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Un?,\HY

GOV. HAMMOND'S LETTERS
ON
SOUTHERN SLAVERY
ADDRESSED TO THOMAS CLARKSON,
THE ENGLISH ABOLITIONIST.
: No. 1.
Introdxtclion — fhe Slave Trade, and futile attempts io abolish it — Prescriptive
Right — Slavery in the Abstract. — in its Moral and Religions Aspect — in its Po
litical Influences, ds affecting Public Order, and the Safely and Power of the
'¦' State. ¦'.'.:.'¦
Silver Bluff, S. C, Jan. 28, 1845.-.
' Sir: — I received a short time ago, a letter from tlie Rev. Willoughby • M.
Dickinson, dated at your residence, "Piayford Hall, near Ipswich, 26th Nov., 1844,"
in which was enclosed a copy of your Circular Letter addressed to professing1
Christians in our Northern States, having no concern with Slavery, and to others
there. T presume that Mr. Dickinson's letter was written with your knowledge
and the document enclosed with your consent and approbation. I therefore- feel that
-: there is no impropriety in my addressing my reply directly to yourself, especially as!
there is nothing in Mr." Dickinson's communication requiring serious notice. — '
Having abundant leisure, it will be a recreation to me to devote a portion of it to
.an examination and free discussion ofthe question of Slavery as it sxists in our;
Southern States: and since you have thrown- down the gauntlet to me, I do notj
hesitate to take it up. ' ''"•"_. 1
v -' Familiar as you have been with the discussions of this subject in all its aspects
and under all the excitements it has occasioned for sixty years past, I may not bei
able- to present much that will be new to you. Nor ought I to indulge the hope ofi
materially affecting the opinions you have so long cherished, and so zealously pro-:
tnulgated. Still time and experience have developed facts, constantly furnishing fresh'
tests to opinions formed sixty years since, and continually placing this great question
in points of view, which could scarcely occur to the most consummate intellect even]
a quarter of a century ago: and which may not have occurred yet to those whose!
previous "convictions, prejudices and habits of thought have thoroughly and perma-1
nently biased them to one fixed way of looking at the matter: While there are pe-"
culiarities in the operation of every social sjsteni, and special local as well as mora!/
causes materially affecting it wbich no one, placed at the distance you are from us,'
can fully comprehend or properly appreciate. Besides, it may be possibly, a novelty']
to you to encounter one who conscientiously believes the domestic Slavery of tilesei
States'tobe not' only an inexorable necessity for the present, but a moral and bu-!
mane institution, productive of the greatest political and social advantages, and who)
is disposed as I ara, to defend it on these grounds. ¦> ¦'¦"-¦' '•'¦': '-v- '"; ¦ - -' >,'
' I do not propose, however, to defend the African Slave Trade. : That is no longer)
a question. Doubtless great evils arise from it as it has been, and is now conducted:!

/:Ch8l'boo

2 Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
unnecessary wars and cruel kidnapping in Africa: the most shocking barbarities in
" the Middle Passage: and perhaps a less humane sj'stem of slavery in countries con
tinually supplied with fresh laborers at u cheap rate. The evils of it. however, it
may be fairly presumed, are greatly exaggerated. And if I might judge of the truth
of transactions stated as occuring in this trade, by that of those reported as trans
piring among U3, I should not hesitate to say that a large proportion of the stories in
circulation are unfounded, and most of the remainder highly colored.
On the passage of the Act of Parliament prohibiting this trade to British subjects
rests what you esteem tho glory of your life. It required twenty years of arduous
agitation, and the intervening extraordinary political events, to convince your coun
trymen, and among the rest your pious King, of the expediency of this measure:
and it is-butjiftt to say, that no individual rendered more essential service to the cause
:han you did. In reflecting on the subject, you must often ask yourself: What
'Iter all has been accomplished; how much human suffering has been averted; how
many human beings have been rescued from transatlantic slavery? And on the an
swers you can give these questions, must in a great measure I presume, depend the
happiness of your life. In framing them, how frequently must you be reminded of
he remark of Mr. Grosvenor, in one of the early debates upon the subject, which
[ believe you have yourself recorded, "that he had twenty objections to the abolition
of the Slave Trade: the first was, thai it was impossible — the rest he need not
give." Can you say to yourself, or to the world, that this first objection of Mr.
Grosvenor has been yet confuted? It was estimated at the commencement of your
agitation iu 1787, that forty-five thousand Africans were annually transported to
America and the West Indies. And the mortality of the Middle Passage, computed
| by some at 5, is now admitted not to have exceeded 9 per cent. Notwithstanding
your Act of Parliament, the previous abolition by the United States, and that all the
powers in the world have subsequently prohibiled this trade — some of the greatest
of them declaring it piracy, and covering the African seas with armed vessels to
prevent it — Sir Thomas Fowel Buxton, a coadjutor of yours, declared in 1840, that
the number of Africans now annually sold into slavery beyond the sea, amounts, at
the very least, to one hundred and fifty thousand souls; while the mortality of the
Middle Passage has increased, in consequence of the measures taken to suppress
the trade, to 25 or 30 per cent. And of the one hundred and fifty thousand slaves
who have been captured and liberated by British men of war since the passage of
your Act. Judge Jay, an American abolitionist, asserts that one.hundred thousand, or
two-thirds, have perished between their capture and liberation. Does it not really
seem that Mr. Grosvenor was a prophet? That though nearly all the "impossibili
ties" of 1787 have vanished, and become as familiar/ac/.* as our household customs,
under the magic influence of steam, cotton and universal peace, yet this wonderful
prophecy still stands, defying time and the energy and genius of mankind. Thou
sands of valuable lives and fifty millions of pounds sterling have been given away by
your government in fiuitless attemps to overturn it. I hope you have not lived too
long for your own happiness, though you have been spared to see that in spite of all
your toil and those of your fellow laborers, and the accomplishment of all that human
agency could do, the African Slave Trade has increased three-fold under your own
.eyes — more rapidly, perhaps, than any other ancient branch of commerce — and that
jour efforts to suppress it, have effected nothing more than a three-fold increase of
its horrors. There is a God who rules this world — all powerful  far-seeing. He
does not permit His creatures to foil His designs. Itis He who, for His allwise,
though to us often inscrutable purposes, throws "imposibilities" in the way of our
fondest hopes and most strenuous exertions. Can you doubt this?
'- ExFrience having settled the point, that this Trade cannot be abolished by the
'-"*<" °f force, and that blockading squadrons serve only to make it more profitable and
iri-„,-e cruel, I am surprised that the attempt is persisted in, unless as it serves as a
cloak iq some other purposes. It would be far better than it now is, for the \frican,
if the trade was free from all restrictions, and left to the mitigation and decay whieh
ame and competition would surely bring about. If kidnapping, both secretly and
W war made, tor the purpose, could be by any means prevented in Africa, the next

Gov. Hammond's Letters o?i Southern Slavery.
greatest blessing you could bestow upon that country, would be to transport its ac
tual slaves in comfortable vessels across the Atlantic. Though they might be per.
petual bondsmen, still they would emerge from darkness into light — from barbarism
to civilization — from idolatry to Christianity — in short from death to life.
But let us leave the African slave trade, which has so signally defeated the Phi.
. lanthropy of the world, and turn to American slavery, to which you have now di.
reeled your attention, and against which a crusade has been preached as enthusiastic
and ferocious as that of Peter the Hermit — destined, I believe, to be about as suc
cessful. And here let me say, there is not a vast difference between the two, though
you may not acknowledge it. Tha wisdom of ages has concurred in the justice and
expediency of establishing rights by prescriptive use, however tortious in their ori
gin they may have been. Yon would deem a man insane whose keen sense of equi
ty would lead him to denounce your right to the lands you hold, and which
perhaps you inherited from a long line of ancestry, because your title was derived
from a Saxon or Norman conqueror, and your, lands were originally Wrested by
violence from the vanquished Britons. And so would the New England Abolitionist
regard any pne who would insist that he should restore his farm to the descendants
of the slaughtered Red men, to whom, God has as clearlv given it, as he gave life
and freedom to the kidnapped African. That time does not consecrate wrong, is i
fallacy which all history exposes; and which the best and wisest men of all ages
and professions of religious faith, have practically denied. The means, therefore,
whatever they may have been, by which. the African race now in this country, hav_>
been reduced to slavery, cannot affect us, since they are our property, as your land is
yours, by inheritance or purchase and prescriptive right. You will say that man
cannot hold properly in. man. The answer is. that he can, and actually does hold
property in his fellow all the world over, in a variety of forms, and _ict-e''i'-«/,«.<f/)u>.,
so. I will show presently his authority for doing it.
If you were to ask me whether I was an advocate of slavery in theausuacv, * -
Bhould probably answer, that I am not, according to my understanding of the questioii. V
I do not like to deal in abstractions; it seldom leads to any useful ends. There are
few universal truths. I do not now remember any single moral truth universally ac
knowledged. We have no assurance that it is given to our finite understanding to
comprehend abstract moral truth. Apart from Revelation and the Inspired-writino-3,
what ideas should we have even of God, Salvation and Immortality? Let the Heathen
answer. Justice itself is impalpable as an abstraction, and abstract liberty the mer
est phantasy that ever amused the imagination. This world was made for man, and
man for the world as it is. Ourselves, our relations with one auother, and with all
matter, are real, not ideal. I might say that I am no more in favor of slavery in the
abstract, than I am of povery, disease, deformity, idiocy or any other inequality in
the condition ofthe human family; that I love perfection, and think I should enjoy a
Millenium such as God has promised. But what would it amount to? A pledge that
I would join you to set. about eradicating those apparently inevitable evils of our na
ture, in equalizing the condition of all mankind, consummating the perfection of our
race, and introducing the Millenium? By no means. To effect these things belongs
exclusively to a higher power, and would be well for us to leave the Almighty to
perfect His own works and fulfil His own covenants. Especially, as the history of
all the past shows how entirely futile all human efforts have proved, when made for
the purpose of aiding Him in carrying out even His revealed designs, and how invA-
rially he has accomplished them by unconscious instruments, and in the face of human
expectation. Nay more, that every attempt which has been made by fallible man
to extort from the world obedience to his "abstract" notions of right and wronc, hits
been invariably attended with calamities, dire and extended, just in proportion to the
breadth and vigor ofthe movement. On slavery in the abstract then, it would not
be amiss to have as little as possible to say. Let us contemplate it as it is. And
thus contemplating it, the first question we have to ask ourselves is, whether it is con
trary to the Will of God, as revealed to us in His holy scriptures — the only certain
means given us to ascertain His will. If it is, then slavery is a sin; and I admit P-t
once that every man is bound to set his face against it, aud to emancipate his slaves.
should he hold any. , •...,,.,"

i 4 Gov. Hammond's Letters on Southern Slavery.
[ Let us open these holy scriptures. In the 20th chapter of Exodus 17th verse, I
.'find the following words: "Thou shalt not covet thy neighbor's house, thou shalt not
covet thy neighbor's wife, nor his man servant, nor his maid servant, nor his ox, nor
hia ass, nor anything that is thy neighbors" — which is the Tenth of those command
ments which declare the essential principles of the great moral law, delivered to
Moses by God himself. Now, disregarding all technical and verbal quibbling, as
whol[y unworthy tolje used in interpreting the Word of God, what is the plain mean
ing, undoubted intent, and true spirit of this commandment? Does it. not emphat.
ically and explicitly forbid you to disturb your neighbor in the enjoyment of his pro
perty; and more especially of that which is here specifically mentioned as being law-
jfully and by this commandment made sacredly his? Prominent in the catalogue
.stands his "manservant and his maid servant," who-are thus distinctly consecrated as
[his properly and guarantied to him for his exclusive benefit in the most solemn man
ner. You attempt to revert the otherwise irresistible conclusion, that slavery was
,thu3 ordained by God, by declaring that the word "slave" is not used here, and is not
to be found in the Bible. And I have seen many learned dissertations on this point
from Abolition pens. It is well known that both the Hebrew and Greek words
translated "servant" in the scripture, mean also and most usually "slave." The use
of the one word instead ofthe other, was a mere matter of taste with the translators
ofthe Bible, as it has been with all the commentators and religious writers, the latter
,'of whom have I believe for the most part adopted the term "slave," or used both
terms indescriminalely. If then, these Hebrew and Greek words include the idea of
jboth systems of servitude, the conditional and unconditional, they should, as the ma-
Hor includes the minor propositions, be always translated "slaves," unless the sense
;of the whole text forbids it. The real question then, is, what idea is intended to be
(conveyed by the words used in the commandment quoted? And it is clear to my
jmind that as no limitation is affixed to them, and the express intention was to secure
to mankind the peaceful enjoyment of every species of property, that the terms "men
servants and maid servants" include all classes of servants, and establish a lawful
exclusive and indefeasible interest equally in the "Hebrew brother who shall go out
in the seventh year," and "the yearly hired servant," and "those purchased from the
jheathen round about," who were to be "bond-men forever," as the property of their
[fellow man. You cannot deny that there were among the Hebrews "Bond-men for- \
[ever." You cannot deny that God especially authorised his chosen people to pur- ;
! chase "Bond-men forever" from the Heathen, as recorded in the 25th chapter of ,
Leviticus, and that they are there designated by the very Hebrew word used in the -
Tenth commandment. Nor can you deny that a "Bond-man for ever" is a ""slave;"
'yet you endeavor to hang an argument of immortal consequence upon the wretched
I subterfuge, that the precise word "slave" is not to be found in the translation ofthe
j Bible; as if the translators were canonical expounders ofthe Holy Scriptures, and
their words, not God's meaning, must be regarded as His revelation.
Itis vain to look to Christ or any of his Apostles to justify such blasphemous per
versions ofthe word of God Although slavery in its most revolting form was every
-where visible around them, no visionary notions of piety or philanthropy ever tempt
ed them to gainsay the Jaw, even to mitigate the cruel severity ofthe existing sys-
¦ tem. On the contrary, regarding slavery as an established as well as inevitable con
dition of human society, they never hinted at such a thing as its termination on earth,
l; any more than that "the poor may cease out ofthe land," which God affirms to Moses
: shall never be: and they "exhort all servants under the yoke," to "count their mas- j
ters as worthy of all honor:" "to obey them in all things according to the flesh; not
with eye-service as men pleasers, but in singleness of heart, fearing God:" "not only
the good and gentle, but also the froward:" "for what glory is it if when ye are buf
feted for your faults, ye shall take it patiently? but if when ye do well and suffer for
_ ;it ye take it patiently, this is acceptable of God." St. Paul actually apprehended a
runaway slave and sent him to his master! Instead of deriving from the Gospel any
sanction for the work you have undertaken, it would be difficult to imagine sentiments.
and conduct more striking in contrast than those ofthe Apostles and Abolitionists.
i It ij. impossible therefore to suppose that slavery is contrary -to the will of God.

