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YALE UNIVERSITY
LIBRARY

General Howard.
(From a photograph taken in 1904.',

Autobiography of
OLIVER OTIS HOWARD
MAJOR GENERAL UNITED STATES ARMY

VOLUME TWO

Ne-w York
THE BAKER & TAYLOR COMPANY
1907

Copyright, 1907, by
THE BAKEE & TAYLOJii COMPANY

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the teq-w press, new YORK

TABLE OF CONTENTS
VOLUME TWO
PART II
THE CIVIL WAR— Continued
Lieutenant to Major General, and in Command of an
Independent Army PAGE
Chapter XXXV. Battle of Atlanta , 3
Chapter XXXVI. Battle op Ezra Church . 16
Chapter XXXVII. Battle of Jonesboro . 27
Chapter XXXVIII. Battle of Lovejoy's Station
AND Capture op Atlanta . 41
Chapter XXXIX. General Hood's Northward
March — Sherman in Pursuit — Battle of Alla-
toona . . ... .52
Chapter XL. Return to Atlanta — The March to
the Sea — Battle op Gris wold ville, Ga, . , .68
Chapter XLI. The March to the Sea — Capture op
Fort McAllister and Savannah , 86
Chapter XLII. March through the Carolinas —
Savannah, Ga., to Columbia, S. C. , , . 101
Chapter XLIII. March through the Carolinas —
The Taking of Columbia . . 117
V

Table of Contents PAOE
Chapter XLIV. Skirmishing at Cheraw and Fay
etteville and the Battle op Averysboro . . 134
Chapter XLV. March through the Carolinas — The
Battle op Bentonville— Johnston's Surrender . 143

PART III
RECONSTRUCTION
Commission,er oj the Freedmen's Bureau — Founding
Howard University
Chapter XLVI. Negro Conditions During the Civil
War 163
Chapter XLVII. Freedmen's Aid Societies and an
Act of Congress Creating a Bureau of Refu
gees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands . 194
Chapter XLVIII. Organization of the Freedmen's
Bureau and My Principles of Action . , 206
Chapter XLIX, The Abandoned I^ands . 229
Chapter L. Courts for Freedmen — Medical Care
AND Provision for Orphans . , , , 245
Chapter LI. The Early Finances — Schools Started 263
Chapter LII. President Johnson's Reconstruction
and Further Bureau Legislation for 1866 , 277
Chapter LIII. The Bureau Work in 1866 — Pres
ident Johnson's First Opposition 293
Chapter LIV. Public Addresses Concerning the
Freedmen in 1866, Advocating Education . 309
Chapter LV. First Appropriation by Congress for
the Bureau — The Reconstruction Act, March 2,
1867 — Increase op Educational Work . . 331
vi

Table of Contents PAGE
Chapter LVI. Famine Reliefs — Paying Soldiers'
Bounties, and Summary op Work Accomplished, 350
Chapter LVII. The Ku-Klux Klan 374
Chapter LVIII. Beginning of Howard University 390 ^-^
Chapter LIX. Institutions of the Higher Grade —
The Barry Farm 402
Chapter LX. Opposition to Bureau and Recon
struction Work Became Personal — The Congre
gational Church op Washington 423
Chapter LXI. Court op Inquiry — President op
Howard University , 445

PART IV
COMMANDING DEPARTMENTS, ETC.
Military Departments — Indian Campaigns — Literary Work
— Founding Lincoln Memorial University
Chapter LXII. Life in Washington, D. C, 1866 to
1874 — Assigned to Duty in Regular Army as Com
mander, Department of the Columbia 459
Chapter LXIII. In the Northwest, among the In
dians — Trip to Alaska — Life in Portland, Ore. —
1874 to 1881 468
Chapter LXIV. Superintendent of the United
States Military Academy — Commanding Depart
ment OF the Platte, Omaha, Neb. 485
Chapter LXV. In Europe, Egypt, and Constanti
nople . ¦ 494
Chapter LXVI. Italy and Switzerland 513
vii

Table of Contents PAGE
Chapter LXVII. France and Germany — Convention
op Young Men's Christian Association, Berlin,
1884 .... . . 525
Chapter LXVIII. French Army Maneuvers, 1884 —
Promotion to Major General, United States
Army, San Francisco, 1886-88  539
Chapter LXIX, Transferred to New York City . 547
Chapter LXX, D. L. Moody on Board the SPREE
— Spanish War, 1898 — Lincoln Memorial Univer
sity — Conclusion  558
Appendix . , , , , . , . 580
Index  589

vm

FACING PAGB

LIST OF ILLUSTEATIONS
VOLUME TWO
General Howard . , . . , Frontispiece
From a photograph taken in 1905,
Mrs. Eliza Otis Gilmore, Mother of General How
ard, AND Granddaughter . . . . , 176
Mrs. 0. 0. Howard . , , . 206
George W. Balloch, Brevet Brigadier General and
Chief Disbursing Officer Freedman's Bureau . 216
General Howard as Commissioner of the Freedman's
Bureau, 1866-73 ... , ,216
General Eliphalet Whittlesey, Brevet Brigadier
General and Assistant Commissioner Freedman's
Bureau  216
General Howard, Superintendent United States
Military Academy, and Aids-de-Camp at West
Point, N. Y., 1881 , . 486
Major General Howard, Commanding Department op
the East, 1888 . . . . , , 550
General Howard's Home, Burlington, Vt. . . 566
Major General Howard, 1906 , ... 574
From a portrait by Mrs. K. Rogers Nowell,
ix

ERRATA VOL. II
Page 10, 16th line from bottom.—" Fifteenth Ohio,"
should read, Fifteenth Iowa.
Page 54, 7th line. — " Commanding general," should
read, Commanding generals.
Page 98, 18th line.— " January 19, 1865," should
read, January 9, 1865.
Page 105, 1st line.— "Le/^ bank of the Salke
hatchie," should read. Right bank of the Salkehatchie.
Page 152, 1st line. — Omit " General 8. D. Lee, my
classmate," and insert, some Confederate officer first
succeeded, etc.
Page 341, 18th line.^" Of actual violence," should
read, Or actual violence.
Page 565, llth line. — " November 8, 1904," should
read, November 8, 1894.
Page 573, 14th line from bottom. — " Sergeant Har
ris, Second Infantry," should read. Sergeant Harris,
21st Infantry.
Index, Page 595.— " Everett, CarroU S.," should
read, Everett, Charles Carroll.
Index, Page 602.— Insert MacDonald, G. H., II, 565.

PART II— THE CIVIL W A'R— Continued
LIEUTENANT TO MAJOR GENERAL, AND IN
COMMAND OF AN INDEPENDENT ARMY

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF
OLIVER OTIS HOWARD
major general united states army

CHAPTEE XXXV
battle of ATLANTA
TT was observed at the dawn of July 21, 1864, that
¦*• the strong Confederate outworks in my front had
been abandoned ; and by pushing forward in the usual
way we at last came upon the principal defenses of
the city of Atlanta. They were made up of small forts
or redoubts, fitted for pieces of artillery, which
crowned the hilly prominences that faced in all
directions. Atlanta then looked to us like a hill city defended
by encircling well-fortified hills. Curtains, more or
less regular, ran along connecting hill fort to hill fort.
All the redoubts, or forts, and the curtains were well
made under the direction of an excellent engineer.
The slashings, abatis, chevaux de frise, fascines, ga
bions, and sand bags were all there and in use. How
could we run over those things when they had plenty
of cannon, mortars, and rifles behind them?
Sherman brought the troops forward, advancing
our lines to these obstructions, overlapping all in
trencbments on our left. McPherson's army had two
3

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Hovi'ard
corps in line, Logan's — facing Atlanta, and Blair's —
carrying on his line bending back to its termination.
Dodge's (Sixteenth Corps) was pretty well scattered;
at first Sweeny's division, the Second (of Dodge), was
near Logan's right. Fuller, commanding the Fourth
division, only one brigade being present with General
Dodge's headquarters, was encamped well back in
rear of the center of the Army of the Tennessee —
Sprague's brigade was guarding trains ten miles to
the rear at Decatur, while the remaining brigade of
the fourth division, H. J. McDowell commanding, was
held as a reserve close in rear of Blair's corps.
From Dodge's headquarters to Blair's left flank in a
straight line was just about one mile.
Schofield's army bending westward was next to
McPherson's, and Thomas's, beyond Schofield in a
semicircular formation, embraced the Atlanta forts
clear on to Sherman's extreme right.
As on his arrival Fuller was directed to support
Blair, his force was depleted still more by having to
send away, at Blair's request, pioneers and other de
tachments, but up to 12 M. Fuller was in that central
rear position with one brigade, his trains, and Laird's
Fourteenth Ohio Battery.
About eight o'clock the morning of July 22d Mc
Pherson told Dodge to send off his second division,
Sweeny's, from the right of Logan to the left of the
general line. The engineers were locating the left
of the Seventeenth' Corps, and, not being quite ready,
Sweeny's division was halted en route along a road
that ran nearly at right angles to Blair's position.
Sweeny's head of column came near to Fuller's posi
tion. Dodge himself had been reconnoitering to find
where Blair's left flank would finally rest.
4

Battle of Atlanta
Blair had two divisions — Leggett commanding one
and Giles A. Smith the other. The occupation of Leg-
gett's Hill brought one division so near to Logan's
corps on its right, that Blair sent Giles A. Smith with
his division to guard Leggett' s left and rear, station
ing his men along the line of the McDonough road,
with the left flank refused toward the east.
Blair knew that there was an interval of a mile,
nearly all woods, between him and Dodge, except that
McPherson at the last moment had sent Wangelin's
small brigade to watch that space. Sweeny had only
halted till just the points he was to occupy should be
determined. That halt and detention were indeed
providential. Just before noon McPherson and his staff were
with Sherman at the " Howard House." This house
on some maps is called " Hart House." It was a
large, square, white structure near the junction of
Logan and Schofield.
Sherman has recorded even the subjects of conver
sation at this interview. As they talked they heard
some skirmish firing near them toward Atlanta; sud
denly there was the duller sound of distant cannon
off toward Decatur; what could that mean? Sherman
took out his pocket compass to test the direction.
The increasing sound was too far to the left rear to
be accounted for by any knovm facts.
So McPherson, staff, and orderlies mounted and
rode off to join Dodge where he and Fuller were
together. At 12 M. Dodge was lunching with Fuller. There
were a few open farms in view, but the principal en
vironment covering that uneven region was woodland.
This these oflScers saw as they sat down to their fru-
5

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
gal meal, not a little anxious notwithstanding the un
usual calm. Surely, this isolated position behind the
brave Army of the Tennessee, with the able McPher
son in command, was a safer one than any Dodge had
held for weeks past — when they suddenly heard this
same firing.
General Blair had been with McPherson that morn
ing, just before McPherson started to see Sherman.
Blair had then gone directly to his o-wn headquarters
not far away, when about 12 m. he heard that there
had been an attack upon his hospitals, and that Colo
nel Alexander of his staff had taken a small company
of mounted infantry and had gone there to defend
them. Sweeny sent men at once to reconnoiter between
him and the Seventeenth Corps. The men sent ran
across some Confederates advancing in the woods.
Dodge, on Sweeny's report, immediately compre
hended the situation, and ordered Sweeny to face his
lines east and south ; he ordered Fuller to send a regi
ment to cover Sweeny's right flank. Sweeny was just
ready when he was surprised to see Confederates
emerge from the timber. The two batteries were part
of Sweeny's fighting line, and every soldier's rifle was
loaded. Fuller, without waiting for orders, had, instead
of a regiment, developed his whole force to the left
of Sweeny as he faced rearward. Thus Dodge with
two divisions became hotly engaged.
The Confederates were terribly shaken at the first
fire; but they persevered. Their very momentum
carried them beyond Dodge's command, and exposed
their lines to a raking fire of artillery, to which two
or three regiments of riflemen sent by Dodge, getting
6

Battle of Atlanta
a cross fire, added the effect of their rifles. The reason
for this unexpected Confederate approach is as fol
lows: As soon as it was dark enough to get away from
Thomas's front without endangering his columns from
our artillery. Hood had caused his forces to march
back through the city and pass on southward on the
west side of Intrenchment Creek, and cross it far be
low the McDonough road near Cobb's Mill. Hardee
then set out with three divisions, but Cleburne, who
had been all day withstanding Leggett and Giles A.
Smith, fell into his column; they moved on all night.
Hardee's head of column, continuing the circuit far
enough from Blair to escape attention, made northing
and easting enough to be within five miles of Decatur
by sunrise. Fifteen miles by country roads or paths, or no
roads at all, in a dark night, necessarily straggled out
the columns of fours. It took considerable time to
close up and get in order. The pickets toward Decatur
found Sprague's brigade on the alert near that little
town. Hardee did not know that our Garrard was
gone, and before advancing, his right and rear must
be properly cleared by cavalry, so he waited a while
for Wheeler. A night march doubly fatigues all
troops. Hardee very properly rested and refreshed
his men. His deployed front, with its left tangent to
the McDonough road, faced westerly. It covered the
flank and rear of McPherson's entire force.
Hardee now deliberately began his march while
Hood in front of Atlanta was holding the forts and
curtains opposite Thomas and Schofield, freeing Cheat
ham's corps that it might help Hardee when the
proper moment should arrive. The blades of the
7

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Ho-ward
shears would close and crush poor McPherson's en
tire command. The rivet of the blades would be at
Leggett's Hill.
Hardee faced a forest; he entered it where gener
ally no one could see twenty paces before him on ac
count of the thickets and uneven ground. On he came
for over two miles. Hardee's advance encountered
some of McPherson's outmost pickets — came in sight
of our Colonel Alexander's brave mounted escort near
Blair's hospital and met a regiment protecting the
hospital. This caused the first firing heard.
After the briefest interview with Dodge, sending
his officers off with orders, McPherson, with a single
orderly, just then thinking that the main attack would
be upon Blair's left, hurried away down the road that
led that way. He was passing through the yet un
occupied interval when the Confederate advance of
Cleburne's division came upon him. He lifted his
hand as if to salute, and then turned to ride away,
when, under a hostile volley, he was shot and fell from
his horse. His orderly was wounded, and became a
prisoner. McPherson had with him an important
order from Sherman, which first came into the hands
of a Confederate soldier; but before long, as Fuller
and Wangelin cleared that ground, the soldier was
captured, with all the party that had taken to them
selves McPherson's immediate belongings ; and the re
mains of the much-beloved commander were very soon
secured and brought in to Sherman by Colonel Strong,
his inspector general.
General Blair himself was not far from Mc
Pherson. He said : " I saw him enter the woods and
heard the volley which probably killed him." At once
Blair notified Logan that McPherson was either slain
8

Battle of Atlanta
or a prisoner, and that Logan was the senior to com
mand. The instant that Sherman heard of McPher
son's fall he sent an order to Logan to assume com
mand, and gave him stimulating and strengthening
words. But a little later Maney's Confederate division
came against Giles A. Smith's flank and rear. Our
pickets were displaced, our skirmishers driven in.
The Confederates were following them in quick time,
and their artillery so posted on a neighboring and very
convenient ridge and so served as to add death and
terror to the terrific assaults.
As his left was enveloped. Smith brought Hall's
brigade, helped by Potts's, to better shelter, but lost
250 men and two field guns captured at the extreme
point. It was hard maneuvering in such a storm!
Now over the south and east of these trenches,
made to face the other way, the soldiers were ar
ranged. They thus got some protection. They fired
low, and as fast as they could; the enemy's ranks
melted away, till scores were made to rush back to the
woods. This went on till their fire was partially
silenced. General Smith sent out at once after the Confed
erates a strong skirmish line. It could now hold them
back for a while. But there was hardly time to turn
around. The attack swept in from the opposite quar
ter. Behind the main line of trenches, and also across
the refused part. Hall's brigade was formed to face
the foe, partly covered. Potts's brave men made a sec
ond line behind Hall's, without cover, and were ready
to protect his left flank or to support him directly. I
have never kno-wn better conduct in battle.
Again the Confederates were repulsed with hea-vy
9

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
loss or flew to the trees for shelter against the un
ceasing rifle shots. Again, within five minutes, the
Confederates from the rear, the first repelled, ani
mated by their officers, came bounding on. Over the
works again every unwounded Union soldier leaped,
and, turning, fought that way.
The enemy having the cover of the woods could
in many places approach within fifteen or twenty
yards of our works without discovery. Regimental
commanders, with their colors, and such men as could
follow them, would not infrequently occupy one side
of the works and our men the other. Many individ
ual acts of heroism here occurred. The flags of two
opposing regiments met us on the opposite side of the
same works, and were flaunted by their respective
bearers in each other's faces. Men were bayoneted
across the works, and officers with their swords fought
hand to hand with men with bayonets. Colonel Bel
knap of the Fifteenth Ohio took prisoner Colonel
Lampley of the Forty-fifth Alabama by pulling him
over the works by his coat collar, being several times
fired at by men at his side. The colors of his regi
ment were taken at the same time. The enemy's loss
in this attack was very severe.
By dark the enemy here had retired, except along
the line of the works, which position some of them held
until nearly daylight the next morning, thus being
able to get off their wounded, but leaving the ground
literally strewn with their slain.
There went on a small body of Confederates, who
found little to oppose them as they advanced between
Scylla and Charybdis westward — not being detained
by Giles A. Smith's brigade on their left, or by Wan
gelin or Martin more to their right— not enough, how-
10

Battle of Atlanta
ever, to make a half mile of unbroken frontage, all
well screened by the dense woods through which they
were passing, till they came to the foot of Leggett's
Hill, where Gresham had been wounded, and up which
the gallant Force had successfully led his brigade
against great odds the day before.
Hood, seeing Hardee's soldiers emerge from the tim
ber and ascend the hill, triumphantly said : " Cheatham,
push out your divisions and Sherman is beaten ! "
But, no, our men on the hill sprang over to the reverse
side of the parapet, and quickly by artillery and infan
try firing, coolly directed, checked that hopeful ad
vance of Hardee.
A flanking fire from the Fifteenth Corps position,
with plenty of cannon and rifle volleys, helped Leg
gett break this bold effort and send the venturesome
Confederates immediately and rapidly back, to find
the way of retreat more and more difficult.
In this emeute General Force, while trying to aid
a wounded officer of his staff, received a bullet wound
through his face and head that was terribly severe,
but providentially his life was spared and he recov
ered. Cheatham's fine corps of veterans, all in order and
well rested, had already broken forward from the At
lanta front. Leggett's soldiers had had hardly time
to breathe after their rapid and successful firing
against that rear attack, when new enemies were scal
ing their Bald Hill from the Atlanta side.
It scarcely required orders to bring every soldier
behind his lines of intrenchment. Early in the action
many of Leggett's regiments had hastened to Giles A.
Smith's aid when he was in sore need, and now Blair
was able to get for Leggett all the prompt reenforce-
11

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ment he required, so that by an obstinate resistance,
somewhat prolonged, Cheatham's attacks on that
" rivet " point had to fail.
Meanwhile the two left divisions of Cheatham
breasted the whole front of the Fifteenth Corps, now
commanded by Morgan L. Smith, and reached Has-
call's division, of the Twenty-third. An outwork near
the railroad on our front, held by two regiments and
a section of an Illinois battery, as soon as outflanked,
was given up. This demibrigade regained the main
line near a cut in the railroad in good time, but the
Confederates took the advantage afforded by the cut
and by a building that masked their design. These
obstacles wondrously helped their sharpshooters to
hold their ground in that vicinage after Lightburn's
division had bravely withstood the first assault.
The Confederate brigade of Manigault behind that
troublesome building was compactly formed for at
tack; Colonel W. S. Jones was commanding the Union
brigade in his front. Jones's men were occupied by
the shooters from that building and elsewhere and
blinded by the thick smoke of the artillery.
Like the sudden break of a dam, when the rushing
water carries all before it, so that close-formed and
waiting Confederate brigade left its cover and rushed
down the railway cut and not only displaced Jones's
front, but carried away the supporting lines and seized
two of our batteries. It was the first bona fide break
in Logan's front, and it afforded Cheatham a tem
porary triumph. During that exciting, noisy, tumul
tuous and eventful afternoon my own part was easy.
I was constantly reminded to keep the Confederate
Stewart or G. W. Smith from lea-ving my front. We
did that. I was also to be carefully prepared to re-
12

Battle of Atlanta
enforce Logan should he require any assistance. My
Fourth Corps men were ready for that also.
As the battle came nearer, being naturally anxious,
and desirous to be very prompt when Sherman should
say the word, I took a few officers with me, and went
over some hundred yards to Schofield's front. He
had before this sent out one brigade to Decatur to
help Sprague defend the trains, and Cox with two
others over to be near to Dodge. Schofield and Sher
man, with a few officers and orderlies, were mounted
when I arrived, and standing near the Howard House
then on the prolongation of Logan's line of battle.
The fearful break of Logan's right front had been
made. Our troops seemed to have swung around so as to
be at right angles with their proper line of battle.
Captain DeGress, who had just lost his Parrott guns,
was on the ground, near Sherman's stirrup. He was
apparently much chagrined at his loss and eager to
have them recovered before his enterprising foes could
carry them off to Atlanta. This was the group. I
had never till then seen Sherman with such a look on
his face. His eyes flashed. He did not speak. He
only watched the front. There appeared not only in
his face, but in his whole pose, a concentrated fierce
ness. Schofield had located several batteries in an
excellent position to pour spherical case and canister
shot into the broken interval. All this was being care
fully and rapidly done.
At the same time the grand Charles R. Woods,
whose division was next to Schofield, was quietly
forming his brigades at right angles to and in rear
of our line. Logan was also bringing some of Har
row's division to bear from beyond them, and mov-
13

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ing up August Mersy's brigade from Dodge to replace
Martin's, whose early call and march to help the left
most battle had weakened Lightburn's front.
The cannon were making much disturbance. The
smoke was often blinding and the roar deafening;
such firing kept back the remainder of Cheatham's
lines. Woods's men advanced steadily do-wn the line;
there was no break, no hesitation, no halt ; on, on they
go till the opening is reached and the continuity of
Logan's line was soon restored. Every Confederate
who was not made a prisoner fled toward Atlanta,
and Captain DeGress, though his horses were killed
during the cannonade, had the joy of recovering his
big guns.
Schofield now urged Sherman to put a column on
Cheatham's flank from himself and Thomas to roll up
that Confederate line and so interpose between the
outside Confederates and those defending the works
of Atlanta. Sherman, whose face now relaxed into
a pleasant mood, said : " Let the Army of the Tennes
see fight it out ! "
In the afternoon Sprague, near Decatur with his
own regiments, aided by Kuhn's battalion of mounted
infantry, handsomely repulsed Wheeler's vigorous cav
alry and artillery attacks and saved all the trains
under his care from capture or damage.
Hood, at last weary, drew Hardee and Cheatham
back to the shelter of the Atlanta forts, leaving havoc
behind, but sweeping in some prisoners of war, some
flags, and many cannon. He reported bravely to
Richmond and issued orders of congratulation to his
troops. He doubtless at first esteemed this bloody
battle a Confederate victory. But we never so re
garded this ; it was indeed the main battle of Atlanta.
14

Battle of Atlanta
Among the prominent officers slain was one well
known to all our old army comrades, the Confederate
di-vision commander, William H. T. Walker, who fell
near Dodge's line. The mourning for our favorite
young commander, McPherson, was heartfelt and
widespread. No patriot soldier to-day is more ten
derly remembered in our land.

15

CHAPTER XXXVI
battle of EZRA CHUEOH
THE next five days after the battle of Atlanta were
busy ones for every part of the army. The lofty
bridge over the Chattahoochee, that connected us again
with Marietta and the north, had been speedily rebuilt,
so that now there was a shorter haul for all our sup
plies. It was necessary to bring forward what was
needed of food and rations ; to get the comforts for the
use of the sick and wounded who remained in the
field; to readjust lines and batteries and make all the
trenches secure against Hood's known impulsiveness;
to bring to the front absentees and recruits, and to rest
and refresh our weary men.
Sherman and Thomas consulted together as to the
officer who should succeed McPherson and the choice
fell upon me. The orders from President Lincoln ap
pointing me to the command of the Army and the De
partment of the Tennessee reached me the evening of
the 26th. General Logan and his friends desired that
he should be assigned to this command and were, of
course, disappointed, but he at once resumed the com
mand of his Fifteenth Corps. Hooker ostensibly was
offended that he, who was my senior in rank, had not
received the appointment, and asked to be relieved.
Slocum was brought from Vicksburg to replace him at
the head of the Twentieth Corps. Stanley succeeded
me in the Fourth Corps. 16

Battle of Ezra Church
Sherman in his " Memoirs " has put forth his rea
sons for the changes of organization so simply and so
plainly that they should relieve me from any suspicion
of self-seeking in obtaining a promotion that, as every
soldier knows, I would highly value ; he says : " All
these promotions happened to fall upon West Pointers,
and doubtless Logan and Blair had some reason to be
lieve that we intended to monopolize the higher honors
of the war for the regular officers. I remember well
my thoughts and feelings at the time, and feel sure
that I was not intentionally partial to any class." Of
course, Slocum and I had both resigned from the reg
ular army.
By the end of five days Sherman had matured his
plan to gain ground by extending his right till he had
severed Hood's southern railroad connections, as he
had just cut the eastern, or Augusta, line.
In connection with the instructions already given
me for the Army of the Tennessee to move from Sher
man's left to his right, Schofield had made, near the
Howard House, by the help of picks and shovels, a
strong left flank, for he was now to temporarily hold
tenaciously Sherman's left.
Logan, at a very early hour of July 27, 1864,
had set in motion the three corps. Dodge's, Blair's,
and Logan's, marching in the order named. In per
son I joined Dodge, at the head of the column, as he
was already in Thomas's rear crossing the Buck Head
road. Here I assumed command of the army. Sher
man with a small staff came from his meager head
quarters near the line of march, and rode along with
me all the way behind Thomas's lines to his extreme
right, where Palmer's intrencbments ended.
Sherman told me that Morgan's division had that
17

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
morning gone on by the Turner's Ferry road, which
runs westerly. We, having just crossed it, turned
southward just outside the forts which led a mile and
a half to the Lick Skillet road. When he took me to a
high point and showed me a wooded ridge between us
and Atlanta, along which he desired me to form my
troops, substantially connecting with Thomas, but fol
lowing the curve of the Atlanta works. This ridge ran
nearly north and south. He believed that my lines
would be long enough to enable me to get hold of
Hood's railroad there before Hood could extend his
trenches. Sherman, not expecting an attack, said that there
would be little risk in my moving straight along by
the flank down the road before us, which we afterwards
found led to Ezra Church. The land was covered for
the most part thickly with trees to the left or east of
my road. Seeing the nature of the country, and al
ready having had experience of Hood's enterprise, I
thought that we should be attacked certainly before
we could possibly close up and get into position. I in
timated this to Sherman, and said that if he did not
object, instead of pushing out my right into the air,
I would carefully unfold by having the divisions take
their places on Thomas's right, moving up in succes
sion, so that each successive division would protect
the flank of the preceding. In reply to my suggestion,
Sherman said he did not think that Hood would trou
ble me, but was willing I should deploy my army in my
own way. Then Sherman left me.
Corse commanded Dodge's leading division. He
turned to the left and occupied the leftmost section of
the new line, pressing well forward until he came as
near the enemy's parapet as possible. Fuller's divi-
18

Battle of Ezra Church
sion, partially deployed, next wheeled and ascended
the slope, continuing the line. Other divisions went on
in succession to do the same until dark.
The day had been a wearisome one for the troops ;
for, besides the long march, they had been obliged to
wait here and there for reconnoissance, the putting
out of infantry flankers, no cavalry being with me, so
that only Dodge's corps was entirely in place at sun
down. Blair's outposts already held a junction of roads
and his corps was deployed facing southeasterly to
ward the hamlet Lick Skillet. A road ran from the
city west to Ezra Church, then southwest for a quarter
of a mile, thence westerly again.
Logan's Fifteenth Corps was halted for part of the
night in reserve. We were at work at the first glim
mer of light the 28th. During the morning Blair's
division slowly turned to the left and moved forward
by divisions in echelon, and when in place his right was
about a quarter of a mile above Ezra Church. Logan,
deploying everything except a reasonable reserve,
pushed slowly southward. One of his divisions, that
of Charles R. Woods, occupied the space from Blair
to and including the church.
The other two, Harrow's and Morgan L. Smith's,
pretty well developed, followed their skirmish lines,
keeping them in sight as well as they could through
rough hollows and wooded ravines. Just as the right
division had seized with its advance a ridge of land
that made almost a right angle with the north and
south road, General Sherman had returned and joined
me, and we were moving along in rear with our de
ployed lines full in sight.
There had been an ever-increasing skirmish all the
19

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Now the rifle firing on our front increased.
Suddenly there was sound of cannon. We heard the
rattle of grapeshot in the trees near by and above us.
Limbs were severed and fell to the ground. I turned
to Sherman and said there would be a battle soon; he
replied he did not think so. Then I called his attention
to the shot which were clipping off the branches of the
trees. The indications were so strong that we would
be attacked that Logan called a halt of his main lines
and I ordered that our front be covered as speedily
as possible with logs and rails. An old field partially
cleared and fenced, fortunately for us, lay between
my position and the lines, which in general extended
along the high ridge before us. Here our men found
some rails and plenty of stumps and logs. These
men by details were soon running with logs and
rails in their arms and on their shoulders. Owing
to the conformation of the ground, Logan's two
divisions, Harrow's and Morgan L. Smith's, which
were formed on the right of Woods's division, made
nearly a right angle with the rest of the line. We
had no time to locate our batteries in front without
too much exposure in case of an enemy's charge;
so that I had only a few of them brought forward
and kept within call should an emergency require
them. Sherman remained with me until we were in posi
tion. He remarked again that he hardly thought I
should have a general battle ; but that in case of an at
tack in force Morgan's division, which was reconnoi
tering to Turner's Ferry, would come back by a road
so as to give complete protection to my right flank;
indeed, he would send and order it. Then he left me,
saying he would return to the center, telling me to call
20

Battle of Ezra Church
on him if I needed any assistance. Thus he permitted
me to conduct my first battle alone.
One of Logan's batteries I then sent to the front
and located not far from the road, with a view to re
plying to the enemy's troublesome, though fitful, can
nonading. The woods there were too thick for any
thing except blind action in the use of artillery on
either side.
Blair and Dodge, and Charles R. Woods, from their
first approaches, had strong skirmishing ; then encoun
tered brisk firing, particularly from artillery with most
annoying shrapnel shells from the Atlanta works.
Logan's men worked diligently and soon had sufficient
cover to give them partial protection against musketry
when kneeling or lying down. The ridge itself gave
fair protection to the reserves and field hospitals. At
this time, about 11.30 a.m., the fearful yells, fierce and
numerous, which we had heard so many times before,
came to the ears of our waiting men.
Lieutenant General Stephen D. Lee, my classmate
at West Point and a comrade in the spring of 1857 in
Florida, was assigned by the Richmond government
to command the army corps which had been led by
Hood before his promotion. S. D. Lee's assumption
of his command was of the same date as mine. Hood,
as soon as he divined Sherman's design of threatening
his line of supply on his left instead of his right as
heretofore, meditated a plan of resistance similar to
that in his last battle, July 22d. Instructing Hardee
with his corps and the Georgia militia to hold the At
lanta works, he ordered Lee to move out his three divi
sions to the Lick Skillet road, where, near Ezra
Church, he would find Jackson's cavalry.
Hood also instructed Stewart to proceed with two
21

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
divisions of his corps to follow Lee and mass his troops
near the place in the works where the Lick Skillet road
left the city. Stewart, with a clear road, was to be
there the morning of the 29th, to pass beyond Lee, gain
ground, and attack, as far as possible, beyond my right
flank. The roads were favorable to this flank move
ment. When the fearful Confederate shouts, so strong
and confident, reached our ears, every man along the
exposed front line carefully knelt behind their slight
defenses, or lay prone upon the ground with rifle in
hand, gazing steadily through the forest toward the
ominous sound.
Field and company officers gave a warning note:
" Take steady aim and fire low at the word ! " After
a few minutes of waiting the men on the ridge caught
glimpses of the approaching Confederates tramping
steadily and rapidly through the underbrush.
Next, without any record of orders given, the fire-
at-will began. At first, only two or three hea-vy guns
took any part, so that the roar came increasing and
diminishing from rapid rifle firing. The Confederates
used some cannon ; limbs of trees were broken and fell;
a few frightened men, as always, sprang away and ran
toward the rear, some giving way on our extreme
right. Logan became greatly animated and rushed for all
stragglers with drawn saber, and, assisted by his offi
cers, drove them back to their commands.
On the skirmish line opposite our extreme right
Major Charles Hipp, with the Thirty-seventh Ohio,
aided by another regiment, had prepared a log house
for defense, and thrown out his skirmishers right and
left. To the left of him, on the lower ground, Colonel
22

Battle of Ezra Church
W. S. Jones had two other regiments, with a section of
artillery, in support of skirmishers and as an advance
guard. The first warning to Major Hipp was hea-vy firing
to his left. He was evidently beyond the reach of the
Confederates, though not of their skirmish line. Next,
a shot penetrated his breast ; still he remained at his
post. When they came near enough, Hipp's regiment
opened fire. Again he was shot, which caused him to
fall from his horse.
Sergeant Ernst Torgler, who brought him off the
field, received for it a medal of honor. The adjutant,
Lambert, acting for the major, brought the regiment,
fighting its way, without loss of order, all the way back
to our main line. Colonel Jones also succeeded in re
tiring his command to its proper front. It was doubt
less such temporary covers as these outside regi
ments had had which caused Confederate officers to
think that they had driven back our men from a main
line of works.
In my first report concerning troops called by me
from Dodge and Blair, I used these words :
Four regiments were sent at once, but before their
arrival the first shock had passed, the enemy having
been driven back at every point except on the extreme
right where there was scarcely more than a skirmish
line to resist them. As soon as possible my aid, Cap
tain Gilbreth, led up two regiments to prolong the
right. Two others, led by my inspector general.
Strong, followed to the same point.
Early in the action, remembering some remarkable
experiences on other fields, I thought I would make
assurance doubly sure. So I caused twenty-six pieces
of artillery to be so arranged that they swept all the
23

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ground beyond Logan's right flank, though but a few
pieces of artillery were fired along his front, and the
repulses, one after another, from the beginning of the
Confederate attack to the close, were made mainly by
riflemen. The two regiments brought by Colonel Stroug were
armed with breech-loading rifles, the first used in the
war. The Confederates at that point had kept bravely
on. Some were tramping the rail piles; a few had
passed them when those repeating arms began their
work. The Confederate soldiers fell there; but few
escaped death, wounds, or capture.
Knowing Sherman's desire for Morgan's division
to come in on my right, something as Blucher did on
Wellington's left at Waterloo, in the middle of the af
ternoon I sent word to Sherman about the situation.
Furthermore, as the contest was prolonged, and I
had Dodge and Blair tied up against the Atlanta works
which occupied them, I feared that Logan's men might
weary. So, before night, I sent my brother, Lieutenant
Colonel C. H. Howard, to Sherman for a brigade,
which he sent at once, but it did not arrive until the
action was over.
This was my first battle after taking command of
the Army of the Tennessee, and I was delighted with
the conduct of the officers and men. Major General
Logan was spirited and energetic, going at once to the
point where he apprehended the slightest danger of
the enemy's success. His decision and resolution ev
erywhere animated and encouraged his officers and
men. The division commanders. Generals Woods, M.
L. Smith, and Harrow showed gallant conduct and
well-timed skill; they repelled many terrible and per
sistent attacks of the enemy. 24

Battle of Ezra Church
The number of the Confederate slain left in our
front exceeded our entire loss — 642. We captured
five battle flags, 1,500 muskets, and many prisoners.
After the battle of Ezra Church, Hood confined him
self to the defensive as long as we were in the neigh
borhood of Atlanta.
That evening my ambition stimulated me to put
in fresh troops in order to sweep the field and make a
bold and strong effort to capture Atlanta ; but Logan's
men were much fatigued. Blair's and Dodge's had
been on the qui vive all day within reach of the en
emy's cannonade, constantly kept up, and Morgan's
division had not succeeded in joining us ; the Atlanta
works were complete and strong, therefore my cooler
judgment said. Let well enough alone.
After I had gone along the front lines and said
what I could in appreciation of the wonderful defense
made by our gallant soldiers, I simply ordered Logan
to double his skirmish lines and press them beyond us
as far out as practicable, and then give to the com
mands rest and quiet for the night. I soon learned
positively that this terrible assault was made by my
old friend and classmate. Lieutenant General Stephen
D. Lee,i commanding three divisions, while General
Stewart's two divisions supported him.
Under cover of the darkness General Lee withdrew
from my front, after giving us a slight show of life
through the firing of his artillery and infantry rear
guard. Then he hastened within the protection of the
strong forts of Atlanta.
1 General Stephen D. Lee at this -writing, 1907, is the Commander of
the Society of Confederate Veterans, -with his home at Jackson, Miss. He
is much esteemed by all who kno-w him. General Lee and I are the last sur-
-viving commanders of independent armies in the field during the Civil
War.
25

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
The letter which I wrote that day from the field of
battle was as follows :
Major General W. T. Sherman, Commanding Military Division
of the Mississippi.
General: The corps of Hood attacked us to-day at 11.30
A.M. on the right of my Hne, mainly opposite the Fifteenth
Corps, with lines extending beyond my right flank. The as
saults -were pertinaciously kept up for four hours, with scarcely
any intermission, and were invariably repulsed. The enemy's
dead lay thickly on our front. We took several stands of
colors and quite a number of prisoners. General Logan bore
the brunt of the battle, and his command acquitted itself
nobly. Generals Blair and Dodge weakened their lines to the
lo-west limits in order to extend his flank and reenforce him at
any point. Our casualties were small, owing to the fact that -we
had just covered ourselves with rough barricades. Some of
Polk's (Stewart's) command was engaged in the last assaults.
I will make a more specific report as soon as I can get the
requisite returns from the different commands.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
0. 0. Howard, Major General.
There is one letter that I find in the public records
which I have never seen till now. I shall prize it as
I do the " thanks of Congress." It is from Sherman,
addressed to Schofield the evening of that memorable
day. It reads:
" General Howard's conduct to-day had an excellent effect
on his command. After the firing had ceased, he walked the
line, and the men gathered about him in the most affectionate
manner, and he at once gained their hearts and their confi
dence. I deem this a perfect restoration to confidence in
themselves and the leader of that army."

26

CHAPTER XXXVII
battle of jonesboro
SHERMAN had three cavalry divisions of consid
erable strength — Ed. McCook's, 3,500 effectives,
at Turner's Ferry, where the Chattahoochee was
bridged; Stoneman's, 2,500, and Garrard's, 4,000, at
or near Decatur, Ga., on his left.
The cavalry, except Garrard's, received its raiding
orders and set forth to go south and carry them out.
Sherman now for three or four days strengthened his
right flank by putting two infantry divisions of Thomas
in rear of my right for a reserve. Sherman was
mainly waiting for the effect of this cavalry movement
against the railroad about Jonesboro.
The first report that came to him, August 1st, to the
effect that Ed. McCook's division had been defeated
and captured, he stoutly discredited and disbelieved;
yet he took prompt action in view of the possibility
of such a disaster. He put all the garrisons guarding
our depots and communications on the alert, brought
Schofield's troops around to and beyond my right, and
had Thomas send there also the whole of Palmer's
corps. Ed. McCook had done well at the first onset. He
struck the railroad and did much damage, and finding
no cooperation from Stoneman, drifted back with over
400 prisoners to Newnan. Here McCook was defeated
27

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
by General Alexander P. Stewart's infantry and lost
his captured Confederates, and reported from Tur
ner's Ferry his own loss as 600.
Stoneman, for some unaccountable reason, did not
carry out Sherman's instructions at all. Coming from
Decatur, he did not join McCook near Jonesboro. In
stead of that, he passed off behind the Ocmulgee and
went down on the eastern bank. A Confederate dis
patch from Macon gave the result of his raid:
" Stoneman, after having his force routed yester
day, surrendered with 500 men ; the rest of his men are
scattered and flying toward Eatonton. Many have
been already killed or captured."
Sherman, after this sad experiment, declared that
our cavalry " could not or would not make a sufficient
lodgment on the railroad below Atlanta, and that noth
ing would suffice but for us to reach it with the main
body." After the discomfiture and return of Ed. McCook
and the other commanders, Sherman, with marvelous
quickness, had our cavalry reorganized and resnpplied.
He now formed it into three divisions, under Garrard,
McCook, and Kilpatrick. The latter, with his opti
mistic nature and fearless enterprise, had come back
to us after the healing of his Resaca wound.
Hood then tried Sherman's cavalry plan on a
larger scale. Forrest and Wheeler, with abundant
horses, were sent against our long line of supply
between Atlanta and Nashville; Forrest above and
Wheeler below Chattanooga with hope of drawing
Sherman away from Atlanta, so that Hood could fall
on his rear with his main army. But these efforts of
the Confederate cavalry were as effectually thwarted
by Sherman as Sherman's cavalry had been by Hood..
28

Battle of Jonesboro
Hood at last acknowledged that he could not any
where in our rear bring together sufficient force at
important points on the line to compel our retreat.
Sherman tried one more raid, using the energy of
our sanguine Kilpatrick. That general made his
march with promptness, but soon came back. His
report claimed three miles of railway track destroyed
near Jonesboro, the capture of four cannon, spiking
three and bringing in one; three battle flags and sev
enty prisoners of war. His visit, however, he owned,
was shortened by encountering a brigade of Confed
erate cavalry and a Confederate infantry division.
Two days after Kilpatrick's return one would
hardly believe that he had been defeated at all. His
memory and his imagination were often in conflict, but
we all liked his bright face and happy stories.
Meanwhile, the work of extending our line near At
lanta had gone on. Hood's intrencbments had fol
lowed suit, ever protecting his railroad, a vital line
of supply. When Schofield and Palmer went to my
right, Bate and Cleburne went to Hood's left.
Without too much detour, Sherman put upon Scho
field the special work of striking a heavier blow than
those we had been able to deliver since " Ezra Chapel "
and directed Palmer to report to Schofield. As
Palmer asserted himself as senior in rank and would
not help, Schofield was unable to carry out Sherman's
wishes. When Sherman criticised Palmer's course, he re
signed, and Brigadier General Jeff C. Davis was pro
moted to a major general and sent to the command of
the Fourteenth Corps. Schofield, though Palmer's
junior, had been assigned to an army and depart
ment by the President. 29

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
This friction occurred at a most unfortunate time
in the face of the enemy and it caused delay and loss
to us. I had always regarded General Palmer as a
strong man, brave and resolute and of good judg
ment. Under similar circumstances to his, perhaps
a little more aggravating, I served under a junior,
biding my time. Of course, one must be guided by his
sense of what is right ; yet, in case of doubt, he ought
to give the benefit of his doubt to his country's
service. At one period Sherman had heavy guns brought
up and bombarded Atlanta, carrying into it terror and
destruction. This was not sufficient, however, to in
duce Hood to surrender.
On August 16th, Sherman, being resolved to attack
Hood's railway lines, issued his orders for the follow
ing movements : First : the Twentieth Corps was sent
back to foi^tify and hold the Chattahoochee bridge.
Second: Schofield's forces and mine to move on the
station at Fairburn; then directly against the West
Point railroad between Red Oak and Fairburn;
Thomas was to follow up in support.
Forrest's and Wheeler's raids on Sherman's rear
somewhat modified these orders, but Thomas began
the execution of the first move on the night of
August 25th.
The movement of the Twentieth Corps toward
the rear, followed by the remainder of Thomas's com
mand, which was going on toward our right flank, had
the effect, as was natural, of deceiving the Confeder
ate commander. The night of the 26th my move be
gan. My army (of the Tennessee) was at the time
25,000 strong. We wakened the men quietly and turned
our faces southward in two well-organized columns.
30

Battle of Jonesboro
A guide was at the head of each; he had previ
ously gone over the route of march and made him
self acquainted with the maps. It was a solemn pro
cession, every regiment coming without noise into its
place ; one brigade followed another until my late posi
tion was denuded of everything but a few skirmishers.
The noise of the wagons and batteries in motion had
been carefully provided against. As my staff officer,
left behind to see the ground cleared and to report
to me the final closing up of the rear guard, was con
gratulating himself that the whole work had been so
noiselessly performed that the enemy had no suspicion
of its operation, he was startled by a sudden artiUery
fire from the Confederate side ; probably the very still
ness of the night exaggerated the sound of the cannon.
Round shot broke small trees and dropped branches
to the ground, altogether too near the dim roadway
which the men were pursuing.
I heard the firing, and for a few minutes feared
that there might be a panic among some of our
men ; but my fears were rather born of pre-vious expe
riences with other commands than from the knowl
edge of those Western veterans. At this time the
men, without exception, resolutely continued their
march. The cannon shot and shell passed over us and be
yond without great damage. A single soldier, how
ever, was killed, and another wounded, having his leg
broken. In the retrospect even this comparatively
small loss excites our sympathy, for human life is
precious. When day dawned we were beyond the reach of
danger from the rear. This march was the first that
I had made in conjunction with Kilpatrick. He cleared
31

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
my way as rapidly as he could of the enemy's cavalry
and artillery with it.
Whoever commanded that Confederate cavalry did
it well. He made bridgeheads at the crossing of
creeks; destroyed every bridge that would facilitate
our march; he would make barricades of logs or rails
in the edge of a wood, where it ran at right angles to
our pathway.
When the enemy seemed too strong for Kilpatrick
I sent forward a battery at a trot and infantry enough
to protect it. As a rule, an effort of this kind was suffi
cient to clear the way, but now and then the Confeder
ate cavalry would get so good a position, either at a
creek crossing or in the forest, that it became neces
sary to halt all hands and send a regiment or a bri
gade around his flank, and so root him out.
I shall never forget that march. The country was
mostly covered with trees, more or less dense, and it
was rough, so that it was exceedingly hard to ma
neuver any considerable body of horsemen. Having
now to do with cavalry, I was apprehensive of a sur
prise, particularly when the horses were crowded to
gether in narrow roads; so I became quite happy
and satisfied to see how Kilpatrick managed. He
kept his guard so far out that all the irregularities of
a cavalry bivouac did not much disturb him.
Logan, as wide awake by night as by day, passed
across the Utoy and on to Camp Creek, near Fairburn.
Blair, who led the other column, was followed by the
Sixteenth Corps. Dodge had been wounded after
Ezra Chapel and was obliged to retire for a time.
General Ransom, a young officer of great promise, was
commanding his corps. With Kilpatrick on our right,
we went into position according to our instructions.
32

Battle of Jonesboro
Very early on the 27th Kilpatrick drew out first
and pressed on rapidly in order, if possible, to drive
the enemy's outposts, scouts, and cavalry beyond the
West Point Railroad. Feeling himself so well backed
up, Kilpatrick was this time successful in holding on
to the railroad.
Getting upon the railroad by twelve o'clock noon,
I deployed in the usual manner, intrenched enough
for protection in case of surprise, with the hamlet of
Fairburn in plain sight. I put Kilpatrick out on our
approaches so as to give us plenty of warning; Ran
som was placed in reserve. Very soon the lively work
of railroad breaking was undertaken. We could see
different parties of the road destroyers; one party,
now standing in a line, seized the rails and lifted all
together, causing a long span to come up and be
broken apart; another party, catching the ties, threw
them upon a log fire to ruin them. Upon the top of a
heap others piled the rails, each to be heated in the
middle. Another group would run with a rail and
push its hot part against a telegraph pole or tree, and
run around the trunk in opposite directions.
The most effective disabling of a rail was done by
using two short hand bars with a contrivance at one
end of each to seize and hold the rail fast ; two men at
each hand bar turning the rail in opposite directions
would make a twist. Two such twists prevented the
use of a rail till it had gone again to a rolling mill.
Schofield had moved a little, enough to free his
command for speedy work, and watched toward the
east and north to cover all trains. Thomas had
chasseed to the left, and he came up abreast of me at
Red Oak Station; and we all, in the manner we have
indicated, spent a day and a half crippling the West
33

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Point Railroad. At this time, by the close of August
28tli, one road for miles and miles was beyond mili
tary repair.
The fourth move for Jonesboro, not given in the
preliminary orders, began at the dawn of August
30th. Logan moved along due east, taking the more
northern road, guarding the left; while Ransom and
Blair marched on a road to the right. The two roads
came together near Shoal Creek. Kilpatrick cleared
the way as before, and nothing of moment delayed our
march till our junction.
At this creek the obstinacy of our foes increased,
and -ve were obliged to halt and reconnoiter. Ransom
used two regiments, and Logan at least a brigade, in
support of the cavalry. Very soon the confronted
barricades were abandoned and we marched on.
Every half mile this operation was repeated till every
body became weary and impatient.
Just about sundown I was glad enough to reach
Renfro Place, my destination. Everybody there,
Union and Confederate, made a halt and began prep
arations for the night bivouac.
In the sand dunes I found no water for the com
mand, and the Flint River was but six miles ahead.
I had heard railroad trains and steam engines on the
Macon road all day, and knew well enough that Hood
was sending troops. The principal object of my move
was plain enough: to seize Jonesboro and the railway
as soon as possible. After a few moments' reflection
I summoned Kilpatrick and asked him :
"Have you an officer, general, who with a small
body of cavalry can keep the enemy in motion, and not
allow them to create delay between this Renfro Place
and the river? " 34

Battle of Jonesboro
" Just the man, sir," he replied.
Then he turned to Captain L. G. Estes, assistant
adjutant general on his staff. In a few moments
Captain Estes brought up a squadron of cavalry, two
excellent troops. He moved off toward the Flint, first
at a quick walk; then, as he neared the enemy's out
posts, at a trot ; and the Confederate commander, hear
ing the firing and seeing his outposts driven in, had
no time to make barricades. He saddled up and re
tired as rapidly as he could. I put my infantry
quickly upon the road, and with my staff took the
lead, following the skirmishers ahead of me. I desired
to get a view of the ground before darkness set in.
There was a swift race for the river. Our in
fantry was so excited that they almost kept up with
the cavalry. The Confederates made a brief halt at
the bridge on the opposite side, firing upon us from
the right and left, while some two or three men set the
bridge on fire. Captain Estes' s command was armed
with Spencer repeating rifles. His troops deployed
along the river bank and began their increasing fire,
while other troopers dismounted and rushed for the
burning bridge. These succeeded in extinguishing the
flames, drove back the defenders, and speedily crossed
over to the other side. It did not take long for our
infantry, under the new excitement, to reach the river
and deploy their own skirmishers in support of the
cavalry. Among the first I reached the bridge, delayed a few
minutes to reconnoiter, and then crossed over, follow
ing up the troops. A few staff officers were with me,
including Lieutenant Colonel Stinson, who had been so
severely wounded at Pickett's Mill, and who had just
returned from Cleveland, Tenn., convalescent, but not
35

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
entirely well. He was near me when the Confederates
suddenly fired from the woods which fringed the op
posite slope. A volley passed over our heads.
At that instant I saw Colonel Stinson spring for
ward in his saddle as if hit. I called to him:
" Harry, are you hurt ? "
"No, sir," he answered; " the suddenness made me
jump." That surprise was like a blow to him, for during
the night his old wound opened, and he had a severe
hemorrhage of the lungs. The next morning he left
me for a time, but afterwards came and went as his
strength permitted, though he never saw a well day
again till the time of his death soon after the close of
the war.
As soon as the skirmishers were over the bridge,
they ran up the slope from the river. Logan led for
ward his entire corps and arranged it as well as he
could in the darkness upon the crest of the ridge —
Hazen's division to the left ; Harrow on the right ; Os
terhaus in reserve — all facing Jonesboro.
That night we had nothing but skirmishing to
worry us. The men were indeed strong and hearty,
though very weary after their long and hard march;
they worked the entire night intrenching by reliefs,
to be ready in the morning against the attack which
we were quite sure Hardee would bring against us.
We ascertained that Hardee already had a part of
S. D. Lee's troops in our front.
Kilpatrick, calling his men back, had moved off to
my right and struck the enemy's advance in a corn
field. It became necessary for me to strengthen his
hands, so I ordered Ransom to cover our right on the
west side of the Flint with infantry and artillery, and
36

Battle of Jonesboro
also to give Logan support on the east side upon Lo
gan's immediate right.
Blair, who came up during the night, did the same
thing for our left flank, sending one division across
the river, which came into position early in the morn
ing, considerably extending Logan's left. As soon as
these dispositions were made the cavalry was ordered
out farther to our right as far as Anthony's bridge.
By these prompt movements, I succeeded in tak
ing a strong position very near to Jonesboro, and was
enabled to save life by putting my command where
its artillery could reach and sweep the Macon Rail
road, which necessitated the enemy and not myself to
take the initiative in the coming battle.
Schofield had been turned northward toward East
Point, in order to protect the trains, and was for a
time quite isolated from the rest of the whole force.
Thomas had fulfiUed his instructions, reaching the
evening of the 30th a crossroad near Morrow's MiU.
Kilpatrick lost one battery near the river, in the
swampy ground — for a time. The enemy was thus
decoyed by him and his supports beyond the river,
for a Confederate division crossed over and pursued
him for a short distance. Nothing, even if I had
planned it, could have been better done to keep an en
tire Confederate division away from the main battle
field. Our line followed substantially the crest of the
ridge, mostly covered with woods, though there were
some open places.
Kilpatrick had some lively tilts with Jackson's cav
alry after crossing Anthony's bridge, and both sides
kept up a skirmishing and some cannonading beyond
our front. We had expected Hardee's attack at dawn.
37

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
I had been misinformed with reference to the force al
ready at Jonesboro. Hardee waited for his men to
close up.
It occurred to me that I might open the battle as
Grant did at Missionary Ridge, by a strong reconnois
sance in force. I so ordered it. Probably fifteen min
utes before the time set, the charging cries of our
advancing foes met our ears. Our veterans under
stood very well what was coming, and vsdth confidence
awaited the charge. The most determined part of the
assault was sustained by Logan's front, the enemy ap
proaching to within an average distance of fifty to
one hundred paces.
They were repulsed.
Between 2 and 3 p.m. again the enemy emerged
from the woods, coming obliquely toward Corse's
front. One of his brigades with Blodgett' s battery
fiercely met the Confederates and " sent them back."
Another battery opened, but did not seem even to
delay the enemy in its front. Corse restrained Colo
nel Rice's command from firing till the Confederates
had cleared the cornfield near by, so as to be in plain
sight. Then they were met by a terrible sheet of fire
from Corse's ranks.
A portion of the enemy's line broke and ran to the
woods, while the rest in front of Rice's men sought
shelter in a gully or washout deep enough to conceal
a man, and were thus temporarily safe. Corse there
upon sent the Sixty-sixth Indiana Regiment rushing
down the declivity into the gully, which drove them
out and brought sixty Confederates back as prison
ers. A part of Corse's men at first were without
any cover, as was also the battery.
Hazen (of Logan) had sixteen regiments in line
38

Battle of Jonesboro
and one in reserve. Against his front between 2 ahd
3 P.M. the Confederates made a vigorous cannonade.
In the open spaces two full lines could be observed.
The first charge was tremendous, some of the enemy
getting within Hazen's precincts, and the attack was
persistently carried on for three-quarters of an hour.
But during this time Hazen's parapet kept up a
fire against which no men could stand. Here Hazen's
battle was decisive.
On Harrow's front the attack came a little later
than on Hazen's. The artillery fire from the Confed
erate batteries reached his command from different
directions ; then after loud cheering the assault came.
Harrow threw them into confusion with his artillery
and then repulsed their two charges. So the first day
of the Jonesboro battle ended.
It may be wondered why I did not immediately
push in my reserves, as more than half my command
had not been used in the conflict. Ambition would
have spurred me instantly to take the offensive, but
prudence and, I believe, good judgment led me to
hold on till Sherman and the Army of the- Cumberland
came. On the morning of September 1st, General Jeff.
C. Davis, of Thomas's army, being at Renfro Place,
moved up to my left flank. He instantly pushed on
to Moniker's Creek, where he came upon my pickets.
He then deployed to my left, engaged the enemy vig
orously, and gallantly charged their works, breaking
through in many places, capturing hundreds of pris
oners and some batteries and also some trophies, mak
ing our victory complete.
Thomas and Sherman were together, not far from
Davis's right flank. As soon as Davis's attack was
39

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
finished, Sherman directed me to send Blair's corps
below Jonesboro and I expected him to cross the Flint
as Kilpatrick had done the day before, but being de
layed by the long march he arrived at so late an hour
that the enemy was able to resist him at the bridge.
Sherman desired Thomas to get beyond Hardee's
right flank and so cut off his retreat; but night came
on and Hardee escaped.

40

CHAPTER XXXVIII
battle of lovejoy's station and captuee of
ATLANTA
T TOOD now, doubtless with intense reluctance, evac-
^ ¦¦¦ uated Atlanta, aud swinging around to the east
by the way of McDonough, succeeded by the help of
S. D. Lee's corps in forming junction with Hardee at
Lovejoy, the point to which Hardee had retired during
the night of September 1st. Slocum, commanding
the Twentieth Corps at the Chattahoochee bridge,
hearing the explosions occasioned by Hood's at
tempted destruction of his depots and loaded trains,
suspected what was going on; and so marched out to
take possession of the city. During the night Sher
man had heard the series of explosions in the far dis
tance. He questioned an inhabitant about them, who
declared that they were the same as in the previous
battles to which he had listened.
Sherman, at first, feared that Slocum had ap
proached the city, and perhaps was having an engage
ment with Hood's rear guard.
The morning of September 2d our combined
forces followed Hardee's movement as far as Love
joy's Station. We had just reached that place when
Sherman received a note from Slocum, headed " At
lanta." Hood had gone, having destroyed his depots,
trains, and such supplies as he could not carry off.
The quantities of ammunition stored there, of course,
41

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
occasioned the heaviest explosions. He had hardly
evacuated the city before Slocum marched in.
The first dispatch to Washington was from Slocum,
September 2d, as follows:
General Sherman has taken Atlanta. The Twentieth Corps
occupies the city. The main army is on the Macon road, near
East Point. A battle was fought near that point, in which
General Sherman was successful. Particulars not known.
This was followed by a dispatch the next day from
Sherman to Halleck. Here is an extract:
Hood, at Atlanta, finding me on his road, the only one that
could supply him, and between him and a considerable part of
his army, blew up his magazines in Atlanta and left in the night
time, when the Twentieth Corps, General Slocum, took posses
sion of the place. So Atlanta is ours and fairly won.
To which President Lincoln replied:
The National thanks are rendered by the President to Major
General W. T. Sherman and the gallant officers and soldiers
of his command before Atlanta, for the distinguished ability
and perseverance displayed in the campaign in Georgia, which,
under Di-vine power, has resulted in the capture of Atlanta.
We came upon Hardee's skirmishers, where he was
waiting for us, near Lovejoy's ; the approaches to his
position were exceedingly difficult; yet, as rapidly as
possible, my command was extended into line, the Fif
teenth Corps on the left, the Seventeenth on the right,
while the Sixteenth was held in reserve.
By strengthening our skirmish line and pressing it
along from right to left Hardee's gave back, until by
our sudden dash a favorable height of great impor
tance to us was seized and firmly held. And then by
42

Battle of Lovejoy's Station
the usual processes our main lines were moved nearer
and nearer to the Confederate works, which, strange
to say, were as well constructed and as strong as if the
Confederates had had a week to prepare them.
It was between three and four in the afternoon
when I was ready to move forward to the assault. At
that hour I received orders from Sherman not to take
the offensive, but wait where I was for the present.
General Thomas had also moved one corps forward
from Jonesboro (Stanley's). He marched along the
east side of the railroad. He had left Davis's corps
at Jonesboro to gather up the captured property, and
to care for the wounded and bury the dead. Stanley
struck the enemy's lines about midday, and he had the
same difficidty in developing the lines, in making his
approaches to the enemy's works, that I had had; so
that it was near dark when he was ready to make an
attack. Thomas, probably not aware of my orders,
pushed his troops well forward and had a lively
combat. About half an hour later one of Stanley's divisions
made an endeavor to carry the enemy's works but did
not succeed.
After this partial attack, a little later in the day,
Schofield's army came up to support the left of
Thomas. The effort resulted in about 100 prisoners,
several of whom were commissioned officers.
Now we notice that from this time on, the two
armies were facing each other, and each commander
had full purpose to do nothing which would bring
on a general action, though, as we were very near
together, we had each day upon the skirmish line many
men wounded and some killed. We thus watched
each other and skirmished for four days.
43

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
This is all there was of the affair at Lovejoy's
Station, and indeed the time had come for a rest and
recruitment of the troops. Our armies remained
there until the morning of September 7th. Sherman
says : " After due reflection I resolved not to attempt
at this time a further pursuit of Hood's army, but
slowly and deliberately to move back and occupy At
lanta, enjoy a short period of rest, and think awhile
over the next step required in the progress of events."
The Army of the Cumberland led the return. It was,
after the march, grouped in and about Atlanta. With
the Army of the Tennessee I followed, and took up a
defensive camp at East Point, between six and seven
miles south of Atlanta; while the Army of the Ohio
covered our eastern approaches by camping near
Decatur. The campaign had already been a long and costly
one since its beginning. May 6th, at Tunnel Hill, near
Dalton. According to the reports which Sherman
gathered, the aggregate loss up to that time to the
Confederates was nearly 35,000 men, but he remem
bered that his own aggregate was not much less, being
in the neighborhood of 35,000. His command had been
for the most part under fire for 113 days, including
three days' rest at the Etowah.
In my letters home I wrote : " Atlanta is a hand
some place, with -wide streets, and houses much scat
tered. I have my army to refit and reorganize.
"General Sherman asked me lately if I wanted
a brigadiership in the regular army; he said I must
try for one. I told him no, but if it were offered me
for my services, if they were deemed of sufficient im
portance to warrant it, I should consider it a high
compliment, but I should not ask for it."
44

Battle of Lovejoy's Station
In order to present an evidence of the feeling after
Sherman's taking Atlanta in New England, I will in
troduce a few impressions from a letter of my uncle
Ensign Otis, Esq., of Leeds, Maine, as follows :
My Dear Nephew: We have much sohcitude for you, Gen
eral Sherman, and that part of his army -with him. Great in
terest is manifested by the whole community. . . .
The result of the election, the tone of the public press, and the
satisfied demeanor of almost the entire people have inspired me
-with a confidence in our Government and institutions which
I never before had. Surely our chastening has not been
in vain. Is not the time of our deliverance at hand? Grat
itude and humility, in view of our Nation, seem to be mani
fested. We are sending our vegetables to the Second Maine Cavalry.
Some of the boys are at home on a furlough. Warren (Colonel
E. W. Woodman) is commander of the regiment. Our boy who
went in the Thirtieth Maine (the writer, being an old veteran
of 1812, sent a substitute) writes often. He has been uni
formly well, and keeps us posted in all that concerns that
regiment in Sheridan's army. Our prayers, our love, and
affection are for you and Charles (then Lieutenant Colonel C.
H. Howard). Then from mine :
Just before this I had received news of the death of my step
father, Colonel Gilmore, at Leeds, Maine, whom I greatly es
teemed and loved. Thinking of him at this time, I put down
a thought concerning George H. Thomas.
General Thomas's characteristics are much like those of my
father. While I was under his command he placed confidence
in me, and never changed it. Quiet, manly, almost stern
in his deportment, an honest man, I trusted him. ... I am
all the while hoping that peace is not far distant. There is
a great Union sentiment in Georgia, but, every mouth has been
45

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
shut for a long time by a fearful tyranny. I believe Grant will
accomplish his part of the operation of the campaign before
winter. If he succeeds, matters will put on a different com
plexion. At present it is hard for me to anticipate where I
shall be or what I shall do. . . .
If Sherman makes a fall and winter campaign, I shall doubt
less command one of the columns under him.
I also wrote of my neighborhood : " I have now
three little visitors — Flora Niles, a pretty little lady,
one year smaller than our Grace; Spurgeon Sylvey
and Jerome Sylvey, two boys, twins, six years old.
They are children of people who were born in the
North. Flora talks very freely and prettily, and is
a nice little lady. We encamped on one of her fa
ther's farms near Jonesboro, and brought him, the
mother, and Flora to this place in an ambulance. We
gave them empty wagons in which to bring their
goods and chattels. He and his wife were from New
Hampshire originally. General Sherman is banishing
all the people from Atlanta, north or south, as they
may elect."
In this private correspondence, which freshens
one's recollection, I find that my corps commanders,
Blair and Logan, during this rest, had been granted
a leave. In fact, Logan did not return to us till we
reached Savannah, but Blair was able to join me.
One of my divisions. General Corse's, was sent back
to Rome upon the reports of the work of the Con
federate cavalry in Tennessee under Forrest.
Another division. General John E. Smith's, of Lo
gan's corps, had its headquarters back at CartersvUle,
Smith commanding. About this time (September
29th), also, Thomas went to Chattanooga and as far as
NashviUe, whUe (October 3d) Schofield found his
46

Battle of Lovejoy's Station
way, first to Knoxville, to attend to some official mat
ters there, and thence to Chattanooga.
All these personal movements naturally affected
me, as I was inclined to be homesick during every
lengthy period of rest. I went to Atlanta toward the
latter part of the month of September and had a good
talk with Sherman. He would not listen to my going
either on inspection duty to other parts of my de
partment, nor to my making a brief visit to any point
away from Atlanta. " No, Howard," he said, " we
don't know what the enemy now any day may under
take." In fact, he had already had information that
Hood was changing the position of his army from the
vicinity of Lovejoy's Station westward to a position
somewhere near Blue Mountain, Hood's headquarters
to be at Palmetto Station, on the West Point Railroad.
Arriving at that road, the Confederate army took
position with the left touching the Chattahoochee
River, and covering the West Point road, where it re
mained several days to allow the accumulation of sup
plies at " Blue Mountain," and secure a sufficiency with
which to continue this movement. The precise situ
ation of this " Blue Mountain " is not clear, but prob
ably it was a railway station in Alabama on Hood's
flank after he had reached his new position.
The cavalry raider. General Wheeler, had been
sent early in September to go north of the Tennessee
to do what he could to cut off Sherman's supplies and
destroy his communications; so General Hood re
called him.
That chasses of the Confederate army to the left
to touch the Chattahoochee was unique. A Confeder
ate cavalry division beyond that river seems to have
given some uneasiness in both commands on account
47

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
of a truce entered into between Hood and Sherman;
but the truce was interpreted by Hood to be local, and
to apply only to the roads leading in the vicinity of the
Rough and Ready Station.
The truce was established between the two armies
with a view to exchange prisoners and to render it
easier for the people of Atlanta to go southward
through the double lines without interruption. Sher
man called it a neutral camp at Rough and Ready Sta
tion, where he sent Colonel Willard Warner, of his
staff, with a guard of 100 men, and Hood sent there
also Major Wm. Clare, inspector general, from his
staff with 100 Confederates. It was remarkable how
friendly the two detachments came to be to each other,
and doubtless they were sorry when the time came for
them to return to posts of active hostility.
President Davis's visit to Hood's army was an in
teresting event. General Sherman detected his pres
ence in Georgia, and telegraphed the news to Wash
ington as early as September 25th. The Confederate
record at Hood's headquarters reads :
President Davis, accompanied by two of his aids-de-camp,
arrived at these headquarters at about 3 p.m., September 26th.
The President and General Hood, with their respective staffs,
rode out to the front to-day, and were enthusiastically re
ceived by the troops. At 8 p.m. the President was surrounded
by the Twentieth Louisiana, and being called upon he dehvered
a short and spirited speech.
The assemblage manifested by their loud and continued
cheers that they would support him. General Hood was called
upon and delivered a short address to the point. Speeches were
made by General Howell Cobb and Governor Harris. Septem
ber 27th the President and suite left at 6 p.m. for Montgomery.
September 28th, by the order of President Davis, Lieutenant
48

Battle of Lovejoy's Station
General Hardee was relieved of duty in this army and depart
ment and assigned to the Department of South Carolina and
Florida. Perhaps the interval of hard campaigning and con
tinuous fighting was never more acceptable and enjoy
able than during our sojourn about Atlanta. Supplies
came in to refresh our men. We enjoyed most hav
ing the immense mail bags come forward. We could
now have time to read our letters and reply to them.
There was joy, great joy, throughout the land, and,
of course, its influence found its way through the mail
to every tent.
But we must remember that in war the mourning
is close to the rejoicing. So many had been killed,
many more disabled for life, and others patiently en
during their suffering till time and good nursing
should bring them to health again. Those in the hos
pitals were not forgotten by the Christian and Sani
tary Commissions. At this time those who had al
ready recovered from their wounds, or who had been
prisoiiers and exchanged, or who came to the field for
the first time as recruits, joined my army at East
Point. Sherman personally had the hardest time. He
was determined to turn Atlanta into " a purely mili
tary garrison or depot, with no civil population to in
fluence military measures." This determination met
with strenuous opposition. Sherman's single expres
sion, which he telegraphed to Halleck, gives a good
idea of the state of things in the captured city just
then: If the people raise a howl against my barbarity and cruelty,
I will answer that war is war, and not popularity seeking. If
they want peace, they and their relatives must stop the war.
49

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
It was at this time that the remarkable, pungent,
incisive correspondence was carried on between Sher
man and Hood. That correspondence showed Sher
man master of the rules of war and of the laws of
nations. His course undoubtedly caused great hard
ship, but probably in the end was the best for all con
cerned. I refer to his action in sending away from
Atlanta the bulk of the residents, giving them the op
tion to go north or south, according as " their inter
ests or feelings dictated."
Sherman also had trouble to keep army traders
within bounds ; such vast numbers desired to come to
the front with their wares. The single line of rail
road, now 140 miles longer than at the beginning of
the campaign, had to be defended against too many
superfluities. We said : " Necessities first, then com
forts ! " but nothing simply to gratify the eager desire
of trading men to make money was allowed to come
over the lines.
One day a courteous gentleman gave Sherman a
superb box of cigars, and to each army commander he
presented something, my share being some table fur
niture. Sherman was greatly pleased and expressed his
gratitude in unusual terms. "You could not have
pleased me more," he said. Two days afterwards
the same gentleman visited Sherman agam at his
Atlanta home and asked for a permit to bring sut
ler's stores from NashviUe to the front. Several
officers were present. Sherman then displayed the
terrible anger that was in him. "Leave, sir! leave
at once, you scoundrel! Would you bribe me?"
he said. The trader did not wait for a blow but
rushed out in hot haste. Thus Sherman deliv-
50

Battle of Lovejoy's Station
ered himself and the other commanders from temp
tation. But what, of course, taxed his mind most was the
next step to be taken. He corresponded volumi
nously with Grant and Halleck; he consulted freely
with his corps and army commanders ; he reorganized
his forces with a view to efficiency. But his main
plan for subsequent operations was early formed in
his o-wn mind; yet it took him some time to work out
the details. This plan covered all that may be now
condensed into one expression — " the march from At
lanta to the sea."
When his plan was finally settled, Thomas was
to go back to Nashville; Schofield and Stanley with
the Fourth and Twenty-third Corps to follow him.
Besides these Thomas was to have control of all
forces which he might need in my department (of
the Tennessee), the Department of the Cumberland
and the Ohio — all not immediately with Sherman.
I consolidated the troops then with me into two
corps — Blair's of three divisions and Logan's of four
divisions — for Sherman's right wing, still called the
Army of the Tennessee. All the rest of my men on
the Mississippi constituted the new Sixteenth Corps
— to remain subject to Thomas's call. Slocum took
two corps, Davis's (the Fourteenth) and Williams's
(the Twentieth), and Sherman designated this force
" the Army of Georgia." This was Sherman's left
wing. Kilpatrick drew out from all our cavalry a
body of 5,000 horse for the march. I had 33,000
men, Slocum 30,000, and KUpatrick 5,000— total, 68,-
000. This was substantially Sherman's field force for
the great march. 51

CHAPTER XXXIX
general hood's noethwaed maech; shebman in
PURSUIT; battle of allatoona
DURING our stay at Atlanta one very important
work was accomplished besides the reviewing of
the two armies for what General Sherman called " the
next move." It was the exchange of prisoners. That
good work went bravely on, owing to the friendly re
lations between the detachments that both armies sent
to the neutral ground. Between 2,000 and 3,000 poor
fellows were saved from spending months in either
Northern or Southern prisons. The prison life dur
ing our war, particularly at Libby and at Anderson-
-ville, was the most afflicting and the hardest for men
who suffered it and lived to forget or forgive. It al
ways gratified us beyond measure when we could
make early exchanges of our men before they were
weakened or disabled by the sufferings to which they
were almost uniformly subjected.
It was always a very sore and perplexing thing
to all army commanders in the field to deal with the
subject of exchanges. If we should accept all the
apologies of Mr. Davis, and the other Confederate of
ficials as literally true, -viz., that the neighborhood of
the worst prisons were greatly impoverished by the
operations of the war; that prisoners came in in
floods, so that it was difficult to provide for them
52

General Hood's Northward March
abundantly or safely ; and that the United States Gov
ernment was very dilatory and, in fact, very reluctant
to make exchanges ; that it was a long struggle before
the Confederates had belligerent rights at all, and
till then neither one side nor the other conformed to'
the recognized rights and humanities of war between
nations; still, admitting all this to be a reasonable
statement of the case, the result of it reduced our sol
diers confined in prisons and pens like that at Ander
sonville to great extremes of illness and weakness,
often to mere skeletons, and caused the untimely
death of thousands.
The fact which troubled me more than any other
one thing — over and beyond my feeling of indignation
and sorrow over the loss and the suffering — was that
on the eve of the battle, after the exchange began to
operate, sometimes 10,000 well men, strong and hardy,
could be put in front of us, while our own proportional
return of strong men would be less than 1,000.
In behalf of our men we could not help claiming
that it was the plain duty of Confederate commanders
to parole the prisoners which they took, unless they
were able to afford them proper, ample, and con
venient shelter, and good, wholesome food equivalent
to a soldier's rations. Indeed, whether the United
States ever did maltreat its prisoners or not, it had
long been contrary to the laws of nations to cripple
an enemy by the disabling, starving, or killing of
prisoners of war. War is bad enough, but cruelty to
prisoners belongs to the dark ages and to egregious
barbarism. Those who belonged to Sherman's army did not
have much difficulty with those opposed to us con
cerning exchanges, yet we had but few opportunities
53

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
to make them. The general cartel on which we acted
was established in 1862.
The first item was: All prisoners captured by
either party should be paroled and delivered at cer
tain points specified within ten days after their cap
ture, or as soon thereafter as practicable. Second:
Commanding general after a battle, on the battle
field might parole their prisoners by agreement.
Third: No other paroles were valid; for example, if
a partisan command or a guerrilla band captured a
foraging party, and attempted to parole those who
constituted the party, such paroles would not hold.
In such cases the cartel would not be violated by
ordering those composing the party immediately back
to service. Several individual cases arose which gave us much
annoyance: for example, a Confederate major, Arm-
esy, from West Virginia, went back to his State, now
within our lines, and began quietly to recruit soldiers
for the Confederate army. While engaged in this
secret business he was caught and tried by court-
martial. The court, treating him as a spy, con
demned him to be hanged.
A little later Major Goff, from West Virginia, was
captured by the Confederates as a prisoner of war
and taken to Libby Prison. When Armesy's case be
came known at Richmond, Goff was sent from Libby
to Salisbury, N. C, and closely confined for many
months. Goff belonged to a strong Union family, and
was held as a hostage for the life of Armesy.
Another difficulty arose which affected us more di
rectly. It was that the officers in command of negro
troops received special contumely and ill treatment.
It took strong measures of retaliation to protect such
54

General Hood's Northward March
officers from indignities perpetrated upon them by
Confederate authorities high in position. It is incon
ceivable why the exchange of General Milroy' s officers
was refused by the Confederates, for Milroy was one
of the most honorable and law-abiding gentlemen.
The attempt to prevent the exchange of the gallant
Colonel A. D. Streight and his officers was extraor
dinary; and more marvelous still, the effort to give
them up to the Governor of Alabama for trial on the
charge of " negro stealing."
Another unjustifiable act I have never seen de
fended was the returning of the Vicksburg prisoners
to duty, declaring them exchanged without a proper
quid pro quo.
All these violations of the cartel on the Con
federate side worked badly for our poor Union sol
diers, who in large numbers were enduring hardships
equal to those inflicted upon many of our prisoners of
war in the famous British prison ships during our
Revolution. The published accounts of what each army was
doing while encamped, the one about Atlanta, and the
other at first in the vicinity of Lovejoy's Station, and
later near Palmetto and the Chattahoochee, are some
what fragmentary, but they indicate something of the
trying situation.
General Sherman was constantly meditating some
thing for the future. That something was generally
revolving upon a universal pivot, or hinging upon
what Hood might do.
September 29, 1864, Hood left his position near
Palmetto, Ga., putting Brigadier General Iverson
with his command to watch and harass whatever
Sherman might keep in the neighborhood of Atlanta.
55

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Hood crossed the Chattahoochee, with Jackson's cav
alry in advance. He had a pontoon bridge at Phil
lips' Ferry, near that village which bears the name of
Pumpkintown. There was a trestle bridge farther
do-wn the Chattahoochee, at Moore's Ferry, recently
constructed. Over it he drew the supplies of his
army. He reached Lost Mountain and was estab
lished there October 3d.
Hood heard that we had an extensive subdepot at
Allatoona Pass, so he directed Lieutenant General
Stewart to cross a bridge over the Etowah River not
far north of Allatoona and have it broken up; also
to send one of his divisions to disable the railroad
about Allatoona, and, if possible, seize and destroy
the depot; he sent French's division for this work.
The morning of October 5th French moved up in sight
of the garrison, deployed his command, and very soon
ran over the outer lines of its advance forces. One
thing only was left which French very much coveted:
that was the field works, pretty well constructed, with
auxiliary outworks, which the Union soldiers still
held and were defending with extraordinary ob
stinacy. If this redoubt could be taken, what a clean
sweep there would be of Sherman's line of communi
cations between the Chattahoochee Bridge and the
crossing of the Etowah.
Sherman's force in and about Atlanta now num
bered little over 60,000.
General Elliott then commanded the cavalry — two
small divisions under Kilpatrick and Garrard. I
have a copy of a letter General Sherman wrote, which
I have not seen in print — a sort of offhand communi
cation, such as flew from his pen or pencil in times
of emergency: 56

General Hood's Northward March
Headquarters Military Division
OF THE Mississippi, October 2, 1864.
General Davis: Communicate with Howard, and be pre
pared to send into Atlanta all your traps and to move with ten
days' rations toward Marietta or to Fairburn, as the case may
call for; and if Hood has crossed the Chattahoochee with two
corps to take our road, and has left one corps on this side
near Campbelton, we should interpose.
W. T. Sherman,
Major General Commanding.
Official: A. C. McClurg, A. A. G.
As soon as Sherman found out what Hood was
undertaking, he set his whole force in motion north
ward, except Slocum, with his Twentieth Corps, who
was left back to keep Atlanta for our return. Sher
man's first surmise of only two Confederate corps was
incorrect, for Stewart's, Cheatham's, and Stephen D.
Lee's corps were all included in the big northward
raid. After Stewart had captured some garrisons he
drew back to Hood, near Lost Mountain. Now we
commenced the pursuit in earnest from Atlanta the
morning of October 3d. By the 5th we had reached
the vicinity of the battlefield, Kenesaw Mountain.
As soon as Sherman heard that a division of the
enemy had been seen marching northward not far
from the railroad line he divined that the subdejDot
at Allatoona Pass was the coveted prize. This oc
curred to him before he had passed Vining's Station.
On account of the breakup of the railroad and tele
graph lines by Hood's men, we were obliged to depend
upon day and night signaling.
Sherman sent one dispatch from Vining's to the
top of Kenesaw, which was repeated from Kenesaw
57

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
to AUatoona Pass. This dispatch was then tele
graphed to General J. M. Corse, at Rome, Ga. It was
repeated by Vandever, commanding near Kenesaw.
But, in fact, there were two dispatches, the first,
to wit:
Commanding Officers, Allatoona, Kingston, and Rome:
The enemy moving on Allatoona, thence to Rome. Sherman.
Second dispatch:
General Corse, Rome: Sherman directs you to march for
ward and join Smith's division with your entire command, using
cars, if to be had, and burn provisions rather than lose them.
[Signed] Vandever, General.
Corse's answering dispatch to Smith, at Carters
ville, of the same date, October 4th, says :
General: My last information is that a large force is moving
on Allatoona. In accordance with General Sherman's instruc
tions, I will move my entire command to Cartersville and unite
with General Raum in attacking the enemy at Allatoona direct.
J. M. Corse,
Brigadier General.
Corse was quick of apprehension and always ready
for action. Taking all the troops he could make im
mediately available, and having a broken railroad
ciuickly repaired, he hurried on in the night of the 4th
to reach AUatoona by 1 a.m. October 5th.
As soon as he arrived he unloaded his men and
supplies and sent his train back to Rome for more
men. Corse brought with him about 1,000.
Colonel Tourtelotte at AUatoona and his brave
men had held on against all preliminary skirmishing,
58

General Hood's Northward March
but the rumors by signal and otherwise were disheart
ening. Imagine the courage and inspiration which
such a man as Corse with his reenforcement gave to
them. The Confederate commander very deliberately
went about the investment of the garrison, and had
with him, according to the latest returns, 2,962 ef
fectives and a total of 4,412 men.
About eight o'clock, while the firing on both sides
was still going on. Corse detected a flag of truce com
ing toward the redoubt from the north Confederate
brigade. It brought in a dispatch which proved to
be a communication from the Confederate general,
French. Around Allatoona, October 5, 1864.
Commanding Officer United States Forces, Allatoona.
Sir: I have placed the forces under my command in such
positions that you are surrounded, and to avoid a needless
effusion of blood, I call on you to surrender your forces at once
and unconditionally. Five minutes will allow you to decide.
Should you accede to this, you will be treated in the most
honorable manner as prisoners of war.
I have the honor to be, very respectfully yours,
S. G. French,
Major General Commanding Forces Confederate States.
All of US who knew Corse can see with what
promptness and energy he instantly penned his brief
response :
Headquarters Fourth Division, Fifteenth Corps,
Allatoona, Ga., 8.30 a.m., October 5, 1864.
Major General S. G. French, Confederate States Army, etc.:
Your communication demanding surrender of my command I
acknowledge receipt of, and respectfully reply that we are pre-
59

Autobiography of Gen. O. O, Howard
pared for " the needless effusion of blood " whenever it is agree
able to j^ou.
I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
John M. Corse,
Brigadier General Commanding Forces United States.
As soon as the return dispatch was off, Corse
visited the different fronts of his redoubt and told
the officers and men of the demand for surrender and
what his answer had been. He encouraged them by
his words and manner so that they were prepared to
do their utmost.
His necessary arrangements were scarcely com
pleted before the battle began in eamest, and raged
with great severity.
The resistance, in connection with the rough ap
proaches, caused the Confederates considerable delay
in approaching the regular advance points of the
redoubt. But the Confederate commanders did not yet give
up. They covered themselves by other obstacles,
such as trees, ravines, logs, and stumps, in such a way
as to shoot down any Yankee soldiers who showed
themselves above the irregular parapet. The men
stood steadily to their duty in spite of their danger.
French's Confederates worked themselves entirely
around the trenches, and, though not rapidly, yet con
stantly, were picking off our men. About one o'clock
Corse himself received a wound from a rifle ball which
" crossed the left side of his face and cut off the tip of
his ear." He was upon his horse at tbe time.
For half an hour the gallant commander seemed un
conscious. Now, thinking he heard somebody cry,
" Cease firuig! " he revived and came fully to himself;
60

General Hood's Northward March
instantly he encouraged the officers around him to
keep up their resistance. He told them that our army
was rapidly approaching, and would be there before
long. Corse's words had the desired effect. The efforts
of our men to fire above the parapet were renewed.
Corse's artillery being out of ammunition, some fear
less soldier, whose name, unfortunately, is not remem
bered, ran across under fire to the east hill, and
brought them as much case shot and canister as he
could fetch. About two o'clock in the afternoon
some one reported a force gathering behind one of the
houses, from which a rush was to be made upon the
redoubt. Very quickly a piece of artillery was moved
across the redoubt to an embrasure opening in that
direction. From that point by two or three dis
charges the new column was broken up, and all the
groups of Confederates were repelled by the quick
fire from the waiting rifles of our men.
This event seems to have turned the tables in
favor of this little garrison, and by four o'clock every
front had been thoroughly cleared of living and able
Confederates. In this battle Corse commends Colonel Tourtelotte.
He recommended him for promotion, and said of him :
" Though wounded in the early part of the action, he
remained with his men to the close."
Of Colonel Rowett he remarked : " Twice wounded,
he clung tenaciously to his post, and fully earned the
promotion I so cheerfully recommend may be awarded
him." The severity of the struggle may be noticed by the
losses on Corse's side of 6 officers, 136 men killed; 22
officers, 330 men wounded; 6 officers, 206 men miss-
61

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ing; total, 706. They buried 231 Confederates, cap
tured 411 prisoners, 4 stands of colors, and 800
rifles. Among the Confederate prisoners was a bri
gade commander. General Young.
There were several dispatches which passed be
tween Sherman and Corse during this engagement,
among them the famous signal which came over the
Confederate heads from the top of Kenesaw sixteen
miles away at 6.30 a.m. : " Hold fort ; we are coming."
Fom this incident the famous hymn " Hold the Fort,
for I Am Coming," was written by Major D. W. Whit
tle, my provost marshal and personal friend. Later
he became a well-known Evangelist. Also the fol
lowing :
Commanding Officer, Allatoona: Sherman says hold
fast; we are coming.
And Corse's reply: Allatoona, Ga., October 5, 1864.
. . . Where is Sherman? Kenesaw Mountain, October 5th.
Near you. Tell Allatoona hold on. Sherman says he is
working hard for you.
Again : Kenesaw Mountain, October 6th, 2 p.m.
How is Corse? What news? Dayton, Aid-de-Camp.
Answer : Allatoona, October 6th, 2 p.m.
Captain L. M. Dayton, Aid-de-Camp: I am short of a cheek
bone and one ear,i but am able to whip all hell yet.
John M. Corse,
Brigadier General.
' For his acts of special gallantry in heroically defending Allatoona,
Brigadier General John M. Corse -was a-warded the commission of Brevet
Major General of Volunteers, October 5, 1864.
62

General Hood's Northward March
It was quite a feat to communicate backward and
forward sixteen miles by signal over the enemy's
heads. Even General Hood said : " General Corse won
my admiration by his gallant resistance."
General Corse's command belonging to my army,
I issued the following order :
Headquarters Department and Army of
the Tennessee, near Kenesaw Mountain, October 9, 1864.
General Field Orders No. 18.
While uniting in high commendation awarded by the Gen
eral in Chief, the Army of the Tennessee would tender through
me its hearty appreciation and thanks to Brigadier General John
M. Corse for his promptitude, energy, and eminent success in the
defense of Allatoona Pass against a force so largely superior to
his own, and our warmest congratulations are extended to him,
to Colonel Tourtelotte, and the rest of our comrades in arms
who fought at Allatoona, for the glorious manner in which they
vetoed "the useless effusion of blood."
0. O. Howard,
Major-General.
As soon as the news of the failure of the Con
federates to take Allatoona, and also the prevention
of Armstrong's cavalry from destroying the bridge
across the Etowah, was brought to Hood, then near
Lost Mountain, he continued his march daily north
ward. He crossed the Coosa River near the hamlet
of Coosaville, and then marched up the westem bank
of the Oostenaula. He went above Resaca, and quite
completely destroyed the railroad all the way along
above Resaca toward Chattanooga as far as our first
battleground, " Tunnel Hill." He captured our posts
at Dalton and Buzzard Roost, securing at least 1,000
prisoners. 63

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
By this time the Confederate cavalry under
Wheeler had rejoined his army. As a last effort Gen
eral Stephen D. Lee, with his corps, undertook the
capture of the garrison at Resaca, Hood himself
made the demand, October 12, 1864, to the command
ing officer in these terms :
Sir : I demand the immediate and unconditional surrender of
the post and garrison under your command, and should this be
acceded to, all white soldiers and officers will be paroled in a
few days. If the place is carried by assault, no prisoners will
be taken. Respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. B. Hood,
General.
Colonel Wever's reply is worthy of record, ad
dressed the same date to General Hood :
Your communication of this date just received. In reply I
have to state that I am somewhat surprised at the concluding
paragraph, to the effect that if the place is carried by assault
no prisoners will be taken. In my opinion I can hold this post.
If you want it, come and take it.
I am, general, very respectfully, your most obedient servant,
Clark R. Wever,
Commanding Officer.
Wever had but a small brigade, yet Lee's invest
ment was not complete, so that Wever was soon re
enforced by our cavalry from the direction of Kings
ton. Hood decided, doubtless, after Wever's rejoinder,
not to assault the works, and commenced at once the
destruction of the railroad.
My army was near Kenesaw, pulling on as rapidly
as possible northward October 5th. During the night
64

General Hood's Northward March
of the 12th we all reached the vicinity of Resaca, hav
ing, in fact, recovered all of our stations up to that
point, and commenced the speedy repair of the culvert
and railroad tracks.
On the morning of the 13th we found that every
detachment of the enemy had disappeared. His
Third Corps had passed over beyond the high ranges
westward, a part of them going through Snake Creek
Gap and obstructing the way for four or five miles
by felled trees. They were of every size, crossed and
crisscrossed in our path. Sherman desired me, trees
or no trees, to push rapidly after Hood, and I was
eager enough myself to get through the obstructed
gap. I remember that General Belknap, one of my divi
sion commanders, afterwards Secretary of War imder
President Grant, was reluctant about leading the way,
desiring the obstructions to be first cleared away by
pioneers. I saw him delaying and walking toward
Sherman, who was then standing near a house, so I
sent Belknap word, through an aid-de-camp, to go on
at once through the gap or I would send some one in
his place. He showed considerable feeling, but went
on to move his men. Small trees were thrown out of
the way by the soldiers, while officers and men went
steadily on under and over the larger ones ; mean
while, our engineers and pioneers who had good axes
cut these off.
That very night before dark we succeeded in get
ting my two corps, Osterhaus's and Ransom's com
mands, in close proximity to Hood's army, and we
thought then that Hood would delay with hope of en
gaging our forces piecemeal as they came through
the mountains. Hood's headquarters were that
65

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
night near ViUanow, but a few miles from us. The
next morning at dawn there were no signs of the Con
federate army in our neighborhood, except those of
vacant camps. We proceeded as rapidly as we could
as far as the town of Gaylesville, Ala. There we
halted October 21st. Hood's whole army had by this
time passed on. His o-wn headquarters were then at
Gadsden. The only skirmish in consequence of our
pursuit that any part of my force had was on the
morning of October 16th, when my leftmost division,
under General Charles R. Woods, ran upon Hood's
rear guard at Ship's Gap.
We there captured a part of the Twenty-fourth
South Carolina. From that time on the Confederates
were moving rapidly away from us. From the 21st
to the 28th of October we remained at Gaylesville or
in that vicinity, while Sherman was communicating
with his commanders at Chattanooga and Nashville,
and with his commander in chief at Washington con
cerning the future.
One of my corps officers. General Ransom, who was
admirably commanding the Seventeenth Corps, was
taken Ul with what I supposed at the time was a tem
porary attack. It began about the time we drew out
from East Point.
After Corse's victory at Allatoona, Ransom had
written him as follows: "We aU feel grateful to
God for your brilliant victory, and are proud of our
old comrade and his noble division. You have the
congratulation and sympathy of the Seventeenth
Corps." Ransom was a young officer who had graduated
from Norwich University, Vermont, the son of the dis
tinguished Colonel Ransom who lost his life in Mexico.
66

General Hood's Northward March
He was a large, strong, finely formed, handsome
young man of acknowledged ability, exalted char
acter, and great promise.
He was so desirous to go on this campaign that,
though ill, nothing could prevent his undertaking it.
At first he rode his horse and did his full duty night
and day. When he grew weaker he had himself
dra-wn at the head of his command in an ambulance,
and at last he caused his men to carry him along on
an army stretcher, resolute to the end.
He died, October 29th, in a house near our road,
carried thither by his men, while his command was en
route between Gaylesville and Rome, Ga.

