and besydes that, I euer did holde
this maxime,that a few great spirites uaire the ordinarie instrumentis

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 11
and seconde causis that made the uorlde to be reuled according to
thaire temperature ; other uayes I behoued by fauouring democratic
fichte against my self, but yett is it trew indeid that the hairtis of
the people are not to be reiectid, but not to be compassidby any par
ticulate insinuation uith euerie one of thaime, quhiche uolde breide
greatter iealousie in the quene then goode successe uith thaime ; but
goode gouuernement at home, firme amitie uith the quene, and a
louing caire in all things that maye concerne the uell of that state,
are the onlie three steppes quhairby I thinke to mounte upon
the hairtis of the people ; and suirlie I ame importunid by sindrie
thaire more then I coulde uishe, for feare thay beuraye thaimselfis,
for I coulde be uerrie well contentid to be sure of thaire goode uill
uithout the renewing of many messages, and in speciall I coulde
uishe the dittaye of " I saye nothing" micht haue a goode simpathie
uith the owner thairof, as for my pairte I shall follow the aduyce of
my faithfull 3 [Lord Henry Howard] thairin.
And thus, hauing unfoldit before you the anatomie of my mynde,
I hairtlie praye you to rest assured that, althoch to mercenarie men
I uolde keipe promeise for my owin respect, but uithout any care
for thaire uell-doing, yett the only respecte that can moue you and
my faithfull 3 [Lord Henry Howard] to loue me being for the loue
of vertu, I shall euer aquyte it in that uertuouse sort that I shall •
neid no other remembrancer for you both then my inuarde gratitude
to sturre me to be cairfull both for present reseruidnes and futoure
fauouris in the owin tyme. Youre most louing freinde,
30 [King James].
[No address. The seal gone.]
[Indorsed by Sec. Cecil,]
30 to 10
2d. lettre.

12 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
No. IV.
10 [SEC. CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMES].
[HATFIELD MSB. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 61. ORIG. DRAFT IN THE HANDWRITING OF SEC. CECIL.]
When I beheld this second lettre of yours, so full of wisedom,
greatnes and moderation, it gaue my mynd a dpbble consolation,
first, becawse I fownd you vouchsafed to dispense with my borrowed
hand, which broght you no colored merchandise, next, becawse it
shewed plainly that whensoever men of honesty shall deale with
your Majesty that they do still in portu nauigare.
In this contemplation of your disposition I took no long deli
beration at first to make an answer to your embassadors sommons,
becawse my integrity needed no counsaile how to limit my answers
within the bounds of loialty; yet dyd I let them plainly see, that I
was fully minded to vse such provydence in all my proceedings, as
to observe and discover why ther your Majesties mynd (which had
ben so long possessed with preiudice,) wold be satisfied sufficiently
with just apologys, and by an afectionat profession only of my de
sires to do yow those humble services which stand precisely with
real] duty to my soverain and convenient caution to my poor fortune,
of both which tributes when you find any person careless in his pro
fessions, I beseech your Majesty to believe that of those blossoms
you shall never reap other then blasted fruicts of trechery and folly.
For, in the first, I hold it certain that he that is fals to the present
will neuer be treu to the future, and, in the second, I see by expe
rience that contra fatales morbos nullum est remedium.
How things do pass in this estate which haue any essentiall refe
rence to your Majesties fortune it may please you to receaue from
yowr worthy 3 [Lord Henry Howard], whom I do informe of all
things necessary, there being nothing more vnfitt, nor more vnsafe,
then often wryting vppon needles grounds; for, syr, as in any case
which necessarily requires advertisement or prevention, the meanest
man that liveth shall be no more prodigall of his labour then I will,

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND*OTHERS. 13
so when I do know that there is nothing which concerns you to pur
pose (or if there be some idle thing, that it shall prove to [be] no
thing) I will take such freedom then, out of myne owne sincerity,
and* from the trust which you please to promise me, as not to play
the nouellant in steed of the watchfull centinell, so farr, I say, the
centinell as if in matter of succession any base spiritts shall sett any
practise on foot, I will not only advertise it, thogh it be but in
embrione, but if it shall, in any counsaile or convention, great or
small, publick or privat, come to voice or question, I will shew my
self in an honest and resolute opposition as farr as tong or power is
able. Sed quorsum perditio hcec, cum ex nihilo nihil ft? Fori
beseech your majesty giue me the honour thus farr to belieue me,
that shold not be a stranger to all things of such nature which can
occurr in this estate, that, First, the subiect it self is so perilous to1
toutch amongst vs, as it setteth a mark vppon his hedd for ever that
hatcheth such a byrdf ; next, on the fayth I ow to God, that there is
neuer a prince or state in Europ with whom either mediate or
imediate her Majesty hath entredinto speach these xij. yeares of that
subiect. No ! as it is trew that, such is our misfortune, as it in her Ma
jesties mind a capitall thing to settle, so is it not in her hart so much
as to bethink her how to divert it, and therefore, if yow will distin
guish between the pamphlets and proiects of priests and fugitiues,
who are alwaies labouring to sett up one golden calf or other, as
their fortune or fancy leadeth them, and the negotiations between
princes or their ministers, retaining such a belief in some well chosen
professions, as neyther to be ielous of sylence because you hear other
idle ecchos, nor mistrustfull of care and industry because every thing
we do is not howerly made demonstratiue to yow, then may I, and
all as I, say to them selfs securely, that they haue found in you a
hart of adamant in a world of feathers.
* " the " stands in the draft after "and," which has been obviously left standing by
mistake in the course of some alterations. It was originally intended to write " and the
confident trust."
t " an egg ' ' was first written, and in striking it out great part of the " egg " was left
standing.

14 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
Lastly, renoumed prince, where you voutchsafe to shew me, that
you will vse no other stepps for your gradation to assure the right
you haue to your future fortune but a constant care to conserve the
the queens good will entierly, to retaine the affections of her honest
subiects, and to invite them to respect you by shewing them an
example of your kingly government, I haue little more to say, be-
sydes that comfort I take to see the mynd which I do reverence so
well tempered, but that when all the roots and fractions of nom-
bers shalbe serched by the greatest mathematicks you will fynd that
this is only the golden nomber which will shew you veram Galaxiam,,
for all other plotts are dreames, and all other counsails such as
Almighty God will scatter lyke chaff from of the earth ; to whose
blessed protection of yow in your religious and just resolutions I do
comend you in my devotions, and ever remaine in humblest afec-
tions after one, and her alone, at your Majesties comandment, hum
bly and honestly ,f
E. C.
[Indorsed by Sec. Cecil,]
4 Octobris, 1601.
2 Lettre, 10 to 30.
* The successive changes made by Cecil before he finally fixed upon this conclusion are
worthy of note. Doubt arose in his mind after he had written the words " ever remaine."
His first intention was to proceed with the sentence in some contemplated form of
which " my sover " was written, and then struck out. The second thought was to
follow " remain " with " after C_esar, yours above all." The third attempt was by in
sertion of the words " to command ' ' between " yours " and " above all, R. C." In the
fourth, every thing after " remain " was struck out, and the termination made to stand
" Yours affectionately and humbly, Ro. Cecyll." The fifth change ended in the adop.
tion of the words as they now stand, but these were not approved without some erasures,
and the insertion of the word " in " twice before " humblest afections," both at the en/1
and the beginning of a line. So it still stands.

WJTH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 15
No. V.
80 [KING JAMES] to 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 63. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
Mistake not, I praye you, my dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], the
honest sincearitie of my meaning, in kaice I seame by this paper
some quhat to uarie from these groundis and transcende these
limites quhiche first uaire promeised and agreed upon betuixt us, in
drawing on a more affectionatlie familiare, thoch lawfull, corre
spondence betuixt us, then uas at oure first dealing promeised by me
to be urged, or by_ you to be parformed: but ye maye, notuith-
standing heirof, boldlie repose in that securitie oi his upricht and
honorable intention that deales uith you, that, althoch sindrie
interueining accidents maye in sum sort chainge my style of uryting,
yett shall I neuer in substance uarie one iote from these maine
pointes quhiche at oure first aquaintance I did promise, and uowe
unto you.
For I must plainlie eonfesse that both ye and youre faithfull col-
legue 40 * haue by youre uigilant and iudiciouse caire, so ayselie
settelid me in the only richt course for my goode, so happelie pre-
seruid the quenis mynde from the poison of iealouse praeiudice, so
ualiantlie resisted the crooked coursis of sum seditiouse spirits quho
can neuer uearie seacretlie to sting the heiles of honest men, quhom
thay onlie enuye for uertues sake, and so carefullie labourid to
furder all my reasonable and lawfull endis, as the great proofe I
haue hadd of your happie and honest concurrance for my uell doth
force, me, out of the abondance of a thankefull mynde, to uryte in
a more louing, plaine, and familiare style then euer I was uoonte to
doe before.
But not that heirby I have any intention to desyre you or 40
(quhom Ialluayes and euer shall accounte as one) any uayes to alter,
ather in forme or substance, youre accustumed forme of ansouring
me, for, althoch that I, in respect of my birth and place, can not fall
under the censure of any daingerouse constructions (thoch I neuer
* The person indicated by 40 has not been discovered.

16 CORRESPONDENCE OF JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
uith goddis grace shall doe any thing in priuate quiche I maye not
uithout shame proclaim e upon the toppes of housis), yett so dain-
gerouse is youre state, as subjectis, that althoch youre intention to
youre souueraigne be neuer so upricht, yett, if the lyon thinke
youre eares to be homes thaire uill be no place admitted you
for excuse : it shall thairfore suffise me that ye rest in a full and
certaine persuasion of my loue and thankefull mynde to you both,
quhairof this my hand urytte shall serue for a witnesse unto you,
assuring 40 that, uith goddis grace, he shall neuer be disappointed of
his confidence in my honestie upon youre relation, and as it neuer uas,
. nor shall be, my course to preasse him, or any, beyonde the boundis of
thaire dewtifull ailegeance toJ thaire souueraine, so doe I protest in
/ goddis presence that, if I hadd urongedany of you so farre as to haue
¦suspectid you guiltie of so great unuorthinesse, I uolde not haue so
farr stained my conscience, and honoure, as to haue fosterid so uyle a
motion, not for the gaining of the quhole worldis monarchic unto me.
I can not also omitte to displaye unto you the great contentement
. I receaue by youre so inuarde and united concurrence in all the
pathes that leade to my future happinesse, most hairtelie uishing
you to continew in that happie course as ye maye be sure of my
thankefulnes touardis you, quhom I know to be only moued for the
respect of conscience and honoure, to deserue so uell at the handis
, of a lawfull, naturall and louing successoure to youre quene and
cuntrey; and thus praying 40 to be assured that by youre meanes
only he shall heare from me, that he maye thairby discerne if any
other uorde come to him in my name that it is but false and adul
terate coine, and persuaiding him of my enteare affection touardis
him, as to youre self, I bidde you hairtelie fairuell
Youre most assured louing freinde,
30 [King James.]
From falkelande the thridde of iuine, 1602.
[Addressed by King James,] " 10."
[Fastened in two places with crimson silk, and sealed also in two
places, with a seal bearing a saltire, or St. Andrew's cross, on an
escutcheon.]

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 17

No. VI.
10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL] to 30 [KING JAMES].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 65. ORIG. DRATT IN THE HANDWRITING OF
SEC. CECIL.]
Althogh the wisedome and sincerity of fidel 3 [Lord Henry
Howard] do clearly represent the dayly circumstances of all parti-
culers which . do concern you, yet when I do behold your extraor
dinary favour in vouchsafing me the honour of your owne princely
lettres, I can not quiet the affections of mine owne mynd, if I shall
injoine them alwayes to speake in tertia persona. I beseech your
Majesty, therfore, (after receauing my humble thanks for yowr so
gracious acceptance of my poor indevours whilst the Duke was
here,) to believe thus much, that the sight of yowr last dispatch dyd
breed in me two powerful! passions : — the first of ioy and admiration
of your roiall integrity and temper, whom I do still observe so free
from desire of any mans afection, further then suum caique tribuere,
¦et alterum non Iwdere, as any honest man may so cary hym self * in
all things towards yow, as if it shold happen that the vaile of se-
cresy were taken of by errour or by destiny, the Quene her self (who ,
were likest to resort to ielousy) shold (notwithstanding) still discern
«learly, that whatsoever hath passed in this correspondency hath
wholy tended to her owne repose and safety, without any incroch-
ment vppon other lyberty then swch as divers good phisitiens do take
when they deceaue an indisposed patient by giving salutaria pm
soporiferis. The second perturbation I must confess was only owt of dowbt
and feare, lest the treasure of such a prinoes secret trust coming to
light, either by the# levity of those that haue -offerd trafick, or by
their owne election of loose instruments, might call in question my
* This was originally written "so to «ary them selfe;'" in the process of alteration
•"them" was altered into "hym," but the final letter of "selfs" was omitted to be
struck out. I have made this obvious correction in the text.
CAMD. SOG. D

18 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
gratitude for such a favour, or my sincerity in making vse of such a
confidence, (especially when I am so acquainted with some of their
vnsecresys,) as vppon evry flux of humour the secretest arctery of
their hart is like the sive of Danae that leaked faster then the springs
cold fill it, which she frequented howerly.
In which consyderatioh, renowmed prince, (be it spoken without
deminution of my impressions of yowr roiall fauours,) althogh it is
most trew that by my knoledg of particulers from you I shalbe
better able to convert all such merchandise to yowr advantadge, yet,
rather then the creditt of my sincerity shold be in danger to be
tainted by any accident (beyond my power to remedy), I wold most
humbly crave- it of your Majesty that I might rather be left to mine
owne discouerys of their greatest secretts, then to receaue any lyght
from you of their deepest misteryes. For this I do profess in the
presence of Him that knoweth and searcheth all mens harts, that if
I dyd not some tyme cast a stone into the mouth of these gaping
j crabbs, when they are in their prodigall humour of discourses, they
wold not stick to confess dayly how contrary it is to their nature to
resolue to be vnder your soverainty; thogh they confess (Balegh
especially) that (rebus sic stantibus) naturall pollicy forceth them to
keep on foot such a trade against the great day of mart. In all
which light and soddain humours of his, thogh I do no way check
him, becawse he shall not think I reiecthis freedome or his affection,
but alwaies (sub sigillo confessionis) vse contestation with him, that
I neyther had nor ever wold in individuo contemplate future idea,
nor ever hoped for more then iustice in time of change, yet, vnder
pretext of extraordinary care of his well doing, I have seemed to
disswade him from ingaging him self to farr, even for him self, much
more therfore to forbeare to assume for me, or my present intentions.
Let me therfore presume thus farr vppon your Majesties favour,
that whatsoever he shall take vppon him to sa^ for me, vppon any
new humor of kyndness, wherof sometyme he wilbe replete (vppon
the receipt of privat benefite), you will no more believe it (if it
come in other shape), be it neuer so much in my comendation, then

WITH 8IR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 19
that his owne conscience thoght it needfull for him to vndertake to
keep me from any humour of imanity, when, I thank God, my
greatest adversaries and my owne sowle haue euer acquited me from
that of all other vices. Wold God I were as free from ofense '
towards God, in seeking for privat affection to support a person
whom most religious men do hold anathema.
But why do I thus farr presume to troble your eares so much
with my poor privat griefs at his ingratitude to me, when I resolued
rather to record my privat ioies? I will therfore leave the best and
worst of him, and other things, to 3 [Lord Henry Howard's] rela
tion, in whose discretion and affection you may dormire securus ;
but this I will beseech, that, however your Maj.esty shall resolue in
omnem euentum to serve your self of their professions, whom the
D[uke] conceaueth to have gaigned as so fitt instruments for you, that
you will thus farr please to give me creditt as to believe that, when
soever yow shall ( without great occasion, palpably seen to the world)
imploy a person of any so eminent qwality, whose experience is no
better (thogh otherwise he be very worthy) in distinguishing
between ventosity and verity, he will leaue more clay and rubbish
behynd him in our streets then some of the best labourers you haue
can be able to cleanse in seven yeares after. For it is to well knowen
to me that during his aboad (what with the discourses of his fol
lowers and the noyse that he had great resort vnto him, the changing
of his lodging, the refusing to see (one tyme) the Queens phisitien,)
that such ielousy was raised of his bestowing his time in privat con
ferences and accesses, as, althogh her Majesties mind was well
prepared towards you before hand (with long foresight), yet was it
one of our greatest industryes euen to effect any reasonable desires,
without suspicion of some privat end or inward afection. Where,
on the other syde, it may be noted that, notwithstanding both your
former Ministers arrivall here in a time when my soverains hart was
bytterly inflamed with preiudice against your self and them, yet by
their great discretion and observation they conducted all their sowre
business to so good endes, and handled her so well, and evry other,

20 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
as that when they took their leaue there was no more remain of any
ill impressions then is of the flights which byrds do make in th'ayre ;
to which I must also add, that in the manadging of all this corre
spondency I receave so good assurance by proofs infallible, to which
neyther your Majesty nor they are. privy, as I am no way curious,
you see, in all things confidently liberare animam meam.
I will therfore conclude with this petition, that whensoever I
shall take vppon me most to pers_wade you, either one way or other,
to that which shalbe contrary to the prudent rules of your owne
great iudgment, it will please you onely to suffer my good meaning
to pleade my pardon ; so shall you be assured that on the earth he
treads not that is or shalbe (next my dearest vowes to my soverain)
more humbly or afectionatly ready to do you- service then is your
Majesties for ever assuredly.
Addressed: " 10 to 30.'r
Sealed with three impressions in red wax of a circular seal bearing
a lion rampant.
Indorsed in Cecil's hand " Febrr."

No. VII.
10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMES].
[HATFIF.LD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 67. DRAFT, NOT IN CECIL'S HAND, BUT CORRECTED!
BY him:.]
May it please your Majesty,
When I reade over most of those dispatches (after they are
written) which 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard]
doe soe often send you, I confesse I should for many considerations
change countenance at my owne errours, if I had not now sufficiently
beheld your vertues in their "trewest colours. For what could be
more absurd far men of common sense then still to pester a prince
(whose tyme is precious) with so many pety particulers, if we had

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 21
not tryed your habite of pacience ; and what ought men of any un-
derstandinge to be more afrayd of then to offer soe much counsell to
a prince of soe much understandinge, if it weare not trew that we
haue founde in your mynde a plentifull springe of favour and grati
tude. For in my owne particuler, when I doe wey my actions in
indifferent balance, I am soe farr from assumption of any extraordi
nary desert, as I assure your Majesty I scarcely picke vpp graynes
inough to make vpp half an ounce of valuable meritt, and therefore
must only hope that ether you will, with the civillians, reputare
voluntatem pro facto, or imitate the Godes (whose image you
[carry*]) and soe creare ex nihilo.
For the matter, therefore, which I doe offer to your consideration r
it is, that you will be pleased to write to my Souverayne to" that
effect which followeth, wherein, as I will leave to discourse of all
the motives of my desyye to haue you write, to the faythfull pen of
your affectionate 3 [Lord Henry Howard], which shall deliver you
principium et finem, soe doe I whoaly and absolutely leaue the
matter to your owne wisedome, and my proposition to your gracious
interpretation. Butt I must here deliver (in my owne proper sence)
because my hart speakes it, that if your Majesty (for your owne par
ticuler service) shall not thinke it fitt that I doe still (according to the
proper institution of my place) give eare to lew and Gentile, I will ,
change myne owne custome, and abridge my owne priveledge, with
your owne subiectes, rather then to be putt every hower to the racke
of my owne wittes, to prevent that mischeife which I should think
to haue done my self, if in any action I should but incurre the least
suspicone, howsoever you should receave any after satisfaccone. As
for any other rumours or fond discourses of idle braynes, I know it is
so impossible for men (in my place) to avoyd them (seeinge I must
heare discontented sprittes, imploy men mala) fidei, and reward men
for particulers whoe are otherwise vnsounde in radice), as I referre all
* The original stood "you you carry." In striking out the second "you" the cor-
reetor's pen ran on and erased also the succeeding word. I have inserted it, as necessary
to the sense.

22 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
to Godes providence, and serve my prince and countrey with ioy
and confidence ; and yet because contynuall practise and envy at
hoome and abroade may rayse soe many probable arguments, as if I
doe contynew dayly by my lettres to preoccupate or confute them,
such will be the frequencye of my dispatches, as it cannot be free
from iealous observation.
In this respect I haue heretofore presumed to doe two thinges ;
first, to move you to write to the Queen (because her woordes maybe
as quiett as her actions), for they movinge oft vppon such reportes as
five abroade (which never soe abounded as now) that greater free-
dome is yeilded to all your subiectes that travayle through this
countrey (and spare not to discourse at random), are often sharpe to
strangers, as well as to those about her, though otherwise, to preiu-S
dice you or yours in any matter of importance, be pleased to take my {
trew and purest vowes and protestations that she is as free from it a» .
your Majesties owne hart could wyshe.
The next thinge which I did now thinke fitt to recommend to»
your consideration was, to acquaynt you with the causes which make
me hold intelligence with Gray, because I am infinitely desyrous to
be able to say (vppon your answeare and dyrection which I will
follow), Anima, quiesce. Beseechinge your Majesty (howsoever you
give me liberty to write often or seldome) to beleive that I am soe
farr, and wilbe, from any reservation or remissnes to advertise you
(when I fynde any thinge to concerne you in honour or safetye) as
if there should happen in one night an vniversall deluge of all the
posts of England, I would make the only soonn of my body serve
for a postilian, to carry my packett, before the least haire of your
head should miscarrye which yow could not spare. And as it is>
trew that your constant advised and vninfected flocke, greater, I
assure your Majesty, now then my pen shall need to expresse, in
power and place, are so devoted to the present, as all the earth
cannot change their duty or devide their affections from her person,
to whom their only allegeance is dew (vntill allmighty God shall
otherwise dispose of her), soe vouchsafe me in this to be your

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 23
oracle, that when that day (soe greivoiis to us) shall happen which
is the tribute of all mortall creatures, your shippe shalbe steered into
the right harbour, without crosse of wave or tyde that shalbe able to
turne over a cockboate, for which many that will talke now, and
brave it, wilbe fitter pilotts then yet they can be; for, Sir, soe idle
and soe superfluous are many of the double dilligences which divers
humours would insynuate, because they want power and knowleidge
in the mysterye of this government, and of the Queenes disposition,
as if, vnknown to them,* many of their errours weare not palliated,
they wold loose you that which is and wilbe your greatest safe[t]y,
thogh it may try your patience, f For God doth know I speake
truth, that her vnwonted forme of seeinge and vsinge all your sub-
iectes now, with extraordinary courtesy es to them towardes her, if|
you recommend them, makes the myndes of those that otherwise haue ,
noe affection, but rather secrett indisposition, to you and your nation, \
privately conclude that you are written her successour in corde, ,
though not in ore aperto. This course of hers is that which diverteth
and prepareth and bindeth all mens harts, which otherwise would
stand at gase, and like trew worldlinges only goe and come accor-
dinge to occasion. And soe I humbly take my leaue, with prayers
to God that he will send both you and yours eternall blessinges.
At your Majestys commandment
humbly and absolutely, my duty
' first reserved.
Indorsed, Copye to the King.
* In the original draft here were inserted the following words in a parenthesis : " for
God forbidd they knew me, how much soever they have been bound to me."
f Instead of the passage " they wold loose  try your patience," there origi
nally was written the following : " I doe protest to your Majesty insteed of their fonde and
gyddieofferinge you themselfes (whose power and vertue beeinge tryed wilr spend in fume)
they would loose you the Queen, whose mynde keapt secure and kynd you have found the
trew Philosopher's stone ! _"

