II

V

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XT Read and Circulate, j^j\
A
discourse'
BEFORE THE
YOUNG MEN'S
COLONIZATION SOCIETY
OP
PENNSYLVANIA,
DELIVERED OCTOBER 24, 1834, IN ST. PAUL'S CHURCH, PHILADELPHIA.
BY if
J. R. TYSON.

WITH A NOTICE OF THE PROCEEDINGS OF THE SOCIETY, AND OF
THEIR FIRST EXPEDITION OF COLOURED EMIGRANTS TO
FOUND A COLONY AT BASSA COVE.

PHILADELPHIA:
PRINTED FOR THE SOCIETY.
1834.

LIST OF OFFICERS

inmitfl Mm1* (£ol<mf?atfottSocfetg of a3etmsstt>mtfar.
PATRONS.
James Madison, of Va. Gerrit Smith, Esq. N. Y.
Chief Justice Marshall, do. Elliott Cresson, Esq.
Rt. Rev. Wm. White, D.D. Wm. Short, Esq.
PRESIDENT.
Rev. John Bkecktnmdge.
VICE PRESIDENTS.
Jos. R. Ingersoll, Esq. Rev. W. H. De Laneey, D.D.
Rev. A. Barnes, Rev. H. A. Boardman,
Dr. John Bell, Gerard Ralston, Esq.
Matthew Newkirk, Esq. Alexander Mitchell, M. D.
Benjamin Naglee, Esq. Joseph Dugan, Esq.
Hon. Joseph M'llvaine,
TREASURER.Lloyd Mifflin.
SECRETARIES.
Foreign Correspondence — Elliott Cresson.
Domestic Correspondence — Rev. W. A. M'Dowell, D.D.
Recording — Topliff Johnson. MANAGERS.
Samuel Jaudon, • James N. Dickson,
Richard D. Wood, Lewis R. Ashhurst,
William M. Muzzey, Clark Culp,
George W. North, Henry S. Spackman,
Samuel W. Hallowcll, Rev. John W. James,
Rev. J. A. Peabody, John Hockley,
Solomon Caldwell, Benjamin Coates,
William M. Collins, Samuel Magarge,
James A. Porteus, Benjamin D. Johnson,
J. Houston Mifflin, Robert B. Davidson,
Charles Naylor, W. M. McMain,
Rev. Robert Baird, Rev. George W. Bethune.

Printed by William S. Martien,
No. 0 George street.

Cbse

At a meeting of the Board op Managers of the
Young Men's Colonization Society of Pennsylvania, held
November 11th, 1834, the following Resolution, offered by
Dr. John Bell, was unanimously and cordially approved,
viz: Resolved, That the Board op Managers, in the name of
the Society, return their grateful acknowledgments to Job
R. Tyson, Esq. for his appropriate and excellent Discourse,
delivered before the Young Men's Colonization Society of
Pennsylvania, on the 24th of October, 1834, and that a copy
of the same, be requested of the Author for publication-.
Extract from the Minutes. Toplipp Johnson,
Secretary of the Board of Managers.
Philadelphia, Dec. 5, 1834.

PREFATORY REMARKS.

The Author of the following Discourse will regret if it should give pain to
any person. or party. He himself belongs to no party whatever. The call
which was made upon him, imposed the duty of expressing his opinions fully
and fearlessly, and he trusts that he has discharged the obligation in a spirit of
temperance and candour. As it is of little moment to others what opinions he
may choose to entertain or express, his chief solicitude has been lest the cause
might be injured by his lame exposition and imperfect defence.
The writer does not intend to become a gladiator in this arena. He hopes,
therefore, to be pardoned for saying, that the limits prescribed to an oration,
precluded that full array of fact and argument which the topic requires.
From this cause, he has left untouched several considerations which he would
gladly have introduced, and been prevented from pursuing others which are
barely started. Some of these are concisely hinted at in the form of notes.
Owing to the necessity of compression on the one hand, and the want of
skill on the other, he has, no doubt, been guilty of the fault noticed, after
Horace, by Boileau :
"J evite d'etre long, et je deviens obscur."

DISCOURSE.

On this day has sailed from the port of Norfolk, the good
ship Ninus, laden with one hundred and twenty-six of the
enfranchised sons and daughters of Africa. Like the worthy
and persecuted associates of William Penn, these voyagers
seek shelter from oppression in a foreign clime. Delivered
from the fetters of bondage by the active philanthropy of
this association, they seek, in the establishment of a new
colony, the enjoyment of freedom. They embark, the first
emigrants to the Pennsylvan Colony, on the one hundred
and fifty-second anniversary of the arrival of Penn, with the
first English settlers, on the shores of the Delaware! With
a coincidence so remarkable, an omen so auspicious, may the
vessel spread her canvass to benignant winds! Bearing with
her the elements of an independent empire, may Heaven
penetrate the hearts of her passengers with the magnitude of
their enterprise, and illumine their minds to direct it with
wisdom ! What friend of humanity will refuse his gratitude
and joy, at the rescue of one hundred and twenty-six human
beings from the jaws of slavery? Who will not sympathise
with those pleasurable and intense emotions, which the event
is calculated to excite in the "hearts of its fortunate instru
ments ?
The reflections which the departure of this band of adven
turers must awaken, are peculiar and cheering. In the pos
session of present comfort, and joyous with anticipations of
unqualified freedom and future plenty, how unlike the condi
tion of their unhappy ancestors, borne from the cherished

6
land of their fathers, with the cruel prospect before them of
perpetual exile and hopeless servitude! To the mind of sen
sibility it is consoling to reflect, that we restore to Africa, as
intelligent and free, the posterity of her sons, whom we re
ceived as barbarous and enslaved ! It is consoling to reflect,
that we send' them not 'empty away,' but carrying the fruits
of light and knowledge, and capable of scattering their pre
cious seeds upon a soil which has lain neglected and buried,
for centuries, in the grossest ignorance and night.
Such is the first step which the Young Men's Colonization
Society of Pennsylvania have taken in this sphere of bene
volent exertion. The origin of the body is but of yesterday;
but its active existence has been the means of conferring
important benefits upon the parent Institution. It has infused
into its veins the inspiriting virtue of youthful blood, with
its impulsive energy. As a branch of the chief establish
ment at Washington, it will act upon similar views, and aim
at similar results.
As an association formed in Pennsylvania, guiding and
directing the destinies of a colony bearing its honoured
name, it will seek the establishment of those cardinal doc
trines of government which rendered Penn illustrious, and
his province happy; It will imitate the colonial policy of a
Founder, conceded to be far-sighted and virtuous. It will
infix as corner-stones in the Pennsylvan fabric the princi
ples which he inculcated and practised ; the principles of
toleration and temperance — of unbroken faith and universal
peace. It will aim, in unison with the parent Society, at
those practical blessings to the American negro and the native
African, which it was the great design of that institution to
promote and subserve.
The occasion, therefore, is opportune to recall the reasons
which suggested the formation of the American Colonization
Society, and to take a glance at her leading principles and
purposes, as they are understood and acted upon in Penn
sylvania. The distinguished honour of proposing a Society, as it was
afterwards modelled, for the colonization of the free blacks

upon the coast of Africa, belongs to Dr. Finley, of New
Jersey. It dates its existence, as an organized company, in
the beginning of the year 1817, upwards of thirty years
after the formation of the Abolition Society of Pennsylvania,
the parent of perhaps all the similar institutions in this coun
try. Let us survey the wide field of enterprise which the
condition and prospects of the degraded and wretched sons
of Africa presented, at that period, to the mind of enlight
ened benevolence.
The introduction of negro slavery into this country be
longs to its provincial history. It must go in reduction of
that debt which we owe to our ancestors — it is an incum
brance connected with our English inheritance. Thirteen
years after the settlement on the James river, a ship load
of Africans, from the coast of Guinea, was sold to the planters.
Multitudes, in Virginia and the other colonies, were soon
after added. New supplies were in a course of constant arrival.
At length the influx becoming onerous, and the injustice of
the traffic apparent, further importation was prohibited by
law. Slaves being thus admitted, and being cherished in the
southern latitudes on account of their alleged necessity and
great number, the revolution swept by without effecting their
emancipation. Legal provision has since been made for the
gradual removal of slavery in the states north of the Poto
mac, but on the south it continues to exist without a sen
sible change.
In other countries servitude has no doubt been in practice,
more oppressive, being less restrained by benignant legisla-
lalion and the moral tone of society. The laws in all the
slave-holding states, protect the slave in the enjoyment of
those qualified rights which are compatible with its recogni
tion, as a legal system. But with these assuasives the sys
tem prevails, and is attended with too many revolting ap
pendages ever to have the approbation of disinterested and
dispassionate men. It is opposed to the genius of our insti
tutions, and at war with that principle of human equality
which forms at once our political profession and our national
boast. It sinks its unhappy victim to the dust, and prevents

8
him from growing to that moral and intellectual stature be
fitting the dignity of a sentient being.
'H/tccru, yelp rf'apEtfjJs artowvviat tjpuorfa Zauj,
'Av'zpoi, si)*' av f-i" wt* Si%iov 'J^ap 'EXy'sw.^— Od. 17. 323.
Its effects upon the master who lives under it, and upon the
country which tolerates it, are only less baleful and ruinous.
Look for a moment at the condition of our southern country,
where, as well in its moral as its ^physical aspects, can be
seen the sweeping desolation of its blight. The vice of indo
lence, and those other vices which, march in the train of inac
tion, are but too perceptible on every hand. With all the
advantages of a favourable position for commerce, a genial
climate and luxuriant soil, we find deserted wharves, grass
grown streets, and exhausted fallows. Instead of the hardy
race which should fix upon solid ground the deep foundations
of our republican edifice, we find them luxurious and effemi
nate, unequal to those vigorous exertions which a new system
in a new country requires.* Those who cannot maintain the
style of gentlemen, seek subsistence in other states where
labour is honourable and its recompense less contingent.
Thus sapped of its strength,, its enterprising spirits banished
by an inexorable necessity — its magnificent fields neglected
and uncultivated — its inhabitants emasculate by indulgence,
" The country blooms a garden and a grave."
To change so lamentable a condition of things — to restore
man to his civil dignity, if not his native worth — to wrest
* Montesquieu attempts to lessen our estimate of the evils of servitude, in
despotic countries, by alleging that the condition of a slave is hardly more
burdensome than that of a subject. Though his ideas of the African race and
of negro slavery, are alike abhorrent and unphilosophical, (See Sp. L. 15 B. 5
chap.) he is nevertheless aware of the inconsistency of slavery with political
institutions which aim at, or establish equality. In relation to such govern
ments, he says, " slavery is contrary to the spirit of the constitution; it only con
tributes to give a power, and luxury to the citizens which they ought not to
have." (Sp. L. 15 B. 1 Chap.) Of its effects upon the master, he says, " he
contracts all manner of bad habits with his slaves, he accustoms himself in
sensibly to the want of all moral virtues, he grows fierce, hasty, severe, volup
tuous and cruel."— Sp. L. 15 B. 1. Chap.

from destruction those virtues which droop if they be not
carefully cherished — were among the original objects of the
Abolition Society of Pennsylvania. This institution was
composed of men of the first distinction and merit; men
who, fired by that liberty which the revolution established,
were willing to render that liberty universal. They la
boured for the general cause of the African, both bond and
free. Though legal emancipation was the primary object
of their convention, their comprehensive and benevolent
plan embraced in connexion with it, the abolition of the
slave trade, and the assistance and elevation of the African
race. Schools were formed under competent teachers, and
these were watched with the most anxious and unremitted
assiduity. The operations of the Society, as a corporate
body, were commenced in the year 1789, but it has, in fact,
been in energetic agency, since about the year 1785.
Nearly half a century has witnessed the devoted zeal of
this philanthropic institution. Is it premature or invidious
to inquire by what fruits its efforts have been distinguished ?
After the lapse of so many years, after the application of
intense and persevering labour, if success has neither been
realized nor loomed at a distance, is it unfair or unreason
able to doubt the final result of the experiment?
The abolition of our system of slavery in Pennsylvania
was in 1780, a period of nearly five years before the organi
zation of the Abolition Society. Is it a derogation from its
claim to unquestioned benevolence to deny to it, as a body,
any instrumentality in the enactment of the abolition law ?
The association was not in being at the period of its passage.
The merit of the measure is to be ascribed to the profound
sense entertained by the legislature, of the injustice and
evils of slavery, incited as they were by Benezet* and other
distinguished philanthropists,
The statute abolished hereditary servitude, and provided

* In the Life of Benezet, page 92, 1 find the following account of his instru
mentality in the passage of the act. " During the sitting of the legislature
in 1780, a session memorable for the enaction of a law which commenced tho
2

10
for the freedom of the future generation of existing slaves,
but those who were then in existence received no benefit
from its provisions.* In 1790, which was ten years after
the passage of the act, and five after the formation of the
Society, there were nearly four thousand slaves in the state.
The number has been gradually diminishing, but at the census
of 1830, there were in Pennsylvania, sixty-seven slaves, the
most of whom will irremediably continue till death, the abso
lute property of their masters.t This remnant of legal
bondage has remained unimpaired and unaffected by the
exertions of the Abolition Society, whose laudable zeal in
the maintenance of human rights, must be greatly scandalised
by its continuance. In Connecticut and Rhode Island
slavery was abolished four years after its inheritable quality
was expunged from the code of Pennsylvania, but slaves
were permitted to exist, and are now actually in being, by
the operation of their statutes. In New Jersey, according
to the, census of 1830, there existed, the large numb.er of
two thousand two hundred and forty-six slaves.
Nor must a fact be omitted in this connexion, that the
rapid diminution of slaves at. the north, is not solely to be
ascribed to the virtue of unaided statutes, but partly to sales

gradual abolition of slavery in Pennsylvania, he had private interviews on the
subject, with every member of the government, and no doubt thus "essentially
contributed to the adoption of fthat- celebrated measure." — Life of Anthony
Benezet by Roberts Vaux.
* In the case of Miller v. Dunlling, decided in the year 1826, and reported
in the 14th volume of Sergeant and Rawle's Reports, page 442, Judge Tilgh-
man was called upon to give a construction to the act of 1780. He decides
several interesting points, the first of which is, " That the legislature, anxious
as it was to abolish slavery, thought it unjust to violate the right which every
owner of a slave had to his service ; and, therefore, every person who, at the
lime of passing the act, was a slave, was to remain a slave."
t The number of slaves in Pennsylvania, as returned in the census of 1830,
is three hundred and eighty-six. I have adopted in the text the number re
ported by a select Committee of the Senate of Pennsylvania, who were ap
pointed to investigate the cause of the increase since the year 1820, when the
number returned was but two hundred and eleven. The Committee exclude
from the computation all who were not in being when the abolition act was
passed. Vide Journal of the Senate for 1832-3, page 483.