67

CHAPTER XL
return to Atlanta; the march to the sea; battle op
griswoldville, ga.
npiIE Army of the Tennessee changed its camp
-^ from Gaylesville, Ala., to Cave Spring and
Cedartown, Ga., making- short marches. Every hos
tile soldier was so far away that our occupation of the
country was peaceful. The inhabitants soon became
acquainted with us, and our camps afforded good
centers for trade.
On account of insufficiency of time to graze we lost
many of the poorer mules and some artiUery horses;
and, in fact, those losses distressed us till after pass
ing Ship's Gap, north of the Etowah, when the forage
wagons became empty and grass neither abundant nor
nutritious. The weaker mules were detached and sent away
in herds to Chattanooga. The best being retained
were held in service. During our rest at Gaylesville,
Ala., pursuant to new directions from General Sher
man, a redistribution of artillery was made, leaving
but one battery to a division; then, by judicious ex
changes, the good horses were attached to the re
tained batteries, and the remainder were hurried off
toward our depot at Rome and Chattanooga. Cedar-
town, Ga., and aU its bright neighborhood, rejoiced in
a plentiful supply of grain. So our animals day by
68

Return to Atlanta
day were gaining flesh and their strength, and, indeed,
my army was surprisingly well supplied with pro
visions from the country during our return march,
which was made by short stages for the very purpose
of rest and refreshment after the 300 miles of severe
additional campaigning.
November 3d I encamped near Dallas.
The 4th we were grouped near Lost Mountain,
where it was easier to lose your way from the thick
woods and crooked roads than to lose sight of the
mountain. In fact, the mountain, unaccountably
named " Lost," enabled a wanderer to refind his path
way. The 5th brought the Army of the Tennessee back
to Smyrna Camp Ground. There we remained until
November 13th.
General Sherman himself, as early as November
2d, had changed his headquarter belongings again to
the little hamlet of Kingsto-wn, Ga. From this point
that same day was the significant dispatch to Grant:
" If I turn back, the whole effect of my campaign will
be lost. ... I am clearly of the opinion that the
best results will follow my contemplated movement
through Georgia."
Grant's reply is : " Your dispatch of 9 a.m. yester
day just received. ... I do not see that you can with
draw from where you are to follow Hood without giv
ing up all we have gained in the territory ; I say, then,,
go on as you propose."
Our sick in increasing numbers before the cam
paign, but proportionately diminishing during Hood's
raid, were brought together at Rome and Atlanta.
While we rested, they were carefully removed to Chat
tanooga and NashviUe; also surplus stores of every
69

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
kind that had accumulated at Atlanta were sent back
as fast as possible.
General Corse acted in Rome in this respect as did
our Chief Quartermaster at Atlanta. Then, on No
vember 10th, after he had demolished the storehouses,
he evacuated Rome and commenced his march toward
Atlanta. During November 12th the troops with me
destroyed all the railroad from Big Shanty forward
to the Chattahoochee River, burning the ties in heaps
and twisting the rails. The stretch of railroad com
pletely disabled was about twenty-two miles in extent.
November 13, 1864, my army broke camp and pro
ceeded from Smyrna Camp Ground to Atlanta. We
chose a place for concentration at a railroad station
south of the city, then called White Hall, situated
about halfway to East Point.
Corse arrived the evening of the 14th. John E.
Smith's division, that had been guarding the railroad
during the greater part of our Atlanta campaign, por
tions of which had been stationed at Resaca and Alla
toona, concentrated at Cartersville, then marching on
southward, also joined us the morning of the 14th.
Thus again my own field command was gathered to
gether. Of course, by breaking up our lines of com
munication the effective force was increased. Be
sides these additions, an encouraging number of sick
recovered, and recruits brought from the North joined
the different regiments, so that my effective troops
were in the neighborhood of 33,000. My army did not
witness the destruction of Atlanta.
While Sherman, accompanied by Slocum, com
manding the Army of Georgia, were taking their last
glimpse of this great railroad center, now mostly in
ashes, and pushing off toward Augusta, my command
70

Return to Atlanta
was moving southward. We left White Hall Novem
ber 15, 1864, and I made a feint toward Macon to de
ceive the enemy gathering in my front.
Kilpatrick's cavalry, about 5,000 horsemen, had al
ready reported to me, and were sent during the first
of " The March to the Sea " to clear my front and
watch my right flank as we wandered southward.
Till November 19th to all appearances we were
sweeping on toward Macon; then first our infantry
by a sudden turn to the left crossed to the east of
Ocmulgee on pontoon bridges. The steep and muddy
banks were bothersome. The cavalry followed close,
and, as soon as over the river, again quickly tumed
do-wn the first roads toward East Macon. The army,
clambering up with difficulty the east bank of the river,
made straight for a station on the Macon & Savannah
Railroad called Gordon. Our trains, including Kil
patrick's, stretched out, would have been thirty-seven
miles long. To get those wagons " parked " at Gordon
without accident was our problem.
Osterhaus, commanding our Fifteenth Corps (Lo
gan being absent), was on the right. I was with him
when he struck the Macon & Savannah Railroad early
November 22d. Then, turning back a little from East
Macon, I had him send General Charles R. Woods to
watch out that way with his division and help Kil
patrick, for much Confederate force of infantry, cav
alry, and artillery was reported as over the Ocmulgee
in East Macon, which evidently proposed to attack
something. They might, at least, catch our long, snaky
trains and cut them asunder. General Woods faced
back, and took up a strong position near a church;
then he sent forward one brigade under Brigadier
General C. C. Walcutt, with total present for duty
71

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
1,513 men, partly armed with Spencer repeating rifles.
Walcutt also had two cannon. Just then, at the start,
the Confederates were noisily driving before them a
part of Kilpatrick's cavalry. Woods thereupon sent
Walcutt that way past the station of Griswoldville.
Our cavalry and infantry kept skirmishing in a
lively manner, till Osterhaus naturally thought that
Walcutt had gone far enough. He instructed Woods
to draw him back to Duncan's farm, nearer to his sup
porting division. Here they found abundant trees and
some convenient swamps, impassable except at a few
points. Walcutt noisily chose the edge of a wood
with open ground in front of him, throwing up the
usual cover of rails and logs, while some of Kilpat
rick's men guarded the more distant swamps. One
thousand five hundred and thirteen Yankee men be
hind that barrier with two cannon to cover the ap
proaches by using iron hail were more than equal to
10,000 opponents, however determined they might be.
General Gustavus W. Smith was an assistant pro
fessor in engineering at West Point the last year of
my cadet term (1853-4), and taught our class, instruct
ing me how to recognize and take " a military posi
tion." He, though at the time quite a young officer,
had been twice brevetted for gallantry and merit in
the Mexican War. He was a self-respecting, dignified
man of marked ability. He had left the army, and
was trying his skill in civil pursuits, holding just
before the war the office of Street Commissioner in
New York City, when the secession outburst took
him south. Now he was said to be commanding the
Confederates in my front in the neighborhood of
Macon, November 15, 1864.
The size of his command was :
72

Return to Atlanta
Effective muskets (sent from Jonesboro)  1,900
Reserves of all kinds  1,200
Two batteries (a battalion, probably 200)  200
State-line troops  400

Actual fighting men with rifles and muskets. . . 3,700
The battle began at 2.30 p.m. and lasted until sun
set. During the engagement the enemy made three
separate charges and were as often repulsed with
heavy loss.
General Woods foots his losses: 13 killed, 79
wounded, and 2 missing; total, 93.
The enemy's loss was a little over 600. General
Smith had been delayed in Macon while his command
was hastening on toward Augusta; they found that
we had two corps of our army across all their roads
of egress toward Atlanta, Milledgeville, Augusta, or
Savannah; hence came about the battle of Griswold
ville of which I reported November 27, 1864 :
" That this engagement was of a more severe char
acter and our loss a little greater than I had at first
supposed; but fortunately the enemy attacked us at
the very point where we were prepared; though with
a force one-third less than that of the enemy. The
Confederates were so completely defeated that they
troubled us no more in that quarter. During the
battle I took post with my staff where I could reen
force if necessary. I was glad to be able to demon
strate General Smith's instructions in regard to tak
ing a new military position." ^
^ Later, during the stormy reconstruction period. General G. W. Smith
defended me in the face of criticism of my efforts to alle-viate the suffer
ing of the negro when passing from slavery to freedom. I have always
remembered the kindness with gratitude and appreciation.
73

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
After the battle I wrote the following to Major
General Osterhaus, commanding the Fifteenth Corps.
General: I take pleasure in congratulating the brigade of
General Walcutt of General Woods's division of the fifteenth
Corps on its complete success in the action of yesterday.
Officers from other commands who were looking on say that
there was never a better brigade of soldiers. I am exceedingly
sorry that any of our brave men should fall, and for the suffer
ings of those who are wounded. The thanks of the army ai:e
doubly due them. I tender my sympathy through you to the
brave and excellent commander of the brigade, Brigadier Gen
eral Walcutt.
It is hoped that his wound may not disable him.
Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
0. O. Howard,
Major General.
We marched over rough places and jolted along
corduroy roads, yet all our wounded from this battle
were transported from Griswold Station to the sea
-without loss of life.
The object I had in sending, through Osterhaus,
Woods's division off to my right was to help Kil
patrick keep back any forces of the Confederate cav
alry or infantry from getting at our long trains.
These trains were struggling over muddy and difficult
roads, so that it was hard to keep them reasonably
closed up. We drew them out of the wagon road at
Gordon, and had the teamsters, urged by their wagon
masters, drive as rapidly as possible into park.
Fortunately, we got all the wagons well massed near
that smaU railroad station without loss of any.
An incident took place before reaching Gordon,
near the to-wn of Clinton, which indicates how the
troops came into coUision. Wheeler found Oster-
74

Return to Atlanta
haus's men moving through Clinton. He did not ob
serve them, owing to a dense fog, until in close proxim
ity. Six Confederates rushed into town, and succeeded
in capturing an orderly who was in personal service
at the time at Osterhaus's headquarters. This man
was seized within twenty feet of the corps commander
himself, yet the captors escaped in safety.
Slocum, with the left win^, had meanwhile reached
Milledgeville, where his men had instituted a mock
legislature, completed the issue of a newspaper, and
celebrated the occasion by rich festivals of their o-wn
contrivance. General Slocum communicated with me
and with Kilpatrick by scouting parties moving across
from Slocum's column to mine, the distance being in
the neighborhood of ten or twelve miles. Thus far
" The March to the Sea," more serious on my route
by the loss of about a hundred men and the exciting
event of a battle, was working greatly to Sherman's
satisfaction. I sent a dispatch from my halting place at Gordon
by Kilpatrick, who was now ordered to pass from my
column over toward the left to work forward in con
junction with Slocum. This dispatch was addressed
to Sherman. I told him that the Oconee was before
me, and that I was examining the crossings. FuUer
accounts of what we had done had already been for
warded by the hands of Captain William Duncan, who
had the immediate command of his company, acting
as scouts for me.
Curiously enough, this Captain Duncan, who, from
some reports sent me about that time by General Blair
concerning him and his scouts, appeared to me to be
rather reckless, at this time performed a feat quite
in keeping with his subsequent remarkable career.
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
It was before Sherman and Slocum had reached
Milledge-ville. In a letter I remarked: "To-morrow
I -will have everything substantially at Gordon. Our
marches at first (from Atlanta), until we reached Oc
mulgee, were very pleasant, having good roads and
good weather. Since then our roads have been very
hea-vy, and the rain continuous. We have found the
country full of provisions, and thus far have dra-wn
very little upon our rations. We have destroyed (as
instructed) a large amount of cotton, the Planters'
Factory, a pistol factory, and a mill at Griswold; the
latter three by Kilpatrick."
Now, referring to Captain Duncan's enterprise ten
miles ahead of us and toward our left front, I said:
" The Mayor of Milledgeville surrendered the town,
the capital of Georgia, formally to Captain Duncan
and a few scouts." Then, speaking of some cavalry
that went from Blair's headquarters or mine to support
the scouts, I wrote : " After Duncan's capture a com
pany of the First Alabama Cavalry entered the town
with Captain Duncan and destroyed the depot and
some seventy-five or one hundred boxes of ammuni
tion and the telegraph office. Duncan had returned
to me, meeting me at Gordon ; and so I sent him back
again November 22d with a fuUer report of our late
battle to be delivered to General Sherman."
After receiving full news and causing Kilpatrick
with his cavalry to cross over to the left, Sherman
from MilledgevUle issued instructions for further
movements November 23d. It was in this communica
tion that he ordered Kilpatrick to use aU possible
effort to rescue our prisoners of war confined near
Millen. In the accomplishment of this the cavalry
failed. 76

Return to Atlanta
Referring to the railroad I was substantially fol
lowing, Sherman suggested that great attention
should be paid to the destruction of this road. Be
sides burning bridges and trestles, the iron should be
carefully twisted and warped, so tbat it would not be
possible ever to use it again. To this end, our rate
of travel should be reduced to ten miles a day.
One or two harsh measures may be inserted to
modify somewhat the feeling that has existed, that
our foraging soldiers too often exceeded their instruc
tions. They were directed by Sherman " to capture
wagons; to bring their plunder to camp, after which
the wagons should be burned." Also : " Wherever
such obstruction occurs (referring to citizens destroy
ing bridges, culverts, etc.), the commanding officer of
the troops present on the spot will deal harshly with
the inhabitants near by, to show them that it is for
their interest not to impede our movements."
Again, we noticed how the burning of cotton, al
ready imperatively directed, was again emphasized by
our general : " Should the enemy bum forage and com
on our route, houses, barns, and cotton gins must also
be burned to keep them company."
These implicit instructions, together with the well-
known expression of our general, " to forage liberally
on the country," caused irregularities almost beyond
the power of control, so that very soon, so far as my
wing was concerned, I was obliged to stop the burn
ing of mills, except by my own direct orders. And I
issued these restrictive words:
The attention of the corps commanders and the
commanders of unattached regiments and detach
ments is called to the irregularities existing in forag
ing, and the manner in which this pri-vilege is often
77

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
abused. It is noticed that many men not belonging
to proper foraging parties are allowed to straggle
from the ranks and forage for themselves -without any
authority whatsoever. It is by such men that the
greater part of the pillaging is done, and depredations
committed, of which there is so much complaint. Of
ficers in charge of foraging parties must be continu
ally instructed to keep their men well in hand, never
allowing them to precede the advance guard of the
column, and to use more discretion in taking from the
poor, being careful to leave them sufficient for their
immediate subsistence. It is also noticed that the
number of mounted men is very largely increasing,
and that the ranks are correspondingly diminished.
Means will be at once taken to check this growing e-vil.
The number of mounted foragers to each brigade
should be limited and regulated in orders, which, if
not done, mounted foragers will be no longer allowed.
We are now nearing the enemy, and foraging parties
should be cautioned against preceding the advance of
the column.
In order to keep ourselves in more complete com
munication where the country was penetrated in
every direction by Wheeler's scouts, and where Gen
eral Wayne had a force of at least 1,000 men, I took
advantage of Kilpatrick's leftward march to send my
aid-de-camp. Lieutenant Colonel C. H. Howard, to
Sherman the morning of November 24th, just as I was
moving forward. He was to remain with the general
until we came together.
The message that he bore to Sherman showed that
Blair's corps was on the direct road to the railroad
bridge; that his advance had dislodged Wayne's men
from a stockade close to the Oconee River where they
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Return to Atlanta
had had two or more pieces of artillery. I wrote to
Sherman that I might have to ask him to threaten the
enemy from the north of my troops, because the
swamps bordering the Oconee were so difficult that an
inferior force might be hindered. I had searched for
a place to cross the Oconee near the railroad bridge,
called Jackson's Ferry, but no such ferry then existed.
There was a series of lagoon bridges running across
the main stream and its branches in the neighborhood
of Ball's Ferry, which was six miles south of the rail
road bridge. Osterhaus with his Fifteenth Corps was
making for that crossing. To that point I went myself.
The point of meeting to which Colonel Howard
was to accompany the general in chief was called
Sandersville, beyond and east of the Oconee and north
of our railroad, where the two wings of Sherman's
army would naturally touch each other. Finding all
attempts at crossing in front of Blair impracticable,
I was obliged to bring his corps to the vicinity of
Ball's Ferry, following Osterhaus.
My escort, the Alabama (Union) cavalry, bad suc
ceeded in getting a small detachment beyond the
Oconee before the bridges were destroyed; but
Wayne, coming upon them with infantry and artiUery,
drove them back across the river to our side. Then
Wayne planted himself strongly upon a prominent
bluff east of the river which commanded every ap
proach and swept the causeways and bridges so thor
oughly that no man could appear for an instant upon
them. The swamp on our side was a mile or more
broad, -with water waist deep, and studded with trees,
many of which were cypress.
Moving on from Gordon, November 25th, I came to
the vicinity of the Oconee, and dismounted to rest and
79

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
send dispatches near a house on the right side of the
road, when Osterhaus, coming back, told me before he
dismounted that he could get no farther, as the enemy
was too strong on the other side. I told him that that
was no way to talk, but to keep deploying his skirmish
ers up and down the river until he got no return fire,
and report.
He soon returned and assured me that he found
no enemy a few hundred yards up the river. I then
instructed him to send in a brigade with the canvas
boats, already put together, and push over the men
rapidly into the clearings beyond, then come dovm
the river and take the enemy in the flank. Of this
movement Wayne reported : " The enemy have driven
us back from the cross bridge, three heavy columns
are across the river, and they have possession of
Ball's Ferry, below here. ... To save the men I will
retire." This Oconee crossing was the most difficult that we
had to encounter, though the forces in our front con
tinued to enlarge as we proceeded from place to place.
The Confederate garrisons fell back, and reenforce
ments kept coming forward from Savannah. The
Confederate general then in charge of a geographi
cal division, Braxton Bragg, peremptorily ordered
Wheeler -with his cavalry and some artillery to stick
close to us ; to harass us in front and flank, and, above
all, to destroy subsistence and forage in the route over
which we advanced.
Some 5,000 Confederates fell back from Sanders
ville before Sherman arrived. At that point, the
25th, Sherman himself accompanied my left corps on
the eastern bank of the Ogeechee, while I foUowed the
one or the other of my two columns on the right bank,
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Return to Atlanta
usually keeping them from six to ten miles apart.
Corse's division was as far to the right as Wrights-
ville, but I had it brought gradually back into a closer
connection with the rest of the Fifteenth Corps.
In fact, this division, though having the longest
journey, came up to the vicinity of Station No. 2,
some thirteen miles ahead of Blair's Seventeenth
Corps, the leading regiment reaching that part of the
Ogeechee, where there were two bridges, Wright's
and Jenks's. The Confederates had destroyed them
both by fire. Wright's brigade was across the Ogee
chee, three miles above Jenks's. Colonel Williamson,
commanding a brigade, managed to get a regiment
over this broad river, and on the east side made a
bridgehead and maimed it; then he sent fifty men of
the Ninth Iowa on to the Gulf Railroad to break it.
Captain McSweeney, in charge of this detachment, ac
complished the purpose in plain sight of a train loaded
with Confederate troops; after which he brought his
men safely to the bridgehead.
Oliver's brigade of Hazen's di-vision, which had
been below watching Jenks's bridge, with many Con
federates opposite to him, was sent away up a tribu
tary westward, with instructions to secure a crossing
at a bridge near Bryan Court House. He left one regi
ment, the Ninetieth Illinois, with a battery of artillery,
at Jenks's bridge, and went on his expedition. He held
Jenks's bridge.
At Bryan Court House the river was obstructed
by a strong Confederate force on the other side, but
Osterhaus, supporting Oliver, had a search made for
another crossing. They found an old ferry below the
bridge which was practicable. An expedition was
sent across in the night. The Confederates were sur-
81

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
prised. Finding their flank turned like Wayne's at
the Oconee, they fled at the first alarm.
Ha-ving secured the crossing near Bryan's Court
House, Osterhaus promptly sent a sufficient force to
break up a portion of the Gulf Railroad south of the
Ogeechee. Osterhaus now concentrated the most of his force
near Jenks's bridge. General Corse was on the lead.
On his arrival he found Colonel Owen Stuart behind
a line of rifle pits exchanging shot with considerable
force on the other bank. Corse sent up a battery
and located it so as to clear away all riflemen that
would bother his boats. Then he sent Stuart's regi
ment across the river. As soon as the first troops
got firm foothold east of the Ogeechee, the Confed
erates fell back to a prepared work, which formed a
regular defensive connection from the river to the
high ground.
Osterhaus, using some of Corse's division (Rice's
and Williamson's brigades), working up against
swampy places, double lines, and intrencbments, car
ried everything before him. His men took the works,
killed and wounded some, captured thirty prisoners,
and put the remainder of the Confederates to flight.
In these operations Corse and Williamson had the help
of that famous twenty-four-pounder-Parrott battery
which, under DeGress, had been such a bone of con
tention at the battle of Atlanta. The First Missouri
Battery also bore a part in this small battle.
There are other small affairs in which single bri
gades and small regiments bore a part, but now speed
ily all the right wing was brought up against the de
fenses of Hardee, which he had so carefully prepared
to envelop the city from Savannah River around north
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Return to Atlanta
to the bay below. As the left wing had marched
abreast of mine, Sherman, establishing his own head
quarters on the Louisville road, soon invested Savan
nah, covering every approach, in conjunction with our
naval fleet, except the communications with Charles
ton across the Savannah River.
Just before this operation of investment began —
December 9, 1864, after our last combat, and near the
Savannah Canal — I drew up a dispatch to the com
mander of the naval forces to this effect :
We have met with perfect success thus far. Troops in fine
spirits and near by. Respectfully, 0. 0. Howard,
Major General Commanding.
1 believe that I inserted the word "'Sherman " be
fore " near by " but the above is the form in which the
dispatch has always appeared.
I selected Captain William Duncan, who had es
caped from capture and had returned to my escort, and
told him to take with him Sergeant Myron J. Amick
and Private George W. Quimby and proceed down the
Ogeechee, passing Confederate stations, the King's
Bridge, Fort McAllister, and all obstructions, and go
out to sea and communicate with the fleet. It seemed
next to impossible that the feat could be accomplished,
but Captain Duncan's already distinguished career a.s
a scout and his confidence that he could accomplish
the enterprise led me to try him. He secured a long-
dugout, rather narrow and somewhat weather-beaten;
then, putting in rations, he took my dispatch and an
other from my signal officer and set out. He went
along very well by night, having passed the bridge
83

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
and carefully worked through the torpedo obstruc
tions. When the day dawned the morning of the 10th, he
found some negroes, who befriended him and his men.
The party kept pretty well under cover until evening.
During the night they appear to have made consider
able progress, but did not succeed in getting past Fort
McAllister. They went ashore to get a negro guide
and some provisions; they tied up their boats and
then made their way through some bushes and thin
groves till they came near a roadway. Here they
heard the voices of some Confederates passing along
the road. By lying do-wn and keeping very quiet,
they were not discovered.
Soon after this they came to quite a sizable negro
house, went in, and were well treated and refreshed
with pro-visions. ^\Tiile they were eating they were
.startled by hearing a party of Confederate cavalry
riding toward the house. Of course they expected to
be instantly captured, but the negroes coming quickly
to their rescue concealed them under the floor. The
coolness and smartness of the negroes surprised even
Captain Duncan, though he had believed in and trusted
them. The cavalry stopped but remained only a
short time, and the negroes guided our men back to
their boats.
In such operations as these, with hairbreadth es
capes, they hid through the llth in the daytime.
When night came, to avoid one danger, they crossed
the wide river; but hearing some voices, they feared
a recapture from the bank, so they quietly pushed
away, avoided a boat filled with oarsmen who were
passing over the Ogeechee from a Confederate gun
boat at anchor below Fort McAUister. They ran so
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Return to Atlanta
near this gunboat that they were in terror for fear
some noise that they had to make in paddling, or some
flashlight from the vessel, would discover them; but,
surprising to say, they passed all obstacles, and soon
after daylight on the moming of the 12th they drifted
out into the broad bay.
There the Dandelion, a dispatch boat of our navy,
discovered the dugout with its three weary scouts.
They were taken on board and carried to Port Royal
Harbor to the flagship Philadelphia, arriving about
eight o'clock the same morning, and saw my brief dis
patch put into the hands of Rear Admiral Dahlgren,
to whom it was addressed.
Admiral Dahlgren reported on this expedition:
" It may be perhaps exceeding my province, but I
cannot refrain from expressing the hope that the de
partment will commend Captain Duncan and his com
panions to the Honorable Secretary of War for some
mark of approbation for the success of establishing
communication between General Sherman and the
fleet. It was an enterprise that required both skill
and courage."

85

CHAPTER XLI
the maech to the sea; capture of fort McAllister
and savannah
GENERAL SHERMAN charged me to open fur
ther communications with the fleet, and directed
Kilpatrick with his cavalry to assist me. As soon as
the two wings struck the main works at Savannah,
Kilpatrick set out to accomplish his part of the opera
tion. He crossed the Big Ogeechee at Jenks's Bridge,
and then went on and followed Colonel Oliver's trail
over the Cannouchee, near Bryan Court House. Sher
man directed Kilpatrick to try to take Fort Mc
Allister right away, as the garrison probably did not
exceed 200 men with 13 guns. Haste was necessary,
as in many things our supply was running short, and
McAllister was the only remaining obstacle to our
communicating with the fleet and establishing a new
line of supply. Kilpatrick had visited me and repre
sented the necessity of having infantry support.
This plainly appears in a letter of his to Sherman,
dated December 11, 1864, in which he says : " I have
proposed to General Howard to cross the Ogeechee
with my command and a force of infantry and take
the fort. General Howard has accepted my proposi
tion, and will give me the infantry asked for, and I
will only await your permission. I promise to take
the fort — if it is as it was represented to me — and
86

The March to the Sea
let in our fleet; at all events I wiU reach the Sound
and communicate with the fleet."
It was after this visit of Kilpatrick, made to me
on his way over the Ogeechee to carry out his in
structions, that I went in person to General Shermau
and represented to him the necessity of sending in
fantry to take the fort. I asked him, contrary to his
instructions to me, which were to destroy King's
Bridge utterly, to allow me to rebuild what was al
ready demolished, and send a division of infantry to
take Fort McAllister.
The general asked me which division I would
choose, agreeing with me that it would be next to im
possible for the cavalry alone to storm the fort. I
answered him, " Hazen's." To this proposition the
general agreed. Then I returned to my headquarters
the same day and directed Captain Reese to repair
King's Bridge and then issued the foUowing order:
Headquarters Department and Army
OF THE Tennessee, Little Ogeechee,
Near Savannah, December 12, 1864.
Special Field Orders No. 193.
As soon as King's Bridge is completed. Major General Oster
haus, commanding Fifteenth Corps, will direct his second divi
sion, Brigadier General Hazen commanding, to proceed against
Fort McAllister and take it.
By order of Major General 0. O. Howard.
Sam'l L. Taggart,
Assistant Adjutant General.
The reason I am thus particular in reciting the
preliminaries is because in General Sherman's mem
oirs he conveys the impression that he himself did
what I as wing commander began, continued, and ac-
87

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
complished — of course in complete agreement with
Sherman and in keeping with his instructions. I
stood in the same relationship to capturing Fort Mc
Allister as General Terry did to the taking of Fort
Fisher; it was my division, selected by myself, which
crossed King's Bridge, repaired the bridge under my
instructions, and then proceeded to the fort. And it
was my order of December 12th which directed
Hazen's division " to proceed against Fort McAllister
and take it." This does not in any way derogate
from the honor of the general in chief, under whose
instructions to open communication with the fleet I
was acting.
On the 13th everybody was ready; Hazen's divi
sion crossed over to the west bank of the Ogeechee,
starting at daylight, and reached the vicinity of Mc
Allister about eleven o'clock. Hazen captured a con
siderable picket of Confederates within a mile of the
fort, and he judiciously caused them to reveal the
whereabouts of the torpedoes which were buried be
neath the roads.
It took some time to dig them out; for of course
the men, after locating them, were obliged to work
with extreme caution. Hazen then left eight of his
regiments as a reserve at that point; then slowly
worked his way with the remainder to within 600
yards of the work, and there extended his main body
into line and pushed out his skirmishers in advance
with instructions to creep up toward the fort under
cover till they could approach near enough to watch
the gunners through the embrasures and, if possible,
to prevent them from firing their heavy pieces.
All the bottom lands to the right of the fort were
very marshy, intersected with streams which con-
88

The March to the Sea
nected with the wide Ogeechee. His deplojonent was
necessarily slow and difficult, and, strange to say, it
took him till after half-past four in the afternoon to
get every man in position as he desired. The whole
command, officers and men, understood exactly what
they were to do. At last the bugle was sounded for
the impulse, " and at precisely five o'clock the fort
was carried."
Hazen acted very wisely when he gave instructions
to do what all infantry commanders are now obliged
to do : use thin lines. He made his as thin as he could,
the result of which was that none of his soldiers were
hit by the garrison until they were very near. Of
course, at close quarters the fighting between men of
equal determination was fierce and bloody.
Not far outside the works other torpedoes were
encountered, many of which were exploded as the feet
of the men struck them, in many instances blowing
and scattering the men in fragments.
Hazen's last clause in his story is graphic indeed.
" The line moved on without checking, over, under,
and through abatis, ditches, palisading, and parapets,
fighting the garrison through the fort to their bomb-
proofs, from which they still fought, and only suc
cumbed as each man was individually overpowered."
Twenty-four of Hazen's officers and men were killed
and 110 officers and men wounded in this assault.
They captured, including the killed, 250 men and of
ficers, 24 pieces of ordnance, 10 tons of ammunition,
quantities of food, small arms, and the animals and
equipments of a light battery, horses and officers, and
private stores in abundance which had been placed
within Fort McAllister for safety.
The moming in which Hazen left King's Bridge,
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
December 13th, I joined Sherman, and taking with me
a few members of my staff we went down the left bank
of the Ogeechee as far as Dr. Cheve's rice mill. On the
roof, which was but little inclined, our signal officers
had secured a good position, and were in communica
tion with Hazen's signal officers near McAllister at
the time of our arrival. The battery of DeGress had
preceded us to the rice mill and taken a position
where the commander thought he could reach the fort
with his projectiles.
His guns were of large size — the twenty-pounder-
Parrott. The distance appeared to be three miles.
DeGress' s firing could not do much damage, but was
a diversion, and had for its main object to draw the
attention of the fieet. For hours we watched all the
operations as well as we could. The signal telescope
helped us to an occasional revelation, which kept
down Sherman's impatience. About noon the cannon
of McAllister commenced slowly firing toward the
land, and shortly we could see puffs of smoke, which
indicated what Hazen's skirmishers were doing. A
little later we caught sight of a steamer in the offing
below the fort. It was near the bay or broad mouth
of the Ogeechee.
Still later in the afternoon our signal communica
tion was perfected and connected with Hazen himself.
He said he had invested the fort already. He had
also caught sight of the steamer below. Sherman's
answering signal emphasized the importance of carry
ing the fort by assault that very day. When the
steamer was near enough it drew the fire of the fort
upon itself. Shortly after this. Captain McClintock
and Lieutenant Sampson, our signal officers, descried
the movmg flag. They talked with the vessel, which
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The March to the Sea
they reported to be a tug sent out by Admiral Dahl
gren and General Foster for the purpose of opening
communication with us. It was at this time, while we
were communicatmg with the tug, that we all noticed
an increased fire toward the fort, and our flags in
men's hands, passing the obstructions. They crossed
the ditch, then over the parapet; when we next saw
them, the men were firing upward into the air from
right to left, and the sound of their cheering came to
us across the water. That, indeed, was a gallant as
sault! Imagine the satisfaction of our watching
party at the rice mill. The instant that we received
the sure word that the fort was ours we ran for a small
rowboat that was close at hand and proceeded as fast
as the oarsman could speed us down the Ogeechee to
the vicinity of Fort McAllister.
Shortly after landing we saw an ambulance, with
the mules hauling it, run upon a hidden torpedo.
Mules, ambulance, and men were blo-wn into the air.
This sight indicated to us some of the dangers which
our brave men had had to encounter. We found
Hazen very happy over his victory. His prisoner,
Major Anderson, and the other Confederates who, we
saw, were not so happy, yet surely they had made a
gallant defense.
Hazen very hospitably entertained us after our ar
rival, and then accompanied us to the fort. We soon
took leave of him ; after a little delay we secured what
Sherman called a yawl, and were rowed do-wn the
river some three miles, when we reached the tug. It
proved to be the dispatch boat Dandelion, commanded
by Captain Williamson, of the navy. Our welcome
was hearty and the exchange of good tidings rapid.
I learned for the first time that Captain WiUiam
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Duncan and his companions whom I had sent do-wn
tbe Ogeechee from the Savannah Canal had succeeded
in avoiding all dangers and hindrances, and had
reached tbe fleet the morning of the 12th inst. Ad
miral Dahlgren had received their communications
and had forwarded them to Washington. Sherman,
as he was wont to do, immediately called for writing
materials and wrote hastily several dispatches.
As soon as they were completed we commenced our
return journey, the Dandelion pushing us up as near
McAllister as was safe from torpedoes. On landing
from our boat we found our way back to Hazen's
quarters and encamped in a rough way after the sol
dier's fashion for the night. Yet Sherman was hardly
asleep when he was awakened by a messenger from
the fleet. General Foster had come within safe dis
tance and begged Sherman to join him. Foster was
too lame from an old wound to come ashore.
The general, with his usual cheeriness and kind
ness of heart, sprang up, and walked a mile or more
to the boat landing and was taken to General Foster's
vessel. I remained with Hazen, and went back the
next morning, December 14th, to my headquarters, then
on Anderson's plantation, near the little Ogeechee, to
make further efforts for the capture of Savannah.
In conjunction with Admiral Dahlgren I recon-
noitered all the southern approaches by water as well
as by land to Savannah. Sherman in his letter of
December 17th, addressed to Hardee, commanding in
Savannah, indicates the opening of complete supplies
for his o-wn army and the bringing together of heavy
siege guns; he claimed to have control already of
every avenue.
Sherman further declared that he was justified in
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The March to the Sea
demanding the surrender ; he would wait a reasonable
time for Hardee's answer before opening with heavy
ordnance. He offered liberal terms, but if these were
rejected he might resort to the harshest measures.
He said that he would make little effort to restrain
his army, burning to avenge a great National wrong,
which they attributed to Savannah and other large
cities so prominent in dragging our country into civil
war. He finished by inclosing a copy of Hood's de
mand for the surrender of Resaca, where Hood prom
ised no quarter.
Hardee's reply, of the same date, is dignified. He
showed Sherman's idea of complete investment to be
incorrect, for there was one channel beyond the Sa
vannah, leading to Charleston, not yet closed. " Your
demand for the surrender of Savannah and its de
pendent forts is refused." He closed with these
words : " I have hitherto conducted the military opera
tions intrusted to my direction in direct accordance
with the rules of civilized warfare, and I should deeply
regret the adoption of any course by you that may
force me to deviate from them in the future."
As soon as Hardee's reply reached Sherman he
let us go on with our preparations for assaulting the
works. Slocum pushed a command across to an
island in the Savannah River which more closely
threatened the last of Hardee's communications.
Then next, on the 19th, he landed a brigade on the
South Carolina shore.
Hardee's dispatch from Hardeeville, December
21st, to His Excellency, Jefferson Davis, explains the
result. He says : " On the 19th the enemy forced a
landing on the South Carolina side, so near my com
munications that to save the garrison it became neces-
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
sary to give up the city. Its evacuation was success
fully accomplished last night. . . ." Speaking of his
force Hardee adds : " Summed up, it was over 9,089."
Truly it was a small force to have given us so much
trouble; but Savannah almost defended itself by its
bays, bogs, and swamps all around, leaving only cause
ways to be defended. I think we would have carried
the works, for the assault would have been simulta
neous from every quarter like that of Hazen. We
had prepared light fascines of twigs and of straw in
plenty to fill the ditches before our assaulting col
umns, and were ready with every modern device to
accomplish our purpose; but I am glad indeed that
the Confederate authorities agreed with Hardee to
save their garrison and withdraw it in season.
A long detention would have been unfavorable to
us in the opening of our next campaign.
There was a little contention, a sort of friendly
rivalry, as to what troops had gone first into Savan
nah. Gerry's division of Slocum's army at last car
ried off the palm.
General Sherman took up his headquarters with
an English gentleman, Mr. Charles Green, who had
very generously tendered his home for this purpose.
Sherman had hardly reached the city and become set
tled in his temporary home before he sent to Mr. Lin
coln the dispatch which was so widely published, viz. :
Savannah, Ga., December 22, 1864.
To His Excellency, President Lincoln, Washington, D. C.
I beg to present to you as a Christmas gift the city of Savan
nah, with 150 guns and plenty of ammunition; also about
25,000 bales of cotton.
W. T. Sherman,
Major General.
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The March to the Sea
I took up my headquarters and then wrote home:
" I want to see the loving faces, yours and the chil
dren's, so much that I am really homesick. I went to
General Sherman and told him : ' Now let me off. I
don't ask but two days at home.' He answered : ' Gen
eral, I would give a million of dollars, if I had it, to
be with my children. Would you do more than that? '
I told him I should say nothing more; and I have
given up for the present."
It was only four days after the writing of that
letter before a new and more difficult campaign of
the Carolinas opened before us.
We remained in comparative quiet at Savannah
till January 1, 1865.
On New Year's Day Sherman took me aside and
said that we were to move on through the Carolinas
as soon as possible. He had a map of the coast in his
hand. Opening it he showed me Robertsville in
South Carolina, and also Pocotaligo Junction, on the
Savannah & Charleston Railroad.
It was not far from Pocotaligo that the Con
federates, including G. W. Smith's Macon contingent,
had met Foster's and Saxton's Union men and de
feated them while we were on the march from Atlanta
to the sea.
Sherman said that he wanted me to move my wing
of the army by water over to the Island of Beaufort,
S. C, and go thence northward, cross an arm of the
sea, secure a landing, and then proceed to Pocotaligo.
I must time myself so as to get there by January 15th
(inst.). " Can you do it? " There were too many ele
ments in the problem presented to be solved offhand.
After, Yankeelike, asking some questions, I said
that the time was rather short, " but we would do the
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
best we could." He assured me that General Fos
ter's quartermaster would give me all the water trans
ports which he could command, and that Admiral
Dahlgren would carry over all the men and material
which he could handily take on and off his naval
vessels. That same day I went to call on General Blair, and
happened on a New Year's festival. It was a jolly
table that I found with Blair that day, he doing the
honors of the occasion. My coming seemed to sur
prise the party ; suddenly all arose before me iu a stiff
and dignified style, as cadets at command in a mess
hall after a meal.
I apologized for the interruption, called Blair
aside, explained the coming orders and the contem
plated movements, and bowed myself out. It was in
this informal way that Sherman often set on foot the
most important projects.
I find in my record that very day, January 1, 1865,
a letter from myself to General Easton, Sherman's
chief quartermaster. Easton was an old officer, and
inclined to be formal and dignified with my chief quar
termaster. At least it was so reported to me with com
plaint, hence the letter:
General: I regret exceedingly to trouble you, but I -wish
you to know the exact state of things. It is reported to me
by Major General Osterhaus that his artillery horses are dying
at the picket rope of actual starvation, and other officers re
port that public and private horses of the command are -with
out forage. Must this be allowed when forage is within six
miles of us? Is there no expedient we can resort to in order
to get a supply? Are there no inlets where we can land forage?
Are there no flats or small boats in which we can bring grain
ashore? Be assured, general, that my officers and men and
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The March to the Sea
myself are at your service, and willing to work night and day.
I am held responsible by my command for these things. My
only alternative is to apply to you. I do not wish to oppose
you, but to assist you in every way in my power.
Easton acted quickly and well. I felt in the outset
in view of the Carolina campaign that it was to be the
most trying of any which we had hitherto undertaken.
Our enemies would increase as we advanced north
ward. Food and forage would be destroyed before us,
the swamps would be worse than in Georgia, and other
troubles would multiply. And, surely, it was hard to
commence a sea voyage with only vessels enough at
best to take over to Beaufort a tenth of my army at a
trip. About this time I received the following letter
from my friend, the distinguished Rev. E. B. Webb,
D.D., of Boston, written the day before Christmas :
How glad we were when your scout (Captain Duncan) ar
rived down the river and communicated -with the fleet! We
followed you daily with our prayers, and yet we can hardly
say "followed," for we did not know for a long time where you
were going. Our generals and our Government seemed to have
found out the secret of keeping their own secrets.
You just moved off beyond the circle of our horizon into
the unknown, and left us to wonder, to doubt, to believe, to
guess, but — God be praised — you are out of the woods, in the
sense that we . . . hear from j'ou almost every day.
Officers and men were fearless and resolute. They
had come to be robust in health — had well developed
muscular force in themselves. What Sherman or
dered they were ready to undertake, not only with
out opposition, but with hearty good will. The ves
sels furnished us were too few and the water delays
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
as bothersome as usual; but my Seventeenth Corps
was carried over to Beaufort in reasonably quick time.
Blair began the actual movement of it January 3,
1865, and by the llth his entire corps (the Seven
teenth) and one division of Logan's (the Fifteenth)
had arrived and were disembarked at Beaufort, S. C.
While the sea voyages were progressing I was able
to spend most of my time at Beaufort. General Ru
fus Saxton had his headquarters there. He was quite
domesticated amid a new Northern community and
multitudes of negroes that were peopling that part
of the seacoast which had come into our possession.
General and Mrs. Saxton gave. me a sweet home and
cordial welcome with them for a few days. I visited
at Beaufort, St. Helena, and other neighboring inlands
the first colored schools that I had seen. Some of them
were excellent. Of these schools at that time I wrote :
Yesterday (January 19, 1865) I visited five colored schools,
where I found the children sparkling with intelligence, the
teachers noble women who had devoted their strength to this
work. One school bears the look of our best New England
schools; the order, the reading, the arithmetic, and the singing
strike you -with wonder. The " America " and " Rally Round the
Flag, Boys," ring out with such heart and harmony as to imbue
you with enthusiasm. You can't help saying. That is not the
stuff of which to make slaves.
On St. Helena's Island Miss To-wne and the three
]\Iisses Murry, who were wealthy ladies, devoted them
selves and their income to this work. After describ
ing the completeness and convenience of the structure
for the school, I added:
They sing on the right, then on the left, and then together;
and such singing ! Little ones about three feet high sing away
in perfect time and with great zest and joy.
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The March to the Sea
Mrs. General and Mrs. Captain Saxton took me to ride yes
terday afternoon, and they said it was done to take me away
from official duties. We went to visit two negro schools on
Beaufort Island in full operation. We found the children quite
as far advanced as white children of the same age. There are
two white teachers, one for each school ; a Miss Botume, of Bos
ton, and a Miss Danby, also from Massachusetts . . . The
weather is cool, but not cold; really delightful. These old
trees are green (in January) and luxuriant. Mrs. Saxton is a
lovely lady, and wants to see Mrs. Howard. General Saxton
has taken me personally right to his house, given me a room,
and allowed me to enjoy the luxuries of his table.
One Sunday I addressed a little negro Sunday school. As
I was about to close, I asked if any little boy or girl could
tell me who was the Saviour of the world. One bright lad
held up his hand, and said: "Yes, sah! I ken tell; I ken
tell!" "Well, who is He?" "Abum Linkum, sah; Abum
Linkum." Our soldiers were so many, needed so many sup
plies, and felt themselves at last on South Carolina
soil, that a lawless spirit came over them and many
complaints came to me of their doings. They were
just then inclined to make " forced loans " and to live
on the country. The Northern civilian immigrants to
the Sea Islands seemed to be most hurt, but the
negroes for the most part would give them anything
they asked for.
With Blair's corps, at about twelve o'clock midnight
(January 13, 1865), we set out for what we called
" Whale Branch." One brigade of Logan's command
followed Blair's. It was an all-night march. Blair,
now habitually using canvas boats, sent his pontoon
bridge and a guard ahead, and so, when we arrived,
we found that some of his men had rowed across the
branch, captured the Confederate pickets, and built a
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
bridgehead to protect the men while they were laying
the bridge. I wrote to Sherman :
Our bridge was so poor, on account of the rotten canvas,
that many delays occurred in the crossing and closing up. It
had to be pieced out on the enemy's side, and frequently broke
near that shore.
When I came near the ferry, about da-wn, I heard
some singing and shouting coming from a number of
negro huts not far off. I went thither to see what
the negroes who filled the cabins were doing. They
were much excited; both joy and fear appeared to
possess them; they would pray and sing and dance
and shout indiscriminately. They had kept up that
delicious exercise the whole night. Indeed, to them,
more ignorant than any I had hitherto met, the day
of jubilee had come.

100

CHAPTER XLII
march through the carolinas; savannah, ga., to
columbia, s. c.
OUR first check was at Garden's Corner, where
Leggett's division, being on the lead, saw a
well-constructed outwork having a long parapet be
yond an intervening swampy plateau. Here I saw a
stretch of land without grass, apparently soft clay.
Little by little I ventured out, trying the ground be
fore charging my men over it. My aid. Captain
Beebe, followed me. That moming I had accidentally
thro'wn a civilian coat over my shoulders, so that the
enemy behind the parapet permitted me to advance
some distance without firing. Finding the ground
firm enough, I turned back. One sharpshooter then
fired. His three or four bullets stirred up the dust
rather too close to me and I took off my hat and made
him as polite a bow as I could for his charming salute ;
then, with Beebe, I disappeared behind our brave skir
mishers, who were watching and cheering in the front
edge of a neighboring wood.
General Leggett had meanwhile succeeded in turn
ing the entire fort. As soon as this was done the
Confederates evacuated the work and ran rapidly to
the rear toward Pocotaligo. The Confederate force
here encountered was but a rear guard, probably not
exceeding two regiments of infantry with two pieces
of artUlery. We were for a short time in rapid pur-
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
suit at Stony Creek, but relieved the hindrance and
made a rush for the railroad. We did not quite se
cure it till the next morning, encountering Fort Poco
taligo, which, like most prepared intrencbments in that
neighborhood, had a troublesome swamp directly in
front, and was a well-constructed inclosed work -with
a parapet. Our men, rapidly approaching from three sides,
skirmished up very close and caused a fire from the
fort from many pieces of artUlery, and from mus
ketry supports. The garrison appeared to be panicky
and fired rapidly enough, but spasmodically, without
aim. Our men cried out to them, " You'd better get
out ; we are the Fifteenth Corps ! "
We had several wounded and some killed, includ
ing two commissioned officers. The artillery fire
from the fort and some batteries of ours replying,
caused a noise like that of thunder, very startling in
that dark, woody country; it continued far into the
night. At da-wn in the morning, January 15, 1865, we
found that the Confederates had abandoned the fort.
I felt grateful to them, because the artillery position
was a strong one. There were emplacements for
twenty-four cannon, and the mar.sh, excepting by a few
paths, was impassable. It would have cost many live.-^
to have taken the fort by storm.
The 15th was Sunday, and I was glad the enemy
had left, for I was always reluctant, unless necessity
compelled it, to open an engagement on that day.
Our foes had swept off across the Salkehatchie River,
destroying the bridges after them. The 15th, we re
member, was the day that Sherman had desired me
to take possession of Pocotaligo; so one ean imagine
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JNIarch Throua-h the Carolinas

*&

my gratification to have cleared the field and put my
feet safely upon the iron at the railroad crossing on
that very day.
Slocum was to have been at Robertsville at the
same time, but the rapid rise in the Savannah River
prevented him from crossing at Sister's Ferry till
after a long delay in laying bridges. I had not heard
from him and I tried in vain by my scouts and cavalry
to open communication. It will be remembered that
in my army there were seven grand divisions; five of
them came around by the sea and across Beaufort
Island, closing up upon us at Pocotaligo. In order to
hasten our concentration I caused one of the two re
maining divisions, John E. Smith's, to leave Savannah
by the way of the Union causeway. Smith escorted by
this route many of our horses, mules, and cattle, which
could not be taken over by sea for want of vessels.
Corse, -with the other division, followed Slocum up
the Savannah, and came to us after Slocum had
cleared the way.
In a diary that fell into my hands the small loss
that we suffered was contrasted -with the losses of the
previous commanders and I was highly complimented.
Slocum's delay to get to Robertsville was very
favorable to my wing, for it enabled us to bring up
our clothing and other supplies, and be better pre
pared for a forward movement. I issued the follow
ing order (a sample for our campaign) for the next
move: Near Pocotaligo, S. C, January 28, 1865.
Special Field Orders No. 25.
1. The following preliminary movements will take place to
morrow. The division of General Giles A. Smith will move to
ward the road which runs along the west bank of the Salke-
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
hatchie, and encamp preparatory to a forward movement on
that road Monday morning.
All wagons of the Seventeenth Corps will be moved and parked
so as to leave the road from Pocotaligo to McPherson-ville clear
for the Fifteenth Corps at 9 a.m. Monday. The bridge train
will move to-morrow, following General Giles A. Smith, and
encamp in rear of him.
2. Movement for Monday: The Seventeenth Corps, Major
General Blair, will commence the forward movement by 9 a.m.,
ascending the Salkehatchie on the west bank, making, if pos
sible, fifteen miles from Pocotaligo. The Fifteenth Corps,
Major General Logan, will move forward to Haywardsville,
moving General John E. Smith's division by the bridge road
between Pocotahgo and the creek if practicable. Department
headquarters (General Howard's) will follow the leading di-vi
sion of the Seventeenth Corps. . . .
Particular pains will be taken to organize foraging parties
for each brigade, battery, headquarters, and detachment not to
exceed in number an actual necessity. . . .
The engineer regiment after reaching Garden's Corner will
take the right-hand roads, and will follow the Seventeenth
Corps. The bridge train will be kept with the Seventeenth
Corps for the present. . . .
This order was complied with in all its details.
It was a winter campaign. In spite of the swamps,
that were numerous, we found the roads often sandy
and fairly good, at least in appearance. The timber
was abundant, pine almost without exception pre
vailing. The nights were cold, the thermometer not de
scending very low; but the dampness and chiU af
fected us unfavorably, and so demanded warm cloth
ing and abundant night cover.
While Slocum with his wing was struggling on
over simUar roads beyond my left, I was sweeping up
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March Through the Carolinas
the left bank of the Salkehatchie. On February 1st
the part of my command near me came upon a tribu
tary of the main river. This creek and the broad,
watery approach were called the " Whippy Swamp."
There were pine woods everywhere — outside and
in the swamps; and bordering the creeks we found
the cypress trees, often very close together. Oc
casionally, wide stretches would appear like good
ground, but prove on trial to be merely troublesome
quicksands with a deceitful surface. Even along the
roads, as our men said, " the bottom falls out " before
many wagons have passed over, so that we quickly
corduroyed by covering the surface with small pines.
Thousands of men worked at this.
Passing through this sort of country. Confederate
cavalry, now quite numerous, obstructed every cause
way, held us in check as long as they could, and then
destroyed the lagoon bridges before every column.
Sometimes these bridges would be sixty or seventy feet
long, and when burned caused much delay for replace
ment. Now and then the roads were filled with fallen
timbers for miles, entangling as the tree tops came to
gether from each side of the road. I followed my skir
mishers near Whippy Swamp to get as quick a view
as I could of the situation, for the Confederates were
in force on the other side of the swamp creek.
As we halted at a point a little higher than the
road, an artillery officer of my staff standing near
me was struck with a bullet just under his chin. The
bullet cut his windpipe and one of the arteries.
Fortunately for him, I caught the wound with my
hand and stopped the flow of the blood. The officer,
Lieutenant Taylor, at first stunned by the blow, quickly
came to himself, and, aided by his comrades, succeeded
105

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
in getting to the surgeon and securing prompt relief.
A companion said of Taylor : " We hope he will re
cover. He is a brave and good boy and a pet -with all
here. All feel his misfortune very deeply." He did
recover after some months.
In this section our supplies were not very abun
dant from the plantations, for there were but few of
such, and from many farms the produce had been
hastily removed to the east bank of the Salkehatchie,
and the houses were for the most part without oc
cupants. The Confederates were very particular to drive off
all horses and cattle. Notwithstanding the impov
erishment, natural and artificial, our diligent foragers
managed to discover and bring in a considerable
supply. The crossing of the Salkehatchie was at last made
at several points; but in my immediate front I made
a demonstration toward Broxton's Bridge, not intend
ing to cross there, because the enemy was at that
point better prepared to receive us, but hoped some
how to make the main crossing at Rivers Bridge.
We had a mounted infantry company, the Ninth
Illinois Regiment, led at that time by Lieutenant Col
onel Kirby. I have a note of Kirby's action on Feb
ruary 2d:
When Kirby came -within long range of the Confederate
muskets he deployed his command as skirmishers, and had
some infantry supports behind him. He charged the Confed
erate barricade, his men firing their seven-shooters on the
charge. The Confederates stood still until Kirby was upon
them. In this charge Kirby had a magnificent horse shot
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March Through the Carolinas
under him and was himself quite severely -"^rounded.
He gained the works, however, and skirmished on,
driving the Confederate cavalry before him across
the Salkehatchie. General Mower, with his di-vision,
was leading the command on this day on the Rivers
Bridge road. In this section there was hardly any re
sistance; the division struck what may be called the
last section of the road. Then there was a straight
causeway, several small bridges, and a longer one be
hind which quite a bluff commanded the situation.
On it the Confederates had placed some hea-vy guns
which swept the whole section, and particularly the
bridge road. As soon as the firing began our men
sprang off the road into the swamps. Ten or a dozen
were hit, but it was at this time that the colonel of
the Forty-third Ohio, Wager Swayne, was struck just
below the knee with the fragment of a shell. His leg
was badly broken, and when the stretcher bearers
bore him past me I saw that he was in pain, and so
in sympathy for him I caught a large pine cone from
the ground, and fixing his leg in a straighter position,
I supported it with the cone. I remember that he
looked up into my face with a pleasant, grateful smile,
and used a Christian expression that I recall to this
day : " The Lord sustains me ! " General Swayne's
record as a soldier, as a lawyer, as a citizen is too well
known to our countrymen to need anything but a ref
erence. He was a grand, manly man.
Under my personal supervision our men as skir
mishers worked out on the right and left till they found
a safe crossing. Mower then opened two parallel
roads, laying foot bridges a mile and a half in extent,
for the water was deep on the shores of the Salkehat
chie. He bridged sixteen swift streams, and then
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
finally rushed over two brigades in boats across the
main river, and came upon the enemy's right flank.
The place was abandoned as soon as Mower appeared.
Another di-vision (Giles A. Smith's), imexpectedly
to me, managed to work over two miles below me and
so cleared Broxton's Bridge. I wrote of this strong
work at Rivers Bridge on the evening of February
3d to Sherman:
It was the strongest position I ever saw in my fife, and I
think was defended by 2,000 men; some regimental flags ac
companying troops in motion below Giles Smith, mo'ving down
the river, were seen by our men just before dark.
It was wonderful that we secured the eastern bank of the Salke
hatchie so quickly and with so little loss; yet everybody felt
very deep sympathy for those who were wounded, especially for
Colonel Wager Swayne, and, also, sorrow so often repeated for the
few who had fallen to rise no more. General Mower's loss was
about twelve killed and seventy wounded.
In reading the life of Stonewall Jackson, so ably
and truly written by his widow, I notice that while
he was always extremely anxious to keep the Sabbath,
he seldom allowed his devotion to interfere with mili
tary movements. However distasteful this might be,
our Christian men also regarded the Sunday march,
and often the Sunday attack, as a necessity.
On Sunday, February 5th, my columns completed
their crossings of this most difficult Salkehatchie, and
the next day, the 6th, pushed on to the Little Salke
hatchie. Logan, with the Fifteenth Corps, had the usual re
sistance, and a Confederate bridge was burning at
his crossing ; he secured a place, a mere hamlet, called
Duncanville. He dislodged his foes in quick time
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March Through the Carolinas
and made another rough bridge a hundred feet long
and crossed over.
Blair, with the Seventeenth Corps, had a like trial
at Cowpen Ford, the famous Revolutionary historical
point, and with 260 feet of bridging came up abreast.
The two corps struggled on, bothered more by the
swamps than by the brave detachments of clustering
Confederates that were always in their advancing
way. On February 7th we were out of the woods on the
Augusta & Charleston Railroad, near the village of
Midway, and destroying the road four miles up and
down. The double - forked Edisto River was still
ahead. We searched out the crossing as soon as we
could drive the Confederates back enough to do so.
Holman's, Cannon's, Binnaker's, Walker's, Skillings's,
and the railway bridges were examined. Sherman,
then with Logan at Lowry's Station (Atlanta &
Charleston Railroad), gave us a special field order,
directing the taking of Orangeburg.
The swampy approaches to the south fork of the
Edisto, the cypress, and other trees thickly studding
a wide stretch, and the high water extending back
hundreds of yards on our side of the river, might
have disheartened any men not made up like our ex
perienced and resolute veterans. How we skirmished
up Blair's men under Mower and Force at Binnaker's
Bridge, and Logan's under Hazen, and John E. Smith
at Holman's and Skillings's crossings ; how they put
in boats, cut paths, and worked incessantly, often vrith
cartridge boxes and haversacks suspended to their
necks, only those who were there could tell!
Mower effected a crossing of the (South) Edisto
the evening of the 9th, at about six o'clock. He laid
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
the pontoon to an island, and as soon as he had got
one brigade over he pushed on across the island and
waded the swamp, making a lodgment on what ap
peared to be the mainland. He met, however, a hos
tile skirmish line about 8 p.m. ; and, as it was night, con
cluded to intrench and wait for daylight. The ground
was marshy and the water in the main swamp be
tween two and three feet deep. The men here also
swung their cartridge boxes around their necks. I
am inclined to think the crossing (above) at Holmes's
(or Holman's) bridge was no worse than this. Hazen
sent some men over a mile and a half above the bridge
and cut his way nearly through the swamp. A little
later: Mower drove the enemy off from the Orange
burg front, sent back a regiment along the main road,
and took a strong position a mile and a half from the
river. The bridge on the main road was then laid.
Next came the north fork of the Edisto. General
Force was ahead. The principal Orangeburg bridge
having been burned. Major Osborn (my chief of ar
tillery) and myself worked our way across Force's
footbridge, and went into Orangeburg on foot the
moming of February 12, 1865. The viUage was at
least half a mile from the North Edisto River. The
troops were posted across all the roads over which
the Confederates had retired, and then set to work
to destroy the railroad. Another line, the Columbia
& Charleston Railroad, ran through the town. There
were perhaps 800 population at that time. Cotton
brokers had made it a center of some importance.
Our skirmishers alleged that they found the town on
fire when they came in sight, and before we could ar
rest the flames a third of the houses were consumed.
From testimony that came to us the fire at Orange-
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March Through the Carolinas
burg originated at home. The Confederate com
mander ordered that a large collection of cotton bales
which belonged to a Jewish merchant be burned. It
was done just as Stevenson, commanding a Con
federate division, was leaving the village. The mer
chant then, in his anger, fired his o-wn store -within,
locked the doors, and accompanied the Confederate
troops. The cotton and that store were on fire, burn
ing briskly, producing wonderfully picturesque ef
fects when we came in. Our men, under orders, also
burned the cotton that remained — 200 bales.
Major Osborn's notes say : " Our soldiers assisted
the inhabitants to save their property." He added
another pleasant remark : " All the people say that
our officers and men have treated them with real kind
ness and consideration." We captured here not less
than 100 prisoners, and we lost less than 10 men.
The troops went to work as if they enjoyed the
exercise, burning ties and twisting iron rails in dif
ferent directions from Orangeburg. Blair had a few
mounted men who penetrated eastward as far as the
State road, and either destroyed or caused their Con
federate coadjutors to destroy trestlework in abun
dance, and regular bridges, railroad included, as far
as the Santee River.
On my arrival in Orangeburg, while others were
in some confusion, as our troops were being put out to
follow up the retreating Confederates, and some men
being sent to stop the fires, a lady, much excited and
somewhat oversolicitous, came to me and demanded a
guard. I tried to tell her to wait a while till we were
in shape to fumish guards; but she could not delay.
I could not make her see matters as I did in the line
of relative importance. My firm rejection of her suit
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
for that time she regarded as an insult, and left me
deeply vexed.
While I was still there during February 12th to
ward night General Sherman joined me.
The general and I with several officers were con
sulting together in one of the houses of Orangeburg,
when that lady was ushered in. She had met Sherman
before at Fort Moultrie in better days. She recalled
mutual acquaintances and friends. The general was
seemingly greatly pleased that she came, and was
very kind. She then, to his amusement, entered a
formal complaint against one of his officers, who, she
said, had treated her with marked discourtesy and
roughness. General Sherman was very sorry. He
said he would try to make amends and would have the
officer punished. " Who could it be? " he asked. " It
was General Howard," she said, with emphasis and
some severity. The lady did not dream that I was
present. "How is this, Howard?" Sherman asked
tuming to me. The lady was startled to again meet
me in that way. I explained as well as I could.
Doubtless I had been impatient. When skirmishing
is going on and fires are burning, the responsible
head may have, on some occasions, too many irons in
the fire. Sherman assured her that Howard was
usually a kind man and that she would find that he
would protect her. In the meantime I had already
sent her the desired guard.
The left wing under Slocum had its own opera
tions. I never received, as Sherman did daily, any
but the most meager news concerning his movements;
yet often his doings and happenings were the most
entertaining. So I am made to believe by the subse
quent stories and reports of participators.
112

March Through the Carolinas
General George W. Balloch, who had for a long
time previous to this campaign been my chief com
missary, was now occupying the same official position
in the Twentieth Corps. He accompanied the corps
at the time it was crossing the Savannah over into the
swampy country of South Carolina. Lately he has
sent me some of his recollections.
The Twentieth Corps (Balloch's own) had a rough
time just before starting from Savannah until it
struck dry ground at Robertsville. " Had we been
web-footed," he said, " it would have added to our
comfort." Balloch adds : " A correspondent of the New
York Herald published a letter in his paper and de
scribed the situation, which worried my wife not a
little, for she knew that I had been quite ill before I
left Savannah; in fact, the surgeon had ordered me
to go home, but, stubborn as usual, I would not. The
letter was in substance to this effect, that one night
when hunting for the Headquarters of the Twentieth
Corps, the correspondent had heard voices from the
regions above caUing out:
" 'Hello, old fellow, is that you? You had better
come up and secure a roosting place.'
" In looking up he discovered General A. S. Wil
liams, the corps commander, and staff safely ensconced
in the forks of the trees. They were enveloped in
sheets and blankets that had been foraged from the
country while marching through Georgia.
" General Williams was smoking and looking as
quiet and serene as if he had been in his tent on dry
ground. This correspondent's picture gives one who
was there a clear reminder of what we did go through.
" At Zion's Church, near Columbia, we had to
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
cross a small stream, and I was directed not to use
the bridge for my foot trains untU Kilpatrick's cavalry
had passed. But I took my instructions with some
latitude. As soon as our infantry was over, finding
a space, I began sending over my trains, and so keep
ing the road full. In the course of an hour Kilpatrick
and his cavalry came up, and he was exceedingly
wratby when he found me using tbe bridge.
" Rememl^ering that a soft word turneth away
wrath, I told him very pleasantly that I knew he had
the right of way, and that I would speedily give it up
to him; that I only used the bridge in order not to
have it stand vacant. Then, doubtless with some
show of humor, I said :
" ' By the way, general, I heard a good joke about
you yesterday.'
" ' What was it? ' Kilpatrick asked.
" ' General Sherman said that you were changing
the names of places about here, so that soon a new
geography would have to be made. He said that he
sent you up to Barnwell the other day, and that you
had changed the name of the place to Burnwell.'
" Kilpatrick's anger vanished in an instant.
Bursting into laughter, he said:
" ' Go on with your train. We might as well take
our noon rest here as anywhere.'
" My idea was a slight variation from what I im-
derstood Sherman to say to KUpatrick a few days be
fore. Just as he was starting on his trip he asked
him: " * General Sherman, how shall I let you know
where I am ? '
" ' Oh, just burn a bridge or something and make
a smoke, as the Indians do on the plains.'
114

March Through the Carolinas
" You know that our old friend Slocum at times
could be very much out of sorts. Then he was very
likely to make everybody else uncomfortable, all at the
same time. One cold, dreary, drizzling morning, for
example, up in the interior of South Carolina, he had
one of these fits on him. As we were riding along
we struck my herd of cattle, which were just outside
the column. It was a motley herd, I can assure you,
aud had everything in it that could walk. It had
been gathered while on the march, and was made up
from a patriarchal bull, with a head as shaggy as a
buffalo's, to a sucking calf. At the head of the line
was an enormous ox, one of our own stock, and he
was led by a soldier who had strapped all his belong
ings on the ox's back. The soldier was patiently
trudging along, singing every few minutes :
" ' Yo-ho-ee ! Yo-ho-ee ! '
" The soldier himself was a picture not soon to be
forgotten. A leg of his pants was gone, and part of
his hat rim, and he was as grimy as a coal heaver,
caused by traveling through the burnt woods. When
not calling to his cattle with his ' Yo-ho-ee ' he was
singing in a stentorian voice : ' I'll be gay and happy
StiU.' " The sight of that soldier, when Slocum's atten
tion was called to him and his surroundings, was too
much for the general. As soon as he looked at him
he exclaimed: " ' Look at that fellow ! Hear him ! I think if he
can be happy and gay, surely I ought to be.' Then
Slocum's good humor returned."
From Robertsville, S. C, Slocum's march aimed a
little to the north of Columbia, and for the time Kil
patrick's cavalry was beyond his wing northward.
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Ho-vvard
Generally Slocum, who sooner struck the upland, had
easier marching than my wing, and I had more miles
to march, as I moved upon the two sides of the tri
angle while he was foUo-wing the diagonal.
As my wing pushed northward after crossing the
north fork of the Edisto, ever widening the railroad
spaces and spoUing the raUway lines, the first consid
erable obstacles were a deep stream and a swamp ; the
stream, caUed the Congaree Creek, being a western
tributary to the Congaree River, upon whose left bank
the beautiful capital of South Carolina is situated.

116

CHAPTER XLIII
MARCH THROUGH THE CAROLINAS; THE TAKING OF
COLUMBIA
TV/TOST of the swamp and the Congaree Creek were
¦^ -'¦ lying perpendicular to our pathway. The
swamp for the most part had been cleared, drained,
and placed under cultivation, but the rain had softened
the surface so that on all our new roads our men sank
into the mud at every step. It was worse for the
horses than for the men, so that our cavalry was soon
stalled. There was much of the swamp growth of
small trees. The old existing roadway was a cause
way 10 or 12 feet above the bottom land, having deep
ditches on each side. An unaccountable accident must
have overtaken some quartermaster of ours, for a long
stretch of the side ditching was filled with overturned
vehicles, such as army wagons and ambulances.
This overturning unfortunately occurred within
direct range of the enemy's musketry fire. The fog at
the time was so thick that it was difficult to get the
teams involved out of the predicament. Fortunately
for us, probably on account of the fog, as soon as we
deployed our lines on both sides of the road and com
menced firing, the enemy replied to us, without being
particular as to direction. Owing to this bad aiming,
coupled with the fog, we managed to save our trains.
Our men in their strong skirmish line became en
thusiastic. They pressed the Confederates back,
117

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
mostly cavalry and artillery, from point to point, and
worked away till they found their left fiank. Just
before that point the old game was repeated. A com
pany of skirmishers 50 or 60 strong waded the ap
proaches and the creek, the water being up to their
waists. They gained sure footing on the other bank
before the enemy discovered them, and fired a volley
into the fiank and rear of the Confederate line. This
move created a panic there and a stampede. We suc
ceeded beyond our expectations. The men, pressing
down the causeway, quickly drove away the Confeder
ate defenders who lingered after the departure of
their comrades, and so we saved the bridge entire. At
least two of our divisions hurried over and marched
rapidly a mile and a half when they came upon an
other intrenched, well-defended line of battle. We
had seen but little infantry during this rapid advance,
but there was a fine display in one open space of
Hampton's cavalry.
This cavalry made one desperate charge against
our infantry line, but was quickly repulsed. It is said
that for his handsome and persistent charge Wade
Hampton was immediately made lieutenant general.
Such was the story of a telegraph operator whom we
met. It was really time to encamp, for one of our bri
gades, which was already squarely up with the fight
ing troops, had marched 27 miles that day, the 15th of
February. That night I encamped opposite Colum
bia; before retiring I issued orders that we continue
the same onward movement the next day.
We had an uncomfortable night, for the Confed
erates fired into our camp from the other side of the
Great Congaree. They succeeded in killing one officer
118

The Taking of Columbia
and several men, and wounded many more. It was our
camp fires which exposed us. It was not long, how
ever, before our energetic workers covered our ex
posed bivouac with traverses, i. e., high banks of earth
well located. In the night the Confederate intrenched
line straight before us was abandoned.
We were not long in crossing the open space be
tween us and the Congaree Bridge for the Confederate
batteries and sharpshooters on the Columbia side
made it pretty hot for more than a mile of exposure
along our bank of the river.
DeGress's battery was brought into position near
the burning bridge and soon cleared the streets of Co
lumbia, opposite from the enemy's cavalry. But as
their sharpshooters continued their annoying business,
Logan caused further shelling of that part of the city
which was immediately exposed to his batteries' fire.
Just above Columbia there are two rivers, the Sa
luda and the Broad, which conjoin to form the Con
garee. I proceeded at once to what was called the
Saluda factory. Of course, the fine bridge there, hav
ing been previously covered with kindling and pitch
wood, was quickly consumed. It did not take long for
us to lay a new bridge. A cavalry regiment led the
crossing, and our infantry was soon in place between
the two rivers. We made a run for the next bridge
over the Broad, following the Confederates in their
rapid retreat; but we could not save the structure,
for barrels of resin and turpentine had been emptied
upon it, and the enemy's artiUery from, the other bank
checked our advance. It did not take over half an
hour for their furious flames to consume it.
We now had Slocum near by. I exchanged greet
ings with him through a staff officer. As a matter of
119

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
fact, Slocum had not been far back from Columbia
for three or four days, and had delayed his approach
for our coming. Of course, the next thing we did was
to work across the Broad. We sent over one bri
gade — Colonel Stone's — in boats during the night,
drove away the Confederate defenders from the other
bank, made a good bridgehead, and commenced laying
the bridge itself very early in the morning of
February 17, 1865. We appeared to have infantry
against us, said to be S. D. Lee's corps and Hampton's
legion. As soon as all the enemies in the usual way had
been rooted out, captured or driven back. Stone's bri
gade began to march southward toward Columbia.
The mayor of the city came out with several attend
ants to meet Stone, and he, at least nominally, turned
over the keys of Columbia to him. At about eleven
o'clock in the morning, Sherman and I, with our re
spective staff officers and a small escort, succeeded in
crossing the new bridge over the Broad and proceeded
to the capital of South Carolina.
Side by side Sherman and I entered the city and
traversed the main streets. There was not much dem
onstration from the white people, but the negroes gave
their usual exhibitions of delight, sometimes dancing
upon the sidewalks, sometimes shouting and singing.
I noticed that our own troops were unusually demon
strative in cheering for Sherman, and learned that
traders and negroes had carried out buckets of whisky
to them wishing to please and pacify the men. The
soldiers had worked all night and marched to Colum
bia without a breakfast. Numbers of Stone's brigade
were thus 'excited and soon intoxicated.
Somebody bad caused to be taken nearly all the
120

The Taking of Columbia
cotton which was stored in the city and arranged it
in long rows in the main streets, and then set it on fire.
Certainly this was done before any of our men reached
the city. The Confederate officers were themselves
under orders to destroy the cotton to keep it from fall
ing into our hands. They destroyed also provisions
and other supplies, and it is undoubtedly the case that
the Confederates set fire to the cotton and a few of
the buUdings, one of which was a railway depot. The
wind was blowing a hurricane all the morning so that
the fire quickly spread; as soon as one or two houses
had caught and began to burn, the flames extended
to the others.
I had gone on through the city and taken up my
quarters at the College; but, noticing the extraordi
nary conduct of Stone's brigade, I quickly sent for an
other brigade to replace this, and then a little later for
another. Finally, I had the whole of one division and
a part of another guarding the city, and endeavoring
to protect the inhabitants and save all that was pos
sible from the flames. There were many imprisoned
people — negroes. Union prisoners of war, and State
convicts — who were let loose by our men. There were
also criminal classes and drunken soldiers. All these
elements, doubtless, were soon engaged in making bad
matters worse, against my wishes and the orders of
the other commanders. The ensuing great damage
was originally owing to the fires set by the Confeder
ate authorities.
I spoke of the depot being consumed. Near that
was a magazine. The day before we entered some
Confederates were said to be plundering there. They
dropped a spark, perhaps from a cigar, where there
was some powder upon the floor. The explosion was
121

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
fearful, and kiUed outright at least twenty Confeder
ates and many more women and children. This ex
plosion, which was an accident, may have also been the
cause of the burning of the raUroad station.
It would be impossible to exaggerate the horrors of
that long night between the 17th and 18th of Feb
ruary, 1865. Sherman, Logan, and myself, with all
the officers under our command, worked faithfully to
care for the people who were exposed, and we did save
many houses in different parts of the city. The
flames would lick up a house seemingly in an instant
and shoot from house to house with incredible rapidity.
The very heavens at times appeared on fire. A
wide street was no barrier. Clusters of inhabitants
would carry out all their valuables and sit upon them,
and they were often guarded by faithful men. A
large number of our men, who perhaps drank whisky
for the first time when it was brought to them that
day in buckets, became blindly drunk, and hundreds
perished in the flames in spite of all the efforts of their
comrades to save them.
It was about three o'clock the morning of the 18th
when the wind changed to the opposite quarter, and
after that, with little effort, we were able to arrest
the progress of the fire, so that more than one third
of the beautiful city of Columbia was suffered to re
main untouched.
During the night I met Logan and Woods and
other general officers, and they were taking every pos
sible measure to stop the fire and prevent disorder.
Nevertheless, some escaped prisoners, convicts from
the penitentiary just broken open, army followers, and
drunken soldiers ran through house after house and
were doubtless guUty of all manner of villainies, and
122

The Taking of Columbia
it was these men that, I presume, set new fires farther
to the windward in the northern part of the city. Old
men, women, and children, with everything that they
could get out, were huddled together in the streets.
At some places we found officers and kind-hearted sol
diers protecting families from the insults and rough
ness of the careless.
One instance in particular which I recall was the
protection given to the house and family of the Rev.
Dr. A. Toomer Porter, who had been a Confederate
chaplain. Lieutenant McQueen, of Captain William
Duncan's company, belonging to my escort, remained
with this family or near it throughout the conflagra
tion. He had the fires quenched as they came near, or
protected wood that was heated against the flames by
one contrivance or another. He was so kind and con
siderate that he won the affection of Dr. Porter and
all belonging to his household.
Not long after we left Columbia, Captain Duncan,
with his company, was on a scout toward the lower
portion of South Carolina. He ran into some troops
of Confederate cavalry in the darkness of the night.
He fought them bravely and succeeded in saving his
command, but left the generous and brave lieutenant
so desperately wounded on the field that he could not
be removed without endangering his life. He was fi
nally placed in a Carolina household, where he was
cared for, but where, owing to the excitement then
existing in the country, his life was believed to be in
peril. Dr. Porter chanced to hear of the wounded offi
cer, and also of his weak condition and danger. The
doctor immediately made his way to the house where
he was confined by his wounds, stayed with hun, and
nursed him until he was able to move. Then he pro-
123

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
cured as easy a carriage a.s he could get and brought
biiri through the intervening Confederate and Union
lines, a distance of several hundred miles, to me at
Raleigh, X. C. This was just about the time of John
ston's .surrender, and after we had heard of the sur
render of Robert E. Lee's forces in Virginia. This
act of Dr. Porter won my heart.
After many years of suffering from his wound and
a shortened leg, better medical attendance and extraor
dinary skUl on the part of a surgeon succeeded in
restoring McQueen to complete health and robust con
dition. I have since visited Dr. Porter in Charleston,
S. C, and can testify to the noble work of his life in
educating young men, especiaUy the sons of those who
have been unable otherwise to provide the means for
such educational advantages. He has also helped me
in many ways in my efforts to extend the influence
of educational institutions to aU our people.
Just before we left Columbia to resume our onward
march, the mayor of the city came to Sherman with
much show of distress and asked him what he was
to do to feed the large population that had been left
homeless and destitute by this great fire. Sherman
had a crisp maimer at times when matters bothered
him. He said to the mayor:
" Go to Howard." And I was told that he also
remarked in pleasantry, " Howard runs the religion
of this army." And then he said again: " Go to him;
he commands the troops that hold the city. He -will
treat you better than one of your o'wn generals."
I did not hear these remarks, but soon after his
interview with Sherman the mayor came to me and
put before me the same supply problem for solution.
I caused a herd of cattle, which my commissary had
124

The Takina- of Columbia

*&

gathered, to be divided and gave one half of the cattle
to the mayor, and also sent half of our rations to the
new State House, to be stored there for the use of the
impoverished people. The mayor was afraid that
there would be no adequate provision for the future
after the ration supply had been exhausted. He said
again :
" What can I do? " I told him that if I were he I
would organize foraging parties from the inhabitants
of the city, and send them out into portions of the
country which our foragers had not reached and have
them make forced loans. He must give careful cer
tificates, promising their redemption after the advent
of peace and prosperity. Years afterwards I met the
same gentleman who had been mayor at the time of
our visit in 1865. He told me that he had followed
the advice which I had given him in detail, and
that the plan had worked so well that there was no
want. We actuaUy commenced and completed the evacu
ation of the city the morning of the 20th.
The destruction of certain Confederate public
property — that is, property made use of for further
ing the interests of the war — was committed to me in
Sherman's specific instructions.
The undertaking was accomplished by my inspec
tor general, Lieutenant Colonel William E. Strong,
whose name, a synonym for loyalty and devotion not
only to the cause for which we fought, but to his com
mander, is held in special love and veneration by me.
To aid him in his work he had Logan's inspector gen
eral, Lieutenant Colonel L. E. Yorke.
The following are tbe estimates of what were so
destroyed: 1,000 bales of cotton, 19 locomotives, 20
125

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
box cars; many more had been previously destroyed
by the great fire. Also, the buUdings belonging to the
raUroad station— two large freight sheds, including
60 sets of six-mule-team harnesses, 1,000 pounds of
trace chains, quantities of naUs and spikes ; about five
tons of railroad machinery, -with a large amount of ar
ticles of a military character; 650 car wheels; two
buildings fUled with Confederate stationery; 25 pow
der mills, the mills being destroyed by being blown
up; an armory near the Congaree River, comprising
warehouse, machine shops, foundries, and offices;
besides the foregoing, an immense amount of ord
nance of every description. The smokestacks of six
factories were ruined; a shed near the Common, con
taining ten tons of machinery belonging to the Con
federate army, all packed in boxes, was consumed and
the machinery broken up.
In addition to the above our Ordnance Department
used all small arms and ammunition practicable, but
destroyed the remainder — ^perhaps 10,000 small arms
and 43 cannon. Of the 10,000 rounds of artUlery
ammunition and 500,000 rounds for small arms, part
was taken and part destroyed; also rendered useless
infantry and cavalry equipments beyond estimate.
Here at Columbia the magazines were ample and well
filled. We undertook to get rid of the ammunition,
loaded shells and such like, by throwing the same into
the river. During this operation a fearful accident
occurred, in which we lost in killed and severely
wounded not less than 20 men. The magazines them
selves, after being depleted sufficiently for safety,
were blo-wn to pieces by igniting the powder that re
mained. A -witness, then in Columbia, says: " The
explosions of the magazines this evening caused the
126

The Takmg of Columbia
ground to tremble." This trembling was felt in a cir
cuit of several mUes.
The very statement of the destruction of property
indicates the terrible wastes of war. Both armies
were burning the cotton. The Confederates seemed
to think that we, being Yankees, wanted it for gain,
and we believed that the Confederate government
depended upon this staple as the foundation of their
revenue, so we burned it. One or the other of the
parties was evidently making a mistake.
My last glimpse of Columbia after I had done what
I could for the immediate necessities of the destitute
inhabitants, and had parted with the mayor of the city,
was a sad retrospect to me, for I had never expected
to leave such a wild desert as the regions burned
over, covered with blackened debris, smoldering em
bers, and numerous lone chimneys, presented.
My rear guard for February 20, 1865, the day of
departure, consisted of two brigades, one from each
corps. They were the two that were then guarding
the town. Just in advance of these, who had brought
out all the stragglers, was a new and remarkable ac
cession to my columns, called a " refugee train." It
consisted of thousands of people who wished to leave
Columbia, mostly negroes besides at least 800 whites.
The refugees carried their luggage on pack horses, on
their backs, or in vehicles of every conceivable de
scription. A variety of reasons caused this extraordi
nary exodus; for example, escaping prisoners feared
reincarceration; those who had betrayed their loyalty
to the old flag, hitherto concealed, feared revenges;
those who had been especially kind to the Yankees had
signs of coming retribution, and many who had lost
everything by the fire desired to escape extreme want ;
127

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
besides these, a number of traders, bent upon money-
making, joined the procession with wagon loads of
trunks and boxes. I may say that I was obliged to
deal severely with the latter class, at least with the
freightage, in order to reduce my refugee train within
such limits that it could be protected and brought
along without detriment or hindrance to the fighting
force of the army.
In a letter written a little later, which I sent down
the Cape Fear River for home consumption, I re
marked that we brought from Columbia quite a num
ber of men, women, and children who had trudged
along in wagons, ambulances, on horses, or on foot.
We had two families at our headquarters who had
completely mastered all the discomforts of military
life and enjoyed the novelty.
A gentleman artist, by the name of Halpin, with
his wife and daughter, and a Mr. Soule, a telegraph
operator, with his bride, were our guests.
About the time of leaving Columbia many robber
ies were committed; watches, jewelry, and sometimes
sums of money were taken by violence from the inhab
itants, after the highwayman's style.
So many instances came to my knowledge that
my indignation against the perpetrators became ex
cessive, and my compassion for the sufferers strong.
From Rice Creek Springs, February 20th, I wrote
a letter to Logan, describing this apparently grow
ing evil:
" I am inclined to think that there is a regularly
organized banditti, who commit these outrages and
share the spoils. I call upon you and all the officers
and soldiers under you, who have one spark of honor
or respect for the profession which they follow, to
128

The Taking of Columbia
help me put down these nefarious proceedings, and
to arrest perpetrators.
" Please furnish to every inspector, provost marshal,
and officer in charge of a foraging party, a copy of
this letter, and enjoin them to be on the watch to
stop these infamous transactions, and to bring to jus
tice the individuals who commit them."
A physician, Dr. Greene, came to me and said:
" General, would you allow your men to take a man's
watch? " " No," I answered, " you know that I would
not." " But," he replied, " a man took mine." " Please
describe him, doctor," I said. " Oh, I can't do that,
they're all alike," was the reply. The doctor's
daughter, however (a girl of twelve or thirteen), said,
" I can, father." She then described the man and I
called my provost marshal, who soon found the thief
and brought him to me. The watch was given back
to the owner and I ordered the man drummed out of
the army.
A little later at Cheraw, I had three or four others
of these unscrupulous villains apprehended, and pub
licly and summarily punished One had taken a
costly ring from a lady's finger by force; and the
others had been caught, in flagrante delicto, pilfering
from women's bureaus and closets. Soldiers in gen
eral were obliged to forage on the country but they
did not enjoy the reputation or wish for the company
of thieves and robbers.
The first day we had a comparatively short march
along the railroad running northward. Sherman's
camp was at Winsboro at the end of the second day,
while mine was at Harrison's Crossroads. From that
point I turned to the right to cross the upper waters
of the Catawba. Sherman wrote from Winsboro :
129

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
After crossing, Slocum and the cavalry -will have the road
from Lancaster to Chesterfield, and you (Howard) from your
ferry go straight for Cheraw, dipping a fittie south to get on the
Camden road. I -will keep -with the Twentieth Corps.
From this it will be seen what a wide swath we
were making, and the general direction taken by the
whole command. At Perry's Ferry, across the Wa-
teree River, I spent the night of February 22d. The
country had begun to be fertile and rolling, with bet
ter farms than those near Columbia. There was some
show of hostile cavalry in our front, which we pushed
back as we marched. The Wateree was between 300
and 400 feet wide, and had quite a strong flow. Sher
man's retaliatory work has often been mentioned. I
think it began from an occurrence of this day. Two
of our men were found not only slain, but with their
brains beaten out. We judged that they had been
captured first and then murdered.
Several men in another column were killed in the
same way and labels pinned upon them. On the la
bels were these words: " Death to all foragers."
These are Sherman's words to me, which he wrote af
ter finding repeated acts like the above :
I have ordered Kilpatrick to select of his prisoners, man for
man, shoot them, and leave them by the roadside labeled, so
that our enemy -will see for every man he executes he takes the
life of one of his own.
After defining proper and improper foraging,
Sherman continues : " I lay down these rules, and wish
you to be governed by them. If any of your foragers
are murdered, take life for life, leaving a record of
each case."
It is quite surprising how quickly the Confederates,
130

The Taking of Columbia
in the army and outside of it, found out this terrible
rule of our leader. I do not remember an instance
after that in my command of brutal slaying.
This same day, February 22d, Washington's birth
day, brought us the first intimation that the Confeder
ates had evacuated Charleston. Gillmore's troops had
entered the city, and captured a large amount of ar
tillery and other stores. This was good news, brought
by the negroes, who always enjoyed telling us such
things, but it indicated to me an increased opposition
to our advance ; for already we were hearing not only
of Hardee drawing in his various garrisons, but of
Bragg, Cheatham, and Stephen D. Lee. We then
knew that the remnants which Thomas and Schofield
had not destroyed of Hood's army at Nashville, Tenn.,
as well as the troops from Augusta, Ga., were hasten
ing to strengthen Hardee's resistance to our advance.
We had about the same experience day after day
with ever increasing obstacles, till we came near what
is called Lynch's Creek, in ordinary times a stream
not to exceed 200 feet ; but when we approached, owing
to the recent freshet, the creek overflowed its banks,
and so, though not deep, it spread over a wide stretch
of country, covering in extent at least a mile.
The Fifteenth Corps here had a hard time. After
the Seventeenth Corps had passed with considerable
difficulty, the corduroy, which had been laid under the
water and pinned down, became loose, and naturally
rose to the surface and became separated. Quick
sands were discovered in many places where our en
gineers and pioneers sought to put in trestlework, so
that there was much delay, much impatience, and
some quarreling. Here a slight contretemps occurred
between Logan and myself. 131

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
He, as corps commander, had direct charge of the
pioneers, and I, as army commander, of the engineers.
The engineers and pioneers were not able to mend
the ways, owing to the high water, or finish the
bridges to their satisfaction. At last they, in their
impatience, had hard words between them. Logan
naturally sided with the pioneers, and so wrote me a
note that he would make no further effort to cross
that ugly stream unless I withdrew the engineers who
were constantly making trouble. I received the letter
at the hands of a messenger, read it carefully, slowly
folded it, as we were taught to do with official commu
nications, and then wrote on the outside a pleasant
message in indirect fashion : " The commanding officer
of the Fifteenth Corps will obey every lawful order."
I signed this indorsement and sent it back to Logan.
We met about twenty minutes after this exchange of
compliment and neither of us said aught more con
cerning the matter; luckily we succeeded at last in
crossing the troublesome barrier.
As we went on to Cheraw it was necessary to guard
well our right flank. Having very little cavalry, I
sent southward and eastward Captain Wm. Duncan
with all his horsemen, about two troops of cavalry,
first toward Camden. The evening of February 25th
Duncan returned from the first expedition. He suc
ceeded in burning an important bridge in Camden and
in capturing, for the use of the army, considerable
stock. It was here that the famous white Arabian stallion
was brought in, one that the people declared to be the
property of the Confederate President. The horse,
they said, had been, previous to our coming, sent into
that part of Carolina for safe keeping. The second
132

The Taking of Columbia
expedition had a double purpose ; first, to reconnoiter,
and second, to serve as an escort to a delegation which
I was sending through to Charleston. This time Dun
can, in the night, ran into a Confederate brigade of
cavalry, apparently commanded by Colonel Aiken.
The darkness was so great that neither commander
could tell the strength of his opponent.
Aiken gave the order to charge, but Duncan, who
was ready, instantly ordered " Fire ! " In the melee
that ensued Aiken with many others was killed. Los
ing their leader the Confederates fell back. It was
here that Lieutenant McQueen was wounded. Duncan
drew off his men with small loss.
The mixing up was so complete during the night
fight that one of our men borrowed a screw-driver of
a comrade to fix his carbine, and discovered that that
comrade was a Confederate. The loss of McQueen,
for he was supposed at that time to be mortally
wounded, genial gentleman as he was, caused great
sorrow at our headquarters.