24 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
No. VIII.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL],
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 69. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
My deerest and trustie 10 [Sir Robert Cecil,] My penne is
not able to expresse hou happie I thinke my self for hauing
chauncid upon so uorthie, so uyse, and so prouident a freinde as
10 [Sir Robert Cecil] is, quhiche ye coulde not bettir haue mani-
festid then by that honest aduyce ye giue me for uritting to xxiiii.
[Queen Elizabeth], and althoch I haue uerrie lately urytten unto
her some quhat concerning that subiect, yett haue I now againe
uritten this other, according to youre aduyce, onely this farre I
wishe you to be aquaintid with, that in treuth suche remon[s] trances
: as ye sent me uaire neuer presentid unto me, and as for the frenshe
\ ambassadoure, he hath often upon his oathe purged him self unto me
{ that he hath no direction to moue any suche matter ; for it uas muche
noised amongst oure ministerie that his only earande to Skotlande
uas to craue libertie of conscience, and thairfore I had no uill to
putte my self in use of lyeing, but as indeid I uas laitejy aduertished
by some subiectis of my owin out of france that great offers uaire to
be sent me from spayne, and that upon condition of graunting liberty
of conscience, so did I treuly aduertishe the quene thairof, as uell in
my laste as in this, quhairin I haue follouid youre groundis, only
leauing out some phrasis that in my opinion smellid of* flatterie, and"
some others that seemed too shairpe, and to accuse her of mistrust
ing me.
Alluayes, quhen ye haue redde the coppie of my letre, I leaue it
to youre discretion,- quho best knowis her humoure, quhither to pre
sente it or not, quhairin I must repose upon youre discreit fidelitie,
that if it maye please her and uorke goode effectis, it maye be putte
in her handis, other uayes that ye maye freelie aduertishe me quhat
ye uolde haue to be mendit thairin.
As for youre course in tyme cumming with the maister of graye,
* Two words concealed here, by having been written over, apparently not by the writer.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 25
I remitte my opinion thairin to 20 [the Earl of Mar] his lettir, but
this farre 1 hairtely praye you to assure youre self, that ye can haue
no dealing with quhatsumeuir, iewe, gentile, or heathen, that euer
uill breede the least suspition in me, of any crakke in youre integri-
tie touardis me, but by the contraire the further ye are upon thaire
secreates the more able uill I be to sitte as a godd upon all the
imaginations of thaire hairtes, and the more secure uill my state be
from all thaire practises, quhairof ye haue allreadie giuen me so lairge
a proofe, that if euer I needit any moe apologies or excuses in that
maitter I uaire not worthie of the place I posesse, nay, by the con
traire, ye maye assure youre self that I truste no more in the fidelitie
of 20 [the Earl of Mar] that of a chylde was brocht up with me,*
then I doe in you, protesting that thir uordis doe only proceede ex
abundantia cordis, and not of any intention to paye you with italiane
complementoes, and thairfore I doe quhollie remitte it to youre owin
discretion, and as ye shall fynde the necessitie of tyme to requyre it,
to use greatter or lesse frequentie of advertishementis; and thus uith
my most hairtie comendations to my deare and faithfull 3 [Lord
Henry Howard] I bidde you hairtelie fare uell.
Youre constantly assured freind
30 [King James.]
[Addressed, probably not by King James,]
"3."
Sealed in two places with a seal impressed on red wax, bearing
three piles issuing from a chief, with a roundel on each, and on the
chief a crescent. On the dexter side of the. shield is the letter G.,
and there are traces of a letter, perhaps M, above the shield ; the
letter on the sinister side has not caught the impression.
[Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil,]
" 30 to 10."
* Nearly a line, consisting of fourteen or fifteen words, has here been concealed by
having been scribbled over. .
CAMD. SOC. E

26 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
IX.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 71. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
My dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], I ame ashamed that I can as
yett by no other meanes uitnesse my thankefulnes for youre daylie so
honorable iudioiouse and painfull labouris for the furtherance of my
greatest hoapes, then by baire inke and paper, and that youre tra-
uellis of so great uorthe and in_estimable ualew shoulde be repayed
uith so poore a recompence, but the best excuse is that these pa-
peris are but uitnessis of that treasure of gratitude quhiche by youre
goode desairtis is daylie noorished in my hairte.
I ame not a lytle encouraged by the letre of 24 [Queen Elizabeth]
quhiche disco veris a great integritie in her affection, and plainnes in
her dealing ; quhom I oucht to thanke for her goode temper, ye may
easilie guesse. I haue ansourid her in the best sorte I coulde, as by
the coppie thairof ye will persaue, and that ye maye haue proofe that
my confidence is fullie setlid upon you, I haue sent you the sub
stance of tuo messages that Sir Antonie Shurley hath latelie sent me,
uithout keeping up one iote thairof, quhose errouris appeare rather
to proceide from ignorance then malice. Ye can not doe me a
greatter seiuice then to moue 24 [Queen Elizabeth] to continew this
inuarde and privie forme of intelligence, quhairby I hoape ye shall
in the ende proue a honest and happie minister.
To faithfull 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] his lettir I remitte all particu-
lairs, and speciallie my opinion hou ye shall behaue youre self in
that maitter, quhiche, god knowis, is more greeuouse unto me then
any temptation that satan by goddis permission coulde haue deuysed
to haue aflicted me uith. But heir I ende, with the assurance of
the continuance of my constant loue to my most faithfull 3 [Lord
Henry Howard], assuring him that, as I ame infinitelie sorie for that
defluxios. fallin upon his eye, so uoulde I thinke ane hospitall a
reuairde that uolde keepe no proportion, ather for a kings honoure

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 27
to giue, or by him for so uell meriting seruices to be receaued. And
thus, my dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], I bidde both you and 3
[Lord Henry Howard] most hairtelie fair uell.
Your moste louing and assurid freind
30 [King James].
[Addressed,] " 30 to 10."
Fastened in two places with crimson silk, and sealed with two
impressions of a seal bearing, a sal tire, on a chief three crowns, and
above the letter m, with E on the dexter side and B on the sinister;
probably intended to designate "Mr. Edward Bruce."
[Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil,]
" 30 to 10, concerning the Queen."

No. X.
10 [SIR ROBEllT CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMES].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 72. DRAFT IN THE HANDWRITING OF SIR ROBERT CECIL.] 9
It is the property of the creator to accept the labours of men accord
ing to his knoledg of their desire withowt measure of their ability. Of
this devine qwality, if ever mans eys beheld on earth a lively image, the
same appearith in your person, from whom I haue receaued so iust
a censure and so gracious an acceptation of my proceedings. Let
therfore this petition in this lettre craue at once from you two severall
pardons; th' one for me, th' other for it self. For me, that I haue no
sooner sent the humble acknowledgment of your favour, which I
had not failed to do, if respects to yowr owne service had not staied
the dispatch; for it self, in that (being admitted an imediat messinger
to so complete a prince) it delivereth not all which it hath in chardg,
a fawlt swerly vnpardonable, if any paper or any woords cold con-
taine it, but your Majesties exquisite judgment can not but knou,
that that which I can tender you, must be finite, imperfect, and of
small valew, thogh the dwty, the affection and zealous thankfulness
of my hart be like your favors, infinite, perfect, and matchless.

28 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
For that which may concern the branded sheep, be pleased to se
cure your self of these two things ; — first, that here is so little dispo
sition to do fauour, as there is more question whyther sylence shall
not be the answer to those with whom (for their qwality and many
other good respects) I cold rather wish more decorum observed.
Next (which were impiety in me to conceale) that in the recomend-
ation, there appeared no shew of other affection then that which may
proceed meerly from the abused pity d'un bon nature, and therfore
how much so ever Grey his relations, with his coments and para
phrases, corrupt evry text whereon he readeth, eyther there or here,
I beseech your Majesty to assure your self that althogh I have ben
oft constrained, (for prevention of suspicion in his multiplying braine)
to couer my affection, (sometyme with the vaile of dispaire, some-
tyme with the mislike of open carriadge of all addresses,) that God
hath neuer so farr forsaken me, as to suffer me to leaue it in the
power of swch a vyper to tax me by woord or writt of malicious
practise, intention of preiudice, or so much as a desire to procure the
good of this state in substantivo by an euill adverb. For your answer
likewise sett downe for me, your Majesty shall find, God willing, that
as I haue hytherto ben farr from any contrary course, hauing alwaies
observed that the practises of both kingdoms ar principally grounded
uppon the contemplation of her Majesties disposition to mislike or
approve them, so there cold neuer haue come to me a more joyfull
direction, then when I perceaved that by observing yowr owne iudi-
ciall comandments, set downe in 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] his lettre, I
shold obey both yow and mine owne conscience.
Lastly, for that which your Majesty saw of my hand writing, my
purpose is not nou to iniury [sic] your princely constancy with idle
apologies, which wold sauour of folly and weaknes, only I wold be
gladd to impart to your Majesty some circumstances, becawse you
may be able to iudg whyther that were counterfait or originall.
Not long since this Thraso moved me to write some tyme vnto
him in swch a manner as might secure you of his integrity, which
. cold be by no other meane so direct (he sayd) as if I wold write some

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 29
lettres in swch sort as he might venter to bring them to you vn-
opened; hereby, sayth he, it will oonfirme that I am valued, if you
continew correspondency, and it shall wype away the Kings ielousy
if I adventure such an imediat delivery. In this he directed two
principall grounds for my lettre, one that I wold make it appeare
that he had comended the Marquis Huntly, for that wold please
your Majesty and serve his tourn, to whom he fownd the Marquis a
freend; thother, that I wold write that the Duke was wronged, to
be charged with concealing of my lettre, when it was trew that
Hambleton had it not, at first departure, but was sent after him. Of
this subject was his desire to haue my lettre consist, which he wold
shew, as owt of integrity, reserving other matter to my more privat
lettre, which shold concern his other idle toyes and proiects. In
this kind I dyd resolue to comply with him, for the most because
I knew what foundation I had layd in your Majesties mind, but in
that poinct of the Duke I varied a little from his compass, and writt
only in the generall of him, becawse I knew not what present advan-
tadg he might haue made of that part, which was so contradictory to
treuth, and to thintent he shold see by my writing in that (which
he ment to shew you) that I was farr from correspondency with your
Majesty, I added further some what in that sense with the rest. If
therfore he dyd shew you no other matter, then is sett downe by 8
[Mr. Edward Bruce] from your memory, it was the originall, wherin
I see your Majesty need borrow no writing tables, for I assure you
it was in verbis conceptis.
To conclude, thogh I do confess that his iniquitys towards me are
such as flesh and blood cold hardly beare, yet God hath given me so
much feeling of mine owne ofenses towards himself, as it racketh
but breaketh not my charity ; and for the rest, were it the greatest
labour or sorrow, paine or perill, I shol'd despise them all to prevent
yowr preiudice, to whom I will only presume to say this much, at
this time;— first, that as it is a fawlt in any man to be so full of
apprehensions as nubem sumere pro Iunone, so it hath ben the saying
of the best nauigators, that a good master of a shypp shall lack many

30 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
a tryfle in a storme which others will not esteem worthe taking vp
in a calme; secondly, that whensoever so audacious thoghts hath
seised the harts of subiects in a monarchy, to be workers of reforma
tion, there enters also a constant resolution to extinguish all soverain
power that may after censure their owne actions, sed hoc non opus.
It is fitter for me to conclude with this, that when I behold the dis
creet and kynd conduct of this poor correspondency between your
worthy 20 [Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] and us, I can
not but in that one circumstance often acknoledg your -happines, for
whom God hath ordained ministers of so great wisedom and reserv-
ednes, with whose meritt to war dis you, thogh I can not participate
in their condition, yet I will pray for your safety when I can not
watch over it, for your greatnes thogh I can add nothing to it,
and confess that if I cold do more then any one, it were less then
nothing (balanced with my desires), or if I cold do as much as all the
world, it were farr inferiour to your vertew and gratitude.
[Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil,]
" A lettre to 30 in January."

No. XI.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 76. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
My. dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], In regairde that my trustie
3 [Lord Henry Howard] , in a letre of his to 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce],
wisheth him in youre name to make me aquainted of the laite
uakening up againe of a commouning for a treatie of peace be
twixt englande and spaine, craving my aduyce hou to behaue
youre self thairin, I haue taken occasion by these few lynes, first,
most hairtely to thanke you for youre tymouse aduertishement heirof,
and nexte to sette you doune, as shortly as I can, my opinion thair-
anents. Quhen I haue aduysedlie considderit and deepelie looked in

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 31
this maitter, I can not surelie but thinke that, the tyme being ueyed,
and the present state of things, suche a peace at this tyme must be
greatlie prseiudiciall, first to the state of religion in generall, secondlie
to the state, both in religion and policie of this yle in speciall, and
lastlie most perrelouse for my iust claime in particulaire. Amongst
many, three principall gatis for procuring these fore namid mischeifis
by this peace uoulde appearantly be oppenid, first, liberum commer-
cium betuixt these nations uolde so soundlie conciliate and extin-
guishe all former rankouris as it uolde no more be thocht odiouse for
ane englisheman to dispute upon a spanishe tytle; secondlie, the
king of spaine woulde thairby haue occasion, by his agents of all
sortis, loadenit with golden argumentis, quho (if so uaire) uoulde
haue free accesse in englande, to corrupte the myndes of all cor
ruptible men for the aduancement of his ambitiouse and most iniuste
pretencis, besydes the setling sure meanis for intelligence at all oc
casions; and lastly, iesuites, seminarie preistis, and that rable,
quhair with englande is all readdie toe muche infectid, uoulde then
resorte thaire in suche suarmes as the katerpillers or flyes did in
aegipte, no man any more ahhorring thaime, since the spanishe
practises uas the greatest cryme that euer thay uaire attaintid of,
quhiche nou by this peace uill utterly be forgottin.
And nou, since I ame upon this subiecte, lette the proofes ye
haue hadde of my louing confidence in you pleade for ane excuse to
my plainnes, if I freelie shouue you that I greatlie uonder from
quhence it can proceede that not only so great flokkis of iesuites and
preistis darre both resorte and remaine in englande, but so proudlie
doe use thaire functions throuch all the pairtis of englande uithout
any controllement or punishement these dyuers yearis past; it is
trew that for remedie thairof thaire is a proclamation lately sette
furthe, but blame me not for longing to heare of the exemplaire ex
ecution thairof, ne sit lex mortua. I know it maye be iustlie thocht
that I haue the lyke beame in my owne eye, but alace it is a farre
more barbarouse and stifle nekkit people that I rule ouer. Saint
george surelie rydes upon a touardlie rydding horse, quhaire I ame

32 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
daylie burstin in daunting a wylde unreulie coalte, and I proteste in
goddis presence the daylie increase that I heare of poperie in eng
lande, and the proude uanterie that the papistes makis daylie thaire
of thaire powaire, thaire increase, and thaire combyned faction, that
none shall enter to be king thaire but by thaire permission ; this
thaire bragging, I saye, is the cause that moues me, in the zeale of
my religion, and in that naturall loue I owe to englande, to breake
furthe in this digression, and to foreuarne you of these apparante
euills ; for thoch ye must know all these things farre bettir then I
can, yet it is a trew olde saying, that ane other man will bettir see a
mannis game then the player himself can doe. Thus maye ye see,
my dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] , hou my loue to you hath bredde
my plainness, for freindshippe uithout freedome is nothing but a
fontaine of affectate complementis.
As to the state of things heir, I haue this long tyme past persaued
a greate smoake, but as yett can neuer fynde out one sparke of the
fyre, that I maye quenshe it, but I ame in hoape shortlie^ifco discouer
it, quhiche quhen I doe, I ame resoluid with handis and feete to
treade it out soundlie; but the particulaire of this and all other
things I remitte to 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] his lettir, praying you to
reste assurid that I shall neuer leaue of to deuyse how I shall some
daye requyte the daylie great proofes that ye giue of youre affection
touardis me, and in the meane tyme shall in my hairte constantlie
remaine Youre most louing and afectionate freinde,
30 [King James],
[Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil,]
" 30 to 10; concerning Peace."
Fastened, in two places, with crimson silk, and sealed with two
imperfect impressions of the seal of Mr. Edward Bruce already
described at p. 27, with reference to letter No. IX.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 33
_

No. XIII.
10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL] TO 30 [KING JAMES].
[HATFIELD MSS. NO. CXXXV. FOL. 78. DRAFT IN THE HANDWRITING OF SIR ROBERT CECIL,
ENTITLED EY HIM
" MY LETTER IN ANSWER OF HIS MAJESTYS LETTER
CONCERNING PAPISTS."]
The comfort which ariseth dayly in my hart out of your gracious
proceeding with me drawes from me so lardg a measure of thank-
fulnes as woords and messingers wold faile, if I shold as often speake
to that effect as I find cawse, or shold insist vppon particulers, which
are infinite ; I will therfore lern of Homer, that all springs owght to
retourn to the ocean, from whence they took their being, and so,
once for all, I acknoledg your owne vertews to be the only spring
hedd of all my confidence.
That your Majesty vouchsafeth to acquaint me with the inward
temper of your rnynd, in matter of religion, I take for an vnspeak-
able fauour, for what can giue more rest to an honest man then to
forsee the continued blessing of liuing under a religious Prince ; and
for my self, (if it be worthie your Majesties troble to take a reckning
of so meane a mans privat conscience,) I will beseech you to know
by this that I am in hope to concurr with Hierom, in this particuler,
that in qua fide puer natus sum, in eadem senex moriar, so haue I
ben bredd, so baptised, instructed, and lived. For the matter of
priests, I will also cleerely deliuer your Majesty my mynd. I con
demn their doctrine, I detest their coAuersation, and I forsee the
perill which the excersise of their function may bring to this iland,
only I confess that I shrink to see them dy by dosens, when (at the
last gasp) they come so neare loyalty, only becawse I remember
that mine owne voice, amongst others, to the law (for their death)
in Parliament, was ledd by no other principle then that they were
CAMD. SOC. E

34 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
absolute seducers of the people from temporall obedience, and con
fident perswaders to rebellion, and which is more, becawse that law
had a retrospective to all priests made twenty yeares before. But
contrariwise for that generation of vypars (the Iesuits), who make
no more ordinary merchandise of any thing then of the blood
and crownes of Princes, I am so farr from any compassion, as I
rather look to receaue comandment from you to abstaine then pro
secute. But of this matter there is inogh sayd, for, thogh I confess
that neyther your comandment, nor the greatest power on earth,
cold make me alter my pace, for privat consideration, in matter of
blood, against my conscience (if it were otherwise then I tell yow),
yet being, as I haue shewed it to be, as well against the priest as the
iesuite, I will presume only for your Majestys satisfaction (against
the preiudice of rumour) to let you know particulerly how her Ma
jesty resolueth to proceed in this matter. •
Their qwarrells are in print, and the cawses. They have in diebus
criticis of the proclamation (wherof the last day limited is now ex
pired) offred many declarations of that profession which they wold
maintaine, hoping therby to procure some qwalification. Of this
consyderation hath ben had, but we that are yowrs do so well know,
first, that in this there is still imperfection and perill, and that they
may haue dispensation to say much more then this; and, next, that
howsoeuer they may pretend the vse of their function with distinc
tions and sophistry, that there can be no other effect then a tolera
tion of idolatry (thogh mass be no treason) , and a ready preparatif
to the poysoned dyrection of Rome, as all is reiected, and no mody-
fication of the proclamation, but a lyberty now of their apprehen
sion and execution ; only to your Majesty in privat this I say, that
in respect that some haue appealled to good purpose, and some haue
don good services to the estate, and that their is much dyfferrence in
mens spiritts, thogh not much in their crimes, it is resolued, that of
those that are voluntaryly come in before the last date of the procla
mation, there shalbe some charitable relief vsed to some of them, in
prison or beyond seas, in which poinct, seing I find my boldnes not

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 35
ill taken, I will affirme trewly to you, that most of them do declare
their affection absolutly to your title, and some of them haue ler-
nedly written of the validity of the same ; a matter I towtch not as a
motive to you to esteem them, for it wold be a horrour to my hart to
imagin that they that are enemies to the gospell shold be held by
yow worthy to be freends to your fortune, thogh the strength of that
principle in succession teacheth all men to prevent (without synn)
all manner of opposition. In which poinct if your Majesty saw [?]
not the mystery of your owne wisedome, pardon me to dowbt, why
ther yow shold now haue had cawse to deliberate how yow shold
deale with the messinger from Antichrist.
For the peace, I hope your Majesty sees my cours (wold God no
other dyd), for if I cold be tymorouse of the fortune which followes
generall envy, God doth know it that as the coldnes of 40 in it now,
for your only respect, hath lost him freends, so that scandall which
followed the late Erl of Essex for his greedynes of warr, because he
wold be euer sure of an army, is most transferred to me, as being an
enemy for some other corrupt ends to the cours of pacification. But
God- (I thank him) hath to much blessed me from all the snares layd
for me, to make my counsailes in government or matter of conscience
subiect to the passions of feares and dowbts, who know full well
that the sparrow lighteth not on the grownd sine prouidentia Dei.
And now to the last, which is of lest price (for so are all exter
nal! signes in regard of the internall affections) ; — the matter of the
money I meane. Seing your Majesty hath pleased so princely to
secure me that you have pardoned the presumption, I assure your
Majesty there is to much sayd for your acceptation, for I plainly see
that you are God's liuely image, that neuer measure the mynd by
the valeu of the sacrifice, and therfore foj the conueiance and order
there is nothing now behynd for me but to deliuer the soomm yow
send for to the. hand that comes for it, and to beseech your Majesty
that beyond the fygures of 20 [Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward
Bruce] this poinct may never be extended.
Toutching all other particulers I haue presumed by your fidel

36 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
3 [Lord Henry Howard], to shoot mine arrowes one after another,
whom thogh I can not make either puritane or protestant, yet must
I protest him to all men to be et virum et ciuem bonum, and towards
your Majesty my lyfe shold be pledg, if it were needfull to you, that
he hath ever ready his gantlet of defiance against Pope and Cardi-
nalls in your qwarrell. Thus doth your Majesty see our naked harts,
and in them all our errours, for which when our honest affection
pleadeth at the barr of your roiall iudgment, what other advocate
needeth but the benignity of that spiritt which ruleth all your coun-
sailles and actions, wherin I beseech Almighty God to give yow
happiest success, for so it is desired by him that is
Ever ready to do you all lawful and humble seruice.

No. XIV.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 10 [SIR ROBERT CECIL].
[HATFIELD MSS. NO. CXXXV. FOL. 80. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
My dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], The feare I haue to be mis
taken by you in that pairt of my last lettir quhairin I discouer
the desyre I haue to see the last edicte against iesuites and priestes
putte in execution, the feare I saye of your misconstruing my
meaning heirin (as appearis by youre ansoure), enforceth me in
the uerrie throng of my greatest affaires to penne by poste ane
ansoure and cleare resolution of my intention. I did euer hate alyke
both extremities in any cace. only allowing the middes for uertue ¦
as by my booke nou laitely published doeth plainly appeare. The
lyke course doe I holde in this particulaire. I uill neuer allowe
in my conscience ' that the bloode of any man shall be shedde for
diuersitie of opinions in religion, but I uolde be sorie that catho-
likes shoulde so multiplie as thay micht be able to practise thaire
olde principles upon us. I will neuer agree that any shoulde dye

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 37
for err oure in faith against the first table, but I thinke thay shoulde
not be permitted to comitte uorkes of rebellion against the seconde
table. I uolde be sorie by the suorde to diminishe thaire nomber , but I
uolde be also loathe that by soe great conniuence and ouer sicht
geuin unto thaim thaire nomberis shoulde so encrease in that lande
as by continuall multiplication thay micht at last becumme maisteris,
hauing allreaddy suche a setled monarchie amongst thaime, as thaire
archipreiste uith his tuelf apostles keeping thaire termis in Londone,
and iudging all questions as uell ciuill as spirituall amongst all catho-
likes. It is for the prseuenting of thaire multiplying, and new sett up
empyre, that I longe to see the execution of the last edicte against
thaime, not that thairby I uishe to haue thaire headis deuydit from
thaire boddies, but that I uolde be glaidde to. haue both thaire headdis
and boddies separated from this quhole yland, and safely transported
beyonde seas, quhaire thay maye freelie glutte thaime selfis upon
thaire imaginated goddis. No ! I ame so farre from any intention of
persecution, as I proteste to God I reuerence thaire churche as oure
mother, churche, althoch clogged uith many infirmities and corrup
tions, besydes that I did euer holde persecution as one of the infalli
ble notes of a false churche. I only uishe that suche order micht be
taken as the lande micht be purged of suche great flokkis of thaime
that daylie diuertis the soulis of many from the sincearitie of the gos
pell, and uithall that sum meanes micht be founde for debarring
thaire entrie agairfe, at least in so great suarmes? And as for the
distinction of thair rankis, I meane betuixt the iesuites and the se-
culaire preistes, althoch I denye not that the iesuites, lyke uenumid
uaspes and fyre brandis of sedition, are farre more intollera.ble then
the other sorte, that seame to professe loyaltie, yett is thaire so plau
sible profession the more to be distrusted that, lyke maried uemen
or minors, quhose uowes are euer subiect to the controlment of thaire
husbandis and tutoris, thaire consciences must euer' be comandit and
ouerreulid by thaire romishe god as it pleasis him to allowe or reuoke
thaire conclusions. Thus, remitting all other matters to the lettirs of
faithfull 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce], not being able to expresse my thanke-

38 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
fulnes for youre so great care to furneishe a guairde unto me, and
" recomending me most hairtely to my most faithfull 40, I ende with
renewing unto you the assurance of the constant loue of
Youre most louing freinde
30 [King James].