11
made to persons in the slave-holding districts, in anticipation
or fraud of the law. Thus many unfortunate men, whose
posterity by law would be free, or whose personal servitude
would expire at a given period, by being sent beyond the
pale of our jurisdiction, became bound by new and infrangi
ble fetters. In the adjoining states of Delaware, Maryland,
and Virginia, legal servitude survives. If a sentiment has
been imbibed in. either, or all of these, unfavourable to its
continuance, it is only justice and candour to admit that it
has arisen from the efforts of their own philanthropists, and
the influence of those internal causes which foreign argu
ment or remonstrance could neither prevent nor accelerate.
The whole South may be appealed to for the truth of
the assertion, that certain measures ascribed there to the
Abolition Societies, in exciting estrangement and hostility
towards the North, have had the effect of silencing inquiry
into the justice or policy of the system. Ill-judging indivi
duals have greatly contributed to this alienation and repug
nance. Assuming, as a principle, that man could not be
legitimately the subject of property, it was thought to be a
meritorious act to screen from re-capture, the fugitive who
should seek an asylum within our borders. Numerous fugi
tives from the southern states have thus been enabled, either
by connivance or active assistance, to elude the pursuit of
their masters. In vain was it alleged, that the re-delivery of
the slave to his legal owner, was a right recognised in the
federal Constitution, and protected by express legislative
enactment.* In vain was it predicted that such resistance
* The 2d Section of the 4th Art. of the Constitution of the United States pro
vides, that " no person held to service or labour in one state, under the laws
thereof, escaping into another, shall, in consequence of any law or regulation
therein, be discharged from such service or labour, but shall be delivered up,
on claim of the party to whom such labour or service is due." A similar
provision in regard to fugitives from justice, immediately precedes this
rule in regard to slaves. The learned Du Ponceau, in his " Brief View of the
Constitution of the United States," thus expresses his sense of this two-fold
provision, page 45 : " Fugitives from justice, and from personal service or
labour, are to be delivered up, on being demanded in the manner prescribed by
the Constitution and the laws made in pursuance thereof." Accordingly, an

12
to rights, acknowledged by the laws of a sister state, would
kindle into a flame those jealousies and suspicions which the
accidents of commerce too frequently engender between in
dependent and contiguous states. In vain were his abettors
reminded of the effects which such interference must inevita
bly produce, in tightening the bonds of the slave by all such
additional cords as the security of his person at home would
render necessary. In vain were they admonished that the
retention of a fugitive would prove injurious to the interests
of Philadelphia, by the invitation it offered to others to make
this city their refuge. In vain were they solemnly adjured,
that by exciting indignant feelings at the south, they marred
the prospect of legislative emancipation — that by concealing
or harbouring a few runaways, sometimes the worst of the
class, they forged new manacles for those who remained in
bondage. Persuasion and remonstrance too often proved
wholly ineffectual ; for what could these effect against a line
of conduct prompted by compassion for the slave, and the
belief that it was a sacred duty to protect him?*
act of Congress was passed on the 12th of February, 1793, entitled, "An act
respecting fugitives from justice, and persons escaping from the service of their
masters." The object of this enactment was to point out the mode by which
fugitive slaves shall be restored to their masters in the states from which they
may have escaped. The Abolition Act of Pennsylvania, which became a law
upwards of seven years before the adoption of the Constitution of the United
States, is very explicit upon the subject of fugitive slaves from other States,
although it aimed at the ultimate destruction of our domestic slavery. The
11th section provides, " that the said act, or any thing contained in it, should
not give any relief or shelter to any absconding or runaway negro or mulatto
slave or servant, who had absented himself, or should absent himself from his
or her owner, master, or mistress, residing in any other state or country, but
such owner, master, or mistress should have like right and aid to demand,
claim, and take away his slave or servant, as he might have had in case the
said act had not been made," Jt can hardly create surprise, that the slave
holder, smarting under pecuniary loss, should feel little respect for the man
whose philanthropy could lead him to violate rights which were thus recog
nised by the Constitution of the United States, by act of Congress, and by the
local legislation of his own state,
* Among the old abolitionists who paid respect to the legal institutions of
the country, I may name the late Elisha Tyson, of Baltimore, whose efforts in
the cause of abolition were so successful, that he is said to have been instru
mental in liberating, during his life, two thousand slaves from bondage ! His

13
1 do not impute to the Society, as a body, the maintenance
of such principles nor their reduction into practice. Its vene
rable and distinguished President* never would sanction or
connive at a course of action so hostile to sound policy, and
the dominion of municipal and constitutional law. But
whoever may have been instrumental in producing it, the
consequence is a decided repugnance at the South to all the
acts of Abolition Societies. Their counsels are derided or
bitterly laughed at, and their speeches and tracts, being
branded as 'incendiary,' are neither listened to nor regarded.
Nothing emanating from such a quarter, receives the decency
of respect or attention. When the tranquillity of sober re
flection is disturbed by objects of excitement, it is easy to
adopt extravagant sentiments and to suggest new and plau
sible reasons in their defence. It was in this state of the
public sensibilities at the South, that the doctrine of state
rights was appealed to for the purpose of opposing the en
croachments of Northern philanthropists. The cry was heard,
that their laws were insulted and their property invaded by
men who had nothing to lose by the toleration or extinction
of slavery; that a society of another state which had abolished
its domestic system, were assailing their own local institu
tions. The pride of the South coming to the aid of its pas
sions and interest soon extinguished all hope of affecting their

intelligent biographer says: "During the whole course of Mr. Tyson's philan
thropic exertions, he was strongly characterized for the profound deference
which he paid to the laws of the land. * * * Not only because
this is one of the conditions upon which every citizen has a right to continue
in the communily, but also because the encouraging of disobedience to the
laws in one respect, would be the promoting of it in another; disobedience
would grow into rebellion, and rebellion end in the total subversion of the
state. It was for these reasons that his appeals in behalf of the persecuted
Africans were made either to the clemency of individuals, or to the justice of
the civil judge. * * * But those cases wherein argument and
persuasion were unavailable, he submitted to the legal tribunals of the country;
and having placed them there, left them to the future care of those whose oaths
bound them to do justice." — Life of Elisha Tyson, p. 13, 14.
* William Rawle LL. D., the author of the well known and able work on the
Constitution of the United States.

14
system of slavery, except through the agency of bodies
formed by themselves, and of measures in which they could
personally co-operate. Legislative emancipation, as a phan
tom, thus eluded their grasp. Other important objects now
claimed their attention. These were the destruction of the
slave trade; the protection of the. personal rights of the man
of colour; and the exaltation of his'moral and mental being.
The department of elevating the negro, a duty of the most
pleasing but delicate and arduous nature, must, if properly
understood, lead to the most beneficial results. In this pro
vince, so peculiarly and justly their own, they have laboured
with an ardour which no difficulties could cool, no opposition
extinguish. I claim to be an humble advocate of African
rights, and a determined enemy to African oppression. I
would place them where their personal merits would entitle
them to stand, maugre all the baneful prejudices which their
distinctive condition has fomented. But do the laws of
Pennsylvania deny to them any civil or political privilege ?
Do they invidiously point out and distinguish the freeman,
because he wears a dark complexion,
" The shadow'd livery of the burnish'd sun ?"
The freeman of colour is here constituted a free citizen,
with all the incidents of absolute denization. But though
in possession of all the freedom which laws can confer,
and aided by a society who have taught him the use of
letters and the obligations of moral and religious duty,
he is yet very low in the scale of moral virtue. In elu
cidation of this, a reference to the statistics of our prisons
and penitentiaries is all that is requisite. In the year
1827, when the white population of Pennsylvania amounted
to one million two hundred thousand, and the black
only to thirty thousand souls, the criminals confined at
the penitentiary at Philadelphia, consisted of one hundred
and twenty-one blacks, and one hundred and seventy-three
whites. According to the census of 1830, the population
of Pennsylvania was one million three hundred and forty-

15
seven thousand six hundred and seventy-two persons, of
which number there were thirty-seven thousand nine hun
dred and ninety free coloured inhabitants. The number
of prisoners in the three penitentiaries of the state, at the
end of that year, was five hundred and ninety-eight, of
which two hundred and fifty-three were blacks. If the con
victions among the white population were in the same pro
portion with the black, instead of there being three hun
dred and forty-five convicts in the different penitentiaries
of the state, an immense and overwhelming multitude,
would present of between eight and nine thousand!
Nor is there in the magnitude of the crimes committed, a
perceptible difference. Among those offences which are
supposed to exhibit the highest degree of moral turpitude,
such as larceny, robbery, burglary, and arson, the relative
proportion of whites and blacks seems to be nearly equal.
It has sometimes been argued, in explanation of so lament
able a disparity, that the conviction of a coloured man is
procured with more facility than that of a white. All expe
rience of our criminal courts rejects the imputation as un
founded. It affects too deeply the integrity and justice of
our judicial tribunals, to be countenanced or discussed with
out adequate and particular proof. No ; the fact cannot be
reasoned against, explained, or impaired, and however reluc
tant we may feel to admit the moral inferiority of the black
man in Pennsylvania, the conclusion is altogether irresistible.*
Though the statistics of our prisons show the black citizen

* Heber tell us that the prisons of Moscow and other places in Russia, were
chiefly filled with slaves, most of whom were in irons. The convictions of
slaves in the slave-holding states of this union, show the most deplqrable dis
proportion to those of the whites. Travellers find the prisons crowded with

For the- purpose of contemplating the same men under more favour
able circumstances, we must consider them, not in the free state of Penn
sylvania, for as I have demonstrated in the text, mere legal freedom confers no
exemption from crime, but in Liberia. Governor Mechlin says : " As to the
morals of the colonists, (of Liberia) I consider them much better than those
of the people of the United States ; that is, you may take an equal number of
the inhabitants from any section of the Union, and you will find more drunk-

16
to be more depraved than the white, it must not be forgot
ten, that reasons can be assigned for it, without alleging the
existence of ingenerate evil beyond the common lot of
humanity. All philosophy proves, that man must be incited
to virtue and to greatness, by the impulses, of honourable
ambition and the hopes of reward. We find men starting
from the sinks, of vice and the obscurity of indigence, and
winning their way to wealth, honour and distinction, amid a
thousand obstacles, and a thousand obstructions. Even the
dignity of patrician rank, in England, intrenched as it is
behind inveterate customs, and alt the outposts of princely
wealth, has been invaded by the daring encroachments of ple
beian merit. But however elevated the natural spirit, it will
ards, more profane swearers and Sabbath-breakers, &c, than in Liberia.
You rarely hear an oath, and as to riots and breaches of the peace, I recollect
of but one instance, and that of a trifling nature, that has come under my
notice since I assumed the government of the colony." Capt. Sherman says,
" There is a greater proportion of moral and religious characters in Monrovia
than in this city," (Philadelphia.) Capt. Abels, who spent thirteen days in
the settlement, in the early part of 1832, thus attests the moral condition of
the colony ; " I saw no intemperance, nor did I hear a profane word uttered
by any one. Being a minister of the btospel, on Christmas-day I preached
both in the Methodist and Baptist Church, to full and attentive congregations,
of from three to four hundred persons in each. I know of no place where
the Sabbath appears to be more respected than in Monrovia." The following
testimony is borne by Simpson and Moore, who visited the colony together.
" We noticed, particularly, the' moral state of things, and during our visit, saw
but one man who appeared to be intemperate, and but two who used any pro
fane language. We think the settlers more moral, as a people, than the citi
zens of the United States." It is to be wished, that we had more recent in
formation of the state of the criminal calendar. Capt. Sherman, who was in
Liberia in 1830, furnishes the latest news upon this subject. It is, however,
all that the most sanguine mind could anticipate. That gentleman says, " To
the honour of the emigrants, be it mentioned, that but five of their number
have been committed for stealing or misdemeanour, since 1827." During
these three years, which produced but five convictions ' for stealing or mis
demeanour,' the population of the emigrants averaged one thousand five hun
dred souls.' Now, if the moral character of the colonists of Liberia, were not
belter than that of the free blacks of Pennsylvania in the year 1830, instead
of five convictions, there would have been sextuple that amount; that is to
say, if the convictions in Liberia were in the same proportion to the popula
tion, as among the free blacks of Pennsylvania, instead of five, there would
have been thirty convictions in those three years !

17
remain tame or torpid without some stirring incentive, some
powerful stimulus to action. When intellectual superiority
or moral virtue is held in estimation, when its possessor
is admired and venerated, we find numerous candidates for
the honours attendant upon its acquisition. Why is all
this? Because, in the absence of legal impediment, humble
merit is sure of success, if it be seconded by the feelings
and sympathies of the people. But can the aspirations of
the negro in this country be awakened by a similar hope?
He feels himself the descendant of a slave, and essentially
distinguished from the mass around him. He sees the
European foreigner, however differing from us in language
and habits, possess every exterior resemblance, and give to
his posterity the characteristics of the nation he has adopted.
He sees his own offspring but the counterpart of himself,
and they likely to transmit their inheritance to their suc
cessors from generation to generation. He sees that a re
pugnance arising from his ancestry and complexion, pre
vents him from enjoying those rights which the laws
accord to him. He feels, that though benevolent solicitude
for his caste has been alert- for nearly a century, yet the
mere privilege of voting — that franchise, without which,
liberty- is but an empty name, is denied him at the peril of
his life. He feels that social communion with the white
man, upon equal terms, is a franchise more difficult to pur
chase than that of suffrage to exercise. He feels that the
very kindness which he experiences, is a kind of abstract,
short-lived sympathy, at a distance, rather than prompted by
the admission of undisputed equality, or the desire of nearer '
approach. Thus seeing and thus reasoning, is it surprising
that his moral and intellectual nature has not yielded to long-
continued and sedulous care ? Promising himself little
from the pursuits of industry, or the practice of virtue,
save the gratifications of animal existence, and the peace
ful consciousness of acting well, he gives up both in despair.
In such a state of things it has been suggested, that
it is , the part of Christian philanthropy to break down
the idle prejudices of lineage and colour by offering tQ
3

18
the coloured man the refinements of society, and to admit
him to full participation in the endearments of social in
tercourse. Let those who inculcate these doctrines set be
fore us the spectacle of their own bright example* Let them,
if they can, thus violate all the sanctities of feeling, all the
heart felt charities of private life; let them, if they can, upon
Christian principles, make the invidious distinction between
the negro and his own correspondent class among the whites.
An exaltation of the negro above the head of his white com
peer, would be unavoidably attended with a twofold impro
priety and absurdity. The exclusion of the latter, of equal
deserts is indefensible, invidious and unjust, while the ad
mission of the former, places him in a station for which he is
unfit, and by which he is incapable of deriving advantage.
A forced and unnatural union, repugnant alike to reason and
to feeling, must ever be the parent of infelicity. But the
projectors of amalgamation not having reached that point of
moral sublimity which can overlook these various objec
tions, it may be considered as a question broached, rather as a
metaphysical abstraction, than with the hope, desire, or ex-.
pectation of ever seeing it reduced to practice. As the negro,
in this country, is from the causes adverted to, curtailed of
his moral and mental proportions, it seems rather the dictate
of enlightened benevolence to frame plans for his ulterior
improvement and practical melioration, than to seek to render
him odious by a premature, an indiscreet, and unnatural ele
vation. Such being the results of long continued and strenuous ei-
forts at abolition, and such the condition and prospects of the
free coloured population, it seemed to be desirable, that a
new essay should be made, offering more hopeful expectations
of success. It was seen that little had been done at the
North) and that the great work of Southern Abolition could
not be advanced by companies in the free states. It was
seen that statutory disability existed to prevent private en*
franchisements, unless accompanied by removal from the
slave holding territory. It was seen that the free negroes of
the United States, stinted and restrained in regard to the finer

19
properties and higher attributes which characterise humanity
in positions favourable to its growth and cultivation, were
abridged of those common enjoyments which usually fall to
the lot of man in a free country. It was under these circum
stances, and with these impressions, that the Colonization So
ciety grew into being. Though commenced intheNorth,itmet
with approbation in the South, and from the era of its estab
lishment to the present time, both th.e North and the South
have harmoniously united in the projects of an enterprise so
transcendently good and glorious. The simple scheme of re
moving to Africa all who should consent to emigrate, would,
it was honestly believed, promote the ultimate hopes of the
Abolition Societies. Let these institutions, by mental and
moral culture, prepare the negro for self-government in his
father-land. Let them unfold to the free blacks the advan
tages which are likely to accrue to themselves, their brethren,
and posterity, from erecting free governments in Africa.
Let them paint to their imaginations, with pencils glowing
with the greatness of the truth, the enjoyments of unrestrain
ed liberty and perfect equality, in a region designed by
nature, both in its climate and productions, for their exclu
sive possession.* Let them awaken their ambition as the
* There seems to be a peculiar fitness in placing the negro in Africa, when
it is recollected that large portions of its immense tracts are suited only to his
constitution. The white man will languish and die beneath a sun which is con
genial to the animal nature of the black man. Nature herself, therefore, would
seem to concur with this philanthropy, unless it be thought that she designed
those regions, which are so well calculated for the residence of the latter, and
for him only, to lie waste and uninhabited. Capt. Nicholson, of the U. S. Navy,
says of Liberia, which he visited in 1828, " It was, I believe, never intended
that the white man should inhabit this region of the globe : at least, we know
that the diseases of this climate are more fatal to him than to the man of
colour. They luxuriate in the intense heat, while a white man sinks under
its exhausting influence." I cannot forbear from quoting, in confirmation of
these views, some judicious remarks of a learned writer in a late number of
the Phrenological Journal of Edinburgh. " If we look," says he, " to that well
marked and vast peninsula called Africa, we find that equally marked race,
the negro, with slight modifications, forming its native population throughout
all its regions. We- find the temperature of his blood, the chemical action of
his skin, the very texture of his wool-like hair, all fitting him for the vertical
aun of Africa; and if every surviving African of the present day, who is living

20
founders of a future commonwealth, to be virtuous and en
lightened, rich in the ownership of multiplied blessings, and
widely diffusive in the effects of example and influence. If
they do this, we shall find the American negro, now dwin
dled in his morals and intellect, developing those latent capa
cities and inborn energies, which, though oppression might
check or conceal, it could not uproot and destroy. We shall
find him planting a tree in the midst of a howling desert,
bearing the rich fruits of religion, civilization, and liberty,
and inviting to the covert of its thick spreading branches and
clustering foliage, the people of a continent which has lain
so long exposed, uncovered, defenceless, and oppressed.
The direct and incidental effects of Colonization are very
large and expansive. They are not limited to a qualified
benefit resulting to the free blacks only, at the expense of
injury to the slave, but comprehend in their wide range the
cause of abolition, the absolute disenthraling of the man of
colour, the extinction of the slave trade, and the civilization
of Africa. For the accomplishment of these great purposes,
an extensive region of sea-coast has been selected on the
western side of the African continent, stretching two hun
dred and eighty miles from the river Gallinas on the north,
to the territory of Kroo Settra on the south. Being intended
for the abode of freemen, this extensive domain bears the
appropriate title, Liberia. The actual jurisdiction of the
Colony, at present, extends one hundred and fifty miles from
Cape Mount to Trade Town. Between these points is beau
tifully situated, at Bassa Cove, the locality of the Pennsyl-
van Colony. A few leagues beyond the northern limits of
in degradation and destitution in other lands, for which he was never intended,
were actually restored to the peculiar land of his peculiar race, in independence
and comfort, would any man venture to affirm, that Christianity had been lost
sight of by all who had in any way contributed to such a consummation? It
matters not to brotherly love on which side of the Atlantic the negro is made
enlightened, virtuous, and happy, if he is actually so far blessed j but it does
matter on which side of the ocean you place him, when there is only one where
he will be as happy and respectable as benevolence would wish to see him,
and certainly there, a rightly applied morality and religion would sanction his
being placed."