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. 5
It is equally absurd to say that American slavery differs in form or principle from
that ofthe chosen people. We accept the Bible terms as the definition of our slavery,
and iis precepts as the guide of our conduct. We desire nothing more. Even the
right to "buffet," which is esteemed so shocking, finds its express license in the gos
pel, 1 Pet. ii. 20. Nay, what is more, God directs the Hebrews to "bore holes in
the ears of their brothers" to mark them, when under certain circumstances they be
come perpetual slaves: Ex. xxi. 6.
I think, then, I may safely conclude, and I firmly believe, that American slavery
is not only not a sin, but especially commanded by God through Moses, and approved
by Christ through his apostles. And here I might close its defence; for what God
ordained and Christ sanctifies, should surely command the respect and toleralion of
man. But I fear theie has grown up in our time a Transcendental Religion which
is throwing even Transcendental Philosophy into the shade; a religion too pure and
elevated for the Bible; which seeks to erect among men a higher standard of morals
than the Almighty has revealed or our Saviour preached, and which is probably des-
tined to do more t» impede the extension of God's Kingdom on earth than all the
Infidels who have ever lived. Error is error. It is as dangerous to deviate to the right
hand as to the left. And when men professing to be holy men, and who are by num
bers so regarded, declare those, things to be sinful which our Creator has expressly
authorized and instituted, they do more to destroy his authority among mankind than,
the most wicked can affect by proclaiming that to be innocent which He has forbid
den. To this self-righteous and self-exalted class belong all the Abolitionists whose
writings I have read. With them it is no end ofthe argument to prove your propo
sitions by the test of the Bible, interpreted according to its plain and palpable mean
ing, and as understood by all mankind for three thousand years before their time.
They are more ingenious in construing and interpolating to accommodate it to their
new-fangled and etherial code of morals, than ever were Voltaire or Hume in picking
it to pieces to free the world from what they considered a delusion. When the Abo-
litionists proclaim "man-stealing" to be a sin, and show me that it is so written down
by God, I admit them to be right, and shudder al the idea of such a crime. But when
I show them that to hold "bond-men forever" is ordained by God, they deny the.
Bible, and set up in its pla.ee a Law of their own making. , I must then cease to rea
son with them on this branch of the question. Our religion differs as widely as our
manners. The Great Judge in our day of final account must decide between us.
Turning from the consideration of slave-holding in its relations to man as an ac
countable being, let us examine it in its influence on his political and social state.
Though, being foreigners to us. you are in no wise entitled to interfere with the
civil institutions of this country; it has become quite common for your countrymen to
decry slavery as an enormous political evil to us, and even to declare that our North
ern States ought to withdraw from the Confederacy rather than continue to be con
taminated by it. The American Abolitionists appear to concur fully in these senti
ments, and a portion at least of them are incessantly threatening to dissolve the
Union. Nor should I be at all surprised if they succeed. It would not be difficult
in my opinion, to conjecture which region, the North or the South, would suffer most
by such an event. Forone, I should not object, by any means, to cast my lot in a
confederacy of States whose citizens might all be slave-holders. I indorse without
reserve, the- much abused sentiment of Gov. M'Duffie, that "slavery is the corner
stone of our republican edifice;" while I repudiate, as ridiculously absurd, that much
lauded but no where accredited dogma, of Mr. Jefferson, . that "all men are born
equal." No Society has ever yet existed, and I have already incidentally quoted the,
highest authority to show that none ever will exist, without a natural variety of class
es. . The most marked of these must in a country like ours, be the rich and the
poor, the educated and the ignorant. It will scarcely be disputed that the very poor
have less leisure to prepare themselves for the proper discharge of public duties tharr
the rich^ and that the ignorant are wholly unfit for them at all. In all countries-save
ours, these two classes, or the poor rather, who are presumed fo be necessarily igno.
rant, are by law expressly excluded from all participation in the management of
pyblic affairs* Lt a rspudlican Government this cannot be <_jqhq, Univsrsal suffrage^

i Gov. Hammond's Letters on Southern Slavery.
hough not essential in theory, seems to be in fact, a necessary appendage to a repub-
ican system. Where universal suffrage obtains, it is obvious that the Government
» in tho hands of a numerical rmjority; and it is hardly necessary to say, that in
very part ofthe world more than half the people are ignorant and poor. Though no
-ne can look upon poverty as a crime, and we do not generally here regard it as any
bjection to a man in his individual capacity, still it must be admitted that it is a
cretched and insecure government which is administered by its most ignorant ali
ens, and those, who have the least at stake under it. Though intelligence and
wealth have great influence here as everywhere, in keeping in check reckless and
menlightened numbers, yet it is evident to close observers, if not to all, that these are
apidly usurping all power in the non-slave-holding States, and threaten a fearful
risisin Republican Institutions there at no remote period. In the slave-holding
States, however, nearly one half of the whole population, and those the poorest and
lost ignorant, have no political influence whatever, because they are slaves. Of
he other half, a large proportion are both educated and independent in their circum-
tances, while those who un fortunately are not so, being still elevated far above the
nass, are higher toned and more deeply interested in preserving a stable and well
>rdered government, than the same class in any other country. Hence, slavery is
ruly the "corner stone" and foundation of every well designed and durable. "Repub-
ican edifice."
With us, every citizen is concerned in the maintenance of order, and in promoting
ionesty and industry among those of the lowest class who are our slaves; and our
labitual vigilance renders standing armies, whether of soldiers or policemen, entire-
y unnecessary. Small guards in our cities, and occasional patrols in the country,
insure us a repose and security known nowhere else. You cannot be ignorant that
excepting the United States, there is no country in the world whose existing Govern-
nent would not bo overturned in a month, but for its standing armies, maintained at
°.n enormous and destructive cost to those whom they are destined to over-awe — so
•ampant and combatant is the spirit of discontent wherever nominal Free labor pre-
'ails, with its extensive privileges and itsdismal servitude. Nor will it be long before
he "Free Staf.es" of this Union will be compelled to introduce the same expensive
nachinery to 'preserve order among their "tree and equal" citizens. Already has
Philadelphia organized a permanent Battalion for this purpose: New York, Boston
md Cincinnati will foop follow her example: and then the smaller towns and dense-
y populated counties. The intervention of the militia to repress violations of the
>oace is becoming a daily affair. A strong Government, after some ofthe old fashions
— though probablv with a new name — sustained by the force of armed mercenaries,
stho ultimate destiny of the non -slave-holding section of this confederacy, and one
which may not be very distant.
It is a great mistake to suppose, as is generally done abroad, that in case of war
davery would be a source of weakness. It did not weaken Rome, nor Athens, nor
Sparta, though their slaves were comparatively far more numerous than ours, of the
same color for the most part with themselves, and large numbers .of them familiar with
he use ofarms. I have no apprehension that our slaves would seize such un oppor.
unity to revolt. The present generation, of them born among us, would never think
of such a thing at any Hme. unless instigated to it by others. Againrt such instigations
we are on our guard." In time of war we should be more watchful and better prepared to
put down insurrections than at any other periods. Should any foreign nation be so lost
'o every sentiment of civilized humanity, as to attempt to erect among us the. standard
}f revolt, or to invade us with Black Troops, for the base and barbarous purpose of
stirring up servile war, their efforts would be signally rebuked. Our slaves could not
e easily seduced, nor would any thing delight them more than to assist in stripping
uoffee of his regimentals to put him in the cotton-field, which would be the fate of
jiofit invaders, without any very prolix form of "apprenticeship." If, as I am satisfied
ivould be the case, our slaves remained peacefully on our plantations, and cultivated
hem in time of war, under the superintendance of a limited number of our citizens, it
<» obvious that we could put forth more strength in such an emergency, at less sacrifice,
ha.s anv other people ofthe same numbers. And thus we should in every point of
-¦_«_:_ >-,ut_- .i.,„„„v nlnflr tin flownr of safety."

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. 7'
How far slavery may be an advantage or disadvantage to those not owning slaves,
yet united with us in political associations, is a question for their sole consideration.
It is true that our Representation in Congress is increased by it. But so are our
Taxes; and the non-slaye-holding States being the majority, divide among themselves
far the greater portion ofthe amount levied by the Federal Government. And T,
doubt not that when it comes to a close calculation, they will not be slow in finding
out that the balance of profit arising from the connection is vastly in their favor.

No. 2.
Slavery in its Social Effects — Duelling — Mobs — Repudiation — Licenticnisness. Com*
parative Expense of Free and Slave Labor. Treatment of Slaves — Instruction-
Punishments.
In a social point of view, the Abolitionists pronounce slavery to be a monstrous
evil. If it was so, it would be our own peculiar concern, and superfluous benevolence
in them to lament over it. Seeing their bitter hostility to us, however, they might leave
us to cope with our own calamities. But they make war upon us out of excess of
charity, and attempt to purify us by covering us with calumny. You have read and
assisted to circulate a great deal about affrays, duels and murders occurring here, and
all attributed to the terrible demoralization of slavery. Not a single event of this
sort takes place among us, but it is caught up by the Abolitionists and paraded over
the world with endless comments, variations and exaggerations. You should not
take what reaches you as a mere sample, and infer that there is a vast deal more that
you never hear. You hear all, and more than all tbe truth.
It is true that the point of honor is recognized throughout the slave region, and the "
disputes of certain classes are frequently referred for adjustment to the "trial by
combat." It would not be appropriate for me to enter, in this letter, into a defence '
ofthe practice of duelling, nor to maintain at length that it does not tarnish the char
acter of a people to acknowledge a standard of honor. Whatever evils may arise
from them, however, they cannot he attributed to slavery, since the same notion and
custom prevails both in France and England. Few of your Prime Ministers, ofthe
last half century even, have escaped the contagion, I believe. The affrays, of which
so much is said, and in which rifles, bowie-knives and pistols are so prominent, oc-
cur mostly in the Frontier States of the South-West. They are naturally inciden
tal to the condition of society, as it exists in many sections of these recently settled
countries, and will as naturally cease in due time. Adventurers from the older
States and from Europe, as desperate in character as they are in fortune, congre
gate in these wild regions, jostling one another and often forcing the peaceable
and honest into rencounters in self-defence. Slavery has nothing to do with the^e
things. Stability and peace is the first desires of every slave-holder, and the trtle
tendency of the system. It could not possibly exist amid the eternal anarchy and
civil broils of the ancient Spanish dominions in America. And for this very reason,
domestic slavery has ceased there. So far from encouraging strife, such scenes of
riot and bloodshed as have within the few years disgraced our Northern cities, and
as you have lately witnessed in Birmingham, and Bristol, and Wales, not only never
have occurred, but I will venture to say never will occur in our slaveholding States.
The only thing that can create a mob (as you might call it) here, is the appearance
of an Abolitionist whom the people assemble to chastise. And this is no more of a
mob, than a rally of shepherds to chase a wolf out of their pastures, would be one.
But we are swindlers and repudiators! Pennsylvania is not a slave Sta^e. A nia-'
jority of the States which have failed to meet their obligations punctually are non-
slaveholding; and two-thirds the debt said to be repudiated is owed by these States.
Many of the States of this Union are heavily encumbered with debt — none so hope
lessly as England. Pennsylvania owes $22 for each inhabitant — England, S222,
counting her paupers in. Nor has there been any repudiation definite and final, of
a lawful debt, that I am aware of. A few States have failed to pay some instjal-
ments of interest. The extraordinary financial difficulties which occurred a fow

8 Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
years ago account for it. Time will set all things right again. Every dollar, of
both principal and interest, owed by any State, North or South, will be ultimately
paid, unless the abolition of slavery overwhelm us in one common ruin. But have no
other nations failed to pay? When were the French Assignats redeemed? How
much interest did your National Bank pay on its immense circulation from 1797 to
1821, during which period, that circulation was inconvertible, and for the time
repudiated? How much of your National Debt has been incurred for money bor-
rowed.to meet the interest on it, thus avoiding delinquency in detail, by insuring in
evitable bankruptcy and repudiation in the end? And what sort of operation was
that by which your present Ministry recently expunged a handsome amount of that
debt by substituting, through a process just, not compulsory, one species of security
for another? I am well aware that the faults of others do not excuse our own, but
when failings are charged to slavery, which are shown to occur to equal extent
where it does not exist, surely slavery must be acquited of the accusation.
It is roundly asserted, that we are not so well educated nor so religious here as
elsewhere. I will not go into tedious satistical statements on these subjects. Nor
have I, to tell the truth, much confidence in the details of what are commonly set
forth as statistics. As to education, you will probably admit that slaveholders should
have more leisure for mental culture than most people. And I believe it is charged '
against them that they are peculiarly fond of power, and ambitious of honors. If this
be so, as all the power and honors of this country are won mainly by intellectual
superiority, it might be fairly presumed that slaveholders would not be neglectful of
education. Inproof of the accuracy of this presumption, Ipoint you to the facts, that
our Presidential chair has been occupied for forty-four out of fifty-six years by slave
holders; that another has been recently elected to fill it for four more, over an oppo
nent who was a slaveholder also; and that in the Federal offices and both Houses of
Congress considerail/ more than a due proportion of those acknowledged to stand
in the first rank are from the South. In this arena the intellects of the free and
slave States meet in full and fair competition. Nature must have been unusually
bountiful tous, orweWve been at least reasonably assiduous in the cultivation of
such gifts as she has bestowed — unless indeed you refer our superiority to moral
qualities, which I am sure you will not. More wealthy we are not; nor would mere
wealth avail in such rivalry. . ;*,•.-
The piety of the South is unobtrusive. We think it proves but little, though it is '
a confident thing for a man to claim that he stands higher in the estimation of his
Creator, and is less a sinner than his neighbor. If vociferation is to cairy the ques
tion of religioD. the North and probably the Scotch have it. Our sects are few, r
harmonious, pretty much united among themselves, and pursue their vocations in hum-
blq peace. In fact our professors of religion seem to think — whether correctly or
not — that it is their duty "to do good in secret," and to carry their holy comforts to the
heart of each individual, without reference to class or color, for his special enjoyment,
and not with a view to exhibit their zeal before the world. So far as numbers are
concerned, I believe our clergymen, when called on to make a showing, have never
had occasion to blush, if comparisons were drawn between the free and slave States.
And although our presses do not team with controversial pamphlets, nor our pulpits
shake with excommunicating thunders, the daily walk of our religious communicants
furnishes apparently as little food for gossip as is to be foufld in most other religions.
It may be regarded as a mark of our want of excitability — though that is a quality ac
credited to us in an eminent degree — that few of the remarkable religious Isms ofthe
present day have taken root among us. We have been so irreverent as to laugh at
Mormonism and Millerism, which have created such commotions farther North; and
modern Prophets have no honor in our country. Shakers, Rappists, Dunkers, Social
ists, Fourrierists and the like keep themselves afar off. __ Even Puseyism has not yet
moved us. You may attribute this to our domestic slavery if you chose. I believe
you would do so justly. There is no material here for such characters to operate upon
But your grand charge is that licentiousness in intercourse between the sexes is a
prominent trait of cur social system, and that it necessarily arises from, slavery, Thia
is a favorite theme with the AlK>HUasiS*tat mste grid f&rii&lo. Jpaijcs foyq fceon wHt«