PART II.

CORRESPONDENCE* WITH LORD HENRY HOWARD.
No. I.
8 [Mr. EDWARD BRUCE] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 81. ORIGINAL AUTOGRAPH.]
Vythin tuo dayes, deer and vorthy 3 [Lord Henry Howard], after
my last sent unto yow, of the 3. of Auguste, come this packet to my
hands, whiche i did carie wyth me to the hunting, where all was
perused by 30 [King James], both wyth admiration and plesour.
We did wonder greatly at your newes and no lese at the curiositie
and diligence of 7 [Cobham*], that lewes no stounes wnstirred to
make ws stwmble, and enterith at all oppennes wyth a rode in hes
hand by charms to turine ws into serpents. It may be that suche
bussie sperits trwble the waiters of loue and fyll the springs of sownd
frindshipp betuix 24 [Queen Elizabeth] and 30 [King James], yet
can we not see in so dooing whow thay can fiche thair ends and
desyrs; but we wer exceding well pleased to perceaue the grasse so
finly cut under hes foots by that wery wise ansour whiche 10 [Sir
* This explanation is indicated in the original by the contemporary interlineation of
" Cob." over the 7,' and "Cobha" written in the margin.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 39
Robert Cecil] did make to 24 [Queen Elizabeth], wherein he did
ouertake both 7 [Cobham's] to great heast and her to miche credu-
litie ; but because time will detecte the treuthe of suche aduertis-
ments, i will set yow doune simply what 30 [King James] knowes
of this embassage.
My lord semple * at hes retourne from spaine did acquent the
king that thair was euin propos thair to send ane embassadour in
this contrie, and that it was contentuosly and muche dispute in
thaire conseil, pro et contra, some afferming that it was expedient to
seeke the compeignes to be revoked by hes majestie wyche he hade
sent to succour thair rebells in the low contries, vthers that thair
king myht easily practise a di worse betuene the princes of this yle,
if he would foster hes hopes, corrupt hes conseil, and incourage hem
wyth assurance to adwance hes title in the time of tryall and compe-
tion, and by thois means to weakin the hoU yle and mak it a pray
to thair conquis. To this opposition was made that the king of
spaine could not in honor directe ane ambassadour to any prince
befor he knewe whowe he sowld be receaued, spetially to hem whoo
hade aidit and assisted hes natural! subiects to make warre agains
hem in hes ouen dominions, agains the treaties of peas standing
betuix the contries ; that he was so far dewoted to yowr quene, and
so manye stronge bands betuix thair contries, that it would proof im
possible to diuerte hem frome her amitie ; so, tossing thees doubts to
and frome, thay broake up thair conseil without any resolusion, at
tending, as he said, some greattar alienation of minds betuix our
tuo princes, whiche before thay see i hope the best of thaire eyes
sail be clossed eternally.
Since this time 30 [King James] protests that natheir directly
nor indirectly he newer heard motion or speache of any suche mes
sage to come unto hem, and if it had bene so, he hade made her ma-
iestie acquentid wyth it long or nowe. It may be, but it is not pro-
* Robert fourth Lord Semple, a Roman Catholic peer of Scotland, through whom
King James communicated with the Court of Spain.

40 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
bable, that on arrywe wpone the sodaine, in wiche cais he can not
in honor but wise hem well, and keepe to hem the law of nations;
and yet, gif he shall gaine the least point of aduantage to the pre
iudice of ather of our states and common amitie, thenn sail not 10
[Secretary Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] be blamles, who
sail be mad acquented wyth all hes demands and propositions, and
have lasur to schowe hes ansours before thay be put into hes mouthe,
and bowt hes flowr before it go to the bakehous. Assur yowr selfe,
deer 3 [Lord Henry Howard] , if owr intelligence be trewe, thaire
ar fewe princes in europe in a worse predicament wyth spaine then
our king is at this day.
What yow wreat of sir antonie scheurly may wery well be trewe
in a man so ambitius, so much crossed in the way to hes preferment
and honor, but what he may prewalle hem selfe or wthers by any
acquentance or interest he hath in 30 [King James] is wery well
knowen wnto yow, the grownds of hes first profession of seruice to 30
[King James] beinge laid by antonie bacon, as i beleue by yowr
priuitie; since that time it is all percian he hes spoken wnto ws,
and all papers sent from hem to m. antonie during hes abood in
persia were farsed wyth no thing but occurrants in that great king-
dome, all utterly improfitable to this poor state.
We lerned that he had a letter wyth a tooken to haue bene pre
sented from hes king to 30 [King James], and I understood at
london that he had sent ane sadle to m. bacon for the king; but
of all thees we haue receaued no thing but a sownd ; as to any mes
senger from hem, only captane eliot excepted, we had newer non ;
the duke of mercure hauing recommendid thatgentil man to the king,
he brought heir a letter from ser anthonie bering the image of hes ouen
fortune and what disasters had happened unto hem in hes iowrnay,
but of the state of england or spaine we neuer had aduertisment frome
hem in hes time: 30 [King James] had never so muche accompte
of hem as yow suppose, and, whatsoeuer he hath wndertakine to
the spanishe embassadour for hem, he is not bastand [i. e. in haste]
to acquite hem of suche a charge: yea, i can hard[l]y beleue that

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 41
Spain will trwst or imploy hem in such ane action, hawing many
fitter agents heir if thair were any possibilitie to effectuat so fine a
serwice. I beseche you be not mowed by so lyght and improbable
intelligence, for 30 [King James] is setteled upone the center of 10
[Sir Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard], where yow will
find hem rest constant and immowable.*
Yow hawe deluvered wnto ws in the first page of yowr letter a
wery seriws and important adwise, wherin we sympathise sowndly
wyth yow in opinions, but what prewalls conseil whane passion pre-
domings? He is so far a sia we to hes affections that reasonne carieth
no more sway, and yow knowe that in so dangerus accidents and in-
eonwenients it is more secure for ws to temporise, nor to repine and
disswade. When speats [i. e. showers of rain] ar wiolente it is safere
to let theme goe then to crose or restange thair cowrs. The more a litle
matter.is cassine on the fyere, the hottere it bwrins. Our best remedie
seems to be to make way to the times and set sallcs to the tempeste.
It may be that tygres turine in turtles, and passion take on compas
sion, or conterpassion, out of experience, for in hes greatest flammes
he forgets not to sasonne soume speches unto [sic] wyth acritnonie of
hes mynd, ofttims commending the care, the prowidence, the cawtion
of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard], howe wiolent
a raike thare wits, thare tendirnesse and honestie are set upone, for
hes safetie and conseruation ; that the smooke of suche colles had not
gone so far as wnto them, if sowme fyere wer not smowdered under
the ashes at home; that he is ialus of more then ordinarie affection
towars hem, that the italien prowei.be may prowe trewe, " who treats
me better nor he was wont will, or mynds to, betray me." Suche
speches keepe my mind in susspence, so that i am doubfull [sic] in
what syde of the ballance to lay me in. .The wownde, as yow wisly
wreat, being so swolled that it needs to be tuiched wyth softe hands,
yeat easily curable if corrupt membres wer ather chastised or re-
* The intercourse between King James and Sir Anthony Shirley will be found noticed
in The Sherley Brothers, 4tn. 1840. James addressed a. letter to Shah Abbas, King of
Persia, on Shirley's behalf; see it, ibid. p. 105.
CAMD. SOC. G

42 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
mouwed. 20 [Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] stands firme
in thair first resolwtion, that to knowe the actours and complices
of this farse wer to remedie the siknese and to redeme innocencie
frome the graue; if there nams wer discowered, we could mount
lyke the iwy and take hold of the branches befor we went to the
tope, we could pretend a triall for on crime, and possible wrencte*
ane wther out of there finger ends; mintef at on place, and, like
good swymmers, hit at ane wther, for we apprehend if on or tuo
war commit, that wthers wolde be fugitiue, and so the play breake
wp at ons.
Deer 3 [Lord Henry Howard], i neid not bid ydu be carfull for
hes safetie, nor gif your best aduise for prewention of hes parells,
since he expects als much loue and J tendirnesse from 10 [Sir Robert
Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] as any living, spetially in
maters of this moment tending to hes preseruation.
No address, direction, seal, or indorsement.

No. II.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 85. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
My deare and trustie 3 [Lord Henry Howard], The cause of my
delaye of uryting quhill nou uas only that I stayt upon the parretis
cumming, quho repeatid his lesson of ave ccesar so coldlie, so care-
leslie, and aboue all so unperfytlie, that he micht haue bene safelie
maid to haue caried his owin death foldit up in such ane senigme.
The deepe and restles caire that both uorthy 10 [Sir Robert Cecil]
and ye haue of my safetie I shah neuer be able to recompence, as
uell for that honorable and louing dealing of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil]
in persuaiding the quene to giue order for the banishement of unquhile
gouries brethren, as for his circumspect dealing in the other great
* wrench. + aim. J " and" is repeated in the MS.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 43
point, quhairof ye urotte in youre last to 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] ;
but as my upricht and guiltlesse conscience hath euer bene my
greatest guarde and strong brasen uall, so ame I most sure that thaire
is a treacherouse deceate and most uniuste imputation of the innocent
usid in that earande, and thairfore, as from the bottome of my hairt
I thanke 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] for his uatchfull caire hearin, so doe
I praye you most earnistlie to insiste uith "him, in my name, that
I may be informed from quhat fontaine suche newis are deriued unto
him, for by the knouledge thairof I presume I shall be able to guesse
at the quhole misterie.
I doe also persaue, by youre letters to 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce], that
10 [Sir Robert Cecil] is uerrie desyrouse to knowe the knichtis
name that delt betuixt the duike of lenox and raulie, and thairfore,
althoch the knicht him self be a"uerrie honest plaine gentleman, for
so farre as I can learne, yett knowing that confident truste can no
more be seuerid from trew freindshippe then the shaddou can be cutte
from the boddie, I uill giue to 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] this further
proofe of my confident truste in him by discouerie of this gentle-
mannis name unto him, quhiche is sir airthoure sauuage, not doubt
ing but 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] will conserue this asafreinds secreate,
without suffering the gentleman to receaue any hairme hearby,
quhiche more uolde interest me in honoure then him in person,
especiallie since the gentlemannis nature appearis to be farre different
from raulies, thoch out of zeale to me and affection to his friende,
he coulde not refuse to be trucheman * unto him. Ye shall also
informe 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] that I haue neuer harde uorde yett
from Hammillton, neither directlie nor indirectlie, since his returne,
quhairby I doe guesse that he is not uell pleased uith his ansoure.
Mercurie is also cumd doune to the bordoure ; hou soone I receaue
his lettir I shall ansoure it in euerie point according to the aduyce
sett doun by 10 [Sir Robert Cecil]. I hoape makenzee shall be a
instrument of some goode seruice to be done against tirone, fur I
* interpreter.

44 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
fynde him uerrie uilling; but this and all other particulairs I remitte
to the fidelitie of 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] his penne, and doe comitte
both 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and you to the protection of the all-
michtie. From falklande the-xxix of iuly, 1602.
Youre constantlie assurid freind,
30 [King James],
Addressed, "3."
[Fastened in two places with crimson silk, and sealed, also in two
places, with the same seal as the previous letter to Sir Robert Cecil,
No. IX. p. 27.]
Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil, " 30 to 3."

No. III.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 87. ORIO. AUTOGRAPH.]
My deare 3 [Lord Henry Howard], Since my penne is not able
to expresse the least pairt of that infinite thankis quhiche my hairte
doeth yeelde to my dearest 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] for his so great
and daylie desairtis at my hande, I ame forced to employe you as
the trustiest freinde to us both to descryue unto him the most uifly
that is possible unto you quhat inuarde gratitude both oucht to be,
and indeid is, reseruid in my hairte touardis him ; but especially
quhen I considder the greatnes of his caire and uigilance for my pras-
seruation by his offer for maintenance of a ordinarie guairde, I must
saye, uith oure sauioure, that in the last daye he shall stande up
and accuse my owin subiects of ingratitude and toe litle caire of me,
quho being borne my subiectis by nature, bounde to me by many
obligations and benefites, and daylie conuersant uith me, are negli-

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 45
gent of that quhiche he, borne a stranger, neuer bounde to me by
any benefite, and uith his eyes neuer hauing seene me, can take no
rest uithout he offer it unto me ; but of this, as of all other things,
ye uill by the lettir of 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce] be particulairlie
aquaintid uith my mynde. I can not also thanke 10 [Sir Robert
Cecil] aneuch for aquainting me so uifly with the cogging of graye,
but I have commandit 20 [the Earl of Mar] to make you aquaintid
uith suche a iuggeling trikke of his as maye make both 10 [Sir
Robert Cecil] and you holde in a great quhyle youre expensis upon
phisike by a halfe houris goode lauchter: and thus, my deare 3
[Lord Henry Howard], being for lakke of laisaire coinpellid to be
shorte, 1 bidde you hairtely fairuell, euer praying you to reste
more and more assured of the constant affection of
Youre most louing freinde,
30 [King James].
Not addressed.
[Fastened and sealed in the same manner as the last.]
Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil, " 30 to 3."

No. IV.
8 [Mr EDWARD BRUCE] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 88. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
If i sould afflict yow by my scribbeling, most deer and worthy 3
[Lord Henry Howard], that wndergoes now so great a weight of
bussinese for the good of 30 [King * James], i sould heape colles
wpone my bwen head, and wery iustly be argued of- importunitie,
since the reflex of suche fruits as 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord
Henry Howard] trawels produce daylie, ministers almost euerie
moment wnto ws new mater of consolation, all aduertisments which

46 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
we receiwe bering that the counsell and state standeth for ws in a
constant and resolut wnion to aduance owr ryghtfull hopes, but
frome what springs suche resolution flowes, is als difficule for them to
know as the inwndation of nilus ; the most i can say to yow is, that
happie ar thay that perseuereth to the end.
We obserue yow languise betueen hope and dispare of 24 [Queen
Elizabeth's] helthe. Our conceits of both are schortly these. If it
sail pleas God to call her presently to hes mercie, we think it sail
be dangerus to leive the chaire long emptie, for the head being so
far distant from the bodie may yeald caus of distemper to the holl
gouernemente ; and if so it fall out, 30 [King James] is wery de-
sirus, if your helth can suffer yow, that yow sould come to hem,
fraught wyth 10 [Sir Robert Cecil's] aduise in euerie thing thatmay
concerne hes enterie and resort to that croune. Many doubts may
aryse wherin non sail be so muche trusted as your selfe. Wyth yow we
will frelie confere anent our preparation, our conwoy, our confidence
in aM men of your state, and of all wther things of most importance
to our present fortoune.
Giwe her seiknese relent and continow, so that sche become
insensible and stupide, wythout hope to recouer her former helth
and capacitie ( as is wsuall in suche maladies), wnfite to rewle
and to gowerne a kingdome, we would wise according to the cours
of common law and exemples of manie kings, that sche being des-
titut of all reasone and consent, habens neque welle, neque nolle,
sould be dewolwed ad agnatos et gentiles, and that her nerrast kins
man, and most apparent aire, sould be inwest in the tutill and admi
nistration of her state ; for giwe hir diseise draw long, it is to be
feared, that the tuo great kings, your nightbours, out of ambitius
emwlation put them in there beast preparation of force and puar to
assaille yow by conquise, and mak this holl yle by time the feild of
mars; but in this, as in all wther things, 30 [King James] suspends
hes owen iudgment and commits hem to the prouidence and care of hes
kindest nombres [sic], and espetially to hes deerrest 10 [Sir Robert
Cecil] .

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 47
The means ar most politique and wise by which yow hawe dis
persed the clowd of ane apparent popise uprore, and it is a wery safe
and singular good rewlle, rather to preuent then to be preuented, yet
did we trust so muche in your industrie that, giwe thay had gon on
to do there worst, yow could hawe pulled suche feathers from there
wings as myght hawe mad them come schorte of the great pray they
hunted for.
The letter sent from 0 [Earl of Northumberland] to 30 [King
James] did arriwe the night befor this packet come to my hands,
which was wpon the 23 of this instant. It is wery discretly and
temperatly wreattin, and in all points wery nere the trewthe. He
says not that he is a catholike him selfe, but that sondrie of hes
retenow and dependance hath ores in there hot, and that thay ar
not able to resolwe in any cours wyth the whiche he sail not be mad
acquented; if it appereth [sic] not wnto me that yow hawe seene her
[sic] letter alradie, i sould hawe sent yow the coppie of it in this packet.
As to the proclamation,* it is set of musicke that sondeth so
sueitly in the ears of 30 [King James], that he can alter no nots in so ¦
agreeable ane harmonie ; in reading he weighed all the words of it
in the ballanc of hes owen head, wyth great affection prasing both
the pen and prouident of that counsellour that inspyred suche a reso
lution. Say to 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] in my name, that, giwe suche
a seruice be remunerable, he will find hem selfe ons gratfullie
acquat at the hands of 30 [King James] .
We intrait yow, all whom yow call heir yowr deirrast frynds, to
hawe a care of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil's] saftie in the time of suche
riots and tumults as may now arise, when suche changes and altera
tions ar eminent to the world; as he is car full to guard ws, so let
hem hawe a care to guard hem selfe, that he may be reserued and
preserued to ws, ad meliora tempora. No doubt but all desperat
and wnhappie sperits who longs to see ane anarchie and confusion in
* The document which sounded so sweetly in the ears of King James was evidently the
draft of the proposed proclamation of his accession to the throne of England, prepared
by Sir Robert Cecil and sent to Scotland for the King's approval.

48 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
your stat, wil thrist for hes blood and rwine befor all mens in the
kingdome, so much the rather that hes inclinations and affections
glance heir away. In what sort 30 [King James] sail giwe thankes
to the conseil for so kind parts as thay hawe giwen proof of and
protested towars hem in this time, let hem be aduertised, and
whuther by message or by wreat, and when it sail be convenient,
wyth all uther circomstances, yow will remember hem.
There is againe ane wther post come from the cyphers of the
toure * direct by the sam hand i wreat to yow befor, only to
acquent ws wyth 24 [Queen Elizabeth's] estate, and to importoune
a spedie sending wpe of 9 [Mr. David Foulis], which 30 ¦ [King
James] is of purpose to performe if it seeme agreable to 10 [Sir
Robert Cecil] and 3 [Lord Henry Howard] wpone the returine of
your ansour to hes last dispatche. If there be any misterie in that
message, both 9 [Mr. David Foulis] and hutsonne f keepes it
from 20 [the Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward Bruce], who ar
not muche curius of their cours, but if it be lesomef to gesse,
becaus hutsonne is now become all our tresoreres man, and sends
all his secrets wnto hem, i trust it be some monie mater: i speake
this only out of opinion. Hutsonne hes lykways a dealling wyth
the wenetien embassadour, who, as he wreats to 30 [King James]
and the tresorer, offers in the behalf of the seignorie. great aid
and succours in monie to 30 [King James] in this time of hes
necessitie; whow it shall be performed i am incertaine till i see
the euent, but of this I beseiche you returne me nothing, nor let
neuer 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] nor 3 [Lord Henry Howard] in any
case take notice of it, ather to hutsonne, or 9 [Mr. David Foulis],
or any wther livinge.
Efter the date of this dispache you send me now, there was a
gentilman direct from richmont the 19 of this instant at 2 hours efter
diner, who arriued the night befor your packet lat, and had audience
of 30 [King James] in his bed at 7 in the morninge; his credit was
* Keepers of the Tower? t James Hudson. J lawful.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 49
from Sir Robert Carie to giwe 30 [King James] assurance that 24
[Queen Elizabeth] could not owtliwe thre dayes at most, and that ',
he stayed only at court to bring to hem the first newes of her dethe, \
and had horses plased in all the way to mak hem speed in hes post, j
Thus yow see when the great whell of the horologe mowes, all the \
litle vns runnes a pas; i pray yow let this be imparted to non but )
10 [Sir Robert Cecil], for I fear, (say nothing too of the partie) and '
returne me no ansour wnto this.
30 [King James] keeps heir the greattast modestie and silence
that is possible, for thought rumors and speaches comes dayly to hes
table of 24 [Queen Elizabeth's] seaknese, he takes no notice of it,
nather yet hes he acquented any of his nobilitie, 20 [the Earl of
Marr] excepted, wyth hes present condition.
It is thought mete by 20 [the Earl of Mar] and 8 [Mr. Edward ,
Bruce], that yow acquent ws by the next, giwe 30 [King James]
sail mak any forces and puar to be in reidinese at all hasards, to
oppose and resist against hes ennemies, if any sail happen take armes
to inwad and oppose against hes interest.
30 [King James] commends muche your direction giwen to the
gward, and wisseth the conseil to persist in so good a resolution. He
rests in this opinion that, thought he be of mynd to alter no man in
any office or charge he possesseth in the stat, yet where it standeth
hem wpone the safetie of hes lyfe and suretie of hes personne, the
state will yeald hem so muche fauour to grant hem a free election of
hes guard, and all members their of, giwe not skottes at the least
inglise, for the common benefit of both the contries.
Thus hawe I deliuered wnto yow my mynd wyth suche schort-
nese as the necessitie of your bussinese requireth, wissinge yow to
mak no schewe of suche perticulars as I hawe imparted wnto yow.
I trust yow will keep me in hes wonted fauor to whom I hawe
awowed, nixt on, my inuiolable seruice, lyke as to your selfe I sail
remaine a constant and inchangable seruant for euer,
8. [Edward Bruce].
camd. soe. h

50 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
I can not forget that Sr Thomas Challendar hath wreattin a uery
kind letter to 30 [King James] in recomendation of your great
seruis wnto hem. Lett it serwe yow to know it, and wtherwais I
wise yow to take no notice of the same ; i would think hem a fite
compaignone for your conwoy in case yow did tak couraig to come to
this place. Many things i hawe to say whiche I can not wreat ; only
it will pleas yow yet to excuse 20 [the Earl of Mar,] who parted from
ws not tuo hours before the arriuinge of this packet of yours. So
) long a[s] 30 [King James] sail hawe need of a guard, so long sail
it be at 10 [Sir Robert Cecil's] charge; what remains, if so it please
hem, sail be reserued and rendered most thankfully whiche I for
warrant. Because of the multitud of advertisments we receiwe, yow most be
the more frequent in sending at this time, for we meine to sail by no
wther compas then your conseil and aduise in all thinges; care
neuer whow short yow be to 30 [King James], so yow giwe hem
any sence of your meninge, for now he goes not abrood, and longes
euerie our for newes from yow; he wold be glad now to read your
letter in the worst caracters that euer yow wreat, sence I knew yow
[and] your stille.
At my closing, 30 [King James] hes caused 9 [Mr. David Foulis]
bring me the coppie of a letter wyth hes ansour whiche it will pleas
yow receiue in this packet.
It sail not be amise yow temper 30 [King James's] to great heast
in remowing hence in case god call 24 [Queen Elizabeth], out of
your selfe or ane aduise of the nombres, for now- he burines to be
gone. Againe the lord be wyth yow and prosper all your good and
honorable desinge.
7 [Cobham] and ii * ar forlorine in our accompts, and i beseiche
yow think not that any subiect in england is able to win grond in
ws to the least disgrace of 10 [Six Robert Cecil], for we ar exceed-
* Not identified ; perhaps Raleigh.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 5 1
ing far inamorat of hem, and yow sail acquent suche as yow lowe of
essex fryndes that giwe any of them hawe suche bussinese in heed,
or meane to fallow suche a rout, it will turine them assuredly to thir
raine, for this is setteled in the hairt of 30 [King James] ; this only
to your selfe.
25 of marche at 6 ours at night.
Addressed, "3." [Lord Henry Howard.]
[Fastened with green silk in two places, and sealed also in two
places with the same seal of Mr. Edward Bruce used to the last letter,
and on several previous occasions.]