21
Liberia, stretches the more ancient settlement of Sierra
Leone, and at its southern extremity stands the flourishing
little establishment at Cape Palmas. A glance at the map of
Africa, discovers a continuous line of sea-coast from the
north-west to the south-east of five hundred miles, which is
now dotted by prosperous and Christian communities. These
are the green spots which the plastic hand of Colonization
has formed out of a trackless region of boundless wilderness.
The selection made, it is supposed, embraces more advantages
of fertility, site, salubrity, and commerce, than any other
which the extensive western coast of Africa affords.
The first settlement at Liberia was in the year 1822. It
now includes about ten thousand citizens who have submitted
to regular government. Of these several thousands belong to
the native tribes who have voluntarily placed themselves
under its protection; many hundred are recaptured Africans;
and the remainder are emigrants from this country. Here
is the germ of a powerful and independent commonwealth,
destined, perhaps, to carry into the heart, and to the remote
extremities of Africa, our religion, laws, civilization, and
language. The fierceness of opposition, and the easiness of popular
credulity, have combined in casting the most cruel aspersions
upon the condition and prospects of Liberia. The mistakes
of agents and the temporary miscarriage of favourite plans,
have been magnified into events of vital and insuperable con
sequence. Its existing state has been represented to ad
venturers as supremely unhappy, and the country, in point of
climate, as a yawning tomb. The least examination will
show that these assertions are without adequate basis, and
that the colony, both in climate and the prosperous condition
of its inhabitants, presents the most flattering inducements to
emigrants. — All new countries in a course of improve
ment, are liable to the visitation of febrile distempers. The
decomposition of that decaying vegetable matter which their
falling forests constantly supply, must furnish nutriment to
disease. Change of residence from a temperate to a tro
pical climate, must likewise impart an injurious influ-

22
ence. In Liberia, these causes concur and are in full
operation, without giving rise to greater mortality . than
happens in the most salutary districts of our western coun
try.'* Better evidence need not be adduced of the salu-

*The truth of the declaration in the text, can be well established by cita
tions from the reports of the agents of the parent Society, and the, writings of
respectable and disinterested visitors. I shall confine myself to a few quota
tions. In February, 1828, Dr. Mechlin writes, " This month, although called
by those resident here, the sickly season, has not, to judge from the few cases
•of illness that have come under my notice, merited that appellation; Indeed,
I do not know any part of the United Slates where the proportion of the sick is
not fully as great as here, and the cases of a refractory nature are, almost all
yielding to medicine." In April, the same gentleman, referring to the newly
arrived emigrants, says, "I never saw any fever in the United-States yield
more readily to medicine than the country fever, among the emigrants, at this
season." In August, he writes, " that only four, or five cases of sickness exist,
and that at no time had health been more generally enjoyed." In December,
Dr. Randall writes thus : " The climate, during this month, is most delightful.
Though this is regarded as the sickly season, we have but little disease, and
none of an alarming character.", During- -this period, when, according to
Mechlin, only four or five cases of sickness existed, the population of the emi
grants was about twelve hundred persons. In the circular Address of the Colo
nists to the Free People of Colour of the United States, published about the same
time with these testimonies of the physicians of the Colony, we find this candid and
intelligent representation of their experience and prospects in regard to health.
" We enjoy health, after a few month's residence in the country, as uniformly
and in as perfect a degree, as we possessed that blessing in our native country.
And a distressing scarcity of provisions, or any of the comforts of life, has for
the last twO' years been entirely unknown, even to the poorest persons in this
community. - On these points there are, and have been,. much misconception,
and some malicious. misrepresentation in the United States. * * *
Several out of every ship's company have, within the last four years, been
carried off by sickness, caused by the change of climate. And death occa
sionally takes a victim from our number, without any regard at all to the time
of his residence, in this country. But we never hoped, by leaving Americavto
escape the common lot of mortals — the necessity of death, to which the just
appointment of heaven consigns us. But we do expect to live as long, and pass
this life with as little sickness as yourselves:
" The true ¦character of the African climate is not well understood in other
countries. Its inhabitants ,are as robust, as healthy, as long-lived, to say the
least, as those of any other country. Nothing like an epidemic has ever ap
peared in this Colony ; nor can we learn from the natives, that the calamity
of a sweeping sickness ever yet visited this part of the continent. But the
change from a temperate to a tropical country is a great one — too great not to

23
brity of the climate, than the fact, that the black inhabitants
of the Southern states are scarcely sensible of change. They
seldom contract the fever to which emigrants from the
Northern latitudes are frequently subject. Misgivings of the
affect the health, more or less — and, in the case of old people, and very young
children, it often causes death. In the early years of the Colony, want of good
houses, the great fatigues and dangers of the settlers, their irregular mode of
living, and the hardships and discouragements they met with, greatly helped
the other causes of sickness. * * But we look back to those times
as to a season of trial long past, and nearly forgotten. Our houses and cir
cumstances are now comfortable ; and for the last two or three years, not one
person in forty, from the middle and southern States, has died from the change
of climate."
Capt. Nicholson, of the United States Navy, who had visited Liberia on his
return from a cruise in the Mediterranean, thus writes to Henry Clay, under
date of the 17th March, 1828 :
" The population is now twelve hundred, and is healthy and thriving. The
children born in the country are fine looking, and I presume can be raised as
easily as those of the natives. All the colonists with whom I had any commu
nication, (and with nearly the whole I did communicate in person, or by my
officers,) expressed their decided wish to remain in their present situation,
rather than to return again to the United States."
Capt. Sherman, who, in the year 1830, conducted to Liberia fifty-eight
emigrants from this country, and who was there for three weeks, in the month
of March, thus speaks his honest impressions :
" It has been objected that the climate is very unhealthy — this is true as
respects the whites, but erroneous as respects the coloured people. Those
from the middle and northern States have to undergo what is called a season
ing — that is, they generally take the fever the first month of their residence,
but it has rarely proved fatal, since accommodations have been prepared for
their reception ; those from Georgia, the Carolinas, and the southern parts of
Virginia, either escape the fever altogether, or have it very slightly. Deaths
occur there, indeed, as in other places, but Doctor Mechlin, the agent, assured
me that the bills of mortality would show a less proportion of deaths, than those
of Baltimore, Philadelphia, or ffew : York."
Simpson and Moore, two intelligent and respectable coloured men, visited
the different settlements in the summer of 1832, and report their sense of the
health of the country as follows : " Wherever we went, the people appeared to
enjoy good health ; and a more healthy looking people, particularly the chil
dren, we have not seen in the United States. * * * Our own
health, while in the Colony, was perfectly good, although we were much ex
posed to the night air." (Vide Dr. Hodgkin's remarks on the value and respec
tability of this evidence, in his inquiry into the merits of the American Coloni
zation Soeiety, &c. p. 33.) Without multiplying extracts, which, from a variety
of sources, and of similar import, might be greatly increased, I will add the

24
climate must be removed by adverting to the sound constitu
tions of the native inhabitants. They survive to an age be
yond the prescribed limit of ' three score and ten,' and carry
with them through life, in strength of limb and rotundity of
form, abundant proof of the excellence of their native air.
The original emigrants to Liberia were not exempt from
those hardships and privations to which first settlers are ne
cessarily exposed. Unacquainted with the dispositions of the
people, and ignorant of the peculiarities of the soil, their sub
sistence was precarious and slender. Care, privation, and
disease brought some to a premature grave.* But the diffi-

conclusion to which Dr. Hodgkin, the amiable and excellent writer just quoted,
came, in the year 1833, after an attentive examination of all the documents
connected with the subject. As a foreign writer, and a man of the most bene
volent and praiseworthy character, his impressions, derived from a perusal of
the whole testimony, are of intrinsic value. He says in his Inquiry, p. 35,
" According to the official statements respecting the health of the colonists at
Liberia, it does not appear that the mortality, notwithstanding the influx of
new settlers — who would have a kind of seasoning to undergo, whatever
might have been the situation to which they had removed — has much, if at all,
exceeded the mortality in the United States." From these representations,
can it be doubted, that when the colonists shall have turned their attention
more to agriculture than trade— when the forests shall have been prostrated,
the population increased, and its comforts augmented — we shall hear little com
plaint against Liberia on the score of climate ?
* Sierra Leone, which, notwithstanding the disregard it has experienced of
late years, has done so much for the surrounding tribes of barbarians, and
towards the destruction of the slave-trade in that part of Africa, showed, in its
early history, a mortality alarming in the extreme. If th£ tithe could be rea
sonably alleged of Liberia, which is truly related of Sierra Leone, the enterprise
would long since have been abandoned. The obstacles which the English
Company encountered and subdued, would have appalled and disheartened
Americans. Adam Hodgson, in the appendix to his letter to M. Jean Baptiste
Say, on the comparative expense of free and slave labour, published in 1823,
gives the following melancholy account of the misfortunes to which the first
colonists at Sierra Leone were subjected : " This colony (Sierra Leone,) may
be said to owe its origin to the liberality and benevolent exertions of the cele
brated Granville Sharp. At the time when the decision of Lord Mansfield, in
the memorable case of the negro Somerset, had established the axiom, that
" as soon as any slave sets his foot on English ground, he becomes free,"
there were many negroes in London who had been brought over by their mas
ters. As a. large proportion of these had no longer owners to support them,
nor any parish from which they could claim relief, they fell into great distress,

25
culties which Liberia has encountered, are those only of all
colonial settlements. Their early history presents an uniform
aspect, one unvarying page ; it is marked by discouragement
and disaster, by disappointment and mortality. The parent
and nurse of all the Spanish establishments in America,
proved a certain burying-place to most of the primitive
adventurers. Of the thirty-eight persons left in Hispaniola,
by Columbus, as the seed of a colony, all had perished in ten
months after, on his return from Spain. The armament
which Ovando conducted thither in 1502, carried two thou
sand five hundred colonists. One thousand of these fell vic
tims to disease. Notwithstanding these sad indications of a
fatal temperature, and the mortality which, at the conclusion
of the last and beginning of the present century, thinned the
ranks of the French and English armies which successively
invaded that island, yet all recent voyagers agree, that to the
coloured inhabitants, who are now its undisputed possessors,
the climate is propitious and healthful. Of the colonists con
ducted by Sir Walter Raleigh to the coast, now forming a

and resorted in crowds to their patron, Granville Sharp, for support. * *
He determined upon sending them to some spot in Africa, the general land of
their ancestors, where, when they were once landed under a proper leader, and
with proper provisions for a time, and proper implements of husbandry, they
might, with but moderate industry, provide for themselves. * * *
Nothing could be more discouraging than the calamities which befell the un
dertaking from its very outset. Of four hundred black people who left the
Thames on the 22d February, 1787, under convoy of His Majesty's sloop of
war Nautilus, not more than one hundred and thirty, (who were afterwards
reduced to forty,) remained alive at, and in one body, at the end of the rainy
season, into which they had been thrown by the death of Mr. Snleathman,
notwithstanding Mr. Sharp's strenuous efforts to avoid it. Disaster followed
disaster. Famine, disease, discontent, desertion, succeeded each other with
frightful rapidity, till the year 1789, when the Colony, again in a state of im
provement, was almost annihilated by a hostile attack from a. neighbouring
chief." These calamities have long since ceased, and no objection is now
heard to the climate of Sierra Leone, in its influence upon the coloured popula
tion, and no fears entertained of the natives or of famine. The neglect which
it has suffered, has prevented it from realizing all that might be expected from
it. It has rendered the colonists happy, and greatly suppressed the slave-trade.
4

26
constituent part of North Carolina, and of others who subse
quently followed, not one survived to tell the story of their
melancholy fate. The settlement at James Town, in 1607,
narrowly escaped a similar miscarriage. One half of the
original emigrants were, in a few months, swept away by
famine and distemper. Those who remained thrice formed
the resolution of abandoning the Colony and returning to
England. Of five hundred settlers whom the chivalrous
and devoted Smith left in Virginia, but sixty were in being
a few months after ; and they, enfeebled by famine, and de
jected by various misfortunes, were projecting a speedy de
parture from the land of their hardships and sufferings. The
Colony at New Plymouth experienced like embarrassments.
In six months after the landing of the pilgrims, owing to the
unaccustomed rigours of an eastern winter, and the fatigues
and hardships inseparable from a new settlement, nearly half
of the adventurers had died. A great pestilence, they were
informed by the Indian Chief, Samoset, had raged four years
before, and swept the populous region of Patuxet. To their
other calamities, was added the sterility of a rocky and stub
born soil, the productions of which, after untiring and labo
rious cultivation, were always uncertain. The distresses of
famine threatened them at every step ; they subsisted upon
fish, with precarious supplies of corn and beans, procured
from the Indians. It is not necessary to remind Pennsyl
vania's of the hardships encountered by those worthy pio
neers of the wilderness, who landed on the shores of the
Delaware, on this day one hundred and fifty-two years ago. It
is not necessary to recount the perplexities and trials which
their situation imposed — of their disappointment and con
sternation in finding caves for their dwelling places, and
impenetrable tracts of forests in the promised land. With
such examples, and other lights which history sheds, let
Liberia be viewed, and it will be seen that less hardship and
disaster, les6 mortality and discontent, cannot be found in
any settlement which the long narrative of colonial annals
records. The concurring testimonies of Captain Stockton and
Captain Nicholson, who visited Liberia in 1828 ; of Captain

27
Sherman, in 1830; of Captain Kennedy and Captain Abel,
in 1831; of Hannah Kilham, in 1832; and of Captain Voor-
hees, towards the close of the past year, establish, beyond
the possibility of question, its striking fitness for its destined
object. In confirmation of these disinterested and respectable
travellers, are the reports of the agents, the letters of the colo
nists, and the evidence of British and French naval officers
who have occasionally visited the settlement. They unite in
repesenting it as the abode of peaceful content and smiling
plenty. The preposterous and unfounded statements of one
or two unknown or discredited witnesses, are entitled to no
respect from the honest inquirer. Like the fabulous stories
circulated against colonial Pennsylvania, in the life-time of
the Founder, better information and more enlarged expe
rience prove their folly and untruth.*