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
* .
ten on it. It is a common observation, that there is no subject of which ladies ol
eminent virtue so much delight to dwell, and on which in especial learned old maids", '
like Miss Martineau, linger with such an insatiable relish. They expose it in thp '
Slave States with the most minute observance and endless iteration. Miss Martinenu
with peculiar gusto, relates a series of scandalous stories which would have made •
Boccacio jealous of her pen, but which are so ridiculously false, as to leave no doubt -
that some wicked wag, knowing she would write a book, has furnished her materials .
— a game too often played on Tourists in this country. The constant recurrence of .
the female Abolitionists to this topic, and their bitterness in regard to it, cannot fajl
to suggest to even the most charitable mind, that j. ;
"Such rags without, betrays tho fires within." j
Nor are their immaculate coadjutors of the other sex, though perhaps less specific
in their charges, less violent in their denunciations. But recently in your Island a
clergyman has, at a public meeting, stigmatized the whole Slave region as a "Brothel."
Do these people thus cast stones being "without sin"? Or do they only
"Compound for sins they aro inclined to,
By damning those they have no mind to."
Alas that David and Solomon should be allowed to repose in peace — that Leo should
be almost canonized, and Luther more than sainted; that in our own day courtezans
should be formally licensed in Paris, and tenements in London rented for years to
women ofthe town for the benefit of the Church with the knowledge ofthe Bishop
— and the poor Slave States of America alone pounced upon and offered up as a.
holocaust on the Altar of Immaculateness to atone for the abuse of natural instinct
by all mankind; and if not actually consumed, at least exposed, anathemized and
. held up to scorn, by those who "write, ¦¦-
Or with a Rival's or an Eunuch's spite."
But I do not intend to admit that this charge is just or true. Without meaning!
profess uncommon modesty, I will say that I wish this topic could be avoided
I am of opinion, and I doubt not every right-minded man will concur, tbat the public
exposure and discussion of this vice, even to rebuke, invariably does more harm than
good; and that if it cannot be checked, by instilling pure and virtuous sentiments, jt
is far worse than useless to attempt to doit, by exhibiting its deformities. I may not.
however, pass it over; nor ought I feel any delicacy in examining a question tjo
which the Slave-holder is invited and challenged by Clergymen and Virgins. So
far from allowing, then, that licentiousness pervades this region, I broadly assert,
and I refer to the records ofthe Courts, to the public press, and to the knowledge of
all who have ever lived here, that among our white population, there are fewer casts
of divorce, separation, crim con, seduction, rape and bastardy, than among any othfiir
five millions of people on the civilized earth. And this fact 1 believe will be con
ceded by the Abolitionists of this country themselves. I am almost willing to refer
it to them and submit to their decision on it. I would not hesitate to do so if I
1 thought them capable of ah impartial judgment on any matter where Slavery is in
\ question. But it is said, that the licentiousness consists in the constant intercourse ¦
I between white males and colored females. One of your heavy charges against ira
•has been that. we regard and treat these people as brutes; you now charge us with
habitually taking them to our bosoms. I will not comment on the inconsistency i)f
these accusations. I will not deny that some, intercourse ofthe surt does take place-
Its character and extent, however, are grossly and atrociously exaggerated. No -
authority, divine or human, has yet been found sufficient to arrest all such irregularities--'
among men. But it is a known fact, tbat they are perpetrated here, for the most part
in the cities. Very few mulatoes are reared on our plantations. In the cities |a
/large proportion ofthe inhabitants do not own slaves. A still larger proportion aije
j natives of the North or foreigners. They should share, and justly, too, an equal pajrt
in this sin with the Slave-holders. Facts cannot be ascertained, or I doubt not, it
would appear that they are tha chief offenders. If the truth ho otherwise, that pe^ -
$#ns from afcifSad havsrsUroftger prejudices agaiasMh* jMHsaannea thw va hav*.

10 Gjv. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slaveiy.
Be this as it may, it is well known that this intercourse is regarded in our society as
highly disreputable. If carried on habitually, it seriously affects a man's standing,
so far as it is known; and he who takes a colored mistress — with rare and extraor
dinary exception* — loses caste at once. You will say that one exception should damn
our whole country. How much less criminal is it to take a white mistress! In your
eyes it should be at least an equal offence. Yet look around you at home, from the
cottage to the throne, and count how many mistresses are kept in unblushiny noto
riety, without any loss of caste. Such cases are almost unknown here, and down even
to the very lowest walks of life it is almost invariably fatal to a man's position and pros-
pects.to keep a mistress openly whether white or black. What Miss Martineau re
lates of a young man's purchasing a colored concubine from a lady and avowing his
designs, is too absurd even for contradiction. No person would dare to allude to
such a subject in such a manner to any decent, female in this country. If he did, he
would be lynched— doubtless with your approbation.
After all, however, the number ot the mixed breed in proportion to that of the
black is infinitely small, and out of the towns next to nothing. And when it is con
sidered tbat tbe African race has been among us for two hundred years, and that
those ofthe mixed breed continually intermarry — often rearing large families — it is
a decided proof of our continence that so few comparatively are to be found. Our
misfortunes are Uvo-fold. From the prolific propagation of these mongrels among
th^mselyes, we are liable to be charged by tourists with delinquences where none
have been committed, while, where one has been, it cannot be concealed. Color
marks indellibly the offence, and reveals it to every eye. Conceive that, even in
your virtuous and polished country, if every bastard through all the circles of your so
cial system was thus branded by nature and known to all, what shocking developments
might there not be? How little indignation might your saints have to spare for the
licentiousness ofthe slave region. But I have done with this disgusting topic. And I
think I may justly conclude, after all the scandalous charges which tea-table gossip and
3o»g-g owned hypocrisy have brought against the slave-holders, that a people whose
mm are proverbially brave, intellectual and hospitable, and whose women are unaf
fectedly chaste, devoted to domestic life and happy in it, can neither be degraded nor
demoralized, whatever their institutions may be. My decided opinion is, that our
By stem of slavery contributes largely to the development and culture of these high and
noble qualities.
In an economical point of view — which I will not omit — Slavery presents some
difficulties. As a general rule, I agree it must be admitted, that free labor is cheaper
thsin slave labor. It is a fallacy to suppose that ours is unpaid labor. The slave
himself must be paid for, and thus his labor is all purchased at once, and for no triflin.n-
su n. His price was in the first place paid mostly to your countrymen, and assisted
in 'building up some of those colossal English fortunes since illustrated by patents of
nobility, and splendid piles of architecture, stained and cemented, if you like the ex-
prsssion, with the blood of kidnapped innoeeuts; but loaded with no heavier curse
thn-n Abolition and its begotten fanaticisms have, brought upon your land — some of
th^m fulfilled, some yet to be. But besides the first cost ofthe slave, he must be fed
and clothed; well fed and well clothed, if not for humanity's sake, that he may do
good work, retain health and life, and rear a family to supply his place. When old
or sick, he is a clear expense, and so is the helpless portion of hu family. No poor
la^y provides for him when unable to work, or brings up his children for our servico
¦when we need them. These are all heavy charges on slave labor. Hence, in all
countries where the denseness of the population has reduced it to a matter of perfect
certainty thU labor can be obtained whenever wanted, and the laborer lie forced by
shfeer necessity to hire for the small pittance that will keep soul and body together
and rags upon bis back while in actual employment, dependant at all other times on
alfns or poor rates; in all such countries it is found cheaper to pay this pittance than
to clothe, feed, nurse, support through childhood, and pension in old ac-e a race of
slaves. Indeed, the advantage is so great as speedily to compensate for the loss of
thij value ofthe slave. And I have no hesitation in saying, that if I could cultivate
my lands on these terms, I would without a word resign my slaves, provided they

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
could be properly disposed of. But the question is, whether free or slave labor is
cheapest to us in this country at this time, situated as we are. And itis decided at
once by the fact, that wo cannot avail ourselves of any other than slave labor. We
neither have nor can we procure other labor to any extent, or on any thing like the
terms mentioned. We must therefore content ourselves with our dear labor, undpr
the consoling reflection that what is lost to us, is gain to humanity; and that inas
much as our slave costs u1* more than your free man costs you, by so much is he
better off You will promptly say, emancipate your slaves, and then you will have
free labor on suitable terms. That might be, if there were five hundred where
there is now one, and the continent, from the Atlantic to the Pacific, was as densely
populated as your Island. But until that comes to pass, no labor can be procured in
America on the terms you have it.
While I thus freely admit that to the individual proprietor slave labor is dearer
than free, I do not mean to admit it as equally clear that it ia dearer to the communi
ty and to the State. Though it is certain that the slave is a far greater consumer
than your laborer, the year round, yet your pauper system is costly and wasteful.
Supported by your community at large, it is not administered by your hired ageots
with that interested care and economy — not to speak of humanity — which mark the
management of ours by each proprietor for his non-effectives, and is both more ex
pensive to those who pay , and less beneficial to those who receive its bounties. Be
sides this, Slavery is rapidly filling up our country with a hardy and healthy race,
peculiarly adapted to our climate and productions, and conferring signal political and.
social advantages on us as a people, to which I have already referred. - j
I have yet to reply to the main ground on which you and your coadjutors rely hr
the overthrow of our system of slavery. Failing in all your attempts to prove that it
is sinful in its nature, immoral in its effects, a political evil, and profitless to those
who maintain it, you appeal to the sympathies of mankind, and attempt to arouse the
world against us by the most shocking charges of tyranny and cruelty. You begin
by a vehement denunciation of "the irresponsible power of one man over his fellow-
men." The question of the responsibility of power is a vast one. I» is the great
political question of modern times. Whole nations divide off upon it and establish
different fundamental systems of government. That "responsibility," which to bne
set of millions seems amply sufficient to check lhe government, to the snppo.jt of
which they devote their lives and fortunes, uppears to another set of millions a mere
mockery of restraint. And accordingly as lhe opinions of these millions differ, t
honor each other with the epithets of "Serfs" or "Anarchists." It is ridiculou
introduce such an idea as this into the discussion of a mere Domestic Institut
But since you have introduced it, I deny that the power of the slaveholder in Ame
is "irresponsible." He is responsible to God. He is responsible to- the world
responsibility which Abolitionists do not intend to allow him to evade — and iu ackqow
ledgment of which I write yon this letter. He is responsible to the commuui
which he lives, and to the laws under which he enjoys his civil rights. Then-'
do not permit him to kil, to maim, or to punish beyond certain limits, or to ovei
or to refuse to feed and clothe bis slave. In short, they forbid him to be tyrnniiica
or cruel. If any of these laws have grown obselete, it is because they are so seldom
violated that they are forgotten. You have disinterred one of them from a compila
tion by some Judge Stroud, of Philapelphia, to stigmatize its inadequate penalties for
killing, maiming, &c. Your objects appears to be — you can have no other — topro.
duce the impression that it must be often violated on account of its insufficiency. You
say as much, and that it marks our estimate of the slave. You forgetto state that 'bis
law was enacted by Englishmen, and only indicates their opinion of the reparation
due for these offences. Ours is proved by the fact, though perhaps unknown to Judge
Strjt/d or yourself, that we hive essentially altered this law; and the murder °^a
slave ha"- "for many years been punishable with death in this State. And so it,is» l
believe, in most or all the slave States. You seem well aware, however, that 'aws
have been recently passed in all these States making it penal to tench slaves to i'Cfid.
Do you know what occasioned their passage, and renders their stringent enforeffnent
necessary. I can tell you: it was the abolitiQii agitation. If the s'.'^e is not allpwed

heyJ to
Ion.
rica a

y in
aws nsk

12 Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
to read his Bible, the sin rests upon the Abolitionists; for they st;<nd prepared to fur
nish him with a ke)' to it, which would make it, not a book of hope and love and peace,
but of despair, hatred and blood; which would convert tbe reader, not into a Chris
tian, but a Demon. To preserve him from such a horrid destiny, it is a sacred duty
which we owe to slaves, not less than to ourselves, to interpose the most decisive
means. If the Catholics deem it wrong to trust the Bible to the hands of ignorance,
shall we be excommunicated because we will not give and with it the corrupt and fa
tal commentaries ofthe Abolitionists, to our slaves? Allow our slaves to read your
pamphlets, stimulating them to cut our throats! Can you believe us to be such un-
speakable fools.
I; do not know that I can subscribe in full to the sentiment so often quoted by the
Abolitionists, and by Mr. Dickenson in his letter to me: "Homo sum et nihil, human-
um a me alienum puto," as translated and practically illustrated by them. Such a
doctrine would give wide authority to every one for the most dangerous intermeddling
with the affairs of others. It will do in poetry — perhaps in some sort of philosophy;
but the attempt to make it a household maxim, and introduce it into the daily walks
of life, has caused many an "Homo" a broken crown; and probably will continue to
do it. Still though a slaveholder, I freely acknowledge my obligations as a man;
and that I am bound to treat humanely the fellow creatures whom God has trusted to
my <eharge. I feci therefore somewhat sensitive under the accusation of cruelty, and
disposed to defend myself and fellow slaveholders against it.- It is certainly the in
terest of all, and I am convinced that it is also the desire of every one of us, to treat our
slaves with proper kindness. It is necessary to our deriving the greatest amount of
profit from them. Of this we are all satisfied. And you snatch from us the only
consolation we Americans could derive from the approbiious imputation of being
wholly devoted to making money, which, your disinterested and gold-despising coun
trymen delight to cast upon us, when you nevertheless declare, that we are ready to
sacrifice it for the pleasure of being inhuman. You remember that Mr. Pitt, could
never get over the idea that self-interest would insure kind treatment to slaves, until
you jtotd him your wofi.il stories of the Middle Passage. -Mr. Pitt was right in the
first instance, and erred, under your tuition, in not perceiving the differeuce between
a temporary and permanent ownership of them. Slave-holders are no more perfect
thau, other men. They have passions. Some of them as you may suppose, do not
at aijl times restrain them. Neither do husbands, parents and friends. And in each
of tHese relations, as serious sufferings as frequently arise from uncontrolled passions
as e\ er does in that of master and slave, and with as little chance of indemnity. Yet
you (vould not on that account break them up. I have no hesitation in saying that
out Sjlave holders are as kind masters, as men usually are kind husbands, parents and
fricnjjs — as a general rule, kinder. A bad master — he who overworks his slaves,
provides illv for them, or treats them with undue severity — loses the esteem and res
pect <;,f his fellow citizens to as great an extent, as he would for the violation of any
of hij{ social and most of his moral obligations. What the most perfect plan of
manci'o-ement would be is a problem hard to solve. From, the commencement of sla
very ,[[¦) this country, this subject has occupied the minds of all slave-holders, as
much as the improvement of the general condition of mankind has those of the most
ardent Philanthropists; and the greatest progressive amelioration of the system has
been effected. You yourself acknowledge that in the early part of your career you
were exceedingly anxious for the immediate abolition of the slave trade, last those
enga&ed in it should so mitigate its evils as to destroy the force of your arguments
nnd f^cls. The improvement you then dreaded has gone on steadily here, and
would doubtless have taken place in the slave trade but for the measures adopted to
suppress it
Of late years we have been not only annoyed, but generally greatly embarrassed
in thi% matter, by the abolitionists. We have been compelled to curtail some privi
leges;,,^ bave been debarred from granting new ones. In the face of discussion
which aim al loosening all ties between master and slave, we have in some measure
tt\aba^don our efforts to attach them to us and control them through their affections
. ^"itde. Wq hava to rely mora and mor? on the power of fear. Wa must in al|