No. V.
8 [MR. EDWARD BRUCE] TO 3 [LORD HENRY HOWARD].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 102. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
After the closing of my packet, deer 3 [Lord Henry Howard],
30 [King James] sends on to me wyth diligens to come to hem. At
my comming i fynd captaine Selbie wyth hem who parted frome
Londoune the 23 of this marche. He deliuered many letters from
gentillmen of good accompt, espetially from the tour. Thay certifie
all of 24 [Queen Ehzabeth' s] wery neer approches to her euerlasting
rest. The erle of Southhamtoune hes wreatin to 30 [King James]
ane arnist letter for a warrant of hes libertie immediatly wpone 24
[Queen Elizabeth's] dethe, wiche 30 [King James] refuseth to
grant wythout consent and authoritie of the conseil, and is to wreat
to hem to deall be way of supplication wyth the conseil, and what
thay aduise hem to do sail be performed wyth diligence ; it is inioined
to yow by 30 [King James] to speak wyth 10 [Sir Robert Cecil],
and giwe he find it expedient to inlarge hem, and that hes present
saruice may be of any wise in the stat, he sail be content, and assents
he be presently relewed, wtherways to let hem stay till forder reso
lution be taken for the best cours in hes bussinesse. We here the
erle of Sussex is comming touars ws ; we ar affeard that to manie

52 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND,
wesae [i.e. visit] ws, and of suche as, hath not knowen ws heretofore..
Take heed to the maine point, and hawe a care that the citie be mad
suere, wther things of lese moment I cease to wreat, being more then
werie. I wise yow, deer 3 [Lord Henry Howard], to liwe and die
in all happinesse. "8." [Edward Bruce].
Addressed, " 3." [Lord Henry Howard].
[Sealed in two places with impressions on red wax of an oval seal
bearing- a shield ensigned with the royal crown of Scotland, and
containing the following arms, — a lion rampant within a bordure
charged with eight fleurs de lys.]

No. VI.
9 [MR. DAVID FOULIS] TO 3 [LORD IJENRY HOWARD].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 103. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
Moast honorable and woorthie 3 [Lord Henry Howard], the tuo
last past so suddanly as I could not salut youe, and although I
would and could boathe, yit could I say no more then that which I
hoape ye are assured of, which is, in a woord, that I shall ever pray
for the continewance of your disposition to see the crown putt vpon
your owne work, and that I, in spetiall, who owe you so muche for
my owne particuler, and others for the generall, as yit unknowne to
you, may ever live happy to see bothe you and your busines flouryshe.
Fairwell, noble lord, and I pray you love him who lovithe you, and
so shal remain with resolution to serve you, 9. [David Foulis].
Addressed, — " 3." [Lord Henry Howard].
[Fastened with a band of paper, and sealed in two places in red
wax, with impressions of a seal bearing three leaves.]

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 53

PART III.

Correspondence with the Earl of Northumberland.
No. I.
0 [HENRY EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND] TO 30 [KING JAMES].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 90. COPY IN THE HANDWRITING OF MR. EDWARD
BRUCE.]
SlRj
Since nowe i haue cleered, as i take it, the uay of my letter, I
will no longer concele that affection wyche hetherto hathe been de
pressed, an affection not resulting from lyght humors, but out of
reason, for if i wold say it grew out of your majesties fauours, or
wther ocular motiwes that steir seruice to princes, the flatterie would
be to grosse, but when I sail say that my conscience tould me of
your successiue ryght, and your nixt ryght telles me that you ar
lyke to be my king, the originall will be muche mor probable.
Nether can I deny that my vndirstanding of your majesties knau-
lege to iudge betuene good and euell ar the lest additione to it, that
can not chuse but promise great hoppes of good from you; the
rather when that tottering state of your ouine that hath beene
guided thorowghe so many difficulties may serue for ane exemple.
So falles it also wythin compas of my reason that the anexing of
theas thrie kingdomms most neides be glorius and great for the king
that must guueirne tham, strivinge to secure it from hurt or con-
quist of nighbour princes, and happie for ws, since subiects ar euer
soe where largest dominions are.
Nowe that your majestie knouethe the ground of my affection,

54 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
I will wndirtake to dissend to the perticularities, not that i am so
arrogant as to aduise you, whois syght is muche cleerer in thes se-
crettes then my weeke iudgment can deliuer, but becaus i may not
wreat often, many letters beinge mor subiect to miscarie then one;
and, albeid this berithe wyth it nothing that may be improuued dan-
gerus to my person, yet would it be treason to my fortunns if it
sould come to lyght ; thairfor, if in this ether my opinions sail seeme
strange, or tedius, perdon my letter, and censour the wther, I be-
seiche you, to proceed from the loue of a faythfull seruant to you,
and out of a thristinge mynde in me to see this contrie of myne flo-
rishe in it selfe, and giue the lau to wther nations about it.
The two mane points that are most in question emongst ws, and
that I thinke may giue your maiestie best satisfaction to wndirstand,
are theas ; the one, whither after her maiesties life your ryght will
be yealded you peacebly, wythout blosse [i.e. blows], or not? the
wther, whether it be lykely your maiestie befor your tyme will
attempt to hasten it by force.
For mater of your clame after her maiestie, I here noene almost
cawle it in question. Whousoeuer summe bookes of the infantas
title be diulged by the factius iesuitts, that mwue litle or nothing,
nather can I doubt but your maiestie, from so many as I conceave
are deuoted to your ryght, must needes receaue discouueris of there
affections in this nature, and soumme of tham, I doubt not, in this
deliuerie of it will make your difficulties appere wyth what art thay
can to be many (for suche is the commonne supposall) when soe euer
it sail pleas God to caule the queene from amongsst ws ; but neither
to sifte there endes, whider there arguments be formed frome the
treuth of there conceats, or from pollicy, to indeere them selues in
your fauor, I must conclude that my weeke wndirstanding cannot
discerine, as our state now stands, and as it hathe takene wpon it a
new face wythin this yeare past, but that you shall als quietly,
wythout opposition, haue it yealded, as euer prince had any king-
domme was deue to him.
The reasons that induceth me thus to beliefe are theas: the world

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 55
assumeth a greatar freedom since essex death to speake freely of
your title, with the [greater] allouance of it then euer, nor can I
marke out any one president that any man is trubled for it, but
rather such personns that other facts hathe brought wythin compas of
iustice are wyth a gentler hand corrected, if any thing donne for
your sake be a part of. the offence, wyche to me arguethe that it is
not distastfull to the cheefe agents in our state.
At this instante, all mens mynds louking efter there priuate gaine,
noe mans ambition is discouered sterring to worke for pouar to be
able to oppose agains your lyght, ather by strengthening them selues
wyth popularitie, wyth armes, wyth fallowars, or by making them
selues masters of the strengthes of our contrie ; for plotting wyth any
forraine princes, no humwr or circomstance touards it doeth ap-
pere, how so euer somme haue beine charged wyth that imputation,
an imputation out of myne ouine knowlege rising from the dreggss
of former malis [rather] then out of iust cause. When welookeinto
your competitors at home we finde the eies of the world, nether of
the great ons nor small ons, ones cast towards them, for ether in there
worthe are thay contemptible, or not lyked for thare sexes, wyshing
noe more queens, fearing we shall neuer enyoy an wther lyke to
this. As for the warres of Ireland, the proceedings in them are soe
rether held one not to louse what we haue then by any extraordinary
expense to gaine what we haue not, this being held for a maxime
emongsst vs, that the Irishe will all comme and lay there swords at
your feete quhen you sail be our master; and, last of all, what
greatter argument can be insisted wpon that we meane not to be
your opposite then by leuing the borders soe wncared for, committing
the gouernement of them to soe weeke and wnuorthy commanders?
What I knaw of mens affections in perticular were to long now to
deleuer, but as all theas things make for me in the conferming me in
my opinion, soe, say somme, that there are wther motiues that mak
agains me; one is, that the better sort emongsst ws feare your elec
tion of conseil and instruments onder you to assiste you in the state

56 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
will be scotts; the other, that the name of scotts is harche in the
earres of the wulgar; the last is the faction of papists, that will stand
for tolleration of conscience. To the first obiection I haue thus
ansured, that for your ouen sake it will be your maiesties labor
rather to nourishe vs in quiet than to mouue discontents at your first
entrie, that your wisdom will striue more to wnite the tuo nations
in all loue, by matches and other politike meanis to make them one,
as nowe england and walles are, then to diued them by enuy, wyche
wauld be the hazard of bo'the there ruins; nether doe I think the
kings of Scotland haue reason to be so far enamored wyth the fayth
of there subiects that willingly thay will repose a grea'tter truist in
them then in the englishe. Besedis, I conceaue it, your maiestie
being half englishe your selfe will think that your honor in being re
puted a king of england will be greatar then to be a king of scottes.
The second objection is easiliar heaten bake when it is knowen
that the wulgar in this case will follow the exemple of there su
periors, truisting to there wills rether then to there ouine ; and the
memoriss of the ancient woundis betuene england and Scotland will
soune be cancelled when conscience in there harts sail proclame
your ryght. For the papists, it is treue there faction is strong, there
encrease is dayly, and there diffidence in your maiestie is not de-
sperat. Somme of the purer sort of them, who hathe swaloued the
doctrine of putting doune princes for religion, may perhapps be
whoter then there ware reason, wishing the enfanta a better sc[h]are
in the kingdome then your selfe. But since your maiestie vndir-
standeth better whow to leede this cause then I can giue instruction,
I will dare to say no more, bot it weare pittie to losse so good a
kingdome for the not tollerating a messe in a cornere (if wppon that
it resteth) so long as they sail not be too busy disturbers of the gu-
uernement of the state, nor seeke to make vs contributers to a peter
prist. Yet is not my scope out of theas circomstances so to ouer assure
you that your prouisions be not ansuerable to ane expected opposi
tion, and your resolutions of expedition so concluded, when that sail

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 57
fall to your turine, that thay [sic] may be no giuing of breathe to
consult, in wyche your maiestie hath muche the aduantage of any
forraine prince, haiuing nather shipps to rigge or contrarie windes
or tydes to hinder; and nowe, since it falles wythin compas of my
penne, I may not forgett to yeald censure in this point, if not my
knowlege, that I thinke her maiestie in the secrett of her heart wishe
it you before any creature when she must leaue it.
Nowe to vnfold the arguments we vse emongest vs whethere it
he reasonable and lykely your maiestie will attempt to hasten your
ryght by force before your tyme ; many of your faythfulest seruants
feare, thoghte an exceeding confidence assure me the contrary,.
whiche I will neuer cease to wishe, for many reasonns.
The motiues that sterres theas feares in your faythfullest seruants
are theas ; first, your maiestie being a . prince of sperite the tyme
may be long-seeming wher expectatione of sutche a fortun is at
hand; that your maiestie is master of a people great, proper, and
apt for any interprysing courses, who will euer vse persuations to be
sterring you ; that your fryndes and assistants are mani, what out of
your allyes by denmarke, the ancient league wythe france, and the
irishe, wyche perhapps myght be at your deuotion, ether in respect
of thair fault they haue so far plonged them selfes into agains there
souueraigne, or out of hope of a more freedome in religion ; that her
maiestie being in her declinigne age, men louke reather for the soune
rysing then efter the soune setting ; that the forces of our country is
diuerted, somme loukeing after ireland, wthere assisting the loe
countrys, and somme few imploying them selfes touars spaine at
sea, noen of which may be conueniently neclected, whereby our
state wythin our selues is weekened, and that all men are discon
tented in generall.
The confidence that I imbrace, contrarie and opposite to theas
motiues that moues wtheres feares, are thus begott in me with assu
rance to the contrary ; as thay conceaue your majesty a prince of
sperit, and princes of sperit are apt to be put on to action, so doe I
conceue you withall euer temporat and wyse, not leed by wther mens
CAMD. SOC. I

58 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OP SCOTLAND
affections, as hitherto your actions hathe made good testemony of,
and a prince not hastaly to ouer throwe so sound a proiect, whos
foundations hetherto hathe bene so fermly laid with patience. And,
albeit your people are apt and forward to enterprysing courses, de-
syring spoile of that is not theirs, your maiestie, commander ouer
thaire desires, cannot lyke to see the ruine of that is so nere to be
your ouene.
For denmarke, what forces or preparation can thaire be sterling
that will not Sonne be discuuered? How can it be thought thai
france, for all hes old lague, will be ouer weill pleased to see a
prince myghtier then hem selfe at hes elboue? Let the reason be
weighed why there league was first confermed, and it sail be founde
that it was to lessen england, and not to ade greatnes to it. For the
irishe, so ruienated and dispeopled in there country, soe poore in
there means and soe wvdded to there ouene home by nature, as scarce
they could be drawen this last winter out of there bogges and fast
nesses to ayde there fryndes that cam into there ouene contry to
giue them freedom, what suer hoppes then are to be lenned to of
there assistance ? Besides, your maiestie is not ignorant that if any
of theas courses be discuuered a foote, that your owen subiects, being
so prone in there disposition to lay wiolent hands wpone there prince,
how easy would it be to find instruments to take yow away, wiche
all your seruants could not hinder nor helpe; and if taken away,
ether by the fortoune of warre or wtherwayse, in the minoritie of
your sonne, he being bot a chielde would hardlie be inwested euer
wyth hes ryght in this kingdom, others hawing once taken possession
ouer his heade.
If the wery tyme of hir majestic can not be long by the couse [sic]
of lyfe, for it is most certaine that yonge boddyss may dye, but old
boddys mwst out of necessitie, would the hasard then conterwale the
tyme that may be, but perhapps, gained? For the diuiding of our
forces into so many bussinesses, soune would thay be recaulled to-
gedder when it sould comme to the question of so essentiall a point :
and by the warrs many good commanders ar breede, our selues in

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 59
general! more fasoned to the humors and myndes of soldiers than
euer, all whiche would be empidiments if any attempt should be
wndertaken. It is treue, that, of the nobilitie, somme ar not satis-
fyed, the gentilitie displeased, the men of warre mutters, and the
popularitie is grieved, yet lett it be from whence theas discontents
doe resulte considered, and thay will be found weeke pillers to adven-
tour soe great ane action vppon.
The nobilitie are wnsatisfied that places of honor are not giuen
them, soe sonne as they becomme iudges of there ouene desert ; that
ofices of trust are not laid in there handes to manage as thay were
wont ; that her maiestie is percimoniws and sloe to reliefe there wants,
whiche from there ouen prodigalities thay haue burdened them
selues with all. They repyne that the state walue them not at that
rate thay prise themselues worthy of; nether is there many in this
ranke, for somme are pleased, and wthers are not capable of them;
soe as your maiestie may decerine theas to spring from heat of youth,
impaciency, want, and selfe conceate, hote discontents sonne borine
and sonne dying in them selues, stings not bitter enoughe to leade
them on to soe great a hasard, when there considerations vppon
could bloode shall telle them, that that prince wiche sail follow,
can not but conclude them in his heart apt to imbrace the sam dis
loyalties wpon lyke apprehensions: discontents rysing from the
ingratitude of humane nature, wyche for the most part forgetts for
mer benefits if wnsatisfied in his last desires. The burden that the
gentilitie repines at chiefely is wardschps, a law first instituted for
presenting them in tyme of there minorities, now becomme the ruine
almost of all mens houses once in a three dissents; a commoditie
smaule in the princes coffers when the accomps ar cast wp ; nether
doeth this soe farre moue them to discontent, that thay will wen-
toure the losse of all to redresse this one, both becaus custom hathe
made them obedient to it, and hopps giue them beliefe thay may be
freed vpon easier conditions hereafter.
The soldier mwtters only when he wants imployment, wiche, in
effect, is as muche as when he wants means to robbe the common

60 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
treasor of the kingdom (by pilling and polling a company of poore
creaturs committed wnder his charge) to satisfie the humors of there
ryotus excesses ; a sort of people that no sonner heres the droume
beate but there discontents are quenched, and instantlie becomme
lesse servants to a stranger prince, then thay ware when there sworde
did hang quietly in the scaberd, soe as i say there conditions are not
muche to be relied wpon ; of whom to say more, a kind of men fitte
to be nurished out of necessitie to help the ministers of a state,
rather then to be chosen ministers in a state them selues.
The popular griefes are subsidies, taxes for the warrs, grants of
monopolies, and delays of iustice, in all whiche they rether con-
demne her maiesties instruments wyth the burden of it, then con
ceaue hatred to her person, this obseruance being almost infallible,
that a commonalty may sonner be drawen to rebellions vnder cullor
of setting straight iustice, then in aduancing any mans title. I am
of opinion that it is mutche easiar for a great man, popular in his
ouen coontry, to moue them to commotion, then for your maiestie,
if you were so disposed.
Soe as I conclude, all theas circomstances wele laide together, that
noen can deny, but that your maiestie shall with out all contradic
tion enioy that you are soe nighe to by ryght, and that it can not be
good for yow, or vs, that you should seeke it sonner by force ; for
this I haue euer almost noted, that lesser kingdoms seldome kept
long a greater gotte by conquist, but by ryght and succession often,
for where conquesst runne, the woundes of parents and fryndes blede
still fresche in there memories, watching but oportunitie of reuenge,
and to free them selves of the burden.
To giue ease to your maiestie from theas weeke discovueryss of
myne, I will desiere that what I would say of the borders, of letters
seeming to comme from your maiestie, of letters not receaved when
they haue comme, of means of sending, that it would pleas you to
giue credit to this gentilman, one of my house, an honest man wyth
ovt whome I feare me I sould yet haue bene longer sylent touards
you ; therefor, recommending my honest seruice to your maiestie, he

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 61
sail kisse noue your handes for this tyme, that will be euer ready
to doe you faythfull and trewe seruis when yow pleas to com
mand,
Northumberland.
[The address not copied.]

No. II.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 0 [HENRY EARL OP NORTHUMBERLAND].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 92 A. COPT IN THE HANDWRITING OF MR. EDWARD
BRUCE.]
Ryght truistie cusing, I haue receawed your most wyse plaine and
honest letter from the hands of the gentilman berrar herof, and I
haue conferred wyth hem at als great lentht as the oportunitie of
the tyme could wyth saftie from the hasard of hes discouerie
permite: and althoght I neuer douted of the integritie of your
affection towars me, for many reasons whiche to the berrar I haue
coumwnicated, yet am i infinitlie glaide, that you haue by so honor
able a letter, and so weill a chosed messinger, maide the first dis
couerie therof.
To the tuo maine points of your letter, whiche you conferme
wyth many well grounded and infallible ressons; for the first of
them, altho it be a maxime in the scoolles that De futuris contin-
gentibus non est determinanda Veritas, yet by all probable apparance
your opinions are well grounded, and I do assuredly hoppe that god,
who hathe by lineelle dissente cleede me wyth ane wndoubted ryght
to your croune, will also in the deu tyme mak the possessione therof
and entrie therinto pleasand and peaceble to me and wnto you all,'
althoght, as you wysly confesse, I ought notwythstanding heirof

62 CORRESPONDENCE OP KING JAMES VI. OP SCOTLAND
omite no lawfull prouision for the most of it * that becommes a wyse
and prouident prince to doe in so graue a mater. -»-N
And as for your aduyse in the wther point, if my constant resolu- i
tion ware not agreeable to your aduise,f I could nather be religius, )
wyse, nor honest, for whow could I be religius to preuent Godes I
lasare by wnlawfull anticipation, and to doe that wronge to my
nyghtboure, the lyke wherof I would be lothe to suffere in my oune
person? It ware wery small wisdome, by clymming of diches and
hegges for pulling of unrype frvite to haserd the brekeing of my
necke, when by a litle patience, and abyding the seasone, I may wyth
far more ease and safetie enter at the gette of the garding, and inyoy
the fruittes at my plesour, in [the time of J] thaire greatest maturities.
Yea, what a folisse part wear that in me, if I myght doe it, to hasard
my honor, state, and person, in entering that kingdome by wiolence
as an wsurper whiche God by lawfull ryght hath prouyded for me, to
the which I am called as a lawfull haire, as § noue in the place of the
present quene, wythout inuerting, innouating, or making any alter
ation in the state, guuernement, or lawes ; and besydes, what con
fidence could I euer heaue in those that for pleasour of me hade be-
trayede there present soueraine? No, since the old prouerbe is most
treue, that, thoght princes mak sumtymes wse of tresone, yet thay
euer heate the treatour, wyth what securitie could I think to
make my residence in a kingdome so full of treatours ? And, last,
for the point of honestie, wyth. what mask, or waille, could I cover
that blot to myne honor, in being the first breker of, for an wrrtymly
ambition, of that long continowed fryndshipe betuixe the quene and
me, espetiallie at this tyme, when by my long honest behauiour
* In a copy of this letter in the handwriting of Sir Robert Cecil, also preserved in the
same volume of the Hatfield MSS. which contains the copy from which we print, we find,
instead of " for the most of it," " in case of the worst," which is no doubt right.
f Here Sir Robert Cecil's copy, to which we have above referred, omits the twelve
words which occur between " your aduyse " in the preceding line and the repetition of
the same words in the above passage.
t Supplied from Sir Robert Cecil's copy,
§ Sir Robert Cecil's copy reads " as the sonn of the present qween."

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 63
touars her, I haue at last attened to a more inuarde and confident
amitie wyth her then eue[r] was betuix us heirtofore ?
For conclusion then of this letter, as by the chois of this mes
senger you haue giueine a testimonie both of your honest intension
in imploying a gentilman whom nature must binde you to loue,
and so not to ingage forder then you may weill warrande him, as
also of your wisdome, he beine athere sumthing to you, or nothing
to hem selfe, and thairfor doe I heirtlie wise you to employ herefter
non wther mercurie in your delling wyth me. Yea, forder, wauld I
wise you to be ware wyth sending of any message to me at all, except
sume great occatione sail require it, least if any misfortonne fele out,
it myght breed hearme to ws both ; to me in sturring anewe the i
quenes jalosies, at this tyme so far quenched, and to you in respect ¦
of the jaluse state you haue ones stand into. Assur you, ye can
by no means so far inhable your self for my seruice agains the laufull
tyme as by not only menteinning, but also aduancing, your credit at
her handes, that when ever it sail pleisegod to call her to his mercy,
you may be a chiefe instrument to assist my setteling in that seate
wyche I honor as the apparant heire, in all quietnes, wythout the
alteration or preiudice of any that will not willfully resist to my
ryght. And thus remitting the more perticular discours of all
things to the berrers sufficiencie, of whos honestie I haue euer heard
a sound report, wyth assurance to your self of my thankfull accept
ance of this your so honorable a resolution, and so I bid you heartly
fairwell. Your louing and affectiona[t] frynd, [J. R.] *
* The initials of the king's signature are derived from the copy in the handwriting of
Sir Robert Cecil, who adds a copy of the indorsement, "The K's lettre to me," shewing
that his copy was made from the original, so indorsed by Northumberland. Bruce's copy
was sent to Lord Henry Howard. It was addressed " 3," and was fastened in two places
with crimson silk, and sealed in two places with Bruce's accustomed seal in red wax.