* The unknown witness brought forward by James G. Birney, in his re
cent letter against Colonization, exceeds, in the monstrosity of its allega
tions, the hardihood of all his predecessors. Having never before heard of the
Rev. Samuel Jones, thus distinguished in the letter, I know him only by the
account there given, that 'he is a coloured man, and had been a slave in
Kentucky,' and by his testimony concerning Liberia. I copy the whole de
scription, to enable the reader to see how ruthless and fierce are the attacks
upon this devoted settlement. " On the fourth day, Mr. King (Agent of the
Tennessee Colonization Society,) suggested that we ought now to visit the
poor. We accordingly did so, and of all misery and poverty, and all repining
that my imagination had ever conceived, it had never reached what my eyes
now saw, and my ears heard. Hundreds of poor creatures, squalid, ragged,
hungry, without employment — some actually starving to death, and all praying
most fervently that they might get home to America once more. Even the
emancipated slave craved the boon of returning again to bondage, that he
might once more have the pains of hunger satisfied. There are hundreds
there who say they would rather come back and be slaves than stay in Liberia.
They would sit down and tell us their tale of suffering and of sorrow, with
such a. dejected and wo-begone aspect, that it would almost break bur hearts.
They would weep as they would talk of their sorrows here, and their joys in
America — and we mingled our tears freely with theirs. This part of the po
pulation included, as near as we could judge, two-thirds of the inhabitants of
Monrovia." Two-thirds of the inhabitants discontented, and hundreds rather
be slaves than remain in Liberia ! Hundreds hungry, and some actually
starving to death .' Misery beyond what the imagination can conceive, the
eyes ever saw, or the ears heard ! The surprise is not that a spurious bill may
get into circulation, but that it should find such an indorser as James G. Bir-

28
Such is the country in which the Colonization Society has
invited the black man of America to fix his permanent habi
tation. It offers him, ' without money and without price/ a
ney. This account is opposed by the letter of the Colonists themselves, and the
concurring testimonies of the most respectable travellers, from the year 1828
to the present time. The letter from the colonists represents the face of the
country as covered with perpetual verdure, and that the soil in fertility is not
surpassed on the face of the earth — that the colonists are blessed with plenty,
and enjoy content — that wages are high, and mechanics of nearly every trade
are sure of constant and profitable employment.' They say-, " Truly we have
a goodly heritage ; and if there is any thing lacking in the character or con
dition of the people of this Colony, it never can be charged to the account of
the country : it must be the fruit of our own mismanagement, or slothfulness
or vices." (See the Circular of the Colonists, in extenso, in Thirteenth Annual
Report of the American Society for colonizing the free people of colour of the
United States, p. 30, et seq.) Capt. Nicholson thus writes in 1828 : " I cannot
give you better evidence of the prosperity of the Colony, than by mentioning
that eight of my crew (coloured mechanics,) after going on shore two several
days, applied for, and received their discharge, in order to remain as perma
nent settlers. These men had been absent from their country upwards of
three years, and had, among them, nearly two thousand dollars in clothes and
money. Had they not been thoroughly convineed that their happiness and
prosperity would be better promoted by remaining among their free brethren
in Liberia, they would not have determined on so momentous a step as quit
ting the United States, perhaps forever, where they all had left friends and
relatives. "The appearance of all the colonists, those of Monrovia, as well as those of Cald
well, indicated more than contentment. Their manners were those of freemen,
who experienced the blessings of liberty, and appreciated the boon. Many (of
them had, by trade, accumulated a competency, if the possession Of from three
to five thousand dollars may be called so."
Capt. Sherman, whose visit was in the year 1830, thus writes of the comfort
and contentment of the settlers :
" Monrovia, at present, consists of about ninety dwelling houses and stores,
two houses for public worship, and a court house. Many of the dwellings are
handsome and convenient, and all of them comfortable. The plot of the town
is cleared more than a mile square, elevated about seventy feet above the level
of the sea, and contains seven hundred inhabitants.
" The township of Caldwell is about seven miles from Monrovia, on St.
Paul's river, and contains a population of five hundred and sixty agricultu
ralists. The soil is exceedingly fertile, the situation pleasant, and the people
satisfied and happy. The emigrants carried out by me, and from whom I re
ceived a pleasing and satisfactory account of that part of the country, are
located here."
Capt. Kennedy's visit was in 1831. He thus states the result of his inquirios
and observations : " I sought out the most shrewd and intelligent of the colo-

29
home of freedom and plenty in the land of his fathers. It
offers him a sanctuary from wrong and persecution. It
offers him the unwonted prospect of an unclouded and bril-

nists, many of whom were personally known to me, and by long and many
conversations, endeavoured to elicit from them any dissatisfaction with their
condition, (if such existed,) or any latent design to return to their native country.
Neither of these did I observe. On the contrary, I thought I could perceive
that they considered that they had started into a new existence ; that, disen-
cumbered of the mortifying relations in which they formerly stood in society,
they felt themselves proud in their attitude," &c. &c. Fifteenth Report, 1832.
Capt. Abel gives this emphatic testimony. He was in the Colony in the
latter part of December, 1831. " Ml my expectations in regard to the aspect
of things, the health, harmony, order, contentment, industry, and general pros
perity of the settlers, was more than realized. There are about two hundred
buildings in the town of Monrovia, extending along the Cape Montserado, not
far from a mile and a quarter. Most of these are good substantial houses and
stores, the first story of many of them being of stone; and some of them hand
some, spacious, and with Venitian blinds. Nothing struck me as more re
markable than the great superiority in intelligence, manners, conversation,
dress, and general appearance in every respect over their coloured brethren in
America. So much was I pleased with what I saw, that I observed to the peo
ple, ' Should I make a true report, it would hardly be credited in the United
States.' Among all that I conversed with, I did not find a discontented per
son, or hear one express a desire to return to America. I saw no intemperance,
nor did I hear a profane word uttered by any one. Being a minister of the
Gospel, on Christmas day I preached," &c. The pious Hannah Kilham, who
visited Liberia in 1832, said nothing of the want, misery, and discontent de
scribed by Jones. Can there be a doubt, that if either existed, she would
not have seen and mentioned it ? Dr. Hodgkin states, that she left England
by no means prepossessed in favour of Liberia. She speaks of the moral con
dition and comforts enjoyed by many of the colonists, and of the respectful
and cheerful attention paid by the pupils in the girls' school at Caldwell, to the
teacher, whose union of gentleness and firmness, she extols. Not a word in
confirmation of Jones.
Simpson and Moore, two respectable coloured men, one of whom is a clergy
man, visited the Colony, at the request of their free coloured brethren of
Natches, likewise in the year 1832. The following is the evidence they fur
nished : " As a body, the people of Liberia, we think, owing to their circum
stances, have risen in their style of living, and their happiness, as a community,
is far above those of their coloured brethren, even the most prosperous of them,
that we have seen in the United States. They feel that they have a home.
They have no fear of the white or the coloured man. They have no superiors.
They do not look up to others, but they are looked up to by them. Their laws
grow out of themselves, and are their own. They truly sit under their own

30
liant future. But in presenting the invitation, its duty is
performed, and it goes no further. It disavows all constraint
or compulsion, for these would imply an authority which
no where exists, and is no where pretended. It professes
itself the friend of the coloured man, because he is degraded
by our lawsy and sometimes, as in Pennsylvania, in despite
Of legal regulations. It desires to take him from a country
where he must languish in inferiority, and where he never
vine and fig-tree, having none to molest and make them afraid. Since our
return, we have been in the houses of some of the most respectable men of
colour in New York and Philadelphia, but have seen none, on the whole, so
well furnished as many of the houses of Monrovia. The floors are, in many
cases, well carpeted, and all things about these dwellings appear neat, conve
nient, and comfortable. There are five schools, two of which we visited, and
were much pleased with the teachers and the improvement of the children.
* * * We found only two persons who expressed any dissatisfaction;
and we' have had much reason to doubt whether they had any good cause
for it."
Capt. Voorhees, of the United States Navy, arrived at anchorage in the bay of
Montserado on the 9th of December, 1833. He dates his report to the Secre
tary of the Navy at that Cape, on the 14th. He says, " Piracy has not afflicted
this quarter for some time ; and the inhabitants at the settlements living in
undisturbed peace and tranquillity, seem to entertain very encouraging confi
dence in their future security." After speaking of the kindjof people who
should be sent to Liberia, he says, " Such persons of colour here, in the land of
their ancestors, find a home and a country, and here only, do they find them
selves redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled." An intelligent old man,
about sixty years of age, with whom I conversed, stated that he had been here
about eighteen months, and was getting on cleverly for himself and his
family, " but that on no account would he return to the United States." The
last witness to whom it is necessary to refer, in contradiction of the Rev.
Samuel Jones, is a coloured man, who bears the name simply of Joseph Jones.
He was sent out hy the Kentucky Colonization Society, for the purpose of ex
amining " fully the situation of the Colony of Liberia." The Board of
Managers of the Kentucky Society speak of him " as a man of excellent cha
racter, of a clear and vigorous understanding, and possessed of those qualities
which make a man useful to society." He reached Liberia on the 11th of
July, 1833, and remained in the Colony nine months and twenty-nine days.
His testimony, therefore, relates to Liberia, as it was about the middle of the
year 1834. To the question put to him during his examination, " Do the colo
nists appear satisfied 7" his reply is, " I was particular in my inquiries, and
I found the large majority well satisfied, and would not return to this country
if they could." The Editor of the Western Luminary, who had a conver
sation with Jones, says, under date of 30th July, 1834. " He represented the
people as being generally contented, and apparently happy."

31
can be happy, to a land capable of bestowing upon himself and
his posterity, the blessings of happiness and liberty forever.
One of the inseparable incidents, and unavoidable effects of
Colonization, is to induce the emancipation of slaves. It has
already given freedom to above one thousand human beings.
The number is small, only because the ability of the institution
has been restricted. In 1830, the owners of upwards of six
hundred slaves offered them for manumission, for the pur
pose of being conveyed to Liberia. The Society of Friends
of North Carolina manumitted several hundred slaves, whose
liberation had been denied by the legislature for a period of
fifty years, to enable them to enjoy freedom in the African
Colony. Benevolent individuals, who feel a kind of paternal
solicitude for the future -welfare of those servile dependents,
entreat the Society to take them for the same munificent
purpose. The noble-minded liberality of M'Donough, of
Louisiana, who asked for legislative permission to educate
his servants, with a view to ultimate enfranchisement in the
land of their ancestors, must be vivid in the public recollec
tion. But the evidences of a desire on the part of South
ern masters to manumit their slaves, if a proper asylum can
be procured for their reception, are too numerous and pub
lic to require elucidation. Suffice it, that if the funds of
the institution were augmented a hundred fold, and the capa
bilities of the Colony were commensurately increased, they
would all be put in requisition by the extended and increas
ing eagerness manifested at the South for voluntary emanci
pations. Ten thousand slaves would at this moment be re
leased from thraldom, if they could be transported from the
country. It is upon these grounds that colonization addresses
itself to the benevolent wishes and active support of the
friends of abolition. Here is a mode in which experience
has taught us that abolition can be effected. But it is ob
jected that the process is slow; that the condition of expat
riation is hard and cruel ; that liberations by private indi
viduals may have the effect of retarding legislative action ;
and that, as it may prove but a temporary assuasive, it will
allure the attention of the South from the efficient remedy.

32
Must it then become a question upon which benevolence
can hesitate, whether slavery in America is preferable to
freedom in Africa? But a slight consideration of the objec
tions shows, that they are captious, untenable, and erroneous.
If Colonization decoy the inflamed South from the contem
plation of measures pursued by the ill-judging North, its re
sults must be permanently salutary. It restores that mental
equilibrium which, on a question affecting private property,
is essential to the exercise of a just and enlightened discre
tion. Whatever may be the plea for interfering with pecu
niary interest, and however upright and disinterested the
motive, any attempt to impair it, must unavoidably awaken
feeling and bring about resistance. Allay this hostility by
abstaining from harsh imputations and unkindly acts, and
half the obstructions to abolition are removed. But why
will voluntary emancipations, or the removal of free blacks
and manumitted slaves, delay the period of legislative action?
By what means, and through what agency, is legislative
action effected ? Is it not by that silent process by which
private sentiment is influenced ? The slave-holder who
nobly resigns that property which was legally his own, has
new feelings and sensibilities. He no longer retains an
interest in the continuance of slavery as a system. His
sentiments are opposed to it. They become as expansive as
is the extent of his influence. Some adopt his reasoning,
and imitate his example. These become the centre of other
circles, which grow wider and more numerous, till at length
they diffuse themselves into a dense and undistinguished mass.
In proportion as the work of private emancipation advances,
the cause of public abolition is hastened. With each case
of voluntary liberation secured, the seed is sown for a future
and larger harvest of freemen. When, by these means, pri
vate sentiment shall have been roused to the natural injustice,
the republican inconsistency, and political evils of servitude,
we may indulge a well-grounded hope, that its legal extinc
tion is at hand. Is it not then a work to which benevolent
men and benevolent legislatures ought to contribute ? If the
South agree to part with their slaves, can the North do less

33
than incur the expense of providing them with a suitable
abode? Is it a proof of philanthropy and patriotism which
our Southern brethren can admit as conclusive, that the North
should inveigh against servitude without assisting to effect
its abolition? If slavery be a national evil, as citizens they
should participate in the pecuniary burdens which its de
struction imposes. With the adoption of such sentiments
and corresponding generosity in contribution, the whole
South might be drained of its slaves before the actual cessa
tion of servitude in those Northern States, which vaunt so
loudly of ' equal liberty and equal rights.'
But the aims of Colonization are not limited to -the extinc
tion of bondage in America, but it pursues to Africa with
vigilant solicitude the objects of its sympathies and care. It
proposes to render them not only free, but intelligent and
happy. It offers for their acceptance a fertile and luxuriant
country, requiring only the hand of industry and labour to
render it the garden spot of the tropics. It offers to the un
informed emigrant the prospect of education by means of
schools and libraries, and to the man of serious and higher
contemplations, the advantages of congregational devotion.
It may safely be asserted, that history presents no example
of a Colony under better auspices — none with so many solid
reasons for the anticipation of success, and so few to justify
the apprehension of failure or miscarriage.
Colonization, in the wide circle of its benefits, has been
but partially displayed. It includes not merely abolition,
and the restoration of the African to that liberty of which he
and his progenitors have been deprived for ages ; but taking
a survey of consequential advantages, it seeks the annihilation
of the slave-trade, and the civilization of Jlfrica. With
out yielding to that ardour of enthusiasm which a scheme so
grand and comprehensive is calculated to inspire, let us, in
the sober spirit of philosophical inquiry, calmly look at the
probabilities of its promised achievements.
The detestable traffic, called the slave-trade, extensively
prevails in defiance of the laws and treaties made for its sup
pression. From the acts passed by the Colonial Assembly
5

34
of Virginia, commencing in 1699, down to the period when
the Congress at Vienna, solemnly engaged for its cessation
in Europe, a series of prohibitory laws were enacted, and
man}^ strenuous exertions made, to bring it to a practical ter
mination. All signally failed. Laws and treaties, and navies
to compel their execution, were alike ineffectual. In 1816,
a period subsequent to the abolition of the traffic in Great
Britain and the United States ; subsequent to the meeting at
Vienna, arid the interdict of Napoleon ; the slaves annually
taken from the coast of Africa, were computed at 60,000.
In 1817 the coast was crowded with slave-ships, and the trade
prevailed to such an extent, as to supersede and render abor
tive all attempts at ordinary commerce. According to the
report of a Committee of Congress, made in the year 1821,
the annual average number of slaves withdrawn from Wes
tern Africa should be estimated from 50,000 to 80,000. ' The
importations into Rio de Janeiro, between the years 1820
and 1829, continued annually to increase from 15,000, to
upwards of 43,000. This sickening picture might be height
ened by the most revolting details, and presented with those
additional horrors, which a description of the Middle Pas
sage would bestow. But it is enough. It shows that the
attempts to terminate the most diabolical traffic which ever
afflicted and disgraced humanity — the edicts of states, the
treaties of confederate powers — each uniting in the denuncia
tion of it as piracy, and the punishment of it by death —
have all been inoperative and powerless. If these be inade
quate, it may be deridingly asked, can the plan of Coloniza
tion succeed ? Does it exhibit claims to attention, of which
such imposing endeavours are deprived? Let us from naked
facts coolly consider the present results, and deduce the cer
tain tendencies of the scheme, and we shall at least compre
hend the mode by which it is proposed to accomplish a pur
pose so good and stupendous. '
Cape Messurado, the very spot selected for the residence
of the first colonists, and the site of the flourishing town of
Monrovia, was a place for the purchase and embarkation of
slaves. Before the commencement of the colony, from 4000