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. 13
' our intercourse with them assert and maintain strict mastery, and impress it on them
that they are slaves. This is painful to us, and certainly no present odvantage/to
ihem. But it is the direct consequence of the abolition agitation. We are determined
to continue masters, and to do so we have to draw the rein lighter and tighter daj/by
day, to be assured that we keep them in complete check. How far this process
will go on depends wholly and solely on the abolitionists. When they desist we can
relax. We may not before. I do not mean by all this, lo say that we are in a state
of actual alarm and fear of our slaves; but under existing circumstances, we 9hotdd
be ineffably stupid not to increase our vigilance and strengthen our hands. You .^ee
some of the fruits of your labors. 1 speak freely and candidly — riot as a colonist,
who, though a slave-holder has a master; but as a free white man, holding under
God, and resolved to hold, my fate in my own hands; and I assure you that my sen
timents and feelings and determinations are those of every slave-holder in this country.
The research and ingenuity ofthe Abolitionists, aided by the invention of runaway
slaves — in which faculty, so far as improvising falsehood goes, the African race is
without a rival — have succeeded in shocking the world with a small number of pre
tended instances of our barbarity. The only wonder is that, considering the exttint
of our country, the variety of our population, its fluctuating character, and the publi
city of all our transactions, the number of cases collected is so small. It sneaks Well
for us. Yet of these, many are false, all highly colored, some occurring half a cen
tury, most of them many years ago; and no doubt a largo proportion of them perpe
trated by foreigners. With a few rare exceptions the emigrant Scotch and English
are the worst masters among us, and next to them our Northern fellow citizens.
Slaveholders born and bred here, are always more humane to Slaves, and those who
have grown up to a large inheritance of them, the most so of any — showing clearly
that the effect ofthe system, is to foster kindly feeling3. I do not mean so much to
impute innate inhumanity to foreigners, as to show that they come here with false
notions of the treatment usual and necessary for slaves, and that newly acquired
power here, as every where else, is apt to be abused. I cannot enter into a detailed
examination of the oases stated by the Abolitionists. It would be disgusting and of
little avail. I know nothing of them. I have seen nothing like them, though born
and bred here, aud have rarely heard of any thing at all to be compared with Ihem.
Permit me to say that I think most oi your facts must have been drawn from the
West Indies, where undoubtedly slaves were treated much more harshly than v/ith
ui This was owing to a variety of causes, which might, if necessary be stated.
One was that they had at first to deal more extensively with barbarians fresh from
lhe wilds of Africa; another, and a leading one, the absenteeism of Proprietors. Agents
are always more unfeeling than owners, whether placed over West Indian, or Ame
rican Slaves, or Irish Tenantry. We feel this evil greatly, even here. You des
cribe the use of thumb screws as one mode of punishment among us. -I doubt if a
thumb screw can be found in America. I never saw or heard of one in this country.
Stocks are rarely used by private individuals, and confinement still more seldom,
though both are common punishments for whites all the world over. I think they
should be more frequently resorted to with slaves, as substitutes for flogging, which I
consider the most injurious and least efficacious mode of punishing them for serious
offences. It is not degrading, and unless excessive, occasions little pain. You may
be a little astonished, after all the flourishes that have been made about "cart whips,?
&c, when I say flogging is not the most degrading punishment in the world. It may
be so to a white man in most countries, but how is it to the white boy? That ne
cessary coadjutorof the school-master, the "birch," is never thought to have rendered
infamous the unfortunate victim of pedagogue ire; nor did Solomon in his wisdom
dream that he was counseling parents to debase their offspring, when he exhorted
them not to spoil the child by sparing the rod. Pardon me for referring to the now
exploded ethics of the Bible. Custom, which, you will perhaps agree, makes most
things in this world good or evil, has removed all infamy, from the punishment of the
lash to the slave. Your-blood boils at the recital of stripes inflicted on a man; ,and
Lyou think you should be frenzied to see your own child flogged. Yet see how com
pletely this is ideal, arising from the fashions of society. You doubtless submitted to

Gov. Hammonds Letters un duuinern slavery.
tne rod yourself, in other years, when the smart was perhaps us severe as it woul
tyenow; and you have never been guilty ofthe folly of revenging yourself on th
Preceptor, whoin the plenitude of his "irresponsible power" thought proper to elias
use your son. Soit is with the negro, and the negro father.
As to chains and irons, they are rarely used; never 1 believe, except in cases o
Miming away. You must admil thut if we pretend to own slaves, they must not bi
permitted to abscond whenever they see fit; and thai if nothing else will prevent i
these means must be resorted to. See the inhumanity necessarily arising from sla
Vjary, you will exclaim! Are such restraints imposed on no other class of people
wiving no more offence? Look to your army and navy. If your seamen, impressec
from their peaceful occupations, and your soldiers, recruited at ihe gin shops — both
t f them as much kidnapped as the most unsuspecting vicim of the Slave Trade, ane
coomed to a fur more wretched fate — if these men manifest a propensity to desert,
lie heaviest manacles are their mildest punishment. Itis most commonly death,
after summary trial. But armies and navies you say are indispensable, and must be
1-eptup at every sacrifice. I answer that they are no more indispensable than slavery
i i to us^and to you; for you have enough of it in your own country, though the form
end name differ from ours. Depend upon it lhat many things, and in regard to our
slaves, most things which appear revolting at a distance, and to slight reflection,
\ rould on a nearer view and impartial comparison with the customs and conduct with
tie rest of mankind, sirike you in a very different light. Remember that on our
estates we dispense with the whole machinery of public police and public Courts of
Justice. Thus we try, decide and execute the sentences, in thousands of cases,
which iu other countries would go into the Courts. Hence most of the acts of our
alleged cruelty, which have any foundation in truth. Whether our Patriarchal mode
of administering justice is less humane than the Assizes can only be determined by
careful inquiiy aud comparison. But this is never done by the Abolitionists. All
our punishments are the outrages of "irresponsible power." If a man steals a pig in
England he is transported — torn from wife, children, parents, and sent to the Anti
podes, infamous, and an outcast forever, though perhaps betook from the superabun
dance of his neighbor to save the lives of his famishing little ones. If one of our well
fed negroes, merely for the sake of fresh meat, steals a pig, he gets perhaps forty
stripes. If one of your Cottagers breaks into another's house, he is hung for burglary.
If a slave does the same here, a few lashes, or perhaps a few hours in tho stocks,
settles the matter. Are our Courts or yours the most humane? If slavery were not
in question, you wonld doubtless say ours is mistaken lenity. Perhaps it often is;
and slaves too lightly dealt with sometimes grow daring. Occasionally, though rare
ly, and almost always in consequence of excessive indulgence, an individual rebels.
This is the highest crime he can commit. It is treason. It strikes at the root of
obr whole system. His life is justly forfeited, though it is never intentionally taken,
unless after trial in our public courts. Sometimes, however, in capturing, or in self-
defence, he is unfortunately killed. A legal investigation always follows. But, ter-
n inate as it may, lhe Abolitionists raise a hue and cry, and another "shocking case"
b held up to the indignation ofthe world by tender hearted male and female Philan
thropists, who would have thought all right had the master's throat been cut, and
would have triumphed in it.
;'-"" No. 3.
Physical and Moral Condition of Southern Slaves compared with English Labor
ers. Schemes of Abolition — "Moral Suasion" — Force — Competition of Free
Labor. The Grand Upshot of West India Emancipation.
Perhaps a few general facts will best illustrate the treatment this race receives at
our hands.. It is acknowledged that it is increased at least as rapidly as the white.
] believed it is an established principle, that population thrives in proportion to its
comforts. But when it is considered, that these people are not recruited by immi
gration from abroad as the whites are, and that they are usually settled to our rich-

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. 1.5
est and least healthy lands, the fact of their equal comparative increase and greater
longevity, outweighs a thousand abolition falsehoods, in favor of the leniency and
providence of our management of them. It. is also admitted that there are incom
parably fewer cases of insanity and suicide among them than among the whitfej.
The fact is, that among the slaves of the African race, these things are almost wholly
unknown. However frequently suicide may have been among those brought from
Africa, I can say that in my time, I cannot remember to have known orheard of a
single instance of deliberate self-destruction, and but one of suicide r.t ail. As to
insanity, I have seen but one permanent case of it, and that twenty years ago. 'it
cannot be doubted that among three millions of people there must be some insane Snd
some suicides; but I will venture to say, that more cases of both occur annually
among every hundred thousand of the population of Great Britain, than among all
our slaves. Can it be possible, then, that they exist in that state of abject misery,
goaded by constant injuries, outraged in their affections and worn down with herd-
ships, which the abolitionists depict, arid so many ignorant and thoughtless persons re«
ligiously believe?
With regard to the separation of husbands und wives, parents and children, no
thing can be more untrue than. the inferences drawn from what is so constauly
harped on by abolitionists. Some painful instances perhaps moy occur: very few .hat
can be prevented. It is and always has been an object of prime consideration yith
our slave-holders to keep families together. Negroes are themselves, both per
verse and comparatively indifferent about this matter. It is a singular trait, (hat
they almost invariably prefer forming connexions with slaves belonging to other roas
ters, and at some distance. It is therefore impossible to prevent separations some
times, by the removal of one owner, his death, or failure, and dispersion of his j>ro-
perty. In all such cases, however, every reasonable effort is made to keep the bar-
ties together, if they desire it. And the negroes forming these connexions, know
ing the chances of their premature dissolution, rarely complain more than we all da
of the inevitable strokes of fate. Sometimes it happens that a negro prefers to Hve
up his family ra her than separate from his master. I have known such instances.
As to wilfully selling off a husband, or a wife, or child. I believe it is rarely, \jery
rarely done, except when some offence has been committed demanding "transporta
tion." At sales of estates, and even at Sheriff's sales, they are always, if possible,
sold in families. On the whole, notwithstanding the migratory character of our pop
ulation, I believe there are more families among our slaves, who have lived and died
together, without loosing a single member from their circle, except by the proce.s of
nature, and in the enjoyment of constant, uninterrupted communion, than have fbur-
ished in the same space of time and among the same number of civilized peop'e in
modern times. And to sum up all, if pleasure is correctly defined to be the abssnce
of pain — which so far as the great body of mankind is concerned, is undoubtedy its
true definition — I believe our slaves are the happiest three millions of human biings
on whom the sun shines. Into their Eden is coming Satan. in the cuiseof an Ibolu..
tionist. As regards iheir religious condition, it is well known that a majority 01 me a;iiw_i. -
nicants of Methodist aod Baptist Churches of the South are colored. Almost every
where they have precisely the same opportunities of attending worship that the vhites
have, and besides, special occasions for themselves exclusively, which they prefer. In
many places not so accessible to clergymen in ordinary, Missionaries are senti and
mainly supported by their masters, for the particular benefit of the slaves. Thei a
. none I imagine who may not if they like, hear the gospel preached at least once a ni
, most of them twice a month, and very many every week. In our thinly settled .
try the whites fare no better. But in addition to this, on the plantations of any size
the slaves who have joined the church are formed into a class, ai the head of Vhich
is placed one of their number, acting as deacon or leader, who is also sometirhes a
licensed preacher. This class assembles for religious exercises weekly, semi-week
ly, or oftener, if the members choose. In some parts also Sunday schools for blacks
are established, and Bible classes are orally instructed by discreet and pious persons.
Now where will you find a laboring population possessed of greater religious adyanU-

are
)nth; oun-

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
¦ gss than these? Not in London, I am sure, where it is known that your Churches,
Chapels and Religious Meeting Houses, of all sorts, cannot contain one half of the in-
.habitants. I have admitted without hesitation, what it would be untrue and profitless to deny,
: that S.ave-holders are responsible to the world for the humane treatment ofthe fellow-
biir.gs whom God placed in their hands. 1 think it would be only fair for you to ad-
- r*it, what is equally undeniable, that every man in independent circumstances, all the
world over, and every government, is to the same extent responsible to the whole hu-
. njan family, for the condition ofthe poor and laboring classes in their own country ancj
abound them, wherever thliy may be placed, to whom God has denied the advantages-
'. iw has given themselves, [f so, it would naturally seem the duty of true humanity
. and rational philanthropy to devote their time and labor, their thoughts, writings and
cliarity, first lo the objects placed as it were under their own immediate charge. And
itmust be regarded as a clear evasion and sinful neglect of this cardinal duty, to pass
from those whose destitute situation they can plainly see, minutely examine and effi
ciently relieve, to enquire after the condition of others in no way entrusted to their
^ cjre, to exaggerate evils of which they cannot be cognizant, to expend all their sym-
pithies and exhaust all their energies on these remote objects of their unnatural, not
to say dangerous, benevolence; and finally, to calumniate, denounce and endeavor to
e.Mitethe indignation of the world against their unoffending fellow creatures for not
hastening under their dictation to redress wrongs which are stoutly and truthfully de-
id, while they themselves go but little further in alleviating those chargeable on
m, than openly and unblushingly to acknowledge them. There may be indeed a
t of merit in doing so much as to make such an acknowledgement, but it must be
3 y modest if it expects appreciation.
Mow I affirm, that in Great Britain the poor and laboring classes of your own race
il color, not only your follow beings, but your fellow citizens , are more miserable
1 1 degraded, morally and physically, than our slaves; to be elevated to the actual
. coAdkioiiof whom, would be to those your fellow citizens a most glorious act of eman
ation. And I also affirm, that the poor and laboring classes of our older Free
tes would not be in a much more enviable condition but for our slavery, One of
thAir own Senators has declared in the United States Senate, "that the repeal ofthe
Tariff would reduce New England to a howling wilderness." And the American
Teriffisnei'her more nor less than a system by which the Slave States are plundered
fo'/the benefit of those Sta'.es which do not tolerate Slavery. *v.
To prove what I say of Great Britain to be true; I make the following extracts from
fhelReporis of Commissioners appointed by Parliament, and published by the order
of (he House of Commons. I can make but few and short ones. But similar quota-
tiois might be made to any extent, and I defy you to deny that these specimens do not
exlibit the real condition of your operatives in every branch of your industry. There is a
- coirse of variety in their sufferings. But the same incredible amount of toil, fright
ful destitution, and utter want of morals, characterise the lot of every class of them.
Collieries. "I wish to call the attention of the Board to the pits* about Brampton. •
Tte seams are so thin that several of them have only two feet head-way to all the work
ing They are worked altogether by boys from 8 to 12 years of age, on all-fours,
win a dog-belt and chain. The passages beikg neither ironed nor wooded, and often
an Kich or two thick with mud. In Mr. Barns' pit, these poor boys have to drag the'
barjows with one cwt. of coal or slack 60 times a day 60 yards, and the empty°bar-
: i-omjs back, without once straightening their backs unless they choose to stand under
- tbe^haft aud run the risk of having their heads broken by a falling coal." — Rep. on
Mines., 1842. p.71. "In Stropshire the seams are no more than 18 or 20 inches."
Ibid. p. 67. "At the Booth pit," says Mr. Scriven, "I walked, rode and crept 1800 .
yards to one ofthe nearest faces." — Ibid. "Chokedamp," "Firedam," " Wild fire,"
"Sijphur" and "Water*' at all times menaced instant death to the laborers in these
mines." Robert North, aged ] 6: Went into the pit at 7 years of age, to fill up skips.
I drfew about 12 months. When I drew by the girdle and chain my skin was broken, ¦
and the blood ran down. I durst not say anything. If we said anything, the butty,
and the^ revee who works under him, would take a stick and beat us." — Ibid. "The -,
/'