64 CORRESPONDENCE OP KING JAMES VI. OP SCOTLAND
NO. III.
0 [HENRY EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND] TO 30 [KING JAMES].
[HATFIELD MSS. NO. CXXXV. FOL. 95. COPY IN THE HANDWRITING OF MR. EDWARD BRUCE.]
The letter it hath pleased yow to send me doeth so demonstrat the
wisdome and justnesse that the world attributs to yow abowe wther
princes, and the fauour you hawe done me in accepting a trew con
struction of that was my faythfull meaning, as i confesse it doethe
tye me wyth more deuotion to honor your vertus, wyth nereness to
behold them, and wyth integritie to doe yow honest seruice ; for in it
I find ane approbation of the great law that is the foundation and
basis of all laws, all trewe policies, and all commerce, be it emongest
cristiens, philosofers or infidells, or wyth kings, magistrats, or inferior
persons, I meane that grand law deliwered ws, doe as yee vauld be
done wnto, a law that implicite in yowr majesties letter yow limit
your self by, and iudge of the actions of wther men.
My last letter, so farre as it concerneth yowr self, inclwdit in it
the tuo mane points. I deliwered yow how men might be affected in
general!. In this, i hold it not suerwing altogidder frome ordour and
conweniencie to gif yow some light how perticular mens affections
may be dewoted towars yow; not that I will vndirtake to discouer
them as things impossible to be vtherwyse*(for so might i diwe into
ower great a raschnesse, since time, newe proiects, inconstancies,
and deepe dissemblings may giwe a bloe to my censowre,) but as
things wery probable to my iwdgment as the circomstances hathe
hethereto leede me. Nether will i deliuer all the propositions wiche
circomstances and my ouen vndirstanding hathe laid togidder to
wars the conclwsions i am to make, in tuo respects ; the on, to eschewe
yowr maiestie more trwble, the wther, not to commit to lowse papers
sutche a trwst as may wronge my frynds, in being able to say proba
bly against them, thay hawe spokin to freely to Northumberland.
But this will i wow to your maiestie, since it hathe pleased yow, as I

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 65
wnderstand by the partie that last came frome yow, to repose confi
dence to what i sail deliuer yow, that willingly i will neuer lye to
yow in word or iugment, but striwe to giwe yow that ease that yow
may wnderstand me ewer wythowt difficultie, wythowt labor, wyth
out iealowsie, becaus the fauor i desir to merit may be permanent,
purchassed rather by my plainnese and sinceritie then by indirecte
ways, for i knowe deuises must needs perishe when theas will subsist.
I gather by this messinger that yowr maiestie receaws wery often
informations of mens affections wery incertainely, wiche must ryse
athere out of there ignorance that deliuers them, or out of malice
that will detract of them thay lowe not, or owt of partialitie that
will giwe to much to them they lowe. Any of theas must be ane
impediment to yowr trewe knowlege in the measowr of honor that
ewery on bearithe yow, and rarely sail yow find them that will make
direct dealing wyth princes the wery grownd plotte wpone wiche
they will bwild there credits. I deny not but that they worke the
more wnsurly ; yet it is sufficient that men for the most parte beliefe
not soe, and in this point, since' my opinion differs frome the wulgar,
i will nether giwe more to my frynds then they deserue, nor con-
ceale that i holde them faltie in concerning yow. The sam mea-
sour of indifferencie will i hold towards them that in my owen per
ticular i doe not affect, since thay and i must be frynds in what
dothe tuich yowr ryght, what wther dislykes soe ewer there be
emongst ws.
And now that it falles owt in cowrs to speike of perticular men,
yowr maiesties iwdgment of essex to be a noble gentilman, but that
yow lost noe great frynd by hem, leades me on the rather to this
discowrs ; to conferme therefor yowr maiesties censour, I must say
iustely, that althought he was a man endeued wyth good gifts, yet
was his losse the happiast chance for yowr maiestie and england that
cowld befawle ws; for ether doe I feale in my iudgment, or he
would hawe bene ane bloody scowrge to owr nation. Of this 1 can
speake wery perticularly, as on whoi [sic] was as inward wyth hem as
any lywing createur, the first two years i was matched wyth his
CAMD. SOC. K

66 CORRESPONDENCE OP KING JAMES VI. OP SCOTLAND
sister. And could he then dreame of any thinge but hawing the
continowall pouar of ane army to dispose of, of being great constable
of england, to the end that in an interregnum he might call parla-
ments to make laws for owr selwes ? Did he not decree it, that it
was scandalus to owr nation that a stranger sould be owr king ? Was
not his familiaritie wyth me quite cancellet when he had discowered
my disposition leaning to yowr ryght, and that i was not to be leede
by hes fortunes ? Did he not secretly keepe me frome all prefer
ments of the north parts wyth planting iealusies in the quens mynde
of me, whiche are there stille freche when those maters comes in dis
pute? Did he not euer prefer wthers of more facilitie to hes will
then my selfe in any actions whereby i myght come any way to
equall hem in the repwtation of a soldier ? How often hawe i heard
that he enweighed against yow emongest sutche as he conceawed to
be birds of hes owen fortoune ? Did hes soldiers followars dreme or
speake any thing but of hes being king of england? Did his deal
ings wyth walentine thomas * declare hes affection to your maiestie
in theas last actions? Did he not goe to a drynesse with montioy
when he would not consent to set wp for themselfes, when he saw
yowr maiestie walked wyth causion, and would not be drawin in to
be made the brige ower which he would hawe passed for his last
refuge ? Did he euer offer yow this serwice but in hes declyning
time, and at the last pusche ? Did he not promise papists freedome
in religion, pwritains the swaye of the commonwelthe, soldiers wther
mens lands and howses ; and those he knewe was yowrs that for
yow it was that he wrought for ? Well, to conclude, he woore the
crowne of england in hes hart these many years, and therefor farre
frome setting it wpone your head if it had beine in hes poware. As
for cobham and rawlieghe how thay bend towars yowr right this is
my censowre, although thay be in faction contrary to somme that
howld wyth your title, yet in that point i can not deny but they be
of the same myndis, and to rwn the same cowrs. The first of theas
tuo i knowe not how his heart is affected ; but by the latter, whome six-
* A miscreant who charged James with a design upon the life of Elizabeth.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 67
tein years acquentance hathe confermed to me, I must needs affirme
rawlieghs ewer allowance of yowr ryght, and althowghte I knowe
hem insolent, extreamly heated, a man that desirs to seeme to be able
to swaye all mens fancies, all mens cowrses, and a man that owt of
himselfe, when your time sail come, will neuer be able to do yow
muche good nor hearme, yet mwst i needs confesse what i know,
that there is excellent good parts of natur in hem, a man whoes
lowe is disawantageus to me in somme sort, which i cherise rather
out of constancie than pollicie, and one whome i wishe your maiestie
not to loose, because I wowld not that one haire of a man's head
sowld be against yow that might be for yow.
The nixt relation that I mwst enter into sail co[n]cerine the partie
that your maiestie required of the messinger whiche was wyth yow
how he stood affected to wars me, and of whome he assured yow
frome me, in what terms i conceawed hem to rest in. The same
iugment i gawe of hem then, the sam must i still remaine in. The
circumstances that leades me to doe soe (what wther autorities so euer
i hawe for myselfe,) i will allege for defence of my opinion, wiche
is, that after her maiestie wpon whome he layethe the foundations
of his fortenns, that the secrett of his conscience doethe con
clude yowr title to be the nixt right, that hes heart will then
wishe that it may hawe that approbation with all men, and that
for the present he will not be the man to wronge yow, by setting
a foote or laboring in any bodise titles whatsoever. The cir
constances ar* theas; first, the ancient familiaritie and inwart
trust hathe bene betuene ws wiche doethe make hem ondrestand me
wery well, his knowlege of my opinion of your title, when neces-
sitie of dethe of our souerainge must lewe it to ane wther hand, his
conceawing of my determination to rwnne that cowrse, in setting wp
all the faites of my fortoune that way, yet doeth he continow hes
lowe in preferinnge me, in frynding me what he is able — besides giwe
he hathe aimed at any wthers marke, the matter sould hawe beine
caried extreme closhe, that nether i nor non of hes deerest frynds
* " ar are " in MS.

68 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
(all wiche 'i neuer heard ons make almost any question of it) sould
not at some time or wthere hawe discoured somwhat. If he sould
affect to bring in the infanta, as hathe bene laide to hes charge,
wiche waye woold he woorke it, when all hes friends be contraire
wyth whome he conwersethe ? By hem selfe i know he can not doe
it, and there is nothing more odius in hes nature then suche a
thought, upone whiche i will paune my honor, a thing that sowld
not slyde wnder my penne but upon assured growndes. This may
be forder induced for a comfirination of that i hold; — was not the
clemencie great that hathe bene wsed to all the nobilitie that offendid
in this last rebellion, and many wthers that were conceawed to leane
to wars your majestie ? Was it any boddy els that sawed sowtheham-
tonne ? Hes he not mitigated the extremities against montioye, and
sowld not essex [haue] gone nere to hawe liwed, if ane assured com
bustion in our state must not of necessitie hawe fallowed by hes lyfe ?
If theas then be not sufficient warrants for my iudgment, to conclude
that hes heart is not spanishe, i referre it to your maiesties wisdome
and submit my selfe to your forder knowlege. Newerethelesse, out of
the trust it hathe pleased yow to repose in me, i mwst giwe yow
notise, that i can not beleive that euer he will open hem selfe unto
your maiestie, wpone any condition, so long as her maiestie iiuethe,
for he is wery wise, and is not ignorant how harshe a thinge it is to
her disposition that any sould think or looke towars a new sonne,
nether will he hasard his fortoune wpone so tikkle a ceremonie or
pointe, and in my poore opinion in that he merritts iustely an allow
ance frome yow, for your maiestie knowethe wery will [sic] the
great place of fauor he now enioyethe ; the most he can expect herefter
can be nothing neere it, for diuerse reasonns i could allege ; men na
turally nurishe that thay hawe in hand rather then that thay hawe in
hope. Being fearfull that I hawe ouer wearied your maiestie wyth theis
perticularities I will reserve the rest to a longar time, and a larger
paper, and if in this clause I hawe beine ernistar then there is cause, _
to the end it may seme plaine to your maiestie, that yow may not

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 69
conceawe sinisterly of hes prosedings by other mens reports, bycause
I know how necessir a member he may be to your bussinesses, in
cherising those that be your honest and faythfull serwants, and i con-
fese that my conceite is that this way he may doe yow more seruis,
then if he were otheruyse knowen to yow then he is ; he is wery well
worthe the esteming, and so doethe he wishe yowr maiestie to doe,
that owt of hes lowe and honor to yow, is yowr majesties, to doe
yow faythfull and honest seruis.
Nor [thumberland's] Postscript.
Theas three last (spetiaUy the secretary) I hawe begwnne wyth to
giwe my censours in tuo respects, the one because i know more
perticular circomstances of them then of wthers, the other because i
know there may be more iealowsie of them then of any. In my
next, i will deliwer my opinion of all the rest of our great men
in state ; by it, together wyth your maiesties owen secrete knowlege,
yow may ayme at ewery perticular mans affection. If that I sail
deliuer- concwre wyth that yowr maiesties selfe knoweth, it is likely
to be trewe ; if not, then at lest it will giwe your majestie cause of
forder suspence and sherche.
This last attempt wndirtakin by the englishe man wiche now yow
hawe in holde, I will assure your maiestie, was receawed emongest
ws generally wyth great tendirnesse of yowr person, and wyth
many coniectowrs who myght be the instigators, somme fearing
it might come frome hence, others from the pope, others frome the
frenche kinge, for thay say he hathe a wery great thirsting efter
this nation, and lookes wpone it wyth a wery gredie eie, if it
sould pleas god to caule her majestie. But to conclud for this
pointe, this discowery i hawe wpone it* that i find that willingly we
would not that any hearme sould befaule yow.
I fear yowr maiestie hathe somme vntrustie serwants, or vnsecrett,
neer yow, for yow stere no where nether doe any thing but we
know it. I will therfor to make ane end crawe perdon that this

70 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OP SCOTLAND
berrer come not to yow at this present. When the nights ar longer
he sail attend yowr maiestie to deliwe[r] a great deall of theas maters
more at large. I will not faile in the mean time to be a carfuU
watcheman for yowr maiestie in what may make for yowr serwice
hereafter, and intreat yow to hawe a carfuU eie to your selfe, for
those that lowe yow feare yowre safetie, in whiche more then i hope
there is cawse. I wndirstand of late that the citisens ar generally
well affected to yowr titell, and soe i conclude thay will goe [wyth]
your maiesties right.
Your maiestie may perceaue unlesse my hotte hand be conterfeited
heirefter, by this manner of sealling, whiader the letters come wn-
oponed to your hand or not, spetially when the letter it self bearethe
the subscription whiche in this i could not conweniently doe by
reasone of the lengthe of it.
No address or indorsement.
[The copy has been fastened by a band of paper, and sealed, in red
wax, with the seal of Mr. Edward Bruce, of which there have been
several examples before.]

No. IV.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 0 [HENRY EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND].
[HATFIF.LD MSS. NO. CXXXV. FOL. 97. COPT IN THE HANDWRITING OF MR. EDWARD BRUCE.]
Ryght trustie cusing, i am heartly glad that it is my good fortoune
to be acquented wyth a noble man cariing so honorable a mynd, as
also that doeth ryghtly interpreatte and discerine of my honest in
tensions as yow doe. In both your letters may clerly be seene the
wpryght sinseritie of your affection towars me, wiche gif I doe not

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 71
requyte wyth thankfullnesse i sould more wrong my self then
yow. And as to yowr last, wharin yow giwe your censoure of diuers
mens affections in particular, I think it not possible to find mor
apparent probabilities in a caise of that nature, wharin nothing of
certaine can^ be concluded (ante ewentum), but spetially concarninge
the cheife agent of that state. I protest I will euer hope for the best
of hem, so longe as he trewly serwes the present, and sail worke
nothing derogatorie to the futour, and theirfor i cannot bot wery
well allow of your inwart fryndchippe wyth hem, as on who can best
inhable yow to make your pouar to haue a correspondence wyth
your affection in my seruice (cum venerit dies ille). If wtherways
he disceave my expectation, I leve it to yowr cawsion to mak hem
disceave hem self and non of ws. But although I know that of all
men in england, he will be the himmost [hindmost?] to make hem
selfe knowen wnto me during the queenes breathe, so great is hes
caution, for hes ouen hasard, yeat if he serwe treuly the present and
wrong me not in her time, as I hawe alradie said, I can think no
wtherways of hem nor of ane wery honest man.
As for his fauorable behauiour to suche personnis in perticular
as in your letter you haue wakened out and observed, althought
diuerse men may diue[r]sly iuge therof, yet doe I well allow of your
cheritable interpretation, and so it fitts best a cristian king to
thinke ; but your obseruing of their names in perticular puts me in
mynd of on of them, poor southamtoune, who liwes in hardest cais
of any of them, and if in any sort your means may helpe to procure
hem forder libertie or easier ward, pitie wauld prowoke me to recom
mend it wnto you. I do wery well allow of your warenese to wreat
or send wnto me, for a king can not be wythout many eyes wpon
hem, as on exalted on a heght and eminent place, and althought I
perceaue, both by your letters to me and the erle of mar, that thair
intelligences ar false and contryued, yeat amongs many gessings at
circvmstances something may runn conter that will foster jalusies, and
ane small discouerie may marre a great game ; and therefor as I wreat
befor so i man [i.e. must] repeat the same, since my cours is honorable

72 CORRESPONDENCE OP KING JAMES VI. OP SCOTLAND
and avowable in substance, be warre to offend the quene wyth scha-
dows, and send no mo messingers except some great and wrgent occa-
tion of sending be accompainged wyth some suir and safe means of
conuoy, in the mean time settling your selfe in that certaintie that,
by yowr honorable and faythfull delling, yow hawe acquired the sin
cere and constant affection of your louing and assured frynd.

No. V.
0 [HENRY EARL OF NORTHUMBERLAND] to 30 [KING JAMES].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 99. COPT IN THE HANDWRITING OF MR. DAVID FOULIS.]
Sir, According your commandment I have forborne to present you
with my lettres, which now causes of importance moues me to, and
I have differred it this long becaus I was willing to see what liklyhood
of event it would comme to. Her Maiestie hathe bene euell now
almoast one monthe. In the twelve first dayes it was kept secrett
vnder a misprision, taking the caus to be the displeasoure she tooke
at Arbella, the motions of taking in Tyron, and the deathe of her old
acquentance the Lady Notinghame. Those that were nearest her
did imagine these to be the reasons. Moer dais told ws it was ane
indisposition of bodie ; siknes was not in any maner discerned, her
sleep and stomak only bereft her, so as for a 20 dayes she slept very
little. Since she is growne very weak, yet-sometymes gives ws com
fort of recoverie, a few houres after threatnes ws with dispaire of her
well doing. Phisick she will not take any, and the phisitions con-
clud that if this contineu she must needes fall into a distemper, not
a frensie but rather into a dulnesse and a lethargic
This accident hathe made all the wholle nation looke about them.
Men talkes freely of your Maiesties right, and all in generall gevis
you a great allowance. The affections of many are discouej:ed to be

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 73
wholy devoted to your seruice. Euery one almost imbraces yow,
for which we that are your trew servantes are glaide of. For myne
owne knowledge, I must speake trulye, euery man that hathe offered
themselves to me are wholy devoted to your right, and I heere none
contradict it, though somme are sylent and say nothing. Thus muche
for the generall. For the counsell of the staite, I must lett your
Maiesty understand, that they have wrought thus fare touardes an
honest and just course with muche lyking of oure whole cuntrye,
and I conceave that they meahe honestly to your Maiesty. They
have called to them some of the nobilitie, at that tyme no more
being at court then the Lord Thomas Howard, the Lord Cobhame
(who els would haue mutined extremelye) and my selfe, to whome
they haue gevin notice of there desyre of oure assistance, bothe in
aduyce and other wais, for the good of the state, and depression of
suche as wold moue insurrections, if that misfortune of the lose of
oure mistres shall happen. Herafter a greater number wilbe sum
moned, but as yet stopped upon hoape of amendment. In the mean
tyme, order is gevin for pressing of all such rogues as might be apt
to stirre, and are sent unto the Loe Cuntries; the citye of Lundonn
is commandit to keip strong watch least discontented persones might
mak any head theare ; the two presidentes in there governemehtes
have the lyke charge, and withall to haue ane eye to the papists.
Some recusantes of greattest notte are committed, and commandit,
but not with any maner of rigour. Euery countye hathe the lyke
wairning. Care is willed to be had by the commanders of the
strong places for feare of surpryses; so as they having combined
them selves, and meaning to combyne them selves with moe, of
whome they cannot be ignorant of the affections of many of ws to
your caus, I must needes conclud that they all intend to doe lyke
honest and just men.
In all this liklyhood of so mightie a change, not one man hathe
sterred sauing Sr Edward Bemanne [Baynham] , a wyld and free speak
ing youthe, who brauing it, and protesting that he wold loose his lyfe,
and so wold 40,000 Catholikes more, ere your Maiesty should comme
CAMD. SOC. L

74 CORRESPONDENCE OF KING JAMES VI. OF SCOTLAND
in, this man is committed to prison, and I assure your Maiesty con
demned by all of them, ore the most pairt, that are Catholiklye
affected, vnles it be by some of them that are puritane papistes that
thrist after a Spanish tytle. Since we heere no more of them or of that
mater (thoughe he hathe laid vniustlie imputation vpon others) as I
think, only by naming them ouer whom he nather had power nather
vnderstood there hartes.
Somme papists I have in my famylie, who serve me as watches
how others are affected, and some that I am acquainted with, but
yet did I never heer any of them say but that they all of them
wished your Maiesty the fruiton of your right, and that if supina
tions might procure them tollerations of there contienses, they
should hold them selves happy ; if not they must, by the lawes of
god and right, endure it with patience ; to which hoapes I ever geve
comfort that it wold be obteaned ; your Maiesty may doe in this case
as your wysest judgement shal derect you.
Now, sir, maters standing thus I haue no more to say then that
I wishe yow to be ready in as strong a maner as you can (with as litle
showe of mouing as you may) to helpe your servants if we find op
position ; the dout that I have ordinarly propounded is feare of your
entrance in hostile maner, which would geve ane impression of
disaster to the people. I must still rest vpon the text of my first
lettres, in which I think I shal not muche have erred, and that was,
that your maiesty would come in with all peace, with all joy and
glaidness to ws all, and free from all opposition.
I have laboured in your vynyard with all the Industrie my poore
vnderstanding would give me leave. If it shal happen, or pleas god
to take from ws oure mistres, you shal have instantly woord, and I
think newes of her departure will be no sooner with your Maiesty
then woord of your being proclamed amongst ws will ouertake it.
I speak it confidently, and therfore I hoope your Maiesty will pardon
my ryche [sic] thoghts, which are deuoted with eagernes to your
Maiestys service and my cuntries good,
Northumberland.

WITH SIR ROBERT CECIL AND OTHERS. 75
I discover dayly by circumstances that the secretaire is more per-
suadit to the right of your cause then other. If your maiesty can
winne him sure to you, you shall give a great helpe to your busines
and to all oure eases. This 17 Marche.

No. VI.
30 [KING JAMES] TO 0 [NORTHUMBERLAND].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 100. CONTEMPORARY TRANSCRIPT.]
Right trustie and wel belovit cousing, the more I heir from you
the more am I reioyced, and do think my selfe infinitly happye that
one of your place, endowed with suche sinceritie of loue towardes
me, and with all other partes of sufficientie, should be borne one
daye to be a subiect vnto me; for I protest vnto you that in your
lettre ye have comprysed the very somme of all the true newes of
the stake of things there, according as I was by dyvers handes ad-
uertised this monthe past. And as to the forme of my entrie there,
when ever it shal pleas god to call your soueraine, as in my first
lettre I wrot vnto you, so now by these presentes doe I conferme and
renew the sam, that is to say, that, as god is my witnes, it never
was, is, nor shalbie, my intention to enter that kingdome in any
other sort, but as the sonne and righteous aire of England, with all
peace and calmnes, and without any kynd of alteration in steat or
gouernment, as fare as possible I can. All men that hathe trewlie
served there present soueraine shalbe alyk welcome to me as they
are presentlye, or wer in tymes past vnto her, claiming nothing in
that turne as king of Scotland, but Tioaping therby to have the
meanes to knitte this wholle Hand in a happie and perpetuall vnitie.
As for the catholiques I will nather persecutt any that wilbe quyet,
and give but ane wtward obedience to the law, nather will I spare
to aduance any of them that will by good service woorthelly deserve.

76 CORRESPONDENCE OP KING JAMES VI. OP SCOTLAND.
it; and if this cours wil not serve to win every particular honest
man, my prevy dealing with any of them can availl but lytle. And
thus I end, praying [you] for ybur owne pairt to rest fully assured,
that ye shall in the owne tyme have proofe in what hye account ye
are with Your in oast loving fryend
James R.
Halyrudhous the
24 of Marche.

APPENDIX. PART I.
LETTEKS ADDRESSED TO PERSONS UNKNOWN.

No. I.
30 [KING JAMES] to 40 [AN ENGLISHMAN NOT IDENTIFIED].
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 101. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
Trustie and uell belovit cousin, Althoch youre readines and favourable
furtherance to any suiters reccomendit by me, in any thing concerning
youre office, euer since youre entrie thair unto, did long ere nou suffi-
cientlie persuaide me of youre honest and lawfull affection to my seruice,
yett having laitlie the assurance thairof confirmed, both by the faithfull
testimonie of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], as lykeuayes by youre owin uordes
utterid in aenigme to mj servaunt ashton, I uolde not omitte to sende you
these few lynes of my owin hande, as uitnessis of my thankefulnes, and as
by my lettir to you and 10 [Sir Robert Cecil] coniunctlie ye are allreadie
certified of my honest and upricht course uith youre souueraigne, and
that I ame no uayes to emploie you beyonde the boundes of youre alled-
geance, so have I for the present no other recompence to sende you for
youre goode uill but my faithfull promeise that all my dealing uith you
shall euer be accumpanied uith these three qualities, honestie, seacreatie
and constancie; but as I uill deale with you by no other uaye but by the
meanes of 10 [Sir Robert Cecil], so maye ye assure youre self that youre
straite and steadfast coniunction with him in my seruice is the only uaye
to enable you both thairin, and to disappointe all my maliciouse andunde-

78 APPENDIX.
seruid aduersaries; and'thus, trustie and well belovit cousin, I bidde you
hairtelie fairuell. From falklande the xxix of July, 1602.
Youre louing freind,
Addressed, " 40." 30 [King James.]
[Fastened in two places with crimson silk, and sealed with two imperfect
impressions of the seal of Mr. Edward Bruce, already described at p. 27.]
Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil, " 30 to 40."