35
to 5000 wretched victims of foreign cupidity; were annually
exported from the harbour. According to Ashmiln, in the
year 1823, between this place and Cape Mount, a distance of
fifty miles, now constituting perhaps the most thickly inha
bited portion of the settlement, at least 2000 persons were
shipped for the hopelessness of exile and slavery in a foreign
land. In 1825, the same lamented writer declares, that from
Cape Mount to Trade Town, a distance of one hundred and fifty
miles^ and embracing the whole region formerly infested, no
slaver dared attempt the guilty traffic. The slaxefactories are
now entirely broken up. The Chiefs of the country adja
cent to Grand Bassa, which is within the line of coast between
Cape Mount and Trade Town, stipulated in the year 1829,
to cease from the slave trade, and to suppress it within their
territorial limits. The recaptured Africans who belong to
the colony, are among the living trophies of its victories.
The great numbers which have been recaptured at Sierra
Leone, and the advantage of these convenient stations on the
coast, form powerful incitements to further activity and bra
very, on the part of naval commanders. In addition to
these evidences of an influence exerted by the colony upon
the African slave-trade, might be adduced the increasing com
merce of the colonists with the interior tribes; the progres
sive improvement of these by means of their intercourse
with the settlers; and the growing sentiment of aversion
towards the traffic among those tribes, which were formerly
distinguished for ferocity and barbarism. The concurring
opinions of respectable visitors, and the agents of the Parent
Society, represent facts, of this nature, too strongly and
cogently, even to be resisted or seriously impunged. Such
are the prospects, and such have been the effects of this sim
ple enterprise, in the destruction of a trade upon which states
men and philanthropists, from a remote period in the annals
of Christian Europe, have expended their united energies
with so little success.
Inseparably connected with the destruction of the slave-
trade, or greatly dependant upon it, is the impression to be
made upon the mind of Africa. Oppressed with the unbro-

36
ken .sleep of ages, she may not be at once awakened from
her stupor— amused with her dreams of ignorance and super
stition, she may reluctantly exchange her delusion, for the
broad effulgence of life, the great purposes, the unimagined
realities of being. The reign of darjkness and night may for
a time be permitted in the vicinity of light and day. ,
" Is't night's predominance, or the day's shame,
That darkness does the face of earth entomb,
When living light should kiss it ?"
But the genius which has given immortality to ancient Egypt
—which nurtured young science in her cradle— - which sent
her forth to Greece, and finally to Europe — may break through
the clouds and dissipate the mists which have so long over
shadowed and obscured it. With the return of her sons from
exile, blest with the glimmering rays of that light which first
broke forth and dawned in their, own land, she will pursue
those steps which led to former ascendency, she will reassert
her former dominion, crowned with new conquests, and more
dazzling glory. "States fall, arts fade, but Nature doth not die."
We may look forward to a period when the hand of labour
will lessen the vast ocean of her forests ; when extended com
merce in procuring wealth, will bring its concomitant conve
niences ; and when a luxurious taste will spread about and
around, her the refinements of elegance. We may expect
a time when the obelisk will mark the spot which has
been known for centuries as the residence of fierce and
untamed barbarity; and when the institutions of liberty and
happiness which we now. enjoy, the greatest and the purest
which mankind ever saw, shall be those of a country, the
clanking of whose chains, and the loudness of whose laments
have penetrated to the remotest corners of the earth. We
may anticipate the coming of that glorious day, when the
objectless idolatry and blind superstitions of paganism shall

37
be supplanted over the land by the sublime spirit, and pure
precepts of Christianity. It is in these connexions, that the
colonization of Africa presents to the mind the most cheer
ing and ennobling contemplations; It proposes not only to
elevate humanity in the scale of freedom, happiness, and vir
tue, but it promises to enlarge the limits of the scientific
world, and to extend the wide boundaries of Christendom.
Humble as is the present condition of the Colony of Libe
ria, it is big with its ultimate destination. Its effects are not
seen alone in the quickened impulses and more generous
aspirations of its inhabitants. The chiefs and kings of the
neighbouring country seek- the protection and friendship of
an ally whose motives they cannot distrust, and whose ability
they cannot question. They see the fruits of superior intel
ligence and a better religion, in the plenty, comfort and
peace of the settlers. Constant intercourse must beget an
improved taste, and the sense of inferiority must transfuse an
ambition to remove the cause. That impulsion which Eu
rope received in the middle ages, and which led to the melio
ration of her own savage manners, arose from her relations
with Asia, by means of her pilgrims to the Holy Land. The
contemplation of a superior society, and of those refinements
engendered by the arts, introduced new ideas of order — com
parisons were instituted — emulation was excited — manners
grew less fierce and unrestrained. - The proximity of higher
cultivation, must, by inevitable transmission, produce the
most favourable effects. Look at the present condition of
our western country. Originally settled by a race of men,
but one remove from the native savage, it presented the
desolation of a moral and mental waste. As the rolling tide
of emigration approached, carrying with it elements of a •
superior order, the waste was nourished as if by the neigh
bouring breeze; it was cultivated, and became a garden.
Look through the history of man from the earliest age of
which tradition speaks — trace the causes of his advance from
wildness to refinement — and they will be found to be the
collisions of commerce, or the influences of colonial settle
ment. History, however, has taught us the lesson, that when

38
colonies are prompted by the love of conquest or plunder, or
when nature has interposed impassible barriers to a free com
munion, that perpetual war, or servitude, or massacre, is the
dire conclusion. Memorable instances of each occur; but
it may suffice to refer to that single case which, presents a
striking illustration. The colonization of America has been
the means of destroying, not civilizing the ancient inhabi
tants. The thirst of wealth, of which the presence of these
unfortunate beings retarded the gratification, or those physi
cal differences which nature herself had implanted, as if
forever to distinguish between the invaders and the invaded,
formed sufficient impediments to social union. Who can
doubt that such would be the consequence to Africa of
permanent communities, formed within her borders by
the inhabitants of Europe ? Who can doubt that a mere
inversion of the existing relation between Africa and Ame
rica, would be thence produced? Who can doubt that re
maining perpetually, distinct, except in anomalous cases,
supremacy on the one side, and subserviency on the other,
or constant and bloody conflict, would be the hapless result?
But experience has shown that the union of the American
negro with the native African, is harmonious and productive
of mutual advantage. So far has this union advanced, that
intermarriages have already occurred between the female
emigrants and the re-captured natives. This must introduce
greater alacrity, on the part of the natives, to adopt the cus
toms and habits of the emigrants ; — a closer reciprocity of
interest, a constant interchange of kindly offices. It is by
leagues of alliance, both political and domestic, that there
must spring up a kindred sympathy, an identity of feeling,
which will unite the two people and render them inseparable.
Each emigrant may, therefore, be more than a missionary.
He may be as a fertilizing stream in an arid country, dis
pensing greenness and beauty along its sterile banks. Let
these streams multiply from ten thousand sources; let them be
fed by generous tributaries from America and Europe ; and
like another^ but greater and richer Nile, in their concen
trated mass, the vast and mighty sheet overflowing the

39
continent, will convert its hideous and lifeless deserts into a
smiling scene of animation and verdure. A great moral
oasis will take the place of diffusive barrenness, in tracts
known only as the haunts of prowling animals, and
" Of savage men more murd'rous still than they."
It is such aims and purposes which animate the friends of
Colonization to press forward, in despite of the accumulated
impediments which oppose their advance. Unfounded pre
judices are raised, which must, by generating a spirit adverse
to the coloured man on the one hand, and arraying the
North against the South on the other, bring about incalcula
ble evils.* As the country should be guarded from the
approach of an inimical army, so it should be warned against
the insidious attempts of foreign stratagem to undermine its
allegiance. What so plausible and insinuating as the deceit
ful guise of Christian benevolence? What so likely to sum
mon to its aid the religious sensibilities of a foreign country,
and the conscientious and unsuspecting of ours? When we
find an official functionary of Sierra Leone publishing a
report intended to affect the American Colony at Liberia ;
when we find Englishmen denouncing as absurd a project

* Mrs. Childs cautions us against the adoption of Colonization principles on
the score of their unpopularity. The unfounded reports industriously circulated
against the scheme, have excited much prejudice against it in the minds1 of
many worthy persons belonging to our free black population. This, too, may
be said, that preaching at the North against Southern slavery can be easily
done, as it costs nothing but the writing and publication of the sermons. Color
nization, on the other hand, requires constant pecuniary sacrifices to convey to,
and maintain the objects of its care in Liberia. It is for this reason not so
cheap a philanthropy as some others. As it requires money in its sup
port, the Southern states may naturally, believe, that Northern people would
not engage in it without pure and disinterested motives, either of patriotism
or benevolence. Touching the argument of James G. Birney, derived
from the successive dissolution of several Colonization Societies in the South
west, that the plan contains no permanent animating principle, I may refer
to the Abolition Society of Maryland, which was dissolved in the year 1798,
having existed only seven years. The Protection Society of that state, formed
for similar purposes," by Elisha Tyson, some years after, met with a, similar
fate. The same may be said of most of the benevolent projects of the age.

40
which they themselves originated and still continue to pa
tronise; when we find our glorious Constitution the object of
absurd, butcensorious and ruthless attack; when we find two
British agents in the Eastern and Northern country railing at
institutions over which their auditors have neither jurisdic
tion nor control; can we doubt of the existence of a well
defined object, a settled and systematic design? It seems
manifest, that the Anti-slavery Societies, from their princi
ples, connexions and acts, are of foreign parentage — that
their formation was dictated by English party politicians,
with the view, by making a direct assault upon the constitu
tional union of the United States, to compass their objects at
home. It is not necessary to, deduce the history of our intercourse
from the earliest times, with the great people from whom
we are descended, to perceive in the movements of one of
her political parties, a constant distrust, an unvarying watch
fulness of her offspring. But all nations now attest the rapid
approximation of what has long been foreseen and antici
pated, that this republic united, would rival and at length
supplant England, in her maritime and manufacturing ascen
dency. No panting after superior greatness could outrun the
certain but quick advances of her youthful and more vigor
ous competitor. That which she could not obtain by the
direct agency of energetic. exertion, she might realize by the
indirection of diplomatic subtlety: If the glory of that rising
country could be prevented by distraction of councils — divi
sion among its members — separation of its union, — all the
brighthopes of its youthful promise, all the dread fears of its
opening career, would, in a moment, be dissipated and dis
pelled. The cloven foot of this policy was discovered soon
after the commencement of our government. It has been equal-
lyperceptible in the controversies growing out of the tariff*

* The English apprehended much detriment to their manufacturing interests
from the passage of our tariff acts. We all remember the clamour of a party in
England against them. One or two Englishman greatly contributed by their
writings, to inflame the people of South Carolina against these laws, and thus
prepared them for the admission of the famous nullification doctrines. It was one

41
But patriotic ardour has defeated it all. The delicate ques
tion of negro emancipation, not springing from temporary
causes, nor likely to subside with temporary interests, held
out its alluring but deceptive promises.
It would be well for reflecting Americans to examine the
causes of that popular tumultuary eruption which led to the
sudden formation of societies in dereliction of the ancient and
recognised principles of gmdual emancipation — principles
announced in the Charters of our Abolition Societies, and in
accordance with the uniform tenor of our abolition acts.*

of these writers who dared to calculate the value of the union to South Carolina.
— It should not be omitted, however, that other manufacturing nations abroad
are not less jealous of the progress of American industry. It is said, and there
is sufficient reason to believe, that in the year 1832, when a Bill was before
Congress " for promoting the growth and manufacture of Silk," which had
been reported and strongly recommended by the Committee on Agriculture,
and which appeared to have the assent of a majority of the House of Represen
tatives, the minister of France openly declared himself opposed to the bill, and
it is probable, considering the great interests then and now in suspense between
the two nations, that his opposition did not a little contribute to its rejection, af
ter it had passed in committee of the whole.
*The charter of " The Pennsylvania Society for promoting the Abolition
of Slavery," &c. enacted into a law on the 8th of December, 1789, has these
words for its first section : " Whereas « voluntary Society has for some time
subsisted in this State, by the name and title of ' The Pennsylvania Society for
promoting the Abolition of Slavery, and the relief of free negroes unlawfully
held in bondage,' which has evidently co-operated with the views of the legisla
ture, expressed in the act of the General Assembly of this Commonwealth,
passed the first day of March, in the year of our Lord 1780, entitled ' An act
for the GRADUAL abolition of slavery,1 and a supplement thereto, passed the
29th day of March, in the year of our Lord 1 788." It thus appears by the
Charter of this Society — the fundamental law of the body corporate, without
which it could not have a legal existence — that its views were confined to
gradual abolition. — The Biennial Conventions of the various Abolition Socie
ties in the Union have repeatedly sanctioned the principle of gradual emancipa
tion. The Convention which met at Washington, Dec. 8, 1829, express their
belief that abolition " can only be obtained by very gradual means," that laws
fixing a future period for the freedom of slaves had met the approbation of form
er Conventions ; that the idea of immediate freedom had encountered universal
reprobation ; and that "gradual abolition is the only mode which at present ap
pears likely to receive the public sanction." See minutes of the 21st Biennial
American Convention, pp. 27, 8, 9. — All of our abolition acts proceed upon the
principle of gradual emancipation. Pennsylvania set the example in 1780.
Connecticut followed in 1784. Rhode Island a little later the same year. New
6

42
It would be well for Americans to pause before they adopt,
at the suggestion of foreigners, a philanthropy which incites
to turbulent invective and acrimonious clamour, against an
honest and well intended benevolence. They should examine
York in 1799, and New Jersey in 1804. These acts all adopt the principle of
gradual and prospective abolition. — The other non-slave-holding states in which
legal slavery has been adjudged to be incompatible with their Constitu
tions, have always had very fein or no slaves. I allude to Maine, Massa
chusetts, New Hampshire, and Vermont, in the latter of which states only, in
the year 1790, there were slaves. In that year, Vermont had seventeen
slaves. Slavery was prohibited in Ohio, Indiana and Illinois, before these
communities were admitted to the rank of states, by the celebrated compact
of 1787, for the cession of the North Western Territory to the Federal Govern
ment. Whether the prohibition, which, in aceordanee with the Compact and
Ordinance of Congress, was afterwards introduced into the Constitutions of Ohio,
Indiana, and Illinois, has been expunged in either, I have not been able to
ascertain; but certain it is, in Illinois, slaves are returned in 1810 and 1820,
and according to the census of 1830, there exist 746 slaves in the state. Suffi
cient, however, has been said, to show that gradual emancipation has been the
characteristic feature of all the legislation in this country. This sentiment is
not affected by the judicial construction which has been put upon the Constitu
tions of several of the states in which there were few or no slaves whatever,
especially as judges ate governed by their own abstract notions of what the
law is. In Pennsylvania, the Constitution contains a similar article to that
which, in Massachusetts, had been judicially pronounced inconsistent with
slavery, and yet the seven judges composing the then High Court of Errors
and Appeals, solemnly determined, "that it was their unanimous opinion slavery
was not inconsistent with any clause of the Constitution of Pennsylvania."
With regard to the policy of the immediate or gradual abolition of slavery at the
South, that is not the question in this place ; but I may be pardoned for quot
ing the concurring sentiment of Anthony Benezet and Dr. Fothergill, upon this
subject, as the latter contributed so largely to the passage of our abolition act.
In a letter to Dr. Fothergill, under date of 4th month 28th, 1773, Benezet
writes : "Z am like-minded with thee, with respect to the danger and difficulty
which would attend a sudden manumission of those negroes now in the Southern
colonies, as well to themselves as to the whites." Again -. — The danger of
immediate abolition in places where slaves constitute a large part of the
population, as in the Southern country, is distinctly admitted by Jonathan
Edwards, (an unwilling witness,) in an appendix to a sermon which he pro
nounced at New Haven, in 1791. He had contended in his sermon, upon
general principles, for the necessity of immediate abolition j upon the doctrine
being impugned as dangerous, he thus distinguishes between the Northern and
Southern states. " As' it respects the Northern, in which slaves are so few,
there is not the least foundation to imagine, that they would combine or make
insurrection against the government ; or that they would attempt to murder
their masters." * * * " With regard to tho
Southern states, the case is different. The negroes in some parts of those