133

CHAPTER XLIV
SKIRMISHING AT CHERAW AND FAYETTEVILLE AND THE
BATTLE OF AVERYSBORO
CHERAW was pretty thoroughly defended with
intrencbments and outworks; on my coming up
with Mower's command ahead, I found him leading
his division in his own indomitable style. The Con
federate cavalry met us at Thompson's Creek, but
being cavalry only, they quickly gave way to Mower's
coming, but set the bridge on fire. Our men quenched
the fire at once and followed speedily nearer to the
town. A firm stand was made here by our adversaries
to enable them to cover the next bridge across the
Pedee with turpentine. At last, as the Confederates
rushed across, they succeeded in setting behind them
a quick fire, and one that became immediately so furi
ous that Mower's men could not save the bridge.
Here, as at Columbia, a depot and several store
houses were already in flames when our men entered
the city of Cheraw. Quite a large amount of war
material came into our hands by capture. By the
newspapers which I found there the news of the
taking of Charleston, and also of Wilmington, was
confirmed. Here we noticed the action of the Confederate Con
gress putting into service boys and old men. That
body was also considering the expediency of organ
izing negro troops. In this we already had the start
134

Skirmishing at Cheraw and Fayetteville
of them. Terry was near us with negro brigades well
in hand. About this time old men and boys began to fall into
our lines. Logan recommended on March 4th that all
such prisoners belonging to the South Carolina mili
tia be released upon their parole and oath not to serve
again during the war. He remarked : " They now are
but a burden to us, requiring an issue of subsistence
when it is necessary to husband our supply, and they
can scarcely be looked upon as fit subjects for im
prisonment or exchange." This sensible disposition
of them was made.
There were two sources of chagrin which annoyed
me at Cheraw : one was that a detachment which I sent
to Florence had not been sufficiently vigorous in its
reconnoissance. The officers conducting it, however,
discovered a force of Confederate cavalry, and trains
of cars loaded with troops, and brought back 20 or
30 prisoners. The second chagrin was from an accident like that
at Columbia. Charles R. Woods's division of infan
try was massed near the river waiting their turn to
cross, when a terrific explosion occurred. It was oc
casioned by our working parties having thrown to
gether on the river slope masses of artillery shells,
with considerable powder. The object had been to
drown the powder in the river, and also to sink the
shells in the water to render them useless. By care
lessness considerable powder had been strewn along
the ground. The teams passing over the bridge road
had in some way ignited it and its lightning flashes
passed to the main pUe of shells. The sudden thun
derous explosion for the time appeared to paralyze
men and animals. The mules and horses near by ran
135

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
off wildly in a stampede. One officer and three en
listed men were killed outright, and at least a dozen
or more of the soldiers were disabled. Thus disaster
followed acts of inexcusable carelessness !
On ]\Iarch 5th, finding that Hardee had withdrawn
from my front across the Great Pedee, which was
about 500 feet broad, and as my bridge was already
laid, the crossing of my command at Cheraw was soon
completed. We now hastened on toward FayetteviUe.
Sherman, having news of accessions to Hardee's force
from above and below and from the east, and also
that his old contestant, Joseph E. Johnston, was
in command, wrote me that he believed that the
Confederates would make a stand for battle near
Fayetteville west of the Cape Fear River. I an
swered that I thought not, unless we pushed them
so hard that they could not get out of the way. The
position might have been good against my column
alone, but at this time Slocum was so near me that
Johnston would have had to encounter Sherman's
united force.
The events proved that my judgment was correct,
for this astute Confederate commander, realizing his
relative weakness, waited a little till the two wings had
separated one from the other. As we shall shortly
see, he struck Slocum first, because he was handiest,
after Slocum had deviated northward and was passing
through Averysboro.
Going on, March 8th, I made my headquarters for
the night at Laurel Hill, Richmond County, N. C.
It was this day that we crossed the line between South
and North Carolina. The Fifteenth Corps was near
me, and the Seventeenth a little in advance. Slocum's
command, the left wing, was not many miles to the
136

Skirmishing at Cheraw and Fayetteville
north, and well up abreast. That evening Sherman
requested me if possible while pursuing the enemy to
so slow up my march as to let the left wing seize
Fayette-ville. The reason given was that Slocum's
di'vision would have the advantage which arose from
the primary occupation of a town. Increase of sup
plies as well as honor thus usually came to the first
occupants. I was not far from Dan's Bridge when Captain
Duncan, having my consent, with his scouts and a
small escort pushed on ahead to FayetteviUe. He
found some show of a picket line which he avoided,
and came to what is called Little Rock Fish Creek
Bridge, which was unaccountably spared by the enemy.
Of this Duncan immediately took possession. Very
early the next morning (March llth) I instructed Dun
can to take all our mounted men (his own and Captain
King's) and scout toward Fayetteville and keep us
informed of what was going on. He again encoun
tered the enemy's pickets just before reaching the city.
He drove them so easily before him that he did not
anticipate much force ahead, and so pressed on into
the city itself. Duncan, while caring for his men, dis
covered a large force of cavalry on some high ground
ready to pounce upon him. He succeeded, however,
in saving his command, but he himself in the rear was
captured; he, however, escaped and came into bivouac
and was described by Sherman as having been
stripped of everything valuable, and being clothed in
an old unpresentable dress. The account of Duncan's
inter'views with Butler, Hampton, and Hardee was
very entertaining, and is still, as he vividly recalls it.
Hardee, Duncan declares, treated him with kindness,
but was very anxious to find how he had happened
137

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
to seize the bridge and pass the pickets with so small
a force of horsemen.
Duncan's men reported to us that very day the cir
cumstances, so that Giles A. Smith's column could not
safely delay any longer. Smith sent forward at once
a troop of mounted men. They joined the retuming
scouts, then followed up the Confederate cavalry as
they ran back; when the Confederate rear guard was
crossing the river our men soon had possession of the
hill where the Fayetteville arsenal was situated.
Just as the last Confederate horseman was clear
ing the bridge over the Cape Fear, Potts's brigade, the
leading one of Smith's division, arrived on the field.
Potts first took position on Arsenal Hill, and then
quickly deployed his skirmishers along the river bank
under instructions to make every endeavor to save the
bridge. But the preparation for its destruction was
too complete.
The Confederates placed their cannon in a good
position on the farther shore, and sheUed out skir
mishers, regardless of the houses of Fayetteville,
while the long bridge was bursting into brilliant flame.
As our columns came in from the south roads, Slo
cum's leading corps, the Fourteenth, entered the town
from the northwest. The mayor, doubtless having
been attracted by Captain Duncan's daring raid to the
southern part of the town, hastened toward us, and so
made a formal tender of the city to Lieutenant Colonel
Strong of my staff.
Many of our men, mounted foragers and others,
were found lying dead in the streets. Remembering
Sherman's wishes, as soon as I met Slocum I retired
outside the city limits, and there went into camp.
Logan halted his force at least five miles back.
138

Skirmishing at Cheraw and Fayetteville
We found the best practicable approaches for our pon
toon bridge a mile below Fayetteville, opposite Mr.
Cade's plantation. The banks, however, even here
were steep and difficult. The water was subsiding, so
that in a short time our bridge was depressed, and the
wagons were lowered on one side of the river and, to
use an old English word, " boosted " up by soldiers
on the other side with much labor. When a bridge
head of sufficient extent had been made, I put my
headquarters, March 13th, near Mr. Cade's house, and
stayed there until the 16th of the same month.
Sherman very much wished to get communications
to Wilmington, and, if possible, receive back word
from the same, while Logan and I were anxious to re
establish mail communication. After consulting with
Captain Duncan, I selected Sergeant Myron J. Amick,
Fifteenth Illinois Cavalry, and Private Geo. W. Quim
by, Thirty-second Wisconsin, the two enlisted men that
had made with Duncan the perilous and successful ex
pedition down the Ogeechee and communicated with
the fleet ; furnished with as much mail matter as well
as dispatches as they could comfortably carry, I
started them off to Wilmington.
Sherman had sent another messenger to float down
the Cape Fear. My party crossed the river at Camp
bell's Bridge and succeeded in avoiding squads of the
enemy's cavalry or other hostiles whom they met, and
finished their journey successfully in 48 hours. Just
after our arrival at Fayetteville, and after the first
excitement of the skirmishing had subsided, we heard
the whistle of a steam tug below us on the Cape Fear
River. This vessel had set out at once for Fayette-
vUle on receiving news through Sergeant Amick and his
companion of our whereabouts. Shortly before this,
139

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
some of Blair's men, skirmishing down the river, had
discovered a small Confederate steamer and captured
it, with its freight of cotton and forage.
The 15th of the month one of our gunboats reached
us and was followed by other steamers. They brought
us mail, sugar, coffee, shoes, and forage which were
most welcome.
It was here that Sherman took advantage of re
turning steamers to send our sick to better accommo
dations and to forward mail for the whole command.
The remaining space on the vessels was occupied by
the refugees, whom I have before described. Besides
these, a column of whites and negroes, with all their
indescribable belongings, were organized in a military
way and sent down the river road. From the numer
ous men going out of the service, I furnished them
abundant guards and wagons sufficient to carry the
small children, the sick, and the extra food. It was a
singular spectacle that drew out of camp on Wednes
day, March 15, 1865, and set out for Wilmington via
Clinton. There were 4,500, mostly negroes, from my
wing alone.
Feeling pretty sure that Joe Johnston, our new ad
versary, who was somewhere in our path, would soon
make a stand or an attack, the entire command, under
Sherman's instructions, stripped for battle ; that is to
say, the wagon trains, except those absolutely essential,
were thrown back, kept well together and placed under
special escort, covered, of course, by the rear guard.
Slocum, deviating from our direct march toward
Goldsboro, went by the way of Kyle's Landing, aim
ing for Bentonville, while his wagon train followed
the Goldsboro route. Kilpatrick's cavalry was clear
ing the way on Slocum's left and front. Slocum found,
140

Skirmishmg at Cheraw and Fayetteville
March 6th, a large Confederate force across the way
near Averysboro. It proved to be Hardee, not John
ston, in immediate command. Kilpatrick came upon
the enemy behind intrencbments and moved to the
right, whUe Slocum deployed two divisions of the
Twentieth Corps in front of the enemy's line.
Sherman joined Slocum and directed him to send
a brigade to the left so as to get a ford in rear of the
Confederate intrencbments. This was successfully
accomplished. The enemy retreated and MacBeth's
Charleston battery with 217 of Rhett's men were cap
tured. The Confederates were found behind another
line of works, a short distance in rear of the first.
Both operations constituted the battle. Slocum skir
mished up to the new position, and went into camp " in
their immediate front." During the night Hardee re
treated, leaving 108 dead for Slocum to bury and 68
wounded. We lost 12 officers and 65 men kiUed and
477 men wounded.
It is evident that my movement across the Black
River and touching the Averysboro road on that same
day, where I was waiting to turn back upon Hardee's
left, was what caused him to retreat without further
battle. Now, it is plain from all accounts that John
ston in good earnest was gathering in all the troops
he could at or near Bentonville. A dispatch men
tioned Stephen D. Lee, Stevenson, Stewart, Cheatham,
Hampton, and Hardee as near at hand.
Johnston's instructions, which he received from
Richmond, February 23d, at his residence in Lincoln-
ton, N. C, were: " To concentrate all available forces
and drive Sherman back." " This was done," John
ston alleges, " with a full consciousness on my part,
however, that we could have no other object in con-
141

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
tinuing the war than to obtain fair terms of peace;
for the Southern cause must have appeared hopeless
then to all intelligent and dispassionate Southern
men." With these instructions and this natural feeling,
Johnston gathered from all quarters, as near as I can
estimate, from 20,000 to 25,000 men.
March 18th Slocum's wing was continuing its ad
vance toward Bentonville. My wing the same day
upon the next road to the south was doing the same
thing, but from the character of the country I was
obliged to deviate so much that our wings were sepa
rated more and more from each other till Logan turned
northward and encamped near Alexander Benton's,
about 11 miles south of Bentonville, while Blair was
back near Troublefield's store. I was then with
Logan's head of column and General Sherman was
with Blair's.
Slocum at the same time appeared to be abreast
of Logan, perhaps six miles to his left northwest of
him. We had but little resistance on our front, and
that from Confederate cavalry. The roads, which ap
peared fair, became immediately bad by use and so
straggled my columns.

142

CHAPTER XLV
MARCH THROUGH THB CAROLINAS; THE BATTLE OP BEN
TONVILLE; Johnston's surrender
T WAS obliged to detail a brigade to repair the
¦'¦ worst places near Falling Creek. As I was ob
serving the rapid and handy work of this (General
Clarke's) brigade, I heard heavy firing in the dis
tance from the direction of Bentonville ; and instantly
I sent off our chief of artillery. Major Osborn, to
pass to the rear of Logan's column and turn Hazen's
division back upon Slocum's road as quickly as pos
sible, in case the need was evident upon his reaching
Hazen. Report was brought to Sherman and to me that
it was only Confederate cavalry that Slocum had thus
far met, and that he was driving it before him. Ha
zen's movement was then delayed.
This news made me believe that Johnston might
fall back by the road which crossed Cox's Bridge over
the Neuse. That road was the only practicable one
for him to pass over in an easterly direction. I im
mediately sent Colonel Strong of my staff to secure
the bridge. He took with him the Tenth Iowa, moved
rapidly, drove a few hundred Confederate cavalry be
fore him across the bridge, secured the crossroads
near it, and rapidly fortified the position. The hea-vy
firing continued and seemed to increase, and we very
143

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
much feared from the sound, and from a report
brought by Lieutenant Foraker (since so well known
as the Hon. Joseph B. Foraker, Senator from Ohio)
of Slocum's staff, that Slocum's column was having a
very hard battle. On Foraker's arrival and report,
the order to send Hazen's division was now given by
Sherman himself.
Several messengers gave us to understand that
during this day, March 19th, Slocum, though losing
some ground, had repulsed several furious assaults
of the Confederate infantry, and that he had secured
a strong position, which he could hold until reenforced
by our right wing.
Hazen kept up his reverse march and reported to
Slocum by daylight of the 20th. Logan closed up his
command at night, forced the enemy to destroy Cox's
Bridge, and at once commenced his march by the river
road toward Bentonville.
Meanwhile Blair also used the night to bring up
his column near to Logan. In fact, our marching was
continuous until the two wings were in touch with each
other. My men were driving back the enemy's cav
alry skirmishers and squadrons until between ten and
eleven on the morning of March 20th.
If we connect Fayetteville with Averysboro by a
right line, then Averysboro with Smithfield, and Smith-
field with Goldsboro, and join also Goldsboro with
Fayetteville, we have an oblong, four-sided figure.
The distance from Fayetteville to Goldsboro is about
50 miles ; the other separate distances, following the
perimeter, are from 20 to 25 miles each. This oblong
figure was the terrain which covered the maneuvers
and the two battles of Averysboro and Bentonville.
Bentonville is a point as near the middle of this terrain
144

The Battle of Bentonville
as you can place it. Sherman's army started one wing
from FayettevUle, and the other wing from behind
Averysboro. His mind, fully determined, was to pass
from the Cape Fear River to the Neuse, making Golds
boro his objective point.
As Schofield and Terry had Wilmington, New
Berne and Kinston, and were mo-ving northward to
form a junction with us, Sherman greatly desired to
make this connection and secure Goldsboro before
fighting a general battle. He believed that the enemy
would fall back to Smithfield, and perhaps to Raleigh
after the hard blows he had received at Averysboro ;
so that it is very plain that Bentonville was not Sher
man's objective.
Johnston, on the other hand, had his eye upon Ben
tonville. He was at Smithfield when our parties de
parted from the Cape Fear River gathering up his
forces. He proposed to throw them boltlike upon our
upper column when isolated near Bentonville. Ben
tonville was then indeed a strategic and objective
point for the Confederates.
Aiming for Goldsboro caused the separation of our
columns and made us unready March 19th when the
Confederates began their first attack. At that instant
Blair was as far south as Troublefield's store, but he
was on the direct road to Goldsboro. Logan, with
the bulk of his corps, had really passed beyond Ben-
tonvUle, and but for the detention of battle would
have gone there.
Wade Hampton, commanding the entire Confed
erate cavalry before us, was falling back on Slocum's
road toward Bentonville. Johnston, strengthened by
news that Hampton kept sending to him, that our
wings were so separated and marching as I have indi-
145

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
cated, did as he had done before, particularly at the
battle of Fair Oaks. He struck a portion of the Union
army, temporarily isolated, and he hoped to crush it
before our troops could be brought back.
It appeared to me that the ground chosen by Hamp
ton, which Johnston occupied the morning of the 19th,
substantially along the Clinton road, with high ground
and a good artillery position west of it at right angles
to Slocum's road of approach, could not have been
better selected.
Hampton says : " The plan proposed was that the
cavalry should move out at daylight and occupy the
position held by them on the previous evening. The
infantry could then be deployed, putting one corps
across the main road and the other two obliquely in
echelon to the right of the first."
Hampton's cavalry, after checking Slocum's ad
vance as long as practicable, was to fall back through
intervals in Bragg's line and pass off to the right of
the troops and guard that flank.
Carlin's division (Fourteenth Corps), heading
Slocum's column quite early on the morning of March
19th, was moving on toward Bentonville in column,
having out in his front and on his flank the usual skir
mish line.
The enemy's cavalry appeared at first to be more
stubborn than usual ; so much so that Carlin deployed
his division to the left and Corps Commander Davis
ordered Morgan to deploy his division so as to cover
Carlin's right. This deployment was intended to force
back the Confederate cavalry, or (if they were there)
to develop infantry and artillery. It was this force
which pressed Hampton's cavalry so hard that it has
tened back to perform its allotted work; then, Hamp-
146

The Battle of Bentonville
ton being out of the way, the Confederate infantry
opened its fire at short range against the Fourteenth
Corps. After the first encounter Carlin's men seem to have
been considerably shaken. Perceiving some show of
disorder, the Confederates took the offensive, advan
cing steadily against Carlin's left. There was doubt
less some breaking here and there, but Slocum's men
were veterans, and quickly rallied. The Twentieth
Corps and the remainder of the Fourteenth not en
gaged were hastily forming a new line, half a mile to
the rear. Johnston puts it this way :
" Some distance in the rear there was a thick wood
of young pines, into which the Federal troops were
pursued, and in which they rallied and renewed the
fight." Slocum by his language implies an enforced
retreat to the prepared position ; but says that the re
tiring troops " were handled with skill, and fell back
without panic or demoralization, taking places in the
line established."
Here at the second position the engagement was
renewed, but the opposition was too strong for John
ston's men to overcome. They charged again and
again, but finally retired beyond range, hoping to re
new the attack the next morning; but during the
night Johnston was assured that I was pushing in
my command toward him from the east along the
road from Cox's Bridge, so that he immediately took
a new position where he could face both myself and
Slocum. That position was an enlarged bridgehead, em
bracing BentonviUe and covering the crossing of MiU
Creek by the Smithfield road.
I believe the Confederate lines were rather irregu-
147

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
lar and broken, but so established as to make a thor
ough defense of the vUlage and of the Confederate line
of retreat. I hardly think that Johnston could have
done better, even if he had followed up more quickly
Carlin's retiring men.
There was so much more woodland than open
ground in the vicinity of Bentonville and so much
marshy or spongy soil that quick maneuvering was
impossible. Leading my force, I approached Benton
viUe, threw a brigade and battery toward Cox's bridge
to save it, and kept back any enemy coming from that
quarter. The bridge was burned upon our approach.
We had similar experience to Slocum with detach
ments of the Confederate cavalry becoming more and
more stubborn as we advanced.
A little nearer the village we struck a crossroad
where there was a Confederate outpost held by infan
try in the edge of a wood. This caused the deploy
ment of a part of Woods's division, which was on the
lead. The point was soon cleared, though a strong
Confederate skirmish line well reenforced kept us and
Slocum (or I should say Hazen) back; that was Ha
zen's position after Slocum had closed up upon John
ston's new works. The Confederate resistance was so
great that it took me until three o'clock in the after
noon to make close connections. During the remain
der of the day some artillery firing occurred and con
tinuous skirmishing, but there was no real battle while
I was bringing my troops into position.
Thus I had Logan occupy the portion of the front
next to Slocum and Blair deploy his division on the
right, farther along. In this way we embraced the
works of the Confederates. One of the officers of my
staff visited Slocum himself as soon as we were in
148

The Battle of Bentonville
position. He asked him how he thought the battle
of the day before had ended. Slocum replied : " We
whipped them."
The country in the vicinity of this battlefield was
of such a nature that we could not draw artillery over
it. It seemed to be dry on the surface, but very wa
tery and miry just below ; so that the battle was fought
mostly by infantry.
That morning of March 21st, bright and early, I was
up and had a place for a good view of my troops.
Sherman's men were in position from right to left in
the following order: Seventeenth Corps, Fifteenth,
Fourteenth, and Twentieth, with proper reserves cov
ering each flank. Kilpatrick's cavalry was placed at
the extreme left. On our right our movements com
menced by a reconnoissance made by the Seventeenth
Corps — ]\lower having with two brigades to feel for
the enemy's left flank. He had to work his way
through a swampy area covered with thick underbrush
and wood. In his eagerness Mower pushed a little
too far to the north, and so with his two brigades be
came detached from his corps. He struck, evidently,
beyond the enemy's left flank, possibly coming upon
the rear guard, which he at first drove before him.
The Confederates, seeing what was upon them, im
mediately organized an attack, and struck Mower's
front and flanks. He was forced to withdraw, and
Hampton intimates that that withdrawal was in great
haste, in fact, a complete repulse. Hampton was
right; but as soon as I knew from his appeal that
Mower was driven back, I ordered Blair to support
him with his whole corps, if necessary, and Logan to
advance and seize the skirmish rifle pits all along his
front. 149

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
This was done, but just as Mower under a hot
fire was leading a connected column again to the
same Confederate flank or rear, Sherman ordered
him back. The general also called off Blair's en
tire command — an order that by some accident did
not get to me at all till I met Blair and began call
ing him to account for the -withdrawal of his men.
Blair answered : " The withdrawal is by Sherman's
order ! "
Sherman did this deliberately, and gave his rea
sons for it. One was that he thought that Mower had
been a little rash; another, that he thought Johnston
had a larger command than he really did have; and
another, which was probably the goveming one at
that time, that there had been enough bloodshed al
ready, and that Johnston would surely retreat north
ward and leave us to go and complete our connec
tion at Goldsboro and establish our new base of
supplies. None of these reasons satisfied me at the time, but
events were already ripening which very soon made
me glad that this last battle had not been pushed to
an extremity. The night of March 21st Johnston saw his line
of retreat toward the north still open, and, having
done his best, he could reap no further fruits from his
enterprise, so he carefully withdrew.
Sherman's table of losses at Bentonville was :
Officers. Men.
Killed  11 180
Wounded  12 1,105
Missing  296
Total  23 1,581
Aggregate loss  1,604
150

The Battle of Bentonville
Johnston's corresponding statement was:
Date. Killed. Wounded. Missing.
On the 19th  180 1,220 515
On the 20th  6 90 31
On the 21st  37 157 107
Total  223 1,467 653
Aggregate loss  2,343
Sherman gave this summary: " Wide discrepan
cies exist in these figures. For instance, Slocum ac
counts for 338 prisoners captured, and Howard for
1,287, making 1,625 in aU to Johnston's 653, a differ
ence of 872. I have always accorded to Johnston due
credit for boldness in his attack on our exposed flank
at Bentonville, but I think that he understated his
strength, and doubt at the time whether he gave ac
curate returns from his miscellaneous army, collected
from Hood, Bragg, Hardee, Lee, and Hampton. With
this knowledge now possessed of his small force, of
course I committed an error in not overwhelming
Johnston's army on March 21, 1865."
Hardee is presented as particularly gallant in all
of the later charges of the battle of Bentonville, at one
time leading his men in person straight over one of
Slocum's barricades. When Hardee was comman
dant of cadets at West Point, I was one of the officers
associated with him and was very intimate with his
family. He had but one son, and in my spare mo
ments, at the request of his father, who was always my
personal friend, I tutored him while at West Point.
Willie was scarcely sixteen when he joined a regiment
of Texas cavalry only a few hours before the battle
of Bentonville commenced. He was among the fore
most and during one of the charges was struck and
151

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
mortally wounded. General S. D. Lee, my classmate,
first succeeded in getting the news to me.
A little later from Raleigh I wrote home: " Gen
eral Hardee stayed here, just before we entered, with
his wife and Miss Anna, his daughter. Miss Anna
wrote me this morning from HiUsboro. She says that
Willie was mortaUy wounded at the battle of Benton
viUe. He died at the house of a Mr. Kirkland in Ra
leigh, and she besought me for protection for her
Kirkland friends, recalling old times."
It was always a pleasure to me to do anything to
soften the asperities of war, so that I was glad to be
asked for such a favor which I readily granted.
On our part, the evening of March 21st, we had re
pelled many fierce charges of the Confederates, striv
ing to retake their skirmish rifle pits which we had
seized. This work was not intermitted until dark.
Our cannon, however, continued to fire its projectiles
from time to time during the whole night, lodging them
somewhere in Johnston's lines. At dawn, finding our
front clear of adversaries, we took up the pursuit, ran
upon their rear guard, and skirmished with it for
more than a mile along the Smithfield road, but mean
while every Union command was making preparation
to continue our way to Goldsboro. We entered that city
Friday, March 24th, having spanned the distance from
Bentonville in two marches. Schofield was already
there. The next day after our arrival our wagons
that had been previously sent to Kinston came back
with supplies of food. Sherman reviewed his troops.
As my two corps marched past him our men were evi
dently in the best of health and full of vigor, but they
were actually in rags and almost shoeless. It indi
cates the energy of our supply department to say that
152

The Battle of Bentonville
within ten days every man was properly refitted, so
that my wing, at least, then bore the appearance of
a new army.
The rest at Goldsboro was very acceptable to the
army after its prolonged labors, perils, and privations.
Our cavalry and pickets were thrown out in every di
rection. The railroad southward, owing to the energy
of the railroad department, was quickly in shape, and
brought up abundant supplies. We remained quiet
for eleven days. On the twelfth day, April 4th, Sher
man, who had gone to City Point and had his inter
view there with the President, the general in chief and
others, and been made happy by abundant personal
congratulations, had already returned to us in fine
spirits. The next day, the 5th, he stirred up his army
commanders and the chiefs of staff departments by a
confidential order, which itself showed plainly that he
and Grant had put their heads together for new work.
Monday, April lOtli, was designated for the end of
the preparation, and we were speedily stripping and
preparing for a new base. We were to thrust our
selves, if possible, between Joe Johnston, now west
of the Neuse, and General Lee. Our new base was to
be along the Chowan River, with depots at such places
as Winton and Murfreesboro, N. C. Our first objec
tives of any importance were Warrenton and Weldon,
N. C, with a view to the prompt crossing of the
Roanoke. Sherman carefully laid out the routes for each
army, the left wing, substantially, to go by the railway
toward Raleigh to Smithfield, thence to the crossing
of the Neuse, the northern branch, and thence on to
Warrenton ; the right wing for a time along the Wel
don road as far as Nahunta, and thence leftward to
153

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Pearce's Mill, and so northward to Warrenton. Scho
field's army was to take a central route, passing by
Whitley's Mill, and on to Rolesville, and thence to
Warrenton; while Kilpatrick's cavalry, preceding my
column, was to clear the way, watch the right flank,
and get to Weldon as soon as practicable.
The instant we had passed the Roanoke arrange
ments were made with supply vessels and with Ad
miral Porter of the navy, to change our depots from
New Berne and Kinston to Winton and Murfreesboro.
Sherman promised to be habitually with the center col
umn. He demanded a report each night from all of us
as to " whether anything material had occurred dur
ing the day."
We were filled with animation, and hastily putting
things to rights, when, sometime during the day of
April 6th, news reached us which changed the whole
programme. The news was : General Robert E. Lee's
troops of North Virginia were rushing with no little
disorder for Danville, and Grant's army was doing its
best to head them off. It was evident that no effort
of ours could now prevent a junction of Lee and John
ston, should Lee succeed in escaping from Grant; so
Sherman at once changed his programme. He now
ordered a general movement upon Raleigh.
April 12th from his headquarters at Smithfield
which Johnston had evacuated before we came, Sher
man sent us these cheering words : " The general com
manding announces to the army that he has an offi
cial notice from General Grant that General Lee
surrendered to him his entire army on the 9th inst., at
Appomattox Court House, Va. Glory to God and our
country, and all honor to our comrades in arms toward
whom we are marching ! " 154

The Battle of Bentonville
The next day, the 13th, gave us possession of
Raleigh, and our general in chief on the 14th, having
his troops well up, for they all marched briskly, issued
a new set of orders.
Sherman, in these, located Johnston on the North
Carolina Railroad at what was called " Company
Shops," near the crossing of the Haw River. He or
dered a movement straight to Ashboro which, being
southward and beyond, would turn Johnston's position
and force him to battle, should he remain where he
was. Events were following each other rapidly.
That day Johnston sent in a flag of truce, and ad
dressed to Sherman a communication which spoke of
Lee's action and invited a suspension of operations.
Sherman instantly replied in a favorable communica
tion, intimating that he had power to make such ar
rangements with Johnston as Grant had made with
Lee. It took till evening of the 16th to complete the pre
liminaries for the interview between Sherman and
Johnston. Early April 17th, Sherman, with the offi
cers who were to accompany him, was at the railroad
station, and just about boarding a train for Durham
Station, when the telegraph operator ran to him and
asked him to delay starting, for he was receiving a
most important message, one coming by the way of
Morehead City. It was in cipher, and of course it
took some little time to translate.
This contained the fearful news of the assassi
nation of President Lincoln and of the attempts, so
nearly successful, to kUl Mr. Seward and other mem
bers of the Cabinet. Sherman was greatly startled.
Finding that no one but the operator knew the purport
of the message, he resolved to delay its announcement
155

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
to the army, for he greatly feared the immediate re
sult of the publication ; so, cautioning the operator not
to give it out, he stepped aboard the train and went
to fill his engagement.
Sherman and Johnston met between the lines at the
farmhouse of Mr. Bennett. Separating from their
staffs, the two generals passed into a side room, and as
soon as they were there face to face, Sherman showed
Johnston the telegraphic message from Washington.
The effect upon Johnston was very marked. Sherman
says : " The perspiration came out in great drops on
his forehead, and he did not attempt to hide his dis
tress." The interview was only a preliminary one, but both
officers much desired to enter into some more general
arrangement than a simple capitulation. Sherman
explained Grant's terms and what he believed to have
been Mr. Lincoln's wishes, gathered from his late in
terview, with regard to a general settlement for a peace
establishment. Johnston asked for time to communi
cate with those whom he represented. Here ended
the first interview, and the parties returned to their
respective commands. Sherman immediately came
back to Raleigh where I had remained in command.
The sad news was first given by him, en route, to
some of Kilpatrick's men at Durham Station, and next
to the Fifteenth Corps near Morrisville and Jones's
Station, then to me. Promptly after reaching his
headquarters, Sherman published the news. There
is one clause which I will repeat : " Your general does
not wish you to infer that this (the disposition to use
the assassin's tools) is universal, for he knows that the
great mass of the Confederate army would scorn to
sanction such acts, but he believes it to be the
156

The Battle of Bentonville
legitimate consequence of rebellion against rightful
authority." The effect upon our soldiers was different from
what had been anticipated, for their sorrow seemed
to overwhelm them for a time, and there was little
thought of revenge. The instinctive feeling was quite
imiversal that the war was substantially over and that
the work of assassination was but the act of a few
madmen. The next day, April 18th, Sherman took with him
not only his personal staff, but Blair and myself. He
left us all at Durham Station, except the officers whom
he took the day before. It was at this interview that
the first terms were drawn up. Speaking of the paper
that contained them, Sherman says : " I wrote it my
self, and announced it as the best I could do, and they
(Johnston and his advisers) readily assented."
These were explicit and general terms which were
signed by Sherman and Johnston and forwarded for
the approval or disapproval of the Executive. The
clause which recognized the State Governments, whose
legitimacy was to be determined by the Supreme
Court, together with the other paragraph, which de
fined political rights and franchises, was what caused
such a furor of opposition from Washington.
The whole agreement was disapproved by Presi
dent Johnson, and Grant was ordered " to resume
hostilities at the earliest moment " ; and, further, Grant
was instructed to proceed to Sherman's headquar
ters " and direct opposition against the enemy."
Grant came. His -visit was a memorable one. His
close friendship for Sherman prevented anything that
might have been unfavorable to a speedy peace, and
allayed all asperities; but he could not remove the
157

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
deep chagrin Sherman felt, not that his terms had
been disapproved, for that was discretionary with the
President, but because he had been so publicly and
cruelly denounced by the War Department.
Grant sent Sherman again to meet Johnston. They
met April 26th and agreed upon a new set of terms
putting Johnston's army, officers and men upon their
parole to fight no more, and permitting them to return
to their homes. As soon as Sherman came back to
Raleigh, Grant read the memorandum of agreement
carefully, put his approval upon it, and leaving us
the next day, took the same to Washington. On that
day, April 26th, Halleck sent a dispatch to the Secre
tary of War, showing that troops had been sent from
the Army of the Potomac into Sherman's vicinity.
This singular clause occurs concerning a suspension of
orders for the advancement of the Sixth Corps, made
consequent upon Sherman's last agreement : " I have
telegraphed back to obey no orders of Sherman, but
to push forward as rapidly as possible."
Not only this, but Halleck asked the War Depart
ment for orders to General James H. Wilson, com
manding cavalry, and then hurrying on southward, " to
obey no orders from Sherman ! " In the light of these
dispatches, it is no wonder that Sherman, having three
armies at his disposal, and not even relieved from
duty, felt more deeply than can be described the insult
so conveyed. Sherman's own words as to the state of
his feelings are pertinent : " I was outraged beyond
measure, and was resolved to resent the insult, cost
what it might ! "
On the morning of April 26th I wrote a letter to my
home : " Sherman's terms were not approved at Wash
ington. I go with him to meet Johnston to-day, and
158

The Battle of Bentonville
expect other terms will be arranged. Grant came back
with Major Hitchcock (Sherman's messenger to Wash
ington), was present at my review of the Seven
teenth Corps day before yesterday, and yesterday
he visited and rode among the camps of my Fif
teenth Corps. The men received him with great en
thusiasm. I cannot get over the effects of the death
of Mr. Lincoln. Even the people here believe that
they have passed into severer hands, and have a sort
of appreciation of the fact that they have lost a friend
and not an enemy."
April 29th I wrote again on the eve of our depar
ture from Raleigh :
I am just starting -with my army northward, and expect to
reach Petersburg by the 12th of next month. Since I have
been here in Raleigh, I have been entertained by Mr. and Mrs.
R. S. Tucker, people young like you and me. I have been
treated -with marked cordiality, and have acquired a great
friendship for them. There is no more war ! I am deeply sorry
for the abuse Sherman is getting at the hands of the press.
He meant right, and the reasons for offering generous terms were
not rightly set forth by the press. How easy it is to impute
wrong motives.
We spanned the distance to Richmond in nine days, making
an average by the route we followed through Petersburg from
20 to 25 miles a day. The soldiers generally were so eager to
get to the places of muster-out in order to return to their homes
that they did not complain now of long marches.

159

PART III— RECONSTRUCTION
COMMISSIONER OF THE FREEDMEN'S BUREAU;
FOUNDING HOWARD UNIVERSITY

CHAPTER XLVI
NEGRO CONDITIONS DURING THE CIVIL WAR
r)EFORE the beginning of the summer of 1865 the
¦'-' Civil War had been brought to a close. The
Union volunteers were soon thereafter mustered out of
the military service ; and, carrying with them as tokens
of honor their certificates of discharge, proud of their
achievements, and full of hope for a happy and pros
perous future, they joyfully sought their widely scat
tered homes.
The Confederate soldiers who had confronted them
for four long years, from Generals Lee and Johnston
to the humblest privates in the ranks, were treated
with delicacy and kindness by our officers. After their
surrender, however disappointed they might be at the
result of the conflict, they were, nevertheless, not with
out spirit and hope. So, enjoying an American's con
fidence in his ability to get on in the world and pro
tected by Grant's generous parole, they returned to
their Southern households. They found their farms
stripped, their plantations overgrown with weeds,
their cotton destroyed, and their laborers disbanded.
Business in cities and villages was at a standstill, and
their late Confederate currency absolutely without
value. The prospect at the best was dark. Still,
these men had Anglo-Saxon courage, and with few ex
ceptions did not succumb to the appalling difficulties
of their situation, but promptly went to work to gain
163

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
a living for themselves and for those who were depend
ent on them for support.
These ex-Confederate soldiers were, however, but
a small part of the entire population of the Southern
States. Four millions of negro slaves, who had been
hitherto bound to labor in both the cotton and border
States, had been set free : First, by the successive oper
ations of the great war; second, by the proclamation
of the President ; and third, indirectly, from the effects
of statute and constitutional law. Generally these
mUlions had left their places of work and abode and
had become indeed nomadic, wandering wherever want
drove or untutored inclination enticed them. They
had drifted into nooks and corners like debris into
sloughs and eddies; and were very soon to be found
in varied, ill-conditioned masses, all the way from
Maryland to Mexico, and from the Gulf to the Ohio
River. An awful calamitous breaking-up of a thor
oughly organized society; dark desolation lay in its
wake. It was not the negroes alone who were so thor
oughly shaken up and driven hither and thither by the
storms of war. Those named in the South the " poor
whites," especially of the mountain regions of Georgia,
Tennessee, North and South Carolina, were included.
These had all along been greatly divided in their
allegiance — some for the Union, and some for the Con
federacy. Family and neighborhood feuds, always
indigenous and contagious there, naturally took on
new fire during the war and its resulting conflicts, so
that these people were sooner or later scattered to the
four winds. To these two classes, negroes and whites,
were usually given the names of freedmen and
refugees. 164

Negro Conditions Dui'ing the Civil War
To arrive at a clearer view of the actual condition
of Southern neighborhoods, hamlets, villages, and cit
ies during and at the close of our internecine strife,
here follow a few brief sketches of these indigent
classes as they came under my own observation during
and after the war.
As early as 1861 there were several significant il
lustrations of the approaching problems. For example,
after the first battle of Bull Run my headquarters and
staff belongings as a brigade commander were at a
farmhouse, three miles westward from Alexandria,
Va. One day a woman, tall, straight, healthful, and
active presented herself at the picket guard bear
ing on her arm a lad of some two years. The child
had a darker hue than the mother, and his kinky hair,
cut short, enveloped his round head with its woolly
dress. This woman and child were brought to me by
the officer of the outpost. Seeing that the woman was
terrified, I endeavored to reassure her of her safety.
" What do you wish? " I asked.
" Sir, I'm a slave woman, and this here's my child.
Let me and my child go free ! "
While I was listening to the woman's plaint and
entreaty, a sallow-complexioned, poorly clad white
woman of middle age was ushered in. Addressing me
in a shrill voice she said at once :
" That there woman is my slave. I have always
treated her well, and here she is. She has run off.
Now, sir, you must 'send her back to me, for she is
mine. She and the boy, they're my property."
It will be remembered that at first the Government
proposed to itself to overcome the armies in rebellion,
and save the Union as it was, without touching slavery
at all. This course appeared to be necessary, in view
165

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
of the fact that the border States were in their major
ity loyal to the Union. As many of the friends of
the Union in those States had slaves, it was indeed
difficult to deal with the question of servitude. Public
opinion, it is true, was changing from day to day, but
the friends of freedom were obliged to wait yet many
days to realize much of what they had been so long
hoping, praying, and stri-ving for.
On this occasion, commanding an outpost, I found
myself under most stringent orders not to harbor any
slave property. In face of this actuality I was greatly
puzzled with the case before me. The white woman,
seeing my embarrassment, became more and more ex
cited, and soon began to use abusive language, directed
partially to me, but mainly to her slave.
The woman kept pressing her child to her breast
and with her large eyes filled with tears continued to
look toward me, repeating : " Oh ! my child, my child ! "
At last, of course, I was obliged to decide the case.
So turning to the impatient white woman, I said :
" There's your property, take it ! "
She promptly answered: " But I can't take it.
She's stronger than I! You must give me a guard."
My heart rebelled against using military force for
such a purpose, and so I answered:
" No, no, I will not give you a guard. I will never
use bayonets to drive a poor girl and child into
bondage." I had reluctantly complied with the letter of the
law and fancied that to be enough. Somehow that
night, without my knowledge, the slave woman and her
child found their way eastward to Alexandria and
thence to Washington — thus she and her child became
free. Two citizens from Maine, who were unqualified
166

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
abolitionists, were that same day with me for a short
time. They condemned my apparent hesitancy in
strong terms. " You should pay no attention what
ever to such uncalled-for orders," they said.
After that I was hopeful that I should have no
more slave cases to deal with. But soon after this,
there was led in a large, dark fellow, with the thickest
of lips and the broadest of noses, whose utterance was
hard for one uninitiated to understand.
" How did you get past the picket? " I asked.
" I thorounded um, thir."
He, too, found the Potomac and freedom. A man
who could surround a picket was smart enough to
reach and pass Mason and Dixon's line.
There were other commanders on our front lines
in the East and the West who more fully carried out
their instructions ; so that, for a time, hundreds of es
caping slaves who had come in, full of the hope of free
dom, were caught as in a net and given up to men and
women who visited the camps and laid claim to them ;
such visitors were permitted to carry their servants
back to bondage, and sometimes soldiers were sent to
escort the fugitives on their return.
All the armies of the Union were then in a great
ferment on this subject. General H. W. Halleck, in
the West, prohibited the slaves from " entering the
lines of any camp or any column on the march." Gen
eral Thomas Williams in the far South at Baton Rouge
gave equally decisive instructions; but on the other
hand General John C. Fremont, in Missouri, August
31, 1861, attempted by public orders to confiscate the
property of all citizens in rebellion and establish the
freedom of their slaves.
As this action was in advance of President and
167

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Congress on both subjects, that of confiscation and
emancipation, Mr. Lincoln was obliged to modify Fre
mont's premature proclamation. This he did clearly
and cautiously by an executive order prepared and
issued by himself.
Again, General J. W. Phelps, at Ship Island, in the
winter of 1861 and 1862 issued an emancipation pro
nunciamento, which brought upon him severe news
paper and other censure. General David Hunter,
later, May 9, 1862, from Hilton Head, declared in or
ders for the States of Georgia, Florida, and South
Carolina : " That persons heretofore held as slaves are
therefore declared forever free."
The " therefore " was based on what appeared to
him a self-evident proposition: " Slavery and martial
law in a free country were altogether incompatible."
After Hunter's action. President Lincoln again,
with evident sorrow, interfered, declaring, in substance,
that whether or not it was proper for the Chief Exec
utive to emancipate slaves, that action was at least
reserved to himself, an action " which he could not
feel justified in leaving to commanders in the field."
Thus General Hunter was reprimanded. Still, by
these antislavery officers and many others on our ex
tended lines, the escaping slaves were never returned
to bondage, and when within our lines were treated
humanely. General B. F. Butler's shrewd experiments at Fort
Monroe and Hampton greatly helped the whole observ
ing army. A Confederate officer, Colonel Charles
Mallory, sent an agent from Norfolk to Butler for the
purpose of recovering three escaped slaves. Butler
refused to give them up. In the interview, May 23,
1861, he said to the agent :
168

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
"The question is simply whether they shall be used for or
against the Government of the United States. I shall hold
these negroes as contraband of war."
After that action the slaves northward bound who
crossed our lines, were denominated " contrabands."
They were in many places organized into camps and
the able-bodied employed in army work. Our armies,
made up mostly of volunteers, could not help at any
time being participants, more or less pronounced, in
the controversies that appeared in the press and the
country. Some proslavery officers on various occa
sions denounced Mr. Lincoln, applying to him all sorts
of epithets as, " mountebank," " old ape," and " a
consummate tyrant."
Extreme abolitionists also impugned his conduct
with equal violence on account o'f his apparent hesi
tation and slowness. While General Geo. B. McClel
lan annoyed him by public promises " to suppress all
servile insurrection by force," and General Don Carlos
Buel, in Kentucky, continued to allow slave holders to
come within his lines and recover their property, and
General Halleck, in Missouri, forbade slaves to enter
the lines; other commanders, especially in the West,
grew wiser, and before long maintained a sounder war
doctrine, viz. ; " God means us to free all the slaves.
We will not succeed in putting down the rebellion till
we set every slave free." It was not a brazen attempt
to interpret the divine will, but, somehow, a settled
conviction of such men's souls.
Touching slaves and slave property, before long
the Eastern, the Middle and the Western armies with
little reasoning or open discussion caught the fire of
vigorous and unsparing war measures. True, under
169

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
such orders, some .slaves for a while were refettered
after they had come within the Union lines, but in time
press and people, officers and soldiers, with meager
exceptions were united and with one voice said : " The
slaves of men in arms against the Government shall
be forever free."
General Butler in a letter to Simon Cameron, then
Secretary of War, dated July 20, 1861, showed that he
was in the advance. In this letter he afforded glimpses
into camps and workshops where the implements
of emancipation were being forged. These glimpses,
next to those of the premature bivouac of John Brown,
were the most fruitful sources yet put forth of agita
tion north and south, and later became the cause of
remedial legislation.
It appears that several regiments, by a sudden call
of service, were taken away from Butler's command.
In consequence, the general's outlying troops had to
be called in toward Fort Monroe, and the village of
Hampton abandoned. With evident feeling he wrote
that in tbat viUage there were large numbers of ne
groes, composed in a great measure of men, women, and
children who had fled within his lines for protection;
they bad escaped from marauding parties of Confeder
ates who had been gathering up able-bodied blacks to
aid them in constructing their batteries. He had em
ployed the men in Hampton in throwing up intrencb
ments, and they were working zealously and efficiently
at that duty, saving his soldiers from that labor under
the midday sun. The women were earning substan
tially their o'wn subsistence in washing, marketing,
and taking care of the clothes of the soldiers; and
rations for the support of the children were being
served out to the men who worked. But by the evacu-
170

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
ation of Hampton all these black people were obliged
to break up their homes and flee across the creek within
his new lines for safety and support. He described
it as a most distressing sight to see these poor crea
tures who had trusted to the arms of the United States,
and who had aided the troops, thus obliged to flee
from their houses, and the homes of their masters
who had early deserted them. They had become fu
gitives from fear of the return of the Confederate
soldiery who had threatened to shoot the men who had
wrought for us, and to carry off the women again into
bondage. General Butler further argues : " When I adopted
the theory of treating the able-bodied negro, fit to
work in the trenches, as property liable to be used in
the aid of the rebellion and so contraband of war, that
condition of things was so far met, as I then believed
and still believe, on a legal and constitutional basis.
But now, several new questions arise. Passing by
women, the children certainly cannot be treated on
that basis; if property they must be considered the
incumbrance rather than fhe auxiliary of an army,
and of course in no possible legal relation could be
treated as contraband. Are they property? If they
were so they have been left by their masters and
owners, deserted, thrown away, abandoned like the
wrecked vessel upon the ocean." He draws this con
clusion: " I confess that my own mind is compelled
by this reasoning to look upon them as men and
women. My duty as a humane man is very plain. I
should take the same care of these men, women, and
chUdren — houseless, homeless, and unprovided for — as
I would for the same number of men, women, and chil
dren, who, for their attachment to the Union, have
171

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
been driven or allowed to flee from the Confederate
States." Butler would have had no doubt on this question
had he not seen an order issued by General Irvin Mc
Dowell substantially forbidding all fugitive slaves
from coming within his lines or being harbored there.
If left to his own discretion he would have taken a
widely different course from that which McDowell's
order indicated. In a loyal State he would put down
a servile insurrection. In a State in rebellion he would
confiscate that which was used to oppose our arms,
and take all that property which constituted the wealth
of that State, and furnished tbe means by which the
war was prosecuted, besides being the cause of the
war; and if, in so doing, it should be objected that
human beings were brought to the free enjoyment of
life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness, such ob
jection would not require much consideration.
Our President and Congress diligently studied all
the phenomena, noticed the gradual clearing of the
skies, and in some fitting manner, by proclamations
and by timely acts of legislation, helped to drive away
the remaining mists from men's minds and hearts.
An Act of Congress, approved March 13, 1862,
created a new Article of War. It prohibited all per
sons in the military service from employing the forces
under their command to return slaves to claiming own
ers and provided trial by court-martial and the pen
alty of dismissal for its violation. This was a legal
step that the friends of freedom hailed with no little
satisfaction. Thus legislation after a germinating period had
emphasized and enforced the better view, and all com
manders had been gradually brought to treat as f reed-
172

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
men the escaping slaves. But from the beginning
there continued to exist a chaotic condition of society
where the masters and their immediate families were
escaping in one direction and the great bulk of their
slaves in another.
As the war further progressed the number of fu
gitives continually increased till all the woes of desti
tution and confusion came on like a great freshet, the
springs and rivulets were full and swift, the rivers
high and angry with overflows, and the gulfs and bays
into which they entered, though more quiet, were
deeply moved, casting up mire and dirt from the
very bottom. The surging masses of poverty-stricken
people flowed into the larger cities, and idleness and
viciousness infected them. All the border States were
in great trouble because slave property was becom
ing of little value anywhere. Border loyalty became
shaken when thousands of dollars' worth of human
chattels disappeared in a night. For a time, as we
have seen, a few commanders had returned their slaves
to loyal owners. Early in 1862 an officer operating
in Missouri, commanding an Iowa regiment, brought
to his camp several fugitives through whom he had
obtained valuable information. He asked for their
freedom. But the owner came for them. The Iowa
officer denied him and allowed the slaves to escape.
In consequence the department commander, General
Halleck, sent a detachment in pursuit of the negroes.
They were overtaken; one of them was shot and the
others returned to the owner; at the same time the
Iowa officer was placed under arrest.
This sharp action caused the matter to be speedily
brought to Congress. In the midst of the discussion
which followed the introduction of a Bill of Relief into
173

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Congress, in itself the excitant of advancing thought,
many a representative made a record which to-day
seems incredible. For example, one member said:
" Must the Northern fanatics be sated with negroes,
taxes, and blood, with division North, devastation
South, and peril to constitutional liberty everywhere,
before relief shall come? They will not halt until
their darling schemes are consummated."
Another, more proslavery still, cried out in de
spair : " Sir, pass these acts, confiscate under these
bills the property of these men, emancipate their ne
groes, place arms in the hands of these human gorillas
to murder their masters and violate their wives and
daughters, and you will have a war such as was never
witnessed in the worst days of the French Revolution,
and horrors never exceeded in San Domingo, for the
balance of the century, at least."
These dreadful prophecies were never fulfilled.
The famous Confiscation Act was approved July 17,
1862. Besides provision for the emancipation of
slaves and confiscation of other property in any dis
trict in insurrection, the President, at his discretion,
was authorized to use negroes in such manner as he
should judge best for the public welfare in the sup
pression of the rebeUion. Under this legislation
numerous colonies were organized along the southern
coast. ^Vhen the extreme destitution of the negroes at
Hampton, Va., and vicinity became known in the
North, Lewis Tappan, Esq., Treasurer of the American
Missionary Association, wrote August 3, 1861, to Gen
eral Butler suggesting the removal of the destitute
negroes to the North. The general replied to him,
August 10th, tbat it was better for them to remain
174

Negro Conditions Dui-ing the Civil War
South, but that the help of his Association would be
most welcome. Obeying his call, the Rev. L. C. Lock-
wood was sent. He reached Fort Monroe September
3d and immediately called on General John E. Wool,
who had, August 7th, superseded General Butler as
department commander. In the evening, while con
versing on the piazza of the hotel, he heard music, and
following the sound found a number of colored people
assembled for prayer. They hailed his coming as an
answer to their prayers and an assurance that the
good Lord had opened His arms to bless them.
The first Association day school was opened by this
agent September 17th. It was held in a small house,
near the female seminary building, which, after the
war, became the Hampton Home for Volunteer Sol
diers. The first teacher was Mrs. Mary S. Peak, a
well-educated free woman of color.
With a view to bettering the condition of these
people, after a careful investigation by a commission
of which Colonel LeGrand B. Cannon was a member,
and by whose personal efforts the approval of the Sec
retary of War was obtained, General Wool issued
a general order, March 18, 1862, appointing Mr.
Charles B. Wilder Superintendent of Negroes, and
providing that all wages earned by persons of Afri
can blood be paid to the laborers themselves for their
own use and support under such regulations as should
be devised by the superintendent. This was an ad
vance from the contraband, fed, clothed, and housed
for his labor, to the free wage-earner.
February 8, 1862, in North Carolina the battle of
Roanoke Island was fought; immediately after it
crowds of fugitives, most of them poor and ignorant
negroes, poured into camp. Very soon a prominent
175

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
member of the Christian Commission, Vincent Gol
yer, Esq., of New York was set at work to care for
these fugitives. He was designated in orders as
Superintendent of the Poor.
In the ensuing March after New Berne had been
captured, Colyer exercised the same functions there.
The foUowing was his method: He took a house for
himself and his helpers and made it the center and
store of active benevolence for his beneficiaries. For
the able-bodied he secured emploj-ment as carpenters,
blacksmiths, longshoremen, and laborers on military
works. Officers in command also received some ne
groes from him and used them as scouts, a few chosen
fugitives being dispatched to go beyond the lines and
return with information.
Evening schools were here opened for the freed
men. At New Berne alone nearly a thousand joyfully
accepted the privilege of attending, while willing sol
diers in most cases became their instructors. The
eagerness of the negro men, women, and chUdren for
knowledge of books was a remarkable fact, here
emphasized. Later Chaplain Horace James of the Twenty-fifth
Massachusetts Volunteers became Superintendent of
Negro Affairs for North Carolina, and other officers
were detaUed to assist him. These covered the ter
ritory graduaUy opened by the advance of our armies
in both Virginia and North Carolina. Becoming a
quartermaster with the rank of captain in 1864, he,
for upward of two years, superintended the poor,
both white and black in that region. He grouped the
fugitives in small villages, and diligently attended to
their industries and to their schools. Enlisted men
were his first teachers ; then followed the best of lady
176

Mrs. Eliza Otis Gilmore, Mother of General Ho-ward,
AND Granddaughter.

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
teachers from the North and success crowned his
efforts. In February, 1864, while there were about two thou
sand freed people in the villages outside of the New
Berne, North Carolina, intrencbments, an enterprising
Confederal general, George E. Pickett, with a division
of troops, attempted to retake that city. Concerning
his approach an eyewitness wrote that every man,
woman, and child from these negro camps came rush
ing wildly into town, and felt as keen a sense of dan
ger as if they had been actually returned by force to
their old masters. Negroes, to the number of nine
hundred, were then put into the trenches with the
white soldiers, and were highly complimented for their
uniformly brave conduct during the assault. The at
tempt of General Pickett failed, and the negro de
fenders received a due proportion of credit for the re
pulse. After this the several negro settlements, for
safety, had to be consolidated within the fortified
lines. Lots were now assigned and about eight hun
dred houses erected, which at one time sheltered some
three thousand escaped slaves.
Though such a village was not productive of the
best fruits in all respects, yet even there under the
thorough system of police instituted and the daily drill
of the men, the schools taught by excellent teachers
steadily increased in numbers and the freed people
improved rapidly in intelligence, in cleanliness, and
order. It was altogether a new life to the late slaves.
The capture by our na'vy of the forts at its mouth,
November 7, 1861, had brought into our possession
Port Royal Harbor, S. C. Such cotton as was found
on the islands tributary to this region was at once
taken possession of by treasury agents.
177

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
June 28, 1862, Brigadier General Rufus Saxton,
with headquarters at Beaufort, South Carolina, as
sumed the government and control of all places and
persons in the Department of the South which were
not embraced in the operations of General Quincy A.
Gillmore, commanding the department. General Sax
ton, as military governor, appointed three division
superintendents, each having charge of several of the
Sea Islands. Market houses were established at Hil
ton Head and Beaufort for the sale of the produce
from the plantations, and negroes put to work, the
larger settlements being on Port Royal Island and
near the town of Beaufort.
Colored men in that vicinity were soon enlisted as
soldiers and an effort was made to cause the laborers
left on each plantation, under plantation superintend
ents appointed for the purpose, to raise sufficient cot
ton and corn for their own support, rations being
given from the Commissary Department only when
necessary to prevent absolute starvation. These con
ditions with hardly an interruption continued until
the spring of 1865.
Grant's army in the West occupied Grand Junc
tion, Miss., by November, 1862. The usual irregular
host of slaves then swarmed in from the surrounding
eountry. They begged for protection against recap
ture, and they, of course, needed food, clothing, and
shelter. They could not now be reenslaved through
army aid, yet no provision had been made by anybody
for their sustenance. A few were employed as team
sters, servants, cooks, and pioneers. Yet it seemed as
if the vast majority must be left to freeze and starve;
for when the storms came with the winter months the
weather was of great severity. 178

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
General Grant, with his usual gentleness toward
the needy and his fertUity in expedients, introduced
at once a plan of relief. He selected a fitting super- '
intendent, John Eaton, Chaplain of the Twenty-sev
enth Ohio Volunteers, who soon was promoted to the
colonelcy of a colored regiment, and later for many
years was Commissioner of the U. S. Bureau of Edu-v,:
cation. He was then constituted Chief of Negro Af
fairs for the entire district under Grant's jurisdiction.
The plan which Grant conceived the new superintend
ent ably carried out. There were all around Grand
Junction, when our operations opened, large crops of
cotton and corn ungathered. It was determined to
harvest these, send them North for sale, and place
the receipts to the credit of the Government. The
army of fugitives, willingly going to work, produced
a lively scene. The children lent a hand in gathering
the corn and the cotton. The superintendent, confer
ring with the general himself, fixed upon fair wages
for this industry. Under simUar remuneration wood
cutters were set at work to supply with fuel numerous
Government steamers on the river. After inspection
of accounts, the money was paid for the labor by the
quartermaster, but never directly to the fugitives.
The superintendent, controlling this money, saw to it
first that the men, women, and children should have
sufficient clothing and food; then Colonel Eaton built
for them rough cabins and provided for their sick and
aged, managing to extend to them many unexpected
comforts. General Grant in his memoirs suggests
this as the first idea of a " Freedmen's Bureau." It
was, doubtless, a harbinger of that larger institution
which Congress subsequently provided for the wants
of the millions of the emancipated, but it was not the
179

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
first inception. There were other groups of fugi
tives quite as large and similarly cared for in the
East and South; yet Grant's enterprise afforded an
object lesson and had a sensible completeness from
the start.
WhUe in camp on the Rappahannock at Falmouth,
Va., I well remember the unusual excitement in our
army upon the receipt of the remarkable preliminary
proclamation of Mr. Lincoln, promulgated September
22, 1862. It was like Elisha's caU on Mt. Carmel:
" Choose ye tbis day whom ye will serve ! " Officers
and men did choose. The pregnant phrases of that
proclamation have a voice which still resounds pleas
antly in loyal ears : " That on the first day of Jan
uary, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hun
dred and .sixty-three, all persons held as slaves within
any State or designated part of a State, the people
whereof shall be in rebellion against the United States,
shall be -then, thenceforward and forever free." This
proclamation republished the new law which forbade
the return of slaves and also the Confiscation Act, in
tended to punish treason and rebellion by the seizure
of property and the freeing of slaves.
We were also further apprised at the same time
of an additional step that Mr. Lincoln would soon take
¦ — a step which made all men who were hostile to his
administration very angry. It was the formal avowal
of his purpose, in his next message, to suggest to Con
gress what he believed to be an equitable method of
the gradual abolishment of slavery altogether, not
only in the States in insurrection, but in the border
States which the friends of secession had failed to
carry out of the Union, and among many people who
had thus far cordiaUy maintained our cause. Ho-ff
180

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
this action of the President affected the proslavery
element in that portion of the army with which I
was connected may be illustrated by one or two oc
currences. During a temporary absence of General Darius N.
Couch, I was commanding the Second Corps near
Falmouth, Va. More incautious than scores of others,
a young officer of that corps was one day loudly
talking to his comrades against General Ambrose E.
Burnside, then commanding the Army of the Potomac,
and also against the President. The officer declared
that he would never fight in company with accursed
abolitionists. He was surrounded by other commis
sioned officers, including the surgeon and chaplain of
his regiment, and his soldiers were within hearing.
Two or three prominent civilians on a visit to the army
chanced to hear his pronounced offensive words, and
noticed the growing excitement in that neighborhood.
Coming straight to me, these gentlemen reported the
case and deplored the condition of the army which they
judged to be bad enough from this and other incidents
which had come under their observation. The charge
of uttering disloyal language was preferred and wit
nesses summoned. The offending officer was promptly
tried and sentenced to dismissal. For years after
wards he sought in vain to procure a reversal of that
sentence. In another regiment of that same corps for tender
ing his resignation in face of the enemy for the alleged
reason that this had become an abolition war, a lieu
tenant was similarly tried and cashiered. For this
prompt enforcement of discipline I was commended
by Mr. Stanton.
All outward demonstrations were thus nipped in
181

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
tbe bud, so that while other officers in the command
ground their teeth in vexation they wisely refrained
from insubordination and mutinous expressions.
Among our enlisted men there were not a few who
at one time held views simUar to the New York riot
ers of 1863. They hated a negro except as a slave,
and they kept alive in their circle of influence an under
current of malice more or less active.
Close by my headquarters the First Minnesota
Regiment of volunteers was stationed near a cluster
of trees not far from the Rappahannock. Its field
officers rejoiced in the possession of a number of good
horses. Among the refugees were several negro lads
who were employed to care for the horses, grooming
them, and riding daily to water and back to camp.
Among these was a mulatto of some eighteen years,
of handsome figure, pleasant face and manners, and
rather well dressed for the field. He appeared a little
proud, especially when mounted on his employer's
horse. One day, as he was riding as usual, a small
group of soldiers were heard cursing him. One of
them said distinctly that he should never ride and have
the speaker walk as long as there was good stuff in
his rifle. Little was thought of the man's threat at
the time, but soon after, as the lad was passing the
same point, sitting erect on bis blanketed horse, a shot
was fired, coming apparently from a group of soldiers
to his left and not far from him. The lad was desper
ately wounded in the shoulder and would have fallen
to the ground except for the help of a friendly neigh
bor. The Minnesota men carried him carefully to the
hospital, where he was kindly treated. Several officers
of the army -visited him. No harsh word ever fell
from his lips. He lingered a few days, and with ex-
182

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
pressions of forgiveness on his tongue and hope in his
face the lad died. The murderer could not be found.
His comrades covered him and his crime. The death
of this colored youth made a deep impression in our
camp. Evidently on account of his color he was slain.
Friendly voices murmured against the crime, and with
set teeth echoed the settled thought: " Slavery must
go." On January 1, 1863, Mr. Lincoln's promised proc
lamation was issued. It exceeded the preliminary one
in intrinsic force and immediate positive effect.
On the coast of South Carolina our officers, under
the Confiscation Act, had already enroUed large num
bers of able-bodied fugitives as soldiers. Near one
encampment were standing, scattered here and there,
immense live oaks. Their lateral branches often cov
ered a circuit of from seventy-five to a hundred feet,
and innumerable birds lived and sang among the rest
less leaves. Not far from Beaufort under the shade of
these magnificent trees the first tidings of the grand
proclamation were read to a regiment of negroes.
Their joy and enthusiasm were unbounded.
Even before the close of 1862 many thousands of
blacks of all ages, clad in rags, with no possessions
except the nondescript bundles of all sizes which the
adults carried on their backs, had come together
at Norfolk, Hampton, Alexandria, and Washington.
Sickness, want of food and shelter, sometimes result
ing in crime, appealed to the sympathies of every feel
ing heart. Landless, homeless, helpless families in
multitudes, including a proportion of wretched white
people, were flocking northward from Tennessee and
Kentucky, Arkansas and Missouri. They were, it is
true, for a time not only relieved by army rations,
183

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
spasmodically issued, but were met most kindly by
various volunteer societies of the North — societies
which gathered their means from churches and indi
viduals at home and abroad.
During the spring of 1863, many different groups
and crowds of freedmen and refugees, regular and ir
regular, were located near the long and broken line
of division between the armies of the North and
South, ranging from Maryland to the Kansas border
and along the coast from Norfolk, Va., to New
Orleans, La. They were similar in character and
condition to those already described. Their vir
tues, their vices, their poverty, their sicknesses, their
labors, their idleness, their excess of joy, and their ex
tremes of suffering were told to our home people by
every returning soldier or agent, or by the mission
aries who were soliciting the means of relief. Soon
in the North an extraordinary zeal for humanity, quite
universal, sprang up, and a Christian spirit which was
never before exceeded began to prevail. The result
was the organizing of numerous new bodies of asso
ciated workers, whose influence kept our country free
from the ills attending emancipation elsewhere; it
saved us from negro insurrection, anarchy, and bloody
massacre, with which the proslavery men and even
the conservative readers of history had threatened
the land.
The Secretary of the Treasury, Salmon P. Chase,
always anxious for successful emancipation, had had
brought to his attention early in 1862 the accumula
tions of the best cotton on abandoned sea-island plan
tations ; there was the opportunity to raise more ; and
the many slaves in the -vicinity practically set free and
imder governmental control, could be worked to advan-
184

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
tage. The cotton was to be collected by Treasury
agents and the freedmen benefited.
During the summer of 1864; Wm. Pitt Fessenden,
who had replaced Mr. Chase as Secretary of the Treas
ury, inaugurated a new plan for the freedmen and the
abandoned lands. He appointed and located super
vising special agents of his Department in different
portions of the South which were now free from Con
federate troops. These agents had charge of the
freedmen. Each was to form here and there settle
ments on abandoned estates, each denominated a
" Freedman's Home Colony," and situated in his own
district, and he must appoint a supervisor for such
colonies as he should establish. A number of such
colonies were formed. The supervisor provided build
ings, obtained work animals and implements of hus
bandry and other essential supplies; he kept a book
of record, which mentioned the former owner of the
land, the name, age, residence, and trade or occupa
tion of each colonist ; all births, deaths, and marriages ;
the coming and going of each employee, and other like
data. These agents and supervisors were sometimes
taken under military control by the local commander,
and sometimes operated independently.
Under this plan the freed people were classified for
fixed wages varying from $10 to $25 per month, ac
cording to the class, and whether male or female.
There was a complete and detailed system of employ
ment. Food and clothing were guaranteed at cost,
and all parties concerned were put under written con
tracts. For a time in some places this system worked
fairly well. It was a stepping-stone to independence.
The working people usually had in the super-visors
and treasury agents friendly counselors; and when
185

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
minor courts of any sort were established under them
for hearing complaints of fraud or oppression, these
officials reviewed the cases and their decisions were
final. These were rather short steps in the path of
progress! They were experiments.
From the time of the opening of New Orleans in
1862 till 1865, different systems of caring for the es
caped slaves and their families were tried in the South
west. Generals Butler and Banks, each in his turn
sought to provide for the thousands of destitute freed
men in medicines, rations, and clothing. Colonies
were soon formed and sent to abandoned plantations.
A sort of general poor farm was established and called
" the Home Colony." Mr. Thomas W. Conway, when
first put in charge of the whole region as " Superin
tendent of the Bureau of Free Labor," tried to impress
upon all freedmen who came under his charge in these
home colonies that they must work as hard as if
they were employed by contract on the plantation of
a private citizen. His avowed object, and indeed
that of every local superintendent, was to render
the freedmen self-supporting. One bright freedman
said : " I always kept master and me. Guess I can
keep me."
Two methods at first not much in advance of sla
very were used: one was to force the laborers to toil;
and the second, when wages were paid, to fix exact
rates for them by orders. Each colony from the first
had a superintendent, a physician, a clerk, and an in
structor in farming. The primary and Sunday schools
were not wanting, and churches were encouraged.
Early in 1863, General Lorenzo Thomas, the ad
jutant general of the army, was organizing colored
troops along the Mississippi River. After consulting
186

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
various Treasury agents and department commanders,
including General Grant, and having also the approval
of Mr. Lincoln, he issued from MiUiken's Bend, La.,
AprU 15th, a lengthy series of instructions cover
ing the territory bordering the Mississippi and includ
ing all the inhabitants.
He appointed three commissioners, Messrs. Field,
Shickle and Livermore, to lease plantations and care
for the employees. He adroitly encouraged private
enterprise instead of Government colonies ; but he
'fixed the wages of able-bodied men over fifteen years
of age at $7 per month, for able-bodied women $5
per month, for children from twelve to fifteen years,
half price. He laid a tax for revenue of $2 per 400
lbs. on cotton, and five cents per bushel on corn and
potatoes. This plan naturally did not work well, for the les
sees of plantations proved to be for the most part
adventurers and speculators. Of course such men
took advantage of the ignorant people. The commis
sioners themselves seem to have done more for the
lessees than for the laborers ; and in fact the wages
were from the beginning so fixed as to benefit and
enrich the employer. Two dollars per month was
stopped against each of the employed, ostensibly for
medical attendance, but to most plantations thus leased
no physician or medicine ever came, and there were
other attendant cruelties which avarice contrived.
On fifteen plantations leased by the negroes them
selves in this region there was a notable success ; and
also in a few instances among the others where human
ity and good sense reigned, the contracts were gener
ally carried out. Here the negroes were contented and
grateful and were able to lay by small gains. This
187

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
plantation arrangement along the Mississippi under
the commissioners as well as the management of nu
merous infirmary camps passed, about the close of 1863,
from the War to the Treasury Department. A new
commission or agency, with Mr. W. P. Mellen of the
Treasury at the head, established more careful and
complete regulations than those of General L. Thomas ;
this time it was done decidedly in the interest of the
laborers. Then came another change of jurisdiction. On
March 11, 1865, General Stephen A. Hurlbut at New"
Orleans assumed the charge of freedmen and labor
for the state of Louisiana. He based his orders on
the failure of the Secretary of the Treasury to recog
nize the regulations of that Secretary's own general
agent, Mr. Mellen. Mr. Thomas W. Conway was an
nounced as " Superintendent of Home Colonies," the
word having a larger extension than before. A reg
istry of plantations, hire and compensation of labor,
with a fair schedule of wages, penalties for idleness
and crime, time and perquisites of labor, the poll tax
of $2 per year, liens and security for work done, were
carefully provided for by General Hurlbut's specific
instructions. General Edward R. S. Canby, a little later, from
Mobile, Ala., issued similar orders, and Mr. Conway
was also placed over the freedmen's interests in his
vicinity. Thus the whole freedmen's management for
Alabama, Southern Mississippi, and Louisiana was
concentrated under Mr. Conway's control. He re
ported early in 1865 that there were about twenty col
ored regiments in Louisiana under pay and that they
could purchase every inch of confiscated and aban
doned land in the hands of the Government in that
188

Negro Conditions Dming the Civil War
State. All the soldiers desired to have the land on the
expiration of enlistment. One regiment had in hand
$50,000 for the purpose of buying five of the largest
plantations on the Mississippi. It was at the time
thought by many persons interested in the future of
the freedmen that the abandoned and confiscable lands
if used for them would afford a wholesome solution
to the negro problem.
On December 21, 1864, when the Confederate com
mander, General Wm. J. Hardee, withdrew his troops
from Savannah, Ga., and our forces thus finish
ing Sherman's march to the sea, in joyous triumph
came into the city, I saw plainly enough that the white
people were overwhelmed with a sense of their defeat
and helplessness. But it was the precise opposite
with the slave inhabitants. It was a day of manifest
joy, for wasn't it a visible answer to their long-con
tinued and importunate prayers? It was a positive
deliverance from bondage, the ushering in of the fruit
age of brighter hopes. Certainly so it all appeared
to these simple souls who met our columns of troops
at every point in crowds, and with arms akimbo danced
and sang their noisy welcome.
A few days after the triumphal entrance. Secre
tary of War Stanton came in person from Washington
to convey his grateful acknowledgment to General
Sherman and his army for their late achievements.
While at Savannah he examined into the condition of
the liberated negroes found in that city. He as
sembled twenty of those who were deemed their lead
ers. Among them were barbers, pilots, and sailors,
some ministers, and others who had been overseers on
cotton and rice plantations. Mr. Stanton and General
Sherman gave them a hearing. It would have been
189

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
wise if our statesmen could have received, digested,
and acted upon the answers these men gave to their
questions. Garrison Frazier was the chosen spokes
man. The first question referred to the interpretation
of Mr. Lincoln's proclamation. Frazier answered
that it provided that if the States concerned did not
lay do-wn their arms and submit to the laws of the
United States before January 1, 1863, all the slaves
would be free henceforth and forever.
When asked to define slavery and freedom, he said
that " Slavery is receiving by irresistible power the
work of another man, and not by his consent. Free
dom is taking us from under the yoke of bondage and
placing us where we can reap the fruit of our own
labor, and take care of ourselves, and assist the Gov
ernment tn maintaining our freedom."
In answer to a question as to where they would
rather live, whether scattered among the whites or in
colonies by themselves, he answered : " I would prefer
to live by ourselves, for there is a prejudice against
us in the South that it -will take years to get over, but
I do not know that I can answer for my brethren."
AU but one agreed with Frazier, and that one was a
Northern negro missionary.
Mr. Stanton's final question was occasioned by re
cently published statements that Sherman was un
friendly to the negroes. Question: " State what is the
feeling of the colored people toward General Sherman ;
and how far do they regard his sentiments and actions
as friendly to their rights and interests ? " The an
swer, though doubtless somewhat diplomatic, was an
able one:
" We looked upon General Sherman prior to his ar
rival as a man in the pro-vidence of God speciaUy set
190

Negro Conditions During the Civil War
apart to accomplish this work; and we unanimously
felt inexpressible gratitude to him, looking upon him
as a man who should be honored for the faithful per
formance of his duty. Some of us called upon him
immediately upon his arrival, and it is probable that
he did not meet the Secretary with more courtesy than
he did us. His conduct and deportment toward us
characterized him as a friend and a gentleman. We
have confidence in General Sherman, and think what
concerns us could not be in better hands. This is our
opinion now, from the short acquaintance and inter
view we have had."
As a result of this investigation and after consider
able meditation upon the perplexing problem as to
what to do with the growing masses of unemployed
negroes and their families, and after a full consulta
tion with Mr. Stanton, General Sherman issued his
Sea-Island Circular, January 16, 1865. In this paper
the islands from Charleston south, the abandoned rice
fields along the rivers for thirty miles back from the
sea, and the country bordering the St. Johns River,
Fla., were reserved for the settlement of the negroes
made free by the acts of war, and the proclamation
of the President.
General Rufus Saxton, already on the ground, was
appointed Inspector of Settlements and Plantations;
no other change was intended or desired in the settle
ments on Beaufort Island which had, for three years
been established.
The inspector was required to make proper allot
ments and give possessory titles and defend them till
Congress should confirm his actions. It was a bold
move. Thousands of negro families were distributed
under this circular, and the freed people regarded
191

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
themselves for more than six months as in permanent
possession of these abandoned lands.
The immediate effect was good. Idle masses were
sent from cities and villages and from the various
army columns to find relief and to set out upon a
course of thrifty industry which was hopeful and help
ful to their future.
There were plenty of friendly hands to give aid
where it was needed. Zealous, self-denying Christian
teachers followed up the distribution to inaugurate
primary schools. In one instance, on an island far
from any white settlement, three maiden ladies of
wealth who had come from New England started a
school with all the appliances of object teaching and
all the neatness of a Northern academy. Officers of
the army of high rank and their friends, and immi
grants with their wives and daughters from the North
ern States took an active interest in this humane work.
This part of the field came under my earliest personal
observation. Here I found fairly good schools in Jan
uary, 1865, and visited several of them.
At that time when with the advance of Sherman's
army I came to Beaufort, South Carolina, moving that
way to the North from Savannah, many plantations
near at hand and on the different sea islands, deserted
by their o-wners, had been sold by the United States
tax commissioners and tax titles given to white immi
grants from the North, to loyal white refugees, and to
promising freedmen. Numbers of farms so obtained
were occupied and under cultivation. One proprietor,
Mr. C. F. P. Bancroft, had bought in at public auc
tions, held on the sea islands in March, 1863, thir
teen plantations. He then employed 400 laborers, all
being old men, women, and children. The average
192

Negro Conditions Dui-ing the Civil War
earnings of each over and above his house rent, food
raised by himself, and his own crop of cotton were
$16.50 per month. This landholder, with $40,000 out
lay, received a net profit on his sea island cotton of
$81,000 in one year. He had maintained five schools
with an attendance of 300 scholars. He also had kept
in operation five stores wherein $20,000 worth of goods
such as housekeeping articles and necessary clothing
were disposed of at cost.
When our great army came more or less to dis
turb the peace and quiet of the settlements along the
coast everything was in a thriving condition. The
people were happy, the schools appreciated, and the
future hopeful. The tax titles to the abandoned
lands were better than those under the Confiscation
Act, or General Sherman's possessory tenures. These
tax titles, at a later day, afforded some restriction to
the merciless decisions and orders which swept over
all the estates and stripped the freedmen of what they
possessed.

193

CHAPTER XLVII
freedmen's Am societies and an act of congress
CREATING A BUREAU OF REFUGEES, FREEDMEN
AND ABANDONED LANDS
"r\URING the progress of the war it was a noble
-*-^ characteristic of our home people that they fol
lowed the armies with such abundant evidence of their
interest and affection. Through the Christian and
Sanitary Commissions, they showed themselves in
every hospital, on every field after battle, and in every
camp. With faithful assiduity they pressed forward
an abundance of supplies and agents to distribute
them to the front, to such an extent that commanders
like Sherman, in the light of what they deemed larger
interests, at times were obliged to restrain their ardor ;
but such restraints were infrequent and caused by a
temporary necessity.
Voluntary contributions ^ of $12,440,294.57 of cash
expenditures and more than double this amount in
clothing and comforts were thus generously given
through these two leading commissions. The commis
sions sought to better the rations, to prevent sickness,
to supply the hospitals with all possible home relief,
to succor the wounded, and to smooth the pillows of
those who could not live. And, really, not the least
> Aggregate cash expenditure Sanitary Com'n  $6,962,014.26
Aggregate cash expenditure Christian Com'n  5,478,280.31
Total  812,440,294.-57
194

Freedmen's Aid Societies
of these happy provisions was centered in the selected
agent himself, who brought with him a breath from
home, who cheered the weary and suffering, and gave
them visions of peace, love, and hope. He made it
happier for the sick soldier to live, and easier for the
extremely ill and the fatally wounded to die.
Still more remarkable was the almost universal
interest, often amounting to enthusiasm, manifested
among the people of our Northern, Central, and West
ern States for the relief of the white refugees and the
freed people. The donors who rose up everywhere
without stint sought channels to bestow their gifts.
They took up, as we have already seen, existing organ
izations where they could find those willing to do their
behests. For example, they used the Christian Com
mission for the East and Sanitary Commission for the
West; also. East and West, the American Tract So
ciety and the American Missionary Association, and
many others connected with the Catholic and Protes
tant Churches. By the chosen agents of these, help
was brought to those needy classes — clothing, food,
medical attendance, and medical supplies — and always
schools; for, as the benevolent actors thought, educa
tion was to be the permanent cure for all existing ills.
The prevailing thought was : The slaves are becom
ing free; give them knowledge — teach them to read-
teach the child! This work thus undertaken was at
first very irregular and spasmodic ; only here and there
was there any settled system of doing.
The generous enthusiasm for the freedmen pushed
the eager home people further still. Unsatisfied with
present facilities, they organized new commissions, so
cieties, associations, leagues. The following names
of a score of them bear their own interpretation:
195

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
The Educational Commission of Boston.
The Port Royal Rehef of Philadelphia.
The American Freedmen's Aid Commission.
The Freedmen's Aid Commission of Westem Pennsylvania
and adjacent parts of West Virginia.
The Western Freedmen's Aid Commission.
The Northwestern Freedmen's Aid Commission.
The National Freedmen's Aid Commission.
The National Freedmen's Rehef Association of New York.
The Emancipation League of ilassa chusetts.
The New England Freedmen's Aid Society.
The Pennsylvania Freedmen's Relief Association.
The Baltimore Association of Moral and Educational Im
provement of the Colored People.
Delaware Freedmen's Association.
The Ladies' Aid Society of Philadelphia.
Friends' Relief Association.
Besides these our large church bodies formed, each
within its own community, what they called a Freed
men's Department; so that there existed for many
years Methodist, Baptist, Episcopal, Catholic, Pres
byterian, and Unitarian Freedmen's Departments.
The Congregational churches, as well as many in
dividuals from the outside, habitually used the Amer
ican Missionary Association for their channel of freed
men's work.
In Great Britain there was in operation for some
years the Freedmen's Society of Great Britain and
Ireland. This society, being central, with its main of
fice in London, was fed by numerous other freedmen's
aid societies in the United Kingdom. Its contribution
to us exceeded $800,000.
It is not possible to sum up with any accuracy the
generous gifts for the indigent classes found in the
South and Middle West prior to the operation of
196

Freedmen's Aid Societies
the Freedmen's Bureau Law. It had reached about
$1,000,000. A convention of freedmen's associations, with a
view to secure concert of action, assembled during the
war in Indianapolis, Indiana, July 19, 1864. Their
proceedings give a slight indication of how the people
felt the responsibility pressing them and how they
proposed to meet it. The convention was made up of
seven Western associations or branches. There had
been overlapping and interfering in their previous
operations, and their field agents had had trouble
some rivalries and contentions. Again, in some places
cooperation with the army officers in command and
with Treasury agents sent from Washington under spe
cial instructions, had not been secured, so that there
was between them hurtful friction. Other difficulties
confronted them, such as the existing social conditions
in the border States, and for that matter, the same
in all the seceded States. Most people there were un
friendly to Northern teachers and vexed at Northern
interference; and there were the unwelcome shiftings
of population from place to place. StiU, the enthu
siastic delegates to the convention never dreamed of
surrender, or of abatement of interest and effort.
They publicly declared that they had at this time the
grandest opportunities that ever presented themselves
to Christian benevolence and activity; and so in their
session of two days they formulated and forwarded a
memorable petition to President Lincoln.
In this instrument, after summing up the pressing
wants of freedmen and refugees, and presenting in
strong light their own various agitations and obstacles,
and something of their disappointment that Congress
had thus far failed to establish any bureau of freed-
197

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
men's affairs, they entreated the President to give
them at least a " Supervising Agent " for the West.
They desired that this agent should have military
power and authority, meaning undoubtedly that the
President should detail for that duty a military offi
cer of sufficient rank to overcome all controversy in the
execution of his trust. The memorial petition was
sent to Congress, and had its weight with that body
in securing the final enactment of the Freedmen's Bu
reau Law.
I The Emancipation League of Massachusetts, as
early as January, 1863, had likewise sent to the Senate
an earnest petition, asking for the creation of a " Bu
reau of Emancipation " ; and other societies had at dif
ferent times, in one form or another, urged upon their
representatives in Congress some governmental de
partment to meet the new situation of affairs, which
now concerned millions of slaves set free, and affected
thousands of loyal whites who had been driven from
their homes by the operations and consequences of the
great war.
The Honorable Thomas D. Eliot, member of the
House from Massachusetts, whom, after personal ac
quaintance, I learned to love and honor, was early
made chairman of committees which had under con
sideration freedmen's matters. He was an able, elo
quent, and persevering friend of the emancipated.
The field societies looked to him for sympathy and help
in the House, as they always did to Henry Wilson
and Charles Sumner in the Senate. Eliot and WUson
were never extremists. They were wisely progress
ive; if they could not take two steps forward, they
would take one, and bide their time for further
advance. 198

Freedmen's Aid Societies
Mr. Eliot, the latter part of January, 1863, began
his open work by a House bUl to try to establish a
" Bureau of Emancipation." As this was smothered
in the committee room and produced no fruit, he intro
duced another bill in December, 1863, which was re
ferred to a select committee of which he was chairman.
It came back from the committee to the House with a
majority and minority report. It was first debated
on the floor February 10, 1864. The provisions of this
interesting bill were substantially:
1. The creation of a Commissioner of Freedmen's
Affairs. His powers were to be large. All matters
pertaining to freedmen, all laws enacted or prospec
tive concerning them, and all rules and regulations
for general superintendence and management were
committed to him.
2. All officers, military or civil, having to do with
freedmen's affairs must report and be governed by
him. 3. He was especially instructed to give protection
to the freedmen in their rights, and to care for the in
terests of the United States touching them.
4. He was able to organize departments of freed
men to be placed under assistant commissioners who
were to report to him.
5. These assistants were to allow freedmen to oc
cupy, cultivate, and improve abandoned lands; assist
them to labor properly compensated; aid them to ob
tain their wages duly earned, and arbitrate all trouble
some controversies except in those localities where
existing legal tribunals could receive the cases at
issue. 6. The commissioner himself was to act under the
supervision and direction of the Secretary of War,
199

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
though all assistants, both civil and mUitary, were to
be subordinated to the commissioner.
The lively debate upon this bill, even in a dry rec
ord, is full of interest. The opposition came not only
from the Democratic party, but many of the Repub
licans thought the measure unwise, abnormal to our
system of government, and that there might be some
other expedient devised than either a Department or
Bureau of Negro Affairs.
Democrats like Samuel S. Cox of New York and
George H. Pendleton of Ohio, and James Brooks of
New York, attacked the proposed measure with argu
ment, with ridicule, and with abundant sarcasm. But
Mr. Eliot was at his best. He pleasantly answered
every objection and earnestly caUed on the friends
of the Government and of humanity to rally around
him upon the side of duty.
The bill at last passed the House, but only with
a majority of two votes. May 25th, this bill, some
what amended, was reported to the Senate by Mr.
Sumner. It encountered for some days hot and strong
opposition there, pleading against its constitutionality
and expediency, but was finally passed by a majority
of twelve votes.
While the friends of the original bUl were urging
the House to nonconcur in the Senate amendments,
the whole subject by a new motion, disheartening to
its friends, was postponed to the ensuing session of
Congress. During the next session, after many disagreements
on the bill between the two Houses, the Conference
Committee proposed a substitute. It came up in the
House in February, 1865. The substitute established
an independent Executive Department of Freedmen's
200

Freedmen's Aid Societies
Affairs. Every provision in the two previous bills
remained substantiaUy unchanged. The new draft
went through the House by a vote of 64 against 62.
In the Senate this new bill met with an increasing
opposition, and so February 28th still another bill had
grown out of the hot debate of the Conference Com
mittee. To prevent its passage unusual expedients
were resorted to, and dilatory motions were made,
sometimes for postponement and sometimes for ad
journment, but finally this bill, so long squabbled over,
with slight amendment passed the Senate; and being
again carried to the House, after a short debate went
through that body without a division.
The same day, March 3, 1865, President Lincoln jl
signed it; and having his approval, the Act establish
ing the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and Aban-|
doned Lands became a law.
Its provisions as far as they went were good, and
were developed from the first draft which Mr. Eliot
had introduced in the House more than two years
before. This Act of Congress, which in its plan and subse
quent life seemed to grow like a tender shoot till it
became a green tree with abundant branches, was des
tined by its fruitage to accomplish great things. The
varied character of its fruitage will appear as we go
on to develop the organization that grew out of this
remarkable legislation. This statute law greatly af
fected my own work. In fact, upon it turned much of
my subsequent career in life. As we may notice, it
established a bureau in the War Department. The
word " bureau " excited considerable amusement in the
very beginning, even before there was any attempt
to put the Act of Congress into execution. One poor
201

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
colored woman, who had been a slave, came to an offi
cial in the War Department and said she had been a
long time in want of a bureau, and that she understood
that there was one there waiting for her.
By a few well chosen lines the cartoonist Nast, be
fore his audiences, frequently represented on a black
board a sizable bureau with the drawers open and little
curly-headed colored children jumping out from them.
The serious people of the country, however, were re
joiced that the representations of their delegates in
their Indiana Convention had at last resulted, through
the President and Congress, in i^roviding a benevo
lent system for those just freed from slavery, and for
those, white and colored, who had been driven hither
and thither by the operations of the Civil War. The
first provision, however, was for only one year after
peace. It committed all subjects relating to the
classes named to the care of the new Bureau, and it
put the responsibility for the operations of the Bureau
upon the President himself. The use of abandoned
lands, authorized by the Act, was intended to give
some revenue to the Government, thus hoping, if pos
sible, to avoid direct appropriations of money. The
part that was to interest me most was the pro-vision
that the head or commissioner and his assistants might
be detailed from the army and assigned to duty with
out increase of pay or allowances. In fact, the Pres
ident could take any or all of the officials required
from the mUitary service.
There was another use besides the purpose of rev
enue for the abandoned lands, the commissioner be
ing required to set apart for the use of loyal depend
ents such abandoned farms as he should find in the
insurrectionary States, or farms of which the United
202

Freedmen's Aid Societies
States became the possessor by confiscation, by sale,
or in any other way. Even the number of acres was
designated for each person. The commissioner was
instructed further to secure the use of these farms to
the occupants for three years, and further to charge
a rental of 6 per cent, on a proper valuation.
This benevolence was extended yet more — that the
free inhabitants just emancipated might purchase the
land at the expiration of their leases. This sort of
legislation, in 1865, was quite new to our Government.
It was the exercise of benevolent functions hitherto
always contended against by our leading statesmen,
even when providing for the Indian Bureau. The
Nation, as something to love and cherish and to give
forth sympathy and aid to the destitute, began then
to be more pronounced than ever before. Our atti
tude toward the Indians in General Grant's peace
policy and in giving them land in severalty; our in
tervention in Cuba and our subsequent neighborly
action toward the people of that island; our national
efforts to lift up the people of Porto Rico, and our
sending instructors in large numbers to set in motion
the work of education in the Philippine Islands : these
and other benevolences suggested by this reference
make the people of to-day feel t]iat-atJasiL.we have a
;^ationjwiiichcai:es_jQr_its^children, A martinet sys
tem always suggests bones and sinews which make
up the form of a man without a soul. It was always
hard to love a Government which, theoretically, was
a mere machine and which could extend no sympathy
to people in disaster, nor kindness to the impover
ished. I think we are growing to cherish more and
more the idea of a single name for the Republic, and
we are fast assuming that " America " should be that
203

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
name. Every day we hear from the North, South,
East, and We.st, the expression: " I am proud that I
am an American." It was in this spirit that my assist
ants, who in time became very numerous, and my
self, in the Bureau work, began and kept on in the
varied duties through clouds of calumny and misrepre
sentation. The reward, as we shaU see, was in the
vast work undertaken and accomplished in the inter
est of humanity. In the discussions on the floors of
Congress we see why tbe Bureau proposed had so
hard a struggle to justify its existence. The friends
and opponents of the measure were about equally di-
-vided. It was the long, patient, and thorough exam
ination of emancipations like ours in other countries
by Mr. Eliot of Massachusetts, and his singular per
severance in bringing his biU, every time improved,
again and again before the House, which at last re
sulted in the law and which brought a positive relief
from the horrors which had obtained in other nations
in their passage from slavery to freedom. He and
his committee were never popular, but he accomplished
a great work for his country.
The chaotic condition of all the classes which were
mentioned in the Act of Congress, running as they
did for the most part to large centers of population,
was not forgotten by Mr. Eliot's committee, so that
one paragraph of the law demanded the issue of pro
visions, clothing, and food for the immediate and
temporary shelter of the destitute and suffering refu
gees and freedmen, including their wives and children.
It was believed that these wants would be but tempo
rary. Indeed, the law itself was only a temporary
pro-vision; still, there were matters in it of great im
portance which looked forward to and virtuaUy prom-
204

Freedmen's Aid Societies
ised an extension beyond the year of the benefits des
ignated. It would have required more than human
foresight to have wholly met the difficulties of this
dark period of our Governmental history, but the
friends of the measure hoped that the experiences of
one year of active operation under the eye of our
most energetic and able Secretary of War would dem
onstrate the value of the Bureau sufficiently to warrant
at least another year's trial.
Though Mr. Lincoln promptly approved the Bu
reau Act, yet he delayed creating the organization
authorized by it. Doubtless he had sympathetically
followed the debate, and so, to avoid the rocks and
quicksands predicted, was earnestly desiring to move
with care and deliberation. His death, April 15, 1865,
prevented him from directly carrying out his purpose ;
but he did have, not long before his death, a consulta
tion with Mr. Edwin M. Stanton, the Secretary of
War, concerning the new Bureau in his Department,
and expressed to him his wishes conceming the law
and the officials who should carry it out. These
wishes were a legacy that Mr. Stanton religiously re
spected, and as soon as he could he saw to it that they
were, as far as he could effect it, fulfilled.
Note. — For the Freedmen's Bureau Act (March 3, 1865), see Appendix.