No. II.
MR. EDWARD BRUCE TO A PERSON WHOM HE TERMS HIS COUSIN.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. CXXXV. FOL. 104. ORIQ. AUTOGRAPH.]
The 24 of September, 1602.
As. the laike of meanes, my deer cusine, for the safe convoy of my let
ters and messages wnto yow was the only cause that to my great greife
constrained me to refraine this long time past from wraitting wnto yow,
and no cauldnese in my naturall affection touars so nere a kinsman, so doe
i now most greatly ioye, hawing found out a way for remedie theirof by
the mediation of this honourable gentillman, your cusine Kniftoun. But in
a farr greatter measure was my ioy augmented, when i heard by the report
of the berrar hereof, my servant, how that nather farr distance of place, nor
long abstinence from mutuall intelligence (the only ordinair meanes to
breede and nourishe fryneschipe) was not hable to quenche in you thoas
sparklis of your naturall affection touars me (whiche beinge in time of
your childhood bred in the bon (as the proverbe is) do now bude and
break forth in a greattar maturitie when you may with safetie make the
sam appeir. Theas few linnes sail only serwe then, to recommend these
two points wnto yow, first, that yow will continew in your honest, douti-
full and obedient behauiour to the quene your soueraine, and nixt, that
yow will persuad your self in a full assurance of my wnfeinyed affection
touair yow, wheronto if yow do well, by the law of God and nature I am
tyed wnto, as he who both in blood and affection is and sail ever remaine
your deerest and neer cousine.
Neither addressed nor sealed.

APPENDIX. 79
No. III.
KING JAMES to  .

[STATE PAPER OFFICE, SCOTLAND, VOL. 69, NO. 51, 1602 ? COPY.]
Right trusty freind, Having heard by this bearers report of your honest
affection towards me, although I never had the occasion to be acquainted
with you, and how you have, for the better inhabling of you to my service,
placed your self vppon your great chardge in the nearest adjacent part to
my cuntry, I thought it the dewty of a thankfull king to make it knowne,
as by theise few lynes of myne own hand I do, my thankfull acceptance
of your loving affection, and as I am surely perswaded the only respect to
conscyence and vertew hath mooved you to vndertake this course, so may
you assure your self that neyther you nor any other of your cuntoymen
shall ever be imployed by me without the bounds of the same, as on the
other part you shall with God's grace fynd with me a thankfull requytall
in the own tyme, as the bearer of theise few lynes, wytnesses of my good-
wyll, more at lardge will enfourme you. And thus byds you hartely
farewell. Your loving freind, J. R.

80 APPENDIX.
PART II.
PAPERS RELATING TO ESSEX'S CONSPIRACY.

No. I.
SIR JOHN PEYTON TO THE EARL OF NOTTINGHAM, LORD HUNSDON,
AND SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIII. NO. 86. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH..]
Right honorable, according to her majestyes pleasure singnified in your
honors letters, I haue this morning repayred vnto the Erie of Essex
chamber, and ther attended vntyll he called for a shirte to shifte hym selfe
in his bedde, wher vppon I made knowne vnto hym the cawse of my
cuming, and vsed perswading speaches vnto hym toching the delyuery of
the Blacke Bagge conceyued to remayne styll abowte hym. And, after I
I had harde his protestation to the contrary, in tearmes and manner
fitting, I searched his personne, and his boddy, and legges, naked, I allso
searched his shirte, and all his apparrell, in such sorte as I doe asure me
selfe the pvrse nor wrytyng cowlde not be abwte him, but I showlde haue
fownde it. I send vnto your honors herinclosed a resitall of the par-
ticuler speaches the Erie vsed in the tyme I was makeing searche for the
bagge and papers : most humbly takeing my leaue,
Your honors humbly

Towre, this 18 of feabruari, 1600.

John Peyton.

To the Right honorable The Earle of Notingham,
The Lord Chambarlayne, and Sir Robert
Cecyle, knight, of her Majestyes most honor
able priuy Councell.

APPENDIX. 8 {

No. II.

INCLOSURE REFERRED TO IN THE PRECEDING LETTER
OF SIR JOHN PEYTON.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIII. NO. 85. ORIG. IN HANDWRITING OF SIR JOHN PEYTON.]
That vppon his returne owte of London to his howse, he towke owte of
a lettell blaoke Taffyta bagge which he alwayes ware abowte hym, a paper
the which he protested contayned not in quantytye abowe a quarter of a
sheet, and that in it ther was not abowe vj or vij lynes.
That it was an aduertysement sent vnto him, and not of his owne hande
but wryten by an other man.
That ther was not anything in the pursse but onely that paper and a
kye of a ly ttell Iron cheste, in which ther was a booke of his trobles all
wryten with his owne hande.
That he had an other lyttell Iron cheste wherof the kye was loste, the
which he brake open, and towke owte of it diuers priuate papers and
letters, that no mans Ii euer saw but his owne.
That he at his returne to Essex howse hg,d in his pockett a cathaloge
of diuers names all wryten with his owne hand.
All "these abowe specified he protesteth he threwe into the fire
and burnte, in the presence of my lady his wyfe, the lady Riche,
and the lords and knights and gentelmen that were with him, and
as he thinketh Sir E[d]ward Baynham sawe hym burne them.

No. III.
HENRY CUFF TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[HATFIELD MS. VOL. LXXXIII. NO. 99 (2). ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.*]
Righte honorable, my most humble dewtie premised, it is nowe highe
tyme that hee whome publicke iustice hathe pronounced the childe of
deathe shoulde with the soonest laye asyde all cares of this life, reserving
* This letter has been printed in Hardwicke's State Papers, i. 372, but with many
inaccuracies, and one most serious omission, I do not scruple therefore to reprint it from
the original.
CAMD. SOC. M

82 APPENDIX.
him selfe wholly for that one which the only autour of life hathe honored
with this testimonie, that mum est necessarium. For the better attending
whereof, and avoyding all future worldly distractions, I have resolved,
vpon your honours commaundment, to perfourme this last dewtie by
writing, which of late I have often wisshed to have tendred to your honour
by worde of mouthe. At the tyme of my last examinationn in this howse
it pleased your honour to demaunde of mee the summe of those Instructions
: which my late Lord and Master had made ready against the comming of the
/ Scottish^-tnbassadour, whome hee dayly expected. Being at that tyme
wholly possessed with exceeding greefe, I coulde yeelde your honour and
the rest of the Lords verie small satesfaction. In regarde whereof I have
ever since muche desyred somme private accesse to your honour, but being
vtterly out of hope of so greate a favour, and being nowe called on by
Mr Lieutenant to performe my promise made vnto your honour at the
tyme of my condemnationn, I have thoughte it necessary to presente vnto
your honour the effecte of those instructions, obseruing, as farre as my
memorie will serve mee, the verie wordes and methode of the originall
it selfe. Instructions foe the Earl of Marre.
That the king his master thoughte it necessary to beseeche her majestie
to declare his righte to the successionn of this Crowne, not because hee
observed in her majestie any wante of princely favour and affection
towardes him, but because hee hathe founde by infallible proofe that
somme very gratious with her majestie, being of extraordinary bothe power
and malice, will not fayle one daye, if God prevente it not, to make theyre
advantages of the vncertaintie of successionn, not only to the preiudice but
also to the evident hazarde, and almost inevitable ruine, of the whole
Hande. For proofe of theyre power there needeth no longe discourse, all meanes
in all partes and quarters of this realme being in a manner wholly in
theyre handes. In the West, Sir "Walter Raleighe commaunding the vtter-
most province, where hee maye assure the Spanyarde his first landing, if
that course be helde fittest, being also captaine of the Isle of Jersey, there
to harbour them vpon any occasionn. In the East, the Cinq Portes, the
keyes of the realme, are in the handes of the Lord Cobham, as likewise

APPENDIX. 83
the Countie of Kente, the nexte and directest waye to the Imperiall citie
of this realme. The treasure, the sinewes of actionn, and the navye, the
walles of this realme, being commaunded by the Lord Treasurer and Lord
Admirall, bothe these greate officers of state and the rest above named
being principally loved by the principall Secretary, Sir Roberte Cecil],
who for the further strengthening of him selfe hathe established his owne
brother, the Lord Burghley, in the government of the Northe partes ; and
in the Presidentship of Wales nowe voyde will vndoubtedly place somme
body who shall meerely acknowledge it of him. As likewise, in Irelande,
hee hathe already procured for Sir George Carewe that province, which of
all others is fittest for the Spanyardes designes, in whose handes, if the
commaunder himselfe maye be beleeved, there is a greater army then hee
needeth ; to omitte that the sayde Sir George is shortly in expectation to
succeede to the governement of that whole kingdome, vponn the recalling of
the nowe Lord Deputye.
That theyre malice towardes that King was no lesse then theyre power,
it appeared, first, that somme of them had given directe proofe of theyre ill
• affectionn by ill offices, &c. [This pointe was lefte to the Ambassadour
because the Earl of Essex was enformed that the King was able to produce
cleare evidence thereof.]
Secondly, because all theyre counsayles and endevours tende to the
advancement of the Infanta of Spayne to the successionn of this crowne.
This pointe was confirmed by nine arguments :
1. Theyre continuall and excessive commending of the" excellencies of
the Infanta, and seeking by all meanes to breede bothe in her majestie
and in all others an extraordinary good opinion of her.
2. The earnest seeking to revive the Treatie lately brokenn, notwith
standing it was interrupted by the Spaniarde not without somme disadvan
tage offred to this crowne.
3. The speeche of a principall Councellour* to ann honorable personage,
That thoughe hee knewe there coulde no sounde peace be made betwixte
vs and Spayne, yet, for the better compassing of somme purposes hee coulde
be willing to entertayne the Treatie againe.
4. The slacke and easy hande that hathe benn lately caried towardes the
priestes of the Jesuiticall factionn, of all others the most pernicious, which
* As I remember he sayde he meante it of your honour.

84 APPENDIX.
cann have no other interpretationn but that the popishe faction favoring the
Infanta, which are in effecte as many as the Jesuites cann prevayle with,
mighte depende onn them as on theyre cheefe protectours.
5. The speeche of Mr Secretary to a Councellour of state that hee
coulde prove the Infantaes title to be better then the Title of any other
competitour to the Crowne.
6. The speeche of the Lord Treasurer, who, vponn newes that the Arche-
duke was hurte, and, as somme thoughte slayne, in the laste yeares" battayle
at Neuporte, answered that if hee were slayne hee thoughte her Majestie
had loste one of her best frendes.
7. The alterationn of theyre proceeding with Alabaster, and one Rollstone,
who have alwayes founde more and more favour since they professed them
selves to have ben agentes for Spayne.
Two more reasons there were which I cannot nowe call to minde.
Whether amongst so many other thinges of importance wherewith hee
lately acquainted your honour and the rest of theyre Lordships any of
these reasons and Instructions were by him remembred, I know not ; only
because your honour and theyre Lordships did at that tyme earnestly
presse mee to delyuer the summe of them, I have endevored to give your
honour the best satisfaction I coulde, being verely perswaded that this
abstracte dothe in sense very little differ from the first draughte.
Of myne owne particular, being no lesse destitute of hope then of com-
forte in this worlde, I dare saye nothing. Only I beseeche your honour
let it not be thbughte presumptionn to adde thus muche in generall; That,
if the Kinge of Kinges thoughte it for his glory, whenn hee founde least
merite to extende his greatest grace, your honour will accounte it no small
resemblance of that divine paterne, if his royall lieutenantes, and theyre
principall ministers vponn earthe, having layde prostrate humble offendours
at the feete of Justice, shalbe contented to surrender vp the sworde of
Justice into the handes of Mercie. Thus most humblie beseeching your
honour to vouchesafe mee your favourable opinion at my last farewell out
of this miserable worlde, I rest Your honours most humble and
most distressed suppliant, Henry Cuffe.

APPENDIX. 85
No. IV.
HENRY CUFF TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIII. NO. 99 (1). ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
Sir, In answere to your demaunde I saye, in briefe, the thinges were not
sente, but reserved to be presented to the partie vpon notice of his
approache to this towne, to which purpose my Lord was thincking of
somme well-qualified confident to addresse vnto him, by whome, as hee
shoulde have vnderstoode the full resolutionn of the principall partie from
whome hee was sent, so hee meant to governe him selfe in concurring in
more or lesse correspondency with hym. Somwhat I coulde happily
ghesse at, but I am lothe to be bolde in coniectures vnlesse I did more
truste myne owne judgment, I beseeche you most humbly to remember
my only suite of this worlde. For wante of paper I ende. Your dayly
and dutifull beadesman, H. C.

No. V.
HENRY CUFF TO THE COUNCIL.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIII. NO. 88. ORIGINAL AUTOGRAPH.]
A true answere to suche articles as were proposed vnto mee on
Satturday the [blank] of February, by the Lords of her Majesties
most honorable privie Counsell.
Moste honorable, my moste humble dewtie remembred,
1. Whereas it hathe pleased my late dearest Lorde and Master the Earle
of Essex, for the discharge of his conscience, to delyuer his vttermost
knowledge touching sondry pointes greatly importing her Majesties service,
referring him selfe likewise to my knowledge touching the sayde pointes,
and charging mee, as in the sighte of God, fully to reporte what I have
knowenn in the same, I doe here tender vnto your Lordships this true and
sincere narrationn, observing the same order which it hathe pleased your
good Lordships to retayne in proposing the foresayde articles.

86 APPENDIX.
Firste,. concerning the Lord Montioyes intelligence with the King of
Scottes, neyther cann I saye muche, neyther can I avouche any sure
grounde wherevponn to founde that little which I have hearde, only thus
muche I remember I have benn tolde, that one Henry Lea was thoughte
to have benn his negociatour there, but whether by lettre or only message,
or to what especiall purpose, I cannot affirme.
2. Concerning the intelligence of my Lord of Essex with that King, I
cannot certainly affirme howe longe it hathe continued, but sure I am that
it hathe benn for at least these two yeares. The intent thereof, on his
Lordships parte, as I have alwayes conceyved, hathe benn principally that
by assuring that Prince of his good affectionn, suche as mighte stande with
his soueraine duty to her majestie, whereof hee made especiall reservation,
he mighte staye him from irrelegeous courses in declining from his religion,
which of late hathe benn somwhat feared; nexte, that he mighte the better
hinder the designes of the Infanta of Spayne, whose pretensions to the
successionn of this crowne in many respectes hee did vtterly mislike. From
his Lordship I have seene one only lettre directed to that kinge, conteyn-
ing well nighe a whole sheete of paper, the principall partes whereof (as I
remember) were these; first, an apologie for him selfe touching suche
vniuste accusations as have benn layde vpon him by his opposites, whose
iniurious dealing he cotnplayneth of, and not the leaste that they have
soughte to possesse his Majestie with misconceipte of him, as if hee pur
posed to aspire to that whereunto hee coulde by no colour nor likelyhode
iustly pretende. Nexte, a request to that king to employe here somme well
qualified and confident person, well instructed, with whome his Lordship
mighte securely conferre. Lastely, hee concludeth with a very devout
protestation of his duty and zeale towardes her sacred majestie, vowing
that hee woulde rather endure many deathes then consent or suffer that
any one- iote of her iust souerainty and autoritie shoulde in her tyme be
impayred ; thereby (as I conceave) the more precisely limiting his love
towardes that prince, least hee shoulde peradventure expecte more then was
intended. 3. Concerning the intelligence betwitxe these Lordes, Lord Montjoy
and the Earl of Essex, especeally touching the pointe of favoring the
Earles accesse to her majestie, I cann saye little in particular, but must
referre my selfe either to Sir Charles Davers, who purposely tooke a

APPENDIX. 87
iourney into Irelande to negotiate herein with the Lord Deputy, or to -my
Lord the Earle, who I doubt not receaved ann ample relation from him of the
whole. Only this I knowe, that Sir Charles founde him very affectionate
to the Earle, as thincking the publicke to suffer with his private, and
consequently that his retourne to her majesties former grace woulde tourne
to the good of thousandes. The particulars I omitte, because I maye be
mistaken in relating them.
4. My meeting with Sir Charles Davers at Oxforde was by his Lord
ships apointment, to signifie vnto him, that whereas hee meant to passe
over into Irelande there to conferre ioyntly with the Lord Deputy and the
Earl of Southampton for the benefitte of my Lord of Essex, certayne newes
was comme that my Lord of Southampton was arrived in the Lowe Contreyes ;
wherevpon hee was againe to advise howe hee woulde dispose of him selfe.
In conclusionn hee resolved that him selfe woulde continue his iourney into
Irelande and woulde cause Mr. John Littletonn to passe into the Lowe
Contreyes to the Earl of Southampton, if my Lord of Essex so thoughte
fitte, thence to recall him as soone as conveniently hee mighte.
5. Howe longe the designe for my Lords retourne to the Court hathe
benn in hande I cannot precisely saye ; only I remember that soone after
his Lordships keeper was remooved, Sir Charles Davers had accesse vnto
him. What passed betwixte them I knowe not; for Sir Charles tolde
mee that hee was expressely boundenn by the partie from whome hee was
to deale with my Lord not to acquainte any mann with the contentes but his
Lordship only. Howbeit, soone after I observed that matters grewe to
have some forme, the Earles purpose therein I doubte not but your Lord
ships have fully vnderstoode from Kim selfe. So farre as I had any lighte
of it, it was precisely this, to assure his comming to her majesties presence,
there to caste him selfe at her royall feete, and with a most humble and
dutifull forme of speeche to beseeche her majestie the renewing of her most
gratious favour; to remonstrate, likewise, the cruell courses helde against
him by his opposites, as subornation of witnesses to bloudy endes, prac
tising to counterfeyte his hande, and suche like vndue courses, whereby
they endeavoured, eyther to dispatch him, or at leaste to make him vtterly
odious to her majestie, which hee esteemed a very hell in this life; force,
so God be my saviour, there was never intended to my knowledge, nor
any other countenancing of the cause by the confluence of the gentlemen

88 APPENDIX.
his folowers, but only this, that nothing mighte be attempted against him
before his accesse to her majestie. The kylling or so much as the hurting
of any one councellour, or mann of qualitie, I have hearde him moste
earnestly disclayme, and I ever beleeved it. Hee hathe, likewise, pro
tested vnto mee, before God, that it was neither ambition, nor desyre of
private revenge that moved him to desyre this his repayre to the court,
but that hee resolved, as a votary, to employe the reste of his dayes in
her majesties services, with extraordinary zeale and diligence, abandon
ing whatsoever had before ben an impediment to him in that behalfe.
One principall cause of his differring it so longe after his firste cogitations
I take to be this, partely that hee had at sondry tymes receaved somme
lighteninges of hope, that her Majestie intended gratiously to call him
againe to the courte, and partly because there have benn diverse expecta
tions of a parlament, which in all likelyhoode woulde, if any thinge, have
~ given him oportunitie of accesse.
6. The summe of that which I delyuered to Sir Henry Bromely is this;
that I had seene in a lettre from France, for so I thincke I termed it to
him, mention made of a . Scottishe ciphre, wherein were charactares for the
principall councellours of this state, and besydes for two private gentlemenn,
namely, Mr. Anthony Bacon and him selfe ; I assured him that this lettre
was in Mr. Secretaries handes, and therefore willed him not to be to busy
in matters of that nature.
7. From the same knighte I likewise receaved, that one Gourden, a
Scottishe priest, was able to avowe that x thowsande crownes, if I be not
deceaved in the summe, were consigned in France from the Archeduke to
Mr. Secretaries vse.
8. What passed betwixte Sir Henry Nevill and my Lord" of Essex at
theyre firste meeting I proteste I knowe not, only I ghesse there passed
Uttle more then complementes and foreyne occurrences, but hereof your
Lordships maye be fully advertised by my Lord him selfe.
9. At Sir Henry Nevills conference with my Lord of Southampton
my selfe was not present; only I doe perswade my selfe that -the plotte
for my Lorde of Essex his repayre to the courte was there imparted to
him, and his advise required.
10. Touching pretended greevances I cann adde nothing to that which
at that tyme I signified to your Lordships, neyther in deede hathe it sorted

APPENDIX. 89
with my course of life to fall often into company of suche persons as
mighte enforme mee of particulars of this kynde. In myne owne private
fortune I professe with all thanckefull acknowledgment that I never
receaved the leaste iniurie, neyther at the handes of any of her majesties
most honorable privie councell, nor any other personn of qualitie about the
eourte, but contrary wise many honorable favours, from the daye of my
leaving the vniuersitie, till the daye of my committing; which, howsoeuer
it hathe benn bitter to fleshe and bloude, yet, by the merites and mercie
of my blessed Lorde and Saviour, I finde that to the inner man it hathe
benn the beginning of a farre greater ioye and eomforte then all the
pleasures and prefermentes of this life coulde procure.
Your most honorable Lordships
most humbly at commaundment, Henry Cuffe,

No. VI.
THE EXAMINATION OF HENRY CUFFE THIS* 2 OF MARCHE 1600.
[DOM. STATE PAPER OFFICE, 2 MARCH 1600-1, ORIG.]
He confesseth that the matter concerninge the Earle of Essex writing to
Scotland was debated about Christmas last by the Earle of Essex, the
Earle of Southampton, Sir Charles Danvers and this examinate, and that
the minute of the lettre was agreed on between them, and that John Lit
tleton was acquainted with this councell. And that this examinate was
imployed to meet Sir Charles Danvers this last sommer at Oxforde, to
whom he caried a lettre from the Earle, where they twoo conferred at the
Crosse Inne and agreed that Sir Charles Danvers should goe into Ireland
and deale with the Lord Mountioye, that if the Lord Mountioye could not
come over himselfe, that he should wright" a lettre to the Earle of Essex
which he might shewe to the Quene, concurring in fynding fault with the
present governement, but with this condicon that it should not be shewed
to the Quene vntill the Earle of Essex were come to her presence, for
which purpose he should sende over diuers captaines and menne of
qualitie, such as he could spare, presuming that, those captaines and menne
CAMD. SOC. N

90 APPENDIX.
of qualitie being at the Court before hand, my Lord and his company
cominge to the Court might not be resisted neyther by the Captain of the
guard, or the guard, or any other. And sayth that the Erie expected that
when he cam to the Court he should come in such peace as a dogge should
not wagg his tongue against him. And sayth that, after Sir Walter Ra-
leighe had bene removed, the Earle of Essex made a proiect that Sir Wil
liam Russell should be Capteine of the guard, and after Sir Robert Cecill
should be remoued, Sir Henry Nevill or Mr. Bodley should be secretaries
but Mr. Bodley was not holden so fitt. And further it was agreed between
Sir Charles Danuers and this examinate that Sir Charles should send John
Littleton to London to the Earle of Essex, to be sent over into the Lowe
Countries for the Earle of Southampton, who then was newlie come out of
Ireland. And further saith that he first heard it of Sir Gellie Mericke
long before this, that the Lord Mountioy had sent to the King of Scottes,
by Henry Lea, which he tould uppon this accident in excusinge my Lord
Mountioy, not to have dealt coldly with the Earle of Essex, for that he had
then some other thing to doe for him. He confesseth that Norton the
bookseller caried the Erie of Essex lettre to the Scottish Kinge, which
Norton received at the fcandes of the Lord Willoughby at Barwike, and
that one part of the lettre was to persuade the coming uppe of the Earle of
j Marre to London by the first of Februarie. And that the Earle of Essex
| had under his own hand wrightten instructions to the Erie of Marre, which
the Erie of Essex burnt. And this examinate was acquainted that the
King of Scottes shuld retourne his aunswere in disguised woordes of thre
bookes,* which the King did accordinglie. And that was it which the
Earle caried about him in a blacke purse. He hath often heard that
Anthony Bacon f was an agent between the Erie and the King of Scottes,
and so he was accounted. Henry Cuffe.
Examined before us —
Tho. Egerton, C. S. T. Buchurst.
Notingham. Ro. Cecyll.
* Here at first followed, " viz. Garrie Lonyes," — but these words were afterwards struck
through. t Here followed originally " conveyed diuers lettres from the Erie to the King of Scottes,"
but these words were struck through and those which follow substituted in their place.