- in
-th so ve
anan

ci'
Si i

] Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. 17
..'usual punishment for theft, is to place the culprit's head between the legs of one of
/the biggest boys, and each boy in the pit — sometimes there are 20 — inflicts 12 lashes
ryhe back and rump with a cat." — Ibid. "Instances occur in which children aro
i leu into these mines to work as early as 4 years of age, sometimes at" 5, not unfre-
j i.-ntly at 6 and 7, while from 8 to 9, is the ordinary age at which these employments
mence." — Ibid. The wages paid at those Mines "is from §2 50 to $7 50 per
• .._t..ith for laborers accor.ing to age and ability, and out of this they must support
themselves. They work 12 hours a day. — Ibid.
In Calico Printing. It is by no means uncommon in all the districts for children
3 or 6 years old to be kept 14 to 16 hours consecutively." Rep. on Children, 1842,
p. 59.
I could furnish extracts similar to these in regard to every branch of your manu-
factures, but I will not multiply them. Every body knows that your operatives habit
ually labor from 12 to 16 hours, men, women and children, and" the men occasionally
20 hours per day. Iu lace making, says the last quoted Report, children sometimes
commence work at 2 years of age.
Destitution. It is stated by your Commissioners, that 40,000 persons in Liverpool,
and 15,000 in Manchester, live in cellers; while 22,000 in England pass the -night
in barns, tents, or the open air. "There have been found such occurrences as 7, 3
and 10 persons in one cottage, I cannot say for one day, but for whole days,, without
a morsel of food. They have remained in their beds of straw for two successive days,
under the impression that in a recumbent posture the pangs of hunger were less felt.'''
Lord Brougham's Speech, July 11, 1842. A volume of frightful scenes might be
- quoted to corroborate the inferences to be necessarily drawn from the facts here sta-
ted. I will not add more, but pass on to the important inquiry , as to
Morals and Education. — Elizabeth Barrett, aged 14. 1 always work without stock
ings, shoes or trowsers. I wear nothing but a shift. I have to go up to the headings
with the men. They are aU naked tliere. I am got used to that." Report on Mines.
"As to illicit sexual intercourse, it seems to prevail universally and from an earljy
period of life." "The evidence might have beea doubted which attest the early coni-
, mencemtnt of sexual and promiscuous intercourse among boys and girls." A lower
condition of morals in the fullest sense ofthe term, could not I think be found. I do
not mean by this that there are many more prominent vices among them, but thill
moral feelings and sentiments do not exist. They have no morals." "Their appear
ance, manners and moral natures — so far as the word moral can be applied to "them,
are in accordance, with their half civilized condition." — Rep. on Children. "More
than half a dozen instances occurred in Manchester, where a man, his wife, and hJs
wife's grown up sister, habitually occupied the same bed. — Report on Sanitary Condi
tion. Robert Churcliillow , aged 16: "I do not know anything o.' Moses — never heard
of France. I dont know what America is. Never heard- of . Scotland or Ireland.
Cant- tell how many weeks there are in a year. There 12 pence in a shilling, and
20 shillings in a pound. There are eight pints in a gallon of ale." — Rep. on Mines.
Ann Eggly aged 18. "I walk about and get fresh air on Sundays.. I never go to
' Church or Chapel. I never heard of Christ at all." Ibid. Others: "The Lord sept-
Adam and Eve on earth to save sinners." "I dont know who made the. world, I
. never heard about God." I dont know Jesus Christ — I never saw him — but I have-
seen Foster who prays about him." Employer: "You have expressed surprise ut
Thomas Mitchel's not hearing of God. 1 judge there are few Colliers here about
that have." Ibid. I will quote no more. It is shocking beyond endurance to tui.n
over your Records in which.the condition of your laboring classes is but too faithfully
depicted. Could our slaves but see it, they -would join us in Lynching Abolitionists,
-.which, by the by, they would not now be loth to do. We never think of imposing on
them such labor, either in amount or kind. We never put them to any kw7j under
ten, more generally at twelve years of age, and then the very slightest. Destitution
.is absolutely unknown; never did a slave starve in America; while in moral senti
ments and feelings, in religious information, and .even in general intelligence they
are infinitely the superiors of your operatives. When you look around you how dai's
. you talk to us before the world of slavery? For the eondition of your wretched labo-

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
rers, you, and every Britain who is not one of them, are responsible before God and
man. If you are really humane, philanthropic and charitable, here are objects for
you. Relieve them. Emancipate them. Raise them from the condition of brutes,
lo the level of human beings; of American slaves at least. Do not for an instant
soppose, that the name of being freemen is the slightest comfort to them, situated as
tliey are, or that the bombastic boast that "whoever touches British soil stands re
deemed, regenerated aud disenthralled," can meet with any thing but the ridicule and
contempt of mankind, while thatsoil swarms, both on and under its surface, with the
most abject and degraded wretches that ever bowed beneath the oppressor's yoke.
I have said that slavery is an established and inevitable condition of human society.
lido not speak of the name, but tfiefact. The Marquis of Normandy has lately de
clared your operatives to be "ire effect slaves." Can it be denied? Probably, lor
such Philanthropists as your Abolitionists care nothing for facts. They deal in terms
aad fictions. Itis the word "slavery" which shocks their tender sensibilities; and
their imaginations associate it with "hydras and chimeras dire." The thing itself,
in its most hideous reality, passes daily under their view unheeded — a familiar face,
touching no chord of shame, sympathy or indignation. Yet so brutalizing is your
inn bondage, that the English operative is a bye word through the world. When
favoring fortune enables him to escape his prison house, both in Europe and America
ha is shunned. With all the skill which 14 hours of daily labor from the tenderest
aie has ground into him, his discontent, which habit has made second nature, and his
dijpraved propensities, running riot when freed from his wonied fetters, prevent his
employment whenever it is not a matter of necessity. If we derived no other benefit
frbm African Slavery in the Southern States, than that it deterred your freedmen from
coining hither, I should regard it as an inestimable Messing.
And how unaccountable is that philanthropy, which closes its eyes upon such a state
of things as you have at home, and turns its blurred vision to our affairs beyond the
Atlantic; meddling with matters which no way concern them — presiding, as you
hiJfco lately done at meetings, to denounce the "iniquity of our laws," and "the atro-
ciiy of our practices," and to sympathise with'infamous wretches imprisoned here for
vijslating decrees promulgated both by God and man. Is this doing the work of "your
Father which is in heaven," or is it seeking only "that you may have glory of man?"
Diyou remember the denunciation of our Saviour, "Woe unto you, Scribes and
Pharisees; Hypocrites! for ye make clean the outside of the cup and platter, but with-
inj they are full of extortion and excess."
'Butafter all, supposing that every thing you say of slavery be true, and its aboli-
ti6n a matter of the last necessity, how do you expect to effect emancipation, and
what do you calculate will be the result of its accomplishment? As to the means to
be used, the abolitionists, I believe, affect to differ, a large proportion of them pre
tending that their sole purpose is to apply "moral suasion" to the slave-holders
themselves. As a matter of curiosity, 1 should like to know what their idea of "mo
ral suasion" is. Their discourses — yours is no exception — are all tirades, the exor
dium, argument and peroration, turning on the epithets "tyrants," "thieves," "'mur
derers." addressed to us. They revile us as "atrocious monsters," "violators of the
laws of nature, God, and man," our homes the abode of every iniquity, our land a
"brothel." We retort, that they are "incendiaries" and "assassins." Delightful
argument! Sweet, potent "moral suasion!" What slave has it freed — what pro
selyte can it ever make? But if your course was wholly different — if you distilled
nectar from your lips, and discoursed sweetest music, could you reasonably indulge
the hope of accomplishing your object by such .means? Nay, supposing tbat we
were all convinced, and thought of slavery precisely as you do, at what era of "mo
ral suasion" do you imagine you could prevail on us to give up a thousand million of
dollars in tbe value ofour slaves, and a thousand million of dollars more in the depre
ciation of our lands, in consequence of the want of laborers to cultivate them? Con
sider: were- ever any people, civilized or savage, persuaded by any argument, human
or Divine, to surrender voluntarily two thousand "million of dollars? — Would you think
of! asking five millions of Englishmen to contribute either at once or gradually, four
hundred and fifty millions of pounds sterling, to the cause of philanthropy, even if the

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. 19
[purpose to be accomplished was not of doubtful goodness? If you are prepared to
undertake such a scheme, try it at home. Collect your fund, purchase our slave*,
and do with them as you like. Be all the glory yours, fairly and honestly won. But
[you see the absurdity of such an idea: Away then, with your pretended "moral sua..
sion. you know it is m«re nonsense. The abolitionists have no faith in them
selves. Those who expect to accomplish any thing, count on means altogether dif.
terent. I hey aim first to alarm us; that failing, to compel us by force to emancipate
our slaves, at our own risk and cost. To these purposes, they obviously direct all
their energies. Our Northern liberty men, have endeavored to disseminate theii,-
destructive doctrines among our slaves, and excite them to insurrection. But We
have put an end to that and stricken terror into them. They dare not show their
faces here. Then they declared they would dissolve the Union. Let them do it.
The North would repent it far more than the South. We are not alarmed at tlie
idea. We are well content to give up the Union sooner than sacrifice two thousand
million of dollars, and with them all the rights we prize. You may take it for gran
ted, that it is impossible to persuade or alarm us into emancipation, or to making the
first step towards it. Nothing then, is left to try, but sheer force. If the abolitionists
are prepared to expeDd their own treasure, and shed their own blood, ' as freely 2is
they ask us to do, let them come. We do not court the conflict; but we will not an:d
we cannot shrink from it. If they are ready to go so far: if, as I expect, their phi
lanthropy recoils from it: if they are looking only for cheap glory, let them turn the
thoughts elsewhere and leave us in peace. Be the sin, the danger and the evils <
slavery all our own. We compel, we ask none to share them with us.
I am well aware that a notable scheme has been set on foot to achieve abolitioi
by making, what is by courtesy called "free" labor, so much cheaper than slave lab(
as to force the abandonment of the latter- Though we are beginning to manufar..
ture with slaves. I do uot think you will attempt to pinch your operatives closer i n
Great Britain. You cannot curtail the rags with which they vainly attempt tocove.r
their nakedness, nor reduce the porridge, which barely, and not always, keeps thosLe
who have employment, from perishing with famine. When you can do this, we will
consider whether our slaves may not dispense with a pound or two of bacon piLr
week, or a few garments annually. Your aim, however, is to cheapen labor in tn_e
tropics. The idea of doingthis by exporting your 'bold yeomanry,' is I presume givan
up. Cromwell tried it when he sold the captured followers of Charles into West Indka
slavery, where they speedily found graves. Nor have your recent experiments an
British and even Dutch constitutions succeeded better. Have you still faith in carrying
thither your. Coolies from Hindostan? Doubtless that once wild robber race, whose
highest eulogium was, that they did not murder merely for the love of blood, have
been tamed down, and arc perhaps "keen for immigration," for since your civiliz i-
tion has reached it, plunder has grown scarce in Guzerat. But that is the result of
the experiment thus far? Have the Coolies, ceasing to handle arms, learned to han
dle spades, and, prove hardy and profitable laborers? On the contrary, broken in
spirit and stricken with disease at home, the wretched victims whom you have hitherjto
kidnapped for a bounty, confined in depots, put under hatches and carried across th'e
ocean, forced into "voluntary imigration," have done littlejbut lie down and die on the
pseudo soil of freedom. At the end of five years, two-thirds, in some colonies a
large proportion, are no more! Humane and pious contrivance! To alleviate the
fancied sufferings of the accuised posterity of Ham, you sacrifice by a cruel death
two-thirds ofthe children ofthe blessed Shern — and demand the applause of christians,
the blessing of heaven! If this "experiment" is to go on, in God's name try your
hand upon the Thugs. That other species of "Immigration" to which you are resort
ing, I will consider presently. . /
s But what do you calculate will be the result of emancipation? You will probably
point me by way of answer to the West Indies — doubtless to Antigua, the great boj-st
oiabolition. Admitting that it has succeeded there — which I will do forthesakeof
aThiment — do you not know the reason of it? The true and only causes of whatever
sutess has attended it in Antigua are, that the population was before crowded, a.id
all »r nearly all the arable land in cultivation. The emancipated negroes could not,

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
mfm)- of them, getaway if they desired; and knew not where to go in case they did. "
Tliey had practically no alternative but to remain on the spot; and remaining, thoy
imi.5t work on the terms of the proprietors, or perish — the strong arm ofthe mother
coj-intry forbidding all hope of seizing the. Land for themselves. The. Proprietors, well
kn r.ving that they could thus command labor for the merest necessities of life, which
w:is much cheaper than maintaining the non effective, as well as the effective slaves
in|a stylo which decency and interest, if not humanity, required, willingly accepted
hajlf their value, and at once realized far more than the interest on the other half in
lh(j: diminution of their losses, and the reduced comforts ofthe freemen. One of your
most illustrious Judges, who was also a profound and philosophical Historian, has
said "that Villeinage was not abolished, but went to decay in England." This
sthe process. This has been the process whenever (the name of) Villeinage
Slavery has been successfully abandoned. Slavery in fact "went into decay"
Antigua. I have admitted that under similar circumstances, it might profitably
ise here — that is, profitably to the individual proprietors. Give me half tho
ue. of my slaves, and compel them to remain and labor on my plantation at
to 11 cenf3 a day, as they do in Antigua, supporting themselves and families,
1 you shall have them to-morrow, and if you like dub them "free." Not to
le, I would surrender them without price. No — I recall my words: My hu-
nity revolts at the idea. I am attached to my slaves, and would not have art or
t in reducing them to such a condition. I deny, however, that Antigua, as a
nmunity, is or ever will lie as prosperous under present circumstances, as she
s before abolition, though fully ripe for it. The fact is well known. The
ison is, that the African, if not a distinct, is' an inferior race, and never will
jet, as it never has effected, as much in any other condition as in that of
ivery.I know of no Slaveholder who has visited tho West Indies since Slavery was abol-
ed r and published his views of it. All our facts and opinions come through the
mds of the experiment, or at least those not opposed to it. Taking these, even.
lout allowance, to be true as stated, 1 do not see where the Abolitionists find cause
exultation. The tables of exports, which are the best evidences of the condiiion
i people, exhibit a woful falling off — excused, it is true, by unprecedented droughts
I hurricanes, to which their free labor seems unaccountably more subject than slave.
labor used to be. I will not go into detail. It is well known that a large proportion
British Legijlation and expenditure, and that proportion still constantly increasing,
nost anxiously devoted to repairing the monstrous error of emancipation. You
, actually galvanizing your expiring colonies. The truth, deduced from all the
v,ts, was thus pithily stated by the London Quarter!} Review, as long ago as 1840.
i^one of the benefits anticipated by mistaken good intentions have been realized,
while every evil wished for by knaves and foreseen by the wise, has been painfully
verified. The wild rashness of fanaticism has made the emancipation of the
Slaves equivalent to the loss of one half of the West Indies, and yet put back
the; chance of Negro civilization." (Art. Ld. Dudley's Letters.) Such are the
reaj fruits of your never-to-be-too-much-glorified abolition, and the valuable dividend
of your twenty millions of pounds sterling invested ..herein. '

I No. 4. '
_. Revival of the Slave Trade under a new name — Emancipation in the United States
^^certain to result in ihe Extermination ofthe Negro Race — Conclusion.
Jf any farther proof was wanted, of the utter and well known though not yet openly'
avywed failure of West Indian emancipation, it would-be furnished by the startlin/
"» fact that the African Slave Trade has been actually revived under the auspices arti
protection of ihe British Government. Under the specious guise of "Immi"ratioi"
they ace replenishing these islands with slaves from the coast of Africa. YourcoJo-
. ny of Sierra. Leone, founded on that coast to prevent the Slave Trade, and peoJed
' \ /