205

CHAPTER XLVIII
organization of THE FREEDMEn'S BUREAU AND MY
PRINCIPLES OF ACTION
BY foUowing the army movements it will be noticed
that my column reached the vicinity of Peters
burg, Va., at evening May 6, 1865. Here it rested
Saturday and Sunday and renewed its march the en
suing Monday; and as the divisions went through the
town we passed in review before a multitude of inter
ested spectators.
At ten o'clock the morning of May 9th, we arrived
at Manchester, opposite Richmond, where were Gen
eral Halleck's headquarters. I paid a brief visit to
the late Confederate capital, and after my return to
Manchester, issued orders of march pursuant to Gen
eral Sherman's instructions for my two corps to pro
ceed via Hanover Court House to Alexandria and
Washington. Blair's corps was to set out the 12th,
and Logan's to follow on the 13th. I then with my
staff intended to go on with Blair's head of column.
But while there at Manchester, the following dispatch,
which greatly surprised me, was placed in my hands :
Wasmngton, D. C, May 7, 1865, 9 p.m.
Major General 0. O. Howard,
Care of General Halleck, Richmond, Va.
Leave your army for corps commanders to bring overland
and come on immediately yourself by water. Report on
arrival to Secretary of War.
U. S. Grant,
Lievtenard, General.
206

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Mrs. O. O. Howard.
Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
This message, enigmatical enough for me, coming
into my hands in the afternoon, at once received this
answer : Richmond, May 9, 1865, 3:15 p.m.
Lieutenant General U. S. Grant.
General: Your dispatch only just received. I will conform
to it at once. Respectfully,
0. 0. Howard,
Major General.
The evening of May 10, 1865, found me in Wash
ington. I went the next day to the Secretary's
office in the War Department and reported to him as
I had been instructed. This was not my first inter
view with Edwin M. Stanton. He had been at times
very kind to me, and particularly friendly during his
Savannah visit; he had there emphasized his com
mendations for the part I had borne in Sherman's
operations. He now appeared hearty, in good humor,
and glad to see me; but, after a few brief words of
greeting, as was usual with him, went straight to the
business in hand. We had hardly taken seats when
he took from his desk and handed me a copy of the
Freedmen's Bureau Act, and said substantially: " We
have been delaying the execution of this law because
it has been difficult to fix upon the commissioner. You
notice that he can be detailed from the army. Mr.
Lincoln before his death expressed a decided wish that
you should have the office; but he was not willing to
detail you till you could be spared from the army in
the field. Now, as the war is ended, the way is clear.
The place will be given you if you are willing to
accept it."
After a few more words of conversation, and un-
207

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
derstanding that I wished time for reflection and con
sultation with my friends, he said: " Take the docu
ment and look it over and let me know as soon as you
can whether or not you are willing to undertake the
business." Naturally, as the great war drew to a close, I had
been pondering the subject of my future work. Should
I remain in the army or not? What as a young man
of thirty-four had I better do? The opportunity af
forded by this offer appeared to me at once to answer
my anxious inquiries. Indeed it seemed providential;
so in my consciousness my mind was virtually made
up even before I left the AYar Office; my custom in
war had never suffered me to hold decisions long in
abeyance. The morning of May 12th, I returned to Mr. Stan
ton and said: " I have concluded to accept the duty
you offer me." He briefly expressed his satisfaction
and sent for the papers, chiefly letters from corre
spondents, widely separated, and reports, official and
unofficial, touching upon matters which pertained to
refugees and freedmen. The clerk in charge brought
in a large, oblong, bushel basket heaped with letters
and documents. Mr. Stanton, with both hands hold
ing the handles at each end, took the basket and ex
tended it to me and with a smile said : " Here, general,
hertz's your Bureaul" He told me that I could use
the officers of my Tennessee army for bureau assist
ants as far as I wished, or submit recommendations
for any helpers. He further said that the house of a
prominent senator, who had joined the Confederacy,
situated at the northeast comer of Nineteenth and I
Streets in Washington, was ready for my immediate
use as an office. 208

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau

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That day Mr. Stanton caused the following War
Department order to be formally issued, entitled
" Order organizing tbe Bureau of Refugees, Freed
men, and Abandoned Lands :
" By direction of the President, Major General 0. 0. Howard
is assigned to duty in the War Department as Commissioner of
the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands,
under the Act of Congress entitled ' An Act to establish a
Bureau for the relief of Freedmen and Refugees,' to perform
the duties and exercise all the rights, authority, and jurisdic
tion vested by the Act of Congress in such Commissioner.
General Howard will enter at once upon the duties of Com
missioner specified in said Act."
By other instructions made public the same day
the quartermaster general was directed to furnish
suitable quarters and apartments, and the adjutant
general of the army to assign the number of compe
tent clerks authorized by the law.
As soon as I received the orders of assignment to
this new duty I sent General Sherman a copy. It met
him on his arrival at Dumfries, Va., in his march
from Richmond to Washington; for he came on with
th,e troops. He wrote me a friendly letter that very
night in which he said: " I hardly know whether to
congratulate you or not, but of one thing you may rest
assured, that you possess my entire confidence, and
I cannot imagine that matters that involve the future
of 4,000,000 souls could be put in more charitable and
more conscientious hands. So far as man can do, I
believe you will; but I fear you have Hercules' task.
God has limited the power of man, and though in the
kindness of your heart you would alleviate all the ills
of humanity, it is not in your power to fulfill one tenth
part of the expectation of those who formed the Bu-
209

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
reau for the Freedmen and Refugees and Abandoned
Estates. It is simply impracticable. Yet you can
and will do all the good one man may, and that is all
you are called on as a man and a Christian to do, and
to that extent count on me as a friend and fellow sol
dier for counsel and assistance."
Then the good general went on to discuss the sub
ject of reconstruction with some asperity, but with his
customary frankness. One sentence shows how kindly
he felt toward the South: " I do believe the people of
the South realize the fact that their former slaves
are free, and if allowed reasonable time, and not
harassed by confiscation and political complications,
will very soon adapt their condition and interest to
their new state of facts. Many of them will sell or
lease their farms on easy terms to their former slaves
and gradually the same political state of things will
result as now exists in Maryland, Kentucky, and Mis
souri. . . .
" We will be at Alexandria on Friday, and I know
you will call to see us." Delicately referring to his
o-wn treatment, he said : " Don't let the foul airs of
Washington poison your thoughts toward your old
comrades in arms."
At first, by what was said to me by the Secretary
of AYar, telling me to use my officers as I liked in the
control of the new Bureau, I supposed I was to con
tinue in command of the Army and Department of
the Tennessee, certainly till the final muster out.
A few days before the Grand Review at Washing
ton General Sherman called me into the office of Gen
eral To-misend, the adjutant general of the army. We
were there by ourselves. General Sherman then said
that he wanted me to surrender the command of the
210

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
army to Logan before the Review. This caused me
much feeling, and under the pressure of it I replied
that I had maneuvered and fought this army from At
lanta (July 27, 1864), all the way through. Sherman
replied : " I know it, but it will be everything to Logan
to have this opportunity." Then, speaking very
gently, as Sherman could, to one near him whom he
esteemed, he said : " Howard, you are a Christian, and
won't mind such a sacrifice." I answered: " Surely,
if you put it on that ground, I submit."
He then wrote me the following letter, which never
reached me until forty years after in Hartford, Conn.
It was handed to me by Mr. Horace B. Austin, in De
cember, 1904. He had received it from his father,
who in turn had it from a clerk in General Sherman's
office. The letter had probably blown from the gen
eral's table, been picked up and preserved, for it is
an autograph letter. Head Qrs. Mil. Dp. of the Miss.
In the Field, May 20, 1865.
Camp near Alexandria, Ga.
Dear Gen'l. : I am this minute in receipt of your communi
cation of this date and I thank you for your generous act. I
do think it but just to Logan, and notwithstanding his modest
reply to us last night, I know he will prize the act most highly.
I will deem it a special favor and pleasure if you \-\'ill ride with
me at the Review of Wednesday next. I will be at the head
of the column at 9 a.m. Wednesday, near the Capitol, and beg
you will join me there. Your personal stafT can ride with mine.
As ever your friend,
W. T. Sherman, Major General.
The second day of the closing Review, Wednesday,
May 24, 1865, which so many others have made
graphic, when the Western armies passed before the
211

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
President of the United States, Logan led the Army of
the Tennessee. Just before the march began I asked
Sherman to allow me to ride with his staff, but he
answered at once: " No, Howard, you shall ride with
me." As we were starting along the Avenue, feeling
that Sherman ought to have the proper isolation and
recognition of the people, I reined back my horse to
move by the side of his chief of artillery. General
Barry, when Sherman instantly insisted that I come
back and ride by his side ; thus, by a bit of self-denial
on his part and thoughtful kindness, he sought to allay
any irritation I might feel on account of what had
taken place.
Our Western armies, competing in a friendly way
with the Eastern, behaved magnificently at that Re
view. The vast multitude of people lining the streets,
occupying every elevated stand, even covering the
roofs of buildings from the Capitol to the War Depart
ment, showed their appreciation by shouts and cheer-
ings so abundant and so strong that none of the sol
diers who participated could ever forget that day or
that magnificent recognition of their work, and with
pride participated ardently in the joy of its completion
thus manifested.
By Monday morning. May 15th, the new Bureau
was sufficiently equipped for me to issue a circular
letter. As this letter affords a glimpse of the situa
tion thus early in my administration, I here insert
the substance of it:
" In accordance -with orders, I enter immediately
upon the duties of Commissioner of Refugees, Freed
men, and Abandoned Lands.
" Tbe Bureau contemplated in the order will be lo
cated at the corner of I and Nineteenth Streets. All
212

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
commissioners, however appointed, who have the
charge of freedmen, are requested to make a report,
as soon as possible, of the character and extent of
their work. The officers and superintendents in Vir
ginia, South Carolina, and Louisiana, are requested
to report direct to me the amount of land they may
have under supervision for the use of freedmen. The
department commanders in insurrectionary States
will do me a favor by transmitting a copy of the dif
ferent orders issued by themselves, or by their district
commanders, relating to the government and employ
ment of freedmen,
" AVhile it shall be my object to secure as much uni
formity as possible in the matter of employment and
instruction of freedmen, I earnestly solicit coopera
tion from all officers and agents whose position or duty
renders it possible for them to aid me. The negro
should understand that he is really free but on no ac
count, if able to work, should he harbor the thought
that the Government will support him in idleness."
As yet I had no organization, properly so named,
outside of the Washington office, and so by corre
spondence and officers sent out I began to collect the
information already much needed. This first letter
was published over the country extensively, and on
account of the views in the last paragraph, brought
upon me many attacks from radical newspapers which
were friendly to the negro, indicating that they had
sentimental views in regard to the relation of the
United States to the freedmen; the logical result of
those views was that under my circular letter the ne
gro had merely changed masters from the Southern
slave owners to the United States ; they implied that
the Government should support the emancipated even
213

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
if idle. But the enemies of free labor approved all
my compulsory language.
The Bureau, standing between these two extremes
as to the negro, entered upon its work naturally under
the fire of hostUe newspapers and some congressional
criticism from both sides. Long before tbis period
of experience I had learned that I could not suit
everybody. My Q-wn reason for introducing into the circular
the paragraph relating to labor was tbat many thought
the Bureau would " feed niggers in idleness," as they
expressed it, and I wished to start right. There was
found in Air. Stanton's basket eridence that the mili
tary authorities were then feeding immense groups
of refugees and freedmen in Washington and -vicinity
as well as in the different parts of the South and
West. The daily issue then amounted to upward of
144,000 rations. For the ensuing June, July, and Au
gust, the indigent groups, though constantly shifting
ground, were, in the aggregate, somewhat increased.
The number of persons relieved by our Bureau commis
sariat daUy during August was 148,120. Without
doubt many freedmen and poor whites, from the seem
ing helplessness of their condition, like pensioners,
were, through this source, expecting a permanent
support. By September, 1865, when the Bureau had been
sufficiently organized and at work so as to take entire
charge of all gratuitous relief, by a rigid examination
of every applicant, by the rejection of all who could
support themselves by labor, and by the process of
finding work for the willing, the number assisted was
reduced to 74,951; and from that time on, there was
a constant reduction. 214

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
In the process of extending our organization
through the South, by May 18th, I was able to recom
mend eight officers for assistant commissioners. Five
I sent to the Southern fields; three were already at
their posts. But as necessary changes were forced
upon us by correspondence, I delayed until June 13th
any formal announcement of these worthy assistants.
Now I was able to publish the names of nine out of
the ten allowed, most of whom had been for some
time in the field and hard at work. The needs had
been urgent. These assistants were men of high char
acter, and most of them already of national repute.
They were:
y Colonel Orlando Brown, Virginia, Headquarters at Richmond.
Colonel Eliphalet Whittlesey, North Carolina, Headquarters
at Raleigh.
General Rufus Saxton, South Carolina, Georgia and Florida,
Headquarters, Beaufort, S. C.
Colonel T. W. Osborn, Alabama, Headquarters, Mobile.
Colonel Samuel Thomas, Mississippi, Headquarters, Vicks
burg.
J Chaplain T. W. Conway, Louisiana, Headquarters, New
Orleans. General Clinton B. Fisk, Kentucky and Tennessee, Head
quarters, Nashville, Tenn.
General J. W. Sprague, Missouri and Arkansas, Headquarters,
St. Louis, Mo.
Colonel John Eaton, District of Columbia.
In the above order, owing to General Saxton's long
experience with the freedmen, he was given three
States. Colonel Brown had also been long at work
for the freedmen in Virginia, and for this reason,
though I did not personally know him, I gave hun the
preference for that State. The same thing was true
215

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
of Chaplain Conway in Louisiana. I deemed Louisi
ana a hard field for freedmen's affairs and was glad to
take advantage of the services of one who had been
for months trying his hand -with aU classes of people
under Generals Banks, Hurlbut, and Canby. Those
officers commended him highly to Air. Stanton and
myself. For the home office in Washington I had:
General W. E. Strong, Inspector General for the whole field.
Colonel J. >. FuUerton, Adjutant General.
Lieutenant Colonel Geo. W. Ba'loch, Chief Disbursing Officer
and head of the Sub.si.?tence Distribution.
Captain Samuel L. Taggart, Assistant Adjutant General.
Major Wilham Fowler. A.s5i.?tant Adjutant General.
Captain J. M. Bro-wn, As.si5tant Quartermaster.
Surgeon C. W. Horner, Chief Aledical Officer.
The clerks added to the group made the working
force. Aly personal staff from the army continued
with me, viz.. Major H. M. Stinson, Captain F. W. GU-
breth, aids-de-camp; Captain A. S. Cole and Lieuten
ant J. A. Sladen, acting aids-de-camp.
My inspector general and aids were what I caUed
"foot-loose'"; they were ready to go to any point
within our official dominion at a moment's notice, to
bear important instructions, to settle a difficulty, make
an inspection for securing facts or seek essential co
operation. A little later in the season, and upon further con
sideration of the law, I came to the conclusion that
I was not limited as at first believed to ten assistant
commissioners; I could increase the number prorided
they were army officers detailed for the work ; in fact,
thus far. every one had been assigned, by my asking,
from the army. 216

General Howard.
A.S Commissioner of the Freedman's
Bureau, 1866-73.

George W. Balloch.
Brevet Brigadier General and
Chief Disbursing Officer
Freedman's Bureau.-

General Eliphalet Whittlesey.
Brevet Brigadier General and
Assistant Commissioner
Freedman's Bureau.

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
September 19th I announced three more assistant
commissioners :
General Davis Tillson, Georgia, Headquarters, Augusta.
General Wager Swayne, Alabama, Headquarters, Montgomery.
General E. M. Gregory, Texas, Headquarters, Galveston.
Osborn was changed to Florida with headquarters
at Jacksonville; Saxton was still the assistant com
missioner for South Carolina and Georgia, General
Tillson being regarded at first as an acting assistant
commissioner, reporting to Saxton.
From these State centers were organized subdis-
tricts, more or less in number according to the needs.
There were a few civil employees, but generally the
subagents (called by some officers assistant super
intendents) for given districts, were put on duty di
rectly by the Secretary of War, being taken and sent
to the work from the nearest military organization,
or from the Veteran Reserve Corps of the army.
Soon the whole Bureau force operating amounted to
upward of 2,000 officers, agents, and other employees.
This force covered the States where the beneficiaries
were to be found, very much as the Post Office Depart
ment now covers the country. I felt the pressure of
responsibility rather heavy upon me, because most
of my subassistants were necessarily unknown to me
and beginning a new business. The head commis
sioner in each State, however, except Colonels Thomas
and Brown, and Chaplain Conway, were personally
known to me. They were men of tried courage, of
high education, of well-known character, and pro
nounced friends of humanity. AVhittlesey, a brave
Christian gentleman for years on my staff in the field,
had been before the war a college professor; Saxton
217

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
of the old army had long been distinguished as a friend
of the negroes ; Wager Swayne, son of Justice Swayne,
was a promising young lawyer and a Christian. He
had exhibited a remarkable decision of character in
the army, was a colonel in the volunteers, and lost
a leg while under my command. Osborn, my chief
of artillery at Gettysburg, was a quiet, unobtrusive
officer of quick decision and of pure life. Samuel
Thomas, very properly commended by other officers,
and of excellent character, had unusual executive abil
ity. J. W. Sprague was distinguished in the Army of
the Tennessee for decided ability as a general, and
meritorious conduct which he showed at all times, and
for his dignity of carriage and thought; and Gregory
was well reputed for the stand he always took in the
army in favor of clear-cut uprightness of conduct. He
was so fearless of opposition or danger that I sent
him to Texas, which seemed at the time of his appoint
ment to be the post of greatest peril.
The supervision and management of all subjects
relating to refugees and freedmen gave a broad scope
for planning and multitudinous duties. When I
stepped into my office and began to examine the almost
endless communications heaped on my desk, I was at
first appalled. At least thirty Northern benevolent
societies had written letters, and now acknowledged
me as their ally; their numerous willing workers at
the front, they declared, regarded me as their friend
and coadjutor. But accustomed from long military
training to systematic thinking and acting, I quickly
separated my central force into divisions, and gave
to each a name, put an officer in charge, and set him to
work. First came the Division of Records. This fell
to the adjutant general of the Bureau. It had con-
218

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
signed to it all the general correspondence. It re
corded and promulgated the official acts of the com
missioner; everything was included touching labor,
quartermaster's and commissary supplies, and schools.
I do not believe people realize how much of a general's
success is due to a good and faithful adjutant general.
The second was the Land Division. Under this
head were all the abandoned lands, and those in the
Government's possession under the Confiscation Act,
and all those acquired by Treasury tax sales or other
wise. An officer of ability was here put in charge.
The third division covered financial affairs. It
was not long before a bonded officer was obliged to
give his main attention to this division, being desig
nated the chief disbursing officer.
The fourth, just then very necessary, was the Medi
cal Division, which embraced the medical attendance
of camps and colonies all over the land, and had super
vision of all hospitals and asylums where were collec
tions of refugees and freedmen with hosts of orphan
children. An army medical officer of rank was placed
at the head of this important division.
As the work grew upon us more divisions were in
stituted, for example, a fifth division, that for com
missary supplies. The financial officer, in addition to
his work proper, always managed this division. A
sixth division followed for quartermaster's supplies,
with an able quartermaster to direct. This issue of
transportation (sending refugees and freedmen to
places where labor had been found for them) at one
time became enormous.
On May 19th from my office was made the next sub
stantial public announcement. By this, assistant com
missioners were located. To them were entrusted the
219

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
supervision of abandoned lands and the control of sub
jects relating to refugees and freedmen within their
districts. All agents, however appointed, i. e., by
mUitary officers. Treasury Department or voluntary so
cieties, must report to these assistant commissioners
the condition of their work. Refugees and freedmen
not provided for should let them know of their wants.
All applications for relief by district and post com
manders should be referred to them or their agents.
President Johnson had covered, with district and post
commanders and troops, the same ground preriously
covered by my officials.
I added, " It is not the intention of the Govem
ment that the Bureau shall supersede the various be
nevolent organizations in the work of administering
relief. This must still be afforded by the benevolence
of the people through their voluntary societies, no
government appropriations having been made for this
purpose." The assistant commissioners were then required
to look to the benevolent associations laboring in their
respective districts for much of the relief of these des
titute people. A statement was solicited from the
active societies, giving names of officers, workers, and,
as far as was practicable, details of their undertakings.
I stated that the demands for labor were sufficient to
afford employment to most able-bodied refugees and
freedmen; that assistant commissioners were to intro
duce a practical system of compensated labor. First,
they must endeavor to remove prejudices from late
masters who are unwilling to employ their former ser
vants ; second, work to correct false impressions some
times entertained by the freedmen that they can live
without labor; third, strive to overcome a singular
220

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
false pride which shows certain almost helpless refu
gees willing to be supported in idleness. While we
provide for the aged, infirm, and sick, let us encour
age, or if necessary compel, the able-bodied to labor
for their own support. Wholesome compulsion even
tuated in larger independence.
The educational and moral condition of these
people was never forgotten. The officers of "the Bu
reau should afford the utmost facility to benevolent
and religious organizations, and to State authorities,
where they exist, in the maintenance of good schools.
Do everything possible, was my constant cry, to keep
schools on foot till free schools shall be established
by reorganized local governments.
" In all this work," I announced, " it is not my pur
pose to supersede the benevolent agencies already en
gaged, but to systematize and facilitate them."
By May 22d the freedmen were largely at work,
cultivating plantations and abandoned lands ; but own
ers who had been called " disloyal " to the Government
were already seeking recovery of their farms and for
cibly to displace the freedmen. So with Mr. Stanton's
sanction I ordered that all such land under cultivation
by the freedmen be retained in their possession until
the growing crops should be secured for their benefit,
unless full and just compensation were made for their
labor and its products, and for expenditures.
May 30th I gave out another body of instructions.
The newly apipointed assistant commissioners not al
ready at their posts were to hasten thither, acquaint
themselves with their fields, and do all in their power
to quicken and direct the industry of the refugees and
freedmen, in order that their communities might do
all that could be done for the season, already so far
221

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
advanced, to prevent starvation and suffering, and
promote good order and prosperity.
I gave further rules for assistant commissioners:
To reduce the distinctive relief establishments as fast
as possible, many such ha-ving been set up in the tem
porary Confederate and Union barrack buildings and
hospitals left from the war. To make strong and con
tinuous efforts to make the people self-supporting;
to issue Govemment suppUes only temporarily to en
able the destitute speedUy to support themselves; to
keep an exact account of issues -with a community or an
indiridual and hold the same as a lien upon the crops.
Loyal refugees who had been driven from their homes
on their retum must be protected from abuse, and the
calamities of their situation be relieved as far as pos
sible. If destitute let them be aided with transporta
tion and food whUe in transit to their homes.
Here were words for consideration: Simple good
faith for which we hope on aU hands from those con
cemed in the passing away of slavery -wUl especially
relieve all our assistants in the discharge of their
duties toward the freedmen, as well as promote the
general welfare. The assistant commissioners were
required everywhere to declare and protect the free
dom of the late slaves as set forth in the proclamations
of the President and the laws of Congress.
The next paragraph of my public declaration was
just then of first importance. It certainly caused the
settlement of thousands of troublesome controversies.
"In aU places where there is an interruption of ciril
law, or in which local courts, by reason of old codes,
in riolation of the freedom guaranteed by the procla
mation of the President and the laws of Congress, dis
regard the negro's right to justice before the laws in

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
not allowing him to give testimony, the control of all
subjects relating to refugees and freedmen being com
mitted to this Bureau, the assistant commissioners
will adjudicate, either themselves or through officers
of their appointment, all difficulties arising between
negroes and whites, or Indians, except those in miU
tary service so far as recognizable by military author
ity, and not taken cognizance of by other tribunals,
civil or military, of the United States. . . ."
My friends complained that the following was leg
islation. Yes, it was ; but absolutely needed then :
" Negro must be free to choose their own employ
ers, and be paid for their labor. Agreements should
be free, bona fide acts approved by proper officers, and
their inviolability enforced on both parties." The old
system of overseers, tending to compulsory unpaid
labor and acts of cruelty and oppression, was pro
hibited. The unity of families, and all the rights of
the family relation, were to be carefully guarded. In
places where the local statutes make no provisions for
the marriage of persons of color, the assistant commis
sioners were authorized to designate officers who
should keep a record of marriages, which might be
solemnized by any ordained minister of the gospel,
who was to make a return of the same, with such items
as were required for registration at places designated.
Registrations already made by United States officers
were carefully preserved.
No objection was made to some wholesome regula
tion, as this : " Assistant commissioners will instruct
their receiving and disbursing officers to make requisi
tions upon all officers civil or military, in charge of
funds and abandoned lands within their respective ter
ritories, to turn over the same in accordance with the
223

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
orders of the President. They -vrill direct their medi
cal officers to ascertain the facts and necessities con
nected with the medical treatment and sanitary con
dition of refugees and freedmen. They -will instruct
their teachers to collect the facts in reference to the
progress of the work of education, and aid it -with as
few changes as possible to the close of the present
season." During the school vacation of the hot months,
special attention was given to the prorision for the
next school year. Assistant commissioners were also
to aid refugees and freedmen in securing titles to land
according to law. This could be done for them as in
diriduals or by encouraging joint companies.
In closing my announcements I simply notified aU
accounting officers that they were subject to the army
regulations and that all agents were xmder mUitary
jurisdiction; the last clause caUed for frequent cor
respondence, and all the reports which were demanded
by law to be addressed to the commissioner himself.
Aly proposed instructions were submitted to the
President. He favored them. Beneath my signature
is written: " Approved June 2, 1865. Andrew John
son, President of the United States."
The foregoing statements show the principles and
methods under which I began a systematic Govem
ment work.
AATiile trying to familiarize myself -with the whole
field so suddenly spread before me, -with no precedents
to guide me, there had come to headquarters during
the first week such an accumulation of subjects relat
ing to the District of Columbia, to the freedmen's vil
lage near Arlington, and to the neighborhood of the
District of Columbia in Alaryland and Virginia, that
224'

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
it became evident that a competent man of consider
able experience was immediately needed to take this
care and worry off my shoulders. Before acting I
paid a visit to General Grant, then having his office in
a building on the southwest corner of Seventeenth and
F Streets opposite the old Navy Department, and care
fully laid the subject before him. The general said at
once : " Bring Colonel John Eaton from Mississippi
here. He's your man." Gladly I did that. Accordinglyj
the District of Columbia, parts of Virginia and Mary
land and West Virginia were made Colonel Eaton's
subdivision. It was treated like a State with an assist
ant commissioner in charge. Colonel Eaton was its
first assistant commissioner. By his coming I had the
advantage of his long experience with the freedmen
of the Mississippi. Valley where he had so much aided
General Grant during the active war.
For some months before the insurrectionary States
were reorganized by Andrew Johnson, our Freedmen's
Bureau officers in them afforded almost the only au
thorized government in civil affairs, and so, as one
may imagine, the correspondence became more and
more voluminous. My instructions were usually given
in letters ; they were upon all conceivable subjects, yet
the most important and pressing were to rehabilitate
labor, to establish the actual freedom of the late slave,
to secure his testimony in the local courts where they
were opened by the whites as they were here and there,
to bring the freedmen justice in settling past contracts
and in making new ones, and to give every facility
to the Northern societies for their school work, also
to raise from rents of abandoned property sufficient
revenue to pay the running expenses. Happily, till
appropriations came, the War Department, taking
225

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
compa-sion on our poverty, caused the quartermaster
general, the commissary general, and the surgeon gen
eral to honor our requisitions for the needed supplies
of every sort which each could fumish. This rehef
enabled benevolent societies to do more for the schools.
The machinery was vast. The majority of the whites
in the South were at first very unfriendly to the Freed
men's Bureau, and the freed people for the most part
ignorant, and so not easy to comprehend their new
relation. Nothing then became more essential than
for the commissioner to clearly set forth and reiterate
as I did the principles that would govern him and
his subordinates. Orders and instructions were pub
lished so that all officials concerned did read, ponder,
and, acting in unison, carry them into execution; and
surely they were so expressed that all honest oppo
nents did know the sincerity of my course.
From the start I felt sure that the relief offered by
the Bureau to refugees and freedmen through the dif
ferent channels, being abnormal to our system of gov
emment, would be but temporary. The first law, as
we have seen, extended the Bureau only tUl one year
after the war, and even if our law makers should,
from pressing necessities during the period of recon
struction, lengthen its life, stUl it was in every way
most desirable to do away -with crutches as soon as the
patient was able to walk alone. But one source of re
lief was imperative, and friends of freedmen believed
that in some form or by some channel it would be
made permanent. It was the school. AVhUe we were
laboring hard to reduce the number of freedmen's
courts, hospitals, asylums, and eleemosynary features
generally, we extended the school operations; so that
before long the schools, which were at first in my ad-
226

Organization of the Freedmen's Bureau
jutant general's hands, were given an independent
place in the office. A general superintendent of edu
cation was appointed who had his representative, an
assistant superintendent, stationed at every field head
quarters on the staff of each State assistant commis
sioner. The Bureau had hardly begun its work when it
encountered unexpected opposition. At first Presi
dent Johnson was apparently very friendly to me, yet,
while Mr. Stanton favored our strong educational pro
clivities, the President declared that the true relief
was only in work. One member of his Cabinet, Secre
tary William Dennison, said about the time I took
charge :
" General, it is feared that the Freedmen's Bureau
will do more harm than good." These gentlemen and
their foUowers thought relief was in work alone. It
was hard for them to realize that the training of the
mind and hand, particularly with negroes, could go
on together. Before many days, when the rehabilitation of the
old State governments and the appointment of gover
nors was under consideration in the President's Cabi
net, the military possession of all the late insurrec
tionary States was made complete by having a
military department commander for each State, sta
tioned either at the capital or in one of its largest
cities. Each commander had under him a consider
able force, so that he divided his State into districts
and had an officer in charge of each. Fortunately for
the Bureau work, Mr. Stanton and General Grant, in
sympathy with each other in the main, managed this
force, and both sustained me. This, however, did not
prevent some friction in the field. In places the mili-
227

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
tary commander of a district absorbed the functions
of the Bureau agent and in others would not cooperate
with him and give him needed mUitary support in his
work. Some officers, hostile to negroes, took the part
of unfriendly employers and sought at times with suc
cess to bring the Bureau agent's work into contempt.
It was not many months before the President him
self in his contest with Congress began to show a
steady, though underhand, opposition to the execution
of the Bureau law.
Open resistance to the law by the Chief Executive
could be impeached, but indirect obstacles might be
thrown in the way of its execution. To keep publish
ing charges against the commissioner, the assistant
commissioners, and all other Bureau officers appeared
to be at one time a settled policy.

228

CHAPTER XLIX
THE ABANDONED LANDS
"pERHAPS nothing excited higher hopes in the
-^ minds of those who had for years suffered and
labored for emancipation, than the provision of law
that was to open up the abandoned estates and certain
public lands for prompt settlement by the newly eman
cipated. Much in vogue at the end of the war was that plan
of allotting abandoned lands to freedmen. This
course the Government during the latter part of the
war, as we have seen, for those lands along the Atlan
tic coast and in the Mississippi Valley had constantly
followed first in legislative and then in executive ac
tion. Only about one five-hundredth, however, of the
entire amount of land in the States seceding was
available; it was all that had ever been held by the
United States as abandoned. Had this project been
carried out and the negroes generally been so settled
on farms, either more land must have been added or
the Bureau would only have been able to furnish about
an acre to a family.*
The law existing at the inauguration of the Bureau,
though imperfect in many respects, could hardly have
contemplated such extensive action for the drifting
hordes of negroes. There was, however, some public
* Act of July 2, 1864, and Act of March 3, 1865.
229

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. How^ard
wUd land in the South, which might have answered;
but undoubtecUy the land intended by the law makers
was that of those Confederates who had been in arms
against the National Government.
Such use, however, of even the small amount which
was turned over to the Freedmen's Bureau, was nul
lified by the President's pardon, granted to those who
had abandoned the lands in order to engage in the
war ; orders of restoration to all such immediately fol
lowed the presentation of the executive pardon; this
was very soon after I had obtained the control of Bu
reau matters.
Major William Fowler, who had served most cred
itably in the One Hundred and Forty-sixth New York
Volunteers and later as an assistant adjutant general
in the army, was the first officer assigned to the charge
of my Land Dirision. A la-wyer by profession, he
proved eminently qualified for all matters pertaining
to Government lands, however acquired. Fowler's
first official answer to my inquiries affords a brief
statement of what real property was under control
of the Bureau and how it came there. He said that
the Act of Congress, approved March 3, 1865, which
established the Bureau, intrusted it with the super
vision and management of all abandoned lands, i. e.,
lands taken by the Government while their la-wful
o-wner was voluntarily absent from them, engaged in
arms, or otherwise in aiding or encouraging the war
waged against the United States. Again, that on
June 2d the President had ordered all officers of the
Government having property of the character speci
fied to turn it over to the Bureau. In compliance -with
this order, the Secretary of the Treasury on June 27th
had issued a circular letter directing his subordinates
230

The Abandoned Lands
who had in their possession or under their control any
abandoned or confiscable lands, houses, or tenements,
to transfer them to some duly authorized officer of the
Freedmen's Bureau.
Further, that the President's order being obeyed,
the greater portion of abandoned property in the in
surrectionary districts held by Treasury agents, came
into possession of the Bureau; not only abandoned
lands, but all abandoned real property, except such as
had been retained by military authority for strictly
military purposes.
The accompanying table will give the amount in
our hands till near the close of the first year:

Amount of property now in possession
OF Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen, and
abandoned lands.

Amount of
property
returned.

States.

Number of acres of land.

15.1 0.

..H-01!^1

Ik

Culti
vated.

Unculti vated.

Unclas sified.

Aggre gate.

111 H 0, o
Sot: a.

Georgia and South
Carolina 
Kentucky and
Tennessee 
Missouri and Ar
kansas 

9,364
10,17718,736

50,79929,072

374,837 25,880

435,000 65,129 18,736 2,116
75,653 36,34259,280
62,528 13,806

398414 72 13
34
112 52
501


26,730 50,029 11,411

384

Alabama 

2,116
23,91822,267 8,525

Virginia 
2,6254,868
50,751
62,528 2,282
49,116 9,207 4
310
North Carolina. . . .
Mississippi and
Louisiana (part)
Louisiana 
287 60
136
Maryland and Vir
ginia (part) 
5,027
6,497
Total 
161,331
143,219
464,040
768,590
1,596
88,170
1,177
By the table we see that we had in December, 1865,
already under cultivation 161,331 acres; and that for
the use of refugees and freedmen there were 768,590
231
Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
acres not yet surrendered by operation of the Presi
dent's pardons ; but even that early 88,170 acres
and 1,177 pieces of town property had been restored
to former owners, thus largely reducing the income
of our Bureau from the rents, and making a continued
possession of the remainder too uncertain to be of
material value.
Under Colonel Eaton's superintendence and man
agement were 13,806 acres. Of this he placed under
cultivation as contemplated in the law 2,282 acres, of
which 1,300 acres were in Maryland. Wheat, corn,
and tobacco were the principal crops. The tenure
had already become too doubtful to warrant much al
lotment to individuals or the giving of leases of any
considerable length. Thus the provisions of the law
were plainly thwarted by unexpected executive ac
tion. Colonel Orlando Brown, assistant commissioner for
Virginia, had separated his State into districts and sub-
districts about the same in extent as those of the Pres
ident's military department commander, General Scho
field. Brown obtained officers by detail from Schofield
for superintendents. He had for supervision thirty-
four pieces of town property and 75,653 acres of land.
Of this he had directly under cultivation by freedmen
2,625 acres. Under the President's orders he had al
ready by November 30, 1865, returned to former own
ers 26,730 acres and 310 pieces of town property. In
the counties of and near the peninsula of Virginia he
had been able to try many experiments with a view to
diminish the large accumulations of freedmen unfor
tunately massed near the harbor. He had secured
almost an entire support of these as the result of their
o-wn labor during the summer. 232

The Abandoned Lands
A colony of 100 freedmen for Liberia through
a colored agent was transferred from Lynchburg,
Va., to Baltimore, Md., of which the old and re
vered Colonization Society took charge. On many of
the old Virginia farms which their owners had de
serted, Colonel Brown had the freedmen well organ
ized and cheerfully working. They had during this
year of trial abundant diversified crops.
Colonel Whittlesey, assistant commissioner for
North Carolina, had remained in possession at the time
of his first annual report of 112 pieces of town prop
erty, and 36,342 acres besides ; under cultivation 4,868
acres. The President's pardon caused 50,029 acres
and 287 pieces of to-wn property to be restored to re
turning owners before Brown's report was made.
Concerning the cultivators of land. Colonel Whittle
sey said that few contracts were possible for long
periods from the want of confidence between employ
ers and employees. The freedmen, as a rule, worked
more faithfully for money than for a share of the
crops, for which they must wait. Nearly all of the
farms transferred by Treasury agents as " aban
doned " had already been, under President Johnson's
orders, restored to owners. The tenure of these had
become too precarious to admit of setting them apart
for refugees or freedmen. Many freedmen were rent
ing lands of the owners and efforts were constantly
made by AVhittlesey to aid them in this praiseworthy
course. Whenever he could he secured lots and land
to them, where they built houses, that they might not
lose what they had expended. The " Trent Eiver Set
tlement," filled with freedmen, situated near New
Berne, N. C, was at this time a well ordered, quiet„
healthy town, rivaling New Berne in these respects.
233

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
With reference to the land in General Saxton's
States, South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, I wUl
endeavor to explain the effect of the President's par
dons upon my own actions, and the special tasks
he assig-ned to me in connection with the abandoned
and other real property. In fact, my o-wn special
efforts covered the land question for the southern
coast. In order to establish a definite and uniform policy
relative to confiscated and abandoned lands, as com
missioner, I issued a circular (July 28th) quoting the
law and limiting and regulating the return of the lands
to former owners; I authorized assistant commission
ers to restore any real property in their possession .
not abandoned; the cultivators were protected in the
ownership of growing crops on land to be restored,
and careful descriptions were required of such land,
and monthly records of amounts which remained in
the possession of the Government. I further directed
the assistant commissioners to select and set apart in
orders, with as little delay as possible, as some had
been already doing, such confiscated and abandoned
property as they deemed necessary for the immediate
use for the life and comfort of refugees and freedmen ;
and we also provided for rental or sale when that was
possible. Surely the pardon of the President would
not be interpreted to extend to the surrender of aban
doned or confiscated property which in strict accord
ance with the law had been " set apart for refugees
and freedmen " or was then in use for the employment
and general welfare of all such persons within the lines
of national military occupation in insurrectionary
States. Did not the law apply to all formerly held as
slaves, who had become or would become free? This
234

The Abandoned Lands
was the legal status and the humane conclusion. Then
na,turally I took such action as would protect the bona
fide occupants, and expected the United States to in-
deicmify by money or otherwise those Confederates
whO^ were pardoned ; assuredly we would not succor
theni by displacing the new settlers who lawfully were
holding the land.
My circular of instructions did not please Presi
dent Johnson. Therefore, in order to avoid misunder
standings now constantly arising among the people
in regard to abandoned property, particularly after
the President had set on foot a systematic method of
granting to the former holders a formal pardon, he
made me draw up another circular worded better to
suit his policy and submit it to him before its issue.
But he, still dissatisfied, and with a totally different
object in view than mine, had the document redrawn
at the White House and instructed me September 12,
1865, to send it out as approved by him, and so with
reluctance I did. This document in great part re
scinded former land circulars. Besides allowing as
sistant commissioners to return all land not aban
doned, it instructed them to return all abandoned lands
to owners who were pardoned by the President, and
provided no indemnity whatever for the occupants,
refugees, or freedmen, except a right to the growing
crops. In the definition of confiscated estates the words
were : " Land will not be regarded as confiscated until
it has been condemned and sold by decree of the
United States court for the district in which the
property may be found, and the title thereto thus
vested in the United States."
On the face of it this approved circular appeared
235

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
fair and right enough; but -with masterly adroitness
the President's draft had effectually defeated the in-
t ent ion of all that legislation which used the aban
doned estates and the so-called confiscated property;
that intention was to give to loyal refugees and freed
men allotments of and titles to land. In Virginia,
a considerable amount had been libeled and was about
to be sold, when Mr. Stanton considerately suspended
the sales, that these lands might be turned over more
directly to the Bureau for the benefit of the freedmen.
I insisted that these lands, condemned for sale, though
not actually sold, were already the property of the
Government ; therefore, I made objection to the Presi
dent against the insertion of the word " sold " into the
definition of confiscated property; but after reference
to the attorney general, the President decided ad
versely to me and so the word " sold " was inserted
in the definition that was published in the order. This
was what caused the return to former o-wners of all
property where sales had been suspended and never
consummated. It was further strongly recommended
by me to the President that all men of property to
whom he was offering pardon should be conditioned
to proride a small homestead or something equivalent
to each head of f amUy of his former slaves ; but Presi
dent Johnson was amused and gave no heed to this
recommendation. My heart ached for our benefici
aries, but I became comparatively helpless to offer
them any permanent possession.
When the former o-wner had not as yet been par
doned the burden was after this time put upon my
officers to prove that property had ever been volun
tarily abandoned by a disloyal o-wner. I soon saw
that very little, if any, had been confiscated by formal
236

The Abandoned Lands
court decision; so that wholesale pardons in a brief
time completed the restoration of the remainder of our
lands ; all done for the advantage of the late Confeder
ates and for the disadvantage and displacement of the
freedmen. Very many had in good faith occupied and
cultivated the farms guaranteed to them by the pro
vision and promise of the United States.
My heart was sad enough when by constraint I
sent out that circular letter; it was chagrined when
not a month later I received the following orders is
sued by President Johnson :
" Whereas certain tracts of land, situated on the
coast of South Carolina, Georgia, and Florida, at the
time for the most part vacant, were set apart by Ma
jor General W. T. Sherman's special field order No.
15 for the benefit of refugees and freedmen that had
been congregated by the operations of the war, or had
been left to take care of themselves by their former
owners; and whereas an expectation was thereby
created that they would be able to retain possession
of said lands ; and whereas a large number of the for
mer owners are earnestly soliciting the restoration of
the same, and promising to absorb the labor and care
for the freedmen:
" It is ordered: That Major General Howard, Com
missioner of the Bureau of Refugees, Freedmen and
Abandoned Lands, proceed to the several above-named
States and endeavor to effect an agreement mutuaUy
satisfactory to the freedmen and the land owners, and
make report. And in case a mutual satisfactory ar
rangement can be effected, he is duly empowered and
directed to issue such orders as may become necessary,
after a fuU and careful investigation of the interests
of the parties concerned." Why did I not resign?
237

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Because I even yet strongly hoped in some way to be
friend the freed people.
Obeying my instructions I reached Charleston, S.
C, October 17, 1865. General Saxton's headquarters
were theii in that city. I had a conference with him
and with many of the land o-wners concemed. The
truth was soon evident to me that nothing effective
could be done -without consulting the freedmen them
selves who were equally interested. Therefore, ac
companied by several officers and by Mr. William
Whaley, who represented the planters, I went to Edisto
Island, and met the freedmen of that ricinity who
came together in a large meeting house. The audito
rium and the galleries were fUled. The rumor preced
ing my coming had reached the people that I was
obliged by the President's orders to restore the lands
to the old planters, so that strong eridence of dissat
isfaction and sorrow were manifested from every part
of the assembly. In the noise and confusion no prog
ress was had tUl a sweet-voiced negro woman began
the hymn " Nobody knows the trouble I feel — Nobody
knows but Jesus," which, joined in by all, had a quiet
ing effect on the audience. Then I endeavored as
clearly and gently as I could to explain to them the
wishes of the President, as they were made kno-wn to
me in an interriew had -with him just before lea-ving
Washington. Those -wishes were also substantially
embodied in my instructions. My address, however
kind in manner I rendered it, met with no apparent
favor. They did not hiss, but their eyes flashed un
pleasantly, and with one voice they cried, " No, no ! "'
Sfieeebes full of feeling and rough eloquence came
back in response. One very black man, thick set and
strong, cried out from the gaUery: "Why, General
238

The Abandoned Lands
Howard, why do you take away our lands? You take
them from us who are true, always true to the Govern
ment ! You give them to our all-time enemies ! That
is not right ! "
At my request, the assembly chose three of their
number, and to them I submitted with explanations
the propositions to which the land owners were will
ing to subscribe. Then I faithfully reiterated to the
whole body the conditions of the existing tenure under
our President's action, they having no absolute title
but simply occupying the homesteads. I urged them
to make the best terms they could with the holders of
the titles. Th£Sfi-,simjdfi._aojals- with singular unanim
ity agreed to leave everything to my decision with
reference to restorations to be made, and also the con
ditions attending them. But their committee after
considering all the matters submitted to them said
that on no condition would the freedmen work for
their late owners as formerly they did under over
seers; but if they could rent lands from them, they
would consent to all the other arrangements proposed.
Some without overseers would work for wages; but
the general desire was to rent lands and work them.
At last, to be as fair to all parties as possible, I
constituted a board of supervisors in which the Gov
emment, the planters, and the freedmen were equally
represented. This board was to secure and adjust
contracts and settle cases of dispute and controversy.
The freedmen and the planter could form contracts
for rental or for labor with wages as elsewhere; but
before the latter could do so his land must be formally
restored. To effect this restoration, there was drawn
up for his signature an obligation in which he prom
ised substantially: To leave to the freedmen the ex-
239

Autobiography of G^en. O. O. Howard
isting crop ; to let them stay at their present homes so
long as the responsible freedmen among them would
contract or lease; to take proper steps to make new
contracts or leases, -with the proviso that freedmen
who refused would surrender any right to remain on
the estate after two months; the o-wners also engaged
to interpose no objections to the schools ; all the obli
gations to hold for only one year unless renewed.
At the time, I placed in charge of the whole adjust
ment Captain A. P. Ketchum, One hundred and Twen
ty-eighth United States Colored Infantry, acting as
sistant adjutant general, an officer of acknowledged
acumen and conscientiousness. He was in this busi
ness my representative -with power to extend the ar
rangement above given to aU estates embraced in Gen
eral Sherman's original pro-vision in South Carolina,
Georgia, and Florida.
Upon our retum to CTiarleston, I sent Mr. Stanton
this dispatch:
I met .several hundred of the colored people of Edisto Is
land to-day, and did my utmost to reconcile them to the sur
render of their lands to the former owners. They will submit,
but -with e%-ident sorrow, to the breaking of the promise of
General .Sherman's order. The greatest aversion is exhibited
to making contracts, and they beg and plead for the pri-^ilege
of renting or buring land on the island. ^ly task is a hard one
and I am con\inced that something must be done to give these
people and others the prospect of homesteads.
Six days later, on October 2.5th, Mr. Stanton replied, his
message reaching rne at Mobile, Ala. He telegraphed: '"'I do
not imderstand that your orders require you to disturb the
freedmen in possession at present, but only ascertain whether
a just mutual agreement can be made between the pardoned
owners and the freedmen; and if we can, then carry it into
effect." 240

The Abandoned Lands
The very rumor of my coming disturbed them. I
answered Mr. Stanton that I had set Captain Ketchum
to restore lands to the pardoned, provided they signed
the obligatory instrument which I have described ; that
this was as nearly satisfactory to all parties as any
thing that I could devise. I had given the freedmen
a supervising board to guard their interests during
the transition.
After the work under the President's instructions
extending as far as Mobile had been finished, I re
turned to Washington November 18tli, and submitted
an account of the journey to Mr. Stanton. These
were my closing words :
" It is exceedingly difficult to reconcile the conflict
ing interests now arising with regard to lands that
have been so long in possession of the Government
as those along the coast of South Carolina, Georgia,
and Florida. I would recommend that the attention
of Congress be called to the subject of this report at
as early a day as possible, and that these lands or a
part of them be purchased by the United States with
a view to the rental and subsequent sale to the
freedmen." Congress soon had the situation clearly stated, but
pursued its own plan of reconstruction, as did the
President his own, regardless of such minor justice
as making good to thousands of freedmen that promise
of land which was at that time so essential to their
maintenance and their independence.
The assistant commissioner for Louisiana was
twice changed during the year 1865. General Ab
salom Baird was by some circumstance delayed from
taking charge. I had my adjutant general, FuUerton,
sent there to act temporarily as assistant commis-
241

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
sioner till Baird's arrival. Louisiana showed for the
year 62. .528 acres of abandoned land under cultivation
by freedmen and 501 pieces had been given back to
owners ; thus restoration went on. In New Orleans
alone there was $800,000 worth. The large number
of estates abandoned and supposed to be confiscated
in Louisiana, which were turned over to us by the
Treasury Department, had happily afforded means of
raising considerable revenue, indeed, more than any
other State. This revenue was now greatly dimin
ished and soon would be extinguished by our being
so obliged to give up possession. There were now in
Louisiana four large " home colonies," where were
supported great numbers of the aged and infirm. But
these were not fully self-supporting; still, there were
good farms connected with each, faithfuUy worked
by freedmen. The Mississippi assistant commissioner. Colonel
Thomas, for 1865, had worked enough farms to raise
a sufficient revenue for Bureau purposes -within that
State. From every part of Mississippi he showed
that freedmen desired to have homes of their own;
that they were -willing enough to work places which
they held by rent, or which they felt were secured to
them for their use. The freedmen working land as
signed them at Davis Bend, De Soto Point, and at
Washington near Natchez, had labored hard and did
well. At least 10,000 bales of cotton were raised by
these colonists. They had gardens and com enough
to furnish food for themselves and for their stock
for the year. Thomas wrote: " A more industrious,
energetic body of citizens does not exist than can be
seen now at the colonies."
In other parts of Mississippi, Thomas found fine.
242

The Abandoned Lands
crops of grain; the negroes were at home and work
ing quietly. They had generally contracted with their
old masters, and all seemed to have accepted the
change from slavery to freedom without a shock.
Thomas believed that all that was necessary for peace
and prosperity was kind treatment, respect for the
laborer's rights, and prompt payment as agreed upon
in their contracts.
In Alabama, Texas, Kentucky, and Tennessee there
were only small amounts of abandoned land in the pos
session of the Bureau, and its operations under the
Land Division were less in amount than in other
directions. As the year 1865 was drawing to a close, I saw
plainly that this work of restoring lands and providing
reasonably for the occupants, arranging things prop
erly with the land owners or otherwise, would demand
time ; so I set forth the facts concerning the lands in
my communication to Congress. I wrote that it would
require at least a year more from January 1, 1866, to
bring to a close the Land Division, whatever disposition
might be made of the lands. The faith of the Gov
ernment having been pledged as to leases and con
tracts for the coming year, it would be unwise to com
mit them to any State agencies. Again, I urged that
to render any portion of the freedmen able to take
advantage of the homestead law in Florida, Louisiana,
Arkansas, or in other States where there were public
lands, aid must be furnished the settlers in the way of
transportation, temporary food, and shelter and im
plements of husbandry. To render this relief offered
effective, more time than our present law offered
would be essential.
Prior to the President's fuller action in the interest
243

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
of the land owners, my instructions had been clearly
defined, namely, to return estates to those only who
could show constant loyalty, past as well as present —
a loyalty which could be established by the production
of an oath of allegiance, or amnesty, or other evidence.
As the Bureau held property by authority of an Act
of Congress for certain definite purposes, I had pre
sumed and believed that this tenure would continue
until those purposes were accomplished; that such
property must be surrendered by us only when it was
made evident that our possession and control of it
was not proper. But the positive adverse action of
President Johnson and the non-action of Congress
caused a complete reversal of the Government's gen
erous provision for the late slaves. Thus early offi
cers and agents were constrained to undertake to make
bricks without straw.
After years of thinking and observation I am in
clined to believe that the restoration of their lands to
the planters proved for all their future better for the
negroes.

244

CHAPTEE L
COTJETS FOR FREEDMEN ; MEDICAL CARE AND PROVISION
FOR ORPHANS
T TPON their appointment the assistant commission-
^^ ers of freedmen were enjoined to use every
proper means to quicken the industries in the States
under their charge. They held indeed a broad com
mission. Negroes were declared in my letters sent
them to be free to choose employers and receive pay
for their labor. The old system of overseers was
abolished. Cruelty and oppression were to be sup
pressed. It was easy to write and publish, but hard
to carry such orders into execution.
Owing to the almost universal disturbance of labor
through eleven or twelve States by the war and conse
quent emancipation, well-meaning planters and farm
ers, and employers of negroes generaUy were much
puzzled as to the best method to put industries in mo
tion. Fortunately, as we have seen, there had already
been before the Bureau began its trials, considerable
practical experience with freedmen who did work un
der contract or with leases. Yet these experiments
came to the knowledge in those days of but few South
ern men. From all directions anxious employers
poured in letters upon me urging me to fix prices and
enable the employer to exercise power, in one way or
another, over the laborer. The majority did not be-
245

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Ueve the negro would work unless under compulsion.
One prominent gentleman came all the way from
Louisiana to Washington. He had been delegated by
a score or more of planters to visit me and show a
schedule of prices which they had drawn up as liberal
as they could make them and live; he asked for a
formal approval.
Much to the astonishment and chagrin of the sug-
gestors and their agent, the statement made and re
iterated by me that wages must be free was adhered
to, and that they were to be regulated by the assent
of both parties to a contract verbal or written, or ad
justed from the common market value. I repeatedly
cautioned my officers against any substitute whatever
for slavery. The assistant commissioners ably sec
onded these efforts. They left wages to be regulated
by demand and agreement. They found that mini
mum rates, when published, sometimes protected the
freedmen; but it was difficult after public notice to
ever advance above the minimum. If you fixed rates
for able-bodied men, you did not properly discriminate
with regard to differences of skUl and abUity in a
given class.
In some communities, finding the plantation neg
roes inclined to leave their homes and go to the cities,
vUlages, and mUitary posts -with no good prospect of
work or support, the agents at hand were directed to
adopt a system like that of the ordinary intelligence
office; they first used every effort to find good places
of employment where the idle could find support, and
then sent them there. Industrial farms and industrial
schools, established by the benevolent societies, helped
absorb this class. Govemment farms, those that had
been set apart or allotted, served the purpose in vari-
246

Courts for Freedmen
ous places from Maryland to Louisiana to distribute
and absorb the surplus population.
Yet, after all such provision, we found many au
thentic complaints of idleness for which no remedy
seemed to exist. At last I urged for such freedmen
the use of the vagrant laws which applied to whites,
leaving out the whipping post which had still been
retained in their law books for minor offenses in some
of the States. Naturally enough, where exaggerated
stories were always rife, a rumor was circulated
among the freedmen quite generally that they would
finally get somehow all the lands of disloyal o-wners.
The wording of the Bureau law unfortunately fostered
the idea. Were not forty acres to be set apart to
every male citizen, whether refugee or freedman?
Soldiers, colored and white, magnified the report till
the belief became prevalent that the Government in
tended, at the Christmas of 1865, to effect this division.
Speculators who desired to cheapen the lands added to
the tales their o-wn exaggerations. The result was that
toward the autumn great numbers of freedmen became
averse to making any contracts whatever with jarop-
erty holders, verbal or written, for the coming year.
Our officers and agents at once set themselves to
disabuse the minds of the working people of impres
sions so detrimental to their interests, entreating them
to hasten and get places of support, and then aiding
them to obtain fair wages. But even the correction of
false reports did not always produce willingness to
contract. And, indeed, I felt that the system we were
obliged to adopt was checking individuality, or not
sufficiently encouraging self-dependence; but a little
wholesome constraint could not in many cases be
avoided. 247

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
In my first published instructions on the subject
I said that no assistant commissioner or agent was
authorized to tolerate compulsory, unpaid labor, ex
cept for the legal punishment of crime. Suffering
may result from this course to some extent, but suffer
ing is preferred to slavery, and is to some degree the
necessary consequence of events.
I was confident that the education unhindered in
books, and from experience, would, in time, work won
ders, stimulating indiridual enterprise. The people,
however, were never compelled to make contracts.
^Vhen farmers, traders, or mechanics preferred, they
could make their bargains -without record, but the in
terest springing from the employer's necessity to have
some security for the laborer to remain the year out,
and the need of each freedman to have some guaranty
for his wages rendered it easier for the Bureau agent
to introduce written contracts. Certainly this was true
wherever sufficient daylight had penetrated to make
men see that slavery reaUy had been abolished.
Vigilance and effort the first season gave good
results in those communities in which the people most
quickly recognized the negro as a free man. In Vir
ginia and North Carolina the vast majority of freed
men were already weU at work. Partnerships and joint
stock companies with capital had come in and greatly
helped us. They hired the men as they would have
done elsewhere, treated the workmen well, and paid
promptly. In South Carolina and Georgia the first results of
free labor efforts were not so encouraging. I wrote
after a visit to Charleston that, as the department com
mander and assistant commissioner were both at
Charleston trying to cooperate, more complete order
248

Courts for Freedmen
and confidence would come, and that the arrival in
Georgia of General Davis Tillson, the new acting assist
ant commissioner, in the month of September had
produced a favorable change in that State. He was
at the State capital during the session of the State Ee-
construction Convention, and explained to its members
the purpose of the Bureau, and corrected false impres
sions, especially touching the settlement of land and
labor. He and the department commander for Geor
gia began and continued to work heartily together,
and, but for the extreme poverty in some sections,
were introducing stability and continued industry.
Florida was quiet and orderly enough. There had
been but few acts of violence ; but the freedmen there
hardly as yet realized that they were free. The as
sistant commissioner had not been long enough in the
State, nor had he sufficient assistants to make his or
ganization felt ; but he had, nevertheless, in a few coun
ties made a good beginning. Here by his action the
old compulsory overseer system had been effectually
stopped. General Wager Swayne, assistant commissioner for
Alabama, found there a failure of the crops ; it was
owing to a drought and to the excitement of some late
military raids through the State ; he feared great dis
tress of both whites and blacks during tbe coming win
ter ; but Swayne, always wise, carefully matured plans
for effective relief. For example: In such counties
as most needed assistance he had organized some col
onies on good farms where shelter and employment
were at once given to the most needy and which in
time he expected to become self-supporting. But his
best work was the excellent provision he was making
for contracts and leases for the coming year. The
249

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
department commander and the new govemor ap
pointed by President Johnson were cordially cooper
ating with him. In the steadiness of labor, and in the
kind relations of laborers and property holders, Ala
bama at that time was in advance of other States.
It appeared by all accounts from Louisiana that the
system of free labor was also succeeding there, espe
cially in every county or parish where the white men
were disposed to give it a fair trial, and better where
both parties would at all fulfill their contracts. The
best outlook was on the plantations where employers
paid cash at short intervals. Prior to a change of offi
cers which I brought about in that State, from lack
of mutual confidence the military commander, the new
civil authorities, and the assistant commissioner were
working all the while at cross purposes, but by Sep
tember, 1865, there was harmony. Matters at once
took better form for the interests of both employers
and employed. Old contracts were happUy fulfilled
and new ones extensively made for the ensuing season.
General Fisk, the assistant commissioner for Ten
nessee and Kentucky, at first found his most pressing
duty to disseminate the indigent masses of refugees
and freedmen that the war had brought together. In
both States he had, in his efforts among the planters,
remarkable success. Tennessee had early found a re
newal of public confidence, and the planters of that
State had quickly absorbed the labor found in their
midst. General Sprague in Missouri and Arkansas, too,
except in impoverished districts, had readily found
employment for workingmen, white or black. By the
close of 1865, he believed that the active demand for
labor was in a great measure settling the condition
250

Courts for Freedmen
of society. The negroes were industriously cultiva
ting the cotton fields, having employment and good
wages. The contracts made were for the most part
carried out. Sprague, of a manly and popular turn
himself, had secured the cooperation of the military
commanders and the provisional governor of Arkansas
of recent appointment. Missouri was better off; she
had become a free State with fairly good laws pro
tecting the rights of the freedmen just enacted ; so that
the operations of the Bureau almost ceased there.
In the District of Columbia and vicinity, where
masses of freedmen had gathered. Colonel Eaton had
established five intelligence offices, and through them
furnished thousands of the able-bodied of both sexes
with situations far and near. He had been much wor
ried during the year with the Maryland apprentice
laws. After trial he could only relieve specific cases
where there was uncalled-for restraint and cruelty ; but
his reports brought their ugly slavery features to the
knowledge of the President and Congress. A remedy
came in time.
The work of my officers in obtaining recognition
of the negro as a man instead of a chattel before the
civil and criminal courts took the lead; we took the
initiative in influencing the South in its transition into
the new order of things. In land and labor matters
the Bureau found existing conditions the settlement
of which would brook no delay if we were to pre
vent race wars or starvation; but under the title of
justice was the first active endeavor to put the col
ored man or woman on a permanent basis on a higher
plane. Here is the way the process began: Quite early in
my administration as commissioner I paid a visit to
251

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Virginia, and not far from CharlottevUle met a small
assembly of planters. Some of them said they could
not work negroes when free. Others asked what was
to hinder men from running off and leaving a crop
half gathered? The most of them appeared quite in
despair how to make or execute contracts -with ex-
slaves. After having dra-wn out quite generally an expres
sion of opinion and feeling on their part, I addressed
them : " Gentlemen, no one of us alone is responsible
for emancipation. The negro is free. This is a fact.
Now cannot we blue-eyed Anglo-Saxons derise some
method by which we can Hve -with him as a free man? "
I then made a suggestion. " Suppose for aU minor
cases, say -within one or two hundred dollars of value,
we organize a court. My agent being one member
may represent the Government ; the planters of a dis
trict can elect another, and the freedmen a third. In
nine cases out of ten the freedmen -wiU choose an in
telligent white man who has always seemed to be
their friend. Thus in our court so constituted, every
interest -wUl be fairly represented." The hearers were
pleased. They were astonished to find me a friend
and not an enemy, and they said -with feeling : " Gen
eral, why didn't you come do-wn here before ? "
After this talk a court was started there, and sim
ilar courts extended in orders to aU my jurisdiction.
For the whole field for some months minor justice was
administered by these Bureau courts constituted
wholly or partially from officers or agents of the Bu
reau: but everywhere when practicable we associated
civUians -with our officials. By orders, the power as
to puni-shment was limited to not exceed $100 fine, or
thirty days' imprisonment. All cases of capital crimes.
252

Courts for Freedmen
felonies, or questions relating to titles to real estate
were referred to some State court, if such existed
where the case occurred, or to a court of the United
States, or to military commissions.
These lesser bureau courts were often necessary
for the protection of negroes against small personal
persecutions and the hostUity of white juries.
The higher courts of a State, though not admit
ting the testimony of people of color, were usually fair.
As soon as the military occupation of the South
had been completed, provost courts, a military sub
stitute for civil courts in unoccupied territory, were
established here and there in each State. We gladly
took advantage of these for the settlement of all sorts
of difficulties. The sentence could be readily and eas
ily executed against 'black and white men because of
the guardhouse and the ever ready military force. In
the great majority of instances, the provost courts
decided fairly; but there were some where the officers
composing them had the infectious prejudice against
the negro, and discriminated against his interest;
they invariably meted out to those who abused him by
extortion or violence, punishments too small and in
no way commensurate with their offenses.
When the President's provisional governors had re
habilitated the States under their old laws modified
somewhat to conform to the amendments of the United
States Constitution, the civil local courts became avail
able for Bureau purposes and were at once used, pro
vided they would admit the testimony of the freedmen.
This boon of negro evidence was at first quite gener
ally refused.
General Swayne in Alabama, proving himself an
able diplomat as well as a good lawyer, had the first
253

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
substantial success. He had primarily obtained the
good will and cooperation of the provisional governor.
He next agreed with him to transfer all causes for
court action to the State tribunals, if they simply
would admit in them the testimony of negroes. The
judges, urged and advised by the governor, in nearly
the whole of Alabama gave up their opposition and
yielded recognition and decided to accept the jurisdic
tion. Very promptly I approved of Swayne's entire
proposition, believing that we could thus test the dis
position of the judicial functionaries as to their will
ingness to do justice to the freedmen; and so the ex
periment began with fair success in that State. All
officers and agents of the Bureau available were in
structed to act as advocates of the freedmen in these
courts ; and the right to withdraw Government recog
nition from the courts was kept in the hands of the
assistant commissioner.
As soon as our action was known to the country,
many of the negroes' pronounced friends, and among
them Wendell Phillips, severely condemned my action.
" Howard has put the freedmen into the jaws of the
tiger," he cried. But the ready answer which I gave
was : " Justice in time will work itself clear. It is a
long step gained to secure the negro's testimony in the
Southern courts." Excellent reports soon came from
nearly every quarter of Alabama. There were, how
ever, a few exceptions on the borders of Tennessee and
Georgia. A similar course was tried in Mississippi, but the
results, owing to the strong indigenous prejudice
against negroes as witnesses, were not very encourag
ing. In Louisiana suits and testimonies were quickly
allowed under the State government, and the ciril
254

Courts for Freedmen
courts were often used by Bureau officials with a rea
sonable measure of justice.
Following Alabama, General Tillson tried the civil
magistrates of Georgia under similar directions and
restriction as in Alabama. He was reassured by a
prompt cooperation and pleased with the action every
where taken. He felt that if we trusted the Southern
white people more, they would be disposed to do right.
For South Carolina General Meade, the Military
Division commander, forestalling action by the Bureau,
had arranged with the provisional govemor for that
State that all freedmen's cases should be brought be
fore his provost courts. This was well enough gener
ally for immediate justice, but not so well for the ul
timate, when the military would have to be -withdrawn.
In all the other States the same course was pur
sued with desirable fruitage. In some counties after
their withdrawal the Bureau courts had to be reestab
lished to prevent open revolt by negroes against evi
dent legal persecution in State courts.
To avoid, as much as we could, too much new
Bureau legislation, our officers secured by their influ
ence the extension as far as possible of the State laws
to the freedmen, i. e., laws made for the whites. It
was always the practical method — the best way — to
make use of time-honored rules established by wise
legislation for other people. Those laws applicable
to marriage and divorce, to apprenticeship of orphan
minors, to paupers and to vagrancy were especially
available. Marriages of the freedmen were carefully
registered by the Bureau in every State; many or
phans were apprenticed to people of good character,
under humane and liberal regulations ; and the district,
parish, county, or town was for the most part gradu-
255

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ally induced to care for all except a few extreme cases
of poverty which could not be shown to belong to any
particular locality.
In view of the entire field, the outlook as touching
justice to refugees and freedmen appeared to be
brighter at the close of November, 1865, than for a
long subsequent period.
It has not been possible to speak of land, labor, and
justice connected with the destitute refugees and freed
men -without mentioning, more or less, the indigent,
helpless, and pauper classes. It wUl be recaUed that,
in the outset, we found that over 144,000 people were
receiving daily rations, medical supplies, and other
help. Our first record of these facts was found at the
War Department, May, 1865. By the end of the year,
we had made a great reduction, but leaving stiU a des
titute host of more than 70,000. This reduction,
as before stated, was effected by finding places
of work and gi-ving transportation to them, and also
by the voluntary efforts of refugees and freedmen,
seeking and finding employment for themselves. Those
obtaining daUy rations included the sick and the or
phan chUdren, citizen employees of the Bureau, also
officers on duty with us and citizens laboring volun
tarily for the freedmen. AU volunteer helpers re
ceived their rations by purchasing.
For a few days after the Bureau was organized
we were at a loss how to feed this unorganized mass.
June 20th, Colonel Balloch and I risited General A. B.
Eaton, the commissary general of the army, and
pleaded before him our case. We showed him our
army of over 140,000 dependents; that there was no
appropriation; that the law had a clause: " That the
256

Courts for Freedmen
Secretary of War may direct such issues of provisions,
clothing, and fuel as he may deem needful for the im
mediate and temporary shelter and supply of destitute
and suffering refugees and freedmen and their wives
and children, under such rules and regulations as he
may direct." I said : " The Secretary leaves this mat
ter, General Eaton, to you and to me." We then sub
mitted a proposed circular letter, which, after a close
examination and a few alterations, General Eaton
approved. This important instrument defined the destitute ra
tion in all its parts and fixed the half ration for chil
dren under fourteen years. The ration consisted
mainly of pork, bacon, or fresh beef, flour, or bread,
with occasional issues of corn meal, beans, peas, or
hominy with coffee or tea for women. It named the ra
tion returns (requisitions for rations) and required
them to be approved and signed by the commanding
officer of a post or station, and, when practicable, by an
assistant commissioner or one of his agents for the
State or district. A seven days' supply could be ob
tained at a time. In cases where the destitute could
partially supply themselves, then only such parts of
the ration as were actually needed were given. Thus,
taking advantage of the army machinery, at a stroke
the feeding process was provided for. The general au
thority for all supplies was put by the law in the hands
of the Secretary of War, and so my order after ap
proval by Mr. Stanton required quarterly estimates of
all provisions and clothing, and allowed the purchase
of rations by teachers and other persons working for
refugees and freedmen. A limited transportation was
given to teachers on Government transports and rail
ways — of these there were many in those days — and
257

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
the instructions aUowed public buUdings, and espe
cially those seized from disloyal o-wners, to be used for
schools and for homes for teachers, soldiers' wives,
and refugees.
A few months having elapsed, October 10, 1865, we
received further positive relief. The quartermaster's
department was directed by Mr. Stanton to turn over
to my officers on their requisitions out of their abun
dance, such quartermaster's stores on hand, and cloth
ing, camp and garrison equipage, unfit for issue to
troops, as might be required to enable such officers to
perform their public duties and provide for the imme
diate necessities of destitute refugees and freedmen
that were temporarily dependent on the Government.
From May to November 30th, the total number of
white refugees who had been transported at public
charge from distant places to their o-wn homes, or to
new homes found for them, had reached 1,778. There
had been from ^lay to this date a steady diminution
of this class to be moved, so that in the month of No
vember there were but sixteen persons so sent. Cor
respondingly, for the freedmen for November only
1,946 received formal transportation. The employees,
teachers, and agents of benevolent associations receiv
ing this favor were 307. Besides this sending of per
sons, boxes and bales of stores were forwarded free
of charge, such as had been collected from benevolent
people for the benefit of our destitute wards.
The medical arrangement was most important,
— that with the surgeon general. Our medical work
had at first been done in an irregular way; but
on August 3, 1865, Surgeon General Barnes kindly di
rected his medical purveyors to issue medical and hos
pital supplies to our medical officers. AU the provi-
258

Courts for Freedmen
sions in the Bureau law were thus given effect for at
least one year after the close of the war, and that date,
hardly fixed by any single event, was given a liberal
interpretation. June 16th, Surgeon Caleb W. Horner
became my medical director. With alacrity he entered
upon his multifarious duties, and little by little ex
tended the Medical Division throughout the States
where the Bureau was already operating, especially
to all the colonies, camps, hospitals, and orphan asy
lums directly and indirectly under our charge.
From time to time as he needed them he called for
medical assistants and they were promptly furnished.
By the middle of August he had seventeen such assist
ants from the army, covering the whole territory from
Maryland to Louisiana. The last of November he
wrote: "Although the Bureau has not yet reached the
remote sections of the South, already forty-two hos
pitals with accommodations for 4,500 patients are in
operation and facilities are afforded for the treatment
of 5,000 sick in twenty-four asylums and established
colonies." Besides the medical officers designated, eighty-
three physicians and 180 male and 177 female attend
ants were employed by contract. With regard to the
work of this great division it may be said that at the
close of the year 2,531 white refugees had been under
medical treatment and 45,898 freedmen had received
medical aid, yet there remained in all the hospitals
only 388 refugees and 6,645 freedmen. The percent
age of deaths during the year, owing to the previous
hardships to which the patients had been exposed, was
unusually large ; for refugees 9 per cent had died, and
for freedmen 13 per cent. Before systematic medical
aid was extended to these people they were found to be
259

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
dying at the rate of 30 per cent. But where the
relief system of the Bureau had been made complete,
as in the District of Columbia, the mortality was re
duced to less than 4 per cent.
As concrete illustrations a few of the orphan asy
lums will serve. By the breaking up of the slave sys
tem former owners were of course freed from the care
of negro children, and there having been in much of
the South a want of any permanent family relation
among the slaves, hosts of negro children without par
ents or friends were found in Southern cities. In
the District of Columbia was one asylum established
during the war under the auspices of a Ladies' Benevo
lent Society. The name under its charter was the Na
tional Association for the Eelief of Destitute Colored
Women and Children. When the war was over and
our active Bureau agency came to play its part, all
helpless adults were soon cared for in the Freedmen's
Hospital of the district, so that this society thereafter
confined its attention and resources mainly to orphan
children. They cared for between one and two hun
dred during 1865. At first the association occupied
the " abandoned property" of Mr. E. S. Cox, situated
near Georgetown in the District, and they greatly
hoped to retain that property, which was in a healthful
location and in every way commodious. But, on Au
gust 17th, I informed the ladies of the association that
President Johnson had requested the Bureau to pro
vide some other place for the orphans because he had
fully pardoned Mr. Cox, the Confederate owner, and
he was thereby entitled to complete restoration of
his estate. The ladies were much grieved at this
action of the President, yet after some delay they pur
chased several lots on the Seventh Street road, just
260

Courts for Freedmen
beyond the limits of the city of Washington; and
thereon, as quickly as possible, the Bureau erected a
suitable building for the asylum. Here the orphans
were properly provided for. It further aided the
good ladies with rations and medical attendance. Mr.
Cox, a citizen newly made by the removal of his po
litical disabilities, sought a little retributive justice
against that association of ladies by suing them for
damages to his property during their occupancy to
the amount of $10,000, but he was not successful in
his suit.
Three orphan asylums in New Orleans were main
tained the same year. One of them was on Dryades
Street, mainly in charge of the National Freedmen's
Eelief Association. The Bureau, as in Washington,
aided the management with food, medicine, and medi
cal care for the children, whose number was about one
hundred. Madame Louise de Mortie, an educated and
philanthropic lady, opened another asylum in the Soule
mansion, designed for orphan girls. This mansion,
abandoned, was assigned to her by the Bureau. The
lady provided for between sixty and seventy girls.
This institution required but little help from the
assistant commissioner. For a time, there were in
Louisiana two other asylums, one that had been in ex
istence before 1865 and was supported wholly by the
Government; the other was opened by the colored
people themselves. The assistant commissioner for
Louisiana speedily united these two and put them un
der the management of the National Freedmen's Asso
ciation, the Bureau furnishing, as generally, a build
ing, medical aid, fuel, and rations. This union asylum,
well located in New Orleans, had the care of a hundred
and fifty orphan children at a time, and did excellent
261

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
serrice. The colored people themselves of this citv
very largely cared for the orphans of their friends
and acquaintances in their own famUies, and thus,
when orphanage was at its height, generously saved
the Government much expense.

262

CHAPTEE LI
THE EAELY FINANCES; SCHOOLS STARTED
/^OLONEL BALLOCH, before mentioned, was
^-^ early placed at the head of financial affairs in
the Freedmen's Bureau. He came to it by detail from
the subsistence department of the volunteer army.
It was the original intention of Mr. Stanton and
myself that Balloch, who had been an excellent com
missary of brigade, of division and of corps, often
under me during the progress of the war, should have
charge of commissary matters. He was particularly
fitted to supervise the procurement and issue of food
to destitute refugees and freedmen; but as he was
known to be a good financial officer, of large experience
and probity, and already under bonds for the faithful
disbursement of public funds, I decided to assign him
to additional duty as chief accounting officer.
There was, the first year, no direct appropriation
of money for the support of our Bureau, and in con
sequence, besides what came from abandoned property,
aid had to be obtained, as we have seen, from the quar
termaster, commissary and medical departments of
the army. The law itself, it will be observed, sanc
tioned these sources of supply, and by implication
required not only that all abandoned property, but all
other matters, including funds, should, be under the
supervision of the commissioner, under such regula-
263

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
tions as he might prescribe, provided he obtained the
approval of the President.
The following table, which the reader may skip if
he dislikes such literature, will indicate how the funds,
gathered from various sources and transferred to the
accounting officer, were recorded. The table further
shows something of their original use:
Receipts
Amounts received during the year 1865
From Freedmen's Fund  S466,028.35
" Retained Bounties  115,236.49
For Clothing, Fuel, and Subsistence sold  7,704.21
From Farms  76,709. 12
" Rents of Buildings  56,012.42
" "Lands  125,521.00
" Quartermaster's Department  12,200.00
" Conscript Fund  13,498. 11
" Schools (Tax and Tuition)  34,486.58

Total received  $907,396.28
Expenditures
Freedmen's Fund  $8,009. 14
Clothing, Fuel, and Subsistence  75,504.05
Farms  40,069.71
Household Fumiture  2,904.90
Rents of Buildings  11,470.88
Labor (by freedmen and other employees)  237,097 . 62
Repairs of Buildings  19,518.46
Contingent Expenses  46,328 .07
Rents of Lands 
Intemal Revenue 
Conscript Fund 
Transportation 
Schools  Total expended  $478,363.17
Balance on hand, October 31, 1865  429,033. 11
Deduct Retained Bounties  115,236.49

300.00

1,379.86

6,515.37

1,445.51

27,819.60

Balance available for liabilities  $313,796.62
The sums that came into the hands of the chief dis
bursing officer, originally arising from taxes on sala
ries of colored employees retained in some instances
264

The Early Finances
during the war to support the destitute, the sums from
taxes on cotton, where freedmen were interested, from
fines in the provost courts, and from donations or
small amounts raised in any lawful manner for the
benefit of the freedmen, were considered by us as a
single fund, and we named it " The Freedmen's Fund."
The clothing, fuel, and subsistence of the table were
what was collected after abandonment by Government
officials at the close of the war, Union and Confeder
ate articles, and taken up by our officers and sold for
the benefit of refugees and freedmen. The item
" Farms " signified the produce which was disposed
of for cash. The rents of abandoned lands and build
ings became -quite an item, and materially aided in
sustaining Bureau operations. The money which came
from the quartermaster's department arose from the
rentals of abandoned lots or lands that army quarter
masters paid over to the Bureau. In some States,
as in Louisiana, there existed for a short time a small
tax laid upon all who directly or indirectly within a
given district were concerned in the schools ; and th«re
was also a small tuition charged in those schools where
pupils could afford it.
The disbursing officer in his first report had this
brief account of the origin of the retained bounties :
" The amount held as retained bounties cannot be con
sidered as funds of the Bureau, as it is merely held
in trust for colored soldiers, or their families, in ac
cordance vt^ith (General Benjamin F. Butler's) General
Orders No. 90, Department of Virginia and North
Carolina, current series, 1864."
By General Butler's orders a portion of the boun
ties due to colored soldiers who were secured and en
listed to fill up the quota of troops from the different
265

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
States was .-segregated and put into a fund. This
fund wa.^ to be used for the support or partial support
of the -wives and chUdren of the colored soldiers thus
enUsted. A part of it had been disbursed in accord
ance with the terms of the orders and the balance, un
der the President's instructions, was transferred to
our Bureau. At first it was simply kept in trust, so
uncertain did we feel concerning the proper disposal
of it. After a time a part of the fund was used to pur
chase a buUding and land for a colored school. I had
the opinion that that would be a good disposition to
make of any remaining balance, prorided there should
be sufficient, of course, after we had paid back to all
we could find of the soldiers concemed and to their
famUies what plainly belonged to them. In fact, re
payment had gone on continuously, though the late
soldiers concemed, being -widely scattered, were hard
to find. We knew that the school building, which was the
freed people's best reUef. could be disposed of at any
time: and that very soon the interest of the fund,
mostly in United States bonds, would cover the pur
chase. One day in conversation -with Senator Lot M. Mor
rill, I called his attention to this fund. He said that
such an expenditure ought to be approved by action
of Congress, otherwise that money might cause me
trouble. After this interriew, a bUl was submitted
to Congress which authorized such investments and
disposition of the money as had been made. It passed
one House, but was amended in the other, by striking
out the real estate clause. In this form it became a
law. It required the Bureau to pay the bounty money
to tbe soldiers and their famUies as far as might be,
266

The Early Finances
and if there remained any balance at the close of the
Bureau to cover that into the United States Treasury.
The real estate used for the school was disposed of
as soon as possible, and the money returned to the
fund. Payments were made from time to time accord
ing to the terms of the Act, vouchers always being
taken for General Balloch's accounts. His successor,
Major J. M. Brown, and then myself following Brown,
in closing up the Bureau made the disbursements, as
did Balloch. At last I deposited the final balance in
the Treasury as required, took my receipts and closed
up the account.
At one time Balloch had presented an account with
his vouchers for that fund to an auditor of the Treas
ury, who declined to receive it because of its nature,
not being, as he said, properly United States funds.
After that refusal neither of us again submitted ac
counts of that fund to the auditing office. Balloch
left his vouchers when mustered out of service in a
bundle in his desk. Some time after the Bureau had
ceased its main work, and after a small remnant had
been transferred to the Eecord Division of the War
Department for completion, the Secretary of War, (
General W. W. Belknap, called upon me for an item
ized statement of the entire " retained bounty fund."
It was this fund, with the interest thereon, which the
Court of Inquiry, of which General Sherman was
president, thoroughly investigated during the spring
of 1874. Either in the transfer of the papers by
wagon from my office to the War Department build
ing, or in the subsequent burning of papers, which
were deemed of no value, by the War Department,
the vouchers which Balloch had put into his desk had
disappeared altogether; but fortunately by the use of
267

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
a book of record, which had been carefully kept, and
also by finding duplicate vouchers retained by subor
dinate disbursing officers in the States where the boun
ties were paid, I was able to account for the entire fund
to the satisfaction of the court. This result, however,
did not satisfy General Belknap, who caused the
United States to sue me for the entire fund. That
suit was brought against me after I had gone to
Oregon and taken command of the Department of the
Columbia. The case was continued in the United States
District Court of Oregon, by formal postponement on
the motion of the United States district attorney, for
two years. At last the case was transferred (as a con
venience to the Government) to the Court of the Dis
trict of Columbia and there tried. The jury found
for me without leaving their seats on every count.
So that after great trouble and expense the retained
bounty case was finally settled.
As will apiiear in the description of the subsequent
operations of the Bureau, the division of financial af
fairs, besides administering the funds already noted,
as the money was collected and spent, was the disburs
ing office for all the Congressional appropriations for
the Bureau.
After the first year all the original sources of rev
enue for the Bureau except the retained bounty fund
and direct Congressional appropriations were united
and called the "Eefugees' and Freedmen's Fund,"
and expended for proper public purposes, mainly for
labor and schools.
The many benevolent organizations of the country,
which I have mentioned, after the commencement of
Bureau work, gradually lessened their eleemosynary
features and gave themselves vigorously to the teach-
268

The Early Finances
ing of children and youth and the planting of schools.
May 18, 1865, the Eev. Lyman Abbott, then a vigorous
young minister, paid a visit to the new Bureau. He
came to Washington as a delegate from New York
to speak in behalf of several volunteer freedmen's
societies. There had already been some effort among
them to consolidate. I at once favored a plan for a
general union of forces, which would evidently make
them both more effective and more economical in
administration. Mr. Abbott, agreeing with this view, promised to /
do all in his power to bring about such union. As he j
was greatly interested in the work of education among !
the freedmen, I consulted him with reference to the
first important circular issued from headquarters May '
19, 1865. It announced well-defined principles of ac
tion. Mr. Abbott's aid and advice have ever since
been gratefully remembered. The following words
met his special approval : " I invite, therefore, the con
tinuance and cooperation of such societies. I trust
they will be generously supported by the people, and
I request them to send me their names, list of their
principal officers, and a brief statement of their pres
ent work. . . . The educational and moral condition of
these (the freed) people will not be forgotten. The
utmost facility will be afforded to benevolent and reli
gious organizations and State authorities in the main
tenance of good schools for refugees and freedmen
until a system of free schools can be supported by the
recognized local governments. Meanwhile, whenever
schools are broken up by any authorized agent of the
Govemment, it is requested that the fact and attend
ant circumstances be reported to this Bureau.
" Let me repeat, that in all this work it is not my
269

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
purpose to supersede the benevolent agencies already
engaged in it, but to systematize and facilitate them."
The next step after public announcement was to
introduce in the field some practical systematic ar
rangement. So much overlapping and interference
one with another were found among the workers that
I hastened to appoint a school superintendent for each
State. He was generally a commissioned officer de
tailed from the army and placed under the direct
authority of the State assistant commissioner of the
Bureau. The majority of the schools throughout the
South were elementary. They were more flourishing
in those localities which had been for six months or
more within the lines of our armies. After peace
many Government schools were added to those of the
benevolent societies, being brought into existence by
Bureau officials. These were self-supporting from the
start. The educational work was in every way helped
by the extraordinary ardor of the pupils and the en
thusiasm of the teachers, fed by the societies behind
them, who at this time voiced the generous devotion
of benevolent people everywhere. Yet the ruling
classes among the Southern whites were deeply of
fended. They said at first: " If the Yankees are al
lowed to educate the negroes as they are now doing,
the next thing will be to let them vote." No one can
describe the odium that awaited the excellent, self-
denying teachers of freedmen in those days. Our
first official summary of these schools declared that
" doubtless the treatment to which they, the teachers,
have been subjected is due in part to the feelings en
gendered by the war, but it is mostly attributable to
prejudice against educating the blacks, and the belief
that the teachers are fostering social equality." Even
270

The Early Finances
then, however, there were notable exceptions to this
opinion and conduct in the South. Some prominent
Southem men earnestly advocated the introduction
of schools, and several Southern churches established
them in connection with their own organizations. The
entire number of pupils in the schools for freedmen at
the close of 1865 in the States that had been in insur
rection, adding Missouri, Kentucky, Maryland, and
the District of Columbia, amounted to 90,589; teach
ers 1,314, and schools 740. Mr. J. W. Alvord was
made the chief inspector of schools, October 2, 1865.
The Bureau gave transportation to teachers from their
homes to the field and back during the necessary
vacations. It also carried all their books and furni
ture, and to a considerable extent while the abandoned
property remained available, provided buildings for
the dwelling places of teachers and for the schools
themselves. I early came to the conclusion that our j
school work was best promoted by placing one dollar 1
of public money by the side of one of voluntary con- /
tribution. The Bureau gave to any benevolent society '
in that proportion. The society which undertook the
most in that manner received most.
President Johnson's restoration of estates, how
ever, which we have already noticed, soon caused
schoolhouses, churches, and many private residences
to be severed from our use. One inspector wrote that
our admirable system of education well inaugurated
must fail unless permanent real estate for the freed
men and the schools could in some way be secured.
The benevolent societies were ready to erect their own
buildings if we could fumish them lots on which to
build. This disposition helped us finally to great
results. 271

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
A partial consolidation of societies was at last ef
fected. For a time the Bureau dealt in the main with
only two, the American Union Commission and the
American Missionary Association. The latter, besides
its freedmen's schools, carried out the universal desire
that the chUdren of white refugees should also be well
cared for. At Eichmond, Va., the Association had
such a school with 375 pupils and five teachers. It had
another each evening for 50 adults. The same Associ
ation sustained still another at Athens, Tenn., for 95
white children, and partiaUy, for a time near Chatta
nooga, a refugees' school located in old war buUdings
which the Confederates had erected near the crest of
Lookout Mountain. Mr. Christopher E. Eobert of
New York City had bought the buUdings at the Gov
ernment's auction sale and devoted them to this use.
Mr. Eobert was the same who had established Eobert
College in Constantinople. A few hundred children
were there cared for under the superintendence of
Prof. C. F. P. Bancroft, who was later the efficient
principal of Phillips Academy, Andover, Mass. After
a few years' trial this Lookout Mountain school was
closed. Before a railway came the mountain was too
inaccessible. In the face of many difficulties there was hopeful
activity the latter part of 1865. An old citizen wrote
from Halifax, N. C. : "I constantly see in the streets
and on the doorsteps opposite my dwelling groups of
little negroes studying their lessons."
In Charleston, S. C, even in the slave times, free
persons of color could be taught in books. In that
city at this time the opposition to freedmen's schools
was inconsiderable.
In Louisiana, where the schools had been supported
272

The Early Finances
by a State tax levied by military authority, they had
become remarkable for completeness of organization
and proficiency. Before the close of the year, how
ever, the order le-vying the tax was countermanded.
The consternation of the freedmen was intense. They
begged to be assessed the whole amount of the tax, and
at last formally petitioned the military commander
to this effect. From one plantation alone, opposite
New Orleans, came a petition thirty feet long, covered
with signatures. Many a signer, of course, merely
made a cross opposite his name. This earnestness
of ignorant men in behalf of their chUdren's education
was indeed remarkable and full of promise.
The Society of Friends maintained an evening
school in Baltimore for colored porters and draymen,
having an average of forty in attendance ; while young
men of Quaker families constituted the corps of volun
teer teachers.
The latter part of the year, when the President's
attitude was known to be unfriendly to anything ex
cept work, there arose in several districts of Mary
land sharp and organized opposition to all freedmen's
schools. Both teachers and children were chased and
stoned in one town, Easton, by rough white men. Ees
olutions to drive out the teacher were passed in a
public meeting in Dorchester; while unknown parties
burned the church and schoolhouse in Kent county.
Other such church edifices, used for schools, were
burned in Cecil, Queen Anne, and Somerset counties.
This was done with a view to shut up existing schools
and prevent new efforts. It was the burning of the
buildings in this quarter, coupled with hostile feeling
and action elsewhere, which more than any other one
thing united the Eepublicans, radical and conserva-
273

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
tive, in Congress, and induced them to advocate a uni
versal suffrage. Hostile spirits declared that if the
negroes were allowed to- read they would soon be
permitted to vote. By their violence these men
hastened the very consequences which they most
feared. It was only here and there that any of our schools
had at this time passed beyond the rudiments. An
extraordinary thirst for knowledge caused numerous
night schools to be undertaken, particularly in Wash
ington, and there were a few of an industrial char
acter set on foot. In one of these quantities of gar
ments were made, and in another quite a variety of
clothing. A Washington teacher voiced a common
sentiment in saying : " I have found the children very
much like white ones in the matter of learning. Some
are stupid and others are bright." The negro children
were then more eager for knowledge than ordinary
white ones, being stimulated by their parents, to whom
knowledge of books had hitherto been like forbidden
fruit. Our inspectors, traveling constantly, found
instances of what they called self -teaching, that is, per
severing attempts on the part of adults to educate
themselves. They entered some schools where colored
men and women were trying to impart what little they
knew to others, though they had hardly grasped the
rudiments themselves. Their pupils were of all ages,
and were separated into attentive groups. One group
would have for a teacher a young man, another a
woman or old preacher. These rude schoolrooms were
discovered in cellars, sheds, or the corner of a negro
meetinghouse. The improvised teacher would have
the card alphabet in hand or a torn spelling book. All
seemed full of enthusiasm with the knowledge which
274

The Early Finances
the card or the book was imparting. There was an
other fruitful institution, namely, the colored regiment.
An instance will illustrate. A regiment was stationed
at Fort Livingston, La. An officer selected ten of the
brightest-appearing colored soldiers and spent two
hours a day in teaching them to read. This he did
under a promise that each of the ten would take a class
of four and devote the same amount of time to them.
Books and cards were obtained and the school under
taken. The soldiers faithfully kept their agreement;
while being taught they instructed one another and in
a few days many of the regiment had begun to read.
The soldiers then hired a competent teacher to extend
their knowledge. This good work had gone on about
a year when the friendly officer declared that his A
B C pupils were already taking, and in addition to
enjoying the illustrations, were reading forty copies
of Harper's and Frank Leslie's Weeklies besides other
papers. The first year of school work appeared to all of us
who were interested only a nucleus, a preparation
for the future. Hitherto, donations from the benevo
lent had been generously made, and there was hope
of a steady continuance. Hindrances, however, as in
all undertakings, made their appearance and made it
difficult to keep the official and the benevolent in har
mony. As means of transportation in the South on
land and water naturally ceased to be under Govern
ment control with the withdrawal of troops, it became :
difficult to furnish transportation to teachers or so- '
ciety agents. Before the end of 1865, such transporta
tion was altogether interdicted by the Secretary of!
-^ar. Again citizen opposition in every locality where ^
there were schools was gathering force. Places which
275

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
had aj^peared in the outset favorable to education be
came suddenly inimical. It was erident to us who
were on the lookout that the whole movement for edu
cating the freedmen would cease unless kept for a long
period under the protection of the general Govem
ment. Our officers and agents, -without exception, wrote
decidedly that military protection alone could save our
schools. Without it they would be before long utterly
broken up and new ones could not be put in operation.
It was not altogether the dri-ving out of teachers or the
treating them -with contempt and unkindness which
threatened the existence of the schools. There was
wanting that sense of quiet and security which is al
ways essential to a successful prosecution of study.
There was indeed apprehension in the air in all places
where military or Bureau occupation did not exist.