43
the long list of Colonization advocates, and see whether the
first statesmen, jurists, and citizens of this country, are capa
ble of the detestable hypocrisy of aiming, through its means,
at the perpetuation of servitude. They should coolly investi
gate the immediate bearings and remote results of Colonization.
They should dispassionately compare the declarations of its
enemies with the certainty of its present performances, and
the probabilities of its future influence.*
states are a great majority of the whole, and therefore the evils objected would,
in case of a general manumission at once, be more likely to take place." Since
1773 and 1791, when Benezet and Edwards respectively wrote, the slaves at
the south have greatly increased in number; and as a consequence, the " dan
ger and difficulty," as expressed by one, and the " evils ofihroat-cuttin<r, thiev
ing, and plundering," as apprehended by the other, from a sudden or general
manumission at once, are by no means diminished at the present day.
* The best reply that can be made to attacks upon the motives of coloniza-
tionists, is to display the names of the officers and friends of the Colonization
Societies — men of the first virtue and talents in the country — whom the country
delights to honour, and whom nearly every party holds in a respect approach.
ing to veneration. I may name the venerable Bishop White, John Marshall,
and James Madison, who is President, of the parent Society. No one
will suspect these men of favouring a scheme, which has for its object,
or can have for its effect, the perpetuation of negro bondage ! If any one
is too idle to investigate for himself what the inevitable fruits of Colonization
principles, judiciously administered, are, let him consult the pages of bright
names which the annual reports furnish, as officers of the parent and state
societies, and make himself acquainted with the many benevolent private
individuals, who are silent, but devoted friends of the cause. Let him read the
former testimonies of the Abolition Societies themselves to the principles and
effects of Colonization. The Convention of these Societies which met at Wash
ington, in 1829, uses this language ; " A great recommendation of the measure
(Colonization) arises from the fact, that it is the only efficient one which is likely
to be speedily sanctioned by the people ; and is the only one by which volunta
ry emancipation, in most of the slave-holding States, can be effected." See
Minuted, &c. p. 34  Among the departed worthies, natives and foreigners,
who gave to the principles upon which the Society proceed, their concurrence,
I may record the late Thomas Jefferson, the celebrated Granville Sharp, the
amiable Anthony Benezet, the truly philanthropic Elisha Tyson, the immortal
William Wilberforce, and the lamented Hannah Kilham,
It is well known that Thomas Jefferson formed a plan in 1777, to colonize
the free blacks, but the circumstances of the country prevented the execution,
of the project.
Granville Sharp, in 1787, colonized at Sierra Leone, 400 blacks, who were
thrown upon their resources in the streets of London, in consequence of the
decision of the English judiciary, in the case of the negro Somerset
Anthony Benezet proposes, in a letter addressed to Dr. Fothergill, in 1773, to

44
If we scan with a philosophic eye the great subject of ef
facing the national stain of servitude, and of aiding the
moral and social well being of the coloured man, we discern
at once that the mists of passion and the prejudices of party,

colonize the negroes of the United States, in " that large extent of country,
from the west side of the Alleghany mountains to the Mississippi, on a breadth
of four or five hundred miles."
Elisha Tyson was for many years opposed to the scheme of colonizing the
free blacks in Africa. Towards the latter part of his life, his views entirely
changed upon the subject. His biographer observes, " It was not until the
closing period of Mr. Tyson's life, that this (the Colonization) Society enjoyed
his confidence." * * * " Universal emancipation, connected with Coloni
zation, was the favourite theme of his declining age, and the last days of his
existence were cheered by the hopes which seemed to beam on him through
the dark vista of futurity, of the glorious realization of his wishes." Life of
E. Tyson, p. Ill and 120.
William Wilberforce, it has been asserted, renounced Colonization just
before he died, I can hardly think that recantation an act of free volition,
which was made under circumstances, and at a time, when the energies of
nature, it is said, were nearly extinct, and when * testamentary disposition
could hardly have been binding. I prefer the conclusions of the mind, in a bet
ter condition of the body — we look for the mens sana in corpore sano. A letter
of which the following is an extract, was written by William Wilberforce to
Elliott Cresson, when his faculties, mental and physical, were sound. He
refers to the American Colonization Society — " You have gladdened my heart
by, convincing me, that sanguine as had been my hopes of the happy effects to be
produced by your Institution, all my anticipations are scanty and cold compared
with the reality. This may truly be deemed a pledge of the Divine favour, and
believe me, no Briton, I had almost said no American, can take a livelier inter
est than myself, in your true greatness and glory." &c. &c. Vide, Fifteenth
Annual Report Am. Col. Soc. p. 15.
Hannah Kilham, who was a member of the Society of Friends in England,
and well known for her great benevolence and ardent piety, visited Liberia in
1832. She thus expresses herself in a letter written while in the colony. " This
colony altogether presents quite a new scene of combined African an8 Ameri
can interest. I cannot but hope and trust, that it is the design of Infinite Good
ness to prepare a home in this land for many who have been denied the full
extent of privilege in Ihe land of their birth ; and that some, who are brought
here but as a shelter and resource for themselves, may, through the visitation of
Heavenly Goodness in their own minds, and the further leadings of Divine
Love, become ministers of the glad tidings of the Gospel, to many who are now
living in darkness, and the shadow of death."
Elliott Cresson whose zeal in the cause led him, as agent, to make a protract
ed visit to England, without compensation, found many benevolent spirits, and
warm advocates of Colonization in that land. [See statement of the names of

45
are all that obstruct its happy termination. If the Abolition
Societies, as they were constituted before the announcement
of anti-slavery principles, would unostentatiously prosecute
their benevolent labours of educating the free negroes, and
contributors and the amount of his collections, in England, as published in the
African Repository for April, 1834.] He was the means of forming there a
society in aid of the enterprise, composed of men of the highest rank, of
distinguished talents, and reputed piety. They consider the plan as admir
ably calculated to introduce Christianity and civilization among the natives of
Africa, and to extirpate the Slave-trade, " which," say they, " the naval efforts
of Great Britain and other powers, have been unable to suppress." The follow
ing are the officers of The British African Colonization Society. They
will be recognised as among the most illustrious characters in the Kingdom.
Patron. — His Royal Highness the Duke of Sussex. President. — The
Right Honourable Lord Bexley. Vice Presidents. — His Grace the Duke of
Bedford, His Grace the Archbishop of Dublin, the most Noble the Mar
quis of Westminster, the Rt. Hon. Sir George Murray, Bart. K. C. B., T.
Richardson, Esq. (of Stamford Hill), Lord Advocate Jeffrey, H. Wilson
Esq., Rev. Lord Arthur Hervey, John Ivatt Briscoe, Esq. M. P., James
Douglas, Esq. (of Cavers), B. Hawes, Esq. M. P.. Sir George Ouseley.
Treasurer. — J. Biddulph, Esq. Hon. Secretary.— Captain J.J. Chapman.
In addition to these there are many private individuals in Great Britain and
Ireland who have generously contributed considerable sums of money to this
noble charity, and whose pens have been enlisted in the cause. Among these
I give the following :
Dr. Hodgkin, a distinguished and benevolent physician of London. He has
published at his own expense three valuable pamphlets in defence of the Society
and its colony.
John Bevans, the Editor of the Herald of Peace — the author of the Vindica
tion of Liberia and other able articles.
Rev. Henry Duncan, D.D. Durrifries, the founder of the first Savings Bank —
a warm and zealous advocate of African Colonization.
James Simpson, Esq. of Edinburg, has vindicated the cause in the Phrenolo
gical Journal with great ability.
Rev. Edward Higginson, of Hull, the author of " Liberia philanthropically
and economically considered."
Thomas Greer Jacob, a Friend, of Belfast, in a series of letters exposed the
sophistry and disingenuousness of the anti-colonizationists, and the duty of sup
porting the Society in its benevolent labours. Several distinguished Friends con
tributed largely to its funds; among them, R. D. Alexander, of Ipswich, raised for
the Society £600 sterling. His friend, the immortal Thomas Clarkson, whose
labours in the cause of African freedom have been greater than those of any man
living, is strongly attached to the Society, and duly appreciates its important re
sults. " This venerable man," says thel5th Report of the American Colonization
Society, " now sinking under a weight of years, and almost blind, listened to the
details of the Society's operations with an enthusiastic delight, such, as a,

46
assisting those who are illegally retained in bondage,
the work of Colonization would go prosperously onward and
the fabric of slavery would crumble into ruins. Having re
nounced their partial alliance with treasonable doctrines and
transatlantic emissaries ; having sacrificed upon the altar of
patriotism and union the new fangled notion of immediate
and total abolition ;* and pursuing those legitimate and
friend remarked, he had not manifested for twenty years ; and in a letter to
Mr. Cresson observes, ' for myself, I am free to say, that of all things that
have been going on in our favour since 1787, when the abolition of the slave
trade was seriously proposed, that which is going on in the United States is
the most important. It surpasses every thing that has yet occurred. No
sooner had your colony been established on Cape Montserado, than there ap
peared a disposition among the owners Of slaves to give them freedom volunta
rily and without compensation, and to allow them to be sent to the land of
their fathers, so that you have many thousands redeemed, without any cost
for their redemption. To me this is truly astonishing. Can this have taken
place without the intervention of the spirit of God ?' Report, pages 14, et seq.
Douglas, of Cavers, contributed £200 to jts funds, and the eloquent appeals
of Jeffrey, Murray, Solicitor General Cockburn and Lord Moncrieff will long be
remembered by the brilliant assemblages drawn around them at Edinburg.
Mrs. Miles Fletcher, so justly beloved by our countrymen who have visited the
northern Athens, has given to the cause the aid of her powerful influence.
Rev. Josiah Pratt has furnished valuable articles in the Missionary Herald
throughout the whole period of the colonial history of Liberia.
* The example of the effects produced in England by the denunciations of
the press, and the exhibitions of popular feeling, against slavery, by leading to an
act of Parliament, abolishing slavery in Jamaica, has been thought to justify sim
ilar attempts at agitation in the Northern sections of the United States. In Eng
land, this clamour was raised among a people that had control over Slavery in
Jamaica. The English Parliament had a right to legislate upon the subject. But
it does not seem to be known or understood, that the legislatures of the non-
slave-holding states, and the Congress of the United States have nothing to do
with the existence of slavery at the South. They have no jurisdiction over the ter
ritory. Each state, with regard to its own internal concerns, is an independent
sovereignty, and in relation to these concerns, it can no more be governed by
the legislation of the others or Congress, than by an act of the British Parliament
or a bull of the Pope of Rome. If Englishmen, who declaim at the North against
Southern slavery, could be taught that they are preaching to impotent hearers,
they might save themselves much unnecessary trouble and the cause much
disservice. But enough is said in a former note to show, that the doctrine of
these individuals, and of the Anti-slavery Societies, with respect to immediate
abolition, is opposed to the sentiments of unquestioned philanthropists.
Touching the fearful experiment which has been made in Jamaica, it is
sincerely hoped that the event will justify the predictions of the advocates of the
measure, and disappoint the confident expectations of those who were opposed

47
praiseworthy objects which had more recently called forth
their energies ; they might prepare their subjects for more
extensive liberty and a larger sphere of action in another
hemisphere. Humanity and religion will rejoice at the
spectacle of two societies, a little variant at one stage of their
history, uniting and co-operating in the design of extirpating
what each must regard as the greatest of social and political

to it. But we already find that the apprentices, so called, do not perform half
their accustomed labours ; that the crops will not be quarter the usual size ; and
that much insubordination, disturbance and panic have been excited. These
Consequences have resulted notwithstanding the guard of a strict, vigilant and
exacting police, and the terrors of a formidable naval force. It has, indeed, been
argued that nothing worse can happen, and that things will grow better when
the novelty of freedom shall have worn away. However desirable this be, is such
a presumption justified by existing facts ? The apprentices have yet only
heard the sound of abolition, without experiencing its enjoyments. Each set
are confined to their appropriate estate as formerly, and though the disposition
may be imparted, the power to do mischief, has been prudently withheld. Union,
concert, in a word, the ability to conspire, are wanting. But, will not the case
be changed, when these apprenticeships shall have expired ? The slaves
must then be free and unshackled, enjoying the influence, as well as hearing the
name of liberty. They will be their own masters, (and happy will it be, if
they do not prove the masters of all around them,) having the right of locomo
tion, of which they are now deprived. Can it be doubted, that if they want
only this power at present, for the commission of fell barbarities, the inclina
tion will not be wanting a few years hence 1
In England, certain benevolent spirits seem to be so well satisfied that the
work of freedom is accomplished at home, that they have formed a 'British and
Foreign Society for the universal abolition of negro slavery,' with a view to aid
the cause of emancipation throughout the world. No exception can be taken
to the most expansive philanthrophy, provided it does not interfere with the ex
ercise of that charity which begins at home. In the case before us, it is appre
hended, much remains for enlightened benevolence to undertake. What has
the Act of Parliament done? Has it effected that mental preparation which is
necessary for the ultimate freedom of these apprentices ? Has it placed the negro
child at school, or given to him a spelling book or Bible ? If the act has not
done this, should not a society, whose sympathies — bounded only by the confines
of this terraqueous globe — are felt across the Atlantic in the various forms of
frothy missives and mad-cap missionaries, attend to so vital a concern ? The dis
enthralling of the soul is quite as important as that of the body, and must neces
sarily precede it. Ireland is thought by some to be in an enslaved condition.
What would Britain say to a society formed in this country for the establish
ment of universal liberty, and which, in furtherance of that design, should send
out emissaries for the purpose of aiding that mild and amiable abolitionist, Dan
iel O'Connell, in his patriotic efforts at ' agitation' there 7

48
evils. With such concert of effort we may expect to realize
those dazzling visions of the future, which open upon the
imagination. We may promise ourselvesthe ability to explore
and know that immense and interesting region which so many
travellers have attempted in vain to survey and examine.
We may picture to ourselves, though in distant perspective,
the certain but complete civilization of a barbarous country;
its majestic forests converted into beautiful and luxuriant
fields; its mighty rivers rendered the great tributaries of
wealth, and the highways of enterprise. We may indulge
the hope that the Nile and the Niger may bear upon their
swelling waters the power conferred upon navigation by, the
genius of Fulton, and that those other arts of America which
minister to convenience and luxury here, may, in Africa,
find a genial and a welcome home. We may hope that the
institutions of America, save those which legalize oppression,
may be transplanted into the African soil, there to flourish,
blossom, and fructify. With such foundations we may expect
the elegancies of literature to animate a people whom antiquity
knew as illustrious — that English literature, the common in
heritance of Britons and Americans, may be studied, ad
mired and imitated. For of Africa we may emphatically
say, "  unto us she hath a spell beyond
Her name in story, and her long array
Of mighty shadows — "
We may picture her superstitions dissipated by the sun
of science, and her idolatry converted into worship by
the inspired eloquence of her Origens, Tertullians, Cy
prians, and Augustines.* It is thus we shall witness the
realization of prophetic truth, that 'Ethiopia shall soon
stretch forth her hands unto God ;' it is thus we shall witness
the Christian temple rearing its heaven-directed spire in the
heart of Africa, and illuminating with its divine effulgence
the remotest parts of a dreary and benighted land.
* These great teachers of Christianity in their day, were Africans. In the
fifth century, it is estimated that there were four hundred Catholic Bishops in
Africa.

COLONIZATION HYMNS.
The following Hymns were written on the sailing of the Ninus, with one hun
dred and twenty-six enfranchised Slaves, to found the new Colony at Bassa
Cove, October 24th, 1834, — the 152d Anniversary of Penn's landing in the
Delaware.

BY MRS. SIGOURNEY.
A ship came o'er the ocean
When this Western World waa young,
And the forest's solemn shadow
O'er hill and valley hung,—
It came ; — o'er trackless billows,
The Man of Peace to bear,
And the savage chieftain eyed him
Like lion in his lair.
But 'neath the o'erarching Elm-tree
An oathless truce was made,
And the ambush wild no more sprang
From out the leafy glade,
Nor the dread war-whoop startled
Lone midnight's slumbering band,
For red men took the law of love,
As from a brother's hand ;
And they blessed him while he founded
This City of our love,
Where now we strike the lyre of praise,
To Him who rules above.
A ship its sail is spreading,
For that far tropic clime,
Where, nura'd by fiery sun-beams,
The palm-tree towers sublime.
It seeks that trampled nation,
To every ill a prey,
Whom none have turn'd aside to heal,
When crush 'd in dust she lay, —
It seeks that mourning mother,
Whose exil'd children sigh,
In many a stranger region,
'Neath many a foreign sky,—
It brings them, fraught with blessings.
Back to her bleeding breast,
Heaven's peace, and Christ's salvation,
And Freedom's holy rest.
Haste, haste, on snowy pinion,
Thou messenger of love,
For those who sow the seed thou bear'st
Shall reap the fruit above.