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Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. g[
'by tho by in the first instance by negroej stolen from these States during the Itovo.
- lutionary War, is the depot where captives taken from Slavers by yourarmac] vessels,
are transported. I might say returr.ed, since nearly halfthe African.-, carried across
the Atlantic are understood to be embarked in this vicinity. The wretched survivors,
who are there set at liberty, are immediately seduced to "immiirr-Ue" to the \Ve3t
Indies. The business is systematically carried on by Black "Delegates" sent ex.
pressly from tho West Indies, where on arrival, the "immigrants" are sold in'o
Slavery for twenty-one years, under conditions ridiculously trivial and wickedly void,
since few or none will ever be able to derive any advantage from them. The whole
prime 'of life thus passed in bondage, it is contemplated, and doubtless it will be car
ried into effect to turn them out in their old age to shift for themselves, and to supply
their places with fresh and vigorous "Immigrants." Was ever a system of Slavery
so barbarous devised before? Can you think of comparing it with ours? Even your
own Religious Missionaries of Sierra Leone, denounce, it "as worse than the Slave
state in Africa." And your Black Delegates fearful ofthe influence of these Mis-
sionaries as well as on account ofthe inadequate supply ofthe captives, are now
preparing to procure the able b6died and comparatively industrious Kroomen of thu
interior, by purchasing from their Headmen the privilege of inveigling them to the
. West India market! So ends the magnificent farce — perhaps I should say tragedy
of West India Abolition! I will not harrow your feelings by asking you to review
the labors of your life and tell m3 what you and your brother Enthusiasts have ac
complished for "injured Africa," but while agreeing with Lord Stowell, that "Villei
nage decayed," and admitting that slavery might do so also, I think I am fully justi
fied by passed and passing events, in saying, as Mr. Grosvenor said ofthe Slave, tradn.
"that its abolition is impossible."
You are greatly mistaken, however, you think that the consequences of emancipa
tion here, would be similar and r.o more injurious than those which followed from it
in your little seagirt West "India Islands, where nearly all were blacks. The system
of slavery is not in "decay" with us. It flourishes in full and growing vigor. Our
country is boui.dless in extent. Dotted here and there with villages and fields, it is
for the most part covered with immense forests and swamps of almost unknown size.
In such a country, with a people so restless as ours, communicating of course some or
that spirit to their domestics, can you conceive of any thing short ofthe power of tho
-master over the slave, could confine the African race, notoriously idle and improvi
dent, to labor on our plantations? Break this bond, but for a day, and these planta
tions will be solitudes. The negro loves change, novelty and sensual excitements
•of all kinds, when awake. "Reason and order," of which Mr. Wilberforce said "liberty
was the child," do not characterise him. Released from his present obligations his
first impulse would be to go somewhere. And here no natural boundaries would
'restrain him. At first they would all seek to towns and rapidly accumulate-in sq Ral
lied groups upon their outskirts. Driventhence by the "armed police" which would
im.nedialely spring into existence, they would scatter in all directions. Some bodies
of them might wander to the "free" States or to the western wilderness, marking
their tracks by their depredations or their corpses. Many would roam wild in 'our
"Big woods." Many more would seek the recesses of our swamps for secure covert.
Few, very few of them could be prevailed on to do a stroke of work, none to labor
continuously, while a head of cattle, sheep or swine, could be found in our ranges, or
an ear -of corn nudded in our abandoned fields. These exhausted, our folds ;ind
poultry yards, barns and store-houses would become their prey. Finally, our scat
tered dwellings would be- plundered, perhaps fired, and the inmates murdered
'How longdoyousuppo.se we could bear these things? IIow long would it bs before
we should sleep with rifles at our bedsides, and never move without one in our hands?
This work once begun, let the story of our British ancestors and the aborigines^ ol
country tell the sequel. ' Far more rapid however, would be the catastrophe. '|fcre
Lmariy mooi
slavery, thi
father land

many moons went by," the African race would be exterminated, or reduced again to
^lavery, their ranks recruited, after your example, by fresh- "Emigrants' trom tbeir.
id. ' ' - \ . . .1 j *
1/ preparation and gradual emancipation suggested to avert these horrible
nces? I thought your experience in tho West Indies had at lsast done' so

I Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
_ .(¦,
much as to explode that idea. If it failed there, much more would it fail here, whers
the two races, approximating to equality in numbers, are daily and hourly in the
closest contact. Give room for but a single spark of real jealousy to be kindled be
tween them, and the explosion would be instantaneous and universal. It is the most
fatal of all fallacies to suppose that these two races can exist together, after any length
of time or any process of preparation, on terms at all approaching to equality. Of
this, both of them are finally and fixedly convinced. They differ essentially, in all
the leading traits that characterise the varieties ofthe human species, and color draws
an indellible and insuperable line of separation between tbem. Every scheme
founded upon the idea that they can remain together on the same soil, beyond the
briefest period, in any other relation than precisely that which now subsists between
them, is not only preposterous, but fraught with deepest danger. If there was no
alternative but to try the "experiment" here, reason and humanity dictate that the
suffering of "gradualism" should be saved, and the catastrophe of "immediate aboli
tion," enacted as rapidly as possible. Are you impatient for the performance to
commence? Do you long to gfoat over the scenes I have suggested, but could not
h( Id the pen to portray? In your long life many such have passed under your re-
vijw. You know that they are not ^impossible." Can they be to your taste? Do
ycu believe that in laboriug to bring them about the Abolitionists are doing the'
w 11 of God? No! God is not there, lt is the work of Satan. The Arch-fiend,
urder specious guise, has found his way into your souls, and with false appeals to
philanthropy, and foul insinuations to ambition, instigates them to rush headlong to
the accomplishment of his diabolical designs.
We live in a wonderful age. The events of the last three quarters of a century
appear to have. revolutionized tbe human mind. Enterprise and ambition are only
limited in their purposes by the horizon of the imagination. It is the transcendental
era. In philosophy, religion, government, science, arts, commerce, nothing that has
been is to be allowed to be. Conservation in any form is scoffed at: The slightest
ta nt of it is fatal. Where will all this end? If you can tolerate one ancient maxim,
le it be that the best criterion ofthe future is the past. That, if any thing, will give
a clue. . And, looking back only through your time, what was the earliest feat of
this same Transcendentalism? The rays ofthe new moral Drummond Light, were
first concentrated to a focus at Paris, to illuminate the universe. In a twinkling it
consumed the political, religious, and social systems of France. It could not be ex
tinguished there until literally drowned in blood. And then trom its ashes arose that
supernatural man, who, for twenty years, kept affrighted Europe in convulsions.
Since that time, its scattered beams, refracted by broader surfaces, have nevertheless
continued to scathe wherever they have fallen. What political structure, what reli
gious creed but has felt the galvanic shock, and even now trembles to its foundations?
Mankind, still horror-stricken, by the catastrophe of France, have shrunk from rash
experiments upon social systems. But they have been practising in the East, around
thfe Mediterranean, and through the West India Islands. And growing confident, a
portion of them seem desperately bent on kindling the all-devouring flame in the
bcjsom of our land. Let it once again blaze up tp heaven, and another cycle of blood
and devastation would dawn upon the world. For our sake, and for the sake of
those infatuated men, who are madly driving on the conflagration; for the sake of
huU-ian nature, we are called on to strain every nerve to arrest it. And be assured
oar efforts will be bounded only with our being. Nor do I doubt that five millions
of people, brave, intelligent, united, and prepared to hazard every thing, will, in such'
a <>ause, with the blessing of God, sustain themselves. At ail events, come what
m:.y, it is ours to meet it. ..,-,,.,
We are well aware of the light estimation in which the Abolitionists, and those
who are taught by them, profess to hold us. We have seen the attempt of a portion
ofthe Free Church of Scotland to reject our alms, on the ground that we werd
"Slave.Drivers," after sending missionaries to solicit them. And we have seen Mri
O'Connell, the "irresponsible master" o'f millions of ragged serfs, from whom, povertj
etricken as they are, he contrives to wring a splendid privy purse, throw back with
contumely the "tribute" of his own countrymen from this land of "mispreants/

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. £3
These people may exhaust their slang and make black-guards of themselves; Ant
they cannot defile us. And as for the suggestion to exclude slave-holders from vour
London clubs, we scout it Many of us, indeed, do go to London, and we have seen
your breed of gawky Lords, both there and here, but it never entered into our
conceptions, to look on them as butter than ourselves. Nor can we be annoyed bv
the ridiculous airs of such upstarts as your O'Connell's, Ritchie's, Macauley's and
the like. The American slave-holders, collectively or individually, ask no favors
of any man, or race who tread the earth. In none ofthe attributes of men, mental
or physical, do they acknowledge or fear superiority elsewhere. They stand in the
broadest light ofthe knowledge, civilization and improvement of the age. as much
favored of heaven as any ofthe sons of Adam. Exacting nothing undue, they yh.Jd
• nothing but justice and courtesy, even to royal blood. They can neither be flattered
duped, ner bullied out of their rights or their property. They smile with contempt
at scurrility, and vapouring beyond the seas, and they turn their backs upon it whe.re
it is "irresponsible;" but insolence that ventures to look them in the face, will never
fail to be chastised. - | •
I think I may trust you will not regard this letter as intrusive. I should never halve
entertained the idea of writing it, had you not opened the correspondence. If you
think any thing in it harsh, review your own — which I regret I lost soon after it was
received — and you will probably find that you have taken your revenge beforehand.
If you have not, transfer an equitable share of what you deem severe to the account
ofthe Abolitionists at large. They have accumulated against the slave-holders a bal
lance of invective which, with all our efforts, we shall not be able to lipuidate much
short of the era in which your national debt will be paid. At all events, I' have no
desire to offend you personally, and with the best wishes for your continued health, I
have the honor to be . !
Your obedient seruant,
. H. HAM-MnMU.

No. 5.
Silver Bluff, S. C, March *'*, ioij.' ---*
Sir: — In my letter to you ofthe 23th January — which I trust you have received
ere this — I mentioned that I had lost your" circular letter soon after it had comedo
band. It was, I am glad to say, only mislaid, and has within a few days been recov
ered. A second perusal of it induces me to resume my pen. Unwilling to trust my
recollections from a single reading, I did not in my last communication attempt to
follow the course of your argument, and meet directly the points made and the terms
used. I thought it better to take a general view of the subject which could not fail to
traverse your most material charges. I am well aware however that, for fear of be
ing tedious, I omitted many interesting topics altogether, and abstained from a complete
discussion of some of those introduced. I do not propose now to exhaust the subject;
which it would require volumes to do; but without waiting to learn — which I may
never do — your opinion of what I have already said, I sit down to supply some ofthe
deficiencies of my letter of January, and, with your circular before me, to reply to
such parts of it as bave not been fully answered. 1
It is, I perceive, addressed among others to "such as have never visited the Southern
States" of this confederacy, and professes to enlighten their ignorance ofthe actiial
"condition ofthe poor slave in their own country." 1 cannot help thinking you woji'd
have displayed prudence in confining the circulation of your ietter altogether to sdch
persons. You might then have indulged with impunity in giving, as you have done,
a picture of slavery drawn from your own excited imagination, or from those impure
fountains, the Martineaus, Marryatts, Trollopes and Dickenses, who have profited by
catering, at our expense, to the jealous sensibilities and debauched tastes of your coun
trymen.' Admitting that you are familiar wilh the history of slavery and the past
Discussions of it, as I did, I now think rather broadly, in my former letter, what can
you know ofthe true condition ofthe "pcor slave" here? I am not aware that you

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
Jiave ever visited this country, or even the West Indies. Can you suppose that because
you have devoted your life to the investigation ofthe subject — commencing it under
the influence of an enthusiasm so melancholy at first and so volcanic afterwards as to
be nothing short of hallucination—pursuing it as men of one idea do everything, with
the single purpose of establishing your own view of it — gathering your information
from discharged seamen, disappointed speculators, factious politicians, visionary reform
ers and scurrilous tourists — opening your ears to every species of complaint, exag
geration and falsehood that interested ingenuity could invent, and never for a moment
questioning the truth of anything that could make for your cause— can you suppose
that all this has qualified you, living the while in England, to form or approximate
towards the formation of a correct opinion of the condition ot slaves among us? I
know the power of self-delusion. I have not the least doubt that you think yourself
the very best informed man alive on this subject, and that many think so likewise.
jSo far as facts go, even after deducting from your list a great deal that is not fact, I
will not deny tbat probably your collection is the most extensive in existence. But
as to the truth in regard to slavery, there is not an adult in this region but knows more
<jif it than you do. Truth and fact are, you are aware, by no means synonimous
terms. Ninety-nine facts may Constitute a falsehood: the hundredth, added or alone,
gives the truth. With all your knowledge of facts, I undertake to say that you are
entirely and grossly ignorant of the real condition of our slaves. And from all that I
can see, you are equally ignorant of the essential principles of human association
Revealed in history, both sacred and profane, on which slavery rests, and which will
perpetuate it forever in some form or other. However you may declaim against it;
however powerfully you may array atrocious incidents; whatever appeals you may
make to the heated imaginations and tender sensibilities of mankind, believe me, your
total blindness to the whole truth, which alone constitutes the truth, incapacitates you
from ever making an impression on the sober reason and sound common sense ofthe
world. You may seduce thousands — you can convince no one. Whenever and
wherever you or the advocates of your cause can arouse the passions ofthe weak-
minded and the ignorant, and, bringing to bear with them the interests ofthe vicious
and unprincipled, overwhelm common sense and reason — as God sometimes permits
to be done — you may triumph. Such a triumph we have witnessed in Great Britain.
But I trust it is far distant here: Nor can it from its nature be extensive or enduring.
tf)ther classes of Reformers, animated by the same spirit as the Abolitionists, attack
vne institution of marriage, and even the established relations of Parent and Child.
And they collect instances of barbarous cruelty and shocking degradation which rival,
if they do not throw into the shade, .your slavery statistics. But the rights of marriage
and parental authority rest upon truths as obvious as they are unchangeable — coming
home to every human being, — self-impressed forever on the individual mind, and can:-.
not be shaken until the whole man is corrupted, nor subverted until civilized society
becomes a putrid mass. Domestic slavery is not so universally understood, nor can it
make such a direct appeal to individuals or society beyond its pale. Here, prejudice
ind passion have room to sport at the expense of others. They may be excited and
urged to dangeroua action, remote from the victims they mark out. They may, as they
have done, effect great mischief, but they cannot be made to maintain, in the long
run, dominion over reason and common sense, nor ultimately put down what God has
ordained. !
\ You deny however that slaveryns sanctioned by God, and your chief argument is that
ivhen he gave to Adam dominion over the fruits ofthe earth and the animal creation '
! le stopped there. "He never gave him any. further right over his fellow men."
. fou restrict the descendants of Adam to a very short list of rights and powers, duties';
£ nd responsibilities, if you limit them solely to those conferred and enjoined in the. first
chapter of Genesis. Itis very obvious that in this narrative ofthe creation Moses/'
t id not have it in view to record any part ofthe Law intended for the government t
lian in his social or political state. Eve was not yet created; the expulsion had nc
yet taken place; Cain was unborn; and no allusion whatever is made to the mar
fold decrees of God to which these events gave rise. The only serious answer this
argument deserves is to say, vvhat is bo manifestly true, that God's not expressly giving