276

CHAPTEE LII
PRESIDENT JOHNSON'S RECONSTRUCTION AND FURTHER
BUREAU LEGISLATION FOR 1866
pEESIDENT JOHNSON, by the inspiration and
-*- help of his Secretary of State, Mr. Seward, had
succeeded before the meeting of Congress in Decem
ber, 1865, in completely rehabilitating all the States
that had belonged to the Southern Confederacy, so far
as the form went. Apparently all the functions of
Government, both State and National, were already
reawakened and in operation. By taking the old State
constitutions of 1861 and modifying them slightly to
make them comply with the Thirteenth Amendment of
the National Constitution, seemingly the problems of
reconstruction were solved. Everything, for a time, to
the late Confederates, was going on as they would have
it. All those who had been for four years fighting
against the United States were again in power at the
State capitals, or so close behind those in office that
they made themselves felt in every sort of legislation
and act of administration. But the freedmen were left
outside of all proper citizenship. They had no voice
directly or indirectly in the new governments over
them, and soon, worse than that, vicious laws were
passed that made their actual condition deplorable.
They were, indeed, but for military protection, which
stUl lingered in the South, worse off than under the
old system of slavery. 277

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
At thi.-5 juncture, when Congress was assembling,
the situation may be summarized as follows: The
Southern legislators, in keeping with Judge Taney's
famous Dred Scott decision, very clearly demonstrated
that the negro had no rights. True, they had formally
adopted the Thirteenth Amendment to the National
Constitution, but had followed that action by legis
lation which vitiated its prorisions. The smallest acts
annoying to white men were raised to misdemeanors,
while vagrancy, poverty, and even enforced idleness
were made to constitute a crime to be punished by
excessive tines or hard labor under constraint. The
labor and vagrancy laws, ostensibly for white and
black alike, were so executed as to reach the freedmen
oiUy, and indeed to many of them the liberty granted
by our amended Constitution was thus to all intents
and purposes overborne and crushed by hostUe State
action. As soon as Congress met, Southem senators and
representatives elect from the insurrectionary States
were on hand at the doors of each House waiting for
admission and recognition. But this thirty-ninth Con
gress had taken fire. The Executive, so Congressmen
alleged, had largely encroached upon its proper prov
ince. The members of both Houses were too impatient
even to wait for the President's message. Combating
resolutions were at once introduced and passed, ap
pointing a joint reconstruction committee of fifteen
members to inquire into the condition of the States
which claimed to be reconstructed, and to report
whether any of them were entitled to representation
in Congress, " -with leave to report at any time by bill
or otherwise." The contest that here began between that Congress
1 278

President Johnson's Reconstruction
and President Johnson, with all the Southern legis
latures involved, affords a piece of history of deepest ^
interest, and subsequently it greatly affected the exist
ence and operations of the Freedmen's Bureau. The
life of that Bureau was to terminate by law one year
after the close of the war. By the most favorable in
terpretation that one year could not extend beyond
the fiscal year ending June 30, 1866. The necessity
for the protection which the Freedmen's Bureau would
give became more and more apparent. Every report
received from our agents bore evidences of troubles
then existing and apprehended.
The words of the assistant commissioner of North
Carolina, Colonel Whittlesey, were significant. They
found a veritable echo in the reports of other assist
ants and subassistants throughout the South.
Writing from Ealeigh, December 1st, he said : " But
it is evident all over the South that the colored race
cannot be safely left in the hands of the late masters
or the Southern people. Just as sure as that is done,
such oppressive laws will be enacted that the blacks
will be driven to desperation and the scenes lately
witnessed in Jamaica will be reenacted in many sec
tions of our own country."
He gave instances of outrages committed against
loyal people because of their loyalty. This was done
in places where the military had been withdrawn. A
young man was threatened and stoned because he had
opened a " nigger " school. Whittlesey added : " I do
hope that Congress will grasp the whole subject and
show itself master of the situation. No legislation
for the freedmen should be allowed — it is not consist
ent with the republican form of government. All laws
should apply to all races alike. Give equal rights to
279

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
whites and blacks; impose the same taxes, the same
duties, the same penalties for crime, and then execute
the laws -with simple justice: and the result will be
peace, safety, and prosperity. . . . But the white
people in this State are not yet ready to treat black
men justly. Therefore, the Federal Govemment ought
to retain control. Our military force ought to be in
creased and not reduced."
Early in this, the last session of the thirty-ninth
Congress. Senator Trumbull of Illinois, instead of
simply sending for me as would have been customary,
kindly came to my office and studied the operations
of the Bureau. I was then stri-ving to carry out the
existing law, and realized how essential to the inter
ests of the freedmen it was to extend the time of its
operation. It was indeed important for the sake of
humanity that that continued operation should obtain,
not only in the cotton, but in the border States. I
further believed and desired that the recent slaves
should attain to all the rights of freemen before the
existing protection of the general Government should
be -withdra-wn from them. I had been much hampered
by the instructions of the President himself, who had
now gradually drifted into positive opposition to the
Bureau law — a law that he was bound by his oath of
office to execute, but one that his process of reconstruc
tion had caused to be violated in the spirit, if not in
the letter, so as to render it nugatory. This worthy
senator, always of a conservative tum, warmly took
the freedmen's part. I well remember those nights at
my headquarters, for Mr. Trumbull's thoughts deeply
impressed me. In a subsequent speech he declared the
freedmen's condition to be " abject, forlorn, helpless,
and hopeles';." 2S0

President Johnson's Reconstruction
January 5, 1866, he introduced in the Senate a new j
Freedmen's Bureau bUl. On the 12th of the same
month it was brought up for discussion, when he ex
plained what he wished to accomplish with it: (1) An i
essential extension beyond the one year to be termi
nated by a future Act of Congress. (2) That it should
apply to the whole country wherever were the benefi
ciaries; (3) That the President should give them land
by reserving not exceeding 3,000,000 acres from settle
ment or sale in certain Southern States where public
lands still remained; (4) That General Sherman's pos
sessory titles on the sea islands be made real; and
(5), more important still, that when discriminations
against negroes were made Bureau officers and agents
should take and hold jurisdiction of the offenses.
Much feeling and bitterness were evolved in the
discussion that followed the senator's statements. |
Yet all hindering amendments were voted down, and j
January 25th, the bill passed the Senate by 27 major- ,
ity. In the House there was a like fiery discussion.
The bill was amended so as to limit it to sections of
the country where the habeas corpus remained sus
pended on February 1, 1866.
The Senate removed the amendment, so that the
original bill passed both Houses and February 10th
went to the President. He returned it with a veto. He
objected to thus legislating without the new represen
tatives and senators from the South. He declared that
the bill interfered with the local administration of jus
tice; that it was unconstitutional for the general Gov
emment to support indigent persons; that it was un
reasonable to make provision for a class or color ; that
it was extravagantly expensive, there being $11,745,-
000, according to the commissioner's estimates for the
281

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
current year, and likely imder the bill to be double that
amount — " greater than the entire yearly administra
tion of John Quincy Adams."
The Senate did not get a two-thirds vote to over
come the veto, several senators ha-ving changed their
attitude regarding it, so that Trumbull's bill faded
to become a law. But in the House the persistent
chairman of the Freedmen's committee, Mr. Eliot, very
soon introduced a new Bureau bill, from which he had
removed several objections made by those senators
who refused to vote for the first bUl over the veto.
The duration he fixed at two years ; he left out the sea
island clause, and he reduced the acres of public lands
to 1,000,000. This measure went through both Houses
and was vetoed like the others for similar reasons.
But this time both Houses passed the measure over
the President's veto, and it became a law July 16, 1866.
The attitude of President Johnson and of the leading
Southem whites, together -with the apparent inabiUty
of Congress to enact a law to which he and his new
friends objected, created, during those six months of
trial, prior to the passage of this measure, great anx
iety and apprehension. StUl, all officers and agents,
cooperating -with tbe small mUitary garrisons in their
vicinity, had worked on energetically and hopefully
to meet and overcome the increasing difficulties of the
situation. By November it was erident that the new law had
had a salutary effect. Aside from its relation to the
business interests of the Bureau, which were difficult
to manage under the uncertain tenure of the prerious
law, it served to cheer the freed people throughout the
entire South, to increase their confidence in the general
Govemment, to give new stimulus and a firmer tone
oso

President Johnson's Reconstruction
to industrial and agricultural enterprises, and to im
part strength to the hope of justice; a law less com
prehensive and explicit would have been insufficient.
Under the new provisions Maryland and Kentucky
were now embraced and assistant commissioners ap
pointed. The freed people of those States had become
an important consideration. Most of them were will
ing and anxious to labor ; yet very many had required
the protection of a powerful agency to shield them
from the imposition of employers and cruelty of ene
mies, and the unfairness of courts constituted and
held under old laws. When nothing else could be done,
it was something for an accused negro to have at least
the counsel of a Bureau officer as a friend present in
court. The most annoying things that I, as commissioner,
encountered, and they were hitherto unceasing, were
the complaints made to President Johnson against
officers and agents and referred to me for examination
and correction. Any agent who took the part of the
freedmen against a Southern planter, especially one
who had the hardihood to arrest a white man for mis
using a negro, was traduced, and often, I am sorry
to say, his discharge was brought about. The Presi
dent was very anxious to be rid of every prominent
officer who was reported to have been long the freed
men's friend. In his eyes assistant commissioners,
such as Mr. Conway, Colonel Brown, Generals AVhittle
sey, Saxton, Samuel Thomas, and Absalom Baird,
were too pronounced in behalf of those assailed; they
seemed to be friends of the so-called carpet-baggers,
i. e., immigrants from the North, and of Southern
Unionists and negroes ; and many subagents also were
accused of a like attitude. They were too much the
283

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
advocates of their wards to suit the situation. As I
was obliged to execute the law under the direction of
his Excellency, little by little his power made itself
felt. To give my work the utmost opportunity to suc
ceed I came to the conclusion, first, that all Govern
ment agencies -within a given State must work in har
mony, and so I recommended to the President that the
functions of the mUitary commander and of the assist
ant commissioner in each State be exercised by the
same officer. To this he gladly assented. It was
early done in Virginia. General Alfred H. Terry, the
new department commander, became also the assist
ant commissioner for that State. He took his prede
cessor in the Bureau, Colonel Bro-wn, on his staff and
so operated all Bureau work through him, and soon
that arrangement prevaUed throughout other depart-
' ments. Next, I worked to make each mUitary subdiri-
sion coincident -with the Bureau subdistrict. Terry's
department, the State of Virginia, was dirided into
eight subdistricts with an officer in charge of each.
Then I carefuUy instructed subordinates that, touch
ing all subjects of a military character, the agents were
to be under the direction of State department com
manders. The Bureau officer acted in the same manner as an
officer of engineers buUding a fort might do, reporting
on aU matters of construction directly to the chief of
engineers at Washington, but at the same time being
the engineer officer on the staff of a local commander.
Fortxmately for me the Secretary of War, Mr.
Stanton, and General Grant, the commander of all
the geographical departments and garrisons, were
friendly to my work; it was. therefore, not difficult to
secure in that way unity of organization and action;
284

President Johnson's Reconstruction
it was easy enough in and near all towns actually
garrisoned, and in places which were reached by rail.
Perhaps the needs, the hopes, the fears, the fail
ures, and such progress as was made in the Bureau
work for 1866 may be best illustrated by some of the
work before the courts that year.
General C. H. Howard, who had succeeded General
Eaton in the District of Columbia and vicinity, found
it next to impossible to get the courts to allow the tes
timony of colored witnesses anywhere in Maryland un
til the effect of the United States Civil Eights Law,
recently enacted, which forbade such distinction, came
into play. Upon a case of great outrage, committed
by a white man upon a negro, where the Bureau agent
brought the white man to trial and the white man was
condemned and sentenced, an appeal was taken before
Judge Bowie of the Maryland Court of Appeals, and
the constitutionality of the Civil-Eights-Law called in
question. Judge Bowie, to our joy, July 2d, decided
that colored witnesses were competent, and that the
Civil-Eights-Law in this respect was constitutional.
After that happy decision warrants were issued on the
testimony of negroes. But the agents now found an
other obstacle. Constables refused to serve subpcenas
for such witnesses, and even when colored men did
testify, the prejudice of jurymen gave little or no
weight to their testimony.
In North Carolina General Eobinson, now in com
mand, delayed the transfer of cases for trial to the
civil courts, especially those where whites had com
mitted fraud, injury, or violence upon persons of
color. In July the governor wrote him : " There now
exists under the laws of this State no discrimination
in the administration of justice to free persons of
285

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
color." The general then directed the reference of
all cases to the county and State authorities, with the
single exception of the claims for wages due under
contracts witnessed by Bureau officials. These ad
mitted of no delay, and the agents adjudicated them as
before. It was indeed better for both parties. But
still in cases of neglect, where the civil tribunals
failed to act, Bureau officers were directed to make
arrests where the freedmen were concerned, and detain
the criminals till a proper court should be ready to
try them. The Bureau exhibit for this State for Au
gust was not very reassuring. Forty-nine cases were
sho-wn of assault, whipping, false imprisonment, shoot
ing, and other outrages against blacks, with but one of
a negro against a white man. Many more reports
of such outrages were made directly to the civil au
thorities, embracing assault and battery, rape, church
burning, arson, and murder. The civil courts, how
ever, as a rule were keeping faith. The offenders had
been required to give bonds and so held to answer the
charges. General Eobinson was sanguine of the fu
ture. He believed that after time enough had elapsed
for new adjustments between the races "mutual con
fidence would be restored."
General Tillson was a conservative and harmonizer,
leaning possibly to the side of the white employers;
he was this year of the opinion that the Georgia civil
courts were disposed to do justice to the freed people,
but unfortunately the jurors, selected from a class who
hated the negroes, attached little weight to negro testi
mony. Even Tillson finaUy saw and believed that con
siderable time must elapse before the colored people
could enjoy substantial equality before the law; yet
the having a Bureau officer at hand to interpose as a
286

President Johnson's Reconstruction
friend had so far affected the actions of white citi
zens that acts of injustice and oppression were less
numerous. Planters looked to Bureau officers to make
their laborers reliable ; and freedmen sought their aid
also to obtain their wages.
General Swayne, contrary to his first expectations,
a little later found the Alabama legislators anything
but fair and just. He said : " The vagrant law of
Alabama operates most iniquitously upon the freed
men. In terms, the law makes no distinction on ac
count of color, but in practice the distinction is invari
able. I am satisfied that the law would be annulled if
fairly tested. I have taken up three classes under it
by habeas corpus, but in every case the persons were
discharged for informality in the commitment with
out reaching the merits of the case." So many griev
ances occurred that even Swayne, with whom the good
govemor sought to cooperate, was forced in several
of the worst localities to reestablish Bureau courts.
General Absalom Baird in his last message in Sep
tember indicated a bad outlook for Louisiana. Brutal
conduct in distant parishes remained uncorrected for
want of military force. The perpetrators were law
less and irresponsible white men; they were the terror
of both property holders and laborers. They were
countenanced by the community either through sym
pathy or fear. Baird added that the Civil-Eights-Law
was to some extent having a good effect, restraining
those who had hitherto been disposed to treat United
States laws with contempt. Several magistrates were
under arrest for violating its provisions.
General Sheridan, following Baird in Louisiana,
rather heightens the adverse picture : " Homicides are
frequent in some localities ; sometimes they are investi-
287

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
gated by a coroner's jury, which justifies the act and
releases the perpetrator; in other instances, when the
l^roof comes to the knowledge of an agent of the Bu
reau, the jjarties are held to bail in a nominal sum,
but the trial of a white man for the killing of a freed
man can, in the existing state of society in this State,
be nothing more or less than a farce."
In not a single instance, however, when contracts
had been entered into between planters and freedmen
in the mode prescribed by the Bureau, had a com
plaint been subsequently made by either party to the
contract, while in a large proportion of other contracts
bitter complaints were constant. The reason was
plain enough. In all those approved by a Bureau
officer, the terms were first carefully explained to both
parties ; and the whole power of the Bureau would be
afterwards exerted against the party attempting to
violate an approved contract.
In Mississippi General T. .1. Wood, an able diri
sion commander during the war, always of a conserv
ative turn of mind, gave a statement of the condition
of affairs which was not very encouraging. Grievqus_
OTtrages had been committed. A class of citizens
called " regulators " appeared in several States as if
by concert of action ; the fear of them in some parts of
Mississippi was so great that peaceably disposed in
habitants were afraid to give the information neces
sary for their detection and punishment. The regu
lators shot freedmen without provocation, drove them,
unpaid, from plantations and committed other crimc^.
So many outrages of this kind were perpetrated that
General Wood at first wondered that the better por
tion of the community did not take decided measures
against the guilty. 28S

President Johnson's Reconstruction
The general, however, said in abatement : " We
shall not do them (the whites) justice unless we re
member that, with very few exceptions, they were fully
persuaded that slavery was right and beneficial to the
colored man, as it was profitable and pleasant to the
ruling class. They felt injured by the emancipation;
their profits and pride were assailed and destroyed.
In the midst of the excitement, hurry, confusion, and
active enmity of the times nine tenths of the white
people could not be expected to attribute the change to
anything but a spirit of revenge. ... It was to be
expected that the ignorant, violent, and unprincipled
portion of these people, being additionally demoral
ized by the war, should give vent to the evil within
them by committing outrages. On the other side it
can surprise no one that the freedmen should be some
what unsettled, inclined to avoid labor to which all
their lives had been devoted under stern compulsion,
and that they should misapprehend their rights and
duties." The deliberate murder April 30th of that year of a
worthy officer, Lieutenant J. B. Blanding, Twenty-first
Eegiment Veteran Eeserve Corps, while walking on
the street at Grenada, Miss., and attempts upon the
lives of other men who had been faithful and fearless
in the discharge of their delicate and dangerous duties,
gave rise to increased anxiety everywhere and seemed
to necessitate an increase of military force.
General Clinton B. Fisk had good results in Ten
nessee in 1866. The State legislature took liberal ac
tion in matters of vagrancy, or apprenticing and con
tracts which affected the freedmen; they modified the
old laws to conform to the Thirteenth Amendment of
the Constitution and to the Civil-Eights-Law. Before
289

Autobiography of G^n. O. O. Howard
General Fisk, in September, was relieved by General
J. E. Le-wis, he took occasion by a circular, -widely pub
lished, to transfer aU cases to the civU officers elected
by the people, to call their attention afresh to the
United States laws involved, and to entreat them to lay
aside all feelings of prejudice, in order that the State
laws might be administered in such a manner as not
to compel a retum to mUitary courts. We all beUeved
then that greater security for the Ufe and property
of the freed people existed in Tennessee than in any
other of the late Confederate States.
K.entachf had meanwhUe been full of trouble. The
" regulators " had been for some time committing' hor
rible outrages in the southeastern districts. Old laws
and old customs like flogging prevaUed in many coun
ties. The department commander. General .leff. C.
Davis, who also came to be the assistant commissioner
for Kentucky, had been preriously reported as hostile
to negroes, so that I was fearful that matters there
might grow worse. But I was greatly mistaken.
Davis said : " The laws shall be executed at whatever
cost."' He settled difficulties between the negroes and
white men -with satisfaction to both, and punished the
lawless -with such promptitude that even the bloody
and much-feared " regulators " were obliged, where he
could reach their haunts, to suspend their base work
f't terrorism which tbey had undertaken among the
freedmen and their teachers.
General .7. W. Sprague, most manly and fearless
of men. in October of 1S66 was no longer sanguine
for Arkansas in the line of justice. The legislature
did not grant the negroes their rights. He feared to
give cases to State officers on account of their mam-
fest prejudice and unfairness. He could not, he con-
290

President Johnson's Reconstruction
fessed, carry out his Bureau instructions without the
troops. Murders of freedmen and other crimes
against them were on the increase. Civil authorities
utterly failed to arrest and punish offenders. The
clouds were growing thicker and thicker. There were
many thefts, robberies, assaults, and murders; some
of them of the most brutal and unprovoked character,
where not a finger had been raised by citizens or law
officers to bring the guilty parties to justice.
And yet the good General gave us a gleam of light
when he reported that the freedmen were working
well and abiding by their contracts in good faith. The
Bureau officers still held control of the registration
of laborers and supervised the contracts, so that the
results in that quarter were promising.
The assistant commissioner in Virginia found some
improvement in the feelings of the whites toward the
freedrneiij~but"alleged weakness and neglect on the part
of State officials touching heinous crimes. Murders
and robberies were committed and nobody was ar
rested and brought to trial except through the agency
of United States officers, most of them of our Bureau.
In three counties it had been necessary to reestab
lish the Bureau courts to prevent insurrection among
the freedmen, who threatened retaliation for the
wrongs which they suffered from local civil courts.
General J. B. Kiddoo, the Texas commander, found
little respect for_any law in the northeast counties.
The legislature had delayed the necessary legislation ;
freedmen could not yet testify in spite of the advent
of the Civil-Eights-Law; great distinctions were con
stantly made in all dealings with them. His chief
troubles consisted in his efforts to protect them from
violence; he entreated for more troops for those re-
291

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
moter districts where the greater number of outrages
occurred. As in Arkansas, where the interests of the
larger planters came in play, the Bureau agents be
came a help, a necessity. A lack of confidence existed
between the planters and freedmen, until the assistant
commissioner had successfully inaugurated a system
of contracts by which the planters could place some
reliance upon the steadiness of labor, and the freed
men have security for their pay.
These illustrations all through the South show our
work in creating law-abiding communities in which
fair local laws were slowly extending to the protection
of negroes. .Judicial proceeding was in a transition
state everj-wliere and needed careful watching and
continued experiment under friendly supervision,
such as our officers uniformly gave. How much rio
lence, fraud, and oppression, how much idleness, theft,
and perhaps insurrection our agency prevented can
never be measured. Other nations have not succeeded
so well in relie-ving the shock to society when they
were passing from slavery to freedom.
The schools were increasing and were in much bet
ter shape than in 1865 and yet there were only 965
organized schools, 1,405 teachers, and 90,778 pupils.
We knew that there ought to be ten times as many.
It was but a beginning — a drop in the bucket — a
nucleus — an object lesson. The demonstration, how
ever, showed that it was practicable to educate the chil
dren of negroes.

292

CHAPTEE LIII
THE BUREAU WORK IN 1866; PRESIDENT JOHNSOn's
PIRST OPPOSITION
"IV/T AJOE FOWLEE, who had, as his main business,
¦^' -'¦ to hasten the return of houses and lands to par
doned owners, was given in addition the Claim Divi
sion. Its origin was this : At the office in Washington
constant complaints had been received from our agents
that discharged colored soldiers were constantly de
frauded by unprincipled men of amounts due them
from the Government. Some were told that they had
dues when there were none. The deceivers would get
from the individual soldier discharge papers and re
quire a fee for their return. Soldiers would wait days
and weeks in towns and cities for promised action
touching bounties and prize money, often when the
same had no existence in fact.
Again, in the thousands of cases where there were
actual dues exorbitant fees would be taken in settle
ment, totally regardless of all law or reason. The
gross ignorance of the mass of colored soldiers ren
dered them especial objects of such extortion and
fraud, and the numerous shrewd transactions against
them were usually so concealed as to render it exceed
ingly difficult to detect and expose the guilty. To pre
vent these soldiers far and near from being uselessly
disturbed in their work; to forestall and prevent all
such frauds in future and to enable those entitled to
293

Autobiography of G^n. O. O. Howard
do so to obtain their prize and bounty money and
other bona fidt due.-? that might be lost to them, this
Claim Division had its birth and was regularly set on
foot. It began its work March 17, 1S66, and by our
extensive agency which penetrated every State, great
numbers of both soldiers and saUors of the freedmen
class were, wdthout charge to the beneficiaries, helped
and benefited. It was the efficient work done here that
led to the Act of Congress which the next year placed
all remaining payments of bounties, prize money, and
unsettled claims of colored solcUers and sailors under
the charge of this Bureau.
An incident sho-wing the variety of our burdens
was the making of the Bureau by Congress the channel
of expending an appropriation of $25,000 for the im
mediate relief of destitute whites and blacks in the Dis
trict of Columbia.
In the early spring, there suddenly appeared an
extraordinary destitution in Washington and George
town, caused by the overplus of population which no
effort on the part of the Govemment had been able to
reduce. In this destitution there were more white
people than negroes who were in a starring condition.
April 17, 1S66. Congress made that special appropri
ation and charged me, the commissioner of the Bureau,
-with its disbursement.
With a riew to have others share -with me the re
sponsibility, a sfiecial relief commission of six mem
bers was constituted by me and placed under the
immediate supervision of the assistant commissioner
of the home district. Surgeon Eobert Eeybum was
cho-en as the president of the commission. By using
in thi- organization officials of the Bureau, and se^-ur-
ing the help of many benevolent citizens besides as
294

The Bureau Work in 1866
visiting agents without pay, the assistant commis
sioner was able to do the work with comparatively
small expenditures. There were made twenty-two
subdistricts and a visitor appointed for each. All of
these except two performed the duty gratuitously, and
our officers gave them great credit for their assiduous
and self-sacrificing labors. The destitute fund was
expended directly in small sums for groceries, cloth
ing, fuel, rentals, medicines, and their careful distri
bution attended to. Probably no sudden want of a
destitute multitude was ever more promptly and sat
isfactorily met and relieved.
Surgeon Horner of the Volunteer Army returned
to his civil practice during the summer prior to being
honorably mustered out of service, November 15th, aud
our Medical Division thereafter came under the charge
of Colonel L. A. Edwards, a surgeon in the army. Both
classes, namely refugees and freedmen, including the
blind, deaf mutes, insane and idiotic, were put under
him and faithfully cared for. The total number in
all the country under medical care during the eleven
months prior to August 31, 1866, was of refugees 5,784,
of freedmen 160,737. Still, there remained September
1, 1866, but 501 refugees and 6,045 freed people ac
tually in hospital. The 56 hospitals, according to our
plan, were reduced during the year to 46; there were,
however, established a number of dispensaries at dif
ferent points from which medicines were obtained.
The orphan asylums aided were reduced to five with
out reckoning one at Eichmond, Va., and another at
Lauderdale, Miss., as these two were not separate
from the permanent hospitals. Prompt and energetic
measures, both remedial and preventive, were invari
ably adopted whenever any contagion or epidemic
295

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
appeared in any part of the country. Cholera showed
itself at several points, but its ravages were limited,
and diminished far more than could have been antici
pated ; military quarantine of all seaports and Bureau
surveillance of the blacks were prompt and constant.
Our medical officers, civil and mUitary, 231 in all, dur
ing the year were reduced to 128 at its close; they
prided themselves on the cheering and successful re
sults due to their zeal and energy. The percentage
of mortality among the vast number of persons treated
was for the refugees but three per cent., and for the
freedmen four and six tenths per cent.; it was quite
an advance on the aggregate average of the year
I^revious of nine and thirteen per cent, for both
classes. Thus we have a bird's-eye view of the situa
tion in 1866, and rejoice at a good work done for
humanity. For political reasons, however, the President de
sired to put before the people a very different view of
the Bureau. His plan of reconstruction of the South
ern State governments had been discredited by Con
gress ; senators and members of the House applying
for seats under it were refused admittance. The plan
had been broached of giving negroes a vote, the Bu
reau to be the means of preparing them for the suf
frage and protecting them in it. It was during the time
that the new Bureau bill was being debated in Con
gress (May, 1866), that he inaugurated a remarkable
inspection of the Bureau in the South by two officers
in tbe interest of his policy. One of them, General
Steedman, had been a brave soldier; but he was a
rough character with no sympathy for negroes. The
other had been my adjutant general in the field, and
afterwards a long time in my Bureau. He was a kind,
296

The Bureau Work in 1866
upright young man, but unaccountably took part in
this attack upon the Bureau and upon the administra
tion of some of our best subordinates. The two men
set out, reporters with them for the press, generally
unfriendly to plans of reconstruction favored by Con
gress. They passed on from city to city and from
place to place, visiting military and Bureau headquar
ters in each Southem State, and sent their reports, as
critical and adverse as possible, broadcast through the
newspapers to the entire country.
Before this operation began. General Grant, who
had to some extent found out what was to be, done,
kindly sent for me and said substantially : " Howard,
you must not take too much to heart or as against
yourself what may be said or reported before long
against your Bureau." I did not at first very well
understand what he meant, till the noisy and preten
tious inspection of Steedman and FuUerton was well
on foot. The following statements of mine to President
Johnson, given August 23, 1866, in reference to this in
spection, portrays the Bureau troubles and triumphs
of that year. " The last report of Generals Steedman
and FuUerton of an inspection of the Bureau under
my charge contains so many statements differing from
those I have received from other officers and assistant
commissioners, and furnishes deductions so widely
varying from those I have formed and offered, that I
deem it my duty to review the main points of this re
port; and more especially is this course necessary
for me that I have been assigned to duty by yourself,
and have administered the Bureau in accordance with
your instructions, verbal and written, keeping con
stantly in view a thorough and practical execution of
297

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
the law by which my officers and myself have been
bound. " The ostensible object of the inspection is to detect
and correct abuses of administration and furnish your
self with information of the actual state of things.
Had the inspectors made a thorough examination and
report to yourself or to the Secretary of War, in ac
cordance with their written instructions, so that I
could have corrected the wrongdoings of individual
agents or modified any policy that was faulty, I would
not complain, but be grateful for the aid and encour
agement thus afforded. This method of inspection
and report is the one that has always been pursued in
the departments of the service with which I have been
connected. " The inspectors have pursued an extraordinary
course. I understand they took as clerks several
newspaper reporters, who gave to the press the sub
stance of their reports, and sometimes the reports
themselves, before you had time to give them consid
eration. The effect of this course has been to concen
trate the attention of the public upon certain individual
acts of officers and agents, or accusations against them
carelessly drawn, in such a way as to keep the faults
committed, and not the good done, prominently in view.
" Some things they have held up as criminal, which
were not so in reality. Erroneous conclusions have
been drawn from a state of affairs now existing in
many places, for which the Bureau is not responsible,
e. g., they charge to the account of the Bureau all the
evils of the labor system which they find, while they at
tribute to the State governments and citizens, in great
part, the good accomplished. Certainly this is the im
pression received from reading the reports.
298

The Bureau Work in 1866
" In what I have to say I have no desire to screen
my officers from just charges ; in fact, I have taken in
stant measures to bring to trial any officer against
whom there seemed to be any weU-founded accusation.
It is a fact well worth considering here, that of thir
teen assistant commissioners there was but one whom
the inspectors were able to condemn, namely, the as
sistant commissioner of North Carolina; and he,
though held up to the country as a liar and a dishonest
speculator, has been acquitted by a decision of a fair
and honorable court, so far as the charges were
concerned. " Again, in the departments of Virginia and North
Carolina, of over two hundred agents, accusations
were brought against ten only, seven officers and three
civilians. The majority of them have been honorably
acquitted of the charges preferred against them. The
Eeverend Mr. Fitz, of such terrible notoriety, who was
having his case investigated on the arrival of the in
spectors, proves to be not a reverend, but a young man
of eighteen years, a quartermaster's clerk during the
war, and personally guiltless of the cruelties imputed
to his charge. All these cases will soon be officially
reported — I need not refer to them further.
"I may say, however, that the charge against an
officer of putting men in a chain gang had no founda
tion in fact, but in another part of the same State an
other officer specially selected by the inspectors for
unqualified commendation had issued an order to place
delinquents as vagrants in a chain gang. . . .
" Their final objection is to citizen agents, and in
order to reduce expenses, they recommend that all
such agents be discharged — given in the following
language : ' A great reduction in the expenses of the
299

Autobiography of Gen, O. O. Howard
Bureau, and a reform which would render it far less
objectionable than it is now, would be effected by the
discontinuance of all paid employees not in the mili
tary service of the Government.'
" I assent to this principle, though the inspectors
do not seem to do so, as they have given unqualified
praise to the administration of the Bureau in Georgia,
where the greatest number of citizen agents are em
ployed. Could I obtain details from the army I should
certainly do so ; but the smaUness of the military force
in most of the States has rendered it impossible.
They next speak of Georgia, saying that the amended
laws of the State are fully as liberal as those of any
Northern State, and place the negro in all respects
on a perfect equality with a white man as to his civil
rights, conveying the impression that the freedmen
are thoroughly protected under the execution of these
laws. " General Tillson, who is highly commended by the
inspectors, and who is known to be a man of integrity
and good judgment, in a late report to me says : ' There
are many instances where, through the prejudice of
the people, or the incompetency of the magistrates,
the freedmen are denied the protection of the law, and
where the interference of the Bureau is absolutely es
sential to secure justice. When this influence has been
wisely directed, and the authority of the Bureau
brought to bear firmly but kindly, the happiest conse
quences have followed, not only protecting the freed
men in individual cases, but changing the tone and
temper of the people, so as to prevent the recurrence
of acts of injustice and oppression. The continuance
and agency of the Bureau is stUl a necessity.'
" The case of maladministration of Captain Le-wis
300

The Bureau Work in 1866
J. Lambert is the only one mentioned among two hun
dred and seventy-three agents. This will be thor
oughly investigated by General Tillson. I am thank
ful for so great purity of administration in Georgia.
I may say here with reference to legal justice, that the
policy pursued constantly has been to transfer juris
diction to civil tribunals wherever there was a pros
pect of its impartial exercise under just laws ; in fact,
it has been the practice in most Bureau courts to use
the State laws when no distinction exists on account
of color. " No fault is found with Alabama, except that a few
officers are reported as engaged in planting.
" The inspectors must mean that these officers have
invested some of their private funds in planting. All
I can say is that a great many — in fact nearly all —
officers of the Government have invested their funds
in planting or something else. If they have not pros
tituted their official positions for private gain I cannot
complain, though I have lately forbidden such invest
ments within the limits of their official jurisdiction,
in order to avoid even the appearance of evil.
" General Wood, assistant commissioner of Missis
sippi, is commended for improving upon the adminis
tration of Colonel Samuel Thomas. The policy of the
latter is declared not calculated to produce harmony
between the races.
"In this statement, the inspectors have doubtless
been misinformed, for I have testimony from General
Wood and from inspectors that the policy pursued by
Colonel Thomas has not been changed.
" They next admit a state of affairs in Mississippi
that demands some other remedy than the removal of
the mUitary force, that is, if freedmen and peaceable
301

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
citizens are to be protected. The murder of a United
States officer, and the firing upon others without cause,
are admitted, and there is evidently a reign of terror
in portions of the State. . . .
" The inspectors complain of expenses and recom
mend reduction in Louisiana. They allege that the
main part of the money has been expended for schools.
Had they inquired of General Baird he would have
told them that as soon as the taxes were suspended by
your order, the schools were closed or continued as
private enterprises, or by employers of freedmen un
der their contract stipulations.
" The admirable system of education in New Orleans
was established by military commanders long prior to
the existence of the Bureau. No facts have been pre
sented to me to prove the statement that the money
under Mr. Conway, the late assistant commissioner,
was squandered as charged.
" The corruption of a few officers under his adminis
tration may possibly be true; but whether so or not
it does not affect the present administration of the
Bureau in that State.
" It is a little singular that officers long ago relieved
from duty should be chosen as exponents of the pres
ent management of the Freedmen's Bureau.
" The report -with reference to Texas rather com
mends than censures the administration in that State.
" One officer, Captain Sloan, is condemned for per
jury, and for his conduct in office. A subsequent ex
amination of his case has furnished a more favorable
report. The case will have a thorough investigation.
" Arkansas, Kentucky, and Tennessee were not ris
ited by the inspectors, and it is fair to suppose that
the administration of the Bureau in those States is as
302

The Bureau Work in 1866
it has been represented by the assistant commissioners
and other officers and by reliable citizens.
" It should be noted, with regard to expenses, that
aside from commissary, quartermaster, and medical
issues, the entire expenses of the Freedmen's Bureau
have been defrayed, from its organization up to July
1st, without an appropriation, and without incurring
a debt. The quartermaster, commissary, and medical
issues were being made by the army proper when I
took charge of the Bureau, and have been reduced as
much as possible, consistent with the present necessi
ties of the people, whites and blacks.
" I now come to by far the most important part of
what the inspectors have to say — the summing up of
their conclusions after four months' inspection of the
Bureau, in which they assert that there is an entire
absence of system or uniformity in its constitution.
They have never asked me for a word of information
with reference to records, reports, and orders !
" They have made no examination of my office, asked
no reason for any action taken. The records or in
formation they desired that could not be found in the
offices of the South may be found here. What would
be the result if they should make a general inspection
of the quartermaster, commissary, or other depart
ments in the same way? Those officers who have been
relieved or were beyond their reach, are supposed to
have made improper dispositions of all records or pa
pers connected with their offices. This is all wrong.
" There is not a bureau in Washington with a more
complete set of reports, books, and records, than can
be produced in this office at any time for inspection.
They attempt to prove their assertion by the statement
that in one State its officers exercised judicial powers ;
303

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
in one adjoining, all cases were referred to civU au
thorities, while in a third State Bureau officers collect
the cases and tum them over to military courts.
Their o-wn inspection reports will refute this. In the
vStates of Kentucky, Tennessee, Mississippi, Louisiana,
Alabama, Florida, Virginia, and North Carolina, Bu
reau agents do not exercise judicial powers of any
kind, and in the other States the powers exercised by
the officers of the Bureau are modified by the feelings
and conduct of the people toward the freedmen. They
admit there is a great difference in the feelings of
whites toward the blacks. What other principle more
uniform is it possible to adopt than to regulate the
power of agents of the Bureau by the disposition and
conduct of the people, favoring them as they approxi
mate equal justice?
" It -will be seen by referring to the regulations from
this Bureau (Circular 5, Series 1865), approved by
yourself, that a gradual transfer of jurisdiction was
implied ; and just as soon as practicable we have made
trial of the civU courts in every State. I have sought
the provost courts, as well as the civU, to relieve me of
the exercise of judicial powers.
" Bureau officers have never attempted to regulate
wages, and no order ever existed making regulations
on the subject. Demand and supply controlled this
matter. Of course wages, manner of payment, and
all the questions entering into the labor subject dif
fered widely throughout the South, and, from the na
ture of things, could not be uniform.
" Although importuned from all parts of the South
to take some action about wages, I steadily refused.
The foUo-wing has been the standing order for all the
States : " No fixed rate of wages wUl be prescribed for
304

The Bureau Work in 1866
a district; but in order to regulate fair wages in in
dividual cases, agents should have in mind minimum
rates for their own guidance."
" Assistant commissioners are rec[uired to fumish
me with copies of all orders and circulars issued by
them, and a close examination of all they have written
on the subject fails to produce any attempt upon their
part to regulate wages or contracts. The freedmen
and employer have been left to manage the matter for
themselves. " They say that schools in Louisiana have been sup
ported by the Government. Their report shows, how
ever, that they were supported by a military tax, and
perhaps to some extent from the income from aban
doned property.
" They say that agents interfere in an arbitrary man
ner in favor of freedmen sometimes, and at others in
favor of the planters. This is simply a crime, accord
ing to Bureau regulations, and the inspectors should
have preferred charges against these officers that they
might have been tried and punished. ... It is not
justice to the officers of the Bureau to charge them
with crimes that were committed against the freedmen
in time prior to its organization, and to suppress
dates and the location of grave charges so as to shift
the responsibility upon those not guilty. This was
just what these inspectors did.
" The inspectors next admit the necessity of the Bu
reau last year, and aclcnowledge that it did much good
for all classes. If this be true, it is bad logic to con
demn the workings of the Bureau for mistakes and
errors that were committed last year, and more par
ticularly for the year before its organization. Nearly
every charge made against officers in this final report
305

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
is for acts of last year, and upon which these officers
have already been called to account by the Bureau or
the War Department.
" I cannot agree with the inspectors altogether as to
a comi^lete revolution in the sentiment of the Southem
people which insures sufficient protection to the freed
men, when United States officers and freedmen are
murdered, and the freedmen abused and mutUated,
as is reported by the inspectors themselves.
" They say the good feelings of tbe whites toward
the blacks are owing to their interest in securing their
labor. This I regard as insufficient security when
trusted to absolutely without some other principle,
e. g., the guarantee of equal laws. For years slave
holders have deemed compulsory measures the best
security for labor.
" The inspectors declare that tbe Bureau has been
in the aggregate productive of more harm than good,
and give as their reasons, substantially, the reliance
upon it of the negroes, and their consequent distrust
of the property holders, and the provocation of espion
age creating mutual suspicion and bitterness.
" I deny the whole statement. It is not founded
upon fact, but upon theories constantly put forth by
the enemies of good order. A few bad agents have
been sent, and have doubtless done much harm, yet
this Bureau agency has been mediatorial and pacific
as a whole. It has relieved this very suspicion and
bitterness that existed when it was first organized.
Eiots, murders, and wicked deeds have recently sprung
tip. but these are in no way initiated or caused by the
officers of the Government. . . .
" The i^rinciples that apply to wages induced the
present contract system. I would have been glad to
306

The Bureau Work in 1866
have adopted precisely the same methods of regula
ting labor as have obtained in the Northern States, but
neither the planters nor the freedmen were yet pre
pared for this.
" Planters complained that freedmen under a free
system of labor would not work till the crop was har
vested, but would remain only till they obtained money
to keep them a short time, and then would desert the
crops at a most critical period. Nearly every South
em State had provided laws by which the freedmen
are to be contracted with for one year. Planters re
fused to employ freedmen at all unless they would
agree to remain one year. Of course, freedmen were
driven into those obligations by the same force that
compelled them to work for low wages. Anyone who
will recall the current news of the day, as reported
during the months of last January and February, will
remember that all the power that capital could exercise
was brought to bear upon the laborers of the South to
make them contract.
" We then labored earnestly and successfully to ele
vate wages and defended the interest of the freedmen
in their contracts, being constantly resisted by the in
ertia of the peculiar opinions of Southern property
holders. The evils in the contracts will disappear just
as soon as free labor shall have a permanent foothold
under its necessary protection of equal and just laws
properly executed.
" From the course pursued by the inspectors, I have
good reason to suspect the object of the inspection, as
they understood it, was to bring the Freedmen's Bu
reau into contempt before the country, and, to do this,
they have endeavored to prove maladministration.
" On the contrary, I am prepared to prove to your-
307

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
self or any other candid mind that I have fuLfiUed with
care, conscientiousness, and faithfulness the trust you
committed to me; I have obeyed your orders and in
structions, making no other objections than those I
have made directly to yourself and the Secretary of
War; my system has been a thorough one, and as
complete and uniform as was possible in an institution
intended to be temporary and to meet a transient ne
cessity. Could the Freedmen's Bureau be now admin
istered -with your full and hearty sanction, and -with
the cooperation of other branches of the Govemment,
it would fulfill the objects of its creation in a short
time, and be made, while it existed, to conduce for all
classes of the people to industry, enlightenment, and
justice. The work committed to it may doubtless be
done by the army, without a bureau, but not -with much
less expense. Yet, if the Government would keep good
faith -with its new-made citizens, some sort of a United
States agency must be maintained in the Southern
States untu society shall have become more settled
than it now is."

308

CHAPTEE LIV
PUBLIC ADDRESSES CONCERNING THE FREEDMEN IN 1866,
ADVOCATING EDUCATION
TN order to secure adequate means for aid societies to
-'¦ prosecute their good work it was necessary to
plead the cause of knowledge, of industry, and of hu
manity in the North as well as in the South. We
looked to the North and West for contributions of
money, and even more for moral sympathy and sup- /
port. To this end when I could get away from my:
office I accepted invitations to speak publicly concern
ing the freedmen. Incident to a trip to Maine in Feb- 1
ruary, 1866, I delivered some dozen addresses. From,
the following extracts it is now clear enough to see the!
subjects on which the public then demanded infor
mation. ^ " Our emancipation occurred at the close of a long
and exasperating conflict for and against emancipa
tion, so that we have given the new birth to freedom
under the worst possible conditions.
" Lee's army surrenders, then Johnston's, then
Kirby Smith's. The war is over and suddenly the
chains of slavery are broken and the captives go free.
Between three and four millions of slaves are emanci
pated in the very midst of a people who heartily dis
believe in freedom, who naturally are filled with pecu
liar prejudices and resentments, and who sometimes,
' Extracts from address delivered at Springfield, Mass., Febmary 19,
1866. 309

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
even now, glory in the apparent chaos that foUows the
death of slavery.
'' Hostile to liberty, they raised large armies ; they
fought witb desperation ; they are conquered, but they
will not be brought in a day to love tbe thing they
hated. No, the contrary is true; the Southem man
lets go of slavery inch by inch, piece by piece; he says,
' We will give it up ' but he really does not do so, and
I do not think, as a general rule, he -will tUl he is con
strained to it by the power and the needs of freedom
itself. " You should read the systems proposed from so
many different quarters. Every plan has in it the very
gist of slavery ; ' compulsory labor ' is stamped upon it.
The whole thought seems to be, How can we white men
maintain our authority over these black men? How
can we keep them from renting and o-wning land; how
hinder them from suits and testimony against us?
How can we restrain them from rising in the social
scale; how prevent their indiriduality from cropping
out ; their holding meetings ; their bearing arms ; how
prevent them from ha-ring a voice in making or exe
cuting the laws?
" I do not say that there is unanimity on aU these
points ; but that the great body of the Southem white
people are to-day with regard to some one or more of
them, avowedly as I have described. I do not say it^
to injure them, or to alienate you from them, but be
cause I beUeve it is a truth that must underUe every
measure adopted to secure to us and to the freedmen
the fmits of our recent struggle.
" On the other hand, let me say that there is a large
class of our fellow-citizens in the North brought up
under influences diametrically opposite to those under
310"

Public Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
which the Southern mind has been molded, who reason
in this way : ' Slavery is a great crime, therefore all
slaveholders are conscious criminals.' No kindness is
shown them, no sympathy felt for them. They are
denominated oppressors, heathen, or condemned by
other opprobious epithets. One who uses the dirk and
pistol against negroes who chance to cross his path is
represented as an exponent of all Southern feeling and
principles. Those who believe and reason in this way
are themselves either partially informed or are in-
crusted with prejudice quite as real as that exhibited
by Southern extremists.
" Southern men are generally outspoken. What is
the truth? It is that a large body of them are sincere.
Strange as it may seem, they heartily disbelieve in
freedom for the negro. They even now reason upon
emancipation as a curse of God cast upon them. The
warmest - hearted Christian regards his Northern
brother as carried away by a delusion which is
founded altogether on ignorance of the negro char
acter. " The great body of the emancipated no doubt will
be purified and strengthened by the experiences they
are passing through, just as the children of Israel
were by the experiences they encountered in passing
from Egypt to the promised land. Those beyond mid
dle age have been dependent so long that freedom
gives them a hard trial. Work they can, and the most
will, but what they lack is the ability to provide for
themselves in such way (to use their method of ex
pressing it) as ' to enjoy the fruits of their own labor.'
" Again, thousands and thousands are poor women
with families of children, without husbands to care for
them. In Virginia, where large numbers of children
311

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
were reared to be sold and work further South, there
is naturaUy a large surplus. Without visiting them,
you could hardly realize how very much they need aid,
not simply food and clothing, but instruction of every
description, kindness, sympathy, and guidance.
" The Southem society is twofold ; the whites, -with
their peculiar prejucUces and beliefs, and the blacks,
with their present disabilities created by antecedent
slavery. The Govemment stands forth between the
two classes with its gigantic resources as an interme
diary power. The spectacle is singular, and the heart
is often balanced between hope and fear in contem
plating the struggle actuaUy going on.
" My first decision was that labor must be settled,
and if we would not relapse into some species of slav
ery it must be done -without compulsory means; and
if we would avoid anarchy and starvation what we do
must be done immediately.
" It was very tempting to put the hand on the new
freedman and compel him ; it was so easy, by mUitary
power, to regulate all matters for him in that way.
How the letters did pour in upon me urging that
course ! ' Give us a system ' ; ' Fix the wages ' ; ' You
don't understand the negro — ^he won't work,' and simi
lar expressions. Gradually these letters diminished
and the cry ' Compel hirn! compel him!' is more dis
tant and less distinctly heard.
'¦ If we can hold a steady hand for a time — ^prevent
extreme and -widespread suffering by timely aid —
afford encouragement to every laudable enterprise —
multiply examples of success in every species of free
labor and do so in every county in every State, my
decided impression is that, before five years, there
-will be no more use of an agency of the general
312

Public Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
Government in the Southern States than there is now
in Ohio. " Harmony between the laborers and the holders of
property, which is essential to meet immediate wants
and settle society that has been so much disturbed at
the South, may, however, be brought about in process
of time without much real progress. There is a funda
mental prejudice, a false theory as really existing as
that in feudal times of the nobles against the masses
of the common people ; it is that the negroes were never
intended by nature for education. ' If you educate
them,' they say, ' it will upset them, unfit them for
the duties imposed upon them, rob us of our position
and consideration among them. Educate them, and
you will not only render them discontented laborers,
but they will get into all sorts of political jars and ex
citements, they will become a prey to all the sophis
tries and isms of New England, and bad politicians
will guide them to our detriment. In brief, all the
beautiful natural order that God has imposed, making
us superior, wise, and provident, and them confiding,
childlike, and dependent, will be destroyed as much as
the peace of Eden was by allowing Eve to eat of the
tree of knowledge. Fix it so that we can be the mind
and they the obedient muscle, and all will be well,
whether you call it free labor or not.'
" If the simple truth could at once break into the
minds of all classes at the South, that the elevation of
their common people to a higher plane of knowledge
and skill would be a positive advantage to the whole,
so that in each State there would be established such
a system of schools as would bring the privileges of
learning to the children of the humblest, then, indeed,
could we count upon substantial growth.
313

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
" Looking at the great numbers of indigent freed
men, old men and women and helpless children, in
every Southern State, I have not wondered that the old
slaveholder should pour into my ear the glowing ac
coimts of the blessedness of slavery in its prosperous
and patriarchal days, and that he should heap curses
on that freedom which he believes to be the occasion
of so much restlessness and suffering.
" But you and I know that the real cause of the
desolation and suffering is war, brought on and con
tinued in the interest of and from the love of slavery.
I present you this picture to urge upon you kindness,
sympathy, and liberality; yes, magnanimity toward
the whole South, without distinction of race or color.
" Not a day passes but that there is some affecting
reminder of the fault of those who aimed their blows
at the heart of the Eepublic; but I say slavery, that
gigantic evil which during the past gave us no rest —
slavery has done all this — and, thank God, slavery has
received its death blow, and the fact has been pro
claimed, not only in America but throughout the world.
In view of this we must seek courage and strength
from on high so as to lay aside all malice, all pur
poses of revenge, and put on a broad, li-ving charity,
no less than love to God and love to his children.
" Already, my friends, I have been severely cen
sured for such sentiments as I am putting forth, such
entreaties for wholesale charity, and I am pointed
again and again to the wrongs of the freedmen. I
know them.
" I might multiply the statements of wrongs that
they daily suffer. I hope that these wrongs will all be
righted and full jnstice secured to the freedmen by our
Govemment. Should we dwell upon the follies, the
314

Public Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
blind prejudices, or the positive faults, even crimes of
certain people in the Southern States, the tendency
would only be to widen and deepen the gulf already
existing; but if, on the other hand, we will watch for
every sign of favorable change, cherish every enlight
ened sentiment expressed, extend the hand of kindness
and genuine sympathy to those who are in need, while
we adhere to true principles of liberty with firmness,
it will not be long before the revolution will be com
pleted and we shall realize the blessings so often an
ticipated by the words : ' No North, no South, no East,
no West ! '
" The rights of the freedman, which are not yet se
cured to him, are the direct reverse of the wrongs com
mitted against him. I never could conceive how a man
could become a better laborer by being made to carry
an overhea-vy and wearisome burden which in no way
facilitates his work. I never could detect the shadow
of a reason why the color of the skin should impair
the right to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness.
Differences of form and feature, variety of mind and
capacity, perhaps infinite in gradation, indicate to us
somewhat of the divine arrangement and prepare us
for the multiplicity of social relations that do exist, so
that we never expect or seek for what is called ' social
equality.' Yet the epitome of Christian principles as
set forth by the Lord when He said ' Love the Lord
thy God with all thy heart, soul, mind, and strength,
and thy neighbor as thyself,' demands between man
and man the plain recognition of brotherhood.
" I hope I may be permitted to live to a good old
age, that I may have an earnest of what I so heartily
believe ; that I may tell my children's children of these
times when the American people put forth their
315

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
strength, saved a Eepublic, broke the chains of four
millions of slaves, and inaugurated genuine, universal,
unqualified liberty."
On February 21st, at a meeting in the interest of
my work held at the Cooper Institute, New York, the
venerable Dr. Ferris, president of the New York Uni
versity, Horace Greeley, and many other men of social
and political prominence were present. The meeting
was opened with prayer by the Eev. Dr. Hiscock, and
then I was introduced to the large aucUence. After
brief comparisons and contrasts dra-wn between Eus
sian serfdom and American slavery, I went on to dis
cuss the attitude of the Southem white people toward
negroes now free. There was, I claimed, on their part
a positive aversion to giving freedom and rights of
citizenship to the negro. A large proportion of the
former slaveholders looked upon the reasonings of
Northem men as vagaries and did not hesitate to ex-
XJress the conviction that the emancipation was a judg
ment of God. It was not strange that the greater part
were overwhelmed and chagrined Ijy the loss they had
met in the abolition of slavery. But there were notable
exceptions — ^men who took a comprehensive view of
things, and believed that the South would ultimately
thrive better than ever before through the genius of
free labor. Education was urged as the true relief. Its
thorough practicability was sho-wn by the liveliest ex
amples of daily occurrence among the colored youtL
Industrial education above all was urged.
I had harcUy ceased speaking when Mr. Greeley,
wearing his usual light gray coat, was loudly de
manded. He responded, and among other things, said :
'' Should the Government cease, through its agents, to
make efforts for the education and upholding of the
316

Pubhc Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
freedmen, private individuals would take up and still
carry on the work, and finish the noble task which has
gone so far in disenthralling the black race." Mr.
Greeley sat down amid a tempest of applause.
I had hardly resumed my desk in Washington after
this trip when some delegates from the colored peo
ple, Frederick Douglass, Henry H. Gamett, Sella Mar
tin, John M. Langston, and others who had come from
various sections of the country to Washington to have
a conference with each other and watch the interests
of their race in legislation, desired an interview with
me. The gentlemen sought the highest and best privi
leges and securities for their people, and laid stress
upon their right to vote; but, judging by newspaper
reports, they feared that I was opposed to them and
that I was not in favor of securing to the blacks the
right of suffrage. They came to my office and told me
frankly what reports they had seen. I expressed to
the delegation my sincere desire to have the coopera
tion and support, in my efforts to benefit the freedmen,
of leaders of the colored people like themselves. My
conviction was, first, that all citizens should be equal
before the law, and then, as in military generalship,
one position should be carried at a time and then the
next tenable position, each of which I would fortify
and defend for the right, and advance from that.
I was all along in favor of eventual suffrage for the
negroes, but hoped that it might be limited at least by
an educational qualification. Opposition to education
was, I feared, forcing us to adopt at once universal
suffrage. On April 20th, there was a gathering of the Metho
dist church people in Baltimore at the new Assembly
Eooms. The object of the meeting was stated to be to
317

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
discover and adopt measures for the intellectual and
religious improvement of the colored race. Chief Jus
tice Salmon P. Chase, Judge Hugh L. Bond, of Balti
more, and Senator Evans, of Colorado, and myself, as
commissioner of freedmen, were present. Judge Bond,
Senator Evans, and I were to make the addresses.
The chief justice, it was hoped, would add at the end
a word of encouragement.
Eev. J. A. McCauley gave out a hymn and led in
prayer. .Judge Bond followed in his effective style,
half humorous and half earnest. The judge hoped
that it would be the result of that meeting that sup
pression of certain subjects in church conferences
would cease; that it would not be unla-wful hereafter
to say negro as well as African — that is, refer to this
race in America as well as in Africa — and that the
Methodists would now see and meet their duty to the
colored race. .Judge Bond was one of those Southem
heroes deeply attached to the Union who underwent
persecution and ostracism for conscience' sake.
I spoke of my early career and experiences in the
army when stationed in Florida, how Christians there
believed that negroes had souls, that we were all chil
dren of a common Heavenly Father, that our Lord
made sacrifices for all, that He taught the doctrine of
universal brotherhood, and that we could not escape
the injunction to " love thy neighbor as thyself." Then
I made a plea for education in the South for blacks and
needy whites. That pleading has always held my mind
and heart.
After that I urged a more practical extension of
marriage rites. I stated that it was ridiculous to de
mand for church offices only proper marriages among
the negroes. As to the constant statement that negroes
.318

Public Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
had proclivities to certain sins — as lying and stealing —
and that it was of little use to expect any self-restraint
except from fear of the lash or other punishment, I de
clared all that to be a prejudice, a slander. If among
us whites a system of selfishness, lying, and cheating is
to prevail, and not the principles of the Christian reli
gion, then may we consistently push the negroes to the
wall. As Christians our first duty toward them is to
recognize their manhood, that which all through the
country we have hitherto neglected. Then I endeavored
to demonstrate how the Almighty had been leading us
step by step through the war and since, and to show
how great souls were already seizing upon the facts.
Every statesman, every individual — preacher, lawyer,
or other professional man — who attempts to stop the
wheels of progress will be sooner or later crushed to
atoms. Shall we sacrifice the Eepublic that we have
saved? The church must stand up and tell the truth.
Whenever you Christians have the opportunity to say
what you think, say it ! Stand firm for your own con
victions of truth and duty. Mr. Lincoln gave us the
principle — " With malice toward none, with charity for
all, but with firmness in the right as God gave us to
see the right."
George Washington was our beginning. We have
been brought on substantially and securely by his glo
rious successor, Abraham Lincoln. As his country
men let us not hide our light, but speak the truth, yet
speak it kindly in the fear of the Lord.
Eesolutions strong and good were unanimously
adopted. Then Senator Evans gave a ringing speech,
asking: "Is it possible that anyone should ever con
ceive that the religion of Christ could be modified to
suit one class of people differently from another ; that
319

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. How^ard
it was not intended for the whole human family? " His
answer was a conclusive demonstration of the univer
sality of Christ's teaching and that negroes in Africa,
in this country, or elsewhere were included.
Salmon P. Chase stood up at last to his full height
of six feet and two inches, and calmly closed the meet
ing in a few words that sounded like a benediction,
l^romising equal justice to blacks and whites, particu
larly in the Supreme Court.
Friday, April 27th, the negroes celebrated the
fourth anniversary of the abolition of slavery in the
District of Columbia. A strange procession made
up of military battalions, freemasons, Odd Fellows,
schools, ciril organizations — all negroes — ^was of the
best. They marched past the White House and called
out the President. They passed the Army and Na-vy
Departments, General Grant's and my headquarters,
and Charles Sumner's house, cheering heartily at every
point of interest as they went. The long column of
glad souls had a dozen bands of music preceding their
well-regulated divisions. There was no point from
which one could see the entire length of the parade.
At last it was massed at Franklin Square. Beautiful
banners were tastefully grouped around the ample
speakers' stand. Bishop Payne, of the African Metho
dist Church from South Carolina, opened this public
occasion in a brief and appropriate prayer. He was
a negro very dark, slight in stature, -with handsome,
regular features and was wearing large spectacles ; he
spoke the choicest of English. His people were greatly
delighted with his ministrations and held him in high
esteem. Then arose the tall Henry Highland Garnett, the
colored man who stood in point of oratory and influ-
320

Public Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
ence next to Frederick Douglass in the old days of
abolition warfare. He gave this day a rousing speech :
" I suppose it will no longer be presumption to call
you fellow-citizens, since the Constitution has been so
amended as forever to prohibit slavery and involun
tary servitude, except in punishment for crime, and
since the ' Civil Eights bill ' has become a law of the
land. To-day the principles of liberty are triumphant ;
the principles for which patriots and philanthropists
have labored from the foundation of our Government,
and for which the immortal Lincoln became a martyr,
and which John Quincy Adams and Giddings and the
Lovejoys and Henry Winter Davis and Solomon Foot
proclaimed with their dying breath." He eulogized
dead heroes and praised the living, taking up name
after name. He praised the Lord for their work.
" Thank God," he went on, " that my noble, suffer
ing and rising race live and flourish like the goodly
cedars. The history of 250 years has demonstrated
the fact that the black race in America, or wherever
dispersed, can neither be forever enslaved or blotted
out. God is with us and we must be free.
" One year ago Abraham Lincoln was lying in his
coffin. You and I, fellow-citizens, were among the
mourners. Although his remains sleep in a tomb in
the far West, yet he is buried in the hearts of this sor
rowing people. Eest, rest in peace, glorious martyr,
statesman, ruler, benefactor, and friend ! "
Garnett concluded by reading some well-worded
and touching resolutions. The last one was :
"EESOLVED: That we are sensible of the fact
that we are engaged in a stubborn war with numerous
and unrelenting foes, which, by the help of God, we
mean to fight out to the end on our native soil, aiming
321

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
to complete the establishment of our rights and liber
ties ; and that our weapons are the spelling book, the
Bible, the press, and the implements of industry;
and our impregnable fortifications are schoolhouses
and the Church of Christ; and our watchwords are
Unconditional Loyalty to God and Our Country."
As soon as the great cheering died away Senator
Lyman TrumbuU spoke : " I am here to-day to rejoice
with you in this anniversary of your freedom — free
dom from the most abject bondage ever visited upon
any portion of the human race — freedom that makes
you masters of yourselves, protects you in the enjoy
ment of the family relation, secures to you your chU
dren, prevents the father from being torn from his
chUd, and the mother from being torn from her infant.
(Amen and applause.) Secured not without a strug
gle, not without time, and not, I may say, by human
instrumentality alone. Whatever credit any of us or
any man may claim for the freedom enjoyed to-day by
four millions of American citizens, that credit belongs
to Omnipotence, who has so molded events that some
of us have been instruments merely in bringing about
this greatest and grandest result in the history of the
human race."
Mr. Trumbull closed with these words : " Hence
forth, no matter who makes the law, it must be equal,
and if it is a law that deprives you of a right, it must
deprive us white men of the same right. Equality
before the law belongs to you from this time hence
forth, and, by the blessing of God, I trust forever."
Henry WUson followed Mr. Trumbull with a
strong voice and effective utterance : " As I have gazed
to-day upon this mighty throng in the capital of my
country, as I have looked upon these banners, listened
322

Public Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
to the music, heard the voices to which you have lis
tened, I have turned back one third of a century to
that little assemblage of God-fearing and liberty-lov
ing men that laid the foundation in America for the
triumph which we enjoy to-day. I remember that
national convention of humble men from ten States to
whom we owe everything sanctioned by law, humanity,
and religion, for the abolition of slavery, and for the
elevation of every person of color. The work began
one-third century ago. (That's so.) Humble, devoted
men have since gone on from struggle to struggle,
untu, to-day, there is not a slave that treads the soil
of the country from the Delaware to the Eio Grande.
Not a cradle of yours can be robbed in America to-day ;
not a wife of yours can be torn from your bosom ; not
a bloodhound can bay on your track. Thanks be to
God for the labors of these faithful men. Every fetter
of yours is broken, and every man born in America can
stand up and say : ' I am a man, a brother, a citizen of
the American Eepublic ! ^ "
About this time the platform gave way and sank
enough to frighten the people on and near it; but for
tunately nobody was seriously hurt. As soon as it was
again properly propped up Senator Wilson resumed:
" Ladies and gentlemen, I have come back again. We
sometimes during the last thirty years have had falls,
but we always rose again. The friends of human free
dom, sometimes baffled for a time, sometimes checked,
sometimes even temporarily defeated, always rose
stronger and marched forward with a bolder front."
My own speech came after Mr. Wilson finished. It
showed pretty clearly my feeling at that time toward
the emancipated.
"Fellow-citizens and fellow-soldiers: It gives me
323

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
more than ordinary pleasure to be able to be present
on an occasion like this ; to be able to look forth upon
these masses of men; to be able to see in their faces
the gloamings of intelUgence ; to see senators from Con
gress standing up before you; to listen to the declara
tions of truths so solemn, so momentous, so deep, and
stirring the very foundations of the heart. I notice on
one of your banners the inscription ' Friendship, Love,
Truth.' I take as my motto the central — ' Love.'
" The closing sentiment of your resolution to-day
was loyalty to God, and loyalty to your country. I
thank the soldiers yonder and all they represent, for
the manifestation of true loyalty during our past
struggle for liberty; and I unite with you and with
them in ascribing gratitude to Almighty God that He
has put it into our hearts to be loyal to Him who sits
on the throne of the heavens, because it is He who -has
brought our public mind into the channels of truth;
and whether I as a soldier proclaim it or the minister
or the bishop proclaims it, we hear the solemn truth
that ' God is love.' The fundamental truth of the
whole Gospel is love. We are required by that fun
damental law to love God, to love humanity, to love
one another, to love the child of God. It is not like, it
is love. With all the depth of the human heart to love,
and to take that and carry it into yonder cottage.
There you will find it will make the different parts of
the same family agree ; it will make the children kind
to their parents and kind to each other. It will create
a scene beautiful in itself; a picture lovely to look
upon. Carry it into your neighborhood, and it will
produce agreement between one family and another.
Carry it into yonder capital and it wUl produce right
feeling and doing. It makes senator grasp senator by
324

Public Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
the hand and say, ' God bless you ! ' It makes the dy
ing senator grasp his brother senator and point him
to God and heaven. It takes hold not only of time, but
of eternity. It is the real true bond of this country. I
tell you it is the fundamental law ; it is the very bottom
of a true reconstruction. I asserted it in another form
once and was abused for it. I said that there was re
quired in this country a little more of the spirit of
Christ. I proclaim it again before this vast audience,
that it requires the genuine, practical spirit of the
Lord Jesus Christ to make our people agree, to re
construct our Government, to make us what we ought
to be— a united, homogeneous people, with homogene
ous institutions. Carry it to the Presidential mansion
and there it inspires the head and front of our Eepub
lic. It was what there animated the bosom of Abra
ham Lincoln. It warmed the beart of the poor ne
gress who knelt in one of our streets iu Washington
after his death and weeping said that in Abraham Lin
coln she had lost more than her God, because God had
made her a slave and he had made her a free woman.
She, it is true, did not understand that God was lead
ing him, was inspiring him, was guiding his heart and
his mind into the channels of truth, leading him to
walk in the light as God gave him to see the light.
Thus the great governing principle of his heart was
love to his Maker, and, through that, love to mankind.
" Now, my friends, bring the same principle to bear
upon the condition of things in our Southern States.
What do we need? We need true men; we need that
principle which shall lead the rough man, the untrue
man, to bow before the same Maker and to show a
broken and a contrite heart. He, then, will not perse
cute a man because he is red, because he is green, be-
325

Autobiography of Gen, O. O. Howard
cause he is yellow — oh no ! not even if he should hap
pen to be black. He hears the command : ' Thou shalt
love thy neighbor as thyself.' I do not learn in any of
the Commandments or in the Gospel of Christ, that
black men are excepted ; and I have always taken it for
granted from my childhood till the present time that
the Commandments and Gospel apply alike to black
and white. . . . One of our generals in this city told
me the other day that many years ago in Florida he
had been outside of many of the cabins of the negroes
and beard them night after night sending up petitions
to God for their freedom. He said he believed then
that those prayers were registered in heaven, and that
sooner or later these people would be free. Now, cer
tainly, taking into consideration what I have seen and
what I have heard, I believe there will be a great body
of negroes in heaven; and in spite of it, I want to go
there, and if we can carry out the principle of love to
one another, we may all go there. If we cannot carry
it out, those men whose bosoms are not big enough, or
broad enough, to take in that principle will never be
likely to go there !
" We can rest on fundamental truths ; they apply
alike to statesmen and President; they apply to me;
they apply to you. You have a great work to do — an
immense work. I am not one of those who cry, ' The
negro will not work.' I know you will, but I want you
to work with unusual zeal. I want the brightest and
smartest among you to put forth every energy. (We
will.) We have fought and fought together; and
whenever I feel a returning throb from an old wound,
I thank God I lost what I did lose in the procurement
of practical liberty. I thank God it was done in open
ing up a chance for the colored people to go ahead in

Public Addresses Concerning the Freedmen in 1866
the inauguration of the principle that every man have
a chance to develop, to grow, to increase, to multiply,
not merely bodily, but mentally and morally. I now
begin — we begin to-day — to realize and celebrate the
truths that have been so long in the Bible, truths that
were in our Declaration of Independetice, but which
were falsely or partially proclaimed from many fo
rums. We do realize that Declaration to-day; and on
the next Fourth of July if I should participate in the
celebration of the Independence of the United States
I will do it as to-day with a free, undivided heart and
mind. I can say : Liberty now, union now, liberty and
union, one and inseparable."
Prof. H. Howard Day made the closing address.
A single sentiment exhibits its tenor. " This emanci
pation I look upon as a part of God's work, and very
properly first of all to Him you give the glory. A man
who forgets the agency of God in such a work makes
a vital stab at the very cause which he seeks to benefit.
This emancipation was the legitimate triumph and a
first result of the true idea of the American Govern
ment." At the annual meeting of the American Missionary
Association at Cooper Union, New York City, May
8, 1866, which I attended, a brief letter from the assist
ant commissioner for Tennessee, General Clinton B.
Fisk, read by the secretary, showed that the General
was detained from participating in the meeting by the
Memphis riot. He wrote from Nashville, May 4th:
" The sad state of affairs at Memphis requires my per
sonal presence there. The tale of blood, murder, and
arson in the chief city of this State will sadden the
hearts of all who are earnestly striving to establish
peace on an enduring basis. The ashes of our school-
327

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
houses in Memphis but indicate the imperative neces
sity of education and Christianity (more pronounced)
for the Southern States."
This riot beginning Tuesday, May 1st, and continu
ing over two days, was brought on by the armed city
police attempting to check the disorder of some dis
charged colored soldiers who had been drinking. This
beginning resulted in kUling that day from fifteen to
twenty negroes, in burning eight negro schoolhouses
and the churches where schools were taught, and also
thirty-five of their private houses. The resulting ex
citement was so great that General Stoneman, the mUi
tary district commander, put the city under strict mar
tial law. The Memphis riot naturaUy excited the mem
bers of the American Missionary Association, for it
had teachers and agents in every part of the South,
and it greatly influenced the anniversary exercises.
This riot, coupled with the others a short time before
at New Orleans, where many black men perished and
much property was destroyed, everyone feared would
be extended to other cities.
Mr. Le-wis Tappan, the senior -rice-president of the
association, and one of New York's most honored mer
chants and philanthropists, presided. After the pre
liminary exercises, including a grand missionary
hymn, Mr. Tappan introduced me in very flattering
terms. I closed a description of our work -with an
appeal for moral support, saying : " After we shaU
have exerted ourselves to the utmost there will be
tasks which no Government agency -wUl be able to ac
complish. There -wUl be poverty it cannot reach.
There is already a strong feeling abroad against tax
ing the people to support the Southem poor ; and there
are also objections, alleged by good men, against
328

Public Addresses Conceming the Freedmen in 1866
efforts in behalf of education carried on by the general
Government. My Bureau, though engaged specifically
in a work of relief ; though it is the means of feeding
the hungry, caring for the orphans and widows, pro
tecting and promoting education, and working to se
cure justice to the weak and oppressed, nevertheless,
partakes of the hatred everywhere meted out to all who
are caring for the negro. Its friends are sometimes
doubtful about its expediency; many think the univer
sal franchise will dispense with it; so that it is not
safe to count upon it or its measures as of long con
tinuance. Work then, my friends, while the sun shines.
Do what the Government cannot do, send Christian
men and women who are not afraid of outrage, even
such as that noble girP suffered at Warrenton, Va. ;
who are not afraid to die; send such as teachers and
almoners of your contributions and as Christian mis
sionaries. " The only way to lift the ponderous load of pov
erty from the houses of the poor whites and blacks,
and keep it lifted, is by instruction. I do not mean sim
ply what is learned from books, but what is gained
from example. But I must detain you no longer.
The suffering of the poor is a heavy load upon us;
the villainies of those who can rob and murder the
poor, burn the churches and schoolhouses, try us se
verely. The twistings and turnings of our great men,
who are wedded to politics as a trade, who are too
great to own the manhood of the slave, too great to
consider important the interests of the lowly, perplex
us; but the past cannot be blotted out; our coimtry
' A band of -white men opposed to all attempts to benefit the blacks
had brutally assaulted a teacher, from the North, at Warrenton,Va. Amer
ican Missionaiy Magazine, June, 1866. 329

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
is being purged, is being redeemed, and shall be
blessed." Henry Ward Beecher followed me and urged help,
real help to the freedmen's societies. He spoke with
great force and earnestness.
Two days later I entreated the American Bible
Society at their anniversary exercises, held also in
New York, to extend their Bible distribution to the
freedmen in the South, and hastened back to my work
in Washington, which I only left once again that year
to address the people of Brooklyn and Newark, N. J.,
on " Our Christian Duty to the South," and to attend
the meeting of the American Freedmen's Mission at
the Cooper Institute in New York. The burden of my
efforts in these assemblies may be condensed into the
words: Educate the children. That was the relief
needed. Is it not always the relief which in time be
comes a permanency?

330

CHAPTEE LV
FIRST APPROPRIATION BY CONGRESS FOR THE BUREAU ; THE
RECONSTRUCTION ACT, MARCH 2, 1867; INCREASE
OF EDUCATIONAL WORK
nnHE year 1867 for the Freedmen's Bureau was an
-*• eventful one. The army appropriation by Con
gress for the year ending June 30, 1867, was made
July 13, 1866, and contained the first formal appro
priations for the support of our work. The items of
most interest were: for salaries, stationery, printing,
quarters, and fuel, $308,200; for clothing and rations
for distribution, $4,273,250; for medical department,
$500,000; for transportation, $1,320,000; for school
superintendents, $21,000; for repairs and rent of
schoolhouses and asylums, $500,000 ; for telegraphing,
$18,000. Total, $6,940,450. Hostile spirits thought
almost $7,000,000 enormous.
By a law, of date March 2, 1867, the plan of Con
gress for a reconstruction of the South had been
passed over the President's veto. Its preamble read:
"Whereas, no legal state governments or adequate
protection for life or property now exist in the States
of Virginia, North Carolina, South Carolina, Georgia,
Mississippi, Alabama, Louisiana, Florida, Texas, and
Arkansas ; and whereas, it is necessary that peace and
good order should be enforced in such States until
loyal and republican State governments can be legally
established," etc., etc. The law provided for five mili-
331

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
tary districts through which the country would be
governed until the people of any State should adopt a
constitution framed by a convention elected by male
citizens without distinction of race, color, or previous
condition of servitude, but still disfranchising partici
pants in the rebellion. The new constitutions must
grant suffrage to negroes and be submitted to Con
gress for approval. CivU governments where they ex
isted were allowed to continue till the new were estab
lished. The districts were then organized with General
Schofield in command of Virginia ; General Sickles for
North and South Carolina ; General George H. Thomas
for Georgia, Florida, and Alabama; General Ord for
Mississippi and Arkansas, and General Sheridan for
Louisiana and Texas. All these officers, as will ap
pear, who were commanders of individual States, be
came ex-officio my assistant commissioners. Coinci
dent with the Bureau work, the work of reconstruc
tion along the lines of the new law now began and
went on. In each State the assistant commissioner
was at the head of the Bureau work with at least an
adjutant, a disbursing officer, a medical officer, and a
superintendent of schools as his staff in Bureau
matters. Each State was divided into military districts whose
commanders were the Bureau agents in matters per
taining to the freedmen, and under them were the sub-
districts where the subagent, usually without troops
present, procured the necessary supplies for the ex
tremely destitute, adjusted labor matters, encouraged
negro education and counteracted the effect of unjust,
prejudiced juries, and the action of some local courts,
which arrested and in many instances practically re-
332

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
enslaved the negro. I simply conformed to the new
law, as I had to President Johnson's previous plans.
It was all the while my steady and avowed pur
pose, as soon as practicable, to close out one after
another the original Bureau divisions, namely, that of
lands, commissary and.jpLaxtfirmas.ter. supplies^ jastiee
through Biireau or military courts, and the medical es-
jahlishments, including prorisions for the -orphans and.
the destitute, while with all the energy I could muster
I increased the school work. I hoped at the end of the
Bureau term to transfer the educational division in a
high state of efficiency to some more permanent de
partment of the general Government for continuance
and enlargement, certainly until the States should
severally adopt a good, wholesome school system
whereby all the children of every color and description
should have the same facilities as those of Massachu
setts or Ohio.
As a condensed account of this year's work let us
take a survey of each assistant commissioner's field,
instancing only enough of detail to show how the va
riety of conditions led the efforts of each State into
directions peculiar to its own necessities.
I was glad enough that new laws and orders made
General Swayne a district commander as well as my
assistant commissioner for Alabama. From and after
November 1, 1866, the status of freedmen, under the
laws of that State, was the same as that of other non
voting inhabitants. The Eeconstruction Act of Con
gress gave the men the ballot. The school work
though small was really hopeful. There were 68 white
teachers and 15 colored. Preparations had been made
to erect large buUdings for educational use at Mobile,
Montgomery, and Selma. At remote places and on
333

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
plantations rude temporary structures were put up,
and these Swayne aided with school furniture. Appli
cations for assistance beyond the ability of General
Swayne or myself to supply, were on the increase.
The willingness of negro parents out of their poverty
to sustain, as far as they could, schools for their chU
dren was everywhere manifest; they soon warranted
Swayne's strenuous efforts to make them wholly self-
supporting. Opposition on the part of the better and influential
class of white people had diminished when Swayne
made his annual report, and a manly purpose on the
part of the freedmen toward self-help and independ
ence was evident. Somebody, however, must organ
ize in new fields and instruct the freedmen in their
duty and interest. The General cited several instances
of good disposition and success. At Mount Moriah, six
miles from Mobile, lived a colored man, Edward
Moore, who had built a log schoolhouse at his own ex
pense, putting it on his o-wn land. In this he was
teaching 52 pupUs. This school the freedmen sup
ported. Again, at Selma, B. S. Turner, himself a pros
perous and representative freedman, was helping his
friends and neighbors by eloquent words and by money
out of his o-wn earnings to secure school advantages to
tbe children. His brief speech to an inspector was re
corded : " Let us educate, let us make sacrifices to edu
cate ourselves, in this matter, let us help those of us
who are unable to help themselves." At Montgomery,
one of the seven schools there existing was taught by
a white man of Southern birth. All this was encour
aging, but the cold fact remained that a large number
of the 62 counties, densely populated -with the freed
people, had as yet no schools whatever, and further,
334

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
that when there were schools, only a small proportion
of the children had the privilege of attending them.
Such teachers as Swayne then had were earnest, labo
rious, and efficient. They preserved good discipline
and made their instruction, as far as they could go,
thorough and accurate.
To the State of Arkansas there had come a new com
mander and assistant commissioner, General C. H.
Smith, General Sprague having left the service to be
come the Western general superintendent of the
Northern Pacific Eailway. Arkansas was a difficult
State to reconstruct, and progress, especiaUy in the
line of justice, was slow enough. There were numbers
of desperadoes in remote places, especiaUy in the
southern districts. They evaded punishment by run
ning across the State line, so that emancipation acts
and the civil rights law had there little effect.
The catalogue df wrongs upon freedmen indicated
feeble progress, even among the better class of former
slaveholders ; yet in the aggregate in Arkansas the col
ored people had made great gains. They were allowed
to testify in the courts, even against white men, and
white men had been punished for offenses against
negroes in State and city tribunals.
To the educational work planters, now evidently for
self-interest, were more favorable than before; some
proprietors had shown marked kindness ; others had
found facilities for the planting of new schools on their
own estates. The ardor of the freedmen for education
exhibited ever since emancipation was unabated.
Strange to say, they were willing to be taxed and gave
even from their poverty all they possibly could to
bring knowledge to their children.
The teachers in Arkansas often had a difficult task ;
335

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
but some of them overcame even ugly prejudice, which
is a hard thing to do. One of such teachers, while on
her way to open her school in the neighborhood of a
large plantation, was refused shelter by the owner.
His reason was that no real lady would perform a
work so discreditable as teaching " niggers." But in
a few months she had so won the confidence of the
planter by her judicious conduct and Christian ef
forts, that when she was taken suddenly ill, he had
his doors opened to receive her and saw to it that
she had every comfort and attention necessary. I
enjoyed immensely the stories of such acts of gal
lantry. There was deep sympathy between teacher and
pupU. A single Ulustration from a school at Little
Eock will illustrate. The teacher -with moist eyes told
a girl of perhaps twelve years that an act of chUdish
indiscretion pained her. Seeing the tears the child
ran to the teacher at once, asked her forgiveness, and
said that in the future she would be a good girl. This
spontaneous act sensibly affected the whole school.
This teacher, who had taught the pupils to cast their
burdens on the Lord, was soon to leave the school.
The time of her going was announced. The grief was
manifest and imiversal. One of the scholars arose and
asked permission to pray. Permission being given,
several scholars in succession, in simple and touching
language, asked forgiveness for all their errors, and
for blessings on their teacher, and that the Lord, if it
were His will, would send her back to them.
In Florida, Colonel J. T. Sprague had succeeded as
district commander and assistant commissioner to
General Foster. The State, ostensibly for the educa
tion of the black children, in its new school law im-
336

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
posed a tax of $1 upon all negroes between the ages
of twenty-one and fifty-five ; but very little money was
obtained and so used. It was to be collected at the
same time as the ordinary State tax, and paid into the
treasury. No such law was imposed upon white men.
The law went a step further — freedmen not paupers
were to pay to the State superintendent, in addition to
the tax, $1 a month tuition for each of their chUdren
attending the State schools. This State law had
another feature capable of being used oppressively.
No person was to t«ach any school of persons of color
without a license costing $5 per annum — a license that
the superintendent could give or withhold at his pleas
ure. The penalty for violating this provision was a
fine of not less than $100 nor more than $500, or im
prisonment for not less than 30 nor more than 60
days. The object of the license clause was to ex
clude Northern white teachers. If it had not been
for the presence of the military forces, Northern teach
ers already there who had not the superintendent's
certificate, though sent by the Government or by be
nevolent societies, would have been fined or impris
oned. Prejudiced men sought at every step to impose
new and irksome burdens upon the newly made
citizens. It was, then, a little refreshing to catch a word of
hope for Florida. I wrote at the time : " Notwith
standing the peculiarity of these enactments, there is
reason to believe that former white residents are not
altogether averse to the establishment of freedmen's
schools, but are coming to look upon them with in
creasing favor. During the past year the Bureau had
repaired a large number of church and other build
ings, in order to adapt them to school purposes,
337

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
and the educational results achieved give favorable
promise." General N. A. MUes took great interest in the
freedmen's schools of North Carolina during this year,
and under the management of his assistants and him
self they were exceedingly prosperous. He built on
the good foundations that his predecessor. General E.
Whittlesey, had laid, while the latter came to my head
quarters to perform a most important duty. The
pupils in North Carolina were greatly increased in
numbers, and the hard-working, self-denying teachers
were much encouraged. Upward of 10,000 colored
children were enrolled in our schools in the State, and
three or four thousand more could have been added if
teachers could have been provided for them. The
rental of school buildings by the Bureau had secured
the continuance of many schools which having been
started during the war would otherwise have been
obliged to disband. Occasional adversities had ap
peared, as the burning of schoolhouses in Green and
Chatham counties and the violent assault upon a
teacher in New Hanover county. But on the whole
the prejudices were far less pronounced. In fact, in
many places former opposers had become friends and
were encouraging this educational campaign. It is a
wonderful thing to recall that North Carolina had
never had before that time a free school system even
for white pupUs, and there were then no publications
in the State devoted to popular education. The death
of slavery unfolded the wings of knowledge for both
white and black to brighten all the future of the " Old
North State."
In South Carolina General E. K. Scott was the Bu
reau representative. He reported that there was a
338

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
class of men within his jurisdiction who took the
greatest pleasure in persecuting freedmen, and consid
ered the murder of a colored man only a practical
joke; that the civil authorities took little pains to put
a stop to such crimes, and that freedmen were killed
and buried without notice to the authorities. Yet by
the end of October, 1867, he considered his educational
work highly satisfactory. Like North Carolina, there
was here no State system of public schools for any of
the children. Beyond the limits of the Charleston dis
trict there was not a single " free school " in that
State. The law, however, with grim humor encouraged
education by the following exemption: that persons
convicted of certain crimes, as burglary and arson,
were relieved from the death penalty, provided they
could read and write — a strange survival from the
English law of the " benefit of clergy." At that time
30 per cent, of the white population of that proud State
could not write their names. In the Charleston dis
trict the colored people, who were then two thirds of
the whole population and paying their proportion of
the taxes, had all their children excluded from the new
" free schools," i. e., in the district where schools just
started were supported by 30 per cent, added to the
general tax. The excuse was that the general Govern
ment had freed the negroes and might now educate
them ; and taxes of all kinds put upon the whites were
but a meager return to the State because of the loss
of slave property. The colored schools in South Caro
lina, both those aided by the Bureau and private ones
not formally reported, contained 20,000 pupils. Some
of the most prominent South Carolinians, among them
the Eev. A. Toomer Porter, D.D., had come forward
to take a positive and earnest interest in the work of
339

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
education for all the children of the State, The latter
came to visit me at Washington, and together we suc
ceeded in obtaining the use of the great Marine Hos
pital for the colored chUdren. We together risited
that buUding afterwards and found it filled with pupils
called " colored," but actually presenting the spectacle
of all shades as to the hair, the eyes, and the skin. It
was, indeed, an admixture of races. The whites
proper were, of course, not there. For these the wor
thy doctor himself founded an institution of a high
order which wUl endure.
For Georgia, General TUlson, after his faithful
work, the middle of January of this year (1867) was
replaced by Colonel C. C. Sibley of the regular army.
Tillson in his conciliatory policy had appointed as sub-
agents many resident civilians, allowing them re
muneration by the collection of fees upon labor con
tracts of freedmen. Upon Sibley's report that many
of the resident agents had shamefully abused their
trust, inflicted cruel and unusual punishments on the
blacks, and were unfit from their education and belief
in slavery to promote the interests of free labor, I di
rected him to discontinue the fee system altogether
and employ salaried men only. Of course, it took time
to complete such a reorganization and some bitterness
and fault-finding came from every district whieh was
touched by the change.
Mississippi always afforded a peculiar study of
human nature. General T. J. Wood, who went there
after General Thomas's transfer to Washington, was
himself relieved by General A. C. Gillem, an army offi
cer who had long been a special friend of President
Johnson. He entered upon his duties the last part of
January, 1867. GUlem, whom I had kno-wn as a fellow
340

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
cadet, consulting his hopes, believed that public sen
timent in some sections of Mississippi was then under
going a most favorable change. He found the freed
men usually ardent for education and willing to bear
part of the expense of the children's schooling; and
also employers who desired the friendship of their la
borers who were encouraging schools on plantations,
as well as in villages and cities ; but the whole number
of schools for the large population of Mississippi ag
gregated only about 66 (day and night) with pupils
4,697. General Gillem reported that while laborers
were working well and complying more strictly than
heretofore with the terms of their agreements, a num
ber of white citizens were disposied apparently to de
fraud their laborers of their earnings by quarreling
with them upon the slightest pretext, and for trivial
reasons would drive them from their homes by threats
of actual violence.
The burning of the freedmen's schoolhouse at Co
lumbus unhoused 400 pupils. Teachers took scholars
into their quarters, but not half of them could be ac
commodated. There was little doubt that some eril-dis-
posed persons and not accident had done the burning.
It was a hopeful sign, hewever, that year in Mis
sissippi that John M. Langston, school inspector, with
his color against him, should be everywhere civilly
treated. He had many good things to say of both the
white people and the negroes of that State. The So
ciety of Friends was supplying the teachers and doing
good work at Jackson, the capital of the State. Tui
tion of fifty cents per month was required and the
small tuition was educational in itself, favoring self-
support. At Meridian, the school, for want of a struc
ture, had to be held in the Methodist Church. Lang-
341

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ston found six miles from Meridian a Southern white
lady, who was conducting a colored pay school on her
own accoimt with 90 pupils. At Columbus, Miss., the
white people had already given $1,000 to rebuUd the
schoolhouse which had been destroyed. Mississippi
thus at that time appeared an inviting field and no per
sonal hostility whatever met this colored inspector,
and his picture of the freed people was a happy one.
Many of them were intelligent, many reading the news
papers and having accurate and comprehensive under
standing of the political situation. This was a better
story than Gillem's. It is a pity that subsequent years
had to vary the tale.
General Mower, in Louisiana, gave a very prom
ising view of the reaction during the year (from 1866
to 1867) in favor of the schools of his jurisdiction.
The numbers, however, were not large enough for that
great State — only 246 schools with pupils 8,435. More
than half of these were sustained by the freedmen
themselves. The majority of the planters in the
southern and western portions of Louisiana were still
openly against education of the freedmen, so that plan
tation schools in those localities were few indeed.
By army and Bureau changes General Charles
Griffin came to be, the first of this year, district com
mander and assistant commissioner in Texas, with
headquarters at Galveston. He did good work whUe
he lived. I wrote of him : " His thorough knowledge
of the people, eminent patriotism, sympathy with the
freedmen, and the remarkable energy and promptness
which marked his administration endeared him to the
laboring classes and commanded universal respect."
He fell a victim to the epidemic of yellow fever that
prevailed during the autumn of that year, dying at
342

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
Galveston, September 15, 1867. General J. J. Eey
nolds, a respected instructor of mine at West Point,
replaced him for the remainder of the year. Before
Griffin came, Texas had been but partially occupied.
The troops had been mostly located near the southern
coast. The agents of the Bureau could do little or
nothing away from the garrisons. In remoter parts,
robberies, murders, and other outrageous crimes were
matters of daily occurrence. Griffin at once distrib
uted the troops and by May, 1867, had occupied 57
subdistricts, and sent out 38 army officers and 31 civi
lians as his representatives ; all were so stationed and
so supported as pretty thoroughly to cover the State.
He made these assistants his school inspectors, each of
his own subdistrict. Schools were started. Every
school was visited monthly. Land was obtained by
donations ; on lots so obtained and held, usually by col
ored trustees, Griffin permitted or caused school build
ings to be erected and school furniture to be supplied.
Through our Northern benevolent societies and
through the freedmen's own support, the Texas schools
were multiplied. Griffin, shortly before his last ill
ness, wrote : " If the associations which have done so
much for freedmen will send me 100 good teachers I
will fumish them schoolhouses and aid besides to carry
on 200 primary schools." He thus hoped to reach 40,-
000 children by day schools and 50,000 adults by night
schools. Planters were now favoring schools and ap
plying to Griffin for teachers. Of course there were
drawbacks. In parts, as I intimated, where despera
does had the mastery, public opinion was intensely hos
tile to any project for the improvement of negroes.
The poverty of the white people of Texas was never
so great as elsewhere in the South, and they had suf-
343

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ficient pride to take care of their o-wn poor. This of
itself was a great boon to the assistant commissioner.
General W. P. Carlin had become district com
mander and assistant commissioner for Tennessee.
His account of the conduct of employers after the
freedmen had cast their first ballot, which happened
this year, was not very reassuring. They drove away
and persecuted laborers who had voted for candidates
that the planters did not approve. From June to Oc
tober there were recorded at his headquarters 25 mur
ders, 35 assaults with intent to kill, 83 cases of assault
and battery, 4 of rape, and 4 of arson; all these were
perpetrated against the freed people of Tennessee.
MUitary courts had been relaxed and the civil law was
again in full control. But not one murderer anywhere
in the State had been punished, and the majority of
other criminals had escaped every penalty of the law;
whUe the few brought to trial had been very leniently
dealt with. A large number of additional outrages
were committed here and there which were not offi
cially reported to our agents, and so were never prop
erly recorded.
Near the close of 1867 in Tennessee the status of
schools was better than that of justice, there being an
enrollment of 9,451 pupils. The greater part were car
ried on by the Northern societies, but the freedmen,
out of their small possessions, had in one month con
tributed nearly $2,000. The Tennessee legislature had,
in addition to white schools, provided for colored
schools, putting one in any district or to-wn where
there were upward of 25 scholars, and also had estab
lished a permanent tax of 10 mills upon taxable prop
erty for school support. J-tist as soon in 1868 as this
fund should become avaUable, the State superintend-
344

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
ent promised to cooperate with our Bureau officers
and earnestly push the educational work. So there
was hope ahead for Tennessee.
General Sidney Burbank had relieved General
Davis about the middle of February in Kentucky.
This State was slow to modify objectionable laws in
spite of the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Amendments
of the United States Constitution and the clear-cut
Civil-Eights-Law, which necessitated the eventual re
peal of every cruel and unjust measure. The State
Court of Appeals had in fact retarded progress by
giving a decision against the constitutionality of
the Civil Eights Act, that is, within the State juris
diction. Kentucky in its criminal calendar for the year had
kept abreast of Tennessee. The record for the year
was : Murders, 20 ; shootings, 18 ; rape, 11 ; other mal
treatments, 270. Total outrages of whites perpetrated
upon the freedmen, 319 recorded cases.
But a little light dawned upon the State. United
States Judges Swayne and Ballard had heard cases in
the District Court in Kentucky, and strongly sustained
the Ciril-Rights-Law. This was auspicious for the
negroes. The testimony, however, that came to me
from Kentucky, to my surprise and comfort, showed
that the schools had more than held their own, and had
done so in spite of the contentions and hatreds due to
the State's action in all things that affected the courts
or politics. Yet I found that a large number of white
citizens had manifested a bitter opposition to educa
tion of all colored children, and their opposition had
tended to dishearten freedmen and thwart the efforts
of our workers. Threats had been made in neighbor
hoods, and oft repeated to destroy the school buUdings.
345

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
The opposers of education were, of course, deterred
in many places by the presence of our soldiers. In one
place a teacher, an upright and educated clergyman,
ha-ving been molibed, was. -with bis family, driven out
of town. Such conduct made our Northem societies de
sirous to go elsewhere, where they could receive pro
tection and better treatment. The freedmen freely
offered their churches for the schools, and the assistant
commissioner endeavored to protect the buildings
against that most unreasonable public sentiment which
incessantly sought their destruction. Notwithstanding
the favorable showing of numbers in the schools it was
but a nucleus. Against the nearly 6,000 at school up
ward of 30,000 children in Kentucky had yet no
school advantages whatever. Not yet in this State
could my representative, the assistant commissioner,
find one prominent man, though he might admit tn
private the reasonableness of education, who dared
openly to avow his conviction.
The prejudice is Ulustrated by a single instance:
At the Walnut Street Baptist Church in Louis-vUle,
one of our white teachers during a rerival applied for
admission to feUowship. The pastor and other officers
found her quaUfied in every way, sent her the baptis
mal robe, and made aU arrangements for her reception.
But as soon as they heard that she taught a freedmen's
school, and lived at the house of a clergyman who was
pastor of a colored church, tbey forbade her admis
sion. Even reUgious zeal could not break the adaman
tine shell of unreasoning prejudice.
Nearer Washington, matters in aU respects touch
ing Bureau operations during the year gave assurance
that at the end of the term fixed by law, July 16, 186S,
I could lay do-wn my hea-^y burden of responsibUity
346

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
with good hope of the future if not with positive sat
isfaction. I remember that I found the subdistrict of Lynch
burg, of which General N. M. Curtis had charge, es
pecially satisfactory. He not only successfully encour
aged the school work but afforded a good example in
harmonizing the labor interest and promoting good
will between the white people and the freedmen.
In Virginia Colonel Brown had, by the action of his
district commander, passed from the staff back to the
office of full assistant commissioner, and all the State
of Virginia had again been put under his supervision.
General S. C. Armstrong, who had been sent to Vir
ginia and had been placed in charge of a district of
fifteen or more counties, withdrew from them and be
gan work at Hampton during the year 1867.
A few words from his pen will show the fairness of
his mind and account somewhat for his subsequent and
successful career at the Hampton Normal and Agricul
tural Institute. He wrote : " I cannot refrain from ex
pressing my satisfaction and surprise at the profi
ciency of the pupils in the Hampton schools as mani
fested in the examination of the 28th ultimo. . . .
, y "1 believe that the finest intellectual achievements
are possible to colored children; no one who listened
to the prompt answers or perceived the ' snap ' of the
pupils during the exercises can doubt it. What I was
most gratified with was the enthusiasm for and pride
in knowledge, which is a motive power that, if given
play, will carry them up to noble attainments." Arm
strong thus studied the situation at Hampton; came
to the true conclusions, and made them the stepping-
stone to his own great achievements in the line of
Christian training. 347

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
General C. H. Gregory was made assistant commis
sioner for Maryland and Delaware, and General C. H.
Howard continued in charge of the District of Colum
bia and West Virginia. Under the latter educational
work was cooperative and supplemental and the Dis
trict of Columbia the principal field. Benevolent asso
ciations and freedmen's contributions sustained the
schools to the extent of paying the salaries of the
teachers and incidental expenses. But our Bureau fur-
mshed the buUdings by rental or by construction, and
aided the societies as elsewhere by transportation of
their teachers to places where the schools were; also
their agents and considerable of their furnishing mate
rial were so forwarded.
West Virginia, which was from its birth always a
loyal State, was really ahead even of the border States
in its arrangement for free education. It had in 1867
an impartial system ; it was careful to keep the colored
and white children separate ; the le-vying of taxes, the
buUding of schoolhouses, and the employing of teach
ers were entirely in the hands of white men. This was
a fact not at all to be wondered at nor deplored, con
sidering the short period since emancipation came;
there were, in general, honest and conscientious deal
ings. Under the new Bureau law approved July 16, 1866,
which extended its provisions and care to all loyal
refugees and freedmen, Missouri and Kansas consti
tuted a nominal district over which Lieutenant Colonel
F. A. Seeley was placed and acted especially as super
intendent of education. The educational law of Mis
souri was quite as good as that of West Virginia. It
did the legislation of that State great credit in its lib
eral provisions ; and could the dispositions of the peo-
348

First Appropriation by Congress for the Bureau
pie have been as good as that of the legislators at least
two thirds of the children of the freedmen would this
year (1867) have been at schooL
Outside of St. Louis, however, they had not yet the
advantages of a single public educational institution;
although along the line of the railroads there was
springing up a favorable feeling; in other portions
of the State the hostUity to negro schools was very
pronounced and the teachers of freedmen were stoutly
opposed by the white residents.
In Kansas, whither large numbers of negroes who
had escaped from the calamities of war or from slav
ery had fled, attention was at once given by the citi
zens to the children's education. Nearly 2,000 colored
pupils were this year enrolled, though there was in
this State but a fraction of colored population com
pared with the neighboring State of Missouri.