BY REV. G. W. BETHUNE.
Home for the exiled nation 1
Rest for the weary Slave !
For Africa, Salvation !
Hope points across the wave,
Where Afric's golden river
Meets with the pearly seas,
And graceful palm-trees quiver
To morn and evening breeze.
The God of love has spoken ;
" There shall the refuge be,
The captive's chain is broken,
The long oppressed are free."
The ransomed one returneth
With gladness to her shore,
And Ethiopia mourneth
Her ravished sons no more.
The white man's pride no longer
Shall scorn the sable brow,
Nor weaker, to the stronger,
In hopeless bondage bow.
Erect in conscious freedom
The Negro lifts his head—
And God's own hand shall lead him
In glory's path to tread.
The star of hope is lighted,
On Messurado's steep,
And soon, a land benighted
Shall wake from error's sleep—
The sun of God, arising
With beams of joy divine,
Each wandering tribe surprising,
Shall o'er her deserts shine.

U3" The Executive Committee of the Young Men's Colonization Society of
Pennsylvania, deeply sensible of the importance of despatching a second expe
dition to Bassa Cove, before the close of the dry season, not only to secure the
liberty of the highly interesting company of emigrants at Savannah and
Augusta, now imploring our assistance, but to strengthen the little band sent
out last month, earnestly invite the co-operation of their fellow citizens.
Where pecuniary aid is inconvenient, contributions in provisions, clothing,
implements of husbandry, tools, spinning wheels, a lathe, nails, iron, castings,
cutlery, seeds, books, stationery, and the various articles of merchandize
necessary for exchanging with the natives for food and labour, will be grate
fully received by A. & O. Ralston, No. 4 South Front street, and donations
in cash by the Treasurer, Lloyd Mifflin, 252 Spruce street,- or by the sub
scriber, 30 Sansom street. On behalf of the Committee.
ELLIOTT CRESSON, Chairman.

FORM OF BEQUEST.

I give and bequeath to A., his heirs, executors, and administrators in trust to
pay over (the profits or principal, as the case may be,) to the Treasurer for the
time being, of a Society called and known by the name of ' The Young Men's
Colonization Society of Pennsylvania,' to be applied to the objects of Colonizing
free blacks on the Western Coast of Africa, and elevating their morals and in
tellects,

AN ACCOUNT, &c
Jin account of the Proceedings of the Young Men's Coloni
zation Society of Pennsylvania, in connexion with their
First Expedition of Coloured emigrants to Liberia, to
found a New Colony at Bassa Cove.
The Young Men's Colonization Society op Pennsyl
vania, was organized in the month of April last, by the
adoption of a Constitution and the election of a Board of
Managers. To this measure its members were determined
by the following considerations : 1. A belief that a direct ap
peal, should be made to the benevolence and Christian zeal
of the wealthy and populous capital of Pennsylvania, and
of the State at large, in favour of the establishment of
a new colony on the coast of Africa: 2. The necessity
of prompt measures being taken to carry into effect, the
testamentary bequest of doctor Aylett Hawes of Virginia,
by which he manumitted more than one hundred slaves
on condition of their being sent to Liberia. Acting as auxilia
ry to the parent Board at Washington, this Society proposes
to carry into practice in the new colony, certain principles of
political economy, which will meet with the approbation of
all unprejudiced minds. This will be done by fostering with
more care than hitherto, the agricultural interest ; checking
the deteriorating influence of petty and itinerant traffickers ;
maintaining the virtue of sobriety, the nurse and parent of so
many other virtues, by obtaining from the colonists a pledge
of abstinence from the use of ardent spirits ; and by with
holding all the common temptations and means for carrying
on war, or for engaging in any aggressive steps with the na
tive population of Africa.
The announcement of these views and intentions, at seve
ral successive public meetings, at the same time that the
cause of colonization in general was ably advocated, made a
highly favourable impression on the community. The re
sults were shown in the addition of several hundred mem
bers to the Society, and the collection of several thousand dol
lars towards carrying its contemplated measures into effect.
The better to ascertain the precise conditions on which free
dom was granted by Dr. Hawes to his slaves, and especially
how far the laws of the state of Virginia would apply to them
in case of any delay in sending them to Africa, a commission,

52
consisting of Messrs. Cresson and Naylor, was despatched
for this purpose by the Board of Managers. These
gentlemen were also authorised to confer, on their way
to Virginia, with the Board of the American Coloniza
tion Society at Washington ; and, as the latter was unable, for
want of funds, to carry into effect the bequest of Dr. Hawes,
to obtain from them due powers to act in the matter.
In conformity with their instructions, (by resolutions of
the Board of Managers,) the commission proceeded to Vir
ginia, and visited, in the first place, the county town of Rap-
pahanock, where they procured from the records, a copy, of
the will of Dr. Hawes. Thence they went to the residence
of one of the special executors, Howard F. Thornton, Esq.
on whose plantation were, at the time, resident seventy-
eight of the future emigrants. Of these, forty were males
and thirty-eight were females, of various ages, from sixty
down to two years of age. Many of the men are well versed
in various handicraft employments, four of them being black
smiths, two carpenters, two shoemakers, two stone-masons,
and one weaver. " Most of them are very intelligent ; some
of theni can read and write, and all of excellent characters.
Domestic manufactures have been the constant employment
of many of the females, and we are assured that they have
arrived at great perfection in them ; besides, nearly one half
of them are accomplished seamstresses. In addition to the
slaves above mentioned, the husband of one of them, living
in the neighbourhood, has been kindly liberated by his mas
ter, the Rev. Francis Thornton, to accompany his family
to Liberia. He is a carpenter of most excellent character,
hardy and hale, and one. of the best workmen in the place ;
he has a large quantity of tools, and will be a valuable acqui
sition to the Colony. His master is a warm and devoted
colonizationist, and to him we are indebted for much valuable
information relative to our mission, as well as for many other
favours kindly rendered us." — Report of the Commission.
The thirty-one coloured persons under the care of Mr.
Hawes, forming the other division of the slaves manumitted
by Dr. Hawes, were represented to the commission as all
willing and desirous of going to Liberia. The greater part
of the whole number are members of the Baptist Church.
They are industrious and temperate, have always been kindly
and tenderly taken care of, and abundantly supplied with
every thing that could make them comfortable. " We at
tended," says the commission, "at one of their religious

53
meetings, and were greatly gratified by their exercises We
submitted to them our project of making them a separate
establishment in Africa, and it met with their, their master's
and friends' entire approbation. We conversed with them
upon their future prospects in Africa, explained to them the
situation of the country, and informed them of its products,
resources, and the capabilities of its soil, answered their in
quiries, and were equally gratified and surprised at their in
telligence. Upon the whole, we think them eminently
fitted for good colonists, possessing among themselves all the
resources of a little community — we believe that they will
ably perform their duty. Let us, therefore, be not remiss in
the performance of ours ; and, under the favour of Provi
dence, the success of the experiment cannot long remain pro
blematical."* The next step in the discharge of their delegated trust was
for the Commission to ascertain fully the sentiments and
views of the Parent Board at Washington, respecting the
conditions on which the Young Men's Colonization Society
of Pennsylvania should charge itself with the embarkation
and transportation to Africa of the liberated slaves of Dr.
Hawes; and with the guardianship of these people when set
tled there. The final result was an acquiescence, in the re
solution of the Board at Washington by the Society in
Pennsylvania. This resolution is as follows :
"That the Young Men's Colonization Society of Pennsyl
vania be informed, that, as auxiliary to this [the American
Colonization Society,] the slaves of the late Dr. Hawes will be
transferred to them, to be sent to Liberia, and supported there
by them, in a separate settlement or community under the su
perintendence of such agent and of such local laws or regula
tions, as may be adopted by the said Society, and approved of
by the Board; but said community to be considered as a part of
the Colony of Liberia, and subject to the general laws of the
Colony in all respects, as the citizens now there ; and that so
soon as said Society shall signify their acceptance of said
conditions, the said slaves shall be formally transferred to
them, together with the sum left for their transportation by
the will of Dr. Hawes."
In acceding to this resolution, the Pennsylvania Society
* It ought, to quicken the zeal and benevolence of the friends of huma
nity, to be known, that during the short career of this Society, many offers of
large bodies of slaves have been made to it from several Southern states — the
owners generously offering their gratuitous emancipation, so soon as we could
extend to them the boon of Colonization.

54
expressly stipulated for the right of making such modifica
tions and reforms of existing laws as to enable it, in the new
Colony, to give more encouragement to agriculture, to pro
hibit the importation, manufacture, and sale of ardent spirits,
and to adopt an improved plan for supplying the public
stores, and for the issue, by gift or sale, of their contents, to
the coloured and native inhabitants. These reservations have
been admitted by the parent Board. It was also understood
by the two Boards, (at Washington and Philadelphia,) that
in case the preparations at Bassa Cove, for the reception of
the new emigrants sent out by the Pennsylvania Society^
should not be sufficiently matured to allow of their being
landed at once, a temporary asylum is to be furnished for
them in some .of the present settlements in Liberia.
The preliminaries having been satisfactorily adjusted,
prompt and vigorous measures were taken by the Executive
Committee, of the Board of Managers of the Young Men's
Colonization Society, to make the requisite purchases of
stores, utensils, clothing, and other supplies, for the future
colonists ; and to charter a vessel for the transportation of
both persons and goods. Success attended their efforts ; and
on the 24th of October last, the good ship Ninus set sail from
Norfolk, Virginia, with one hundred and twenty-six coloured
emigrants on board. Of these, were the manumitted slaves of
Dr. Hawes, one hundred and nine in number; the carpenter
already mentioned, freed by the Rev. Francis Thornton ; a
father of a family whose members were emigrants, and who
was purchased a few days preceding ; and a little girl, also
freed by purchase. In addition to these, was a small body of
fourteen persons, who had been freed by Mrs. Page, the
sister of Bishop Meade, and who were offered a passage,
although destined for the old Colony. But for all the parti
culars connected with the embarkation of the emigrants, the
reader is referred to the following report, by Elliott Cresson,
Esq. on the part of a Committee deputed by the Board of
Managers of the Young Men's Society, for the purpose. It
will be seen that even in this early stage of its labours, the
Society is fully alive to the importance of education keeping
pace with colonization. In the attainments of Mr. Hankin-
son, all the friends of the cause have abundant reason to in
dulge in sanguine hopes of success.
It may be well to mention, in this place, that the superin-
dent of public schools, — the vice-agent, — and the physician,
who is a licentiate in Surgery, sailed in June last for the new
Colony, from New York, in the Jupiter. Though young, Dr.

55
McDowell has seen much of the world in his profession, as a
voyager and traveller ; and he will, it is presumed, be on the
spot ready to receive and give such counsel to the newly
arrived emigrants, as will be required by a due regard for
their health and comfort.
The cost of the present expedition is about $8000, viz.
$2500 for charter of ship, and $5500 for stores and appro
priate goods.
By the terms of the will of Dr. Hawes, twenty dollars a
head were allowed, and have been paid by his executors,
towards defraying the expenses of the emigration of his libe- •
rated slaves.

REPORT OF COMMITTEE.
The Committee appointed by the Young Men's Coloniza
tion Society of Pennsylvania, to superintend the sailing
of their First Expedition, respectfully Report :
That they lost no time in complying with the wishes of
the Board, and at Fredericksburg, on the 19th inst., found
that portion of the slaves (eighty-one in number,) which were
from Dr. Hawes' late residence in Rappahannock county,
already arrived. These people having become acquainted
with one of the Committee last summer, expressed the most
lively joy on recognizing a friend in whom they confided ;
testifying their gratitude for the counsel then imparted, as
having been instrumental in counteracting the efforts of indi
viduals interested in defeating the benevolent intentions of
their late master, and thus securing them a boon, the very
prospect of which filled them with gladness. It was a pleas
ing indication of their future habits, that most of them were
found industriously employed in such labour as they could
obtain for the purpose of adding to the slender means they
possessed. To foster these valuable characteristics on the voy
age, we purchased a supply of leather to give employment to
the shoemakers ; and instructions were given to have as much
of our stock of wollens and cottons made into garments as
circumstances would warrant, our complement embracing
shoemakers, taylors, and seamstresses, as well as carpenters,
bricklayers, masons, farmers, blacksmiths, weavers, spinners,
a dyer, cooper, waggon maker, and collier.

56
Ontheensuingday,theremainingthirty-one fromDr. Hawes'
estate in Caroline county, Virginia, having arrived, arrange
ments were made for proceeding to Norfolk in the Steamboat
Rappahannock, the following morning. There being some
warm friends of the Colonization cause at Fredericksburg, your
Committee took advantage of the interest excited, and at a
meeting of their young men, a new Branch, auxiliary to
the American Colonization Society was organized. In
deed, we could not but remark, that while the whole
South was indignant at the late attempts in the East, our
mission was greeted with a warm welcome by all the friends
of the negro, embracing a very large portion of the good
sense and good feeling of the community; and we cannot hesi
tate to believe, that a steady perseverance in these benevolent
efforts, will speedily pave the way for the moral elevation and
eventual emancipation of the large body of slaves held in
that great State.
The 22d was ushered in by a bright morning, which per
mitted many of their kind friends to accompany this highly
interesting groupof one hundred and twelve (includinga parent
who was brought a few days previously, that he might accom
pany a wife and seven children, — a little girl for whom three
hundred dollars was paid, — and a very valuable mechanic gratu
itously emancipated by the Rev. Francis Thornton, in prefer
ence to selling him for one thousand dollars) — on board the
boat which was chartered for the purpose. Many being high
ly esteemed members, and two of them ministers in the Bap
tist Church, they had been organized into a congregation,
which was joined in the evening in their religious services, by
the Rev. Mr. Hill, of New England, when several addresses
were made and appropriate hymns sung. Early next morn
ing we reached Norfolk, and the Ninus having sailed from
Philadelphia on the 14th, (Wm. Penn's one hundred and
ninetieth birth day,) was fortunately descried on entering the
harbour; and, by running alongside, in a few minutes our peo
ple and their baggage were safely deposited on her decks.
It was gratifying to learn from John M'Phail Esq. so long
known as the faithful disinterested friend of the Society, that
on an examination of our supplies, nothing was left for him
to provide, and that it was the most complete outfit that had
ever proceeded to Africa. The emigrants, on finding how
amply every want had been anticipated, and the commodious
accommodations of the ship, — her outfit having cost nearly
eight thousand dollars, two thousand two hundred dollars of

57
which was bequeathed by the will of Dr. Hawes, renewed
their grateful acknowledgments, and seemed to forget the
pain of separation in the prospect of comfort and indepen
dence in the land of their forefathers ; but above all, in the
providential opening thus presented for meliorating the con
dition of their heathen brethren.
In addition to our own emigrants, fourteen entrusted to
the parent Society by Mrs. Page, the sister of Bishop Meade,
and intended for the old Colony, arrived, and were gratui
tously provided with passage and provisioning to Monrovia,
by us. On the same evening, Edward Y. Hankinson and
wife, arrived from New York with an ample stock of agri
cultural implements, and tools for his workshops, just in time
to join the expedition. Of this invaluable couple, so highly
qualified for the performance of the duties assigned them by
the Ladies Association of Philadelphia, your committee feel
almost at a loss to speak in adequate terms; his versatile
mechanical genius, and amiable and cheerful disposition,
mingled with an intense love for long oppressed Africa,
manifested by both, eminently qualifying them for their ardu
ous and responsible station. The climate of Africa, having
been prescribed as the last resort in the case of Stephen
Barnes, late a student in the Theological Seminary of Vir
ginia, a passage in the Ninus was proffered, and gratefully
accepted. Should he survive, we anticipate much from his
devoted Missionary spirit, and his mechanical abilities. In
the more probable event of his death, candour will surely not
charge it to his removal from a more salubrious atmosphere:
a result deemed inevitable by his physicians, had he staid a
few weeks longer in his native clime, so strongly marked
were his consumptive symptoms.
Happily the return of that day, so conspicuous in the
annals of Pennsylvania, as the anniversary of her foundation,
and the landing of our pilgrim fathers — the 24th day of
October, was in all its autumnal brightness ; and at ten
o'clock, the whole body of emigrants was assembled on the
deck of the Ninus, in company with a number of their reli
gious friends. A feeling of solemnity pervaded the assem
blage, and the Throne of Grace was addressed by the Rev.
Mr. Howell, the Baptist minister of Norfolk — the Rev. Mr.
Boyden, of the Episcopal Church, then made a concise and
appropriate address ; after which, Bishop Heber's Mis
sionary Hymn was sung with touching effect, followed by
the Rev. P. F. Phelps, of the Presbyterian Church of New
8