APPENDIX. 91
No. VII.
WILL OF HENRY CUFFE.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIV. NO. 1. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.*]
Dispone domui luce.
There remayneth in Sir Thomas Conisbyes handes, due at the third day
of May next, for the one half of the fyne agreed on for the farme of
Bodnam D'eureux, three hundred and fifty poundes, which I desyre may
be layed out for the best vse of my noble Lord and late maisters daughters,
the Lady Francys and the Lady Dorothey D'eureux, or of ether of them,
as it shall seeme best to my deare Lady and mistress the Countesse of
Essex. Concerning the money [1700u]- which my honorable and trew
freind Mr William Killigrew standes bound to pay to Sir Henry Nevill
and Mr Henry Savell,f I desyre that it may remayne in Mr Killigrewes
handes vntill Michaelmas next, he payinge fowre score poundes only for
the vse thereof, Afterwardes, when he and the aboue named Sir Henry
Nevill and Mr Henry Savell shall thincke fitt, I desyre that theise payments
may be made.
First, to Sr Henry Nevill knight, or to any of his children, as Mr Killi
grew shall thinke fitt, the somme of five hundred poundes which I pray
him kyndly to accept from his poore distressed freind, whose exceedinge
greife it is, that he hath by his late maisters commandment been an occa
sion of his trouble, which I pray him most hartily to forgive me.
With the like affection I desyre that there may be given to my trew and
deare freind Mr Henry Savell one hundred poundes, and I beseech him
to contynue the memorye of his vnfortunate freind, and ever to thinke
charitably of him, howsoever some endevour to ruyne and deface as well
his name as his estate. I desyre, likewise, that foure hundred poundes
may be lefte in the sayd Mr Henry Savells handes, for the space of three
yeares, and that he will, after that terme is expired, employ it to the best
*
* I presume that this document had no legal validity, having been written after the
testator's conviction of high treason; but it is full of indirect information respecting Essex's
party and friends, and alludes to many well-known persons. On the whole, I think it
will be deemed well worthy of publication.
t Of course, this was the future Sir Henry, the editor of Chrysostom, and Provost of
Eton.

92 APPENDIX.
vse of my two Nephewes, Jhon Cuffe and Adame Cuffe, of whose education
I beseech him to haue such a care, and likewise Sir Henry Nevill, as they
shall thinke fitt.
I doe likewise pray that one hundred poundes may be given to my poore
aged mother, as the last remembrance of my bounden duty.
I doe allsoe desyre that one hundred poundes may be given to my
Worthy freind Sir Jhon Peyton, Lieutenant of the Tower, at whose handes
I have founde all kynde favours and Chrestian comfortes, ever since my
remoue to this place.
I doe allsoe desyre that two hundred and fiftye poundes be given to
Merton Colledge, to buy yearely ten poundes revenue, or more, to be
bestowed every Wedensday, as Mr Leech hath ordayned for every Tuesdaye,
and the commemoration or derige to be allwayes on Lammas day, betwixt
such fellowes as shall be present at eveninge prayer that day. The land
lett it be bought in any place, but my desyre is that in remembrance of
my deare freind (with whom I doe assuredly trust to meet shortly in
heaven), Mr Thomas Savell, it be bought in the dyocesse of Yorke.
I desyre that to Mistresse Dorothee Sproxton there be given twenty
poundes. The like somme to Mistresse Thomasyn Carew.
Lastly, I desyre that forty e poundes be given to my honest freind Jhon
Norton the bookeseller, as well to discharge the debt I owe him, as allsoe
to give him some recompence for the trouble which this great tempest
(I feare) is like to bringe vppon him.
As for the remaynder, videlicet one hundred and fiftye poundes, I
desyre it may be given. to my trew freind Sir George Carye, her majesties
Thresorer in Ireland, which I desyre him to accept for a full discharge' of
all debtes betwixt him and me.
And for the fowrescore poundes due from Mr Killigrew, I beseech him
to bestow one halfe of it betwixt ten such personages, men and woemen,
as he knew to loue and affect me, his wife and two daughters beeinge
comprised. The other halfe I desyre him to bestow in pios vsus, by the
advise of Mr Savell.
It remayneth that I only add — O Lord, into thy handes I commend my
spiritt, for thou hast redeemed me, O God of Truth.
Henry Cuffe.

APPENDIX. 93
No. VIII.
HENRY EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON TO THE COUNCIL.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIV. NO. 16. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
My Lordes,
I beseech your Lordships bee pleased to receaue the petition of a poore
condemened man, who doth, with a lowly and penitent hart, confess his
fautes and acknoledge his offences to her Maiesti. Remember, I pray your
Lordships, that the longest lyuer amongest men hath but a short time of
continewance, and that there is none so iust vppon earth but hath a
greater account to make to our creator for his sinnes then any offender
can haue in this world. Beleeue that God is better pleased with those
that are the instrumentes of mercy, then with such as are the persuaders
of seuere iustice, and forgett not that hee hath promised mercy to the
mercifull. What my fawte hath been your Lordships know to the vttermost,
•wherein, howsoeuer I haue offendid in the letter of the law, your Lord
ships I thinke cannot but find, by the proceedinge att my triall, that my
harte was free from any premeditate treason against mysouerayne, though
my reason was corrupted by affection to my frend (whom I thought
honest) and I by that caried headlonge to my ruine, with out power to
preuent it, who otherwise could neuer haue been induced for any cawse of
mine owne to haue hazarded her Maiesties displeasure but in a trifle : yet
can I not dispayre of her fauor, nether will it enter into my thought that
shee who hath been euer so renowned for her wertues, and especially for
clemency, will not extend it to mee, that doe with so humble ?andgreeued
a spirite prostrate my self att her royall feete and craue her pardon. O
lett her neuer sufer to bee spiled the bloud of him that desiers to live but
to doe her seruice, nor loose the glory shee shall gaine in the world by
pardoninge one whose harte is with out spott, though his cursed destiny
hath made his actes to bee condemned, and whose life, if it please her to
graunte it, shallbe eternally redy to bee sacrifised to accomplish her least
comandement. My lords, there are diuers amongest you to whom I owe particular ob
ligation for your fauors past, and to all I haue euer performed that respect

94 APPENDIX.
which was fitt, which makes mee bould in this manner to importune you,
and lett not my faultes now make mee seem more vnworthy then I haue
been, but rather lett the misery of my distressed estate moue you to bee
a mean to her Maiesti, to turne away her heauy indignation from mee.
O lett not her anger continew towardes an humble and sorowfull man, for
that alone hath more power to dead my spirites then any iron hath to kill
my flesh. My sowle is heauy and trobled for my offences, and I shall
soon grow to detest my self if her Maiesti refuse to haiue compassion of
mee. The law hath hetherto had his proceedinge, wherby her iustice and
my shame is sufficiently published ; now is the time that mercy is to bee
shewed. O pray her then, I beseech your lordships, in my behalf to stay
her hand, and stopp the rigorus course of the law, and remember, as I
know shee will neuer forgett, that it is more honor to a prince to pardon
one penitent offender, then with seuerity to punish mayny.
To conclude, I doe humbly entreate your Lordships to sound mercy in
her eares, that therby her harte, which I know is apt to receaue any im
pression of good, may be moued to pity mee, that I may liue to loose
my life (as I haue been euer willing and forward to venture it) in her
seruice, as your lordships herein shall effect a worke of charity, which is
pleasinge to God ; preserue an honest-harted man (howsoeuer now his
fautes haue made him seem otherwise) to his contry; winn honor to your-
selues, by fauoringe the distressed ; and saue the bloud of one who will
liue and dy her Maiesties faythfull and loyall subiect.
Thus, recommendinge my self and my sute to your Lordships' honor
able considerations, beseechinge God to moue you to deale effectually for
mee, and to inspire her Maiesties royall harte with the spirite of mercy
and compassion towardes mee, I end, remayninge,
Your Lordships most humbly,* of late Southampton, but now of all
men most vnhappy, H. Wriothesley.
* The Earl at first here signed his name" H. Southampton," but afterwards erased it
and substituted the following.

APPENDIX. 95
No. IX.
HENRY EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON TO SIR ROBERT CECIL.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIV. NO. 18. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
Sir, because I receaued a charge from you and the rest of the Lords,
when I last spake with you, that I should conceale the matter which was
then in hand, I thought fitt to acquaynt you with what I fownd this
morninge by the Liuetenant,* who, talkinge with mee, made mee see that
hee knew as much as I could tell him. From whence hee had it I know
not, but I protest before God I haue trewly obayed your commandement,
and haue not opened my mouth of it to any, nor say this to bringe blame
vppon any, but only to free my self from imputation.
But now, seeinge my cheef hope is in your desier to effect my good,
next vnto the fauor of God and the mercy of her Majestie, I cannot but
remember you of thease particulers, which before I had forgotten. First,
that the owld matter, as soon as I could acquaynt my Lord of Essex with
it I did, lettinge him know that it was only thought of in respect of him,
and how that with out his approbation it should bee desisted, in which hee
was so farr from diswadinge that hee gaue mee the directions I haue made
knowen. Then, the thought of that beeinge abandoned, hee sent directly
for mee into the Low Contries, lettinge mee know, before my opinion was
asked, that hee had resolued it. Lastly, to make you see that I was neuer
willing to stirr in thease thinges, thise same morninge the matter happned
between^my Lord Grey and mee,f I telling him that I thought, in respect
the thinge Jwas so notorius, the counsell would take notice of it, and send
for mee aboute it, hee answered mee that it was lyke enough, but if they
did with out question it was but a collor to lay handes of mee, and therfore
wished mee not to goe ; to which I replied, that he should not enter into
any violent course for mee, for I knew I had made no fawle, and I would
trust in the iustice of the state ; so, beeinge sent for, I only tooke two with
mee and went. Now, out of thease circumstances, I beseech you make
your coniecture, whether I was likely to bee an instigator in these busi
nesses. For this that I haue sett down, I protest before God is trew, and I
* Sir John Peyton. *t" An encounter in the public street.

96 APJPENDIX^
doe rely so much vppon your fauor that I doute not but you will make
vse of them for my aduantage, and I shall continew bound vnto you, as I
protest I doe account my self alredy, more then to any man lyuinge, which
whether I hue or dy I make the world know to your honor. I beseech
you pardon the bad writinge of this, for I write in hast.

No. X.
CONFESSION OF HENRY EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON.
[HATFIELD MSS. NO. LXXX1V. NO. 19. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]
Att my first comminge out of Ireland and vppon the committment of my
Lord of Essex, my Lord Mountioy came to my lodginge to Essex howse,
where hee tould mee that hee had before his cominge foreseen his ruine,
and desieringe to saue him if it mought bee, had sent a messenger to the
King of Skottes to wishe him to bethinke him self, and not suffer, if hee
could hinder it, the gouerment of this state to bee wholy in the handes of
his ennimies ; and if hee would resolue of any thinge that was fitt, hee
should find him forward to doe him right, as farr as hee mought with a
safe conscience and his duty reserued to her Majestie; that hee expected,
within a while after, to receaue answer, which when hee did I should know
it. Not longe after hee towld mee hee had heard from him, and shewed
mee a lettre which hee sent him, wherin was nothinge but complimentes,..
allowinge of his reseruations, and referringe him for the matter to the
bearer, who deliuered vnto him that the King would think of it, and putt
himself in a rediness to take any good occation ; whereuppon hee sent him
againe with this proiect, that hee should prepare an army att a conuenient
time, declare his intent, that hee would bee redy to assist him with the
army in Ireland, whether hee was goinge, and mought for the healfe of
those doe that which was fitt in establishinge such a course a,g should bee
best for our contry, houldinge euer his former reseruations. Att this time
I lykewise wrote a lettre to the Kyng professinge my self to be willinge to
doe him seruice, as farr as I mought with my alleageance to her Majestie,
and by the messenger sent him woord that in this course I would assist
him with my endeauors and my person.

APPENDIX. 97
To this dispach wee receaued no answer duringe the time of his aboade
heare; but within a while after, the messenger returned, and brought for
answer that hee lyked the course well, and would prepare him self for it;
but the yeare growinge on, and it beeinge thought by Sir Charles Danvers
that the army of Ireland would suffice alone, I made my Lord of Essex
acquainted by lettres, hee beeinge then att Essex howse, what had been
doon, and that opinion hee aUowed of, and it was resolued that I should
breake the matter to my Lord Mountioy att my cominge into Ireland,
which I did, and hee vtterly reiected it as a thinge which hee could no
way thinke honest, and diswaded mee from thinkinge of any more such
courses, which resolution I toke and wrote ouer to Sir Charles Danvers
heere what I fownd, and that I had geeuen ouer thinkinge of such matters;
wheruppon, willinge to spend my time in her Majesties seruice, to redeem
the fault I had made in thinkinge that which mought bee offensiue to her,
I was desierus to seat my self in Ireland, so that the Deputy makinge a
motion to mee to stand for the gouerment of Conagh, I desiered that hee
would moue it, meaninge, if I could obtayne it, to settle there; which
beeinge denied mee, and I vnable to lyue att so great a charge as I could
not chuse but bee att there, I resolued presently to goe into [the] Low
Contries, leauinge him, and parttinge my self without any imagination (as
I protest before God) to thinke any more of any matters of that nature,
but resoluinge to take my fortune as it should fall out, and as by my
meritt hir Majestie should hould me worthy; or, if the woorst happined,
that her Majestie should continew her displeasure against mee, which I hoped
would not [be], to retire my self into the contry, and liue quietly and pray
for her. I doe protest also before God, I left the Deputy, as I thought and so
I assure my self, resolued to doe her Majestie the best seruice hee could,
and repentinge that hee had euer thought that which mought ofend her.
I went into the Low Contries with that mind, and so continewed vntill,
a few dayes before my comminge thence, Mr. Littleton came to mee, as
hee sayed from my Lord of Essex, and towld mee that hee was resolued on
the course which is confessed for his coming to the Courte ; att the hear-
inge of which I protest before the Majestie of God I was much trobled in
my harte, yet because hee protested in it all sincerely and loyally to her
Majestie, I sent him woord that I would att any time venture both my
fortune and hfe for him, with any thinge that was honest. Vppon my first
CAMD. SOC. O

98 APPENDIX.
seeinge him hee confirmed as much, and what passed afterward concern-
inge that I nead not speak of, it beeinge so well knowen.
Mr. Littleton lykewise towld mee that Sir Charles Danvers was sent
into Ireland by my Lord of Essex to perswade my Lord Mountioy to write
a lettre to him, wherin hee should complaine of the ill gouerment of the
state, and to wishe that some course mought be taken to remooue from
about her Majesties person those which weare bad instrumentes, protest-
inge that it should neuer bee. knowen till hee had been with her Majestie
and satisfied her of his intent, and then hee would shew it her, that shee
mought see that not only him self, who perhappes shee would thinke de-
siered it by reason of his discontentmentes and priuate offences, but also those
that weare in good estat and in her fauor, wished to. I then towld him
that I did not thinke my Lord Deputy would doe it, for I lett him know
how I left him, and that I did not thinke there was any spiritt in him to
such a course. Within a while after I came into England, Sir Charles
Danvers returned, and towld me that hee fownd my Lord Deputy much
against any such course, and that hee had sett his hart only vppon follow-
inge of the Queen's seruice, and thought not of any such matters ; but if
hee would neades runn that course (which hee did not lyke and gaue him
[for] lost in) hee should send him woord, and hee would write to him ; this
hee towld mee hee yealded to very vnwillingly, and withall towld him, that
if any there of his followers would goe ouer, hee would not hinder them.
For that which was proiected for my Lord of Essex eskape out of my Lord
Kepers house, I protest before God I alwayes diswaded from it ; and the
same eueninge before, not three bowers before it should have been at
tempted, I protested against it vnder my hand, and so brake it, incurringe
much imputation amongest them for want of affection to my Lord, and
slackness to doe him good.
This haue I sett down all trewly as I can remember it, without ether
wronging any or fauoringe my self; and will only conclud with this, that I
protest before the Almighty God I neuer sett any of these thinges on foote,
or beeinge proiected did instigate any to folew them, nor neuer bare dis
loyal! or vnreuerent hart to her Majestie, but was drawen into them
meerly by my affection to my Lord of Essex, whom I thought honest to her
and to her state ; and, had I not been invited when I was in the Low Contries
to this last woorke, for which I was directly sent by my Lord of Essex,

APPENDIX. 99
the world should haue wittnessed with me the duty I had borne to her
Majestie, and I did not then doute but with my honest endeuors in her
seruice in few yeares to haue deserued forgiueness of my former offensiue
thoughtes, which I am now by my accursed fortune cutt of from. I doe
therfore now prostrate my self att her Majesties princely feete,with a trew
penitent sowle for my fautes past, with horror in my conscience for my
offences, and detestation of mine owne life if it bee displeasinge vnto her.
I doe with all humility craue her pardon. The shedinge of my bloud can
no way auayle her ; my life, if it please her to graunt, shall euer bee redy
to be lost in her seruice, and, lett my sowle haue no place in Heauen, if
euer I harbour thought in my harte which I shall thinke may bee any way
offensiue vnto her, but remayne to the end of my dayes as honest and
faythfull a subiect vnto her as is in the world ; and I doe on the knees of
my hart beseech her Majestie not to imagen that these are the worrdes of a
condemned man, who, fearinge death, would promise any thinge, and after
ward, beeinge free, would as soon forgett it. O, no ! The world will witt-
ness with mee, that in her seruice I haue geeuen sufficient testemony,
more then once, that I feare nether death nor danger, but they are protes
tations that proceed from the honest harte of a penitent offender. 0, the
Kinge of Heauen hath promised forgiueness of their sinnes that with sor
row and fayth aske pardon, and I that doe know her Majestie to be gratius,
and doe with so greiued a mind begg forgiueness, cannott dispayre, but
hope that the God of Mercy, who doth neuer shutt his eares to the afflicted
that cry vnto him, howsoeuer they haue offended, nor is euer weary of
beeinge compassionate to those which vnfaynedly repent and call to him
for grace, and hath promised forgiueness of sinnes to those that forgeeue in
this world, will moue her Majestie to pyty mee, that I may lyue to make
the world know her great meritt and serue her ; for whom I will euer pray
and lyue and dy her humble loyall and faythfull vassall. [ Unsigned.]
#
There bee two thinges which I haue forgotten to sett in their right
places, your Lordship must bee therfore pleased to take them in this post
script. One is, that not longe before the day of our misfortune my Lord of
Essex towld mee, that Sir Henry Neuill, that was to goe embassador into
Fraunce, was a man wholy att his deuotion, and desiered to runn the same
fortune with him, and therfore hee towld mee that hee would appoint him

100 APPENDIX.
to come to my'lodginge in Drury Howse, and I should make him acquainted
with his porpose of goinge to the Courte, which I did ackordingly, after
this manner : I towld him that I vnderstood by Cuff (who had lykewise
made mee know his disposition) that hee had deuoted him self to my Lord
of Essex, and that hee desiered to engadge him self in any thinge wherby
his fortune mought bee re-established. If it weare so, I had some
what to say to him from my Lord of Essex, and therfore wished him to
lett mee know his mind. Hee answered mee, that what Mr. Cuff had
sayed hee would performe, therfore desiered mee to say on. So I deli-
uered vnto him what my Lord of Essex intended, which hee allowed of,
and concluded that when hee should bee appointed, hee would bee att the
Courte before, to gyue him fartherance with himself and his people. The
other is ; that not longe agoe my Lord of Essex wrote to the King of Skottes
which hee shewed mee, of three sides of paper and more, the effect of
which as I remember was, to discredite the faction (as hee termed
it) contrary vnto him, and to entreate him to send hether the Earle of
Marr with commandement to folow those directions which hee should geeue,
and with all in what woordes hee should geeue him notice if hee would
performe it; which hee receaued, and that was it hee ware in the blak
purse aboute his hecke. Hee drew also, as hee towld mee, instructions for
him against his cominge, but I neuer saw them. Thus haue you, I pro
test before God, all that I remember, or doe know, wherin I once again"
beseech your Lordship to marke, that I haue neuer been mouer nor insti
gator of any of these thinges, but drawen into them by my best frendes.

No. XI.
DECLARATION OP SIR CHARLES DANVERS.
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIII. NO. 108. ORIG. AUTOGRAPH.]*
About a month after my Lord of Essex' fyrst (commitment to my Lord
* Birch published a portion of this most valuable document (Mem. Eliz. II. 470) from
a copy of a copy which is in the Advocates' Library. It is obvious to the most superficial
reader that Birch's publication is strangely incomplete; after a certain time it is a mere
confused jumble. I am not aware that the paper has ever been printed entire. In vol.
lxxxiii. of the Hatfield MSS. there is the original draft as well as a fair copy, both in the
handwriting of Sir Charles Danvers. I have printed from the latter.

APPENDIX. 101
Keepers, I came from my howse in the contry to London. Before my
comming I fownde that, by my Lord of Southampton and my Lord
Montioye, vnto whom it seemed my Lord of Essex had comitted the care
of his fortunes, (according to the feares had been conceaued at seuerall
tymes of his dainger to be carried to the Tower,) diuers courses had been
thought of for his deliuery, ether by procuring him means to escape
priuately into France, or by th 'assistance of his frends into Wales, or by
possessing the Courte with his frends to bringe him selfe agayne to her
Majesties presence. These things had, as I take it, been rather thought on,
then euer weU disgested, till within ten dayes after my coming vp, vppon
a new feare of his imprisonment in the Tower, my Lord of Southampton,
my Lord Montioye and my brother, meeting at my Lord Montioye's howse
where I was present, it was resolued by them, and approued by me, that
it was his best course, if he fownde him selfe in such dainger, to make a
priuate escape.
It was proposed by my Lord of Southampton to my Lord of Essex,
whether by letter or message I knowe not, with offer that he and my
brother woulde accompany him in his flighte. The awnswere my Lord of
Essex returned was, as I remember, that if they coulde thinke of no better
a course for him then a poore flighte, he woulde rather runne any dainger
then leade the lyfe of a fugitiue. While these, things were in treaty, my
Lord of Southampton, after he had made me knowe how far he woulde
aduenture him selfe for my Lord of Essex, that he woulde aduenture hi&
lyfe to saue him, and enter into banishment with him if need were,
demaunded of me, how far I woulde engage my selfe for his sake. My
awnswere was, that I loued him best, and did confess my selfe to be most
behowlding to him of any man liuing. He had saued my lyfe, and that
after a very noble fashion. He had suffred for me, and made me by as
many means bownde vnto him, as on man coulde be bownde vnto an other.
The lyfe he had saued, and my estate and means whatsoeuer, he shoulde
euer dispose of. I ought a duty to the parson of my souveraine which I
assured my selfe he woulde lykewise respect; I ought a respect to
Mr Secretary to whom I had been very much behowlding, and therfore
woulde not be engaged in any thinge agaynst his parson. I knwe his
Lordship was to noble, howsoeuer he might enterprise vnlawfull things, to
attempt any thinge fowle or ignominious. Within these limitts did I

102 APPENDIX.
engage my selfe to any aduenture of lyfe or estate whatsoeuer. And thus
much I knowe my Lord of Southampton in his honor will affirme. Vppon
this grownde I was made preuy to all which afterwarde was thought on or
proiected. I offred my Lord of Southampton, when he fyrste thoughte of going
away with my Lord of Essex, to waight on him if he woulde, or if he lefte
me behynde him, I woulde sell all that I had, to my sherte, to supply him
with means to mayntayne him selfe the better abroade.
When my Lord of Essex woulde haue gone away out of my Lord
Keepers howse, being aduised thervnto, as I haue harde, by Sir Christopher
Blunte, my Lord of Southampton determining to goe with him if he woulde
needs goe, though he approuved not the course, I made the lyke offer.
Vppon this grownde of affection and thankefulnes to him, ether tendring
his safety or endeuoring to free him out of the dainger wherin he was
wrapt, I protest hath proceeded whatsoeuer I haue ether intended or acted.
To returne where I lefte.
While these things were in handling, the certayne tyme I doe not
remember, my Lord Montioye imparted to my Lord of Southampton and
my selfe, that the sommer before he had written to the King of Scotts by
H. Lee, the particularetyes of which letter or instructions geuen to him
I doe not remember that my Lord did euer deliuer particularly to me, but
by that which fell out afterwarde, I conceaue it was to assure the King
that my Lord of Essex was free from those ambitious conceipts which
some of his ennemyes had sought to posess the worlde with all ; to geue
assurance that next after her Majesty he woulde endure no succession but
his ; and to intimate some course for his declaration during her Majesties
tyme. The cause that mouved my Lord Montioye to enter into this course
with Scotlande, and to proceede therin afterwarde, was, as he protested,
/his duty to her Majesty and his contry: for he coulde not thinke his
contrye safe, vnless by the declaration of the successor it were strengthned
agaynst th 'assaults of our most potent ennemyes, who pretended a title
'. thervnto : nor he coulde not thinke her Majesty so safe by any meane as
by making her owne kingdome safe by that vnion agaynst theyre
attempts now.
When the gouverment of Irelande was imposed vppon my Lord Mont
ioye, his former motiues growing stronger in him, by the aprehension