349

CHAPTEE LVI
FAMINE reliefs; PAYING SOLDIERS' BOUNTIES, AND SUM
MARY OF WORK ACCOMPLISHED
TN parts of our Southern States a famine existed
-'¦ early in March, 1867 ; the published reports of the
extensive destitution of all classes of people, including
the freedmen, became so heartrending, that for once I
anticipated the action of Congress. It was one offense
of which none of those who were hostUe to my admin
istration ever complained. I had abundant authority
so far as the loyal refugees and freedmen were in
volved to feed them to the extent of our food appro
priation; but we had reduced this number to narrow
limits when this famine fell upon the Southern coast.
In some counties actual starvation had set in. I hur
ried off my quartermaster, as soon as I was convinced,
to Alexandria, and succeeded in getting Mr. McKen
zie, a wealthy and prominent citizen of that city, to
load a vessel with the necessaries of life and send them
off in the quickest time. I also shipped other supplies
to points where the suffering appeared greatest; then
going before a Senate committee reported what I had
done. One of the most conservative of our Northern
members said at first : " We will not give help to reb
els." I insisted stoutly : " The rebellion is over ; peo
ple are starving, and humanity demands that we succor
them. It is not a question now of whether we shall
help those who are likely to perish, for I have already
made a beginning and have come to Congress to ask
to be sustained. I have sent a shipload of prorisions
350

Famine Reliefs
and want approval." A joint resolution (March 30,
1867) followed; it was the substantial answer to my
petition. My action was thus approved.
The public resolution directed the Bureau : " To
issue supplies of food sufficient to prevent starvation
or extreme want to any and all classes of destitute and
helpless persons in those Southern and Southwestern
States where failure of the crops and other causes have
occasioned widespread destitution." The expenditure
itself was not to extend beyond my existing appropria
tions, but the Congress authorized the use for this pur
pose of unexpended balances of appropriations which
had been made for other objects. After carefully con
sidering the items of our funds on hand, I saw that we
would not require for transportation all the money
held under that head. The necessity for large remov
als of freedmen or refugees had now ceased. There
upon, four days after the passage of the law, April 3,
1867, I set apart $500,000 to go as far as it could
toward the relief of the great destitution. I made the
following estimate : In Tennessee, persons needing aid,
2,000; in Mississippi, 3,900; in Alabama, 15,000; in
Georgia, 12,500; in South Carolina, 10,000; in North
Carolina, 5,545, and in Virginia, 5,000 ; total destitutes,
53,945. Of this number 30,000 were chUdren under 14,
giving 23,945 adults.
For a general rule, I thought it safer to begin the
issue with corn and pork.
Com for adults  5,363,680 lbs. 95,780 bu.
Com for children  3,160,000 lbs. 60,000 bu.
Total  155,780 bu.
Pork— Total  1,246,240 lbs. 6,232 bbl.
Estimated cost of the corn  $233,670
Estimated cost of the pork  186,960
Making a total of  $420,630
351

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
On April 4th General Eliphalet Whittlesey, then
the inspector general of the Bureau and recently
brought from North Carolina, was appointed to super
intend the distribution of the supplies. All the clerical
force which he might require was placed at his service.
The assistant commissioners in the States concerned
were notified of this appointment and each was ordered
to assign a faithful and efficient officer to act in this
relief work as a commissary for his State. This officer
was in this matter over the local agents, who receipted
in bulk for all the supplies distributed to the needy;
they made all proper returns and vouchers, as was
done in the army subsistence department. No fund
was ever better regulated, and the reports of General
Whittlesey were so neat and clear that accounting offi
cers highly complimented them.
Whittlesey closed his able reports made near the
end of the year 1867, in a condensed paragraph : " The
whole expense incurred in giving this relief has been
$445,993.36, i. e., about $8 to each person for the period
of four months, or $2 per month. There remain on
hand some commissary stores, which are reserved for
the most destitute who will require help during the
coming winter."
Little evidence of deception or fraud was found
anywhere in the vast field supplied, and showed that
for the most part the relief, small as it was, was timely
and effective. As the incoming corn crop in the South
and West was good, the relief, after the middle of
August, was discontinued. The amount given to an
individual appears very small; but there was an in
direct additional supply through our associate benevo
lent societies. I have credited them in school aid with
about one half. In this relief for the famine also, they
352

Famine Reliefs
did about as much ; they suppUed funds where the fam
ine was severest, sending through their teachers and
agents sometimes food and sometimes clothing. Gen
eral Whittlesey said that voluntary contributions from
this source had served to lessen the demand so much
that the expenditure had fallen far short of the origi
nal estimate of the relief needed. Surely this was an
unusual exhibit.
Our Claim Division was of great help in protect
ing ignorant colored soldiers and sailors, now scat
tered in different parts of the country, who were
claimants for bounties, back pay, and prize moneys.
Eeferring to this General Swayne remarks : " Five
hundred and sixteen applicants passed through my
office (at Montgomery, Ala.) during the month of Au
gust. There is reason to believe that convenient and
gratuitous assistance is almost indispensable to the
parties in interest." Yet without further legislation
the Bureau could not give sufficient protection. There
were some claim agents who had taken advantage of
the late colored soldiers. They at first charged them
exorbitant fees. Then by various expedients they
managed to get from them a large part of their claims.
As long as they could work into the Treasury the
receipts well drawn up, signed and witnessed, and
satisfy the deceived soldier that his cash in hand was
all he could get, and all right, the fraudulent claim
agent laughed at the feeble complaints that subse
quently reached his ears, and escaped with the poor
man's money too often without punishment. Officers
of the treasury and myself, finding that there were on
foot extensive frauds of the kind described, brought
the matter to the attention of Congress.
The Hon. Henry WUson introduced a joint reso-
353

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
lution in the Senate, March 12, 1867, entitled : A Eeso
lution in reference to the collection and payment of
moneys due colored soldiers, sailors, and marines, or
their heirs.
This resolution underwent considerable discussion,
and no little opposition. It provided that all checks
for the object named should be made payable to me as
commissioner, or to my order. Senator Wilson showed
abundant evidence of the frauds against the soldiers
and marines that had been already committed, and
averred that the second comptroller and the second
auditor urged the passage of the resolution. Mr. Wil
son was asked if General Howard should not be re
quired to give bonds, and replied : " I have no objection
to his giving bond, but this is imposing upon him a
duty for which he gets nothing, and it is a great re
sponsibility. I think it is enough to ask him to do this
work." Even while I was frequently consulted and
was myself urging some legislation to protect these
wards of the Government, I did not dream of the pas
sage of such an Act as the one that finaUy went
through both Houses and became a law (March 29,
1867). All references to the help of the branches of
the Freedmen's Bank which Mr. Wilson proposed and
embodied in his bill, an institution chartered by Con
gress to do a banking business in the South, but with
which I was not connected, were thrown out by the
amendments. My duties and responsibilities under
the resolution which finally passed may. be thus
summed up:
1. Every claim of the colored soldiers, saUors, and
marines, or their heirs, for bounty, back pay, or prize
money, no matter by whom prosecuted, was to be paid
by me, or through me, as commissioner. 354

Famine Reliefs
2. Any agent or attorney, if he had prosecuted the
claim, was to be paid by me his lawful fee.
3. The claimant was to be discovered, identified,
and settled with through my officers and myself, not in
checks or drafts but in current funds.
4. I was responsible for the safe custody and faith
ful disbursement of all the funds involved. Probably
at that time there were over 50,000 colored soldiers
and sailors who had not yet been fully paid.
5. All this disbursement was to be done under the
same regulations as those which governed other dis
bursing officers of the army.
Fortunately, well-disposed agents and attorneys be
came my friends; but the others, not well disposed,
made indescribable trouble for my officers and agents,
and finally involved me, myself, in the meshes of accu
sation, personal expense, and Congressional and mili
tary investigations very prolonged, and which have
become historic. There were two points of attack that
worried me most: one was to work carefully through
political influence to get a dishonest field agent ap
pointed who probably would not only defraud the Gov
ernment, but would delude the poor claimant. Glad to
get even a small sum, the soldier would go off without
objection or complaint, having in some instances re
ceived less than half his due. By the most thorough
care and inspection the fraudulent were caught. We
had, all told, but a very limited number of such cases.
The second point of attack was to deceive the honest
field agent, by palming off upon him frauds, i. e.,
wrong men, who had been coached enough to prove
themselves the genuine claimants, and so carry off the
currency and divide with the dishonest attorneys.
These cases were naore frequent than the first ; but the
355

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
real claimants very often helped us to detect that sort
of crime, and so checked its occurrence or repetition.
When the bona fide soldier or sailor had died, the
crime, which was a robbery of the heirs, was harder
to uncover and punish. There was but one transaction
in connection with these moneys held by me for the
soldiers and sailors (after remaining for six months
or more to my credit at authorized depositaries) of
which some of my real friends complained ; it was put
ting the waiting money into United States bonds.
The use I made of the interest on the bonds was to
meet cases where the true claimants had been de
frauded, as heretofore explained, and for such other
purposes as were by law authorized for any and aU
refugees and freedmen's funds. I made the invest
ment under the advice of Dr. Brodhead, the venerable
second comptroller. Doubtless his interpretation of
all the laws which were involved, was right. On his
clear and fearless decisions all War Department dis
bursing officers always depended for the final adjust
ment of their money accounts.
A brief summary will set forth in convenient form
the vast work touching back pay, bounty, and prize
money for colored claimants. All cases intrusted to
me by the claimant were settled without necessitating
attorney's fees. After the bounty law of March, 1867,
went into effect, up to October, 1870, 5,108 such cases
were thus brought in, saving to freedmen concerned
$51,080 legal fees, and, judging from attempts at fraud
continually occurring, many times that sum in illegal
fees which would have been extorted from them on
every conceivable pretext by greedy attorneys. The
whole amount paid from the passage of the Act to
October, 1870, was $7,683,618.61. At the close of the
356

Famine Reliefs
Bureau we had settled over 40,000 cases and turned
over but a few as yet unsettled to the Secretary of
War. It was not too much to affirm that through the
labors and vigilance of the officers and agents of the
Bureau, enough had been saved to the Government and
to deserving claimants to justify all the expense in
volved. By the autumn of 1867 there was food generaUy
throughout the South, and the district commanders, in
connection with their mUitary commands and the work
of political reconstruction, were still acting for me as
assistant commissioners.
During this and the next year it. was constantly as
serted by opponents and by the press in some parts of
the country that I was opposed to closing out the
Bureau work. This statement was untrue. I did wish
to close out all other parts as rapidly as possible and
have the educational work continued as long as neces
sary. At the end of 1868 I wrote this to the Secretary
of War : " Many entreaties have come to me from
Southern men, white and colored, and from several
commissioners, to urge upon Congress the continuance
of the operations of this Bureau beyond the time of its
limit by law (January 1, 1869). But after having care
fully considered the whole subject, I believe it is better
not to do so."
It was extremely difficult to induce the cities and
counties to assume the charge of the indigent, and they
would not do so while the general Government fur
nished assistance, so I added : " Much suffering will
doubtless result from the complete withdrawal of the
Bureau during the coming winter in Virginia and Mis
sissippi unless some provision (for the poor) be made
by the district commanders. I therefore recommend
357

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
that a special appropriation be placed in their hands to
enable them to defray the expense of the freedmen's
hospitals in Eichmond and Vicksburg." I also recom
mended the continuance of a hospital or an asylum for
tbe District of Columbia to be used for the aged and
infirm and the many sick who had come there. They
had come from the freedmen's village, near Arlington,
from other parts of Virginia, from Maryland, and
elsewhere as refugees. I also urged provision for the
hospital at New Orleans which contained the aged, the
infirm, and the insane. I asked that the military com
mander of Louisiana have the care of the New Orleans
hospital. Congressmen, who were willing to impute good mo
tives, saw clearly that I was acting in good faith, and
was earnestly desirous of closing out all the Bureau
work possible without producing suffering or acting
with inhumanity, but that I hoped to hold steadily to
aiding the faithful colored soldiers and sailors tUl that
Claim Division should properly end ; and, further, they
saw that I wished to stimulate every educational in
terest till our Government schools and those of benevo
lent societies should become absorbed in a grand free
system ; we hoped such a system would be inaugurated
by each separate State after the processes of recon
struction had had time to crystallize.
To further my wishes and recommendations, Con
gress gave us the Act of June 24, 1868. This continued
the Bureau with some modifications, to July 16, 1869.
It directed after discontinuance at any point, that the
Secretary of War should reestablish it in any place
where he was satisfied the safety of the freedmen re
quired it.
The second paragraph enabled the secretary, after
358

Famine Reliefs
advising with the commissioner, to discontinue the Bu
reau from any State fully restored in its constitutional
relations with the United States, excepting the " Edu
cational Division," which was to continue in each State
till suitable provision for the education of the children
of freedmen had been made by the State.
The third section enabled me to apply all unex
pended balances to the education of freedmen and
refugees. The fourth section gave us the power to retain vol
unteer and veteran reserve officers in the service of the
Bureau with their proper pay, and the fifth and last
section enabled me to sell buildings to associations,
corporate bodies, or trustees; this was to be done
either for the relief of want or for purposes of edu
cation. This Act of Congress became a law without the ap
proval of President Johnson, he permitting the ten
days allowed for his veto to elapse without returning
it to the House where it originated.
Owing to the heated controversy still going on be
tween the President and Congress, it was thought that
the President would cause my removal, the air being
full of rumors to that effect, so that the work of recon
struction as provided by the several Acts would be re
tarded by his replacing me by an opponent of Con
gress. To prevent that, the Act of June 24th was
followed by another brief Act, that of July 25, 1868,
entitled : " An Act relating to the Freedmen's Bureau,
and providing for its discontinuance." The first para
graph provided that I should be continued as commis
sioner while the Bureau lived ; that in case of vacancy
by death or resignation, the Secretary of War should
nominate and the Senate confirm a new commissioner,
359

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
or during the recess of Congress that the acting assist
ant adjutant general of the Bureau should do the work.
The second and last paragraph directed me to discon
tinue the Bureau altogether on January 1, 1869, except
the educational department and payment of bounties
and other dues to colored soldiers and sailors or their
heirs. These two latter di-visions were to go on untU
otherwise ordered by Act of Congress.
Very naturally this bill was vetoed by the Presi
dent, but was speedily passed by both the Senate and
the House over his veto, and so became a law.
To close out my general work, and to aid schools
and pay the bounties, I was equipped -with just the
right kind of an organization, and also reUeved of
much of the prerious responsibUity and consequent
anxiety. The necessary orders and instructions were
issued very soon after the pubUcation of the Act of
Congress which, in fact, was to effect the substantial
close of the Freedmen's Bureau.
Officers, agents, and clerks were notified that their
serrices would be no longer required after December
31, 1868. The freedmen were generally carefuUy ap
prised of the situation, and sho-wn that they must now
look to the civil magistrates more directly than hereto
fore for protection of their rights and redress of their
wrongs, and that supplies of food and clothing for the
destitute, medicines and care for the sick, the trans
portation of laborers to new homes, and aU aid and
oversight of contracts must very soon cease to come
to them from the general Govemment.
Disbursing officers were directed promptly to settle
outstanding obUgations, and to seU the pubUe prop
erty no longer needed. " Abandoned lands and lots."
now few in number, must at once go to their o-wners,
360

Famine Reliefs
where it was possible to find them, or be dropped from
their returns.
All this served as a sufficient warning, we thought,
to all parties concerned. But I found that the freed
men's hospitals at New Orleans, Vicksburg, Louisville,
Eichmond, and Washington could not be abolished so
soon without exposing the numerous helpless patients
therein to great distress. The local authorities re
fused to assume charge, so that pressed by an extreme
necessity, with the assent of the Secretary of War, I
continued them for a while, and reported my action to
Congress. All my action, by an Act approved April 7,
1869, was formally approved by that body. Congress
instructed me then to discontinue these hospitals as
soon as practicable in the discretion of the President
of the United States. General Grant, after March 4th,
was the President, so that no unkind action was feared.
His discretion and mine naturally agreed. No imme
diate troubles worth the record followed the discon
tinuance of the Bureau. The officers paying bounties
had to be kept, and nearly all the school machinery re
mained intact, and the military arm, with General
Grant for President and General Sherman for army
commander, was still garrisoning the entire Southern
field. Thus my trying work and responsibility ap
peared happily diminished. All disbursements were
henceforth to be made from the Washington head
quarters. The entire work of the preceding four years was
summarized by me October 20, 1869, to wit :
One year ago there were on duty in this Bureau
one hundred and forty-one (141) commissioned offi
cers, four hundred and twelve (412) civilian agents,
and three hundred and forty-eight (348) clerks. At
361

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
present there are fifteen (15) commissioned officers,
seventy-one (71) civilian agents, and seventy-two (72)
clerks. A year ago clothing and rations were distrib
uted to the destitute, costing ninety-three thousand
seven hundred and five dollars (93,705) per month. At
present no such supplies are issued, except to the sick
in hospitals. At the date of the last annual report
there were in operation twenty-one (21) hospitals and
forty-eight (48) dispensaries, with five thousand three
hundred and ninety-nine (5,399) patients and eighty-
five (85) surgeons. Now there are two (2) hospitals,
no dispensaries, with five hundred and forty-one (541)
patients and five (5) surgeons. During the last year
transportation was furnished to six thousand four
hundred and eighty-one (6,481) persons, and four
thousand eight hundred and fifteen (4,815) packages
of stores, at a cost of twenty-four thousand eight hun
dred and forty dollars ($24,840) per month. Now no
transportation orders are issued, and the only expen
diture for this service is for mileage or actual expenses
of officers traveling under orders. . . .
Previous to any Bureau relief and early in the
progress of the war, it was seen by intelligent military
officers, and by statesmen in Washington, that the con
dition of the colored people set free by the army de
manded earnest attention and wise consideration. . . .
The law establishing a Bureau committed to it the
control of all subjects relating to refugees and freed
men under such regulations as might be prescribed by
the head of the Bureau and approved by the President.
This almost unlimited authority gave me great scope
and liberty of action, but at the same time it imposed
upon me very perplexing and responsible duties. Leg
islative, judicial, and executive powers were combined
362

Famine Reliefs
in my commission, reaching all the interests of four
millions of people, scattered over a vast territory, liv
ing in the midst of another people claiming to be supe
rior, and known to be not altogether friendly. It was
impossible at the outset to do more than lay down gen
eral principles to guide the officers assigned as assist
ant commissioners in the several States. These officers
were men of well-tried character, and to them was com
mitted to a considerable extent the task of working out
the details of organization in accordance with the dif
ferent conditions of affairs in their respective districts.
No one minute system of rules could have been rigidly
adhered to and applied in every part of the Southern
country. I therefore set forth as clearly as I could
the objects to be attained and the powers which the
Bureau could legally exercise, and left it to my subor
dinates to devise suitable measures for effecting these
objects. The first information received from these officers
presented a sad picture of want and misery. Though
large sums of money had been contributed by generous
Northern people ; though many noble-hearted men and
women, with the spirit of true Christian missionaries,
had engaged zealously in the work of relief and in
struction; though the heads of departments in Wash
ington and military commanders in the field had done
all in their power, yet the great mass of the colored
people, just freed from slavery, had not been reached.
In every State many thousands were found without
employment, without homes, without means of subsist
ence, crowding into towns and about military posts,
where they hoped to find protection and supplies. The
sudden collapse of the rebellion, making emancipation
an actual, universal fact, was like an earthquake. It
363

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
shook and shattered the whole previously existing so
cial system. It broke up the old industries and threat
ened a reign of anarchy. Even well-disposed and
humane land o-wners were at a loss what to do, or how
to begin the work of reorganizing society, and of re-
buUding their ruined fortunes. Very few had any
knowledge of free labor, or any hope that their former
slaves would serve them faithfully for wages. On the
other hand, the freed people were in a state of great
excitement and uncertainty. They could hardly be
lieve that the liberty proclaimed was real and perma
nent. Many were afraid to remain on the same soil
that they had tilled as slaves, lest by some trick they
might find themselves again in bondage. Others sup
posed that the Government would either take the
entire supervision of their labor and support, or diride
among them the lands of conquered o-wners, and fur
nish them with all that might be necessary to begin life
as independent farmers.
In such an unsettled state of affairs it was no ordi
nary task we undertook, to inspire hostile races -with
mutual confidence, to supply the immediate wants of
the sick and starving, to restore social order, and to
set in motion all the wheels of industry. . . .
Surely our Government exercised a large benevo
lence. We have had under our care no less than five
hundred and eighty-four thousand one hundred and
seventy-eight (584,178) sick and infirm persons, for
whom no provision was made by local authorities, and
who had no means themselves of procuring the attend
ance and comforts necessary to health and life. It has
not been possible to provide for the proper treatment
of the insane. For some of this unfortunate class ad
mission has been gained by earnest correspondence to
364

Famine Reliefs
State asylums, but the majority have been of necessity
retained in the Bureau hospitals, and all that could be
done for them was to supply them with food and cloth
ing and prevent them from doing injury.
For more than a year our principal aim has been
to relieve the general Government by transferring to
the civil authorities all these dependent classes for
future care and treatment. To this end medicines and
hospital stores have been furnished as an outfit where
State or municipal governments have consented to as
sume charge of destitute sick and disabled freedmen
within their own borders. By means of this aid, and
by patient and persistent effort on the part of my offi
cers, the hospitals, at one time numbering fifty-six
(56), have been reduced to two (2), and one (1) of
these is about to be closed.
In addition to the sick, many others were destitute
and required aid. To relieve this destitution without
encouraging pauperism and idleness was at all times
a difficult problem. . . .
The wonder is not that so many, but that so few,
have needed help; that of the four millions of people
thrown suddenly upon their own resources only one in
about two hundred has been an object of public char
ity; and nearly all who have received aid have been
persons who, by reason of age, infirmity, or disease,
would be objects of charity in any State and at any
time. It would have been impossible to reach such satis
factory results, and reduce the issue of supplies to so
small proportions had not employment been found for
a great multitude of able-bodied men and women, who,
when first set free, knew not where to look for re
munerative labor. . . .

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
They were uniformly assisted by us in finding
good places and in making reasonable bargains. To
secure fairness and inspire confidence on both sides,
the system of written contracts was adopted. No com
pulsion was used, but aU were advised to enter into
written agreements and submit them to an officer of
the Bureau for approval. The nature and obligations
of these contracts were carefuUy explained to the
freedmen, and a copy tUed in the office of the agent
approving it; this was for their use in case any diffi
culty arose between them and their employers. iThe
labor imposed upon my officers and agents by this sys
tem was very great, as is evinced by the fact that in a
single State not less than fifty thousand (50,000) such
contracts were drawn in duplicate and filled up with
the names of all the parties. But the result has been
highly satisfactory. To the freedman, the Bureau
office in this way became a school in which he leamed
the first practical business lessons of life, and from
year to year he has made rapid progress in this im
portant branch of education. Nor can it be doubted
that much litigation and strife were prevented. It
could not be expected that such a vast and complicated
machinery would work without friction. The interests
of capital and labor very often clash in all communi
ties. The South has not been entirely exempt from
troubles of this kind. Some employers have been dis
honest and have attempted to defraud the freedmen
of just wages. Some laborers have been unfaithful
and unreasonable in their demands. But in the great
majority of cases brought before us for settlement, the
trouble and misunderstanding have arisen from vague
verbal bargains and a want of specific written con
tracts. . . . 366

Famine Reliefs
In spite of all disorders that have prevailed and
the misfortunes that have fallen upon many parts of
the South, a good degree of prosperity and success has
already been attained. To the oft-repeated slander
that the negroes will not work, and are incapable of
taking care of themselves, it is a sufficient answer that
their voluntary labor has produced nearly all the food
that has supported the whole people, besides a large
amount of rice, sugar, and tobacco for export, and two
millions of bales of cotton each year, on which was
paid into the United States Treasury during the years
1866 and 1867 a tax of more than forty milUons of dol
lars ($40,000,000). It is not claimed that this result is
wholly due to the care and oversight of this Bureau,
but it is safe to say, as it has been said repeatedly by
intelligent Southern men, that without the Bureau or
some similar agency, the material interests of the
country would have greatly suffered, and the Govern
ment would have lost a far greater amount than has
been expended in its maintenance. . . .
Of the nearly eight hundred thousand (800,000)
acres of farming land and about five thousand (5,000)
pieces of town property transferred to this Bureau by
military and Treasury officers, or taken up by my as
sistant commissioners, enough was leased to produce
a revenue of nearly four hundred thousand ($400,000)
dollars. Some farms were set apart in each State
as homes for the destitute and helpless, and a portion
was cultivated by freedmen prior to its restoration. . . .
In a few instances freedmen have combined their
means and purchased farms already under cultivation.
They have everywhere manifested a great desire to
become land owners, a desire in the highest degree
laudable and hopeful for their future civilization.
367

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Next to a proper religious and inteUectual training,
the two things needful to the freedmen are land and a
home. Without these, high degrees of ci-vUization and
moral culture are scarcely possible. So long as he is
merely one of a herd working for hire and living on
another's domain, he must be dependent and destitute
of manly individuality and self-reliance. But the most
urgent want of the freedmen was a practical educa
tion ; and from the first I have devoted more attention
to this than to any other branch of my work. . . .
Though no appropriations had in the outset been
granted by Congress for this purpose, by using the
funds derived from rents of " abandoned property,"
by fitting up for schoolhouses such Govemment buUd
ings as were no longer needed for military purposes,
by gi'V'ing transportation for teachers, books, and
school fumiture, and by granting subsistence, I gave
material aid to all engaged in the educational work.
With the aim to harmonize the numerous independent
school agencies in the field, and to assist aU impartially,
I appointed a superintendent of schools for each State,
who should collect information, encourage the organi
zation of new schools, find homes for teachers, and
superrise the whole work. The law of July 16, 1866,
sanctioned all that had been preriously done, and en
larged my powers. It authorized the lease of buUd
ings for the purposes of education, and the sale of
" Confederate States " property to create an educa
tional fund. Appropriations by Congress were also
made for the " rental, construction, and repairs of
school buildings." This enabled me to give a more
permanent character to the schools, and to encour
age the estabUshment of institutions of a higher
grade. . . . 368

Famine Reliefs
In 1869, official reports gave two thousand one hun
dred and eighteen (2,118) schools, two thousand four
hundred and fifty-five (2,455) teachers, and one hun
dred and fourteen thousand five hundred and twenty-
two (114,522) pupils. These figures do not include
many evening and private schools which have not been
reported. It is believed that not less than two hundred
and fifty thousand (250,000) colored adults and chil
dren have received considerable instruction during
the past year. . . .
Since the freedmen have been invested with all the
rights and privileges of free men, and already exert
a powerful political influence, it is admitted by all the
intelligent and fair-minded people that they must be
educated, or they will become the tools of demagogues,
and a power for evil rather than good. This necessity
has already led to the organization of a system of free
schools in some of the reconstructed States. Until this
is done in every State, and such public schools are in
practical operation, the safety of the country, and es
pecially of the South, will demand the continuance, by
some agency, of the additional work now carried on.
Not only this, but means should be provided for
greatly extending these operations to meet the wants
of the whole people. Just at present not more than
one tenth of the children of the freedmen are attend
ing school. Their parents are not yet able to defray
the expenses of education. They are already doing
something, probably more in proportion to their
means, than any other class. During the last year it
is estimated that they have raised and expended for
the construction of schoolhouses and the support of
teachers not less than two hundred thousand dollars
($200,000). They have shown a willingness to help,
369

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
and as they prosper and acquire property, they wiU
assume a larger share of the burden, either by volun
tary contributions or by the payment of taxes for the
support of schools.
The poverty of the freed people has been in some
slight degree relieved by the payment of bounties and
other moneys due from the Government to soldiers,
sailors, and marines. These payments have been made
through us in accordance with law.
So far as I have had authority and power I have
endeavored to protect the freedmen from all kinds of
abuse and injustice to which they were exposed in a
region for a time destitute of civil government, and
among a people bitterly hostile to their emancipa
tion. . . .
In all important cases where the civil courts ex
isted they were first resorted to ; but when such courts
would not admit the testimony of negroes nor treat
them as equals before the law with whites, appeal was
made to military tribunals or under the Civil Eights
bill to the United States courts. . . .
One assistant commissioner reports three thousand
four hundred and five (3,405) cases adjudicated in a
single quarter, which, taken as a fair exponent of the
business, gives more than one hundred thousand (100,-
000) complaints heard and acted upon by Bureau offi
cers in a single year. The reports of murders, as
saults, and outrages of every description were so nu
merous, and so full of horrible detaUs, that at times
one was inclined to believe the whole white population
engaged in a war of extermination against the blacks.
But careful investigation has proved that the worst
outrages were generally committed by small bands of
lawless men, organized under various names, whose
370

Famine Reliefs
principal objects were robbery and plunder. There
was no civil government with strength enough to ar
rest them, and they overawed and held in terror
the more quiet citizens who were disposed to treat the
freedmen with fairness and humanity. But for the
presence of Bureau officers, sustained by a military
force, there would have been no one to whom these
victims of cruelty and wrong could have appealed for
defense. And the evils remedied have probably been
far less than the evils prevented. No one can tell what
scenes of violence and strife and insurrection the
whole South might have presented without the pres
ence of this agency of the Government to preserve
order and to enforce justice. Several officers and
agents have been severely wounded, and some have
lost their lives in this service. Fallen in the faithful
discharge of duty, in brave defense of right, in heroic
protection of the weak and poor, their names deserve
a place on their country's " EoU of Fame."
Notice the appropriations by Congress :
For the year ending July 1, 1867  $6,940,450.00
For the year ending July 1, 1868  3,836,300 . 00
For relief of destitute citizens in the District of Columbia . . 40,000 . 00
For relief of destitute freedmen in the same  15,000.00
For expenses of paying bounties in 1869  214,000.00
for expenses for famine in Southem States and transpor
tation  1,865,645 . 40
For the support of hospitals  50,000.00
Making a total, received from all sources, of  $12,961,395.40
Our expenditures from the beginning (including as
sumed accounts of the " Department of Negro Af
fairs"), from January 1, 1865, to August 31, 1869,
have been eleven milUon two hundred and forty-nine
thousand and twenty-eight dollars and ten cents ($11,-
249,028.10). In addition to this cash expenditure the
subsistence, medical supplies, quartermaster stores,
371

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
issued to refugees and freedmen prior to July 1, 1866,
were fumished by the commissary, medical, and quar
termaster's department, and accounted for in the cur
rent expenses of those departments; they were not
charged to nor paid for by my officers. They amounted
to two mUlion three hundred and thirty thousand seven
hundred and eighty-eight doUars and seventy-two
cents ($2,330,788.72) in original cost; but a large por
tion of these stores being damaged and condemned as
unfit for issue to troops, their real value to the Govem
ment was probably less than one miUion of doUars
($1,000,000). Adding their original cost to the amount
expended from appropriations and other sources, the
total expenses of our Govemment for refugees and
freedmen to August 31, 1869, have been thirteen mU
lions five hundred and seventy-nine thousand eight
hundred and sixteen doUars and eighty-two cents
($13,579,816.82). And deducting fifty thousand dol
lars ($50,000) which Congress transferred to the Ag
ricultural Department, and five himdred thousand dol
lars ($500,000) set apart as a special relief fund for aU
classes of destitute people in the Southem States, the
real cost has been thirteen mUlions twenty-nine thou
sand eight hundred and sixteen dollars and eighty-two
cents ($13,029,816.82), ...
It was obrious that the payment of bounties and
other moneys due colored soldiers must be continued
by some agency until all should have a reasonable time
to present their claims. National honor forbade that
the task should be left incomplete, and an Act of Con
gress was required to transfer this important work
to some other department when our divisions should be
entirely closed. I so recommended.
1 I added : the Educational Dirision should not only
i 372

Famine Reliefs
be continued but greatly extended. If the State govern
ments are not prepared nor willing to provide for the
education of all classes (as I hope they will soon do),
I recommend that the general Government take the
matter in hand. " The safety of the Eepublic is the
supreme law." There can be no safety nor permanent
peace where ignorance reigns. The law of self-preser
vation will justify the national legislature in establish
ing through the Bureau of Education, or some other
agency, a general system of free schools, and furnish
to all children of a suitable age such instruction
in the rudiments of learning as may be necessary to
fit them to discharge intelligently the duties of free
American citizens.
The foregoing comments and summary upon what
was undertaken and accomplished, which were made
forty years ago, are, I believe, of special interest to
day. Problems touching labor are always recurring.

373

CHAPTEE LVn
THE KL'-KLUX KLAN
A FTEE Congress had overthro-wn President John-
-^*- son's plan and had completed the formal recon
struction of the insurrectionary States according to its
o-wn views, the political disabUities of the late Confed
erates deprived them of suffrage and placed the poUti
cal control of these States in a new party, composed of
Southem Union men, Northem men who at the end of
the war settled in the South, and the negroes.
Politicians of the Eepublican Party hoped through
this combination to keep the Southem States Eepub
lican on national issues and secure the rights of com
plete citizenship to the new voters.
The negroes were generally very ignorant and not
wisely led, and even if they had been the -wisest of
rulers the opposition of the whites to being ruled by
their late slaves would have been naturally very fierce.
The opposition, as yet powerless at the polls, was
greatly strengthened by the course, hostUe to Con
gress, which President Johnson had pursued, and early
in 1868 began to show itself in the operations here and
there of certain secret organizations. The primary
object of these associations was undoubtedly poUtical,
in some places avowed to be in opposition to the Union
Leagues, that favored strong national control in the
South, leagues which not only took form in Northern

The Ku-Klux Klan
cities but also had prototypes in the South among the
Unionists and negroes.
The ex-Confederate General Forrest even claimed
for the former a " benevolent and defensive " purpose.
The benevolence was to be mutual aid ; the defensive,
ostensibly to prevent Union leagues, composed mostly
of negroes, from disturbing the peace. Whatever the
origin of the associations, when full grown they became
a monster terrible beyond question. The oath of per
petual secrecy with the penalty of death attached to its
violation, of implicit obedience to a chief or chiefs, the
guarding of secrets by the obligation to slay a betrayer,
and the oath of every chief to obey without hesitation
the orders of some " inner circle," constituted socie
ties which in some parts of the South came to rival
the Nihilistic assassins of Eussia or the inner chamber
of the old Spanish Inquisition. From the numerous
cases of murder and outrage perpetrated upon negroes
and those who befriended them during the days of re
construction, which were reported to my officers and
were by them recorded with the different circum
stances attending them, it is now clear that the main
object from first to last was somehow to regain and
maintain over the negro that ascendency which slavery
gave, and which was being lost by emancipation, edu
cation, and suffrage.
The opposition to negro education made itself felt
everywhere in a combination not to allow the freedmen
any room or building in which a school might be
taught. In 1865, 1866, and 1867 mobs of the baser
classes at intervals and in all parts of the South occa
sionally burned school buildings and churches used as
schools, flogged teachers or drove them away, and in
a number of instances murdered them. But the better
375

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
portion of the communities had not been engaged in
these acts, and there was no evidence that respectable
Confederate soldiers were involved in these enter
prises. Our work of establishing schools went steadily on.
Early in 1868, however, was the first appearance in my
Bureau school reports of an offensive secret organiza
tion. It was from Charlesto-wn, W. Va. Our workers
received a note from the " Ku-Klux Klan." Not a
white family there after that could be found -willing
to board the excellent lady teachers. At Frostburg a
male teacher was threatened with riolence, the Klan
having sent him notes, ordering him to depart. Loyal
West Virginians, however, stood by him and he did
not go. In Maryland, also, one teacher was warned
and forced to leave. The Klan signed their rough
document which was placed in his hand, " Ku-Klux
Klan." The face of the envelope was covered -vrith
scrawls; among these were the words: "Death!
Death ! " By a similar method a teacher at Hawkins-
ville, Ga. (a colored man) , was dealt with by menace and
afterwards seriously wounded. The Georgia super
intendent wrote that for the last three months, April,
May, and June, 1868, there had been more bitterness
exhibited toward all men engaged in the work of
education than ever before; and there were few but
had received threats, both anonymous and open.
Several freedmen had abandoned their fields from
fear. The cry from Alabama was even more alarming.
People from a distance could not comprehend the feel
ing; schoolhouses were burned, and those left stand
ing were in danger; teachers were hated and mal
treated, two being driven from their work. " The
376

The Ku-Klux Klan
truth is," they cried, " we are in the midst of a reign
of terror." But Louisiana exceeded; Miss Jordan's school at
Gretna was entered by ruffians ; the walls of her room
were covered with obscene pictures and language, and
threats against the teacher posted; she was insulted
on the ferry and in the streets, and even annoyed in
such a small way as to be required to pay twice as
much ferriage as the teachers in the white schools. In
Markville, the Ku-Klux Klan made more open demon
strations, but always by night. They posted their
documents around the town, so terrifying the colored
people that they did not dare leave their homes after
dark. The night schools had to be closed. At Mary
and Sabine parish ; at Cherryville and Eapides parish ;
at Washington and Opelousas; at St. Landry parish,
and elsewhere in a similar way by visitations and
threats the schools were shut up and the teachers
driven off.
In Texas, both at Georgetown and Circleville, the
schools were similarly closed out; at the latter place
the school edifice was burned to the ground.
Mrs. Baldwin, the teacher at Bowling Green, Ky.,
was a Christian lady of agreeable manners and un
usual culture, but not one of the twenty-seven loyal
famUies of the place dared incur the odium of giving
her a home. The Eegulators had made themselves felt ;
men, professing to be gentlemen, insulted her upon the
streets. Vile books and pictures were sent to her by
maU; and, as a last resort, she was threatened with
assassination if she was found in the city at the expi
ration of five days. Many other schools had to be
maintained under mUitary guard ; five school buUdings
in Kentucky were burned about that time.
377

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Of course such conduct, bad as it seemed for the
community, could not properly be charged to any of
the people beyond those who were guilty of the bar
barous acts, or those who, in their blindness of preju
dice, sustained them. It became evident in studying
the letters and communications which reached me, usu
ally cautiously written, so as not to anger the whites
around them if they should happen to be published,
that in the early summer of 1868, the former irregular
and local hostility to freedmen's schools had taken on
a new strength. It involved in its meshes Unionists
and well-to-do industrious negroes, as well as teachers
and scholars. Further examples wUl Ulustrate the
procedure: On May 16th, L. S. Frost, a white teacher
in Tennessee, was taken at night from his room by a
mob of disguised young men and carried to a field
near by, men choking and beating him all the way ; they
were flourishing their pistols over his head, and threat
ening to kUl him instantly if he did not cease resist
ing. They made him promise to leave to-wn the next
morning. They then blackened his face and portions
of his body with a composition of spirits of turpentine,
lampblack, and tar, and released him. About a dozen
persons were engaged in the outrage, some of whom
were recognized by Mr. Frost.
John Dunlap, a teacher educated in Ohio, was in
July, 1868, in charge of a colored school at ShelbyvUle,
Tenn. On Independence Day, about ten o'clock at
night, a body of Ku-Klux, some fifty strong, masked,
armed with pistols and bearing an emblem resembling
the bleeding heart of a man, were paraded in front of
his house. When he presented himself, they gave him
commands which he resisted. They fired through his
window, made him surrender his pistol, caused him to
378

The Ku-Klux Klan
mount, and escorted him to the public square. Then
they seized and secured a prominent colored man,
James Franklin. Proceeding with the regularity of
soldiers, a captain commanding, they marched their
victims across the Duck Eiver, 'where, dismounting,
with something like a leathern thong or strap they first
flogged Franklin, each man giving him five blows.
After that, taking Dunlap to another place, with the
same parade, they performed the same operation,
badly lacerating his body. After directing him to
leave the city the next day, they released him. Dunlap
not at once complying with their demand, they served
upon him a formal notice, sent in the form of an un
stamped letter through the post office, ordering him
to leave by July 15th, or he would be burned to death.
Dunlap thereupon went to Nashville and remained two
months. Then he came back. He was visited again
after his return, but was now prepared with a guard.
While the Ku-Klux were hallooing that they " wanted
Dunlap and fried meat " and were approaching his
residence, the guard fired upon them. The band re
treated and did not appear in ShelbyvUle again.
A school building was burned at Carthage, Tenn.,
by incendiaries ; and at SomerviUe, Saulsbury, Poca
hontas, and in numerous other country places the
schools were completely broken up by insults and
shameful outrages perpetrated upon the teachers.
The outcropping of cruelties in portions of Louisi
ana showed by the persons who were chosen as vic
tims that the effort of the secret organization was par
ticularly political. On July 28, 1868, William Cooper,
a white Unionist, came to our agent in the parish of
Franklin. He was severely wounded, having been shot
in his own house near Girard Station; a freedman
379

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
named Prince was killed in the same parish, and all
the teachers were so terrified by such demonstrations
as to stop teaching.
In the preceding April a good teacher, Frank Sin
clair, had been slain in Ouachita, and other helpers
there were so put in jeopardy of their lives that they
could only teach secretly in the cabins.
At many points in the State were these " bands of
desperadoes formed in secret organization, styling
themselves the Ku-Klux Klan." They shot and hung
colored men. Their lifeless bodies were found, but the
secrets were so well kept that no guilty parties could
be discovered. In some places negroes were taken out
and whipped (as a rule by night) and there was no
clew to the perpetrators. Even United States agents
dared not hold a public meeting in that region — a
gathering at night of negroes at any place would be
regarded with suspicion by the whites and result in
outrage and suffering to the blacks.
The aspect of society in Arkansas in the summer
and fall of 1868 presented similar combined secret
planning and movement. Lawlessness, rowdyism, and
depredations in some parts of the State for a whde
ran riot. Union men were driven from their homes
and freedmen subjected to the grossest maltreatment.
In Crittenden county, Mr. E. G. Barker, our Bureau
agent, was shot and severely wounded, August 12,
1868. An attempt to assassinate him at Hamburg,
Ashley county, two years before had failed to end his
life, but the wounds received had caused him the loss
of an arm.
The secret bodies had different names in different
localities. They appeared as "Eegulators," "White
Caps," "Pale Faces," "Knights of the White Ca-
380

The Ku-Klux Klan
mellia," and " Ku-Klux " or " Ku-Klux Klan." Gen
eral Forrest testified before the Congressional Com
mittee that his estimate of their numbers in Tennessee
alone exceeded 40,000.
The latter part of the year 1868, before the election
of General Grant for his first term, these murderous
secret societies reached their greatest activity. Even
the country hamlets in the neighborhood of Chatta
nooga, which city always after the war abounded in
Union men and late Union soldiers, were boldly visited
by this strange horde. They came upon one commo
dious schoolhouse in the country and burned it to the
ground; but the persistent teacher, a colored youth,
though threatened by the Ku-Klux Klan with violence
and death if he did not yield to their commands, made
himself a brush arbor and there continued his school
to the end of the term. Before the November election
(the freedmen's first national suffrage) the Ku-Klux,
armed and masked as usual, at night paraded the
streets of several cities, and filled the freedmen with
terror. Similar detachments boldly roamed over large
districts of country outside of the cities.
At Eock Spring, Ky., the Ku-Klux, estimated
fifty strong, came at ten o'clock at night, seized the
teacher, James Davis, a native of the place, an able and
respected colored man, and ordered him to leave the
country. His fine school building was reduced to
ashes. On October 21, 1868, a host of these " Eegulators "
set upon a negro assembly at Cadiz, which a Bureau
messenger, Mr. P. S. Eeeves, was visiting and address
ing. The Eegulators stoned the buUding and dis
persed the negroes. Some of the rush shouted after
Mr. Eeeves: " KiU the scalawag! " " Shoot the Yan-
381

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
kee ! " This was done while he was finding his way to
the hotel. He halted and faced them. They then
" surrounded him, thrust their pistols into his face,
beat him, kicked him," and after abusing bim for a
whUe ordered him to run for his life. This time, by
what he called a quick walk, he reached the hotel. A
larger mob surrounded the public house and could only
be appeased by his promise to leave to-wn the next
morning. After the election, for a time, the excessive wrath
abated. From my point of observation, the two months
of 1868 that followed the Presidential election and the
first six in the next year, 1869, were quite free from
the Ku-KUux raids.
During the last half of 1869, however, there was
a qmckentng of the secret pulse. In the northern part
of Alabama, along the border between Alabama and
Tennessee, now and then there was " trouble between
the races." " But," said our representative, " this is
attributed to incursions of Ku-Klux coming from Ten
nessee where, in remote localities, the organization is
kept up for political effect, rather than for the bitter
strife of former years." But Tennessee herself was
at this time comparatively clear of any active opera
tions of the Ku-KIux Klan. From Kentucky, however,
a teacher who had a remarkably good school about ten
miles from Bowling Green wrote : " The Ku-Klux Klan
came one night and told me if I did not break up my
school they would kill me." The teacher obeyed. He
reported that the white people said that this action by
the Ku-KZux was had because " the niggers there were
getting too smart."
North Carolina, that had made such good progress
in every way under our systematic work, began in
382

The Ku-Klux Klan
some of its counties to be infested during the latter
half of 1869. " There was for a time a suspension of
schools in a number of districts." Our inspector wrote
that it was " owing to the influence of certain lawless
bands." Teachers became frightened, and, under the
threats of violence printed on placards and put upon
doors and fence posts, it was deemed best to obey
the dread-inspiring foes that, many or few, were
magnified by excited imaginations into multitudes.
The marauders went in bands, always masked, usually
in small squads, each squad having from five to ten
in number. One of our best North Carolina workers
near the close of this bitter year, 1869, had in his com
munication from his district, consisting of Eowan, Ire
dell, Davie, and Yadkin counties, these sad words:
" Our situation is now more painful than it has ever
been since we took up this notable cause of the freed
men. I mind my own business as closely as I can, but
know no safety of life or property."
South Carolina showed some eruptions of the same
nature as late as December 24, 1869. A gentleman of
good standing was building a large school structure at
Newberry, S. C, for the education of the children of
the freed people. He was visited by armed men and
driven from the hotel where he was boarding, and a
yOung lady teacher at the same place, sent by the
Methodists from Vermont, was subjected to the mean
est sort of insults and persecutions.
Georgia, too, in this time of comparative quiet, fur
nished some instances of the action of the secret bands.
In about half of the State " Ku-Klux Klaus," armed,
disguised, roaming through country districts, com
mitted their atrocious outrages. The teacher, E. H.
Gladding, was by them driven from Greensboro. The
383

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
gentleman who boarded him, because he had harbored
him, was taken from his house at night and unmerci
fuUy scourged. Abram Colby (colored) about this time
being a member elect of the legislature, was beaten
nearly to death. At Maxey's Station, Oglethorpe
county, P. H. Gillen, a white man, was dealt with in the
same way and forced to leave. My agent thus -wit
nessed : " I have also found outrages of a similar char
acter committed in this month (December, 1869) in the
southem part of the State. These murders and out
rages are committed by organized gangs, generally in
the night, and the civil authorities seem to be unable
to prevent them."
Texas, at this period, presented a better field. Order
had generally been secured, yet Major McCleery, our
State superintendent of education, while extending and
inspecting his schools, had to say : " Sometimes we
were driven out of places on our mission becoming
kno-wn. Frequently we had to do our business in se
cret and travel in disguise." His clerk was twice am
bushed by the Eegulators and fired upon, and his mes
senger several times assaulted for serving "the
Yankee." Threatening letters were sent, bricks were
thro-wn through the windows, dead cats were dropped
into cisterns, and other such petty annoyances fre
quently took place to worry him. Yet with the courage
and perseverance of a hero, he kept on, and " planted
many flourishing schools." The pros and cons of
Texas society were sho-wn at Gonzales. A Hungarian
teacher of good ability and character was set upon by
a small night detachment of six of these Eegulators,
well disguised and armed with revolvers. They beat
him, they took him to the river and immersed him, with
threats of dro-wning. The postmaster, a truly brave
384

The Ku-Klux Klan
Southern man, successfully came to his relief, and the
white citizens of Gonzales assembled and passed reso
lutions against the outrage, and promised the utmost
aid and support to the town officers for the discovery,
apprehension, and punishment of the offenders. Such
affairs, thus ending, became stepping-stones to prog
ress. Tennessee in its middle and western sections was
the leader in this Ku-Klux business. The most hei
nous crimes occurred just before an election. Gradu
ally the friends of order and good government in those
very much disturbed sections came to the front and
were outspoken in their condemnation of the whip
pings, lynchings, and assassinations, and all such in
famous secret proceedings; so that even when the
Eegulators were for a time apparently very strong, re
action in the best Southern circles had set in against
them before the close of 1869.
During 1870, there were few localities which were
kept in ferment by these unscrupulous secret organiza
tions. By procuring the support of good citizens all
over the South and, when necessary, action by the army
to arrest outlaws, our schools whenever temporarily
closed were soon reopened and steady progress made.
Colonel Beecher, in his June report from Alabama,
spoke of bad feeling in a few counties. There were
threats to burn school structures, but by vigilance the
dreaded calamity was everywhere prevented. But in
northwestern Louisiana there was still trouble enough.
McCleery, the superintendent from Texas, and those
aiding him, had many narrow escapes. While travel
ing on duty through Winn parish, a band like those so
often described waylaid him and drove him to refuge
in a swamp, where, by staying all night and making a
385

Autobiography of Gen, O. O. Howard
twenty-five-mile detour, he managed to escape from
their clutches. The negroes, he said, never recovered
from the election murders of 1868. His accoimts, in
keeping with that of a Louisiana State committee,
showed that there had been in nine parishes two hun
dred and twenty-seven (227) freedmen and Union
white men (freedmen mostly) killed outright, and sixty-
eight (68) wounded by gun shots or maltreated; that
is, this was the number officially discovered and sworn
to, but there were very many who had disappeared
whose fate was not known. McCleery added : " All
this has had a terrible effect on these (colored) people,
unnerving and discouraging them in all respects."
The masked outlaws had spread terror from Winn
county to the Texas border ; they had burned the court
house and records of Winn, and stopped the courts;
tbey promised to kill our agent there if he opened a
school, and the teacher sent thither was never heard
from again, probably drowned in the bayou.
Lieutenant Butts, of the army, who was murdered
by the same masked band about election time, had been
buried near where he fell. McCleery could get no aid
to move his body eight months after the event, so
cowed were the citizens, white and black, by the terror
that the Ku-Klux had inspired.
.July 11, 1870, is the date memorable at Cross
Plains, Ala., for a later specimen of Ku-Klux raid. It
is the one that Senator Wilson recorded in his " Else
and Fall of the Slave Power," " Tony Cliff, Berry Har
ris, Cfesar Frederick, and William Hall," colored men,
and the " white schoolmaster, William C. Luke," all for
some insignificant charge, raised against them, were in
the hands of civil authorities ; they were taken from
them by force and murdered by a detachment of the
386

The Ku-Klux Klan
Ku-Klux Klan. Though nobody was indicted by the
grand jury in this case,' yet the stir and opprobrium of
this dastardly crime, like that in the case of the colored
Baptist preacher, Elias HiU, who had been dreadfully
abused and scourged in the Carolinas, made them
selves so widely felt, that the organized outlawry be
came less apparent from that time on.
However, there were some disturbances, accom
panied by crime in places, as in three counties of Mis
sissippi, the accounts of which came to my headquar
ters during the spring of 1871. The school, six miles
east of Okolona, was closed by order of the Ku-Klux
outlaws. The information was sent us on April 5th.
All schools in Monroe county, over sixty in number,
were also ordered to be closed by the same authority.
Notices were served upon Northern men to leave the
State. The schoolhouse at Meridian was, burned. It
was built by the Government.
Eeports came in of Warren Tyler, foully murdered
at Meridian; of Aaron Moore banished and his house
destroyed ; of Mayor Sturgis driven from Meridian ; of
the father of Wesley Lee, pursued and finally assassi
nated; of teachers (April 21st) at Eouses Mills, Mon
roe county, and at Aberdeen, driven off from their
schools by the Ku-Klux ; of a colored man named Dur
ham slain April 23d ; of Tom Hornburger, a freedman,
literaUy shot to pieces April 24th; the same night a
schoolhouse burned, where a colored girl was teaching ;
of a postmaster at Aberdeen, a Southern Eepublican,
ordered to change his politics ; at Athens, Mississippi,
of Alex Page, colored, (March 29) taken out of his
house and hanged; near Hood's Church, of another
freedman shot and killed, about twelve miles from a
station of some of our troops. 387

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
A Ku-Klux letter of notification ran : " We can in
form you that we are the law itself, and that an order
from these headquarters is supreme above all others."
I closed an itemized account in a letter to the Sec
retary of War in these words : " I therefore report
them to enable you or the President to act officially,
hoping that you may be able to cleanse at least three
counties, Monroe, Lowndes, and Noxubee, and that
part of Lauderdale especially infested by the outlaws,
in the way that your extensive war experience has
taught you."
Eeviewing the operations of those secret, unscrupu
lous organizations popularly known as " Ku-Klux
Klaus," in connection with the freedmen's education,
after an interval of forty years, my conclusions are as
expressed in the following language:
" The operations of the Ku-Klux Klan were di
rected principally against the negroes, and those who
were supposed to especially lend them countenance, by
murders, whippings, and other acts of violence, to in
spire them with such terror as to render unavailable
their newly conferred political privileges."
But the hostility to education was rather incidental
than otherwise. The grand object of the " Solid
South," so called, was to prevent what was denomi
nated " negro domination." The secret societies
turned their machinery against Union Southerners
to silence or convert them ; against " carpet baggers "
(which included the Northem teachers of colored
schools) to banish them; and against all negroes to so
intimidate and terrorize them that they would not dare
to vote except as their new masters directed. All my
officers and agents were naturally involved in the dan
gers and sufferings of their wards.
388

The Ku-Klux Klan
After Grant became President, United States mili
tary action against the Ku-Klux was very prompt and
had much to do with causing the cessation of their out
rages. But the end sought by those cruel associations
had been obtained, first by their action and later by
the counting of the ballots against the blacks. Negro
voting, negro office holding, and negro domination
were put under an effectual ban. But in spite of all
the cruelties and hindrances the education of the freed
men has been rapidly developed and steadily advanced,
till all the States have a reasonably good basis for
free schools and the foundation of a system of univer
sal education.

389

CHAPTEE LVIII
BEGINNING OF HOWARD UNIVERSITY
T N my earlier interviews with Mr. Stanton in May,
¦¦¦ 1865, I claimed that the education of the freed
men's children, and of adults, as far as practicable, was
the true relief.
"Eelief from what?" asked Stanton, glancing
toward me over his colored glasses.
" Eelief from beggary and dependence," I replied.
I had the same opinion with reference to our nu
merous " white refugees " of the South, though it was
believed tbat tbey would naturally be incorporated ui
ordinary schools there without such prejudice to their
interests as existed against the negro population.
Very soon all my assistants agreed with me that it
would not be long before we must have negro teachers,
if we hoped to secure a permanent foothold for our
schools. This conclusion had become plain from the
glimpses already given into Southern society. Natu
rally enough, the most Christian of the Southem peo
ple would prefer to have white teachers from among
themselves. Feeling a sympathy for this seeming
home prejudice, quite early in 1866, I tried the experi
ment in one State, in cooperation with the Episcopal
Bishop of tbat State, to put over our school chUdren
Southern white teachers, male and female, but the
bishop and I found that their faith in negro education
390

Beginning of Howard University
was too small, and their ignorance of practical teach
ing too great, to admit of any reasonable degree of suc
cess. After trial and failure it was given up. But
faith and enthusiasm combined to give the negro teach
ers a marvelous progress. Of course, in the outset
there were few negroes in the United States who were
properly fitted to teach. The most who had a smatter
ing of learning could not speak the English language
with a reasonable correctness. It was then a plain
necessity to have schools which could prepare teach
ers. My own sentiment often found vent when I was
visited by men of opposite convictions — the one set
saying that no high schools or colleges were wanted
for the freedmen, and the other declaring their imme
diate and pressing necessity. My own thought favored
the latter, but not with haste. It was given in this
form : " You cannot keep up the lower grades unless
you have the higher." Academies and colleges, univer
sities and normal schools, had long been a necessity in
all sections where the free schools had been continu
ously sustained.
A brief experience showed us that the negro peo
ple were capable of education, with no limit that men
could set to their capacity. What white men could
learn or had learned, they, or some of them, could
learn. There was one school diagonally across the
street from my headquarters, named the Wayland
Seminary. The pupils were from fourteen to twenty
years of age. It was taught in 1866 by a lady, who,
herself, was not only a fine scholar, but a thoroughly
trained teacher. One day the Hon. Kenneth Eaynor,
of North Carolina, whom I had long known and valued
as a personal friend, came to my room to labor with
me and show me how unwise were some of my ideas.
391

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
He said in substance about this educating the
freedmen :
" General Howard, do you not know that you are
educating the colored youth above their business ? You
will only destroy them. Those young girls, for ex
ample ; they will be too proud or vain to work, and the
consequence will be that they will go to dance houses
and other places of improper resort."
" Why, my friend," I replied, " do you really think
that? I am astonished! That is not the way educa
tion affects the Yankee girls. Come with me to the
Wayland school, across the street."
We went together to the large school building and
entered the commodious room where the school was
just commencing its morning exercises. After extend
ing a pleasant welcome, the teacher gave us seats well
back, where we could see the blackboards, which were
near her desk, and the open school organ at her left,
ready for use. She first sent up two nice-looking girls,
of about fifteen years, to the instrument. One played,
and the other, like a precentor, led the school in sing
ing. There was evident culture in the singing and
playing, and none of the melody was wanting. My
friend's eyes moistened ; but he whispered : " They
always could sing ! "
Next, we had a class of reading. It was grateful
to cultured ears to have sentences well read and words
correctly pronounced. Spelling and defining followed,
with very few mistakes. The recitations at the black
board in arithmetic that next came on were remarkable.
To test the pupils beyond their text, I went forward
and placed some hard problems there. With readiness
and intelligence they were solved. The politeness and
bearing of these young people to one another, to the
392

Beginning of Howard University
teacher, and to us, struck my good friend with aston
ishment. Such a school, even of whites, so orderly, so
well trained, and so accomplished, Mr. Eaynor had sel
dom seen. As we returned across the street, arm in
arm, he said to me : " General, you have converted
me ! " This fine seminary was tantamount to a normal
school. It was preparing many excellent teachers for
their subsequent work.
Miss M. E. Mann, a niece of the Hon. Horace
Mann, through the aid of Massachusetts friends, had
a handsome school building constructed in Washing
ton, D. C, and it had the best possible appliances fur
nished—all for her own use. She charged tuition, ex
cept for those whose purpose was avowed to become
teachers. She commenced at the foundation of instruc
tion, and led her pupils step by step on and up, class
by class, as high as she could conveniently take them.
She began the enterprise in December, 1865. Pupils
of different ages were admitted, so that teachers, still
in embryo, might learn by experiment. It became
before long the model school of the District of Colum
bia. The neatness and order, the elegant rooms for
reciting, and the high grade of Miss Mann's classes in
recitations always attracted and surprised visitors.
From this school, also, several teachers graduated and
proved themselves able and worthy in their subse
quent successful career.
There were various other schools, as we know, in
the United States which had been long in existence,
preparing colored teachers, physicians, ministers, law
yers, and others for the coming needs of the new citi
zens — notably Oberlin College; Wilberforce Univer
sity, of Xenia, 0. ; Berea Academy, Ky. ; The Theologi
cal Institute (Baptist) at Washington, D. C, and Ash-
393

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
mun Institute at Oxford, Pa. The institute also for
colored youth in Philadelphia, founded in 1837 by the
bequest of a Friend, Eichard Humphreys, was designed
to teach agriculture and mechanical arts, and prepare
teachers for their profession. By other gifts, and by
the help of benevolent and friendly associations, this
institute had come, in 1866, to have a capacity for
three hundred (300) pupils; it was fairly endowed and
doing well, giving excellent results. Its teachers were
all colored persons. It had that year 48 graduates, 31
of whom became teachers. Still, notwithstanding
these sources of supply, the need for more teachers
was constant, and if any general system of free
schools should be adopted, the demand would be a hun
dred times beyond the possibUity of meeting it by com
petent instructors.
As the work of carrying forward the schools devel
oped, the old negro clergymen of every name became
inadequate for the religious instruction of the more
enlightened people. Many ministers felt themselves to
be unlearned, and so sought such knowledge of books
as they could get. Negro pharmacists and other medi
cal men were soon required, and contentions -vrith
white men in the courts demanded friendly advocates
at law. Under the erident and growing necessity for higher
education, in 1866 and 1867, a beginning was made.
Various good schools of a collegiate grade were started
in the South, and normal classes were about this time
added, as at Hampton, Charleston, Atlanta, Macon,
Savannah, Memphis, LouisriUe, MobUe, Talladega,
Nashville, New Orleans, and elsewhere.
In every way, as commissioner, I now encouraged
the higher education, conceming which there was so
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Begmning of Howard University
much interest, endeavoring to adhere to my principle
of Government aid in dealing with the benevolent as
sociations. These, by 1867, had broken away from a
common union, and were again pushing forward their
denominational enterprises, but certainly, under the
Bureau's supervision, nowhere did they hurtfuUy in
terfere with one another.
Each denomination desired to have, here and there,
a college of its own. Such institutions the founders
and patrons were eager to make different from the
simple primary or grammar schools; these, it was
hoped and believed, would be eventually absorbed in
each State in a great free school system. The educa
tors naturally wished to put a moral and Christian
stamp upon their students, especially upon those who
would become instructors of colored youth. My own
strong wish was ever to lay permanent substructures
and build thereon as rapidly as possible, in order to
give as many good teachers, professional men, and
leaders to the rising generation of freedmen as we
could, during the few years of Governmental control.
One of the institutions for the higher education of
the negro which has maintained ample proportions and
also bears my own name, warrants me in giving some
what in detail its origin and my connection with it.
The latter part of 1866, a few gentlemen, at the in
stance of Eev. F. B. Morris, who held an important
Governmental office at the capital, and was a benevo
lent and scholarly man, came together at the house of
Mr. A. Brewster, on K Street, Washington.
There had been two or three of such informal meet
ings, consisting mainly of residents of Washington,
when Senators Wilson and Pomeroy, B. C. Cook, Mem
ber of the House, and myself were invited to this re-
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
spectable self-constituted councU, November 20, 1866.
Nearly aU of the dozen or more gentlemen who were
present, and among them Eev. Dr. C. B. Boynton, the
pastor of the Congregational Church of the city, were
Congregationalists. A preliminary organization was
already in existence. The subject under discussion for
this time was a place for a theological school for the
colored preachers and those who were to become such,
that their teachings should be of value. Mr. H. D.
Nichols moved that the new institution be entitled
" Howard Theological Seminary." That name was
adopted. Mr. Morris and some others were in the out
set in favor of connecting with the seminary some in
dustrial features ; and. to show my good -wiU, I made
the same offer, being authorized by the law, that I had
been making to other educational associations, that if
they would fumish a proper lot, I would cause to be
erected thereon, by the Bureau, a suitable building. I
believed it -wdser not to use my name, but it was re
marked sportively " there are other Howards."
At a meeting December 4, 1866, there was in ideas
and proposals considerable progress manifested. At
first, I had desired delay, thinking that the time was
hardly ripe for a large institution at the capital; but,
seeing the enthusiasm and fixed purpose of this body
of some fourteen gentlemen, a few of whom I now ob
served were Presbyterians and two or three of other
persuasions, I participated in their discussions.
" Howard Normal and Theological Institute for the
Education of Teachers and Preachers," was the new
title adopted.
On January 8, 1867, at another gathering, Dr.
Boynton was elected the president of the preliminary
board. At this session my brother. General C. H.
396

Beginning of Howard University
Howard, then assistant commissioner of the district
and vicinity, moved a committee to plan a law depart
ment — a medical department having already been fa
vorably canvassed. Thus, little by little, the idea of a
university grew upon the preliminary board, the proj
ect of an institution which should have many separate
departments acting together under one board of trus
tees. At this January sitting, an important committee
was named to obtain a charter. It consisted of Sena
tors Wilson and Pomeroy and Hon. B. C. Cook ; and in
anticipation of funds. General George W. Balloch was
elected treasurer of the university. The institution
had already stepped up into the dignity of another
name, to wit : " Howard University." I had, during
the discussion, continued to oppose that name, not only
from modesty, but from my feeling that I could do
more privately and officially for an enterprise that did
not bear my own name ; I did not wish to be suspected
and accused of raising a monument to myself. But
the universal voice was against me; in fact, the nam
ing did little harm, for it was not long before the name,
even in a public address to the students, was imputed
by a distinguished English divine to John Howard, the
philanthropist. The charter was easily obtained, hav
ing seventeen charter members. The incorporation
title was : " An Act to incorporate the Howard Uni
versity in the District of Columbia." It was approved
by the President of the United States March 2, 1867.
The enactment required a board of trustees of not
less than thirteen members to be chosen by the incor
porators. The scope of the university, in keeping with my
own plan for that institution, is indicated in the char
ter : to consist of six designated departments and such
397

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
others as the trustees may establish — first, normal;
second, collegiate ; third, theological ; fourth, law ; fifth,
medicine; sixth, agriculture. Under this charter,
Howard University was set in motion.
General Whittlesey and I were very soon appointed
a committee to look up a site. We had risited various
parts of the District of Columbia -vrithout being able
to get an option for our purpose, when, one day, we
were standing near the place where the largest struc
ture of Howard University now is. Whittlesey had
been there before and liked the site. It was now evi
dent to us both that we could not find a more appro
priate place. The outlook, taking in the city of Wash
ington, the monument, the Capitol, the White House,
and other public buildings, and a grand expanse be
sides, including miles of the Potomac, could not be bet
ter. To locate good structures there would make
weight for the manhood of those whom we especiaUy
purposed to benefit by a university education.
Together we went to the house of the o-wner of the
estate, Mr. John A. Smith ; it was situated just beyond
the present location of the President's house. The cot
tage was almost hidden by a small grove of trees. We
foimd Mr. Smith, with his -vrife and two or three mem
bers of his family. As we sat together, I tried to get
Mr. Smith to promise a ithird of his farm. He claimed
to have 150 acres. Some time before this the B^ireau
had purchased a small lot nearer the city of this Mr.
Smith, with an old dance house on it, to use it for edu
cational purposes, and had rented the same to the trus
tees for the first university school. It would unify the
Ijroposed departments if we could now make a favor
able bargain with Mr. Smith. But he insisted on sell
ing the whole at one thousand dollars ($1,000) per
398

Beginning of Howard University
acre, or none at all. General Whittlesey was of the
opinion that in a few years' time enough of such a
property could be sold to pay Mr. Smith's price, and
still leave us a reasonable portion as a reserve for our
use. I, too, felt sure of it. Suddenly, I said : " Mr.
Smith, what terms will you give us on the whole
tract?" He answered : " One third dowm and the balance in
one and two years."
" All right," I answered, " we will take the land
provided you give us a clear title."
His wife turned pale at the suddenness of the bar
gain, and there was evident excitement in all the com
pany present. After we had left the house. General
Whittlesey, who was a good business man, remarked
with a smile : " Well, general, if the trustees do not
sustain us in this purchase, we can handle it without
them." We were sustained by our board, though the ques
tion of money troubled them. Time was gained by
finding that there were several incumbrances which re
quired negotiation and settlement. At last, Mr. Smith
deducted on this account two thousand dollars ($2,000)
and the settled price became one hundred and forty-
seven thousand five hundred dollars ($147,500). Gen
eral Whittlesey and Mr. E. M. Hall were consti
tuted our land agents with power to advertise and con
vey. The trustees authorized them to make surveys
and maps, and instructed them to sell all the lots over
and above the University Eeservation.
Later, in his report to our board, which unkind
criticism had drawn out, Whittlesey made several in
teresting statements ; for instance he wrote : " When
appointed the agent of the board the task was set
399

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
before me of solving the financial problem of making
one haK or two thirds of the land purchased pay for
the whole. This I have done. My success has been a
happy surprise to myself. My work is open to fair
criticism, but I am not -wUling to be subjected to un
just censure." He just then demurred at the yoke of
extraordinary surveillance that was sought to be im
posed upon him, and he asked them to find another
agent in whom they could repose ordinary confidence
exercised among business men.
In the same paper, Whittlesey said : " The truth is,
the board of trustees have had very little to do with
the purchase of this property. They did not encour
age it. Several members expressed opposition to the
whole project.
" The work was done by General Howard and by me,
acting under his authority. The entire responsibUity
was thro-wn upon us. Had it been a failure, we should
have borne the disgrace, and the board would have
declared itseK free from all blame. It has not failed,
and every person in the land, who has at heart the wel
fare of the university and the good of those for whom
it is designed, must rejoice."
How to meet the primary payment was my first
problem. Some gKts had come to our university treas
ury, but tbey were not enough. The university treas
urer showed that the first amoimt to be paid to Mr.
Smith was twenty thousand doUars ($20,000). To
meet that and other expenses in starting this enter
prise, there was in the hands of the Bureau disbursing
officer a residue of " the refugees and freedmen's
fund." And as I had the authority of law in the Ap
propriation Act for March 2, 1867, to use it at my dis
cretion for education, after reflection, I resolved to
400

Beginning of Howard University
transfer thirty thousand dollars ($30,000) to the How
ard University treasury, and did so by a carefully
drawn order dated April 15, 1867. The university
treasurer, being duly authorized by the trustees, re
ceipted for the same. Thus the treasurer now had am
ple means to meet the first payment.
July 2d of this same year the executive committee
of Howard University wrote to the board : " The num
ber of lots sold is 245, and their average value, as
estimated by Mr. E. M. Hall, their agent, is six hun
dred dollars ($600) each, and the total value one hun
dred and forty-seven thousand dollars ($147,000)," so
that the university treasury was fairly well supplied,
as the deferred payments from lots, from time to time,
came in.
Able instructors, meanwhile, were selected. A nor
mal department and a preparatory to fit young men
and women for teachers and for college courses were
well under way before the end of the year. More than
100 pupils were enrolled, and a small college class
formed. Theological lectures and careful teaching
were given to an assembly of colored ministers of va
rious denominations, who had been but partially pre
pared for their work in their churches. The task of
planning suitable structures, and of erecting them,
went steadily on. Applications were numerous for the
admission of students from all parts of the country.
Thus I have indicated the beginnings of that large
institution, which has already given to intelligent
youth at the nation's capital, whatever might have been
their previous condition, the benefits of a complete col
legiate course and of a thorough professional training.