58
York, invoking the Divine blessing on this beneficent enter
prise. The service was concluded with a very feeling
expression of thanks, on the part of the Colonists, by Aaron
P. Davis, one of their ministers. The ship having obtained
her clearance, dropped down into the stream at noon, and
went to sea early on the morning of the 26th, with a fine
leading breeze. Late on the preceding evening, we took our
final leave of our protegees ; and, as the charge has so fre
quently been brought against the Society, that the objects of
its bounty are coerced away, we took much pains to
ascertain their real sentiments. But even on the eve of
departure, no lingering regret seemed to oppress them.
They acknowledged with great apparent sincerity, their deep
sense of the kindness extended towards them last summer,
in our sending down a committee, whose frank exposition of
the disadvantages, as well as advantages of their new mode of
life,, had relieved their minds from the fears artfully excited
by the enemies of Colonization ; and on reminding them of
the threats that we intended to sell them to the slavers, the
loud laugh of derision, at once evinced their contempt for
the charge, and their confidence in our friendship and good
faith. Your Committee cannot close this report without advert
ing with gratitude to the signal success which has hitherto
been graciously permitted to attend every step of the Society,
mingled with humble trust that our institution, based on the
principles of benevolence and religion, will continue to enjoy
the Divine blessing. Among these, the selection of emi
grants, imbued with feelings of Christian love toward the
benighted children of Africa, and the rigid exclusion of
ardent spirits, stand prominently forth. The testimonial ap
pended to this report, (see Appendix B,) respecting Isaac
Walker, one of the one hundred and twenty-six slaves whose
freedom has been secured by this first effort of the Young
Men's Colonization Society of Pennsylvania, presents, we
have every reason to believe, a fair specimen of the character
of a large proportion of our colonists. Every adult most
cheerfully gave the temperance pledge proposed to them ;
and, as Capt. Parsons, the respectable commander of the
Ninus, does not permit the use of spirits on board his ship,
she has proceeded on her voyage in strict accordance with
the principles of our Constitution.
It appeared to inspire most of these interesting people
with new confidence, and to excite a spirit of manly inde-

59
pendence, when the judicious principles, adopted by our
Board for their benefit, were detailed to them. In that of
confining the commerce of the Colony, at its first settle
ment, to the Colonial Factory, they foresaw the preservation
of the natives from the rapacity of unprincipled traders, and
winning them to a just appreciation of the advantages of
civilized life ; — a new impulse to their own agricultural and
mechanical pursuits ; — in its profits, a provision for meeting
the public wants ; — and hence the means of supplying them
selves, at a moderate. price, out of the fruits of their own
industry, instead of being a charge on our bounty. We have
every reason to believe, that by thus implanting new and
powerful motives to virtuous action, much will be done to
conquer habits too frequently the concomitants of their former
unfortunate position in soeiety.
In sending out this first expedition, the great principles
upon which this Society is to act, should be kept distinctly
in view:
1. Entire temperance in every colonist:
2. Total abstinence from trade in ardent spirits and arts
of war:
3. An immediate Christian influence and operation upon
surrounding heathen :
All designed to accomplish the second article of our con
stitution, — " to provide for civilizing and christianizing
Africa, through the direct instrumentality of coloured emi
grants from the United States."
And under the belief that this institution, if adequately
supported, will confer upon the African race an inestimable
blessing, and secure a salubrious and prosperous home for
thousands of slaves, whose benevolent masters are now pre
paring them for the rational enjoyment of liberty ; but more
especially at this juncture, to meet the pressing solicita
tions, and secure the liberty of a body of colonists of high
character in Georgia, long anxious to emigrate t&Jifrica,
(See Appendix A,) we earnestly and affectionately solicit
the patronage of our fellow-citizens, to enable us to com
ply with their wishes, — strengthen the colony • now sent
forth, — present a new barrier against the prosecution of
the slave-trade, — and hasten the regeneration of that long
oppressed continent.
On behalf of the Committee. ELLIOTT CRESSON.
10M mo. 31, 1834.

60
APPENDIX A.
Savannah, Sept. 27th, 1834.
Elliott Cresson, Esq.
Dear Sir, — Your very polite and truly interesting letter,
under date of the 5th instant, came safe to hand, together
with a copy of the Young Men's Colonization Society of
Pennsylvania. I assure you, Sir, the perusal of both afforded
us a large share of gratification, and .certainly demand from
us a proportionate degree of thanks, which we cannot find
words adequate to express. But we can only hope and pray
that kind heaven may reward yourself and all of the friends
of this truly charitable cause with an eternal crown of glory
in heaven. You requested in yours, that in my reply, I
should give some of my views respecting the Colony, and
whether it would suit me to go with the October expedition.
I regret that it will not be in my power to do so, as the
notice is too short for myself and friends to do our unsettled
business, sell our effects, &c; it would require at least two or
three months notice, if possible, for us to be well prepared
for our journey. My views respecting the principles and
propriety of our emigrating to Africa, I shall briefly attempt
to give. At an early part of my life, Sir, I commenced to
consider upon, and endeavoured to find out, by reading the
history of the world generally, in what part thereof the
coloured man could enjoy true liberty, but in all of my re
searches I see but two places, Hayti and Liberia ; and to the
former my most prominent objections are, their religion, and
their being inured to revolution and bloodshed, which I do
not exactly tolerate, only when it cannot be avoided ; since
that time I see accounts of the coloured settlements in Canada;
this I do not altogether condemn in others, but will not suit
me — their proximity to the whites, who must retain a degree
of prejudice toward them, particularly as their population in
creases ; this we seen manifested in their objection to their
first settling there. I have been told about Mexico, Texas,
and of lands bordering on the Pacific ocean ; but none of
these places will suit me. Africa, the land of our progenitors,
seems to me to be our only hope. Soon after the Colony of
Liberia was established, although my circumstances would
not admit my then going to it, I thought that it was the most
interesting opening of Providence for the elevation of the
coloured man, and for the civilization and christianizing of

61
Africa, that ever was thought of; and I do believe yet, that
the coloured family will, in days to come, when oppositions
and prejudices are gone by, exultingly acknowledge that the
day the Colonization Society was formed, was certainly the
most auspicious day which bears record in their history, and
will bless the day and the names of those who first thought
about Africa ; and our sons and daughters will bless us for
conducting them to that land of liberty and equality, and I
hope of true piety also. Sir, much has been said here, as
well as in other places, about the Colonization Society ; some
pronounce it chimerical, and must soon sink into insignifi
cance ; some make objections saying it is unhealthy ; others
that although we live in a slave state, yet we enjoy many
advantages, and will have to part with many luxuries and
comforts which we are accustomed to. All this may be true;
but they weigh a poor proportion in the scale of proper con
sideration. Another objection is brought forward, and
which is believed also by many, that the Colonization So
ciety scheme consists of more policy than philanthropy ; con
sequently, they do not approbate its proceedings, &c. But
for my part, I have looked into their plans and proceedings
with a very impartial eye, and although they, like every
other society, may have some faulty members, yet, on the
aggregate, are just in their views, and I do believe their work
to be that of pure philanthropy and good will toward the, at
present, degraded descendants of Africa ; and I do conscien
tiously believe that the founders and true friends of this In
stitution, ought to have their names enrolled with those of a
Howard, a Wilberforce, and a Benezet, and have their re
membrance indelibly engraved on the hearts and affections of
every lover of freedom on earth ; and I do candidly believe,
that this little republic, founded through their goodness in
Africa, will, in less than a century hence, hardly find its
rival in the tropical part of the world. Our coloured brethren
who have gone as pioneers before us, condescended to ad
dress us by a circular, and otherwise inviting us to their de
lightful country, and, as Christians, our sympathies certainly
ought to be aroused at the call of the poor heathen, saying,
" come over and teach us the rudiments of civilization and
religion," and ought we to deafen our ears to this cry of mercy,
or suffer these kind invitations to go by unembraced ? For
my part, I do want to go, although not exactly as a mission
ary or teacher, yet as a helper in this vast field of moral use
fulness, and if my life is spared to get to that country, I will

62
be better able to determine what course to pursue. The
abolitionists have many good men enlisted in their party,
but many among them have suffered their zeal to take the
place of their reason, and thereby have materially injured the
coloured population, and have brought their Society into dis
repute. The free coloured people in this part of the country
seem generally determined to remain where they are, prefer
ring the empty name of freedom, to that genuine freedom
which they cannot obtain but in Liberia. I have received a
number of letters from Liberia, from time to time, viz. for
seven or eight years back, and most of them from some of
their most intelligent and respectable men, most of which
speaks highly of their prospects in that country, and recom
mend my going on. Most of these gentlemen recommend
my going over in the rainy months, or near it as possible;
saying, at that time, the air is purer lhan any other time;
however, I do not myself regard what season I can get an
opportunity. We have received a letter lately from our friend, T. S.
Clay, in which he mentioned of receiving a letter from you
on the subject of our uniting in your intended Colony. We ex
pect tahear from him again shortly on the subject. We will
endeavour to make out a memorial to your Society soon,
which we will forward by mail. Will you do us the special
favour of sending us an answer as soon as possible. We re
joice to find so respectable a set of people as those of the late
Dr. Hawes going to your settlement. I hope his example
will be pursued by many others.
I have the honour, dear Sir, of subscribing myself,
Your obedient servant,
SAMUEL BENEDICT.

63
APPENDIX B.
Monte Video, Oct. 10th, 1834.
Isaac Walker was left to me by Capt. John A. Thornton,
by his will of 1817. Isaac has been to me, as he has been
to Capt. Thornton, a valuable and a faithful servant; and
upon one occasion, saved me (as I shall ever believe) from
injury or death, when attacked by a ruffian white man. I
have, in consideration of his faithfulness, given him my full
permission to go to Bassa Cove, in Liberia, where I trust God
Almighty, in his great mercy, may bless and protect him.
Isaac is going in company with the servants of the late
Dr. Aylett Hawes, (amongst whom he has a wife,) which
servants were taken under the patronage of the Young
Men's Colonization Society of Pennsylvania, and under the
care of which Society, Isaac wishes to place himself.
It is with great pleasure that I give him this letter, bear
ing testimony to his worth, and earnestly recommending
him to their kind attention.
Isaac is a consistent member of Christ's Church, of the
Baptist denomination; but has ever manifested a liberal and
Christian spirit towards his Christian brethren of other per
suasions. It would be needless to say that he is an honest man, — of
this, his Christian character will testify; he is an excellent
and faithful workman, — a polite accommodating man. It is
not of necessity that he goes to Liberia; his character is so
well established in this part of Virginia that he has been
for some years doing business for himself. I lament very
much that it is not in my power to add to his purse, and I
am sorry that my necessities have been such that I could
not permit him to lay up for this removal, his whole gains
for years past, but hope that the agent of the Society will
meet any deficiencies in his funds; and I do hereby au
thorize Isaac to draw on me for fifteen dollars. I know the
value of such men as Isaac to the colony, and I have no
doubt that every encouragement will be given to him. This
letter, though designed to be seen by the said agent, I give
to him in this little book, to be kept by him as a memorial
of me, this 10th day of October, 1834, in testimony where
of, I have set my name,
FRANCIS THORNTON, Jr.
Pastor of the Rappahannock Church, under the care of :
The Presbytery of Winchester, Synod of Virginia.

LIST OF _
SUBSCRIPTIONS AND DONATIONS.

Legacy of Dr. Aylett Hawes, £3200 00
A Friend, ' - - • 1000 00
Elliott Cresson, - - ¦¦ T000 00
Beulah Sansom, * - 200 00
Gerard Ralston, - 100 00
Joseph "Warner, - - 100 00
John Connell, 100 oo
Sarah E. Cresson, 100 00
Paul Beck, jun. - 100 00
Alexander Henry, - 50 00
Samuel Richards, - 50 00
Joseph Dugan, - - 50 00
Hon. Samuel Brack, - 50 00
Miss Butler, - - 50 00
Thomas Buller, - 50 00
Lewis R. Ashhurst, 50 00
Richard D. "Wood, - 50 00
James N. Dickson, 50 00
Be'nj. S. Janney, M.D. 50 00
Edward Tatnall, 50 00
John S. Henry, - 50 oo
Donation of a Citizen, - 50 00
A. G. Ralston, - 50 00
Josiah White, - - - 50 00
Matthew Newkirk, 50 00
Washington Jackson, - 50 00
Abraham Miller, - 50 00
Joseph R. Ingersoll, - 50 00
Samuel Jaudon, - . 50 00
Franklin Lee, - 50 00
Ann Humphreys, - - 40 00
James Rice, - - 35 00
T. Ellicott & Son, - 35 00
Peter Lesley, - 30 00
Mary Cresson, - 30 00
Rebecca Eaton, - - 30 00
Z. P. Grant, per E. Caldwell, 30 00
Levi Dickson, - - - 30 00
William W. Keen, - 30 oo
John Elliott,' (Druggist,) - 30 00
W. E. Garrett, - 30 00
Thomas Wattson, 30 00
Samuel Jackson, M.D. - - 30 00
Benjamin H. Warder, 30 00
William Craig, - 30 00
Right Rev. Bishop White, - 30 00
John H. Warder, - - 25 00
Mrs CamvelJ, - 20 oo
David Weatherly, - - 20 00
M. W. Baldwin, - 20 00
Field, Fobes & Co. - 20 00
Ellis Yarnall, - 20 00
J. W. Gibbs, (annual,) 10 00
" George Abbott, do. - 10 oo
Charles Yarnall, - - 10 00
Anna Frost, ' - • 10 00

W. M. Magoffin;
Nathaniel Chaunceyj
James Starr, -
Joseph S. Riley, -
Ezra Stiles Ely, D.D. -
Two Ladies, per L. R. Ashhurst,
A Lady, per 5. Caldwell,
C. S. Wurts, -
J. & W- Nassau,
Dr. S. Murphy,
Miss Freeman, -
S. E. Cresson, jun.
Robert Bald,
John Lambert,
F. V. Krug,
Reeves, Buck & Co.
J. R. Davis, -
C. P. Bayard,
William Musgrave, -
John Richardson,
C. Tingley,
Frederic Fraley,
C. Collins, -
Michael Baker,
Mrs. Dewar,
Edward R. Biddle,
William Stevenson,
William M. M'Main, (annual,)
John Binns, do.
William B. Cooper, do.
Sylvanus Lehman, do.
Rev. J. M, Dickey, do.
Casper Morris, M.D. do.
William Rowland, do.
Edward W. Howell, do.
And a large number of small Sub
scriptions and Donations.
John Dickson, Groceries,
John Elliott, Drugs, -
Budd West, do.
John Hamed, Tinware,
G. M. Elkinton, Soap,
H. Shriver, provisions,
Collins & Sherer, Paper,
Uriah Hunt, do.
Weigand & Snowden, Surgical In
struments,
John Roher & Sons, do.
S. C. Sheppard, do. -
H. Schiveley, do.
C.Collins, Clothing, -
Russell 8c Martien, Printing,
John Reid, Merchandise,
J. C. Hand, do.
W. M. Muzzey, Glass,
Matthew Carey, Pamphlets, -

COLLECTIONS IN CHURCHES, &c.

1st Presbyterian Church,

glO 00
10 00
10 00
10 00
10 00
10,00 10 00
10 00
9 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
,5 00
5 00
S 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
5 00
4 00

39 12
-4342 tJtoo 31 17
30 00
33 50
23 00
6 75
25 00
15 00
10 00
15 00
10 00
10 00
8 67
5 00
5 00
5 00

2d 6th
7th 8th 10th

do. do.
do. do.do.

Dr. Wylie's,
Dr. Cuyler's,

do. do.
do. do. do.
do.

do.(& a breast pin) 28 40
46 02

Methodist Ch. per Rev! Ch. Pitman,
do. do. per Rev. J. Lybrand,
do. do. per do.
Methodist Church, W. Chester, per
S. Hallowell, ¦

Jg40 02 Oxford Ch. per Rev. J. M. Dickey, jglO 00
77 13 Germantown Ch. per Dr. Neill, 15 75
45 03 St. John's Ch. per Rev. G. Boyd, 6 35
24 00 Presbyterian Church, Wilkesbarre,
11 05 per Rev. J. Dorrance, - 20 00
58 46 Cumberland Co. Colonization Soc. 62 89
30 28 Musical Fund Hall, 36 ,66
Northern Exchange, - - 25 35
Juvenile Coll. by Charlotte Sproal, 5 12
9 13 do. do. by Eliza Cone, - 5 84
5 75 do. Society of Polk's School, 5 00

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