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. 25
'to Adam "any right over his fellow men" by no means excluded Him from conforrimr
that right on his descendants; which he in fact did. Wo know that Abraham, the
chosen one of God, exercised il'aud held property in his fellow man, oven anterior to
tho period when property in land was acknowledged. We might infer that God had
(authorised it. But we are not reduced to inference or conjecture. At the hazard of
fatiguing you by repetition, I will again refer you to tho ordinances ofthe scriptures.
Innumerable instances might be quoted where Gud has given and commanded men to
assume dominion over their fellow men. But one wiil suffice. In the twenty-fifth
chapter of Leviticus you will find Domestic Slavery— precisely such as is maintained
al this day in these Stales — ordained and established by God, in lunouwe which I
defy you to pervert so as to leave a doubt on any honest, mind that this institution was
founded by Him and decreed, to be perpetual. I quote the words:
Leviticus, 25 ch. 44 v.: "Both thy Bondmen and thy Bondmaids which thou shalt
have, shall be ofthe Heathen [Africans] that are round about you: ot'lhem ye shall
.buy Bondmen and Bondmaids. ¦ 1
. 45: Moreover, ofthe children ofthe strangers that do sojourn among you, of therti
6hallye buy, and of their families that are wilh you which they begat in your lank
[descendants of Africans?] and they shall be your possession." |
.46: "And ye shall take them as an inheritance for your children after you, to in
herit tliem for a possession. Tiif.y shall be your Bo_vl>men' forever."- ,;
What human Legislature could make a decree more full and explicit than this?
What court of Law or Chancery could defeat a title to a slave couched in terms so
.clear and complete as these? As this is the Law of God, whom you pretend to wot.
ship, while you denounce and traduce us for respecting it.
4: It seems scarcely credible, but the fact is so, that you deny this Law so.piaitiy-
. written, and in the face of it, have the hardihood to declare that "though slavery is 11 jt
specifically yet it is virtually forbidden in the scriptures, because all the crimes which
necessarily arise out of slavery, and which can arise from no other source, are repro
bated there and threatened with divine vengeance." Such an unworthy subterfuge
.is scarcely entitled to consideration. But its gross absurdity may be exposed in few
words. I do not know what crimes you particularly allude to as arising from slave
ry. But you will perhaps admit — not because they are denounced in the decalogufe,
.which the Abolitionists respect only so far as they choose, but because it is. the iik.
. mediate interest of most men to admit — that disobedience to parents, adultery, and
stealing, are crimes. Yet these crimes "necessarily arise from the relations of pare nt
and child, marriage, and the possession of private property; at least they "can arise
from no other sources." Then, according to your argument, it is "virtually forbidden"
to marry, to beget children, and to hold private property! Nay it is forbidden to live,
since murder can only be perpetrated on living subjects. You add that "in the same
way the gladiatorial shows of old, and other barbarous customs, were not specifica
forbidden in the l^aw Testament, and yet Christianity was the sole means of thi
suppression.", This is very true. But these shows and barbarous customs thussj
.pressed, were not authorised by God. They were not ordained and commanded
God for the benefit of His chosen people and mankind, as the purchase and hotdi
of Bondmen and Bondmaid.? were. Had they been, they would never have been
;, "suppressed by Christianity" any more than slavery can be by your party. Althou
. Christ 'came "not to destroy but fulfill the Law" he nevertheless did formally abrog;
. some of the ordinances promulgated by Moses, and all such as were at war with
mission of "peace and good will on earth." He "specifically" annuls, for instance,
,one "barbarous custom" sanctioned by those ordinances, where he says: "ye have
ijieard that it hath been said, an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth; but I say ujito
you that ye resist not evil, but whosoever shall smite thee on the right cheek tunl to
him the other, also." Now, in the time of Christ it was usual for masters to put their
slaves to death on the slightest provocation. They even killed and cut them up to
feed their fishes. He was undoubtedly aware of these things, as well as ofthe Law
and Commandment I have quoted. He could only have been restrained fram Re
nouncing them, as he did the "Zex talionis," because he knew that in despite of these
barbarities the institution of slavery was at tha bottom a sound and wholesome as

iy

¦p. bv

ite
his .

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
-well as lawful one. Certain it is, that in His wisdom and purity he did not see proper
to interfere with it. In your wisdom, however, you make the sacrilegious attempt t>
lovertbrow it. •
| Ymi quote the denunciation of Tyre and Sidon, and say that "the chief reason giv.
'en by the Prophet Joel for their destruction, was, that they were notorious beyond all
others for carrying on the Slave Trade." I am afraid you think we have no Bibles
in the slave States, or that we are unable to read them. I cannot otherwise account
for your making this reference, unless indeed your own reading is confined to an ex
purgated edition, prepared for the use of Abolitionists, in which everything relating
to slavery that militates against their view of it is lelt out. The Prophet Joel denoun
ces the Tyrians and Sidonians because "The children also of Judah and the children
of Jerusalem have ye sold unto the Grecians." And what is the divine vengeance
of this "notorious slave trading?" Hear it. "And I will sell your sons and daughters
Into the hands ofthe children of Judah, and they shall sell them to the Sabeans, to a
ieop!e far off; for the Lord hath spoken it." Do you call this a condemnation of slave-
frading? The Prophet makes God Himself a participator in the crime, ifthat be one.
ffke Lord hath spoken it," he says, that the Tyrians and Sidonians shall be sold in
to slavery to strangers. Their real offence, was in enslaving the Chosen People;
and tbeir sentence was a repetition of the old Command, to make slaves ofthe "Hea
then round about." - .
I have dwelt upon your Scriptural argument because you profess to believe the Bi
ble; because a large proportion ofthe Abolitionists profess to do the same, and to act
tnder its sanction; because your Circular is addressed in part lo "professing Chris
tians;" and because it is from that class mainly that you expect to seduce converts by
your anti-christian, I may say, infidel doctrine'. It would be wholly unnecessary to
answer you to anyone who re"ads the scriptures for himself, and construes them ac-
{ording to any other formula than that which the Abolitionists are wickedly endeav
oring to impose upon the world. The scriptural sanction of slavery is in fact so palpa-
He, and so strong, that both wings of your party are beginning to acknowledge it. —
The more sensible and moderate admit, as the organ ofthe Free Church of Scotland,
the North British Review, has lately done, that they "are precluded by the statements
and conduct of the Apostles from regarding mere slave-holding as essentially sinful,"
while the desperate and reckless, who are bent on keeping up the agitation at every
hlazard, declare, as has been done in the Anli-Slavery Record, "If our inquiry turns
o Jt in favor of slavery, it is the Bible that must fall, and not tub rights of
human nature." You cannot, 1 am satisfied, much longer maintain before the
world, the Christian platform from which to wage war upon our Institutions. Driven
from it, you must abandon ihe contest, or, repudiating Revelation, rush into the
hprFors of Natural Religion. _'
Your next complaint, that our slaves are kept in bondage by the "Law of force.'
Iiji what country or condition of mankind do you see human affairs regulated merely
bj- the law of love? Unless I am greatly mistaken you will, if you look over the world,
find nearly all certain and permanent rights, civil, social, and I may even add religi
ous, resting on and ultimately secured by the "law of force." The power of majori
ties— of aristocracies — of Kings — nay of priests, for the most part, and of property,
relsolves itself at last into "force," and could not otherwise be long maintained. Thus
in! every turn of your argument against our system of slavery, you advance, whether
conscious of it or not. radical and revolutionary doctrines calculated to change the
whole face of the world, to overthrow all government, disorganize society, and re
duce man to a state of nature — red with blood, and shrouded once more in barbaric
ignorance. But you greatly err, if you suppose, because we rely on force in the last
refeort to maintain our supremacy over our slaves, that ours is a stern and unfeeling do
mination at all to be compared in hard-hearted severity to that exercised, not over
the mere laborer only, but by the higher over each lower order, wherever the British
sway is acknowledged. You say, that if those you address were "to spend one day)
in'the South they would return home with impressions against slavery never to be eras
ed'," But the fact is universally the reverse. I have known numerous instances, and
I never knew a single one, where there was no other cause of offence and no object

Gov. Hammond's Letters on Southern Slavery. 27
to promote by falsehood, that individuals from the non-siave-holding States did not;
after residing among usjong enough to understand the subject, "return home" io de
fend our slavery. It is matter of regret, that you have never tried the experiment
yourself. I do not doubt you would hare been converted, for I give you credit for an
honest though perverted mind. You would have seen how weak and futile is all ab
stract reasoning about this matter, and that, as a building may not be less ele«a.iit in
its proportions, or taseful in its ornaments, or virtuous in its uses, for being based upon
granite, so a system of human government, though founded on force, may develope
and cultivate the tenderest and purest sentiments of the human heart. And our pa
triarchal scheme of domestic servitude is indeed well calculated to awaken the hfoher
and finer feelings of our nature, lt is not wanting in its enthusiasm and its poetry.
The relations ofthe most beloved and honored chief, and the most faithful and admir
ing subjects, which from the time of Homer have been the theme of song, are frigid!
and unfelt compared with those_ existing between the master and his slaves— whr,
served his father, and rocked his cradle, or have been born in his house-hold, ane
look forward lo serve his children — who have been through life the. props of his for
tune, and the objects of his care — who have partaken of his griefs, and looked to him
for comfort in their own — whose sickness he has so often watched over and releaved
— whose holidays he has so often made joyous by his bounties and his presence : for
whose welfare when absent his anxious solicitude never ceases, and whose hearty and
affectionate greetings never fail to welcome him home. In thiscold, calculating, am
bilious world of ours, there are few ties more heartfelt, or ofmore benignant influ
ence, than those which mutually bind the master and the slave, under our ancient
system, handed down from the Father of Israel. The unholy purpose ofthe Aboli
tionists, is to destroy by defiling it; . to infuse into it the gall and bitterness which ran
kle in their own envenomed bosoms; to poison the minds of the master and the ser
vant; turn love to hatred, array 'force" against force, and hurl all,
"With hideous ruin and combustion, down r ,
To bottomless perdition."
You think it a great "crime" that we do not pay our slaves "wages," and on this ac]
count pronounce us "robbers," In my former letter I showed that the labor of oui
slaves was not without great cost to us, and that in fact they themselves receive monj
in return for it than your hirelings do for theirs. For what purpose do men labor, bu
to support themselves and their families in what comfort they are able? ' The effort
of mere physical labor seldom suffice to provide more than a livelihood. And it is i
well known and shocking fact, that while few operatives in Great Britain succeed i<
securing a comfortable living, the greater part drag out a miserable existence, an
sink at last under absolute want. What avail is it that you go through tbe form <
paying them a pittance of w hat you call "wages," when you do not, in return for the!
i seryices, allow them what alone they ask — and have a just right to demand — enoug
to feed, clothe and lodge them, in health and sickness, with reasonable comfbrt.-
Though we do nptgive "wages" in money, we do this for our slaves, and they are
therefore better rewarded than yours. It is the prevailing vice and error ofthe age,
and one from which the Abolitionists, with all their saintly pretension--, are far from
being free, to bring everything to the standard of money. You make gold and silver
of happiness. The American slave must be wretched indeed, because he is not
compensated for his services in cash. It is altogether praiseworthy to pay the laborer
ashilling a clay and let him starve on it. To supply all his wants abundantly, and at
all times, yet withhold from him money,, is among "the most reprobated crimes."—
The fact cannot be denied, that the mere laborer is now and always has been, every
where that barbarism has ceased, enslaved. Among the innovations ol modern times
. following "the decay of villeinage," has been the creation of a new system of slavery.
The primitive and patriarchal, which may also be called the sacred and natural sys
tem, in which the laborer is under the personal control of a fellow-being endpwfd
(with the sentiments and sympathies of humanity, exists among us. It has been al-

in

Irnost everywhere else superceded by the modern artificial money-power system,
Miich man— his thews and sinews, his hopes and affections, his very being, are all
[subjected to the dominion of Capital— -a monster without a heart— cold, stern, arifh-

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery.
metical — sticking to the bond — taking ever "the. pound of flesh" — working up human
life with Engines, and retailing it out by weight and measure. His name of old was
"Mammon, the least erected spirit that fell from Heaven." And it is to extend his
Empire, that you and your deluded coadjutors dedicate your lives. You are stirring
up mankind to overthrow our Heaven-orJ.ained system of servitude, surrounded by in-.
numerable checks, designed and planted deep iu the human heart by God and nature,
to substitute the absolute rule of this "Spirit Reprobate" whose proper place was Hell..
You charge us with looking on our slaves "as chattels or brutes," and enter into a
somewhat elaborate argument to prove that they have "human forms," "talk," and
even "think." Now the fact is that, however you may indulge in this strain for effect,
it is the Abolitionists, and not the Slaveholeers, wdio practically, and in the most im
portant point of view, regard our slaves as "chattels or brutes." In your calculations
of the consequences of emancipation, you pass over entirely those which must prove
most serious, and which arise from the fact of their heingpersons. You appear to think
that we might abstrain from the use of them as readily as if they were machines to be *
laid aside, or cattle that might be turned out to find pasturage for themselves. I have
heretofore glanced at some of the results that would follow from breaking the bonds of
so many human beings now peacefully and happily linked into our social system. The
tragic horrors, the decay and ruin that would for years, perhaps for ages, brood over
our land, if it could be accomplished, I will not attempt to portray. But do you fancy
the blight would, in such an event, come to us alone.' The diminution of the sugar
crop ofthe West Indies affected Great Britain only, and there chiefly the poor. It
was a matter of no moment to Capital, that Labor should have one comfort less. Yet
it has forced a reduction ofthe British duty on sugar. Who can estimate the conse
quences that must follow the annihilation of the cotton crop ofthe slave-holding States?
1 do not undervalue the importance of other articles of commerce, but no calamity
could befall the world at all comparable to the sudden loss of two millions of bales of
cotton annually. From the deserts of Africa to the Siberian wilds — from Greenland
to the Chinese Wall — there is not a spot of earth but would feel the sensation. The
Factories of Europe would foil with a concussion that would shake down castles, pal- -
aces, and even thrones; while the "purse-proud elbowing insolence" of our Northern
monopolists would disappear forever under the smooth speech ofthe Pedlar, scouring
our frontiers for a livelihood, or the bluff vulgarity ofthe South Sea whaler, following
the harpoon amid storms and shoals. Doubtless the Abolitionists think we could grow
cotton without slaves, or thatrat worst the reduction ofthe crop would be moderate '
and temporary. Such gross delusions show how profoundly ignorant they are of our .
condition here. --
You declare that "the character of the people ofthe South has long been that of
hardened Infidels, who fear not God, and have no regard for religion." ' I will not
repeat what I said in my former letter on this point. I only notice it to ask you how
pou could possibly reconcile it to your profession of a Christian spirit, to make such a
ralicious rhni-ge; to defile your soul with such a calumny against an unoffending people?'
•'You are old;
! Natnre in you stands on the" very verge
j Of her confine. You should be ruled and led --.'¦'• :¦..:•.¦¦,
I .-_ By some discretion." ' ,-.-,: '.*¦'. ' -ivi
May God forgive you.
- ' Akin to this, is the wanton and furious assault made on us by Mr. Macatjlay, in his
late speech on the Sugar duties, in the House of Commons, which has just reached me.
His denunciations are wholly without measure, and among other things he asserts,
"that Slavery in the United States wears its worst form; that, boasting of our civiliza
tion, freedom, and frequenting Christian Churches, we breed up slaves, nay, beget
children for slaves, and sell them at so much a head." Mr. Macaulay is a Reviewer, _
aind he knows that he is "nothing if not critical." The practice of his trade has given '
hjm-the command of all the slashing and vituperative phrases of our language, and
the turn of his mind leads him to the habitual use of them. He is an author, and ii
no eopy-rfoht law secures for bim from this country a consideration for his writings, 'he-
is not orily°independent of us, but naturally hates every thing American; He is the