401

CHAPTEE LIX
INSTITUTIONS OF THB HIGHER GRADE; THE BARRY FARM
A T the time of this writing we are able to take a
•^^- brief reriew of the several freedmen's institu
tions that were commenced more or less under my su
pervision. Naturally enough, in the several historic
accounts given by the present professors or presidents,
more credit is awarded to private donors than to pub
lic officers, even when the latter were the real promo
ters; yet in case of the higher schools, such as were
capable of educating and supplying efficient teachers
for a vast field, those officers did lead the way against
a strong and decided opposition. They made innumer
able sacrifices, labored incessantly, and endured ob
loquy and false accusations while they were steadily
planting and sustaining such institutions, wholly wor
thy, which now every contributor who is still alive is
proud to have helped. Taking these schools alpha
betically :
1. Atlanta University was chartered in 1867. It is
governed' by a corporate body formed " for the Chris
tian education of youth." It includes both male and
female students. I can remember in the outset when
the Hon. E. P. Smith, then a field agent of the Ameri
can ]\lissionary Association, came to my office and sat
down vrith me to see what could be done to found this
institution. I said: "My friend, get your land and
402

Institutions of the Higher Grade

to'

your corporation to hold it and I wiU attend to the
erection of your first buildings, and to the transporta
tion thither of your teachers. Hence, we now find in
the catalogue these facts : Money came from the Freed
men's Bureau and other sources ; a noble site of fifty
acres on the west side of Atlanta was procured; in
1869 the first building was opened and at once crowded
with students ; other good things followed.
In time Atlanta University became independent of
the American Missionary Association, so as to be as
far as possible without denominational connection and
control. It has a college church organization of its own,
where the Methodist, Baptist, Episcopalian, and Con
gregational young people labor together. This works
so well that all the graduates of this year are in the
best sense of the word, Christians.
Eev. E. A. Ware, whom, while he lived, I counted
as a personal friend, was the president for the first
sixteen years till his death. He kept the advance for
Georgia in education of the higher grade. The uni
versity is still vigorous under President Horace Bum-
stead, D.D. The present student enrollment is 273.
It has many fine buildings which, with land and equip
ment, are valued at $290,000, and 14 instructors. In
dustrial training is supplied : for boys the care and use
of tools for the first year ; the use of the turning lathe,
including drawings, with considerable job and fancy
work for the second year; mechanical drawing, use of
instruments in all sorts of architectural and other con
structions for the third year.
For the girls, in their industrial division, sewing,
cooking, and household management are made much of.
Both boys and girls, at option, work in the printing
403

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
office. Several fine publications have been the result;
and the students do considerable job printing for the
outside market. As the demand for teaching in Geor
gia is still great, this university continues to pay most
attention to this part of its labor and claims to have
furnished the best prepared teachers in the State. It
wouldn't be quite right to complain of an industrial in
stitution like Atlanta University.
2. The ^very Institute, situated in Charleston, S.
C, was established by the American Missionary Asso
ciation in 1866. It is mentioned in my accounts for
1870 as having 305 pupils, 9 teachers, and two buUd
ings. It has maintained its existence and has to-day
8 teachers, and 348 pupils, though but few of them are
in the higher grades.
3. The Biddle Memorial Institute, started by the
Presbyterians at Charlotte, N. C, has been raised into
the Biddle University. 1 aided the incorporated board
of trustees, as I did those at Atlanta, from educational
funds with $10,000. Now this university has a high
school, a normal and collegiate course, and enroUed
last year 240 students. About 170 of them receive ad
ditional industrial instruction.
4. Berea College is located in Madison county, Ky.
It began during 1855 as a select school with 15 pupUs ;
was incorporated as Berea College in 1859. The char
ter applied to " all persons of good moral character."
At first the pupils were all white. After consideration
by the teachers and trustees, including the founder,
John G. Fee, the sentiment adopted and acted upon
was : " If anyone made in God's image comes here to
get knowledge which will enable him to understand his
relation to God in Jesus Christ, he cannot be rejected."
This would admit negroes. In consequence of this ac-
404

Institutions of the Higher Grade
tion or sentiment, a steady and bitter persecution
arose against all the instructors and patrons of the
college, and the sessions were for a long time inter
mitted. When I came to the freedmen's work in 1865,
the institution, hardly yet advanced enough to bear the
name of college, was reorganized by Prof. J. A. E.
Eogers, and though suffering much opposition in Ken
tucky because of its coeducation of whites and blacks,
soon had plenty of students of both colors. From the
start I determined to help Berea, particularly because
of its Southern origin and because of its sturdy and
fearless recognition of the manhood of the negro.
In 1866 and 1867 we called it " Berea Literary In
stitute." It was still elementary and then composed of
both races, in about equal numbers. The progress was
manifest ; pupils who had commenced there with mono
syllables were in three months able to read fairly well.
The latter part of 1867, four new buildings, princi
pally by my aid, had been erected. The normal fea
tures were already introduced and 240 pupils enrolled.
Many young men and young women were receiving
special training for teachers.
Before the close of 1868, the record calls the school
by its charter name : " Berea College." There were
156 students. My superintendent of education, who
paid them a visit, spoke of the excellent recitations in
mathematics and the classics, and predicted for Berea
a grand future.
A year later the construction of Chase Hall, which
I helped largely, is mentioned in the Kentucky reports.
It was finished in September and cost us about $17,-
000. The money was well appropriated.
Another communication of my superintendent in
Kentucky concerning Berea says : " Upon the earnest
405

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
solicitation of President Fairchild and Mr. Fee I deter
mined to finish the work at Berea by giving them an
additional $2,000."
And the final reference to the college in 1870 shows
my authorization of $7,000 more to complete the large
and commodious Ladies' Hall.
This placed Berea with its extensive grounds on a
substantial basis. The students there numbered 170
with eight teachers. Having steadily grown, Berea in
1896 had 460 students and 23 instructors. In 1903, 972
students and 52 instructors, and property valued at
$791,968. The Govemment aid was for the freedmen
and such as would properly be called refugees and
their descendants.
5. The Burrel School, one of a high order, at
Selma, Ala., had in 1870 but 35 pupils and two teach
ers. In 1896 there were 92 pupils.
6. Claflin University was organized in 1869 at
Orangeburg, S. C. In my accounts of sohools for 1870
I mention it as then under Methodist auspices. It had
a good academic course of study and numbered 170
pupils with 9 instructors. By Act of the South Caro
lina legislature, 1872, the university was enlarged to
embrace the Institute for Agriculture and Mechanic
Arts. It was recorded in 1895 as nonsectarian, having
570 students.
In 1896 the two institutions, Claflin University
proper and the Institute for Agriculture, separated
and now educate youth each in its o-wn line. Claflin
University had an enrollment in 1904 of 481 pupUs.
7. Central Tennessee College, located at Nashrille,
Tenn., and founded by the Methodist Freedmen's Aid
Society, had in 1870 92 scholars and 5 teachers. It had
406

Institutions of the Higher Grade
risen in 1896 to a total of 165 scholars, all in profes
sional courses.
The first building used by this college was a Con
federate gun factory.
8. Fish University had its beginning in the thought
and plan of E. P. Smith and E. M. Cravath, who were
both at the time secretaries of the American Mission
ary Association. They met at Nashville, Tenn., Octo
ber 3, 1865, and had a conference on the subject of mak
ing Nashrille an educational center for the then newly
emancipated and their descendants. This conference
soon took into its councils General C. B. Fisk, commis
sioner, and Prof. John Ogden, an able educator who
had been an officer of the army during the war. A half
square of land was purchased, and by General Fisk's
solicitation a number of temporary hospital structures
which were on the land were by the Government
assigned to the use of the proposed university. Janu
ary 9, 1866, the first school connected with the enter
prise opened. General Fisk upon solicitation allowed
the use of his name for the university, and Professor
Ogden, equipped with fifteen assistant teachers, com
menced his work. In 1870 there were 283 pupils ; in
1904, 525 students. Mr. Cravath was the president till
his death ; he was aided by a faculty and officers to the
number of 29. The Fisk Jubilee Singers became
famous throughout the world. They raised by their
public concerts in the United States and abroad over
$150,000 for their university. The campus has been
increased to thirty-five acres and covered with noble
and appropriate structures.
General Clinton B. Fisk from his private estate left
the institution heir to a fund of about $30,000 from
which was erected its beautiful chapel. The university
407

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
gives degrees to normal college and theological gradu
ates, and every department has been sedulously kept
up to a high standard. Fisk University has, as my offi
cers who gave it aid early predicted, given to Tennes
see and, in fact, to other States a steady supply of
well-qualified colored teachers. Fisk University has
done a noble work.
9. Hampton Normal and Agricultural Institute.
Having been assured of General S. C. Armstrong's
ability and fitness, in March, 1866, I placed him, as
we have seen, a subassistant in charge of fourteen
counties of eastern Virginia, with his headquarters
at Hampton. In 1868 he left the general work for
the freedmen and took the presidency of the institute
at Hampton, which, in fact, with the American Mis
sionary Association behind him, he founded and stead
Uy developed till his death. Armstrong, from his
experience and observation among the natives of
Hawaii, insisted on more attention to labor as the basis
of his institute; more attention than he thought was
given in our other schools.
My own reference of 1870 gave this institution 75
students and 6 teachers. It was extended after a time
to embrace a portion of the Indian youth.
In General Armstrong's last statements he said:
" Steadily increasing, its full growth just reached is
650 boarding students from 24 States and territories,
averaging eighteen years of age, 136 of them Indians;
80 officers, teachers, and assistants, of whom half are
in the 18 industrial departments and shops."
The last annual in my hands since General Arm
strong's decease is for 1904. The force of teachers
is 134, the students 1,239. The President, H. B. Fris-
sell is haring abundant success ; and Virginia is already
408

Institutions of the Higher Grade
replete with good teachers from Hampton, and the In
dian tribes are benefited by the 400 young people
trained in academic knowledge and useful arts who
have gone out with bright faces and hopeful hearts.
In the start I took great interest in Hampton In
stitute, and many times aided it by Government con
tributions to its buildings and to its permanent en
dowment. 10. Howard University of Washington, D. C, re
corded in 1869 over 400 students pursuing academic
and professional branches. The enrollment for 1905-6,
the 39th year from its inception, was 950 students and
98 professors and other instructors.
The summary of graduates in all the nine depart
ments at the 1897 Commencement was 1,354. Since
then the enrollment has at times exceeded 1,000 stu
dents per year.
The property valuation, i. e., grounds, buildings,
and endowment, is estimated at $1,300,000.
11. The Lincoln Institute at Jefferson City, Mo.,
was among the first schools of a high grade un
dertaken in a former slave State. Like Fisk and
Hampton, it had much help from its earlier students.
I remember in the summer of 1865 that a lady of
large benevolence living in Jefferson City came all the
way to Washington, D. C, to see me and to consult
concerning the ways and means of sustaining and de
veloping this institute.
The Sixty-second and Sixty-fifth United States
colored regiments, when discharged from service in
1865, contributed generously to its founding — the
Sixty-second, $5,000, and the Sixty-fifth, $1,379. The
condition of the gifts was that a school for colored
people should be begun in Missouri. In 1869 there
409

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
were 3 instructors and 98 students. The summary for
1903 showed 386 scholars and 17 officers and instruc
tors. The buildings, grounds, and industries are of
the best. This Missouri institute has afforded an ex
ample of what the faith and work of one good woman
can accomplish.
12. The Hoivard Normal School, of Baltimore, just
starting in 1869, has been replaced by the Baltimore
City Colored High School. In the latter to-day are
21 instructors and 350 pupils.
13. When I first knew the institution for colored
youth at Oxford, Pa., it was called Ashby Institute. As
it was just in the line of work which was desired for
the speedy preparation of teachers, I gave, as commis
sioner, all possible aid, and the trustees soon changed
its name to Lincoln University.
I attended the Commencement of this university in
1867, as I recall the visit. The students on that occa
sion gave evidence of remarkable advancement. Their
oratory appeared phenomenal. From time to time I
contributed to its endowment. It maintains a good
record, and had in 1904 14 teachers and 184 students.
14. The Maryville Normal at Maryville, Tenn.,
had in 1869 60 pupils and 3 instructors. It appears to
have changed its name to Freedmen's Normal Insti
tute, and in 1897 it had 14 teachers and 243 students,
mostly in the normal course of study.
15. The Normal School at EUzabeth City, N. C,
had two instructors in 1869 and 46 students ; in 1904 it
was called State Colored Normal School with 6 in
structors and 404 students.
16. The Straight University at New Orleans, La.,
commenced operations in 1869 and gradually deveb
opc^d into a large and well-favored institution. Its
410

Institutions of the Higher Grade
students in attendance numbered at the Commence
ment of 1903 765. Officers and instructors in all the
five departments 27.
It has kept up its work steadily from year to year.
Once a great fire came and swept away the buildings,
but by the work of the students and the help of the
benevolent they were soon more than replaced. Its in
dustrial department in the building trades is the best
I have seen. There is not room for agriculture with
its small grounds in a great city. The students, as
mechanics, have erected several of the college build
ings, and their teachers are especially proud of the
cabinet work done by the young men and the fine
needle work by the young women.
17. St. Augustine Normal and Collegiate Insti
tute, located in Ealeigh, N. C, began in 1867 and has
continued its work thirty years under the auspices of
the Episcopal Church. It received at the start consid
erable aid from the Govemment. In 1869 there were
3 instructors and 46 students; in 1904 an enroll
ment of 360 students and 18 teachers. I remember
well its beginning and followed it with much sympathy
and aid.
18. The Swayne School, and also the Emerson
School at Montgomery, Ala., not now found in the
United States school reports, were absorbed in the
newer State Normal School for Colored Students,
which gives an aggregate enrollment for 1903 of 416
pupils and 20 teachers. General Swayne, my diligent
and able assistant commissioner, aided these schools in
every possible way.
19. The Stanton Normal School, of Jacksonville,
Fla., began January, 1868. A good building was dedi
cated AprU 10, 1869. General G. W. GUe, subassistant
411

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
commissioner, sent me that day from Florida this dis
patch : " The Stanton Normal Institute is being dedi
cated. Thousands assembled send their greeting to
you as their truest advocate." That year this Normal
had 348 pupils and 6 instructors.
20. Shaw University in Ealeigh, N. C, had its
inception in 1865 in the work and enterprise of Eev.
Dr. H. M. Tupper (who was an enlisted Christian sol
dier during the last three years of the Civil War). He
was the first President. It is a large thriving univer
sity. In 1869 it had 70 students and four teachers. In
1904 the Govemment (Department of Education) re
corded 499 students and 35 instructors. Its depart
ments of medicine and pharmacy place its medical
work abreast of Howard University.
21. The Normal School under the Friends' con
trol at Warrenton, N. C, had two teachers and 50
pupils in 1869. The Shiloh Institute appears to have
replaced it, having four teachers and 95 pupils in 1896.
22. The Normal and Manual Labor School just be
ginning in 1869 at Tougaloo, Miss., soon became the
Tougaloo University, under the patronage of the
American Missionary Association. I remember to
have given this school an impulse at the start by a
special appropriation. It is finely located, a few mUes
north of the capital of the State. The university has
many departments and maintains for its graduates a
high standard of conduct and scholarship. The board
ing pupils number over 200. The total enrollment for
1903 is 502. Much stress is laid upon the " industrial
work," including farm and garden work. The indus
trial features on a smaller scale are like those of
Hampton. 23. The Talladega, Ala., Normal School began
412

Institutions of the Higher Grade
about the same time as that at Tougaloo, under the
same patronage and having General Swayne's active
and efficient aid. Its name was soon changed to Col
lege. In 1869 there were two teachers and 70 scholars.
In 1904 we find Talladega College in full and active
operation. The total enroUment was 596 students,
coming from seven States. There were 31 in the
body of officers and instructors.
24. Wayland Seminary, before mentioned, was al
ready in existence; it was the first that I visited in
Washington in May, 1865. It stood as my model and
object lesson, where I could show doubting visitors
from North and South the possibility of educating
negroes. Its first buildings, altogether too small, cramped
the work tUl the trustees moved to the head of Chapin
Street, Meridian Hill. The patrons are of the Baptist
Home Mission Board, and the thorough good results
the seminary has already accomplished cannot be over
estimated. Its enrollment (1897) gives 159 students
and 15 officers, and other instructors.
25. Wilberforce University, under the patronage
of the African Methodist people, began in the fif
ties. Bishop D. A. Payne of the A. M. E. Church was
president from 1863 to 1876. Like Lincoln University,
I found it the right sort of helper to furnish teachers
as the freedmen's educational institutions developed,
and so I rendered it, as I did Oberlin College and for
the same reason, what encouragement and pecuniary
aid was in my power. Wilberforce being near Xenia,
0., Oberlin College at Oberlin, O., and Lincoln Univer
sity in Pennsylvania, neither of the three in the former
slave States, subsequently caused me some legal diffi
culties on account of the Government donations. They
413

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
did before emancipation and are stiU doing noble
work for the negro population. The enrollment of
Wilberforce for 1906 is 400 students with 30 on the
board of instruction. Its industrial division, including
that of hospital and trained nurses, is extensive.
26. There was one thriving school of the grammar
grade in Atlanta, Ga., called the " Storrs School."
When I paid a visit to Atlanta in the fall of 1868 I
visited that school. Sunday moming the Congrega
tional Sunday School was well attended in the Storrs
schoolhouse. Here neatly dressed children -vrith in
telligent faces, prompt, cheerful, and hearty in all
their responses, could not fail to attract the attention
of any thinking man. They indicated and gauged
progress. After my address to the school I asked if
anyone had a message for the other chUdren I should
visit. One little boy of about twelve years, wearing
a clean white jacket, rose and said : " Tell them we are
rising." It was this incident that Whittier put into his
poem entitled " Howard at Atlanta." That boy, E. R.
Wright, has since been a major in the army, a minister
abroad, and is a college president.
There lies before me at this writing, over thirty
years after the child's message, a book entitled "A
Brief Historical Sketch of Negro Education in Geor
gia." It is a faithful and exhaustive sketch. The
author is that same Atlanta boy with added years;
now at the head of the Georgia State Industrial Col
lege located at College, Ga., and has 15 in his offi
cial and faculty board, with 443 students. Storrs
School itself in 1904 continued -vrith 8 teachers and 354
scholars. The foregoing are brief accoimts of twenty-six of
those institutions of higher grade which began under
414

Institutions of the Higher Grade
my supervision from 1865 to 1870 and continued for
more than twenty-five years, having had a constant de
velopment. The last year of my administration of the
educational work among refugees and freedmen, I re
ported 70 schools, graded high enough at least to edu
cate teachers. In 1904 there were open to the colored
students, i. e., especially intended for them, 128 such
institutions and 131 public high schools. Many of the
original 70 have been absorbed in the total, often under
new names. ,
More and more has the education of those who were
once wards of the Government taken a practical turn,
and much stress has been put upon industrial features.
There has been no cessation of demand for well-
trained colored youth, and no diminution of interest on
the part of the descendants of the freedmen in seeking
for that knowledge which will fit them for the common
duties of life. To show how great things spring from
small in this matter, notice the work of a single gradu
ate of Hampton: Booker T. Washington. He gradu
ated in the class of 1875 ; he taught school three terms
in West Virginia ; he took further studies at Wayland
Seminary, Washington, D. C, and returning in 1880 to
Hampton he taught Indians till 1881; then, recom
mended by General Armstrong to found a State nor
mal school at Tuskegee, Ala., he was appointed prin
cipal. He commenced the school with thirty pupils in
a colored church, with an outfit of $2,000 and nothing
besides. Washington wrote in 1896: "Beginning July 4,
1881, without a dollar except the annual appropriation
($2,000), during the thirteen years there has come into
our treasury $491,955.42 in cash from all sources."
During the thirteen years it is notable that the stu-
415

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
dents have done labor for the institution to the amount
of $187,612.52. The number of students enrolled this
year (1907) is 1,624. The property, including land,
buildings, Uve stock, and apparatus, is valued at $838,-
277.69; the endo-wment, $1,238,924, and the total as
sets have reached (1907) $2,227,047.77. The institution
named Tuskegee Normal and Industrial Institute
is a success. Its academic and industrial training
are going on, hand in hand. One item is full of en
couragement: During the college year 1906-7, $8,233
were paid by the students themselves in entrance fees
and chapel collections. From Mr. Washington's effort
and example, more than a score of kindred smaller
schools which did not before exist have been set in mo
tion in Alabama alone.
This retrospect affords me great satisfaction.
Could the whole school business be set forth in graphic
sketches, it would require volumes to contain them.
We who labored so hard and so confidently against un
told opposition, and often under accusation, suspicion,
and obloquy, take exceeding comfort in seeing our
hopes fully realized — ^yes, even beyond our most san
guine predictions. A grand Christian work has been
done in the land by sanguine souls since the fetters
were knocked from the feet of the slave, and I am glad
to have borne a part of the burden.
In connection with three institutions of a higher
grade, early in April of 1867, as commissioner of freed
men, I set apart a sum of money under peculiar cir
cumstances. It -vrill be remembered that the colored
population in Washington had at one time become so
numerous and congested in some sections of the city,
that I had been obliged to do something to relieve the
suffering people from excessive want. One measure
416

Institutions of the Higher Grade
had been to issue rations and clothing ; another, after
careful examination of their condition, to feed the
most needy, through work temporarily provided near
by, and through tickets to established soup houses ; but
the main expedient was in sending small parties under
chosen agents, who were men or women of fitness, to
places where there were work and wages, i. e., places
already ascertained where there were reliable prom
ises of employment. But in one locality, where there
was a large, troublesome crowd, all my efforts in pro
viding for the men, women, and children appeared to
fail. I was almost in despair.
One day, one of the largest owners of the land, or
rather city lots, situated between Fourteenth and Sev
enteenth streets and north of K Street, came to me
in great distress. He had gladly suffered the Gov
ernment in the war time to put up on his own property,
barracks, hospital structures, and quartermaster's
storehouses. The o-wners of the lands thereabouts, in
cluding himself, had bought in these buildings at Gov
ernment sales after the war; but not before they had
been seized and occupied by the floating colored popu
lation which had gathered there from Maryland, Vir
ginia, and farther South. A few industrious negroes
were cultivating small gardens on the vacant lots, but
the majority were of that crowd of helpless refugees
that were li-vdng from hand to mouth, nobody could tell
just how. The o-wners had tried in vain to get the city
to remove them, for their land was now worth $1,500
an acre. They could get no rentals and could not sell
while thus encumbered. My risitor said that he came
to the commissioner of freedmen as a last resort. He
was a kind man and declared that he had not the heart
to force these wretched people into the streets or into
417

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
the lowest resorts and hovels of the district ; but he did
not think that he and the other owners of that property
ought to be required to bear so heavy a burden. I said
to the gentleman that there were thousands of people,
refugees and freedmen, in the same condition as those
on his valuable property, and I could not then see how
to relieve him; that I was charged in an opposition
press with " feeding people in idleness," and I must
not add to our pauper list. Yet I answered him, how
ever, that I knew I ought to make an effort to help him.
At last, I proposed, as I should have done in the
field, to go to the place where the trouble was pressing.
We took a carriage and rode to the encumbered
lots and rough structures. We called out all the men
that we found in the buildings. Many of them did not
lack intelligence. At first, I explained the situation as
I understood it, telling the people who we were. When
I said : " You cannot expect to stay here on other peo
ple's property without paying rent," they very perti
nently asked : " Where shall we go, and what shall we
do?" I answered them by asking another question:
"What would make you self-supporting?" Several
replied : " Land ! Give us land ! " They seemed to re
alize that they could not much longer stay there in the
heart of the capital on that costly ground. Yet some
were saucy and some stupid; but the greater number
appeared anxious somehow to earn their way. At last,
I said : " Now, if I could manage to secure you a home
stead, say an acre of land apiece near the city, might
I rely upon it that you would work, earn money, and
repay my outlay? " Some of them fully understood me
and earnestly promised to do so. Others hung dowm
their heads and said nothing. The above is a detaUed
418

Institutions of the Higher Grade
account of that one community. There were a number
of such crowds at that time in Washington or within
the District of Columbia, not so pressing, but where
poverty prevaUed. In meditating upon this condition
of thmgs, upon the evident desire of many of the poor
est to do something for their own support, and upon
their entreaty for land, I concluded that it would be
well to take a portion of the " Eefugees and Freed
men's Fund" which had been accumulating mainly
from the rental of abandoned property, and which I
had already devoted, in the exercise of my discretion,
to educational purposes, and with that fund purchase
a farm of large size as near Washington as practicable,
and make it an object lesson, affording what relief it
could. I would divide it up into acre or two-acre lots,
give lumber enough for a small, comfortable tenement,
and sell to the poor freedmen on time, on a bond to be
followed by a deed in fee as soon as the terms of the
bond should be fulfilled. The nearness to Washington
would enable me to give the execution of the plan my
personal oversight, and help me from time to time to
secure city employment and wages for the industrious.
I had no doubt of my right, under the laws governing
me, to use the funds in question, except perhaps the
constitutional one of purchasing land. So I consulted
the second comptroller of the Treasury, who agreed
with me. I even ventured to interview Chief Justice
Chase on the subject. He was kind and approachable
and freely advised me in the premises. He said:
"Without doubt. General Howard, you can use your
funds in the way you propose."
At last, AprU 3, 1867, I issued a special order,
transferring $52,000 to S. C. Pomeroy, J. E. Elvans,
and 0. 0. Howard as trustees ; the amount to be held
419

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
in trust for three normal collegiate institutions or uni
versities, embracing the education of refugees and
freedmen; the institutions to be incorporated: one lo
cated in the District of Columbia, one in the State of
Virginia, and the third in the State of North CaroUna.
The order also authorized the investment of the money,
so transferred, in land "with a view of relieving the
immediate necessities of a class of poor colored people
in the District of Columbia, by rental, by sale, or in
such other way as the trustees might judge best for
that purpose; provided that all proceeds, over and
above the necessary expenses, should be transferred
annually to the three institutions implied in the order.
The proceeds were to be divided equally between them.
I had great difficulty at that time to find anybody
wUling to sell, and was obliged, finally, to purchase
without being known in the matter, and particularly
without having the object of the purchase revealed.
The Barry Farm, 375 acres, situated near the " Gov
ernment Hospital for the Insane," was thus obtained.
When about two years later I was obliged to tum over
the funds to a successor, Mr. John A. Cole, treasurer
of the " Barry Farm Fund," 266 famiUes had already
been provided for. Some of those who bought one acre
or two-acre lots were fairly well off. I found it better
to have a few among the purchasers who were reason
ably educated, and of well-known good character and
repute, to lead in the school and church work, and so I
encouraged such to settle alongside the more destitute.
The land all the time was constantly inquired for by
working freedmen. It was taken with avidity, and the
monthly payments, with very few exceptions, were
promptly and regularly made. The prospect to these
freedmen of owning a homestead was a great stimulus
420

Institutions of the Higher Grade
to exertion. Fortunately there was, during the ensu
ing year, 1868, much Government work of grading on
Capitol HUl and in their neighborhood, so that they
obtained steady employment and pay. A number of
these awakened people at the same period united
and raised sufficient money to purchase a school lot.
The Freedmen's Bureau aided them to erect upon
it a school building that would accommodate 150
pupils. Everyone who visited the Barry Farm and saw the
new hopefulness with which most of the dwellers there
were inspired, could not fail to regard the entire enter
prise as judicious and beneficent.
The amount returned to the fund and distributed
to the three educational institutions, as provided in the
original order before the time I turned over the ac
counts in 1869, was $31,178.12, and the cash besides,
transferred to my successor, was $10,081.41.
The Hon. Edgar Ketchum, who was my counsel
before a Congressional Committee of Investigation in
1870, gave to the gentlemen of the committee a few
sketches of homes on the Barry Farm. Here is one:
You may see another (man) some thirty-six years of
age, very black, very strong, very happy, working on
his place. He will welcome you. His little house cost
him $90. You will see his mother ; that aged " aunty,"
as she raises herself up to look at you, will tell you that
she has had eleven children, and that all of them were
sold away from her. She lived down in Louisiana.
The man will tell you that he is one of those children.
He went down to Texas, and when he came up through
Louisiana and Alabama he found his old mother and
brought her up here with him, along with his wife and
son. And there they live. 421

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
" Have you paid for your place? " you may ask him,
and he will say : " Don't owe fKteen cents on it, sir."
Mr. Ketchum spoke of the educational facilities:
" You go into the school, and you see a boy of ten years
old who wUl answer any question in geography when
the others f aU, though they may be older than he ; he is
a bright boy, though of dark complexion."
He added : " These people are happy there, having
homes and ha-ving comforts."
Thus the " Eefugees and Freedmen's Fund " was
made to perform a double part in furnishing the Barry
Farm homes, and the accompanying school facUities,
to the thrKty poor, and also in endo-vring in part -vrith
necessary funds three collegiate institutions.

422

CHAPTEE LX
OPPOSITION TO BUREAU AND RECONSTRUCTION WORK BE
CAME PERSONAL ; THE CONGREGATIONAL CHURCH
OF WASHINGTON
"p\UEING my Government work in Washington, D.
¦*— ' C, from its commencement, May 12, 1865, to its
close, July 3, 1874, as was predicted by my friends, I
was obliged to meet and overcome many obstacles, and
to encounter a constant and determined opposition.
Hostility showed itself in hydra-headed forms. The
Freedmen's Bureau itself, regarded by its best friends
and promoters as abnormal to our system of Govern
ment, and as only a temporary necessity, was always
a source of bitterness and complaint to all extreme
opponents, North and South. President Johnson's
course, after he had made up his mind to antagonize
the party that elected him, strengthened all Southern
hostility to the Bureau work, and brought into disre
pute its most faithful officials. Identifying itself with
the upholding of the blacks in their industries, it fa
vored them in the possession of land, in the courts of
justice, in labor interests, in having hospitals and asy
lums, and in planting schools from the primary to the
university. In fact the Bureau constantly kept stirred
up all social life where its operations touched the field.
It was bound to put its foot firmly upon every form of
slavery. It was obliged to foster indiridual independ
ence. While it allowed no apathy among its wards,
and thus encouraged industry and justice, and a lawful
423

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
resistance to wrong, it became out and out an advocate
of negro manhood. That was its theory ; that was its
practice ; that was its sanguine hope. How could these
Southern white people, who had not even believed in
emancipation, enter heartily into sympathy with me, a
commissioner, as they claimed, of a party of radical
Eepublicans? How could the conservatives of the
North, who wanted the care of the freed people left
entirely to their old masters and to the Southern State
governments, favor my theory? To them, even to
those who had confidence in my integrity and in the
distinguished officers who were my assistants, the
whole system of dealing seemed wrong. It appeared
to be cruelty and oppression. Their sympathetic
minds always stopped -vrith the white population.
Again, the prospect of suffrage for the late slaves
seemed to all such intolerable. Though my officers and
myself had no responsibUity for the gift of suffrage,
yet we had to bear no small part in its introduction.
We were at court the friends of the freedmen and had
to bear that odium. I think these simple statements
are enough to account for all the antagonism that oc
curred. An officer in charge of any district where the
negroes were in considerable majority met with the
distrust of the Southern whites; he was maligned by
the local press the instant he differed from the pre
vailing opinion among them ; he was ostracised ; he was
accused ; if he favored universal suffrage and it became
kno-wn, his life even was in peril. The accumulations
of this odium, enveloping me in their murky cloud, soon
attacked my reputation, though, of course, they could
not affect my character. I defended my officers and
agents and teachers -vrith all my heart both publicly
and privately, and that fact made it desirable for the
424

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
hostile forces arrayed against the Bureau to be some
how rid of me. It seemed at one time that there was
no indignity of language too harsh or contemptible for
my foes to use. My friends and supporters were, how
ever, equally pronounced and ardent in my defense,
and with their confidence and aid in Congress and out,
I carried through the Freedmen's Bureau to the natu
ral consummation of its larger purposes in 1869.
About that time I met with troublesome assaults
upon my reputation for integrity from two new
sources. One came, as we have before seen, through
the imposing upon me of the payment of the back pay
and bounties and prize money of all unpaid colored
soldiers and sailors, and especially the being obliged
by law to pay these claimants in currency and not in
checks or drafts. This work raised up against all hon
est payers and payees a wicked host, whose sole aim
was greed. They had accomplished much when they
could in any way corrupt a paymaster, stain the repu
tation of a disbursing officer, or circumvent an assist
ant commissioner. This trouble I fought to a suc
cessful issue by facing every official accusation and
demanding official investigation and trial.
Other difficulties arose from a second source quite
outside of Government operations. Being engaged in
a struggle for what I have called the manhood of the
black man in labor, justice, suffrage, and the schools,
I naturally carried the same efforts with me into the
church, with which I was connected. One day, during
the fall of 1865, two college classmates met me and
asked me if I would not join a little Congregational
Church, just then forming in Washington. " We have
thirteen members," they said, " and you will make
fourteen. When slavery was here people several
425

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
times tried the Congregational form of church organi
zation, but had always f aUed ! Now surely, as slavery
is dead we can succeed." This is the substance of their
speech. I assented to their request. It was my own
church, and I was glad to cast in my lot -vrith the few
courageous souls that were starting the first bona fide
Congregational Church at the capital. There seemed
to be a general understanding that there should now be
no distinctions in our church relationship on account
of color. Equal rights in church govemment, equal
for all. Eev. Charles B. Boynton, D.D., then chaplain
of the House of Representatives, lately from Cincin
nati, the chosen historian of the navy, a man of
marked abUity, and one who had been distinguished as
an " old-line abolitionist," was called as the first pas
tor. His son, General H. V. Boynton, of the volun
teer army, bad come to Washington as a correspondent
for the press. He was in daUy telegraphic commimi-
cation -vrith the Cincinnati Gasette, and corresponded
¦vrith other papers. He then lived at the home of his
parents in the city.
There was a small church party, after we had
gro-wn to fifty or sixty in number, who clung very
strongly to New England traditions and church organi
zation. This party often opposed the pastor, but at
first with no noticeable exhibition of feeling, more than
is mauKested in the usual controversial spirit of our
people. There was no important dirision of sentiment,
and I did not take sides with the one party or the
other. For a year or more the First Congregational
Church greatly prospered. It worshiped sometimes in
a haU of the city and sometimes in the haU of the House
of Eepresentatives. A large number of the members
seriously objected to the latter as a nlace of worship.
426

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
It did not, they claimed, afford them either Sabbath or
week-day facilities for meetings such as they wished.
They could have the place only once or twice a week
and often only on Sunday. The church committees,
Sunday schools, sociables, and midweek gatherings for
prayer were all hindered and so there arose an un
pleasant controversy about this matter. The members
of the society who did the business for the church be
came divided for and against the pastor, who earnestly
desired to preach at least once each Sunday at the
Capitol. From this controversy I also held carefully
aloof, but felt that there were growing differences
which might soon or late hurt or spoil our enterprise.
In one great work we were all the while acting in har
mony. It was that of the proposed erection of a church
edifice. A building lot was secured at the corner of
G and Tenth streets, northwest. The plans for a
construction which would cost over $100,000 were
carefully made, a picture promise of the new church
made and multiplied by handsome woodcuts, and sub
scription books opened. I was made special treasurer
of the building fund on account of my reputed ability
to raise money, and further, because, in giving ad
dresses in behalf of the freedmen's schools and col
leges, I was visiting different cities and might solicit
contributions. In this matter I was at first strongly
supported by all our members.
Our brotherly letter, dated November 1, 1867,
signed by the pastor himself and countersigned by the
deacons of the church and the trustees of the society,
had in it sentiments such as I have named, for exam
ple : " You are probably aware of the efforts which the
friends of an untrammeled gospel, and of equal rights
for all men, are making to establish at the national
427

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
capital a church which, unhindered by any social or
political restraints, shall give the support of its teach
ings and its influence to those principles which the
great party of freedom and progress is endeavoring
to establish as the basis of our national policy. . . .
Such a church we are endeavoring, by the aid of
those who sympathize with us, to establish here, and
we -vrish to make it in all respects a worthy represent
ative of the new spirit of the land. . . .
" Toward the payment of this lot and edifice, about
$75,000 have been subscribed, much of it through the
personal influence and efforts of General Howard, a
member of our church, who has given as much tune and
attention to the work as his public duties will permit,
and will continue to do so. But we need a large sum
to enable us to complete our buUding, etc. . . .
" We, therefore, take the liberty of sending this
statement to you in the hope that you may give it a
favorable consideration. General Howard is chairman
of our buUding committee and treasurer of the buUd
ing fund, and any amount forwarded to him will be
duly accounted for and applied."
The letter further averred that the intention was
to make this church a national representative of the
Congregationalism of the land, an exponent at the capi
tal of those evangelical doctrines, and those principles
of civil and religious liberty, upon which the safety
and stability of the nation depended.
By personal application I did raise a great deal of
the church money, and in answer to letters of solicita
tion that I sent to churches far and near, I received
many small sums of $5 and $10 each, all of which were
paid into the church treasury. At the May meetmgs
of 1867, held in Brooklyn, during one evening, at the
428

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
church of Henry Ward Beecher, the Congregational
Union, a church building society, had its anniversary.
The house was filled with people, and Mr. Beecher pre
sided. Our church had recently solicited pecuniary aid
from the building society. Our Washington pastor,
Dr. Boynton, and I were designated to plead our cause
at this meeting and show why a Congregational enter
prise at the capital should receive assistance from this
national society. Dr. Boynton was well received by
the people and gave an excellent, comprehensive writ
ten address. I followed with an offhand speech, in
which I said in a half -jocose manner, that I had been
at one time offered as a personal gift some United
States bonds from citizens of Maine ; that the press of
Portland and of Boston had quickly taken up the sub
ject before I had any notification. The newspapers de
clared that it was believed, a priori, that General How
ard would not accept such a present. On seeing such
words in print, I had written to friends in Portland
and Boston and stated that I agreed with the published
statement, but that I earnestly hoped that the contem
plated bonds and money would be given to the orphans
of our deceased soldiers. In the same manner I had
hitherto declined such gifts. Then, turning to Mr.
Beecher, I said : " Permit me to change my mind about
taking presents. Generals Grant, Sherman, Sheridan,
and Meade have had theirs. Now I wUl take mine. It
shall be wholly for the house of the Lord ! "
Mr. Beecher, full of happy humor, said : " Well,
General Howard, you shall have your gift." Then he
told the people to pass in their donations. Some
$5,000 for our building fund was handed up from the
people, in various sums, while Mr. Beecher amused
them by his odd and humorous remarks. Something
429

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
f was said or done that night that offended Dr. Boynton.
I In some way he imbibed the idea that my special
' friends and myself were endeavoring to buUd up a
" Howard Church," to which idea he feelingly objected.
; Soon there came from the PUgrim Church of Brooklyn,
as an outgrowth of my address at Mr. Beecher's
church, $7,000 more for the same object. At a later
period in Washington Dr. Boynton and his special
friends drew up a pamphlet of some thirteen pages
which complained of this matter in particular, and of
other grievances, imaginary or real, that were coming
in ever after that Brooklyn meeting to divide our
church and society. The ostensible object of the
pamphlet was to put the sister churches, over the coun
try right conceming our Washington enterprise. Op
position now set in strongly against me by many of
our church members. Many points of controversy also
found their way into the board of trustees of Howard
University. Differences arose between Dr. Boynton,
the first president of the university, and two or three
of my associates, among them my close and con
fidential friend. General Whittlesey. I defended my
friends with ardor, and often said sharp things impul
sively that worried the president. He had a great
power of satire, a sort of rasping sarcasm, and I was
now and then treated to it. I declared that it was like
piercing a man with a rapier and then twisting it in
the wound. It would anger me at times beyond self-
control, and my repUes were sometimes such as
caused him to send friends to me to insist on apology
and reparation, which surely was never withheld. Yet
the doctor's frame of mind was such that he would
hinder the trustees in the midst of important construc
tions by withholding his approval. 430

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
In church matters, during the summer of 1867, the
First Congregational Society was holding all its ses
sions in Metzerott Hall, while our church edifice was in
process of construction. The pastor was away on a
short vacation. Seeing one Sunday that our Sunday
school was very small, I addressed the teachers and
children just before the closing exercise and said that
there were plenty of children outside that had no Sun
day school, and urged the scholars to make an effort to
fill up our room with those who had no such school ad
vantages. My last remark was in keeping with my
own constant wish. It was to this effect : " I will give
a present to five (I believe that was the number) who
will bring in the most new scholars, and they need not
look at the color of the eyes, hair, or skin."
The next Sunday plenty of scholars came trooping
in, and among them many colored pupils. This action,
to my astonishment, displeased very many of our
church members, both men and women. Our pastor
was informed. He returned at once from his vacation,
took sides against my action publicly and privately,
though the colored children already there were suf
fered to remain in the Sunday school. The church
society proved itself now to be divided, and those op
posed to Dr. Boynton were uniting in action. How
ever, even yet, I deprecated these dividing tendencies
and tried to check them.
Later in the year, I was called to St. Louis, Mo.,
and when there in the Congregational churches
pleaded for help to our building fund, restating, as
our early letters had declared, that our new Congre
gational body would be careful to make no distinctions
on account of race or color. That was one of our rea
sons for the establishment of our church in Washing-
431

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ton. When I reached home, I found that the pastor
had seen fit completely to reverse the wheels, and to
make public contradiction to this sentiment in a re
markable sermon. Like Moses in Egypt, he insisted
that the colored people should refuse to remain with
the Egyptians. He praised their advancement, but de
clared for separation. That was his own opinion, and
though grieved about it I did nothing immediately be
cause our pulpit was always free. The newspapers,
however, religious and secular, took up the sermon,
and showed our plain inconsistency. We professed the
utmost catholicity in raising money, but were behind
all other churches in our practice. For did not Christ
live and die for all men? Then the pastor and his im
mediate friends, being vexed by this public criticism,
which was in their suspicions imputed to my influence,
at a church meeting from which a large number of
those holding to the original views were absent,
adopted a series of resolutions; these fully endorsed
the statements and theories of that strange sermon.
They were passed, and spread upon the church record.
That sermon there defined the attitude of our body
toward the freedmen. It seemed to me like a wall of
partition between races. I drew up a brief protest,
making it as strong as I could word it. Over fifty of
the male members of our church and congregation
united with me by signing the document. From that
time a veritable controversy was upon us, and our
troubles soon became known to all the kindred
churches of our country. Our Northern contributors
almost ceased their gKts. It resulted finally in our
calling an ex parte council to judge between the oppos
ing parties.
When tbe sessions of the council meeting in Wash-
432

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
ington were had and the discussions of the members
of the council, which was gathered from many North
ern Congregational churches, were going on and be
came animated, the son of the pastor, General Bojm-
ton, the newspaper correspondent, naturally sided
with his father and his party, and tUled his columns
with what I deemed biased accounts of the proceed
ings. The excitement ran high.
One or two incidents will show how remarkable had
been our heated debates and how divergent were our
views. At a communion service held in a hall on Fifth
street, opposite the city square, Dr. Boynton made
some preliminary remarks in which he said that ac
cording to the teachings of our Lord in Chapter xviii
of Matthew, he was conscious of being ready for this
solemn ordinance and implied as much for those who
were on his side ; but he averred that there were those
present who had improper feeling toward him and
those who believed as he did. He was sure that they
ought not to partake of the communion in such a frame
of mind. That was the burden of his address. It was
an extraordinary thing for me to do at a communion,
but I arose and entered at once upon the defense of
myself and my friends so charged. I was claiming for
us love to God and our neighbor, when suddenly the
pastor asked significantly : " General Howard, do you
believe in amalgamation? " Instantly it occurred to
me that there were two meanings of that word " amal
gamation " ; one was the union of whites and blacks in
church and school relation ; the other the union in mar
riage. Whichever Dr. Boynton meant, I decided to
make answer to the latter. I had never hitherto advo
cated intermarriage ; but a case illustrated my thought
on that subject. I said: "A gentleman in Virginia,
433

Antohiography of G«i. O. O- Howard
=«»n after graduating from West Point, had left the
tnnr, marneA, and settled on a plantation. After per-
Lar s one year his yonng wife died. He did not marry
again, but had one of his slave women as his house
keeper, and by her he had several children- This
woman had recently come to me for protection against
the gentleman's severity of discipline; as she was leav
ing she said: ' Do not hnrt him, for I love him; only
keep biTTi from whipping me ! ' Now," I added, " before
God that man and that woman are man and wife."
Here I closed- Dr. Boynton cried ont: "Y^, and I
would marry therm" The commnnion, after that, pro
ceeded withont further interroption.
On another occasion after the communion, in the
parlors of our new chnrch bnilding, among those who
presented themselves for uniting with the chnrch were
a colored woman and two colored men; the men were
graduates of Oberlin CoUege and one of them had been
a captain of volunteers in onr army dnring the war.
No objection could be made to them hy the examining
committee; but dnring the session of the committee,
the pastor put to the men the same question he did to
me: "Do you believe in amalgamation?" As they
were already married to women of their own race, they
understood very naturaUy that the pastor objected to
the union of races in the church, and they therefore
withdrew -vrithout becoming members of our body.
A more general council in process of time was se
cured and assembled in Washington, holding their ses
sions in our new church edifice. It was composed of
our ablest clergymen and laymen, drawn from some
twelve or fifteen Northem and Westem churches.
Before that body were brought all our points of differ
ence, and notwithstanding the able manner in which
434

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
matters were met by Dr. Boynton and his followers,
the council decided that, in the principal subjects at
issue, my friends and myself were right. My protest
was sustained. General Boynton, who seemed at that
time to control the correspondence with many papers
besides the Cincinnati Gasette, in his dispatches did
not let me rest. His father, followed by the majority
of our members, now left the First Congregational
Church and united with a Presbyterian Church, of
which he became the pastor. He resigned, too, from
the presidency of Howard University, and from that
time on my official intercourse with him ceased. But
the woes that follow such divisions continued.
As I was returning from an International Confer
ence of the Young Men's Christian Association, held
in Detroit, Mich., in June, 1869, and passing through
Ohio, I had been conversing with Mr. Locke, whose
nom de plume was " Petroleum V. Nasby." As he was
glancing over a paper, sitting just behind me, he spoke
up with evident surprise : " How is this, General? " He
then showed me one of General Boynton's Washington
communications of about a column in length, which at
tacked me severely. It was one of a series of articles
which accused me in my Government administration of
every sort of delinquency. As it appeared in the Cin
cinnati Gazette, and as I was near at hand, I wrote to
the editor and asked the privilege of replying to the
allegations as soon as I should arrive in Washington.
But I did not receive an answer from the paper, and
as the same sort of charges were published from day
to day elsewhere, in Pittsburg, Penn. ; St. Louis, Mo. ;
Cleveland, 0., and in Boston, with an occasional col
umn of similar import in the New York Press, all of
them often inserting reasonable statements in rebuttal,
435

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
I decided to wait and confine my replies officiaUy made
to charges from official sources. When at last, after I
had formally and strongly recommended the closing out
;of the Freedmen's Bureau, except the educational divi-
' sion, and that this be transferred to the Department of
, Education with the residue of the Bureau money, then
estimated at $600,000, the subject came up in the
House of Eepresentatives for consideration. Fer
nando Wood, representative from New York, was re
ported in the Congressional Globe and Daily Chronicle
to have asserted that this was only a scheme of Gen
eral Howard to make away with $600,000 more of the
public money. It appeared to me incredible that he, a
representative in Congress, could have made the re
mark, so I wrote him immediately the following letter :
War Department, Bureau Refugees, Freedmen and
Abandoned Lands,
Washington City, April 1, 1870.
Dear Sib: By this morning's Chronicle you were made to
intimate that I had gro-wn rich from this Bureau, and that the
Bill proposed on education was to enable me to control $600,000
more. I do not think you can have said it, because if you
know my financial condition you -will know that I have a large
family, a small property, and considerable indebtedness, and
as the Bill proposed to take from me the $600,000 and put
it into the Bureau of Education, I cannot think you made the
remark. I have discharged the trust committed to me with
fideUty, and as you yourself would say if you would give every
transaction the most thorough examination.
"Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
0. 0. Howard, Commissioner, etc., dc.
Honorable Fernando Wood.
Mr. Wood, taking advantage of my letter, asked
the privUege by a unanimous consent of the House to
436

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
make a personal explanation. Obtaining the consent,
he first sent my letter to be read at the clerk's desk;
then, answering it briefly, submitted fifteen formulated
charges. Though he might possibly have been checked,
as he was going farther than a " personal explana
tion" called for, yet my friends — and I had a great
many on the floor of the House — insisted on my having
an opportunity to answer, and so did not rest until Mr.
Wood's charges, which were substantially those that
had appeared in the Cincinnati Gasette, had been sent
to the Committee on Education and Labor. Furnished
with able counsel on both sides, Mr. Wood and I
brought my case before this committee of Congress
haring a membership of ten in number. The Hon. Sam
uel M. Arnell, of Tennessee, was chairman. The com
mittee met behind closed doors in a commodious room
in the basement of the House side of the Capitol,
nearly every day for three months, and had brought
before them hundreds of witnesses, giving, as I much
desired, every opportunity to the prosecutors to bring
to light their accusations.
The committee by a vote of 8 to 2 sustained me
and closed a faithful review of the fifteen charges by
these remarks :
" The committee has thought it proper to deal, pri
marily, with the charges referred to them by the
House. But it would be unjust to the gallant officer
and faithful public servant who has so honorably
passed the severe ordeal to which he has been sub
jected, daUy, during the last three months, to close this
report with a simple verdict of acquittal.
"No approximately correct history of civUization
can ever be written which does not throw out in bold
relief, as one of the great landmarks of political and
437

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
social progre.?s, the organization and administration of
the Freedmen's Bureau.
" The great labor to be performed, its unremitting
and exhausting anxieties, the -vride field of operations,
the obstacles that interposed and were to be overcome,
the breadth of mind and sympathy of heart necessary
to the proper accompUshment of the task, are facts
which must be considered in forming a just estimate of
General Howard's serrices.
" The colossal proportions of the work of the Bu
reau -wUl be seen at a glance. Its operations extended
over 500,000 square mUes of territory devastated by
the greatest war of modem times. More than 4,000,-
000 of its people sunk in the lowest depths of ignorance
by two centuries of slavery, and suddenly set free amid
the fierce animosities of war — free but poor, helpless,
and starving. Here, truly, was a most appaUing condi
tion of things. Not only the destiny of the liberated
race was in the balance, but the IKe of the nation itself
depended upon the correct solution of this intricate
problem. It was a great practical question that had to
be met. " The letter to Mr. Whiting, solicitor of the War
Department, setting forth the detaUs of the scheme,
has been cited in another connection. His plan was
substantially adopted by Congress, save in regard to
the suggestion that the head of the work ought to hold
a Cabinet position, to which the dignity and magnitude
of his duty certainly entitled him. Then arose the
practical question — ^who among the tried, wise, and hu
mane men of the nation should be trusted with the exe
cution of this work? As has been before stated, Major
General Oliver 0. Howard was appointed commis
sioner of the Freedmen's Bureau in 1865. The duties
438

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
assigned him were novel and perplexing. He had no
landmarks to guide him. The experience of France
and England was even discouraging. The emancipa
tion problem in Eussia was, in many important re
spects, different from ours, and he could get no hints
from that quarter to serve him. The failures of the
past were before him, and as he thought of the causes
of them, he could get but little consolation from those
sources, so he addressed himself boldly to the work
before him from a new standpoint. The impulses of
freedom and progress were controlling the national
mind ; and, trusting to those impulses, he went to work
on the principle that only ' ideas save races.' If the
negroes were to be saved and were to benefit civiliza
tion, it was to be only by making them self -rely ing and
responsible citizens.
" His first attempts therefore were to prevent pau
perism, to make the freedmen and their famiUes under
stand that charity should be considered odious by
them, that they should work to support themselves and
families, and that they should be educated.
" The Bureau, at the close of the war, was the rep
resentative at the South of the best ideas of the coun
try, promoting peace and ordaining justice. ^^Tiat it
accomplished in this respect exceeded the expectations
of its most sanguine advocates.
" Let it be further remembered, to the credit of the
colored race, and of the inspiration that prompted
General Howard's plans, that not one insurrection, not
one murder, has occurred on the part of the negroes in
revenge for two centuries of slavery. Yet the two
races have lived side by side, in the same- neighbor
hoods, looking into each other's eyes, whUe this won
derful transformation has been going on. What a dif-
439

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ferent spectacle presents itself on the blood-drenched
sands of the Antilles under French rule. Ours was the
substitution of moral for brute force.
" It may be well to state, in this connection, that it
was in a freedmen's court that colored persons were
first admitted to testify in any of the late slave States.
To-day all the courts are open to them, and a colored
senator sits at the other end of the Capitol and assists
in making laws for those courts.
" Not less potent has been the influence of the Bu
reau on the labor question. At the close of the war
famine looked the South in the face. There was a cry
for bread throughout the Southem country. It was
sneeringly said by the enemies of emancipation that
the negro would not labor. Satisfied by the Bureau
that contracts would be enforced, that justice would be
administered, with words of encouragement whispered
in his ear, the negro went to work. The battle-plowed,
trampled fields of the South yielded a wealth of pro
duction that seemed not the result of human labor, but
as if ' earth had again gro-wn quick with God's creating
breath.' The crops at the South have been larger pro
portionately since the war than at any prerious date.
" An article by Sidney Andrews, in the February
number of Old and New, makes the foUovring concise
and truthful statement of the workings of the Bureau :
" ' Of the thousand things that the Bureau has done
no balance sheet can ever be made. How it helped the
ministries of the church, saved the blacks from robbery
and persecution, enforced respect for the negro's
rights, instructed all the people in the meaning of the
law, threw itself against the stronghold of intemper
ance, settled neighborhood quarrels, brought about
amicable relations between employer and employed,
440

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
comforted the sorrowful, raised up the downhearted,
corrected bad habits among whites and blacks, restored
order, sustained contracts for work, compelled atten
tion to the statute books, collected claims, furthered
local educational movements, gave sanctity to the mar
riage relation, dignified labor, strengthened men and
women in good resolutions, rooted out old prejudices,
ennobled the home, assisted the freedmen to become
land owners, brought offenders to justice, broke up
bands of outlaws, overturned the class rule of igno
rance, led bitter hearts into brighter ways, shamed
strong hearts into charity and forgiveness, promul
gated the new doctrine of equal rights, destroyed the
seeds of mistrust and antagonism, cheered the de
spondent, set idlers at work, aided in the reorganiza
tion of society, carried the light of the North into dark
places of the South, steadied the negro in his struggle
with novel ideas, inculcated kindly feeling, checked the
passion of whites and blacks, opened the blind eyes of
judges and jurors, taught the gospel of forbearance,
encouraged human sympathy, distributed the generous
charities of the benevolent, upheld loyalty, assisted in
creating a sentiment of nationality — ^how it did all this
and hundredfold more, who shall ever tell? What pen
shall ever record? '
" These are warm and generous words. They are
eloquent. But the facts that they state are still more
eloquent. " Still it is asked, * Has the Bureau been a success ? '
Success ! The world can point to nothing like it in all
the history of emancipation. No thirteen mUlions of
dollars were ever more wisely spent ; yet from the be
ginning this scheme has encountered the bitterest op
position and the most unrelenting hate. Scoffed at
441

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
like a thing of shame, often struck and sorely wounded,
sometimes in the house of its friends, apologized for
rather than defended; yet with God on its side, the
Freedmen's Bureau has triumphed ; civilization has re
ceived a new impulse, and the friends of humanity
may well rejoice. The Bureau work is being rapidly
brought to a close, and its accomplishments will enter
into history, while the unfounded accusations brought
against it will be forgotten. . . .
" In conclusion, the committee find on the whole
case that the charges are utterly groundless and cause
less ; that the commissioner has been a devoted, honest,
and able public servant. The committee find that his
great trust has been performed wisely, disinterestedly,
economically, and most successfully. If there be any
thing in the conduct of affairs of the Bureau which
would excite a suspicion, even in the breast of partisan
or personal hate, it is owing to the fact that General
Howard, conscious of his own purity, intent on his
great work, has never stopped to think of the appear
ances which men of less conscious integrity much more
carefully regard.
" Who is the inventor or instigator of these charges
it is not the purpose of the committee to inquire. Mr.
Wood, as has already been stated, disclaims aU per
sonal responsibility for them. The evidence which he
adduced was not evidence tending to establish the ac
cusation, but was, nearly all of it, merely experimental
— an inquiry by the person calling the witness into the
detaUs of transactions of which he seemed to have
neither accurate knowledge nor information. While the
examination was going on, with closed doors, under a
pledge of secrecy imposed on the committee, counsel
and parties, incorrect statements, purporting to be re-
442

Opposition to Bureau and Reconstruction Work
ports of the testimony, were spread extensively
through the country, most injurious to General How
ard, and utterly without support in the evidence. It
is not in the power of the committee or of the House
to repair this injustice or to compensate this faithful
public officer for the indignity, anxiety, and expense
which his defense has entailed upon him. All that is
in our power is to recommend to the House the pas
sage of the following resolution, as expressing our
opinion of the whole case, and an act of justice to a
faithful and distinguished public servant : _^
" ' Resolved, That the policy pursued by the United
States toward four and a half million of its people sud
denly enfranchised by the events of a great Civil War,
in seeking to provide for them education, to render
them independent and self-supporting, and in extend
ing to them civil and political equality, is a source of
just national pride ; and that the House hereby acquits
Major General Oliver 0. Howard of the groundless
and causeless charges lately preferred against him,
and does hereby declare and record its judgment, that
in successfully organizing and administering with
fidelity, integrity, and ability the Freedmen's Bureau,
which has contributed so much to the accomplishment
of the first two of these great ends, he is deserving of
the gratitude of the American people.' "
March 2, 1871, the House passed this resolution by^
a large majority. I was often subsequently assured
by men in opposition to the Eepublican party, that it
was because the first part of the resolution claimed
so much credit for Eepublican action, that they voted
no; but that so far as I was concerned the resolution
was all right.
The minority of two of the committee reported two
443

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
resolutions, recommending that I be court-martialed
and that the Secretary of War be directed to take steps
to recover money disbursed in aid of " churches, re
ligious associations and educational institutions not in
pursuance of law." The adoption of the majority
report eliminated this one. This minority utterly ig
nored the Acts of Congress which had empowered me
as commissioner to cooperate with all the bodies and
associations referred to by them in the work of the
support and education of refugees and freedmen. It
had become a political party matter, and one of the
minority when asked to join with the majority, said
frankly : " I cannot leave my party."
Surely, I was gratified at the result, though so long
delayed. I had been brought under severe charges and
bitter accusation before the House of Eepresentatives.
After a long and tedious investigation, the House
awarded me, instead of censure, a happily worded vote
of confidence and thanks.

444

CHAPTEE LXI
COURT OF inquiry; PRESIDENT OF HOWARD UNIVERSITY
T^AELY in 1872 I had a brief change from my Bu-
^-^ reau work, though no relief from its responsi
bilities. Under the last Bureau Act, that of August 4,
1868, I was engaged in finding and paying the colored
soldiers and sailors in different States who had not as
yet been reached by our limited agencies. I had been
ardently pushing forward the educational division, and
was also performing the administrative functions of
Howard University, which now had in operation eight
departments. The Young Men's Christian Association
of Washington, very active under tbe efficient secre
taryship of Mr. George A. Hall, had for some years
kept me as its president, and our Congregational
Church under its new and able pastor, Eev. J. E. Ean-
kin, D.D., still claimed some of my time. Indeed, there
was as yet no leisure; and all friends believed that I
was laden about as heavily as one man ought to be,
when one day I received a note from the Secretary of
the Interior, Columbus Delano, inviting me to call at
his office. Not a little curious at such an unusual inri
tation, I went at once. He asked me as soon as we
were face to face if I were willing to go to Arizona and
Ne-VF Mexico as a "Peace Commissioner." General
Grant's administration, he said, in pursuance of his
peace policy with the Indians had succeeded in making
445

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
peace with every tribe that was on the war path except
one; that one was the Apache tribe of the notorious
chieftain Cochise.
Finding that my selection was at the wish of the
President, I accepted, and left Washington March 7th,
leaving General Whittlesey as acting commissioner.
The Indian work given me was very absorbing, so that
for the year 1872, after the first two months, I was
practically detached from my Bureau.^ During the
spring a strong desire appeared on the part of the poli
ticians in control, many of whom had been stanch
friends of the freedmen, to eliminate the Bureau com
pletely from the future political issues of the day. On
questions concerning which they, who were members
of the Senate and House of Eepresentatives, would
naturally have consulted me, they adrised during my
absence with the Secretary of War. He advised them,
and particularly the appropriation committee of the
House, to make at once an ostensible close of the
Freedmen's Bureau, putting directly into his office the
bounty division and that part of the medical and hos
pital department which could not in the interest of
humanity be shut off.
Though General Grant himself had sent me to Ari
zona and New Mexico, endued with extraordinary
powers, still in military circles great irritation natu
rally sprang from my going in the capacity of a peace
commissioner, and the action which I was obliged to
take to accomplish the desired results found severe
'I successfully adjusted the differences among the Indians and whites
in Arizona and New llexico; and with only my aide. Captain Sladen, and a
guide, Jeffords, I succeeded in reaching Cochise in his own stronghold
amid the Dragoon Mountains, Arizona. We there concluded a lasting
peace. For detailed accounts see "My Life and Experience Among Our
Hostile Indians." O. O. H. 446

Court of Inquiry
criticism and complaint not only among frontiersmen
and their newspapers, but among army officers of dif
ferent ranks in bivouac and garrison, and at district,
department, and even mUitary division headquarters.
General Sheridan from Chicago, commanding the
large central military division, had had his jurisdic
tion extended to New Mexico. On receiving such
criticisms and complaints, he gave me such comment
in his indorsements that I remonstrated. He hap
pened to be in Washington soon after my return from
Arizona in November, and I had an interview with
him. I said : " General Sheridan, did you never know
that General Grant himself sent me to the Southwest
to do just what I did? "
He answered : " No, Howard, no ! Did Grant really
do that ? " I replied : " Indeed he did, and I never in
the whole expedition went beyond my instructions."
Sheridan then assured me that he would try to rec
tify the mischief that he and others had done me by
a too hasty judgment and action. From the criticism
and complaint that thus came into the War Depart
ment, and from the personal hostility of W. W. Bel
knap, then Secretary of War, I was made to feel that
the department was against me, and that during my
absence there had been unfriendly planning and action
against my late Bureau.
The legislative action, however, was just what I de
sired, except that I would have preferred to close out
my own Bureau and not have another do it for me in
an unfriendly manner in my absence. The legislation
was embraced in an Appropriation Act (June 10,
1872). After giving one hundred thousand dollars
($100,000) for the expenses of the payment of boun
ties, it was provided : " That the Bureau of Eefugees,
447

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Freedmen, and Abandoned Lands shaU be discon
tinued from and after June 30, 1872, and that all
agents, clerks, and other employees then on duty shaU
be discharged, except such as may be retained by the
Secretary of War for the purposes of this proriso;
and aU Acts and parts of Acts pertaining to the coUec
tion and payment of bounties, or other moneys due to
colored soldiers, saUors, and marines, or their heirs,
shaU remain in force untU otherwise ordered by Con
gress, the same to be carried into effect by the Secre
tary of War, who may employ such clerical force as
may be necessary for the purpose."
The Freedmen's Hospital and Asylum at Washing
ton, by the same Act, given to sustain them an appro
priation of seventy-four thousand dollars ($74,000),
was placed directly under the Secretary of War, re
quiring bim to make aU estimates and pass upon aU
accounts, and be responsible to the Treasury of the
United States for aU expenditures.
At the time of the transfer from my office at How
ard I^ni vers ity to the War Department of all books,
documents, and papers, my entire office establishment
was at the university, where I held by rental part of
its main structure. The distance to carry the records
was two mUes. The majority of my clerks were edu
cated colored men, or bright colored youths, attending
the night courses of university study, and were sud
denly discharged — this created consternation. Confu
sion was produced in the transfer itseK. Belknap's
assistant adjutant general sent wagons, messengers,
laborers, and clerks to take away the archives. My
few clerks were disappointed and irritated, haring
been suddenly cut off from all employment, and it
seemed to them treated as if in disgrace, though they
448

Court of Inquiry
were as able and upright as their successors. Books
and papers were taken with little regard to order, and
tumbled into the wagons. Important papers were
picked up en route to the new office, and record books
were found on the stairs of the university and on the
grounds. After the apparent close of the Freedmen's Bureau
and after the completion of my Indian peace expedi
tion, I was still detained at Washington. Events
which rapidly followed each other show that what was
called the " confusion of records " of the late Bureau
was the actual cause of my detention. General Vin
cent, who was placed over the records, and who under
took to systematize a part for complete files, and to
rectify others for further use, advised Mr. Belknap to
work out through General Howard not only the rectifi
cation of the records in his office, but the gathering of
all missing books and accounts from Maryland to
Texas. I was, notwithstanding this demand upon me,
denied access to my own books. The officer in charge
constantly wrote me asking explanation of apparent
discrepancies to be found only in papers, many of
which his clerks had thought of no value and had
burned in the basement of the War Department be
fore they were properly arranged after the transfer.
Others, though ordered to Washington, had not yet
come from inaccessible points of operation in the
South. This lengthy correspondence began as soon as I re
turned from the Southwest. Out of that correspond
ence came misconceptions; some reasonable on their
face and some imaginary. Finally, as the friction be
came intense, formal accusations in two letters of the
Secretary of War were addressed to the Speaker of the
449

Autobiography of G^n. O. O. Howard
House of Eepresentatives, dated respectively Decem
ber 4, 1873, and January 5, 1874.
As soon as the first letter appeared (which it did
before I saw it elsewhere) in the public journals, and
before its receipt by the Speaker, I -wrote to G«nerals
Grant and Sherman, and to Secretary Belknap, and de
manded a hearing of some kind for all the charges,
before any court or tribunal the Govemment might
elect. The secretary's letters suggested that I might
be court-martialed were it not for the statute of limi
tation; so I at once waived that as far as I could. I
did not -vrish, however, a court of inquiry of three offi
cers selected by the secretary, who was hostUe to the
negro and unfriendly to me. After much delay and
discussion in Congress, a special court of inquiry of
seven army officers of high, rank was created by law.
General Grant, the President, appointed the court. It
first assembled March 3, 1874, in rooms of a dweUing
house, No. 1816 F Street. After two adjournments,
the members of the court, seven in number, were all
present, to wit :
1st. General William T. Shennan, United States Army, Pres
ident of the Court.
2d. Major General Irvin McDowell, United States Army.
3d. Brigadier General M. C. Meigs, Quartermaster General.
4th. Brigadier General John Pope, United States Army.
5th. Colonel Geoige W. Getty, Third United States Artilleiy.
6th. Colonel J. J. Reynolds, Third Cavalry.
7th. Colonel N. A. Miles, Fifth Infantry.
Major Asa Bird Gardner was appointed judge ad
vocate of the court and, as prosecutor, represented the
Secretary of War.
The charges were in substance that General How-
450

Court of Inquiry
ard had failed to establish and enforce a proper system
of payments to colored soldiers, involving great loss ;
that he was responsible for some minor defalcations of
officers who had already been punished; that he had
misapplied public funds ; that he had transferred con
fused and incomplete records, and failed to report the
state of the same.
The investigation of all the items of charge and
complaint went on from day to day till the forty-
second session of the court had been had. May 9, 1874.
After the review and advice of the judge advocate gen
eral upon all the proceedings and findings. General
Grant affixed his approval July 2, 1874. It lacked but
one day of four months that I was under the most
careful and searching investigation, and I am proud
to insert the findings of this celebrated court of in
quiry as follows :
First. — The court is of the opinion that, in the matters re
ferred to it for investigation, General O. 0. Howard has not, with
knowledge and intent, violated any law of Congress, regulation
of the army, or rule of morals, and that he is "not guilty,"
upon legal, technical, or moral responsibility, in any of the
offenses charged.
Second. — The court finds that General Howard, when charged
by his superiors -vsdth a great work arising out of the war, de
voted his whole time and all his faculties and energies to the
execution of that work. In this he employed hundreds of as
sistants and dealt with hundreds of thousands of men. In
regard to the expenditure of money, it appears that his ac
counts are closed and settled to the satisfaction of the ac
counting ofiicers of the Treasury, whose decisions in such mat
ters are by law the highest authority, "final and conclusive
upon the Executive branch of the Government and subject to
re-vision only by Congress or the proper courts."
Third. — In relation to the investment of certain public mon-
451

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
eys in United States bonds, while the court does not hold that
such investments were justified by existing laws, yet in view of
the fact that these investments were made only under the
opinion and ad-rice of the Second Comptroller, the court at
taches no blame to General Howard therefor. The investment
of portions of a similar fund, viz.: the "irregular bounty fund,"
had preriously been authorized by express law.
Fourth. — Some questions arising out of the sudden termina
tion of the operations and organization of the Freedmen's Bu
reau yet remain to be settled, with those who were formerly
subordinates and assistants to the Commissioner. Some few
erroneous payments made by honest subordinates, and some
others made, or not made, by officers now dead or cashiered for
fraud, remain to be adjusted. The adjustment of these mat
ters belongs properly to the successors of General Howard in
the Bureau; and in these matters, as in all others brought to
the notice of the court during thirty-seven days of careful and
laborious investigation, the court finds that General Oliver 0.
Howard did his whole duty, and believes that he deserves well
of his country. (Signed) W. T. Sherman,
General, President of the Court.
The finding of the Court of Inquiry is approved.
July 2, 1874. (Signed) U. S. Grant.
As the primary objects for which the Freedmen's
Bureau was created, to wit, the relief of the destitute,
the reorganization of labor upon a free basis, the se
curing to the freedmen the rights and privileges of
free men in the courts and in the schools," had been
gradually accomplished, untU at last the schools alone
remained under my charge, I gave my time more and
more to Howard University. Almost from its in
ception I regarded that institution as of the first im
portance as an object lesson — a complete exhibit in its
organization and in its operation of the higher grade
452

Court of Inquiry
of school work. Here I tried to foster its life in the
social as well as in the literary scale, recognizing as far
as it could be done the manhood of the negro scholar,
teacher, and professor. My own efforts were reason
ably successful in securing — first, the careful super
vision and management of the estate purchased so as
to give a fair endowment fund; second, the securing
of a large subscription for the professorships; third,
the providing of professors, teachers, and frugal pro
fessional students with houses, or tenements, buUding
them within the university reserve, or constructing
them for individuals on outside lots. I built a house
for myself near the university on a lot I purchased
from it in order to enhance the value of the property
the university had for sale; but owing to the hard
times which followed, I had some troublesome financial
reverses before I left Washington.
I had previously acted in one capacity and another
for the institution till I was chosen president April 5,
1869. I accepted the office with the express condition
that its demands should not interfere with my military
duties. After that, I habitually performed every day
the executive functions of the institution. I was ex-
officio chairman of the executive committee, chairman
of the board of trustees, and of each separate faculty.
The morning exercises at the chapel were opened by
me when in Washington, and in some instances during
the temporary absence of a professor I taught the
classes. I also prepared and delivered to the students
lectures on conduct, discipUne, and other subjects.
This office I held for five years and four months.
In the summer of 1873, the trustees, independently
of me, fixed upon their own method of settlement of
money accounts, very properly desiring to return to
453

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
me, as far as possible, all extraordinary outlays, and
to compensate me for my time and labor expended for
the institution over and above that reckoned as offi
cially due to the Government.
In the statement which they prepared, called " Gen
eral Howard's Account," of date July 4, 1873, they
put down receipts and expenditures and attached a
summary which exhibited on the debtor side $17,583,
and on the credit side $16,906.18, showing that I had
received a balance of only $676.82 in money.
The trustees then remarked : " The amount General
Howard has actually received over and above what he
has given to the university and to destitute students
for seven years' service is six himdred and seventy-six
dollars and eighty-two cents ($676.82).
" If we recall the investment he made to enhance
the realty of the university, the amount of rental in
the way of interest has been $2,000 yearly in excess of
the rental of his former city house, making in five
years of occupancy $10,000. For this interest there is
no return except in the increased value of his lot, viz. :
$4,434, estimated; deducting this from $10,000 gives
$5,566, a forced expenditure for the benefit of the uni
versity. This shows that he virtually contributed
more than he has received in the sum of $4,889.18."
Later, in 1883, by the help of a friend who desired
to be anonymous I paid a subscription of $10,000 for
the Law Department, and have since been the channel
of aid to the amount of $1,500 more. I have been thus
particular because it has been claimed by some critics
that I made money out of my connection with the uni
versity. I did not, however. The day I took my de
parture from Washington, I was not nearly so well off
pecuniarily as when I went there in 1865.
454

Court of Inquiry
One very plausible criticism which for years was
reiterated in the newspapers, was, in substance, that
General Howard ought not to have received any com
pensation, remuneration, or salary from Howard Uni
versity, while he was an agent or president, because
the Government so largely helped that institution.
The answer I made to my own conscience was that the
circumstances were unusual, and that my course was
necessary, legal, and right. That course after long in
vestigation was approved by my Government and by
the board of trustees of the university.
I took some compensation and remuneration be
cause I was lawfully entitled to it, and as the success
of the institution was very near to my heart I spent
money for it in ways which I thought would do the uni
versity the most good.
The fight for my reputation and honorable name
having been finished by the action of the President in
approval of the proceedings of the court, I was as
signed to the command of the Department of the Co
lumbia. I gladly left Washington, after nine years of
incessant labor, with frequent and painful struggles,
through all of which the comfort of a wise and devoted
wife, and a strong belief in the goodness of God, were
my principal reliance. At times there was a seeming
success of the machinations of wicked men, whose per
sonal hatred or bad politics would make me a sacrifice
to their venomous persistency. But to-day they were ;
to-morrow they were not !

455

PART IV
COMMANDING MILITARY DEPARTMENTS
INDIAN CAMPAIGNS
LITERARY WORK
FOUNDING LINCOLN MEMORIAL UNIVERSITY

CHAPTEE LXII
LIFE IN WASHINGTON, D. C, 1866 TO 1874; ASSIGNED TO
DUTY IN EEGULAR ARMY AS COMMANDER, DEPART
MENT OP THE COLUMBIA
ONE day in Washington, a gentleman introduced
me to Madame Schoolcraft. She was the grand
daughter of an Indian chief and the widow of Henry
E. Schoolcraft, the Indian historian who has left such
graphic accounts of Indian tribes. She was appar
ently about sixty years of age, a tall, handsome, stately
woman with exceedingly dark and brilliant eyes which
seemed to pierce one through and through when she
was talking. She had considerable funds in her hands
left her by her husband, and was induced by a real
estate agent to invest a large part of them in Washing
ton city property: stores, houses, and house lots in
various parts of the city.
It was just after the wonderful changes that had
taken place through the vote of the city (at that time
the citizens of Washington had a vote granted to them
by Congress). Under the leadership of the energetic
and enterprising Alexander E. Shepherd, sometimes
called " Boss Shepherd," the improvements were so ex
tensive throughout the city that property rose every
where in value.
Madame Schoolcraft came to me very much trou
bled about her property. She said : " I am too old to
take care of so many pieces." After looking into the
subject, I thought that I could aid her by an exchange
459

Autobiography of G^n. O. O. Howard
of equities. Each piece of her property was more or
less mortgaged.
I owned my home and more than an acre of ground.
I consented to take over her property, and her attor
neys, thinking that my home and grounds would be
easier for her to care for and fuUy equivalent in value,
made the exchange.
For a whUe there was a great boom in real estate
and I was very hopeful of being able to properly dis
pose of my possessions and lay by something for my
f amUy, but the tables very soon tumed ; the legislation
of Congress went against the city of Washington, and
except in certain favored localities the price of prop
erty went down with wonderful rapidity. For exam
ple, one of the stores that had come into my possession
was at the time of my purchase valued for taxation at
$18,000, and had on it a mortgage of $4,000. The next
valuation was $12,000; the next foUo-wdng was $6,000,
and being at last forced to sell I disposed of it at $5,-
000, clearing hardly $1,000. The houses took a like
plunge and I was glad to dispose of most of them for
the mortgages that were upon them. I did, however,
pay one or two of my obUgations out of this property,
but the result was that I made nothing from the ex
change ; in fact, I would have been thro-wn into bank
ruptcy but for some lots I o-vvmed on Meridian HUl.
These I sold to very fair advantage, recei-ving enough
to clear me of nearly all my pressing obUgations — obli
gations incurred by my official work.
This was the condition of my estate when I was
ordered away from Washin,gton in 1874. I had been,
as is erident, put to very great expense by tbe inves
tigations into the affairs of the Freedmen's Bureau. I
had to pay for my o-wn counsel in every case, so I did
460

Life in Washmgton, D. C, 1866 to 1874
not have much left when I received the order from the
War Department to proceed to the North Pacific Coast
and take command of the Department of the Columbia.
A friend at that time loaned me $7,000, with no
other security than my personal note, so that I was
able to pay the balance of my subscriptions to the
Y. M. C. A., and some dues to Howard University, and
defray the expenses of my son at Tale College, and of
my daughter at Vassar, besides taking my -vrife and the
other five children across the continent.
I had some unimproved lots in Buffalo, N. Y. This
property brought me later $5,000 in my settlement
with the friend who had so kindly accommodated me
before setting out for my new station.
The journey across the continent was very pleasant
and memorable. I had two aids. Captain J. A. Sladen
and Captain Melville C. Wilkinson. Captain Sladen
had three children, Captain Wilkinson two, and Mrs.
Howard and myself five, so that we took quite complete
possession of a railway car. People would come along
and take a look at the car filled with children, and if
they liked chUdren would come in and enjoy their gay
ety, and play with them ; but others would say : " Don't
go in there, that car is full of young ones." Those who
did come in were happy and helpful, and I hardly think
that a more jovial company ever made the journey.
It took us seven days from Washington to San Fran
cisco. Here at San Francisco we had our first experience
with the depreciated " greenbacks." The traders
would take hard money only. For $100 we received in
exchange but $60 in gold or silver.
Soon after this we went by steamer to Oregon —
passing through the Golden Gate. We accomplished
461

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
the voyage in four days. During this sea trip we were
fortunate to make several new and valuable acquaint
ances. I recall Hon. Henry FaUing, of Portland, Ore.,
among them. Some of these ever after remained con
stant friends. They warned us against the country we
were going to — how rough it was ; how extensive the
fir forests, and how interminable the rains. They told
us the people there were usually caUed " web-feet,"
because of the abundant water.
As everybody knows, Astoria is at the mouth of the
Columbia Eiver; Portland, 120 miles from Astoria,
and some ten mUes above the mouth of the Willamette.
Coming to Portland in August, we found the coun
try not only clear of storms, but very dry and dusty.
The city had then about 8,000 people. Nearly aU
the streets and walks were paved -vrith plank.
Since then Portland has been extended in every di
rection up and do-wn the WUlamette Eiver, across to
East Portland, and beyond, encroaching upon the
great fir forests until there are few left ; the city now
ascends the hUls westward till the extensive -wilderness
has almost vanished. There are to-day (1907) 100,000
inhabitants -within the city limits. Portland has every
modem improvement in electric cars, troUey lines, raU-
ways passing in and out, and pavements of stone. The
new churches, bank buUdings, hotels, and splendid
houses -vrith beautKul grounds give to Portland, -vrith
the Willamette at its feet, a picturesque appearance
equal to that of any city of its si^e in the Union.
Of course, the hills still remain, each cro-wned with
a few trees. From any one of these heights the riew
of the lofty, snow-capped mountain peaks is superb.
Portland people were wise in centrally locating
their United States post office, the courthouses, the
462

Life in Washuigton, D. C, 1866 to 1874
jail, and customhouse; and they also had the good
sense to reserve very commodious parks which are
beautiful and a delight to the people.
What was called the 0. S. N. Co. (the Oregon
Steam Navigation Company) was at the time of my
arrival a monopoly. It held the transportation of the
upper Columbia in its hands, and could regulate the
prices not only of grain for hundreds of miles inland,
but also of passenger transportation.
In one of the buildings owned by this company the
headquarters of the Department of the Columbia was
located. I assumed command August 25, 1874, reliev
ing General Jeff. C. Davis.
It took several days to find a house, but at last we
secured a small cottage on Washington Street, and
there made ourselves very comfortable until the next
spring, when we found a larger house on Tenth and
Morrison streets, vacated by my adjutant general H.
Clay Wood. This house we enlarged, with the permis
sion of the owner, by building a corner tower; its
grounds adjoined those of D. B. Thompson, who had
been governor of the State, and were opposite to the
home of Harvey Scott, who was at that time collector
of the port, and has since been for years the editor of
The Oregonian.
The military department of the Columbia was very
extensive. It took in all of Washington, Oregon, a part
of Idaho, and included within its limits the Territory
of Alaska. About 1,000 troops were then stationed at
different posts of the command. The central station
was Vancouver Barracks, only six miles from Portland
but west of the Columbia Eiver.
My first official act was to close out General Davis's
Modoc Campaign by sending a remnant, those still
463

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
held as prisoners, to the Indian Territory. My aid-de
camp, Captain M. C. Wilkinson, who had done a like
service the preceding faU, was detaUed to have charge
of the party. At first he treated the Indians with
some severity, handcuffing the leaders, but soon finding
them obedient and well disposed, he took off the hand
cuffs and fuUy trusted them. His expedition was suc
cessful and gave another instance where kindness con
quers and wins.
It was not long after our arrival before I counted
up some twenty Indian tribes within the limits of my
department, not including those in Alaska. I discov
ered further that I had inherited quite a number of
Indian troubles which unless well handled would lead
to war; so I began very soon to visit the different
tribes of Indians in order to look into their condition
and consider carefuUy their causes of restlessness.
A very remarkable instance of hardship to a boy,
and my later personal experience -vrith him, I reeaU
whenever I think of my joumey from Washington to
Oregon. I had hardly taken my Bureau headquarters
in Washington at the comer of Nineteenth and I
streets, when there came into my office a young man
apparently about twenty years of age. He had a nap
kin about his head. He was straight, slender, of good
buUd and soldierly bearing. He said : " General How
ard, I have been trying in vain to get employment. I
have to support my father and his family. My father,
partially insane, struck me this morning, and I am in
great distress both from this fact and from the want
of means to give the famUy bread."
I said: "Where are you from? "
He answered: "Eichmond, Va."
At that time I was forbidden to employ anyone who
464

Life in Washington, D. C, 1866 to 1874
could not take the oath of allegiance, and, further, all
my places were filled. I told him this. He did not
know about the oath, but supposed he could take it, as
he had not fought against the Government. He begged
so hard for employment that my compassion overcame
all reason and caused me to say : " Go in there with
the clerks and do what you can and I will try in some
way to pay you."
He wrote a good hand and was an excellent clerk,
was devoted to duty and made no complaint with re
gard to hours or wages, at all times doing his best.
Two years before the close of the Freedmen's Bureau
I secured him a situation under General Leggett, one of
my division commanders who was then at the head of
the land office in the Department of the Interior. Leg
gett gave him a good clerkship and for a time he was
doing well. A Union soldier in that department who
had lost one of his feet in the war, for some reason
took a great dislike to him and began to worry him
with petty persecutions. Cudlipp, for that was the
young man's name, had married, and now had one child
a little over three years of age. With this child he
was one day in a grocery store when the lame soldier
came in, and seeing Susie's little dog jumping about he
angrily kicked the dog into the street. For this Cud
lipp, instantly seizing a stick of wood, knocked the sol
dier down. The encounter aggravated the situation so
that the latter searched out Cudlipp's record and found
that at one time when a boy he had been in a Eichmond
prison. A few days later Cudlipp, just after dark, was car
rying a pitcher of milk to his family. Suddenly from
an alley way the soldier sprang upon him, when Cud
lipp, quickly backing off, swung the pitcher over his
465

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
head and laid the soldier upon his back, bruising him
badly. This occurred in 1874.
One evening Cudlipp's sister came to my house
near Howard University. She was crying bitterly and
could hardly speak. She said that her brother had
been arrested and thrown into jail and wanted very
much to see me. Learning the story, I went at once to
the police judge, who was my friend, and heard his ver
sion of the case. He said that Cudlipp had nobody to
appear for him, and, thinking that he deserved severe
punishment, he had fined him $100 and given him con
finement for one month.
When I told the judge the circumstances of the
young man's life and what a faithful clerk he had been
when with me, and, in fact, ever since, the judge said
that if I would pay the fine he would remit the confine
ment. I did so at once and then went back with Cud
lipp to see General Leggett. The general declared that
he could not reinstate him, for, he said : " I have just
learned that he has been in a penitentiary at Eich
mond, Va., having been convicted of a high crime." I
then found this to be the record :
When a lad of twelve years a rough man had
come to his mother's home and insulted her in his pres
ence. The boy had a large-sized jackknife in his hand
and struck the man with it in the breast, inflicting a
fatal wound. The boy was arrested, tried, and sen
tenced to ten years in the penitentiary and had been
kept in for his full term. While there, though asso
ciated with criminals, he was thoroughly trained in
all that would be necessary to fit him for a clerkship.
I carried the case up to the Hon. Columbus Delano,
the Secretary of the Interior. I left Cudlipp in the hall
near the secretary's door. The secretary was very
466

Life in Washington, D. C, 1866 to 1874
pleasant and expressed his sorrow, but he said : " Gen
eral Howard, it will not do to have a penitentiary man
in Government employ." Such was his decision.
With a sad heart I stepped out and told the young
man that the secretary did not dare to put him on the
rolls again. The effect upon Cudlipp was startling.
Pale as death, he leaned against the waU and mur
mured: "It is no use, general! I can never do any
thing in this world ! "
That was the nearest approach to despair that I
ever witnessed. I said to him : " Cudlipp, look at me.
Who am I? "
With a faint smUe he said: "General Howard, of
course." " Have I been your friend? "
He said : " I should think so."
" Are you sure ? "
" I could not doubt you."
" Now you may understand this : that if I am once
a man's friend, I remain so, unless there is some good
reason for a change. I am going to start for the JPa-
cific coast in a few days and I will take you as my
clerk." The revulsion was very strong. His face flushed
and his eyes filled as he said : " Would you do that? "
My answer was : " Go home and get your wife and
Susie ready and go with me."
So on the same train and steamer with us William
Cudlipp and his wife and child made their way to Port
land, Ore. There he became, in my office, as he had
been before, an energetic, hard-working, faithful clerk.

467

CHAPTEE LXIII
IN THE NORTHWEST, AMONG THE INDIANS ; TRIP TO ALASKA;
LIFE IN PORTLAND, ORE. ; 1874 TO 1881
IN Portland, Ore., there were two large banks on
Front Street ; one was the First National, of which
Henry Failing was the president, and the other a pri
vate banking house of which Ladd & Tilton were the
proprietors. Ladd's bank was at the time of my ar
rival probably the wealthiest, and had the largest cir
culation of any in Oregon. Mr. Ladd was a Christian
man and wanted to do a kindness to the Young Men's
Christian Association, then very small in numbers and
in possessions. He gave it a room in the rear of his
bank building in the second story, and there our young
men met from time to time. They were very poorly
supplied with books or facilities for doing their work.
I had hardly become established in my headquarters
and tn my home before I was elected to the presidency
of the association. This came probably because I had
been for so many years president of the Y. M. C. A. in
Washington. It was not long before I found myself associated
with several active workers such as Dr. Lindsley, Will
iam Wadhams, Mr. Wakefield, James Steele, and
others. At that time Captain M. C. Wilkinson of my
staff was very active and eamest in Christian effort.
Soon we rented a large set of rooms on the lower
side of Front Street, where there had been a saloon
468

In the Northwest, Among the Indians
and extensive gambling arrangements. Our meetings
kept increasing, and large numbers of those who had
gone astray were brought back to the Master's service.
A single instance may show how we worked in
those days. E. P. Hammond, the evangelist, was hold
ing meetings in the skating rink, a very spacious hall.
There came in several men under the influence of drink
who seemed to have had the purpose of breaking up
the meeting. One man quite befuddled with liquor
said to me as I tried to reason with him, " Old man,
you are right. I wish you would sing ' The Sweet By
and By.' "
Instantly the assembly took up the hymn. I sat
down by the youngest of the intruders. His name was
Williams, the adopted son of Mr. and Mrs. Daniel
Williams, special friends of my family. The young
man had gone so far that his parents despaired of him,
and he appeared to be given over to dissipation. Sud
denly he looked up into my face with a hopeless ex
pression and murmured : " Little as you think it, I
would like to reform ! "
Of course I reasoned with him, but he was too much
under the influence of liquor to give me hope that he
would remember what he promised.
Two days after that, just at evening when I was
leaving my office on Front Street, I saw Williams sit
ting in the doorway of a closed store. He was badly
intoxicated and hardly able to sit erect. I went to him
and asked him to walk home with me. This he was un
able to do. I called a hack that was passing and told
him to get in. With bleared eyes he gazed around to
see if anybody was looking and said : " I am ashamed."
I succeeded in getting him into the hack and took
him home with me, where we put him to bed and kept
469

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
him for several days, taking good care that he should
not get at his clothing and give us the slip tiU the
effects of the liquor had left him.
He then went into the evangelistic meetings of the
Y. M. C. A and was soon a new man. He was restored
to his parents, and was soon married. All the time I
had knowledge of the family, he was leading an hon
orable life.
There were many other remarkable instances of
reformation. It seemed at that period that Satan was
striving with aU his helpers against light and knowl
edge, but in process of time the better people of that
Westem city conquered, building up their effective
school system and their magnificent chnrches.
I remember that Mr. WiUiam Wadhams, Captain
Wilkinson, and myseK paid a visit together to a man
who had a wife and several children. He was a dmnk-
ard, and she was slatternly dressed and foolish, reaUy
taking advantage of his dissipation to get the sympa
thy and help of the weU-to-^3o. We found this man at
his home and talked to bim awhile. His -vrife brought
out their large Bible, and he took a pencil in his hand
and signed a pledge which one of us had drawn up,
and looking up he said -with determination: " May the
Almighty strike me dead K I do not keep this pledge."
Then he signed it.
With more difficulty we succeeded at last in getting
his wife to promise to do her part in taking care of
the chUdren and the home, and doing what she could
to make her husband comfortable dnring his hours of
rest from labor.
He drove a heavy freight truck, and ever after that
he came into our meetings, participated with us in our
exercises, and sustained a good and wholesome career.
470

In the Northwest, Among the Indians
This shows what can be done in our Y. M. C. A. by
a little united effort in behalf of those who are astray.
Those cases seem to indicate much work, yet all of us
who belonged to the Y. M. C. A. had other employment
at that time, very absorbing on every day except the
Sabbath, and such evenings as we could set apart for
religious effort.
About this time I was one evening in the chapel of
the Presbyterian church. Dr. Lindsley's, conducting a
social meeting. Many were present, when suddenly
there came in, across the room from the desk, a wild-
looking man with jet black, disheveled hair and keen
eyes. It was a striking figure and attracted quick at
tention. The man seemed to be beside himself. He
cried out: " Is this the house of God? "
I answered : " Yes, that is what we call it."
He said: " May I say something here? "
Walking and talking he came up to the desk. I an
swered him : " Certainly."
He turned around and the first utterance he made
was : " God bless them women ! " looking at several
who sat in front of him. Then he told us that some
ladies had entered his saloon a few days before and
knelt and prayed in their work to try and stop this
evil. Their brave act had affected him strongly. It
seems that he had been what they call in the Northwest
a " sport." He, Ned Chambreau, was a Frenchman,
and had come from Canada in the early days of Ore
gon. He had married a young girl who was already,
though not more than fifteen years of age, a decided
praying Christian. Ned said that she would pray him
out of any difficulty he got into, and his difficulties
were many. Indeed, his conduct at times was criminal
and exposed him to arrest. 471

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Now he was thoroughly in eamest for good and
ready to tum over a new leaf. Mr. William Wadhams
helped him, by a stock of goods, to go into the hard
ware business, but he did not succeed in that. Then
he undertook the grocery trade, but after a time a sec
ond faUure distressed him. I shall never forget how
he would come to me and ask me to walk up and down
the sidewalk with him to comfort him.
One day when matters were at their worst Cham
breau received an offer from one of his old gambling
friends which was very tempting, and it was accom
panied by some apparatus necessary to make the card
game safe and sure. His friend said : " Christians
don't care for you. Tou "wiU starve to death. Come
back to us and you can have anything you want."
The night after receiving this apparatus a kind
lady was going past his store when she heard a man
weeping aloud and praying; she went in and found
Ned Chambreau on his knees in terrible distress.
"Why, Mr. Chambreau," she said; "what is the
matter?" " Oh, dear, I cannot pay my rent and I cannot get
ahead in my business, and I have had this tempting
offer to go back to my old ways."
She said kindly : " I wiU be your friend," and ran
out immediately, and visited several good Christian
people who contributed money enough to pay his rent
and bridge over the difficulties.
It was not long after, that, tin ding Ned Chambreau
a most efficient Indian scout, I employed him as such
I sent him everywhere, and, as he was familiar -vrith
the different tribes and spoke fluently the Chinook
language, he did the Govemment good serrice. He re
mained an active Christian until his death.
472

In the Northwest, Among the Indians
Owing to my pecuniary condition on leaving Wash
ington, I was forced to do something to earn money
over and beyond my pay. Of course, by extreme econ
omy something could be saved of the salary, though
when it is remembered that for some time we were paid
in greenbacks, a depreciated currency, and lost at least
a quarter of the face value, it will be seen that the
needs of a large family would not allow me to save
much. It was then that I began to write for publica
tion. My first effort was " Donald's School Days," an at
tempt to put the New England school life of my youth
into a story for boys. My publishers succeeded in get
ting quite a circulation.
In the winter of 1876, at the request of D. H.
Stearns, during his absence of three months, I wrote
the editorials for his paper, The Portland Bee. This
work did not require much of my time. I have pre
served the editorials until to-day. I remember think
ing I would try an experiment and so wrote sketches
of our public men of the past, of Presidents and other
statesmen, comparing and contrasting them with the
statesmen of that day who were well known to the
country. My efforts worked so well that the paper in
creased in circulation. One day Judge Deady of the
United States District Court met me, and not knowing
that I was connected in any way with the paper said :
"What has happened to the Beel It seems to have
taken on a new life."
His compliment pleased me and made me redouble
my efforts to give interest and strength to the editorial
work. A little later I wrote also for magazines and month
lies, particularly reminiscences of the Civil War.
473

Autobiography of G^en. O. O. Howard
These articles were weU received and brought me a
few hundred doUars.
One day in Portland I was in-rited to give at the
T. M. C. A rooms a lecture on Gettysburg. It was
then that I made my first effort in the war lectures. I
sjwke without notes and told the story of Gettys
burg as weU as I could from my own points of ob
servation. Eridently it proved interesting, for I soon received
many in-ritations to give the lecture.
Nothing ever oppressed me more than a debt, and
I was exceedingly anxious to make the last payment
to that friend who had loaned me the $7,000 when I
needed money.
While in Portland, Ore., we took our letters to the
First Congregational Church of that city, and here,
uniting with our friends of that connection, I did What
I could to assist the minister, Bev. Mr. Eaton, in his
arduous work. Habitually I taught the large Bible
class in his Sunday school, and bore my part in his
social and religions meetings.
As much of my duty had to do with the various
tribes of Indians, I spent much time in going from one
post to another of my extensive territory. The three
Indian wars vrith the Nez Perces, the Piutes and Ban
nocks, and the so-caUed "Sheep Eaters" took three
summers and mnch planning dnring my command of
the Department of the Columbia.
In the Nez Perces campaign I gathered aU avaU
able nulitary force near Fort Lapwai, Idaho, and after
the most arduous campaign, with several battles and
a continuous march of over 1,400 miles across the
Eocky Mountains, making our way through the forests
of the TeUowstone National Park, I sncceeded in de-
474

In the Northwest, Among the Indians
taining the Indians till General Nelson A. Miles over
took and had a battle with them near Bearpaw Moun
tain. The firing was still going on when I arrived on
the field, and through my own iuterpretfers succeeded
in persuading Chief Joseph to abandon further hos
tUe effort and make a prompt surrender.^
In 1876 what was called the " Custer Massacre " oc
curred in Dakota. A large number of officers of the
Seventh cavalry were killed, thus creating an unusual
number of vacancies in the army.
My son Guy, who had finished his studies at Tale
and had been a year working in a Portland banking
house, came to me and said : " In our bank a cashier-
ship became available and another young man without
experience, just from Scotland, was given the place
over my head. Now, father, I want you to ask for me
an appointment ; your friends are in the army I "
I wrote a dispatch to General Sherman, stating
that my son wanted an appointment in the army. Guy,
smiling, said : " Please do not put it that way, but say
that you want it."
" All right, Guy, go up home and see your mother
and find what she says about such an appointment ! "
He soon came back to headquarters and said,
" Mother assents, with the hope of something better
by and by outside."
I sent the telegram asking for a commission in the
cavalry. Within twenty-four hours an answer was re
turned : " Tour son is appointed by the President, regi
ment to be designated hereafter."
He was then placed before an army board, passed
a creditable examination, and entered the serrice.
1 For account of Indian campaign see my -works entitled "Chief Joseph
in Peace and in War'' and "My Life among Hostile Indians." O. O. H.
475

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
When his commission of second lieutenant came, it was
for the TweKth Infantry, not for the cavalry.
EventuaUy, however, he was appointed captain
in the quartermaster's department of the army, and
did serrice where it was especiaUy pleasing to him.
He took great pains to inform himseK with reference
to everything pertaining to nulitary affairs, studying
the tactics of aU civilized nations and sho-vring himseK
particularly able as an executive officer. Part of the
time during the Indian wars I had him on my staff.'
While acting in this capacity, he never wished me
to tell him how to do anything. "Just say, father,
what you want me to do and it -vrill be done." These
characteristics enabled him to perform a variety of
serrice and finally promoted him to lieutenant colonel
and chief quartermaster of the Second Corps in the
enlarged army during the war vrith Spain.
We had been in the Northwest not quite a year
when, having to visit Alaska, I took my family -vrith
me to that territory. We were on the June trip of the
steamer California. The weather was fine and the ex
pedition was very successful, full of interesting inci
dents from start to finish.
We were able to take our steamer on a trip north ,
of Sitka, — a few days and nights' run; -risiting alto
gether seven Indian tribes.^
¦In both the Nez Perces and Bannock -wars Second Lieutenant Guy
Howard's gallant conduct was conspicuous. On August 20, 1877, at Camas
Meadows, Ida. , the Indians made a night attack on our camp and the bullets
were cutting through the tent occupied by Guy and myself. Guy called out,
"Father, lie down or you will be hit," but I noticed that Guy did not lie
down himnolf but immediately went out to assist in forming the lines for
defense. For galant service in action Lieutenant Howard received from the Gov
ernment the brevet rank of first lieutenant. O. O. H.
' Of this joumey I have given a detailed account in my book on Indians.
476

In the Northwest, Among the Indians
On June 17th we were on St. Frederick's Sound.
It appeared like an inland lake, as smooth as a mill
pond, and surrounded by hills large and small and
mountains covered with snow. It being Bunker Hill
Day, we fired a salute with our single cannon. Near
evening I gave to the passengers the story of Gettys
burg, using some red chalk on an improvised black
board. At ten o'clock at night I was still talking to the
people while the sun was considerably above the hori
zon. That night we noticed that there was but little
space from twilight to dawn, not more than an hour.
It was difficult for Mrs. Howard to persuade the chil
dren to go to bed when the sun was shining.
After our return, October, 1875, I received word
that a British general was moving along our border
between Canada and the United States to make in
spections, and that he would be in the vicinity of Fort
Walla Walla before many days. Taking my staff with
me, I went up to meet him, October 12th. Just as we
were setting out from the fort, mounted, my aid-de
camp, Captain J. A. Sladen, undertook to ride a
horse that had not been recently used. The horse had
only a snaffie bit, and the captain, who was a good
rider, had hardly reached the saddle before the animal
sprang forward and leaped a newly opened ditch, just
grazing a tree against which Captain Sladen was
thro-wn. With a leg badly fractured he could see the
bottom of his foot, and as he lay on the ground he
cried out in prayer : " 0 Lord, help me ! " Just as I
reached him he looked into my face and smiled, say
ing : " We always do so when we get into trouble."
I remember that I answered : " Sladen, sometimes
the trouble is permitted for that reason ! "
The captain's leg had to be amputated and he was
477

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
confined for a couple of weeks at the fort and then
went down the river to his home in Portland; when,
later, taking a steamer to join our families at Fort
Stevens near the mouth of the Columbia, he slipped
and broke open the newly healed woimd. He endured
great suffering in consequence of this and, in fact, was
obliged to have his leg amputated again.
Since the accident or pro-ridence, whatever we may
caU it, Sladen has especially enjoyed his Christian
work. We met the English general and his staff and after
shovring them proper attention brought them to Van
couver and Portland. I remember that the general
was greatly pleased -vrith everything in the West ex
cept that the Sabbath was not carefuUy observed.
Walking -with him one Sunday moming, he pointed to
some busy workmen along the Une of the raUroad and
said: "What a pity to set such an example."
I had not been in the city of Portland long before
the active people in the different churches combined to
form a union mission with a -riew to doing something
for the Chinamen, who had already come in large num
bers to that part of the Pacific coast.
In my fanuly there was a young Chinaman of slen
der build, very dignified, and apparently independent.
His name was Moy Tu Ling. One day I gave biwi a
Bible printed in Chinese. He read it quietly without
remark, but soon he joined the mission, became deeply
interested, and united with one of the churches, and
for over twenty-five years has been a consistent Chris
tian and a local missionary to his own people in Port
land. A little later he opened up a store fiUed with
Chinese goods of various descriptions. As a merchant
and as a Christian teacher, for he continued in both
478

In the Northwest, Among the Indians
capacities, he has been remarkably successful. His
chUdren speak good English, and we always say when
we meet them : " What a beautiful family ! " The last
time I was in Portland every child remembered me,
took me by the hand, and called me by name.
Through Moy Tu Ling I came in contact with a
large number of Chinese people and have from time to
time interested myself in their welfare. I always feel
that we ought to put up the bars against an overplus
of immigration; but surely we ought not to discrimi
nate against any given nation.
In 1878 a policy was inaugurated by the War De
partment, with a view to economize, to change the
headquarters of each department from the cities in
which they were located to the nearest army post. At
the end of four years the headquarters of the Depart
ment of the Columbia were moved to Vancouver Bar
racks, and there I went with my staff officers and my
family to remain two years.
At first we occupied the house that had been
brought in pieces around the Horn to Vancouver from
the East. This was done when Captain Eufus Ingalls
was post quartermaster. Soon after its erection Cap
tain U. S. Grant had his rooms in this building. I
took the house as my quarters till we could put up
another structure for the commanding general of the
department. As soon as that was completed we moved
again and occupied it with increased comfort and sat
isfaction. It was while I was stationed at this post and occu
pying these new quarters that General Grant with
some of his family and friends, returning from his
visit around the world in 1879, made us a call. We
gave him and his party an evening reception, having
479

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
in-rited public men from the territory of Washington
and the State of Oregon to meet him.
When General Grant and his wKe rode np -with me
from the Vancouver dock to my quarters, he had many
observations, in the way of reminiscence, to make con
ceming the situation. For example. " That is the In
gaUs house, where I Uved for some time." After look
ing at the house for some moments, he tumed to the
right in the evening twilight — we could see quite a dis
tance up the river — ^and said : " Julia, that is the field
where I planted my potatoes."
She said: "Did yon raise a crop, THysses?"
" No, I got Uttle more than the seed."
As we passed through the town he noticed a tail
brick stmcture that he had not seen before and he said,
addressing me: " What is that, general? "
I answered : " A brewery, sir."
Then he said : " I think, Julia, that must have been
put up on Howard's account; it wasn't here in my
day!" During the reception that evening Giovemor Ferry,
of Washington Territory, in an informal address in
behaK of the citizens, welcomed the general and his
friends to the Pacific coast. The general, standing
¦vrith his hand upon a chair, blushing like a young man
making his first speech, answered the govemor in a
few simple, weU-chosen words. He pointed ont some
of the changes that had taken place since he was sta
tioned in that -ricinity, and he predicted a great future
for Washington and Oregon. After his address I said
to him that I had been told he could not make a speech.
" Oh," he said, " I have been practicing on my feet
since I went abroad tiU I can manage to say a few
words." 480

In the Northwest, Among the Indians
Everybody, including General and Mrs. Grant,
gave Mrs. Howard special credit for the cheerful,
simple, and satisfactory entertainment of the even
mg. It is sometimes thought that a happy reception like
the one we had could not be given without the aid of
wines. This one was especially successful and a good
object lesson to many who were there and who would
be called upon in like manner to entertain their
friends. The general and his company returned to the
steamer for the night, and the next morning I went
with them to Portland — going down the Columbia and
up the Willamette.
One instance showed Grant's humor. He and his
wife were standing near the gunwale as we approached
the city of Portland. The houses, including the roofs,
and the docks were thronged with people. Noticing
them General Grant said to his wife : " Julia, look
there; see those people. This turn-out must be on
your accoimt, because when I came here before there
were not three people on the dock ! "
Soon after this visit to Portland we all accompanied
the general and the strangers on one of the Ocean
Steam Navigation Company's large steamers on an ex
cursion to the Cascades of the Columbia. On the way
up we habitually gathered in a large room of observa
tion, just in front of the lofty pilot house. Grant and
most of the company were smoking, while he told inci
dents of his journey around the world. Among other
things he described in a very graphic way his visit
to Japan. He said he was received by the princes and
officials at Tokio in great style. They were question
ing him with reference to establishing a constitutional
481

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
government in Japan. One of them said : " General,
we would like to have a govemment such as you
have, or such as England has, but we are afraid
that K we give the right of suffrage to the peo
ple they -wiU vote us out of office; of course, we would
like to participate in the liberal govemment that we
desire to estabUsh."
The general repUed: " But do not go so fast; give
the people a right to vote on a few things at first — ^upon
the establishment of schools, for example. By voting
they wiU leam how to vote."
This instance is quite interesting in view of the fact
that very soon a constitutional govemment was in
augurated in Japan, the history of which is certainly
in line -vrith this wholesome adriee of our general,
whose heart and soul were permeated -vrith a love for
our form of govemment.
WhUe we were in Vancouver, on September 17,
1879, our daughter Grace married Captain James T.
Gray, the son of the missionary, W. H. Gray, historian
of Oregon. During the fall of 1879, President Hayes, accom
panied by General Sherman and others, paid a -visit to
Oregon and Washington Territory. I met bim at
Eoseberg as they came up from CalKornia, and ac
companied them along the line of the raUroad and
elsewhere, while they were in my department. We
had interesting journeys up the Columbia and over
Puget Sound. Mr. Hayes was greatly interested in
the various Indian tribes that we met. He had a char
acteristic councU one day with the Puyallups at Ta
coma. The Indians selected their speakers -with some
care, and after the interview was over President
Hayes remarked : " What orators they are ! Every one
482

In the Northwest, Among the Indians
of these wild men has made a speech that would do
honor to a member of Congress."
Just about that time I had difficulty in preserving
a small tract of country to Spokane Lott and his peo
ple. He was the chief of a band of Indians. Lott was
a remarkable character. He was taught Christianity
when a youth by Father Eeles, an old missionary. I
was on one occasion with him in a meeting where there
were two Presbyterian ministers holding a communion.
The habit was for each communicant to make a con
fession of his sins. The Indians told in their simple
way what they had done that was wrong. One man,
for example, said : " I have stolen two horses. I will
never steal horses any more, and I have given back
the horses to the Indian owner."
We were in a large Indian house constructed with
out any windows and having but one room. It was
the only room in the tribe. The women and chUdren
crowded in and sat on the ground. There were a few
benches and a table on one side, where the ministers
were. Several public confessions, one after another,
had been made ; one woman far back rose up and was
talking in a querulous voice. Lott, who was as tall
as Abraham Lincoln, rose slowly from his squatting
position near the table. At his full height he stretched
out his hand, palm down, and motioned it toward the
woman and said something. The interpreter near me
whispered : " Lott says, ' Sister, sit do-wn. Tou can
confess your own sins, but you have no business to
confess other folks' sins.' "
I was in great distress a while before the Presi
dent's visit, because I could not properly protect Lott
and his lands against the encroachments of avaricious
white settlers. I carried the case at once to General
483

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Sherman, and showed him an order setting apart a
portion of the pubUc land, where Lott was, for a reser
vation. This order, approved by General Sherman,
was signed by the President, and I had the satisfac
tion of issuing it and seeing it executed. When, a few
months later, I was obUged to leave for the East, being
under orders to go to West Point as superintendent,
Lott heard of it and came five hundred mUes to see me
in Portland. Hearing that I had already taken the
steamer to depart for San Francisco, Lott rushed on
board, and, seeing me, began to talk rapidly in broken
EngUsh. " Tou no go, no leave ! Tou leave, we have
trouble ; you stay, we have peace." It would be impos
sible to describe his pleadings, but he showed much
feeling and was sure I could remain K I would. I told
him that the President had ordered me to another
field of duty and that I must obey, but that I should
always be his friend, and that I did not think he
would have any more trouble.
I asked Lott once with reference to giving the land
in severalty to the Indians. He said : " No ! No ! "
that with his band it would do no good. There was
hardly an Indian who could take up land according to
law; they did not have the energy or the education.
" If you wiU let me take the reservation I can raise
enough, with the help of the old people, to support
them weU; and this is the way to do tUl the chUdren
grow up and are taught to be like other Americans."