APPENDIX. 103
' of my Lord of Essex' dainger, whose case he seemed exterordinaryly to
tender, being pressed lykewise ernestly by my lord of Essex to thinke of
some course that might releeue him, my Lord Montioye fyrst swearing him
selfe and exacting the lyke othes from my Lord of Southampton and my
selfe, to defende with the vttexmost of ower lyues her Majesties parson and
gouverment, during her lyfe, agaynst all parsons whatsoeuer, it was
resolued to sende H. Lee agayne into Scotlande, with offer that if the
King woulde enter into the cause at that tyme, my Lord Montioye woulde
leaue the kingdome of Irelande defensibly guarded, and with 4 or 5000 men
asiste that enterprise which, with the party that my Lord of Essex woulde
be able to make, were thought sufficient to bringe that to pass which was
intended. Whether it woulde haue fallen out that the Kinge shoulde haue
entred hostilly and parsonally into the Realme, or shoulde only haue cown-
tenansed the action with his Embassador, I doe not knowe, for I was only
made preuy in substance what was meant ; but sure I am that my Lord
Montioyes desire was that he shoulde shew him selfe only vppon the
borders, and by his embassador's assistance make all men see that the
enterprise was for th'establishment of the succession, and not for priuate
ambition. H. Lee came not back till my Lord Montioye was in Irelande,
and when he came, was comitted. What awnswer he brought I am not able
particularly to sett downe, but by that which I haue vnderstood I doe
iudge, that the Kinge was ether not ready, or coulde not resolue to declare
him selfe till the garrison was settled at Loughfoyle, which were the men
and shipping intended for that enterprise.
While H. Lee was in prison, my Lord of Southampton went into
Irelande, and by him were letters sent from my Lord of Essex to my Lord
Montioye, to moue him to bring ouer those former intended forces into
Wales, and from thence to proceede on to th'accomplishment of the former
designe. My Lord of Southampton for his parte, as I conceaue, was
willing to secure him selfe of the feare he had by discouvery of the former
negotiation by H. Lee, then in prison, to ^ bee vndoon. But my Lord
Montioyes awnswere was (which I vnderstood in substance before, but
more particularly from him selfe in Irelande,) that he thought it more
lawfull to enter into such a cause with on that had interrest in the succes
sion then otherwise, and though he had been lead before, out of the
oppinion he had to doe his contry good by the establishment of the sue-

.104 APPENDIX.
cession, and to deliuer my Lord of Essex out of the danger he was in, yet"
now his lyfe apeered to be safe, to restore his fortune only, and saue him
selfe from the dainger which hunge over him by discouvery of the former
proiect, and to satisfye my Lord of Essex' priuate ambission, he woulde
not enter into an enterprise of that nature.
My Lord of Southampton when he went into Irelande tooke my promisse
(within those limitts before specefied) to doe as much for my Lord of Essex
as his cause shoulde require, and my power coulde perfourme, vppon
which grownde I wrate to my Lord of Essex about the ende of April 1 or
beginning of May, not long after he had receaued my Lord Montioyes
awnswere. The effect of my letter was to signify the promiss I had made
to my Lord of Southampton, that if he had any cause to vse me I might
knowe it, for within a shorte tyme I was pourposed to goe into the contrye.
His awnswere was that at that tyme he had no cause. Not long after I
sent him woorde, that my Lord of Southampton had a desire to pass out
of Irelande into the Lowe Contryes, and from thence to sue for leaue to
trauell farther. His awnswere was that he desired not he shoulde goe far,
for though they were then reiected they might be of vse on to an other.
These too, as I remember, were all the letters which passed betweene my
Lord and me before my going into the contry, which, in respect of the
marriadge of my Lord Harbert and other occasions which fell out, was
deferred much longer then I intended. In the meane tyme of my stay,
Mr Cuffe, repayring to me as he was vsually accustomed, had diuers tymes
speech with me discoursiuely of my Lords fortunes, what issue they were
lyke to haue, what he had cause to beleeue therof, and that if he were
reiected he thought he might fynd interrest in Scotlande, where it seemed
my Lord helde intelligence, whether by some seconde meane or directly
I am not able to say.
In this mean tyme I vnderstood both by him and others that my Lord,
then expecting euery day to be deliuered from his keeper, was desirus to
speake with me before my going away. Not long after my Lord was
deliuered from his keeper, Mr Cuffe brought me woorde that my Lord was
desirous to speake with me. I awnswered that I was lykewise very willing
to satisfy my Lord of his frends carriadge towards him during the tyme of
his restraihte. The tyme was apoynted; and I, by Mr Cuffe, was brought
vnto him. The substance of my fyrst speech was to lett him knowe how

APPENDIX 105
his frends hade been vnto him during his restrainte, for that they had
harde that he had condemned them of slacknes and cowldnes. What the
causes were that he was not satisfyed for his going out of Yorke howse,
nor by my Lord Montioye in his last requeste, I assured him from them
that they had been and euer woulde be very faythfull frends vnto him.
I towlde him more ouer that I pourposed vnless vnexpected busines
hyndred me, to goe into Irelande to see my Lord of Southampton and my
Lord Montioye, vnto whom I had promised as much ; that I knwe they
woulde be glad to heare that he conceaued rightly of theyre meritts
towards him, and iff he woulde sende vnto them any thinge ells of the state
of his fortunes I "woulde deliuer it vnto them. After my Lord had
awnswered these things, particularly in awnswering the imputation had
been layd vppon him of condemning them, and protesting that he esteemed
them the best frends he had, and woulde euer runne a comon and vnited
course with them touching his owne fortunes, as I remember, he sayd,
that at Michelmas the lease of his wynes ended, which was the greatest
parte of his state, that by the renuing it, or taking it from him, he shoulde
judge what was meant him; that about that tyme he expected there
woulde be a parlamente^ that if then he were not restored to his place
and offices, wherof he seemed much to doubt, he wowlde for his owne
parte geue-ouer the hope therof. I remember very well he towlde me, that
for his owne particular he coulde content him selfe with any fortune, but
desired me to strengthen my determination of going into Irelande, and that
I shoulde communicate with his frends such things as he woulde thinke
of for the good of his contry, and for theyre common good and safety.
Before my going from him I remember he fell agayne wppon the drawing
ouer of the armye. I wished him to putt that out of his mynde ; what
reasons soeuer there were besyds, I knwe my Lord Montioye woulde
neuer assent vnto it. He then fell vppon this proiect of the courte, and
vppon some courses by parlament, which, as I remember, he did not
explane. I awnswered him I woulde deliuer, any of those proiects to his
frends consideration. He towlde me that he woulde thinke more of them,
and woulde lett me vnderstande his mynde more particularly, by Mr.
Cuffe, before I went, or by letters after I were gone. This, as neer as I
can remember, was the substance of the conference betweene my Lord
and me.
CAMD; SOC. P

106 APPENDIX.
Within a day or two after, Mr Cuffe came vnto me to my mothers
howse at Kensington, ether the day or the day before I went away into the
contrye, and towlde me that my Lord desired I woulde howlde my resolu
tion of going into Irelande, to communicate what he had thought on heer
with his frends there. If they approuved it, it was desired that my Lord
of Southampton shoulde come ouer, and that my Lord Montioye, for my
Lord of Essex better iustification in whatsoeuer he did, shoulde wryte a
lgtter of complainte of the misgouverment of the state, and a sommons to
my Lord to doe somwhat to redress it. My awnswere was, that I did not
thinke my Lord Montioye woulde write so fully in that subiect as was
required ; that within few dayes I woulde sende to Mr Secretary to lett
him vnderstande of my pourpose to goe into Irelande; that if it were
approuved by him, as I did not thinke but it woulde be (which he shoulde
perceaue by his awnswere which my footman shoulde deliuer him) my
Lord hauing thought throughly in the mean tyme what he woulde haue
to be deliuered to his frends, might geue me directions accordingly. I
harde that my Lord of Southampton was gone out of Irelande, whervppon
I sent vp agayne that the greatest parte of the occasion of my going was
taken away, both for myne owne desire and for the busines my . Lord
required, that therefore if it pleased my Lord I woulde stay, and that at
the returne of my Lord of Southampton they might resolue together what
was fittest to be doon for both theyre goods. Mr Cuffe was returned to
me to Oxforde with my Lords request that notwithstanding my Lord of
Southampton's departure I woulde proceede in my iourney, and commu-
cate the proiects with my Lord Montioye, and procure his letter. I was
still of opinion that my Lord shoulde fyrst expect the returne of my Lord
of Southampton, I woulde, notwithstanding, to satisfy my Lord goe on if
by the returne of my footman, whom I then sent to London, I shoulde
fynde my Lords resolution continwe.
My footman brought me the continwance of my Lords desire, whervppon
I went on. I communicated my Lords requests and proiects with my
Lord Montioye, whose answere was, that he did not aprouve the proiects.
He desired my lord to haue patience, to recouver agayne by ordinary
means the Queen's ordinary fauor, that though he had it not in such
measure as he had had heertofore, he shoulde- content him selfe. That at
his coming home he woulde doe for him lyke a frende, that he hoped my

APPENDIX. 107
Lord woulde doe nothing but that which shoulde be iustefiable in honor
and honestie. In that confidence, if he sent for a letter, he woulde sende
him such a one as he might iustefye. After my coming back I imparted
to my Lord of Essex my Lord Montioyes requests according as I had pro
mised my Lord Montioye I woulde doe, in very effectuall sorte. I imparted
lykewise that it was my brothers oppinion,and I sayd as much to my Lord
of Southampton. And for some tyme I did not fynde that my Lord did
resolue of this or any other proiect,, but hoped at the parlament to be
restored in some measure to his fortunes. And not long before Christmas,
when it was feared by some of his frends that he shoulde be comitted,
in respect of the resorte vnto his sermons, there was more thought of
flying then enterprising in this sorte. But from a littell before Christmas
or thereabouts the resolution was taken, as in my former confession is
declared. Your Lordships most humbly to comaunde. C. Danuers.
[Indorsed] 1 Mlrtij 1600. Sir Charles Danuers' declaration.

No. XII.
[EXAMINATION OF SIR CHRISTOPHER BLOUNT.]
[HATFIELD MSS. VOL. LXXXIII. NO. 82. ORIG. SIGNED BY SIR CHRISTOPHER.]
The Examinacone of Sir Christopher Blunt, knight, taken
before those whose names are vnderwritten.*
He confesseth that at the Castle of Dublin in that lodging which was
once the Earle of Sowthamptons, the Erie of Essex purposing his return
into England, advised with the Erie of Sowthampton and him self, of his
best maner of going into England for his securitie, seiug to goe he was
resolved. This was some fewe daies before the Eries iorney into the
North. At that tyme the Erie propounded his going with a competent nombre
of soldiers, to the nombre'of 2 or 3000, to haue made good his first land-
* The names were not added.

108 . APPENDIX.
ing with that force vntill he could haue drawen to him self a sufficient
strength to haue proceeded further. From this purpose this examinat
did Vse all forcible perswasions, alledging not onely his own ruine which
should follow thereof, and all those which shold adhere to him in that
action, but vrged it to him as a matter most foule, because he was not
onely held a patrone of his country (which by this meanes he shold haue
destroyed) but also shold haue layed vppon him self an irrecoverable blott,
having bene so depely bound to hir Majestie, to which disswasion the Erie
of Sowthampton lykewyse inclyned.
This dessein being thus disswaded by them, then they fell to a second
consideracone, and therein this examinat confesseth that he rather advised
him, if nedes he wold goe, to take over with him some competent nombre
of choyce men, who might onely haue secured him from any committement
to prison, if he had not found hir Majestie gracious, except it were no
further then to the howse of the Lord of Canterbury, the Lord Keeper, or
his vncle.
After this Examinat came to London, and heard amongst some of his
honorable frendes that my Lord had an intention to Tree him self and come
down into the country, he said he was sory that he had not held on his
course, fearing by that he had heard him speake many tymes before of the
King of Scotts, and of the protestacone cf the Kinges love to him, that he
might some waye haue endaungered him self by practise there (so farr)
as to be in daunger of his lyfe, which he knew then his own conscience
must have accused him, that his former disswasion and advise of his maner
of coming, had bene the occasion of his coming into that daunger whom
he loved so derely. Wherevppon this Examinat with others had once
resolved with others to haue freed him, and caryed him awaie, with some
60 horse into Wales.
He sayeth on Saterdaie there was no certein daye sett down for his
rysing, more then that it shold haue bene done betwene that and the end of
the terme.
But afterward, when Mr. Secretary Harbert had bene there, then there
fell questions what was fitt to be done for his securitie, and so it was
resolved by some (if there were a newe sending) that he shold goe into the
citie, of which the Erie made him self most secure by such messages as he
told this examinat had bene sent vnto him that night, but from whom par-'

APPENDIX. 109
ticulerly he is loth to venter it on his conscience, but by the sequell it
apeared to be the Sherif Smyth, whom before the Erie had often named
vnto him, that he was a Collonell of 1000 men and at his commaund.
For the matter of Lea, he confesseth, that he had order from my Lord
to let Capten Thomas Lee goe to Tyron whensoever he shold come to
him to require it, and afterward Lee came to him at London, and told him
my Lord wold haue this examinat take it vppon him which was after my
Lord had bene charged with it before the Lords.
That in aU proiectes of blood, whensoever there was any plottes spoken
of, he protesteth on his sowle he was ever a disswader,* [when vpon
advyse he had thought of it, though when sutch courses wear spoken of
he gaue hys allowance ageynst the Secrettary, whear, vpon my solle, I
presenttly repentted me, and never after gaue my allowance to any villany
of thatt natture, nether dyd I thynk, tyll vpon redyng this agayne, my
hart could haue bin so vyld as euer to haue conseytted suttch a horyble
fact, wheroff I do inffynyttyly repentt me and on my bare knees at my
next seing of him wyll aske him humbly pardon. Chr. Blounte.]
He did not name vnto him any particuler power that wold haue come to
him at his landing, but assured him self that his army wold haue bene
quickly increased by all sortes of discontented people.
He saieth also that he lyked not to haue had him goe into the citie
vppon those small assurances, to which he gaue no creditt, but rather told
Sr John Davies it were a much better course if he did first send for his
horses into his own court, of which he could haue made presently 120, as
he thihketh, and then to haue put Sheriff Smyth to it to haue sent him
500 foote.
This examinat confesseth that, to his remembrance, even at his going
into Ireland he confessed to haue practised with Scotland.
He did confesse before his going f that he was assured that many of the
Kebells wold be advised by him, but named none in particuler.
He doth also desire that hir Majestie maie be enformed of such other
thinges as he hath verbally delivered, and lastly that hir Majestie maye be
particulerly informed and remembred of those great services which he did
* On reconsideration Sir Christopher added here the following paragraph.
f That is, into Ireland.

110 APPENDIX.
in layeng the waye open to the Erie of Leycester and Mr. Secretary Wal-
singham for the discovery of all the Queen of Scotts practises, for which
hir Majestie was at that tyme (when the Erie of Leycester went into the
Lowe Countries) very vnwilling to haue suffred him to haue gone from hir
attendance. He doth now desyre, that seing the fountayn of all this great treason is
dryed, that hir Majestie, whose hart he knoweth to be full of mercy, will
vouchsafe to haue mercy vppon him, protesting that he can not think, if.
hir Majestie knewe his own vnspotted deare heart to hir, and what he
wold do for hir, she wold not take his lyfe for a million. Chr. Blounte.
[Indorsed by Sir Robert Cecil,]
Feb. 13, 1600.
The Examination of Sir Christopher Blunt.

INDEX.

Bacon, Anthony, 40, 88, 90
 Sir Nicholas, favoured the
right of the house of Suffolk to
the succession, viii.
Baynham, Sir Edward, 73, 81
Beauchamp, Edward Lord, x.
Berwick, xliii. xlviii. Hi.
Bingham, Sir Richard, xiii.
Blackfriars, xlix.
Blont, Sir Christopher, xx. 102 ;
examination of, 107
Bodley, Mr. 90
Bromley, Sir Henry, 88
Bruce, Edward, abbot of Kinlosa-,
xxix. xxxv. xxxvi. xii. 1, 28,
• 30, 32, 35, 49, 51, 70 ; letters
of, 38, 45, 51, 78
Burghley, Thomas, second Lord,
li. 83
Bushell, Edward, xxvii.
Carey, Sir John, xlviii. xlix. lii.
 or Carew, Sir George, 83,
92
 Sir Robert, lii. 49
Carleton, Dudley, letter to, xix.
 George, extract from letter
of, xix.
Cecil, Sir Robert, references and
allusions to, passim; his cha
racter as contrasted with that
of Essex, xi. — xvi. ; is accused
by Essex of favouring the title
of the Infanta, xviir_£K;J&3 ;
disliked by King James, xxix. ;
refutes Essex's slander of him,
xxxi. — xxxiii. ; enters into ex
planations with James's ambas
sadors, xxxv. ; correspondence
with James commenced , xxxvi. ;
secret well preserved, xxxviii. ;
his care to keep it close, xxxix.
xl. j how the letters were con

veyed, xii. ; apprises Nicolson
of the Queen's illness, xlviii. ;
forwards proclamation of King
James to him, li. 47 ; Letters
of to King James, 3, 12, 17,
20, 27, 33 ; Northumberland's
opinion of him, 67, 75 ; similar
opinion of James, 71
Chaloner, Sir Thomas, 50
Clarence, Duke of, temp. Edward
IV. x.
Cobham, Lord, xlix. 39, 73, 82
Coningsby, Sir Thomas, 91
Cuff, Adam, 92
 Henry, Secretary to Essex,
xix. xxv. xxvii. 100, 104, 105,
106; letters of, 81, 85 (2);
examination of, 89 ; will of,
91
 John, 92
Danvers, Sir Charles, xxii. xxiii.
86, 87, 89, 97, 98 ; his decla
ration, 100.
Davis, Sir John, xx. 109
Derby, Earl of, x.
Devereux, Lady Dorothy, 91 ;
Lady Frances, 91
Drury House, xvii. xx. 100
Elizabeth, allusions and refer
ences to, passim; her failing
health, \. 46 ; question of the
succession, vi. — xi. ; her objec
tion to consider the question,
xi. ; -her last illness, xlviii. —
lii. 72 ; death, liii.
Erskine, Sir Thomas, afterwards
Earl of Kellie, xii. 3
Essex, Robert Earl of, allusions
and references to, passim; bis
character, xi. ; contest for the
government with Sir Robert

Cecil, xvi. ; favours the idea
that Cecil was favourable to
the Infanta, xvii. xxxi. ; his
plots, xvii.— xxix. 80—110 ;
his indignation at the disclosures
made by his followers, xix. ;
his own confession and accusa
tions against his friends, xix. ;
failure of his accusation against
Cecil, xxxi. — xxxiii. ; his black
taffeta bag, 80, 81 ; instruc
tions prepared by him for Marr,
82, 90
Foulis, David, xxxviii. xii. xliv.
48, 50 ; letter of, 52
Fullerton, James, afterwards Sir
. James, xliii. xliv.
Gourden, a Scottish priest, 88
Gray, Master of, xxxviii. 22, 45
Grey, Lord, 95
Hamilton, James, afterwards Lord
Claneboy, xliii. xliv. 43 (?)
Henry VIII. his power of be
queathing the succession, vii. ;
his will, vii. viii.
Herbert, Lord, 104
 Secretary, 108
Howard, Lord Henry, xxxviii.
2, 11, 17, 19, 20, 21, 25, 30,
36, 48, 73 ; letters of or to,
38,42, 44,45,51,52
Hudson, James, 48
Hunsdon, Lord, 80
Huntingdon, Earl of, x.
Huntley, Marquis of, 29
James VI. of Scotland, allusions
and references to, passim; his
claim to the succession, how
derived, viii. ix. ; his corre-

112

INDEX.

spondence with Essex, xviii. xx.
—xxix. 86, 90, 96, 102, 103,
108, 109 j his instructions to
Marand Bruce, xxx. xxxi.; his
ambassadors come to an under
standing with Cecil, xxxv. ;
enters upon a secret corre
spondence with Cecil, xxxv.
xxxvi. ; the secret well pre
served, xxxviii. ; letters pub
lished by Lord Hailes, xxxvi. ;
his agents in Dublin, xliii. ;
how his mind was influenced
by Cecil, xxxviii. xlvi. xlvii. ;
quietness of his succession, lii. ;
letters of, to Cecil, 1, 9, 15, 24,
26, 30, 36; to Lord Henry
Howard, 42, 44 ; to Earl of
Northumberland, 61, 70, 75 ;
to No. 40 [unknown], 77 ; to
 , 79
Killigrew, Mr. 91, 92
Kinnaird, xlvii.
Knevet, Mr. xxxii.
Knollys, Sir William, xxxii.
Lee, Henry, 90, 103, 109
Leech, Mr. 92
Lennox, Duke of, 17, 29, 43
Lepton, Mr. xlvii.
Leycester, Robert, Earl of, 116
Littleton, John, xxiv, 87, 90, 97,
98
Mackenzie, 43

Mar, John seventh Earl of, xxv.
xxvii. xxviii. xxix. xxxv. xxxvi.
1, 25, 30, 35, 42, 45, 49, 50,
90 ; instructions for, prepared
by Essex, 82, 90
Mary, daughter of Henry VII.
doubts as to the validity of her
marriage with Charles Bran
don, x.
Merton College, Oxford, 92
Montjoy, Lord, xviii. xxi. xxiii.
xxiv. xxv. 86, 89, 96, 97, 98,
101, 102,103, 104, 105, 106,
107
Morrey, Alexander, 1.
Neville, Sir Henry, xx. 88, 90,
91, 92, 99
Nicolson, George, xxxviii. xxxix.
xiii. xlvi. xlvii. xlix.
Northumberland, Henry Percy
Earl of, 47: letter of to King
James, 53, 64, 72
Norton, John, bookseller, xxvi.
90,92
Nottingham, Countess of, xlviii.
1.72
 Earl of, 80, 90
Oxford, 87, 89, 106
Peyton, Sir John, xxvii. 92, 95 ;
letters of, liii. 80, 81
Raleigh, Sir Walter, 18, 43, 50,
67, 82, 90
Rutland, Earl of, 1.

Savage, Sir Arthur, 43
Savile, Henry, 91, 92
Semple, Robert, fourth Lord, 39
Shirley, Sir Anthony, 40,41
Smyth, Sheriff of London, 109
Southampton, Earl of, xx. xxii.
xxiii. xxiv. xxv. 51, 71, 87,
88, 89,90, 101, 102,103,104,
105, 106, 107 ; letters of, 93,
95 ; confession of, 96
Spanish Blanks, conspiracy of, xxvi.
Sproxton, Mrs. Dorothy, 92
Stewart, Lady Arabella, lii. 72 ;
her claim to the succession, ix.
Succession to the throne of Eng
land on the death of Q. Eliza
beth, Aots of Parliament re
specting, vi. vii. ; legal right in
the House of Suffolk, viii.; va
rious claims, viii. — xi.; way in
which the question was deter
mined by the people, xii.
Suffolk, House of, their right to
the succession on death of Eli
zabeth, viii. x.
Thomas, Valentine, 66
Tyrone, Earl of, xliii. 43, 72, 1 09
Usher, Archbishop, xliii.
Walsingham, Secretary, 116
Willis, Simon, xl.
Willoughby, Lord, xxvi. 90
Wilson's State of England, xi. n.
Wotton, Sir Henry, xxxix. xl. xii.
Young, Patrick, xii.

Westminster: Printed by J. B. Nichols and Sons, 25, Parliament Street.