Gov. Hammonds Letter on Southern Slavery. 29
Representative of Edingburgh; ii is his cue. to decry our slavery, and in doing so he
may safely indulge the malignity of his temper, his indignation against us, and his
capacity tor railing. He has suffered once, for being in advance of his time in favor
of Abolition, and he does not intend that it shall be forgotten, or his claim ' passed
over to any crumb which may riow be thrown to the vociferators in the cause. If ho
does not know that the statements he has made respecting the slaveholders of this
Country are v'fo and atrocious falsehoods, it is berause he does not think it worth his
while to be sure he speaks the truth, so that he speaks to his own purpose.
"Hie niger est, hunc tu, Itomane caveto."
Such exhibitions as he has made may draw the applause of a British House of Com
mons, but among the sound and high-minded thinkers of the world, they can only
excite contempt and disgust.
But you are not content with depriving us of all religious feelings. You assert that
jour slavery has also "demoralized the Northern States," and charge upon it not only
levery common violation of good order there, but the "Mormon murders," the "Phila
delphia riots," and all "the exterminating wars against the Indians." I wonder that
you did not increase the list by adding that it had caused the recent inundation ofthe
Mississippi, and the hurricane in the West Indies — perhaps the insurrection of Re
becca, and the war in Scinde. You refer to the law prohibiting the transmission of
Abolition petitions through the mail, as proof of general corruption! You could not
do so, however, without noticing the late detected espionage over the British Post Of-
fiice by a Minister of State. It is true, as you say, it "occasioned a general outburst
of national feeling" — from the opposition; and a "Parliamentary inquiry was institu
ted" — that is moved, but treated quite cavalierly. At all events, though the fact was
admitted, Sir James Graham yet retains the Home Department. For one, I do not
undertake to condemn him. Such things are not against the laws and usages of your
country. I do not know folly what reasons of State may have influenced him and
justified his conduct. But I do know that there is a vast difference in point of "na
tional morality" between the discretionary power residing in your Government to open,
any letter in the public post office, and a well-defined and limited law to prevent the
circulation of certain specified incendiary writings by means of the United States Mail.
Having now referred to every thing like argument on the subject of Slavery that
is worthy of notice in your letter, permit me to remark on its tone and style, and
very extraordinary bearing upon other institutions of this country. You commence
by addressing certain classes of our people as belonging to "a nation whose charac
ter is now so low in the estimation ofthe civilized world;" and throughout you main
tain this tone. Did the Americans who were "under your roof last summer," inform
you that such language would be gratifying to their fellow-citizens, "having no prac^
tical concern with slave-holding?" Or do the infamous libels on America which yot
read iu our Abolition papers, induce you to believe that all that class of people are
like the Abolitionists themselves, totally destitute of patriotism or pride of country
Let me tell you that you are grossly deceived. And although your stock-brokers ane
other speculators, who have been bitten in American ventures, may have raised a
stuhning 'cry'' against us in England, there is a vast body of people here besides
slave-holders, who justly
i "Deem their own land of every land the" pride, , I
Beloved by Heaven o'er all the world beside."
And who know that at this moment we rank among the First Powers ofthe world — •
a position which we not only claim, but are always ready and able to maintain.
- The style you assume in addressing your Northern friends, is in perfect keepinn-
with your apparent estimation of them. Though I should be the last, perhaps, t6
criticise mere style, I could not but be struck with the extremely simple manner of
your letter. You seem to have thought you were writing a Tract for benighted Heal
then, and telling wonders never before suggested to their imagination, and so far above
their untotored comprehension, as to require to be related in the primitive lano-ua»3
of "the child's own book." This is sufficiently amusing; and would be more so but
for the coarse and bitter epithets you continually apply to the poor slave-holders — •

Gov. Hammonds Letteth on Southern Slavery.
epithets which appear to be stereotyped for the use of Abolitionists, and which foriri
a large and material part of all their arguments.
But perhaps the most extraordinary part of your letter, is your bold denunciation"
of "the shameful compromises" of our Constitution, and your earnest recommendation
to those you address to overthrow or revolutionize it. In so many words you say to
them, "you must either sep.::r-ale yourselves from all political connexion with the South,
and make your own laws; or if you do not choose such a separation, you must break
up the political ascendancy which the Southern have had for so long a lime over the
; Northern Stales." The italics in this as in all other quotations are your own. It is
well for those who circulate your letter here, that the Constitution you denounce re
quires an overt act to constitute Treason. It maybe tolerated for an American by
birth to use on his own soil the freedom of speaking and writing which is guarantied
to him, and abuse our Con.stitution, our Union, and our people. But that a Foreigner
should use such seditious language, in'a Circular Letter addressed to a portion ofthe
American people, is a presumption well calculated to e_xcite the indignation of all.
The party known in this country as the Abolition party has long since avowed the
sentiments you express, and adopted the policy you enjoin. At the recent Presiden
tial election they gave over 62,000 votes for their own candidate, and held the balance
of power in two ofthe largest States — wanting but little of doing it in several others.
In the last four years their vote has quadrupled. Should the infatuation continue,
and their vote increase in the same ratio in the next four years, it will be as large as
the vote ofthe actual slave-lwl tiers of the Union. Such a prospect is doubtless ex
tremely gratifying to you. It gives h pe of a contest on such terms as may insure the
downfall of Slavery or our Constitution. The South venerates the Constituiion, and
is prepared to stand by it forever, such as it came from the hands of our fathers; to
risk every thing to defend and maintain it in its integrity. But the South is under no
such delusion as to believe that it derives any peculiar protection from the Union.
Qn the contrary, it is well known we incur peculiar danger, and that we bear far
more than our proportion ofthe burdens. The apprehension is also fast fading away,
that any of the dreadful consequences commonly predicted, will necessarily result
from a separation ofthe States. And corne what may, we are firmly resolved that our
system of Domestic Slavery shall stand. The fate of the Union then — but
thank God not of Republican Government— rests mainly in the hands ofthe people
to whom your letter is addressed, the "professing Christians of the Northern States
paving no concern with slave-holding," and whom with incendiary zeal you are en
deavoring to stir up to strife — without which fanaticism can neither live, more, nor
aave any being.
We have often been taunted for our sensitiveness in regard to the discussion of
Slavery. Do not suppose it is because we have any doubts of our rights, or scruples
tbout asserting them. There was a time when such doubts and scruples were en-
ertained. Our ancestors opposed the introduction of Slaves into this country, and a
feeling averse to it was handed down from them, The enthusia tic love of liberty
bstered by our Revolution strengthened this feeling. And before the commence-
nent ofthe Abolition agitation here, it was the common sentiment that it was de-
irable to get rid of Slavery. Many thought it our duty to do so. When that agi-
ation arose we were driven to a close examination of the subject "in all its bearings,
tnd the result has been an universal conviction that in holding Slaves we violate no
,aw of God, — inflict no injustice on any of his creatures — while the terrible conse
quences of emancipation to all parties and the world at large, clearly revealed to us,
make us shudder at the bare thought of it The slave-holders are therefore indebted
tJ the Abolitionists for perfect ease of conscience, and the satisfaction of a settled
and unanimous determination in reference to thi3 matter. And could their agitation
cease now, I believe after all, the good would preponderate over the evil of it in '
this country. On the contrary, however, itis urged on with frantic violence, and
t>e Abolitionists, reasoning in the abstract, as if it wpre a mere moral and metaphy
sical speculation, or a minor question in politics, professed to be surprised at our ex
asperation. In their ignorance and recklessness, they seem to be unable to compre
hend our feelings or position. The subversion of our rights, the destruction of our

Gov. Hammonds Letters on Southern Slavery. 31
property, the disturbance of our peace and the peace ofthe world, are matters which
do not appear to arrest their consideration. Wheu Revolutionary France pro
claimed "Hatred to Kings and unity to the Republic," and inscribed ou her banners,
"France risen against Tyrants,", she professed to be only worshipping "Abstract
Rights." And if there can be such things, perhaps she was. Yet all Europe rose
to put her sublime theories clown. They declared her an enemy to the common'peace;
that her doctrines alone violated the "Law of Neighborhood," and, as Mr. Burke
said, justly entitled them to anticipate the "damnum nondum factum" of the civil
law. Danton, Barrere, and the rest were apparently astonished that umbrage
should be taken. The parallel between them and lhe Abolitionists holds good in all
respects. The rise and progress ofthis Fanaticism is one ofthe phenomena ofthe age in which
_we live, I do not intend to repeat what I have already said, or to trace is career
1 more minutely at present. But the Legislation of Great Britain will make it his
torical, and doubtless you must feel some, curiosity to know how rt will figure on the
jpage ofthe Annalist. I think I can tell you. Though I hav.,2 accorded and do ac-
,cord to you and your party great influence in bringing about.the Parliamentary actionj
I of your country, you must not expect to go down to posterity as the only cause of it.
1 Though you trace the progenitors of Abolition from 1516 through a long stream
; with divers branches down to the period of its triumph in your country, it has not
escaped contemporaries, and will not escape posterity, that England, without much
effort sustained the storm of its scoffs and threats until the moment arrived when she
thought her colonies fully supplied with Africans; and declared against the Slave
Trade only when she deemed it unnecessary to her,, and when her colonies full oi
Slaves would have great advantages over others not so well furnished. Nor did she
agree to West India emancipation until, discovering the error of her previous calcu-
lation, it became an object to have slaves free throughout the Western world, and, on
the ruin ofthe Sugar and Cotton growers of America and the Islands, to build up hei
great Slave Empire in the East. While her indefatigable exertions, still continued
to engraft tbe Right of Search upon the Law of Nations, on the plea of putting an
end to the forever increasing Slave Trade, are well understood to have -chiefly ir
view the complete establishment of her supremacy at Sea. On these points let me
recommend you to consult a. very able Essay on the Slave Trade and Right of Search
by M. Jollivet, recently published; and as you say, since writing your Circular
Letter, that you "burn to try your hand on another little Essay, if a subject could be
found," I propose you to "try" to answer this question, put by M. Jollivet to Eng
land: "Pourquoi sa philanthropic n'd pas daign6,jusqu' a pre" sent doubter le cap de
Bonne-Espe" ranee?" Nor must you flatter yourself that your part)' will derive historic
dignity from the names of the illustrious British statesmen, who have acted with it
Their country's ends were theirs. They have stooped to use you, as the most illus
trious men will sometimes use the vilest instruments, to accomplish their own puipo
ses. A few philanthropic common places and rhetorical flourishes, "in the abstract/
have secured them your "sweet voices," and your influence over the tribe of mawkis]
sestimentalists. Wilbkrforce may have been yours, but what was he besides, bu
a wealthy county member? You must therefore expect to stand on your own merit
alone before posterity, or rather that portion of it that maybe curious to trace tb
history ofthe Delusion which from time to time pass over the surface of human affairs
and who may trouble themselves to look through the ramifications of Transcenden
talism in this era of extravagances. And how do you expect to appear in their eyes
As Christians piously endeavoring to enforce the will of God and carry out the prin
ciples of Christianity? Certainly not, siuce you deny or pervert the Scriptures in th
doctrines you advance; and in your conduct furnish a glaring contrast to the exam
pies of Christ and the Apostles. As Philanthropists, devoting yourselves to the caus
of humanity, relieving the needy, comforting the afflicted, creating peace and glad
ness and plenty round about you? Certainly not; since you turn from the needy an
the afflicted; from strife, sorrow and starvation which surrounds you; close your eye
and hands upon them; shut out from your thoughts and feelings the human misery whiciV
is real, tangible, and.wi thin your reach, to indulge your morbid imagination in conjurinj)

Gov. Hammond's Letters on Southern Slavery.
.up woes and wants among a strange people in distant lands, and offer them succor in
the shape of costless denunciations of their best friends, or by scattering among them
"firebrands, arrows and death." Such folly and madness; such wild mockery ane
base imposture, can never win for you, in the sober judgment of future times, the
name of Philanthropists. Will you even be regarded as worthy citizens? Scarcely,
when the purposes you have in view can only be achieved by revolutionizing go
vernments and overturning social systems, and when you do not hestate zealously
and earnestly to recommend such measures. Be assured then, that posterity will not
regard the Abolitionists as Christians, Philanthropists, or virtuous citizens. | It will,
I have no doubt, look upon the mass ofthe party as silly enthusiasts, led away by de
signing character!, as is the case with all parties that break from the great, acknow»
[edged ties, which bind civilized man in fellowship. The leaders themselves will be
regarded as mere ambitious men; not taking rank with those whose ambition is "eagle-
winged and sky-aspiring," but belonging to that mean and selfish class who are in
stigated by "rival-hating envy," and whose base thirst is for Notoriety; who cloak
their designs under the vile and impious hypocrisies, and, unable to shine in higher
spheres, devote themselves. to Fanaticism, as a trade. . Audit will be perceived that,
even in that, they shunned the highest walk. . Religious Fanaticism was an old
established vocation, in which something brilliant was required to attract attention.
They could not be Georgs Fox_es, nor Joanna Southuotes, nor even Joe Smiths.'
But the dullest pretender could discourse a jumble of pious bigotry, natural rights and
Irivelling philanthropy. And, addressing himself to aged folly and youthful vanity,
:o ancient women, to ill-gotten wealth, to the reckless of all classes who love excite
ment and change, offer all the cheapest and safest glory in the market. Hence,
.heir numbers; and, from number and clamour, what impression they have made
on the world. • ,'' .'•'.'_' "*--
' Such I am persuaded is the light in which Abolitionists will be viewed by
:he posterity their history may reach. Unless, indeed — which God forbid-— cir-
iumstances should so favor as to enable them to produce a convulsion which
nay elevate them higher on the "bad eminence" where they have placed them-
lelves. I bave the honor to be
Yqur obedient servant,
} J. H. HAMMOND.
I'iiom.vs Clap.sson, Esc

/jS'ote. — The foregoing Letters were not originally intended for publication. In preparing them-
br tlie press they have been revised The alteration's and corrections made however, have been
nostly verbal. Had the writer felt at liberty to condense the two letters into one, and bring up the
tistory of Abolition to the period of sublication, he might have presented a more concise and ptr-
sct argument, aud illustrated his views more forcibly by reference to facts recently developed..
^o-r example, since writing the Erst, tbe letter of Mr. Clarkson, as President of the British Anti-
llavery Society, to Sir .Robert Peei., denouncing the whole scheme of "Immigration," has reached
im- and after he had forwarded the-last, hesaw it stated that Mr. Clarkso.v had as late as the
jst part of. April, addressed the Earl of Aberdee:;, and declared that all efforts to suppress the
kfriean Slave Trade had fully failed- : It may be confidently expected that it will be ere long an
nounced from the same quarter, that the, "experiment" of West-India Emancipation has also
roved a complete abortion. - -.--,-.. •--¦.>*..-: , -,_. ¦;¦'
; Should the terms which have been applied to the Abolitionists appear to any as unduly severe,
it it be remembered that the direct aim of these people is to destroy us by the most shocking of
11 processes; and that, having a large portion of the civilized world for their audience, they daily
nd systematically heap upon us tc-, vilest calumnies and most unmitigated abuse. Clergymen
iv aside their Bibles, and Females -zzstx themselves to carry on this horrid warfare against Slave-
ciders.

Charleston — Walker &, Burke, printers, 3 Broad-st.-

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