484

CHAPTEE LXIV
SUPERINTENDENT OF THE UNITED STATES MILITARY ACAD
EMY; COMMANDING DEPARTMENT OF THE PLATTE,
OMAHA, NEB.
A SEEIOUS trouble had occurred at the Military
-^^ Academy on account of a colored cadet, Whit
taker, who had been injured, so he asserted, by young
men hazing him. He had been previously so badly
treated that it was not unnatural to suppose that it
had finally culminated in doing him a physical injury.
Whittaker claimed that this was the case and that he
had been bound and maltreated. Those who were op
posed to him said that he had injured himself and then
tied himself up afterwards, and made complaint with a
view to revenging himself upon his enemies. This was
the contention. A court of inquiry had been held at
West Point the result of which had not been at all
satisfactory. The incident had caused a great deal
of public comment in the newspapers, and sharp ex
citement for and against the colored cadet.
President Hayes had an idea that I was the
proper man to settle such a case. For other reasons
also the President wished to assign me to command
the Military Academy. I knew nothing of these rea
sons when suddenly I received orders, near the close
of 1880, to proceed to West Point, and as superintend
ent of the Military Academy take command there.
When we reached Chicago the cold was intense.
The thermometer registered thirty degrees below zero.
485

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
A colored man unkno-wn to me, who was dri-ving the
carriage from the station to the hotel, seized a buffalo
coat and put it over my shoulders, but my son John,
who was then a lad of fourteen, was not sufficientiy
covered and took a severe cold which in the end re
sulted in an attack of pneumonia that nearly cost him
his IKe.
Cold like that seemed to be a positive quantity and
not simply the absence of heat, and when it does take
hold even of a healthy child, it is apt to make its mark
upon him for Ufe.
I went to Washington before I entered upon my
duties at West Point. The President laid the case of
Whittaker, the colored cadet, before me, and asked me
what I would advise. I said at once that I should ad
vise taking the case away from West Point, where the
social prejudice was strong against a negro cadet. I
suggested the yielding to his desire to have a regu
lar court-martial and to locate the court in New
Tork. Whittaker had an able lawyer, a yonng colored
man by the name of Greener, who was defending IriTn
and who was very strongly of the opinion that Whit
taker was innocent of any attempt at fraud or deceit.
The case was tried in New Tork as I recommended,
and the yonng man was pronounced guilty of. doing
himseK the injuries in view of putting his cadet com
rades in a bad light. He was convicted and sentenced
to be discharged the service. On review the Presi
dent, permitting the yonng man to tender his resig
nation, remitted the sentence. After a few weeks the
ugly excitement that grew ont of this event disap^
peared altogether.
I went to the MUitary Academy and assumed com-
486

General Ho-svard, Superintendent United States Military Academy, and Aids-de-Camp at
West Point, N. Y., 1881.
V^Z"^" f'l®™'''! right is his son. Colonel Guy Howard, later killed in action in the Philippine Islands; in the center Lieutenant G
rost\.yiTgll°er;icroTGeVaTrwa*JS^1S^ ''"' ''"'''^' twenty-three years in canapaign a^\^^t5rind

Superintendent of the U. S. Military Academy
mand, and was the superintendent for the two years
1881-82. I found it the hardest office to fill that I had ever
had. There is a beautiful outside to the Military Acad
emy: everything goes on with regularity and order,
and every professor and assistant professor and offi
cer does his duty as fully as any officer in the service,
but I found at that time a social undercurrent that was
not so pleasant, and that the superintendent had some
thing to do besides the ordinary work of commanding
a department. A majority of the officers were
strongly opposed to its remaining a department.
They in general wanted to get it back to where it was,
under the charge of the engineers of the army with
an engineer officer as superintendent. Indeed, there
was extraordinary fretting when the first general
officer was assigned. I was the fourth. The opposi
tion had gathered strength with time. It was not open,
but secret, and consisted in correspondence with the
War Department, with the head of the army, and with
all officers who had in Washington anything to do
-vrith the Military Academy.
There had always been opposition to the change,
and perhaps it was well that, ending with my adminis
tration, the Military Academy, which consisted of the
corps of cadets and other organizations, with all the
population of the reservation, should again be put
under charge of an officer of lower rank than myself,
and cease forever to be a military department. In
fact, it requires less machinery and perhaps more di
rect responsibility on the part of the superintendent,
who could have no other help than the academic staff
proper. One change I had made that gave me a good deal
487

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
of satisfaction. It was with the chaplain, that he
might come into more immediate contact with the ca
dets, and that they should have the privilege of going
directly to him at aU times. To this end he was given
rooms in the cadet barracks, and there he invited the
confidence of the cadets.
The meetings for social religious exercises had
been retained ever since I had established them before
the war.
Another change which caused me a good deal of
heartache was to do away with the system that had
been in vogue so long at the mess haU, of treating the
cadets to very indifferent fare and reasoning that
they ought to be kept to the rations of the enlisted
men. In fact, the rations of the men at the different
posts in the army in the time of peace had been im
proved by their company gardens, by their sale of
bread, and by other means until they were far ahead
of the cadet mess. True, the cadets had a garden, but
in some way everything touching their food was un
satisfactory to them. I recommended that the veteran
purveyor of the mess be retired, and properly paid,
and that an officer, WiUiam F. Spurgin, be detaUed in
his place, and have the whole charge of the cadets'
commissary, garden, and mess hall. I had had a long
experience with Spurgin in the West and knew what
he could do. He came and took hold of the work as
nobody had ever done before. His efforts were so
productive of good results that the cadets very soon
caUed him "General Spurgin." His theory was to
give them the best possible of everything, and while
he improved their table extraordinarily, he managed
to diminish and not increase the expenses.
I found again that the -windows of what we used to
488

Supermtendent of the U. S. Military Academy
call " The New Barracks," having small diamond panes
of glass, brought so little light into the cadets' rooms,
that it was positively injurious to their eyes. It was
not long before I had those properly replaced by good
windows with large panes.
When I first reached the Military Academy, owing
to a few things in the previous administration in which
the general officer had striven to give the cadets more
and more privileges with a view of relieving as much
as possible the great severity of what had been called
" the West Point system " of merit and demerit, the
cadets had not realized what was being done for them,
and were not appreciative of the favorable changes
enjoyed; these they could not comprehend as well as
the officers who had been there before. Boylike, on
several occasions they showed themselves careless of
their privileges, and taking advantage of the relaxa
tion of discipline did several mischievous things.
On one holiday, for example, they brought in the
night a cannon and a cow into a tower of one of the
buUdings ; and the next morning a cow's head was seen
out of the window of an upper story.
Immediately, of course, there was an investigation,
but the cadets would not betray each other, so that the
mischief makers were unkno-wn to the authorities. At
once there was a resumption of the old severe disci
pline, and, in fact, it was increased so that after going
into barracks cadets were required, contrary to usage,
to walk post as sentries all night in the barrack halls;
commissioned instructors were ordered to live in the
barracks so that every division should have at least
one army officer constantly on the watch to supervise
and report delinquencies.
What resulted from this sudden severity, indicated
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
by the cases I have given, affected the character of the
corps. I found young men who happened to be seen
off limits running to cover, skulking, and hiding behind
logs. It seemed to be just the thing to do to avoid an
officer and deceive him, and break the regulations -vrith
out scruple.
On February 22d, after I took command, I gave an
address to the corps of cadets upon the character of
Washington, and showed them plainly what I thought
of the conduct described, and I told them how much
ashamed their friends were of this e-rident want of
manliness. I said further, that I proposed to reUeve them
of the stringency that had been put upon them. The
guards would be as they formerly were, and taken off
at ten o'clock at night; the instructors should take
up their quarters elsewhere, and no officer be al
lowed to report them from behind -windows and
sheltered places. I vrished them to respond to this
leniency by their courage and manliness, and I
was going to trust them, as cadets had always been
trusted. The response was immediate, and I never
had cause to regret this method of effecting the
change. I studied very hard whUe superintendent to relieve
the overpressure of " the West Point system," particu
larly of the demerit part, but was never able myself to
bring about any considerable change. There is no re
lief from its severity except in the kindness of the
officers who are in charge.
I cannot help thinking that better results would be
obtained at West Point and AnnapoUs by any system
that leans strongly to trusting the young men. This
is found to be the case in colleges and universities
490

Superintendent of the U. S. Military Academy
where there is no demerit roll kept and no daily publi
cation of delinquencies.
Those who favor the West Point system, however,
claim that there are no nobler men produced than
there. That may be true, yet the production of man
liness may be due to something else than the terror
that is constantly experienced when a young man is
listening for his name at every evening roll call.
I did, indeed, save quite a number of young men to
the Military Academy who would have been dismissed
for having exceeded the allowed demerits, by having
them write excuses and so reduce the number within
the appointed limit. Some of these young men are to
day the noblest and ablest we have in public service.
In the fall of 1882 I was ordered to take command
of the Department of the Platte, with headquarters
at Omaha, Neb. That department consisted of Iowa,
Nebraska, Wyoming, Utah, and a part of Idaho. The
Platte Eiver, formed by a great many smaller streams,
which is very broad near its mouth, has a long run
from the Eocky Mountains to the Missouri, and the
greater portion of it is within the limits of that mili
tary department denominated " The Platte."
This department has to do with various Indian
tribes and reservations, and the military posts were
located with a view to looking after them. There was
already danger of an outbreak from the Sioux at the
Eosebud Agency, situated just north of Nebraska, and
at the Pine Eidge Agency farther to the west in the
territory of Dakota.
In the latter part of my stay in the Department of
the Platte there were mining operations quite a dis
tance beyond Fort Steele at Eock Springs and Evans
ton, Wyo. A large camp of Chinamen was located at
491

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Eock Springs by the o-wner of the mines; they were
working quietly and faithfully when they were at
tacked by a body of men who purported to be Amer
ican miners — really foreigners themselves. These
Chinamen were driven out of their homes and large
numbers of them were maltreated; several of them
were killed. The riot was so serious that I sent troops
to the spot who built themselves small huts, and, to
keep the peace and assert the authority of the Govem
ment, remained there several months. On apprehen
sion of trouble at Evanston, I sent a detachment of
soldiers there also.
This was about the beginning of the outrages
against the Chinese laborers which were also going on
along the Pacific coast from the British line to the
southem part of CaUfornia. The effort was so con
tinuous and systematic and carried out -vrith such per
sistency that it could not have been merely accidental.
I have recently understood that a secret association
hostile to Chinese laborers was mainly responsible
for these apparent riots, for the dri-ving out of the
Chinese, and for the subsequent enthusiasm for what
is known as the Chinese Exclusion Law.
The National Park was -vrithin the limits of my
department and at one time I had to send troops there
to preserve order and to help the engineers as far as
practicable in their surveys and in the carrying out of
the contracts that resulted from them. I visited the
National Park when in command of the Department of
the Platte three times ; once passing across the country
from the Union Pacific Eailroad to Washakie and
thence to the Park, going most of the way with a pack
train and saddle horses.
I had the opportunity of being present at the Eose-
492

Superintendent of the U. S. Military Academy
bud Agency and seeing the peculiar dances of the
Sioux Indians gathered there, and later to attend the
exercise of the sun dance. After that experience I
took measures to prevent excesses in the Indians' war
like dances, and particularly in the sun dance, which is
regarded by them as a peaceful, though cruel, settle
ment of difficulties. I use the word cruel, though the
severe injuries received by the Indians were self-
inflicted. This department, like that of the Columbia, covered
much territory, with as many posts to visit; restless
Indians here also had to be watched; so that my time
was principally consumed by public duty.
On February 14, 1884, my son Guy married Jeanie,
daughter of Hon. James M. Woolworth, of Omaha.
They have had two children, Helen, and Otis Wool-
worth Howard.

493

CHAPTEE LXV
IN ETTBOPB, EGYPT, AND CONSTANTINOPLE
EAELT in the season of 1884, I made up my mind,
K possible, to go to Europe. General Sherman,
after bis European tour, had told me that I ought not
to undertake it untU I had at least seven thousand
doUars ahead. I was aware that I had not means
enough to take my famUy; I was sure, however, that
K I waited untU I laid up that sum, I should never go.
One day Mr. Lemon, the editor of the National Trihume
of Washington, D. C, was on a visit to Omaha. He
said he would pay me for monographs on the Ciril
War K I could fumish one a week. I thereupon en
tered into a contract with him which aided me to take
the trip. My son Jamie was studying in Germany
and would meet me at Antwerp, and we two together
could make a reasonably extensive observation.
General Sheridan, then commanding the army, gave
me a leave of absence, and further extended the time
by detailing me to attend the French maneuvers of
the Seventeenth Corps d'Armee in southem France.
Furthermore he instructed me to proceed to riew the
EngUsh war operations near the upper Nile in Africa
and report upon them. The campaign for the reUef
of Khartoom and General Gordon had just then been
inaugurated. I sailed from New Tork March 15, 1884, on the
494

In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
steamer Belgenland of the Eed Star line. I had a very
pleasant voyage and was as usual not seasick.
My son James W. Howard had been for some time
a student attending lectures at the University of Got
tingen. He came to Antwerp and was on hand soon
after I landed. Speaking French and German, he
became my guide and interpreter. In Antwerp we
saw the panorama of Waterloo and different works
of art; and became acquainted with some ambi
tious young artists who were studying, sketching, and
painting in the city. One of them I remember was
very kind to us. He was of good talent and promise.
He became offended at me, however, at last, because
one day when I was with him I compared a beautiful
chromo with an oil painting, saying that in my judg
ment the chromo was nicer than the painting. After
that weak assertion of mine, the young man, enthusi
astic and loyal to his art, would speak to me no more,
and I could not blame him.
At Brussels we enjoyed the fine architectural build
ings and such pictures of the old masters as everybody
sees. My son and I had a good visit to the battlefield of
Waterloo. As soon as I came in sight of the British
Monument, approaching it from the north, I could see
the favorable military position which Wellington took
into his view when he was preparing for battle. The
grounds have been disturbed by landscape gradings,
and yet there is the well-defined crest of a long ridge
behind which the artillery and infantry of Wellington
were formed for action. Tou can see where the
sunken road once was, and easily how it broke up Na
poleon's cavalry charge.
I was much interested in looking at the walled ham-
495

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
let of Hougomont which Colonel MacDonnell, the in
domitable Scotchman, defended to the last. It was in
front of Wellington's line of defense, as Devil's Den
was out in front of Meade's defensive line at Gettys
burg. Hougomont and De-vil's Den were alike useful
to Wellington and Meade in contributing to final
rictory. These two great battles fumish epochs in
history, and results hard to compare or enumerate.
My son had been in Paris before and at our Hotel
de Tibre, and was glad to take me to see the magnifi
cent public buildings, and also the statuary and paint
ings in the Louvre. Our eight days here were busy
ones indeed. Tourists in that time could not have
seen more of Paris. During my visit the Hon. Leri
P. Morton was our minister to France. He received
us kindly, but we did not stay long enough to accept
his proffered hospitahty and entertainment.
Late Sunday night, April 6th, we set out for Mar
seiUes. We took " third class " on the cars. I had
two objects in this. One was economy and the other
was to see the people. My son readUy conversed with
the passengers in French and I could understand them
better the longer I was with them. I noticed, how
ever, that I was always treated with marked politeness
and a deference they did not show to one another. I
asked one intelligent-looking man the reason for this ;
he said, " Vous etes um savant" meaning that I was
a student or scholar. I vrished to know what made
bim think so. He drew his hand across his forehead,
and then caUed attention to the crowsf eet beside my
eyes. Of course this distinction was amusii^ and
pleasant to me and to my son, who, they were sure, was
a student, though he purported to be only a guide and
interpreter. But this feeling hindered the more fa-
496

In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
miliar comradeship which I desired. However, in
France we were not only treated with deference but
with uniform kindness.
Our visit in Marseilles was greatly enjoyed. Notre
Dame, the grand church, impressed me, and not less so
when a special guide took us to see the offerings to the
Lady, such as oars, ankle supports, canes, crutches,
and other things which were donated, coming from
those who had been healed. The guide smiled in
credulously when he said that the Mother and Child
had come down miraculously and rescued drowning
sailors in the harbor and cured the maimed whose love
offerings we were beholding. It is not a bad super
stition to suppose that the lo-ving Virgin -vrith the Child
in her arms had come down and exerted this healing
power, but I felt that the guide himself did not suffi
ciently credit the tales.
Marseilles is an old city, and it makes a lasting im
pression to look upon the streets that have been in the
same condition for ages. They were narrow, thronged
with people, and nowhere in good police. However,
many parts of Marseilles show architectural beauty
and modem improvements.
On Thursday, April 10th, we embarked for Alex
andria on a good-sized steamer, La Seyne, and found
that there were three divisions of people on the
steamer. One was the first class ; the next, the second
class; and the third, the steerage. The second class
was the most numerous and consisted of very re
spectable people hailing from every civilized nation.
For the first class there was but one passenger, an
English gentleman, who became very lonely and
crossed the line of separation to converse with other
passengers. We took passage in the second class, a
497

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
slight promotion from our railroad travel from Paris
to MarseiUes. It was delightful to be upon the Mediterranean, of
whose islands and coasts I had from my childhood read
interesting stories. The weather could have hardly
been more mild and pleasant and we spent much of
our time on the upper deck or on the bridge with the
politest and most accommodating of captains, so that
we were shown everything that eye could take in as
we coasted along eastward.
There was one attractive French family on the
steamer who seemed to enjoy our society ; three ladies
and a gentleman, very tidy in their dress and sprightly
in their conversation. There was besides a retired
English army officer about sixty years of age — a bona
fide Englishman in every respect. He had traveled;
had seen the world, and was willing to admit when
driven to extremes that the United States was already
on the road to coequal prosperity and rank with Great
Britain. I only wondered, as perhaps he himseK did
with regard to ns, why he had aUowed himseK to be
consigned to the second class ; probably because of the
price. In good time we arrived at Naples and anchored
out in the ofSng. Our ship had hardly stopped before
she was thronged with smaU boats of different sizes.
After ha-ring taken a general survey of the situation,
of the city so beautiful in the moming light, of the
islands in sight, and of the mountains, particularly of
Vesuvius of which we had heard so mnch, we slowly
descended to take one of the most commodious of the
transport boats. The man in charge was able to talk
a little English and was very polite and accommodat
ing. He sold us our passage at a reasonable rate and
498

In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
told us distinctly that he would take us for the price
over to the shore and back, for our steamer was bound
for Alexandria and we were to be allowed so many
hours ashore. As we were being rowed across the
harbor I looked up and down the coast and said to my
son, " How like our Seattle are the shores and ap
proaches to the city of Naples and the city itself. "
I was not disappointed in any view that we obtained
that day — the cleamess of the cloudless skies, the soft
ness of the atmosphere, and the singular beauty and
charm of all things that the sunlight of Italy touched.
As in Marseilles, there was every eridence of modem
cirilization — streets that were broad and well kept,
houses that were of every variety, from the neat home
like cottage to the palatial residence ; but not far from
the main thoroughfare you struck throngs of the poor
people and streets so narrow that the buildings al
most touched across them iu their juttings. Along
with all the poverty that comes with the poor tenement
structures, there was no cleanliness observable, and I
do not wonder that contagious diseases have often dec
imated the population. I said to myself as we turned
back to the quay : " It does not do to go too near to
those places which appear so beautKul at a distance."
As we undertook to reembark, a boat, entirely differ
ent from that in which we came, was at the dock for
our accommodation. The man in charge cried out
that the boats all belonged to the same company. We
stepped in and were rowed halfway to our steamer^
when the same man stopped the oarsmen and demanded
of us another fare. Of course I understood the
swmdle and naturaUy made objection. The man
talked to me angrUy in a language I could not inter
pret. With some of my old impatience of spirit which
499

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
I have never been able whoUy to quell, I seized this
ItaUan by the lower part of his blouse and roughly
set bim do-wn upon a cross seat. Just then my son
cried out as he saw the man's motions, " Father, fa
ther, his kmf e ! " He did not strike me -vrith it, but I
was forced, as were the other passengers, to pay a sec
ond fare. I have never recovered from the feeling I
had, to be thus pubhcly robbed; and I wondered how
the authorities of Naples could be -willing to have an
abiding reputation for mistreating strangers.
The next day by 3 a.m. we were on deck for the
passage of the Straits of Messina. Too cahn they
then were for any historic purpose.
The remainder of the voyage from Naples to Alex
andria was a safe one and in every way enjoyable.
Easter Day afforded us a delightful song serrice.
When the sea was calm and the sun shining, the scen
ery, as long as you could see the land, was dehghtful.
The nights also were charming ; we had a bright dome
of abundant starUght over our heads, and all the way
to Alexandria mild April weather.
Upon the Mediterranean with such perfect weather
and favorable skies it was hard to recaU either the dis
asters of -^neas or the shipwreck of St. Paul.
Canon Kingsley in "Hypatia " has given such a Uvely
description of the old landing places in Alexandria
and of the wharf loaded -vrith grain and other produce
that Jamie and I became curious to compare the mod
em -vrith the ancient. Indeed, there had not been
much change untU recently. Now the Enghsh and
French occupation can be felt as you step upon the
shore. Crowds of people meet a boat load of passen
gers and show the utmost eagerness and enthusiasm;
and there are stUl on the quay, as of old, pUes and
500

In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
piles of produce, merchandise, and luggage of every
description, from the handbag to the commercial trav
eler's strong box.
Jamie was getting wiser as we journeyed on, so
that when at least twenty guides presented themselves,
stretching out their hands and endeavoring with much
confusion of tongues to speak English, he quietly re
marked, " Je suis un guide, monsieur." However, he
sought for one determined-looking man and said to
him in Frengh that he would pay only him to get
our luggage from the dock to the Abbot Hotel.
That weU-chosen dragoman, if we may so call him,
selected our luggage and had us delivered in good
form at the public house, but he could not prevent our
being thronged all the way and even after our arrival
by overfriendly natives, each of whom wanted to do
something, be it ever so little, for our comfort.
Jamie obtained some large copper coins of the value of
perhaps half a cent each, and he very graciously ex
tended one of these to every man or boy who had been
of the least service. That was his polite retum for
a slight favor. It worked better with him than with
me, for I had made no such provision, so that among
the irresistible beggars my small change soon disap
peared. My banker, Jamie, wisely abstained from too
frequent replenishment of my denuded pockets.
A whole book could be written on our new experi
ences in Alexandria ; the statues, old caskets in stone,
mummies, all were reminders of ancient history and
art which one finds in the principal collections.
During my short stay in Alexandria I was espe
cially interested in the peculiar dress and manners of
the people. I would stop long and look at caravans
of camels and men of the East just loading for their
501

Autobiography of G^en. O. O. Howard
departure. I enjoyed noticing the women sitting back
in shady places; of course, thinly clad, but in gar
ments that had seen much service, and always with the
ugly veils below their eyes. There would be adult
groups by themselves, or women with children, but
men -vrith large turbans sat in stolid dignity — I mean,
of course, those who are not servants and waiters —
they were always separate.
As early as I could, I went to the principal Chris
tian Mission. The "home" and the school bmlding
were just then empty because it was in vacation, so
that I did not see either teachers or scholars. One
day, however, we journeyed to Eameses, the place
famiUar to readers of the Scriptures. There Eev.
Mr. Ewing and his family had a summer residence
where they stayed during the hottest season. As soon
as I entered their principal room I felt as K I were in
the United States. It was a Christian home. The
mottoes over the doors, the few select books, including
the Bible and hymn book on the table, and the rocking
chairs that had found their way even to Eameses;
the familiar pictures on the waU and the tidy lounge
underneath — everything reminded one of an American
home! I felt this more as we sat do-wn to the noon
day meal -vrith the family, when Mr. Ewing bowed his
head and in a few words gave God thanks for comforts
and blessings.
We risited one Egyptian residence and saw aU we
were aUowed to see. It was an old type of hving and
how different from this home at Eameses! We at
one time looked in upon a school taught after the Mo
hammedan fashion : ten or twelve boys sitting on the
dirt floor, going over and over again extracts from the
Koran or from Sanscrit selections. The missionary
502

In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
teaching of some two hundred pupils in Alexandria
was far different. Certainly the new was better than
the old.
I met in Alexandria English officers who were re
turning from the great expedition in upper Egypt,
which at one time it was hoped would relieve the pres
sure upon Chinese Gordon and set him free. Gordon
before this had been slain and the expedition given
over for the time. One officer, Lieutenant Colonel
Ardagh of the Eoyal Engineers, took me to his tempo
rary office and showed me sketches of the fields of
battle in Egypt, and explained to me with so much of
detail all that had lately been done that I was able to
make a full report to my Government. No officer of
our own army could have treated me with more kind
ness than did this young engineer, and I was exceed
ingly grateful.
On Friday, April 18th, we set out for Cairo. The
English railroad, here as everywhere, was very com
plete and the joumey comfortable all the way. The
rate of travel, not then very rapid, gave the observer
every opportunity of taking into accoimt this curious
coimtry of the Nile. The unique method of plo-vring
with the buffalo, using a stick for a plowshare, the
raising of water by old-fashioned machinery, the ac
tivity of the people at that season in plowing and
planting very much as the people do in Mexico, took
our attention. After all, however, I was disappointed
in this portion of the Nile coimtry. It seemed so like
something that had been, and of which there was now
but a faint reminder of the past. Here everybody
spoke of streets that once existed, of to-wns that had
almost disappeared, and the bulk of the inhabitants
appeared to have little hope of anything better, and
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
therefore showed Uttle ritality. It seemed bootless
in this weary land to attempt to engraft a new civiUza
tion upon the old.
Arri-vdng at Cairo, we found a commodious inn, the
Hotel d' Orient, and soon after met the missionaries
who had come from England and the United States.
We found here missionary work going on. There
was not only the diUgent teaching of children, but
the faithful care of the sick in modem hospitals.
Our experiences were similar to those in Alexan
dria in risiting the museums, mosques, and pub
lic buUdings where the Khedive was ostensibly the
head of the Govemment, but the English and French
commissioners, because they controlled the finances,
had the real power. There was considerable discon
tent and fretting among the common people. The
French were not satisfied, and the populace in general
expressed disUke of the English. One could, how
ever, perceive that EngUsh power there was safety,
and, as a rule, a just administration of affairs. We
were very much interested to see how a body of Eng
Ush cavalry were kept in bivouac in some open spaces
in Cairo. Their camp was in order, but the men were
behaving very much as K they were commissioned offi
cers; they were lying aroimd in groups under shady
trees and entertaining each other -vrith songs and
stories, as we were wont to do when times of rest came.
We found that each soldier had employed what was
called a " f eUah " to take care of his horse, to groom,
saddle, bridle, and bring bim -when wanted. Surely
it was almost as good as a commission to the soldier
thus to be able to keep a servant at his command. It
is human nature for a man to -vrish to have somebody
below him. 504

In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
The next day after our arrival at Cairo we took our
way to the Pyramids — from start to finish pursued
by an army of beggars. My son's precaution to se
cure a proper dragoman and give him entire charge
during the joumey was indeed a wise one. In ascend
ing the large Pyramid an English gentleman who had
not taken that precaution was persecuted by volunteer
helpers. One would aid him here and another there
as he ascended the four-feet blocks, from one terrace
to another. At last he became furious and swore at
them and said if they did not let him alone he would
throw them to the bottom, and I think he could have
done it. Our dragoman protected us for the most
part against such persecution. After our descent
from the lofty height I was left alone with a guide to
enter rooms that had been opened in the base of the
Pyramid. I succeeded in getting up several difficult
steps until we came to one room in which was found a
sarcophagus long enough and deep enough to take in
a giant man. The huge casket was made of granite.
After ruminating awhile upon the object of these
chambers and of what they contained, I tumed
back. At one point we came to a sharp descent of
four feet. The stone was as smooth as polished marble
and of great hardness. My guide tumed around and
let himself do-wn to the next level. This with one hand
I could not do. The guide stood back, and looking up
at me smiling said, "Backsheesh, backsheesh," mean
ing a special reward. I was helpless, so I said, " All
right," and sprang into his sturdy arms -vrithout being
bruised, as I must have been had I tried to descend
alone. I had given away all my change, but having a
gold collar button, I pulled it out and gave it to him.
He seemed satisfied and we worked our way slowly to
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
the' outside of the Pyramid. The guide then hastened
to find my son and told him that my coUar button
was not good for him, so Jamie redeemed it for the
sum of thirteen cents.
A bright Uttle boy about ten years old was very at
tentive to me all day. He led me to see the great
Sphinx and showed me the curious phenomenon, al
ways affectionately patting my hand and running along
holding my fingers. I enjoyed the sprightliness and
playful ways of the child. My son had given him a
smaU reward, but when we had stepped into our car
riage and had started, the boy ran after the carriage
screaming and crying, "Backsheesh, backsheesh!"
In his judgment I had not given him sufficient reward.
He stopped his crying only when the driver threat
ened him -vrith his whip, and our dragoman shook his
fist at him. Imagine fifty others besides ourselves un
dertaking that day to satisfy that large swarm
of Egyptian " f eUahs " who were seK-constitnted
guides. Poor people out there in the desert! This
was their only source of revenue.
In Cairo we found the heat intense. The ther
mometer ran to 110° in the shade.
We next went back to Alexandria and retumed the
-risits of our consul and American residents, aU of
whom appeared deUghted to give us entertainment.
The Quinebaug, a United States naval vessel com
manded by Captain Ludlow, was in the harbor. He
had not only paid me a special -visit but inrited my son
and myseK to accept his hospitahty on shipboard.
We were to sail with him from Alexandria to Smyrna.
I had been instructed before leaving Washington to
concert with the commander of the Eastern Squadron,
Admiral Baldwin, in the matter of observing the oper-
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In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
ations of the British in Egypt. Having already ex
changed letters with the admiral I was glad enough to
go on with Captain Ludlow to meet him. We em
barked about three o'clock in the afternoon, April
21st, and were hospitably entertained. Several offi
cers came to pay their respects to me as the repre
sentative of the army. During the night the Quine
baug pulled up anchor and set out for Smyrna. We
moved slowly along during Tuesday and Wednesday
and found ourselves passing numerous islands of the
archipelago. Several of them like Chios, Patmos, and
Samos, had familiar names. Thursday at sunrise the
Quinebaug came in sight of Smyrna. The view was
simply magnificent as we entered the harbor. A glo
rious sight in the morning light was the panorama
framed in by the hills and the mountains — all as
charming as Naples, and something like it in the dis
tance. We soon saw the admiral's ship in the offing.
In the afternoon Admiral Baldwin sent his barge with
an officer to take me to his quarters. Then I was pre
sented to many more officers of the na-vy, some of
whom I had known before. It was not long before I
went ashore. We made the acquaintance of our con
sul, Mr. Stevens, and also of our excellent missionary
of the American board, Dr. Bowen. I had heard much
said against the work of the foreign missions, so that
I was curious here, as I was in Alexandria, to see all
that was going on. There was a grand missionary
work in progress; a fine school also where some two
hundred students were attending. The effect of the
faithful teaching of the missionary was to stir up the
Armenians and interest them to erect larger buildings
and operate larger schools. One's only feeling of re
gret is that the pririleges cannot be extended to the
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Mohammedans. I was inrited one evening to address
the EngUsh-speaking people at the missionary chapel,
and I had a full house. One helper, an Armenian, who
could not speak EngUsh, looking up into my face,
seemed to be fiUed -vrith enthusiasm and emotion.
When asked K he could imderstand what General How
ard said, he answered in his own tongue, " No, but I
imderstand the spirit of it."
It was a great privUege to risit the tomb of Poly-
carp and to take in aU we could of Smyrna, which is
the only one to remain of all those cities mentioned
in the Eevelation. Smyrna has surely fulfiUed the
prophecy. We passed by rail out to Ephesus through
rolling uplands Uke the hiU coimtry of Massachusetts.
We were greatly interested in the Temple of Diana.
Many pUlars of the great structure had been excavated
and each pUlar was lying upon the surface of the
ground. There is very Uttle of Ephesus to be seen.
It has quite another enrironment from the old; stUl
we found the debris of a large city. There were the
remnants of the amphitheatre and a place where many
of the ancient tombs had been uncovered. There were
fragments of the outer walls, and sheep cotes and
shelters -vrithin them, always opening outward. All
the fields round about were roughly cultivated. These
lands were hard to work, for tbey seemed as K so-wn
-vrith fragments of rock. Men were at that time
plo-vring among them and gathering them into heaps.
It was difficult to realize that this was the city which
the Apostle Paul had so often risited.
We retumed from Ephesus to Smyrna and to the
Quinebaug. On Sunday, Admiral Baldwin inrited
aU hands to reUgious serrices aboard his flag ship the
Lancaster, on which Captain Potter after serrice kept
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In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
us to lunch at his mess. Our stay on the Quinebaug
gave me for the first time some knowledge of the cus
toms of the navy with which I had never been ac-
acquainted. There was ceremony which was kept up
with great strictness, as it doubtless has to be where
many people are confined to so small a space as on a
man-of-war. I soon took passage from Smyrna to Alexandria on
the merchant steamer Cambodge. Captain Ludlow
courteously sent us in his own boat to the steamer and
we embarked for Constantinople about three o'clock
on Thursday afternoon.
After two nights and a day on board the Cambodge
we were in Constantinople and went to the Hotel de
Pesth. The first night iu Constantinople I wrote in
my note book, " People, people ! Dogs, dogs ! and a
city on hills." As our funds were rather limited
Jamie and I took rooms in the fifth story of the hotel.
We had not been in the city a day before the English
ambassador, Earl Dufferin, climbed the rickety stairs
to our rooms and gave us a cordial invitation to spend
all the time we could at the British Embassy. I had
been able to give him and those with him special atten
tion some years before in Omaha, Neb., when he was
on a tour of observation, and he appeared more than
glad to reciprocate. Lady Dufferin was to have that
night some amateur theatricals. We did not stay
very much at the Embassy, but we did attend the the
atricals and once we dined with the family.
Earl Dufferin was a noble soul and an able man,
and his wife was a beautiful woman, much beloved by
all connected with the Embassy, and by all who knew
her. There is much to see in Constantinople. We vis-
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ited our minister, my friend. General Lew Wallace,
whom I longed to see. From his rooms in the suburb
of Therapia we went across the Bosphorus to see
where Xenophon encamped his 10,000. We enjoyed
Eobert CoUege and all it represented. When I ad
dressed the students there, perhaps two himdred of
them, from Bulgaria and other states, I naturally
inquired, " How many can imderstand me in Eng
Ush! " Nine tenths of the young men inunediately
responded by holding up their hands. It was during
this visit with General Wallace that he told me that he
had written " Ben-Hur " before he went to Palestine,
and that he had his book -vrith him on his first risit to
consult and see how near he had come to veritable
descriptions of places in the Holy Lands.
The Sultan of Turkey invited Admiral Bald-win
and his officers, also myself and son, to dine at the
palace -with htm. General Wallace went -vrith us and
introduced us to his majesty. When we were seated
at the table, the Sultan at one end and his two sons
at the other, the guests were distributed so that the
members of the cabinet and chief officers of the Turk
ish army and navy should sit between any two of the
guests. It was to be a dinner to the army and na-vy
of the United States. I had on my left the Minister
of War and on my right some other cabinet official.
Neither of them could speak EngUsh or French, but
they smiled upon me and kindly helped me at table.
The young jjrinces were near me. I was told that
they were good French scholars, but they did not ven
ture to talk except tn monosyllables. The richness of
the plate and the multitude of courses it would take
an observant news correspondent or an American lady
to describe. After dinner we passed into a long haU,
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In Europe, Egypt, and Constantinople
where we had a charming reception by the Sultan,
who was flanked by his cabinet and staff. General
Wallace presented us all. The Sultan spoke to me
very kindly, particularly mentioning the abundant
services that he had heard I had rendered my own
coimtry, and referred to my armless sleeve as a badge.
He was short in stature and had very much the ap
pearance of the educated Japanese ; his eyes were ex
ceedingly dark, bright, and piercing, and his smile
that came and went was very pleasant.
Captain Henry Otis Dwight, the son of a mission
ary and a missionary himself, who had come home to
America to bear the part of a soldier throughout our
Civil War and then had retumed to his missionary
field, was there at Constantinople. He devoted several
days to our entertainment and showed us the walls of
the city, the mosques, the old churches, including Saint
Sophia, the Constantine Arch, the Hippodrome, the
Obelisk, and Pera. We passed over to the other side
of the Bosphorus (to Scutari) where Dr. Cyrus Ham
lin's great work had been done in furnishing the sol
diers with bread during the Crimean War, and there
we found a splendid girls' school quite equal in quality
if not in numbers to Eobert College. Miss Williams,
the principal teacher, married a missionary while we
were there; and we saw the departure of the couple
from the institution. The girls were all in tears while
they threw rice after the departing couple.
I think that my most instructive visit was to a
large room of the harem of a great Turk (Achmet
Vefik, Pasha). He had at one time been the govemor
of a large province, but just then was on the retired
list of officials. He had many wives but we were not
allowed to see them. He spoke several languages and
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
conversed with us in very fair EngUsh. He told us
that he preferred the French tongue. He was, how
ever, fond of EngUsh books, especially of Shakespeare.
He had tea brought in and served on Uttle tables and
gave us the opportimity to sit on the side cushions, or
floor mats, and smoke. However, he had several chairs
for us in his reception room. He was not offended
because I did not smoke. The Pasha appeared to en
joy his visitors as much as we did the interriew.
We had with us Professor Grosvenor of Eobert
College, a scholarly man who was a great favorite of
this pasha.

512

CHAPTEE LXVI
ITALY AND SWITZERLAND
TirEDNESDAT, May 14th, after twelve days in
» » Constantinople, we went on board the Italian
steamer Odonne and sailed about five o'clock in the
aftemoon for Greece. The passage via the Archipel
ago was so interesting that we remained on deck till
we saw the lights which showed the way into the little
harbor of Piraeus. After a sleep of three hours, near
six o'clock in the morning, we landed at the principal
dock of the city, and I immediately secured a carriage
for Athens. The road was comfortable, being macad
amized, and the farms were good to look at though not
very productive. The people seemed like ours of
New England, active and industrious, everybody doing
something. As we came to Athens, we cried out,
" Beautiful " ; for we saw the new part of the city first.
The modern structures of white marble were very at
tractive. The new part had clean streets and side
walks of stone. We went straight to the Hotel d' Ath
ens, and after refreshment with plenty of clear water,
and a nice breakfast, we looked up our good Amer
ican Minister, Mr. Schuyler. He was a handsome and
charming young man and glad enough to welcome his
countrymen. While in Greece we paid a risit to dK-
ferent churches, the Acropolis, the Parthenon, the old
walls of the city, the Temple of Theseus, and the little
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
chapel on the top of a steep mound called the Temple
of the Winds, and all other places that tourists must
see. A special privilege came to us on Tuesday, May
20th, in attending King George's reception. The king
was goodlooking, tall, strongly built, about forty
years of age, and of high culture. We were introduced
by our minister and the king received us most gra
ciously. In speaking EngUsh his tone and manner
were those of England. The reception itseK was not
crowded and seemed very like those given by our col
lege presidents at Commencement seasons.
Many ancient to-wns were pointed out to us while
in Greece, and especially from the deck of our depart
ing steamer the few remaining tumble-do-wn buildings
of Corinth, but we did not go ashore for further in
spection. The ruins of the old Corinthian Acropolis
were in sight.
Friday moming at Brindisi, Italy, we disembarked
from the steamer Pelops about sunrise and went at
once to the raUroad station. The country round about
as we left Brindisi was attractive and fertile. The
city itself had -vride and clean streets, but notwithstand
ing the general look of prosperity there was a large
sprinkling of beggars among the people. We sped by
rail across a beautiful land, ha-ving every variety of
scenery that any coimtry can exhibit, till we came to
the charming to-wn of Caserta. Our hotel here was
called " Ville de Florence " ; in that summer heat we
had good air besides a broad and charming outlook.
I noticed that there were artificial stone floors, arched
ceilings, rooms wainscoted -vrith cement and colored
like green marble. As we had planned, we rested here
over Sunday.
Quite early Sunday moming Jamie and I saun-
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Italy and Switzerland
tered out and walked to the suburbs where we found a
large field dotted with troops, then quietly at rest.
Soon the reviewing officer, an Italian general, ap
peared. Immediately the men, about 3,000, were
called to attention and marched into position for re
view. All exercises were had then at double-quick
time. The men were hearty looking — not very well
" set up," still the soldiers were vigorous and active.
Though their uniforms were somewhat soiled, and dis
cipline not very apparent, still we said to each other,
" Not so bad ! " We enjoyed the exercises and espe
cially the music.
Most of the day was spent in visiting churches.
By four o'clock the next morning we climbed up the
neighboring mountain to the old monastery, said to be
the only one of any size then presentable in all Italy.
There were about 180 students, taught by German and
ItaUan priests. One conducted us into their wonder
ful chapel, where we had an opportunity to see and par
ticipate in the morning worship. We enjoyed the old
pictures and rich carvings and took much interest iu
looking through the students' rooms, which were like
small cells in a prison and had scarcely more conven
iences. One of the priests, seemingly the Superior,
said to me that he heard that the American minister,
¦ then one of the Astor family of New Tork, had visited
the grand palace at Caserta. He hoped that he would
come up to the monastery sometime, as he desired to
see him. He declared with animation that he wanted
to set eyes on a man that was worth more than a mil
lion dollars and could draw his check for any amount
he liked. Our moming walk and climb gave us good appe
tites, so that we enjoyed our breakfast when we
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
reached the PompeU Hotel. We left for Eome before
eleven o'clock that same Monday morning, May 26th,
and were in the great city by two-thirty in the after
noon. We looked up the Alberti Hotel, where we took
rooms to our liking, and here we met many friends
from America and some who had traveled -vrith us, such
as the Chief .Iustice of Greece, Miss Clark, a Massa
chusetts teacher, and others. We spent one week in
Eome, a city which from my youth I had longed to see,
and enjoyed every moment of that week.
One day we risited the Pantheon, the Amphitheatre
and the Eoman Forum — so much of it as had been
recently uncovered. We looked upon the ObeUsks
upon the Arches of Triumph and the innumerable
monuments which have kept up the record of the Em
perors from Eomulus to the Caesars. Here were the
Seven HiUs in plain riew, and then the places which
had been cro-wned -with as magnificent palaces as the
ancient world knew. Another day we were in St.
Peter's, ascending to the very highest point we could
of that loftiest of structures ; and we studied for a-whUe
the whole surrounding country. We were inrited to
see, in the interior, the Pope's chapel -vrith its time-
honored pictures and its wonderful carvings. We
took in chapel after chapel as we traversed the im
mense spaces below and saw everything that anybody
can see except on pubUc occasions. We came away im
pressed -vrith the thought that St. Peter's of Eome,
about which we had read aU our Uves, had not disap
pointed our expectations. That great cathedral was
broader, longer, higher, more complete, and more mag
nificent than we had dreamed.
Another day we went to a pubUc parade in the new
part of Some across the Tiber and on the way drank
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Italy and Switzerland
at the beautiful fountain. We had the privilege of sit
ting with an American lady, the wife of an Italian
count, who showed that she was happy enough to
meet us Americans and speak with us about the home
land. Just then the King and Queen were reviewing
several well-equipped regiments of the line. Sunday
reviews are popular in Europe, except perhaps with
the Sultan of Turkey, who is wont to have some 20,000
soldiers escort him to his mosque worship on Friday.
On Sunday moming after that review our friends took
us to the Eev. Dr. Nevins's Episcopal church, where we
had a helpful service. We found at the church Mrs.
John Harris. She had been one of the most efficient
missionary workers among our soldiers during the
Civil War. I had seen so much of her then that I was
glad to meet the noble lady again. Her Italian home
was near Florence. She seemed well and contented,
though kept abroad by order of her physician, who for
bade a sea voyage. Perhaps there were no more in
structive lessons than those my son and I had in vis
iting the studios of different celebrated artists. Eome
was full of them, and studios were the popular resort
of sightseers. Hardly any young man goes to Eome without ex
periencing some kind of romantic adventure. I had
mine. The first day we ventured out from our hotel and
crossed the Tiber we saw an active, restless multitude
apparently composed of people from every ci-rilized
nation of the world. From the midst of what appeared
to me to be a large famUy group, a little girl mshed
out. She perhaps was ten years old. She came with
a skip and a jump and extended one hand to me; in
the other was a beautiful bouquet, tiny but variegated
and sweet. She was tidily dressed, had a pretty fig-
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ure and a laughing face. She tried to speak English
as she asked me to buy her nosegay. As I shook my
head, not ha-ving any change to give her, and pleaded
poverty, she took me by the hand and said what I took
to be : "I go with you." She tripped along for a time
by my side, humming some snatch of a tune or trying
to make me understand her talk. At last she smiled
in my face, put her flowers into my side pocket and
ran away, laughing aloud. Jamie said, " Father, you
ought not to have encouraged that child, she -wUl
bother you to death." But I Uked to be so bothered!
Every day when we came she would quickly discover
us and come up, clapping her hands and dancing
aroimd. I was away from home, away from our
own little children, so that the caressing of this
beautiful child was only a reminder and a comfort.
It may not mean much, but I am always proud of
the quick approach and happy recognition of a
chUd. One day was given to the Catacombs. It was of
strange interest to be there underground, to go from
tomb to tomb, and follow out the long gallery, and look
into the dark comers and singular niches, and trace the
lineaments of those who had been long ago distin
guished and the mottoes which were preserved. All
this was noteworthy, but to me after all it was a grew-
some place and I was glad when we had completed our
underground wanderings and come out where we could
breathe fresh air again. My son, who had become
very fond of ancient bridges, singular pa-vings, and
road constructions, took me to the old Appian Way
where some of the Christians of Eome, few indeed in
number, came out to meet the Apostle Paul. We no
ticed the narro-wness of the way, the peculiarity of the
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Italy and Switzerland
pavement, and wondered at the preservation for more
than eighteen centuries of that roadway.
From the Vatican to the tombs, and from the tombs
to the prison where St. Paul was confined, to this old
Appian Way, and thence to the modern hotel, to the
new city on the right bank of the Tiber, and to the
palace of the King in sight of the Seven Hills of the
ancient city, simply jostled us from the old to the new
and from the new to the old and made us feel that
the centuries themselves are not very far apart..
The special attractions, such as the sculpture and
architecture of the modern churches, then the friends
met from home and the evening spent in the Eoman
circus together, and my little child romance are now
after twenty years the things most distinct in my
recollection. It was a bright morning, June 2, 1884, when we left
Eome accompanied by Mrs. Harris, Dr. McMorris, and
Miss Kate Field. It was a picturesque, hilly coimtry
all the way from Eome to Florence. After a good
night's rest we began our rambles in that reno-wned
city. The cathedral, that every tourist has seen, I
found remarkable, not so much for its size as for its
simplicity and beauty of form. After taking tn the
grand structure from different points of view within
and without, we went on to the Piazza Signoria. What
we observed here were the ancient monuments and the
medallion sculptures. Passing through the long cor
ridor to the Pitti Gallery, we studied the statuary and
pictures till our necks ached. At the Portia Eoma
the special thing to see was the statue of Dante;
that was like meeting the picture of a well-known
friend. Later we visited the house which was said to
be his home when in Florence. We also delighted our
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
eyes -vrith the home of Michael Angelo. Indeed, there
was nothing remarkable about it except the feeUng we
had that it was where Michael Angelo had lived.
The most interesting things to me in Florence were
those in line of record about Savonarola. Our risit
extended to what is called St. Mark's Square, and par
ticularly St. Mark's Church where Savonarola had
preached. We went into the monastery which the
guide told us contained Savonarola's cell. In the mon
astery we found a monument that had been erected to
his memory. It is stiU doubtful whether this magnifi
cent preacher of the truth should be classed with
churchmen or statesmen; perhaps with both.
In the moming of Wednesday June 4, 1884, we
crossed the Apennines, enjoying the grand scenery all
the time we could keep outside these blinding tunnels.
My eye fell here and there upon the mountain sides
and followed the terraces up to the very top of the
highest hills. I had not thought that Italy was sO
thickly settled, but as we sped along we saw -villages,
cities, and castles everywhere.
Padua interested me on account of its antiquity and
its miUtary character. The city was only about twenty
miles southwest of Venice and wonderfuUy fortified.
Its principal hall is covered -vrith extraordinary paint
ings and also contains the monument of the great
writer Livy. I had read Livy when a freshman in
college. The University of Padua, too, has always
been remarkable for its students, sometimes ha-ving
upward of 2,000.
Of all the rivers we crossed that day the Po was
largest. As we approached nearer to Venice my son
caUed my attention to the "Eubicon." Having ar
rived at Venice, we had, June 4th, our first ride in a
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Italy and Switzerland
gondola. The effect produced by finding canals in
stead of streets, and gondolas propelled by oarsmen
rather than a cab, was new and vivid. After enjoying
our starlight rowing, we landed at an excellent hotel.
Early on the 5th we set out for St. Mark's and,
looking diligently through the cathedral near by, re
garded with interest the peculiar tower. It was not
long before we were standing on the upper platform
at its very top. Here we had, that moming, a clear
view of the extensive city and its surroundings. Some
young Jews called our attention to the clock on the
tower and we beheld the bronze men striking the bell.
Quite a multitude were with us while we were on the
broad piazza and beholding the happy, active pigeons
beautiful and so tame that they would light on your
shoulders and feed from your hand. We next went
to the Museo (an academy). The pictures and old
sculptures in alto relievo absorbed our attention for a
time — we brought away a well-marked catalogue.
Then came a welcome rest while we lunched. After
that we passed on to the Doge's Palace, took a look
at the historic rooms, the Senate House, and the Li
brary, all decorated with abundant paintings. When
we came into the street we turned and viewed, on the
outside, the Doge's prison, and talked about the bridge
which passes from the palace to the prison, named the
" Bridge of Sighs," and could almost realize the ach
ing of the human hearts that passed from the palace
to the prison never to return.
Venice had everywhere the appearance of decay,
though still very beautiful and attractive. What you
see, however, leaves a feeling of sadness as if for some
thing passing away. Tou ask yourself. How can 125,-
000 people continue to live there? There is little evi-
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Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
dence of enterprise or progress. About ten o'clock
in the evening of this day we again went on board a
large gondola and with some German students as
companions made our way to the train which left the
city that night.
We were in MUan the moming of June Gth, where
the weather was mUd and the skies clear. From the
top of the cathedral, ethereal in its surpassing beauty,
we had a magnificent riew, which took in an immense
portion of Italy. The city is circular and stUl encom
passed on three sides by waUs. The entire circuit is
about eight miles. It can be entered from its different
quarters by ten gates. It has sidewalks thoroughly
paved. The Brera Palace, which was formerly a
Jesuit CoUege, was, when we were there, a great pub
Uc school of art vrith a Ubrary of 140,000 books.
At Turin we risited an Exposition, which was in
active operation just outside the city limits, and saw
the multitude — ^various peoples and climes were repre
sented. From Saturday to Sunday we slept twelve hours
and then attended an EngUsh church service at eleven
o'clock. We walked about the city considerably Sun
day aftemoon, but it was on Monday, June 9th, that
we accompUshed the most. My son was especiaUy in
terested in the mechanical department. We exam
ined also the war and art divisions of the Exposition.
On this same day we went from Turin to Bellinzona,
an ItaUan town of some importance, reaUy in Swit
zerland, situated on the left bank of the Tecino. It
used to be guarded by three old castles and completely
commanded the road through the valley where it is
located. We arrived at midnight and the hotels were
closed and so we decided to stay in the depot, but the
raUroad agent said that he must close up that build-
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Italy and Svritzerland
ing and that we could not be allowed to remain in it,
so we walked about the city for a while and when we
were weary, without asking permission crept into some
cars that were waiting at the station, and slept there
until the morning of June 10th. The train left very
early for the mountains. En route before 5 a.m. we
caught glimpses of old towers and castles here and
there. The land was rough and rocky, but the scenery
was grand. The sides of some of the mountains were
terraced high up and under cultivation.
Nothing took our attention more than the St. Goth-
ard's Tunnel. The longest reach in that tunnel with
out opening except for ventilation was ten miles.
Having the opportunity to look up, we could see above
us a loop of the road we were ascending. The sound
of our cars at times resembled the Cascades of the
Columbia. In Lucerne, Switzerland, by 1 p.m. of the same day,
where we spent but a few hours, the country is rug
ged as always in Switzerland, and the ravines and
valleys so narrow that it is a comfort to look out upon
Lake Lucerne. We had a glimpse of the old tower
that was once the lighthouse from which the city and
the canton took their names. Lucerne also has an
arsenal of importance ready for any sudden need.
The famous Lion, a monument to the Swiss guard that
was so faithful in its defense of Louis XVI of France,
reminded us of the pictures and history of that heroic
event. The next morning by 6.30 we arrived in Paris
and went at once to our hotel. That day we took a
trip to Versailles with some American friends and ex
amined the fine furniture of the palace. The grounds
around the palatial building our party pronounced
523

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
superb. We were happy that evening after our retum
to Paris to spend an hour with other intimate friends
from the United States. To see them was like a
breath of air from home.
At our hotel not far from the Opera, there was a
group of Theosophists together with the famous Ma
dame Blavatsky, who was at that time their inspira
tion and leader. Some newspaper people in Amer
ica had sent to Paris Mrs. Laura C. Holloway, a writer
who had prerious to this time written a sketch of my
life. Mrs. Holloway had been sent to make a study
of this society, which claimed at that time to be
investigating Buddhism and other reUgions of the
Orient. She was to examine the pros and cons con
cerning them and make a report to the friends who
sent her. I was glad to become acquainted with Ma
dame Blavatsky, a Eussian countess, who could speak
eight languages with fluency. She spoke English like
an EngUshwoman. She smoked her pipe like a man
of the world and was habitually rough in her manners
and untidy in her dress, but exceptionally intelligent
and entertaining. At that time I was simply intro
duced. Later during my European visit I came across
the party again in Germany.

524

CHAPTEE LXVII
FRANCE AND GERMANY; CONVENTION OF YOUNG MEn's
CHRISTIAN ASSOCIATION, BERLIN, 1884
ON our retum to Paris June llth, we turned to
the Hotel Brisil, Eue Holder. The rooms were
small and we were obliged to climb three flights of
stairs, but the hotel was neat enough excepting the
bathrooms, which were poorly supplied with the main
essential, water. In those days we furnished our own
candles and all other small needs and conveniences
and there were not any " lifts." None then existed in
Paris except in the largest public houses.
On Sunday, June 15th, we all went quite early to
the Madeleine. Perhaps no music could be more ef
fective than that filling the great spaces, caught as one
entered and stood near the doorway. There was an
annual church festival in progress and the auditorium
was filled to overfiowing. It was from the front of
this building that Bonaparte in the very beginning
of his career made his artillery so effective against
the National Guard. On this day Jamie gave us a
treat in what is called a " Duval." It was a peculiarly
constructed restaurant, very economical in its furnish
ing and in its bill of fare. To our astonishment, we
met a number of American friends who were seated
at a neighboring table. They recognized us as we
came in ; thus happily and cheerfully friends meet un
expectedly in all parts of the world.
525

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
That evening we attended Dr. Beren's church (an
EvangeUcal), and Ustened to a sermon in French of
which I was not able to gather much because the
clergyman spoke too rapidly for my American ears.
On June 17th we had a charming walk through the
Bois de Boulogne. The groves, bright green and
fresh in June, have been well preserved and the paths
are as well kept as those in our New Tork Central
Park. There is no better success anywhere in cul
tivating trees, shrubs, and flowers something akin
to nature. We passed from this delightful park into
cross streets, emerging at last into a broad boulevard
which led us to Napoleon's " Arc de Triomphe."
When we had sufficiently fatigued ourselves with walk
ing and studying heroic figures and historic inscrip
tions, we took a carriage and retumed to our hotel.
One estabUshment that I frequently and hopefully
risited was the American Exchange, at that time kept
by Drexel, Harjes & Co. There I always met friends
from America and gathered from New Tork papers
items of news not procurable elsewhere. We natu
rally looked for letters and went away greatly dis
appointed when we found none from home. My wKe,
however, was very faithful to write something and
send her letters with choice newspaper cUppings by
every mail.
My son went to the depot with me on June 21st,
and as I was to go to E-vreux, France, without him,
he gave me pretty thorough instructions. The jour
ney took three hours, and M. Chauvet, our friend, very
kindly met me at the railroad station of his small city,
and took me to his home. There I remained for sis
weeks. His family then consisted of himself, wKe,
and three daughters. The eldest was near sixteen.
526

France and Germany
My object in tarrying with these good people so long
was to learn more French. M. Chauvet was a clergy
man of the Protestant faith, called the Evangelical,
paid, however, by the Government a regular salary,
as church and state were not yet separate. From
him I took daily lessons. The family received stu
dents from England and America. The daughters
could speak a little English, but the father and mother
spoke French only. My son, Jamie, had been with
them some years before. During my stay I was in
troduced to several officers of a regiment of dragoons
and became a friend of the major, whose office corre
sponds to that of our regimental quartermaster and
commissary, only he habitually lived with his family
separate from the regiment. Several times a week the
commanding officer sent me a saddle horse accompanied
by a mounted orderly, so that I had the coveted oppor
tunity of attending reviews and parades, and was
treated with all the courtesy, official and unofficial, that
one could desire. On Sundays I attended M. Chauvet' s
church. While at his house Mrs. Leech, the wife of
my West Point classmate, Colonel Leech, came with
her two children and niece to spend some weeks.
Miss Greble, the niece, my godchild, always talked
English to me and so interrupted my French, to her
amusement and mine.
A short distance from M. Chauvet's was an exten
sive forest. The trees were not very near together
and there was no underbrush. During a holiday all
the family, including the pupils from abroad, would at
times go through the forest, hunting for champignons.
We wandered about at will and enjoyed every experi
ence that an extensive woodland filled with roads and
crossroads without fences could give us. In the heart
527

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
of the forest we would imexpectedly run upon little
homes and hamlets. We enjoyed particularly the va
riety of birds, and here drank in with relish the fresh
air during the hot summer days. Ha-ving filled our
baskets -vrith the right kind of mushrooms, we made our
way back.
One Sunday aftemoon after the quiet moming
serrice I was taken to what one might call the village
green ; for Evreux, though a city of small size, is made
up of -vUlages in communes. To the village green, I
speak of, light-hearted people came in families, and I
saw about the liveliest dance ever seen. A strong
young man full of fun and ardor would seize a maiden,
Uft her up, and s-vring her round, making some joyous
exclamation which she usually met by short screams
and rigorous attempts to free herself from his em
brace. The young people were very happy and grace
ful, as the French always are, however irregular and
-wUd their performances. The parents and children,
laughing and clapping their hands, looked on with de
light. Even our Protestant friends did not think this
fun and exercise inappropriate to the French Sabbath.
I had been some time in Evreux before I discovered
the pecuUarity of the people's reception of strangers.
Again and again I had talked with a Jevrish friend,
M. Goldsmith, and he appeared to enjoy my society,
and I wondered why he did not call and see me.
At last, on inquiry as to the reason, my preceptor told
me that it was my duty, being the newcomer, to risit
him first. Then I did so and he soon retumed my
call. Subsequently his house was open to me, and I
always received from him a cordial welcome.
One day I had occasion to go to a shoe shop, and
finding the shoemaker himseK disposed to chat -vrith
528

France and Germany
me in French while he continued his work, became in
terested in him. He and his wife were sending to
school in Evreux their only son, a lad of twelve. They
were very fond of him and hopeful that he would make
a scholar, and by and by learn a profession or trade
more remunerative than shoemaking. Several times
I visited the worthy couple and they repeatedly in
quired concerning the chances of earning a living in
North America. I was careful in my answers not to
increase their discontent. One day I asked this work
man if he did not have holidays. Shaking his head
he said, " I have none except Christmas." " Why,"
I remarked, "you do not work on Sundays?" "Oh,
yes, I do. I am obliged to work hard seven days in the
week to get enough together to give us a decent living."
Poor people! Like so many other European workers,
L' Amerique du Nord was their constant hope.
During one pleasant Sunday I accompanied M.
Chauvet and part of his family to a distant rillage
named St. Opportune. Here we attended the anni
versary exercises of one of the numerous Evangeli
cal schools. A large congregation, made up princi
pally of the fathers and mothers of the children, was
present. As a rule they were dressed in clean blue
workday frocks, such as the peasantry in France us
ually wear. The exercises were similar to what we
have on anniversary occasions in our village schools,
consisting of literary exercises, examinations, and
singing. There were two sessions in this public exhi
bition. During intermission, while we were at lunch,
M. Chauvet asked me to make an address to the
school and assembled people that afternoon. I told
him that I hardly dared trust myself in French. He
smUed and said that I could try. So, mustering cour-
529

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
age, I took a memorandum book from my pocket and
wrote do-wn a brief address in which I called the atten
tion of the people to the sympathy between our two
republics. I told them how the name of Lafayette was
regarded in our coimtry and pointed out some things
which Lafayette had so generously done for us dur
ing our Eevolutionary War ; and spoke of the mutual
attachment and friendship that had always existed be
tween him and Washington. I submitted my proposed
address to M. Chauvet. He ran it over and made a few
corrections and retumed the manuscript to me -vrith
the comment, " C'est bon." I read my composition as
well as I could to the audience, and was surprised at
the evident s^-mpathy and marked applause which
punctuated my queer delivery. This was my first
and last attempt to give a public address tn French.
It was Friday, August 8th, when I left Evreux for
Paris. Mr. Beddhoes, my English fellow-student,
very kindly accompanied me to the station, conveying
my luggage upon a wheelbarrow. Clara Greble and
Susie Leech also came with M. Chauvet to see me off.
I arrived tn Paris without accident and hastened
to the American Exchange to secure as soon as pos
sible news from home. After dining with a few
friends, I set out from Paris for Cologne the same
evening. While en route I formed the acquaintance
of a Captain Buscho, a very companionable regular
officer tn the Swiss army. He could speak English,
French, or German, and so did me much needed serv
ice as an interpreter.
By six o'clock the next morning we had crossed the
Ehine. Having been in Cologne before, I only stopped
for a brief period between the trains. I had, however,
some new and beautiful views up and do-wn the Ehine
5.30

France and Germany
and took another coveted glimpse at the outside of the
Grand Cathedral. The train moved on and 1 reached
the city of Hanover by the middle of the aftemoon.
The day was delightful. Hanover was neat and
seemed finished above any city I had seen. It was
very complete and attractive, even at the railway sta
tion; but I was troubled, in spite of the instructions
which my son had given me, namely, " Speak English
slowly and you will be understood." I did so, but
everyone shook his head, saying, " Verstehe nicht."
The Swiss captain had left me at a previous junction
so that I was indeed feeling like a stranger in a strange
land. I asked that my luggage be transferred from
one station to another so as to take the train for Got
tingen. At last I came across an official who under
stood my French, so my purpose was accomplished.
After a little amusing experience at the main station
at Gottingen, where I was making an effort to find my
way to Bodemeyer Cottage, I met Mr. Arthur Law
rence, of Boston, whom I knew. He interpreted for me
and conducted me to the home of my friends.
The order and completeness of everything tn this
university town strike the stranger at once. The
little home of the family (von Bodemeyer' s) was no
exception. The family consisted of an aged mother,
Frau Morestadt, her widowed daughter Frau von
Bodemeyer, and the three grandchUdren, young ladies.
There was a brother who was then away at Dresden.
The grossmutter was the widow of a clergyman, who
had died whUe working as a missionary abroad. In
this sweet home was a household of five good women.
They took into their family students from England
and America, and instructed them in the German lan
guage. Those who came into the family were fortu-
531

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
nate, for they were taught the very best German, and
their student IKe was made happy. When I arrived
my son was absent with two of the young ladies, Adel-
heid and Hed-vrig. They had gone on an excursion
into the country. The youngest, Gertrude, who spoke
EngUsh -vrith some difficulty, welcomed me pleasantly
and introduced me to her mother and grandmother,
and was my interpreter until the retum of the excur
sionists. I once read " Undine " and was greatly in
terested in the character of an aged grandmother, who
had the homage of all the family and occupied the chair
of honor. The grossmutter at Gottingen had the hom
age and almost the worship of this family, and she too
occupied the chair of honor, which -<vas a little elevated
and apart. My conversation -vrith her, even by inter
pretation, was delightful. I found her remarkably in
telligent and well versed in history, especially in the
accoimts of Napoleon's battles which took place on
German soil and at a period that she weU remem
bered. Her strong sympathy seemed to be -vrith Bona
parte, perhaps because Hanover had been absorbed by
Prussia. After the retum of my son and the young ladies
I became better acquainted -vrith the family. Adelheid
and Hed-vrig spoke EngUsh perfectly, and very soon
this home in Gottingen became to me a home indeed.
Jamie was a Uttle ashamed of his father, I think, at
that time, because of his having a swollen face, and
nose much too large. He soon, however, took me to
a skilKul German doctor who could speak EngUsh.
My son explained to him -vrith some care that his fa
ther had not been in any conrivial company or place.
The doctor hushed htm instantly and said in plain Eng
lish, " Oh, no, no, this could come from dust tn a rail-
532

France and Germany
way coach." Then with a keen lancet he removed the
germ which caused the swelling and put it, after show
ing it to us, in a vial for preservation. In three days
my face had recovered its healthy tone and wonted
shape. It was deUghtful to my son and myself to risit dK-
ferent parts of the University of Gottingen together.
He had enjoyed the benefits of this institution for
nearly two years. On the Sunday I was in this educa
tional center I accompanied the young people to a
large church. The altar was decorated, probably for
some festival. I was surprised to see in this Luther
an church a large-sized image of the Virgin and the
Child in one corner. A noticeable crucifix was near
the high pulpit. The service was long and so was the
sermon. I knew too few German words to follow the
discourse, though the clergyman spoke with delibera
tion and cleamess. The singing was exceUent. The
Sabbath in Gottingen was kept very much as it is in
a university village in the United States, except that
there was a band concert held in the afternoon iu an
inclosure near an extensive hall with ample groimds.
It was a beautiful day in August, so that the seats and
music were all out of doors. I do not think that I
have ever heard music more restful and satisfying.
This appeared to my New England mind to be more
appropriate to the Sabbath than the dancing and hilar
ity that I witnessed on a Sunday in Evreux.
The day before my departure for Berlin I went
with my son to an evening entertainment. It was a
club meeting where nearly all the members were bi
cycle devotees. I was asked to give a brief address
to the young gentlemen. I did so and Jamie was my
interpreter. His translation brought abundant and
533

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
somewhat noisy applause. I had never seen such
large mugs as those from which the members of this
club drank their beer. The young men were merry
and lively enough, but I saw no signs of intoxication
even after several retums to the mug. We were
helped to lemonade, which we, with our American
taste, preferred to beer.
As I had been called by our International Toung
Men's Christian Association to a conference in Berlin,
I inrited my son, Hed-vrig, and Gertrude to go -vrith me,
and we set out August 19th, and, arriving on the even
ing of the 20th, stopped at the Thiergarten Hotel.
I had been invited to the residence of General Zeitung,
a regular officer of the German army. He kept bach
elor quarters, but at this time was absent from the
city. He had left his servants in the house -vrith a
royal welcome for me. I dined -vrith Count Bemsdorff
and his wKe. There I met many T. M. C. A. delegates,
some of whom I knew. The count, who was on the
staff of the old Emperor Wilhelm, was of remarkable
size. His height was at least six feet four inches,
and his handsome -vrife was almost as tall as he. They
had fine figures, and tn their reception of guests
and at the table presented a notable appearance. I
can never forget the sensation that came over me when
I was presented to this lady. When, a little later af
ter dinner, I had a chance of conversing with her,
she was seated and I was standing; she liked this
manner of entertainment better and so did I. This
couple could speak English perfectly. The count
printed his welcoming address in four languages.
German, English, French, and Italian. He deliv
ered it first in German and then repeated it in
EngUsh. 534

France and Germany
There were two occurrences at this Toung Men's
conference which have remained especially bright and
clear tn my recollection. One was meeting with Fried-
rich Blumenbach. He had been an officer during the
Civil War in the quartermaster's department in my
Eleventh Corps. At that time he was a skeptic and
inclined to laugh at those who professed to be Chris
tians. Indeed, it was a difficult thing to be a consist
ent Christian in an active war. Blumenbach had criti
cised me particularly at that time. After the war,
through the influence of one of our Christian officers
and his wife he was converted and became as pro
nounced a Christian as he had been an opponent. He
became remarkable for establishing Toung Men's
Christian Associations, carrying his work into the far
South, even through the State of Texas. He and I
met at this Berlin conference and I found him actively
engaged in Germany, as he had been in Texas, speaking
and writing and organizing associations. He was
eridently glad to meet me and translated a brief ad
dress for me at the conference.
The other occurrence was my visit to Potsdam,
where I went with members of the conference. Here
we had the opportunity to look at the best-drilled
troops that I had ever seen. We went through the
rooms of Frederick the Great, which had remained
substantially the same as they had been during his life.
After our inspection of everything that was interest
ing, we attended a banquet there given us by our Ger
man friends. I had been asked to speak for the Em
peror, who had written us a pleasant letter and asked
to be considered a " young old man " and to be made
at least a nominal member of the association. I was
¦vrilling to perform this function but I could not speak
535

Autobiography of G^n. O. O. Howard
tn German. So I said that K my friend Blumenbach
would translate for me, I would take that part and re
spond to the toast of the Emperor. Blumenbach trans
lated a few sentences at a time as I spoke. When I had
finished, he told the story of his conversion and said
that he had laughed at me when he was in the army,
but now he -vrished to testify pubUcly that I had been
right and he wrong at that time. After the adjourn
ment of the association and a profitable risit to the
fields of the German nulitary maneuvers, I took the
cars -vrith my friends for Gottingen and Elberfeld; I
soon arrived at the latter city.
Here I again met Mrs. HoUoway and the Blavat
sky company. They had several people of their way
of thinking with them, and Mohini, who had come from
India. Mrs. HoUoway and her friends were staying
at Mr. G^bhart's, a worthy man and a large silk manu
facturer. Sorrow came to him and his family in the
loss of one of his sons. The young man was away
from home, and, getting into some difficulty, wrote to
his father for money. His father, thinking bim ex
travagant, sent him a letter complaining of his con
duct. The young man, driven to desperation, in some
way made a draft upon his father, and his father in
order to frighten him had suit brought against him.
The son declared that in case of arrest he would take
his Ufe. His parents did not really believe that he meant
to do so, but as soon as tbe magistrate put bim under
arrest he committed suicide. The Gebharts were Lu
therans and had held to the orthodox faith, but not
long after this they withdrew from the church and
united with the Theosophists. They were trying to
substitute the Buddhist beUef for the orthodox creed
— so said their friends. The Buddhist idea of rein-
536

France and Germany
carnation would promise them a reunion somewhere
in the long future -vrith their son.
I saw that, in spite of Madame Blavatsky' s great
leaming and her claims of power to work miracles,
she herself was not satisfied; she was not con
tented, and I endeavored to show her how to become
so. I was never able to determine whether or not she
was sincere in her claims. She certainly had some ex
traordinary powers. I came to the conclusion, how
ever, that the simple, straightforward, plain teaching
of the Great Master was better than the mysteries
clustering about this woman and her followers.
During this stay at Elberfeld I made several vis
its to neighboring towns. At Diisseldorf I enjoyed
the libraries and the picture galleries, which are fa
mous. While there with my friend Mr. Keitly, I was
told that the Emperor would make a visit that day to
Dusseldorf. I went to a hall on the second floor of a
public house where we had a good view up and down
the street ; there we saw the Emperor with his suite in
procession, one carriage following another having out
riders. There were a great many people gathered
around our window, men and women trying to catch
a glimpse of the procession. One lady who stood near
me touched me on the arm and said to me in fairly
good English : " Tou are an American officer, I am
told." I said, "Tes, I am General Howard of the
American army." " Then," she asked, " do you know
my brother tn the United States?" I smiled as I
thought of the vast expanse of the United States and
answered, " Pray, tell me what was his name! " She
replied, " His name is A. von Steinwehr." Of course
I was surprised, and so was she when I exclaimed,
" General Steinwehr was under my command when I
537

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
had the Eleventh Army Corps ! He commanded a di
vision under me and held the Cemetery Eidge the first
day at Gettysburg."
I remained till August 30th and then went to
make another visit of a day in Cologne ; then had the
pleasure of ascending the Ehine and of contrasting it
¦vrith the Hudson ; surely there was beauty everywhere.
Of course we were reminded of many of the old legends
when, from our steamer the Humboldt, the location of
ancient castles was pointed out.
Landing at Btngen, I went to Paris and was de
lighted to find at my hotel waiting for me, my son and
aid, Lieutenant Guy Howard, and his wKe. Later
Miss Clara Greble came to us to remain with Mrs.
Guy Howard that my son might accompany me to the
French maneuvers, which were to take place in south
western France, near the Spanish border.

538

CHAPTEE LXVIII
FRENCH ARMY MANEUVERS, 1884; PROMOTION TO MAJOR
GENERAL, UNITED STATES ARMY, SAN FRANCISCO
1886-88
TN Paris, September 4, 1884, Lieutenant John P.
•'¦ Wisser, United States Army, who came to me by
direction of our War Department, Captain Guy How
ard, and myself joined the French officers who were
designated to guide us during the maneuvers of the
Seventeenth Corps d'Armee in the south of France.
A genial young officer, Colonel Eigault, had special
charge of us because we were delegates from the
United States. From that time to the closing review
on September 13th, our delegation, with representative
officers from various other nations, was taken by rail
by carriages, or on horseback from place to place. At
first, arriving at any desired station, horses, with
mounted orderlies holding them, were ready that we
might follow up and see the military exercises which
were already mapped out. We hastened on through
groves, forests, or open fields, often galloping to the
most prominent knoll, where we could observe -vrith
clearness the movements of the troops.^
During my journeys in France I had the pleas
antest relationship with General Kuropatkin, the
officer who subsequently became famous in the war
between Eussia and Japan. He was very hand-
' In my report made to the War Department after returning to America,
full accounts were given of these interesting exercises.
539

Autobiographj' of Gen. O. O. Howard
some, and spoke French so slowly and clearly that
with my limited knowledge of the language I could
understand him. He had at the time the rank of field
marshal, and wore many decorations, and was un
doubtedly the most popular of the officers who were
then suddenly thro-wn together tn this unique and
harmless campaign. He weU iUustrated a high order
of comradeship, often telUng of his odd experiences
in Eussia and pointing them -vrith happy iUustrations.
Furthermore, -vrithout any special design in my con
duct, I so warmly took the part of the existing repub-
Ucan Government of France against aU hostUe criti
cism on the part of many French and foreign officers
whom I met, that I shortly acquired rather an unen
viable fame.
The aristocratic were against any repubUc, and
particularly adverse to the French President. They in
sisted that the President, as is always customary tn
our coimtry, should not be honored -vrith a special toast
at the closing banquet. I had a mind to offer a toast
in his behaK on that occasion and defend it, but I could
not speak French weU enough to give me the necessary
confidence. Sunday, September 14th, we reached Vendome.
Marquis Eochambeau, a descendant of Lafayette,
whom I had the pleasure of entertaining when I was
superintendent of our MUitary Academy, met us abont
midday at the station, and drove us tn a fine carriage
to his o-wn home in the suburbs of the city. That even
ing we met many French people tn a reception given
by the noble marquis and his fanuly ; there were pres
ent distinguished civilians and weU-known naval offi
cers of high rank, and I was impressed by their at
tainments and high-toned gentUity. The next day, my
540

French Army Maneuvers, 1884
son, Lieutenant Howard, and Lieutenant Wisser left
me and went to Paris.
On Monday, September 15th, the marquis and his
two boys, accompanied by a single manservant and
two small hounds, entertained me by a short hunting
expedition. We did not succeed in getting any rabbits
or other game, yet we beat up the hedges and went
through all the forms and exercises of a veritable hunt.
As soon as this rather fruitless effort was over we ris
ited the Castle Levidin, which was very old and crum-
blmg, like so many other notable ruins in that part of
France. Our host showed the ancient church — a
brownstone edifice, distinguished by a cross and thick
covering of beautiful vines. The marquis pointed out
the peasants' small houses, grouped tn little villages,
and told me they were occupied by the men who culti
vated the surrounding fields of his large estate. We
had had a delightful ride, after our hunt, in " the vil
lage wagon," the boys attending us on horseback. At
the close of this pleasant day we dined again with the
family, the parish priest favoring us with his lively
company. The honored marquis had a delightful
home of which his charming wife was the center,
sprightly, cheerful, and happy, never at a loss to en
tertain those with whom she came in contact. The
kindness of this family to all the people round about
was marked and seemed to be reciprocated, though
there were no signs of wealth on the part of the pro
prietor or of the villagers.
After an early breakfast Tuesday, the 16th, the good
marquis accompanied me to Paris. When I bade their
family good-by I hoped that I might return to them
at some time and again enjoy their cheerful company.
No society pleases more than that of the French peo-
541

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
pie, where they have, as these do, pure morals, elegant
maimers, and high culture.
I joined my friends in Paris tn the middle of the
aftemoon. That evening our ambassador, the Hon.
Leri P. Morton, retumed the call that I had preriously
made upon htm. Without previous waming he pre
sented to me from the President of the French Ee
public, M. Carnot, the beautKul decoration of the Le
gion of Honor. Of course, I was surprised and pleased
-vrith this favor and I regarded it as a compUment to
our Govemment, which I had represented iu the ma
neuvers. That very night a great dinner was given to
all of the foreign miUtary officers by the war secretary.
It was a brilliant affair, French officers of high rank
and distinguished civilians being present. Encour
aged by the ambassador, I ventured to wear the much-
prized decoration which he had given me.
I was soon tn England, where I again met my son
Guy and his -vrife. One evening I had the great priri-
lege of listening to Charles H. Spurgeon. It was diffi
cult for me to get a seat in the remotest comer of the
gallery, and surely there were 10,000 people present
tn the immense auditorium. The great majority of
the people had Bibles tn their hands and either read
in concert or looked over what Mr. Spurgeon was read
ing. Though so far away, the instant I heard the
man's voice, which permeated the audience and seemed
to resound from floor to ceiling, and from the pulpit
to the back of the upper gallery, it struck me as differ
ent from any voice that I had ever heard. It was as
clear as a bell and each word of his simple prayer was
heard by every man and woman in the vast assembly.
His preaching was plain and clear, -vrithout any effort
at rhetorical effects, and held us all tn breathless at-
542

French Army Maneuvers, 1884
tention. Spurgeon' s subject was " A Call to Duty."
Surely all present heard the call.
It would have delighted me could I have seen the
British Houses of Parliament tn session, especially
the House of Lords, that conservative body which has
preserved the equipoise of govemment through so
many centuries between the throne and the people.
I enjoyed the Department of War, comparing it -vrith
ours in Washington, but more than anything St. Paul's
Church and the statue of John Howard the philan
thropist. Quite early in Ufe I obtained as good a pic
ture as I could of his features and I was glad to study
them in sculpture.
At the Woolwich arsenal, I was astonished at the
extent of the buildings, so well filled with every class
of proper supplies. To the British we can apply the
words " Semper paratus," — especially tn war material.
October 1st I met Lieutenant Wisser at the London
Exchange. We were both looking for advices from
home. From there we passed on to the famous Mor
iey House, and thence, taking leave of him, I stayed a
while at the Paternoster Eow. There I saw Mr. Hod-
der, President of the Toung Men's Christian Associa
tion, whom I met in the United States. He took me to
Sir George Williams, who was the founder of the
Toung Men's Christian Associations of the world, and
whom Queen Victoria knighted for this, the magnifi
cent work of his life. He appeared very glad to meet
me again, for we had been together in Germany, and
invited me to a limch. He was still intensely inter
ested in the T. M. C. A. work, especially just then in
France. To this work he was constantly making con
tributions. Sir George appeared to be a man of de
cided business ability, and was always remarkable for
543

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
an unfaUing kindness — indeed, large-heartedness was
plainly written in his face.
October 2d, when I arrived in Birmingham, Mr.
Howard Lloyd, the banker, took me in his carriage
through part of the city and then out into the coimtry.
After a swKt suburban ride, we stopped at his resi
dence. AU the country round about reminded me of the
beautKul suburbs of Philadelphia. Mr. Lloyd's -vrife
was a Howard and the daughter of a well-known phy
sician. I found here a charming family — at least a
haK dozen beautiful chUdren. I had come to give a
promised address, ha-ving engaged to do so at our
T. M. C. A. Convention in Berlin. That evening Mr.
Lloyd took me to a large auditorium belonging to the
T. M. C. A. of Birmingham and I had a full house and
a very attentive audience. On this occasion I endeav
ored to show them something of the work of our
United States Christian Commission which the young
men had set tn motion during the CivU War. In Eng
land one thing was erident, that the young men them
selves, members of the association, were striving all
the while to do good to others, and not simply to be
the recipients of bounty.
From Birmingham I passed on rapidly ria London
to Antwerp. Our journeys had been so timed that my
son .Jamie and Miss Adelheid von Bodemeyer, accom
panied by a friend from Gottingen, met me. We four
took passage on the steamer Nederland October 4,
1884. The weather was rough and the waves trouble
some tiU we passed beyond the North Sea, then the
weather was fine.
October 18th, early in the moming, we were at
last at Sandy Hook and by twelve noon were at
Jersey City. The Customhouse officers were poUte
544

French Army Maneuvers, 1884
and pleasant to us, so that we were not long de
tained. I hastened to Brooklyn. There Mrs. Buck and her
sister were in great sorrow. Mr. E. P. Buck, almost
the last one to bid me Godspeed on my departure, had
died during my absence. I had not a better friend
outside my family, and I sorrowed -vrith them.
After a few days tn New Tork, October 20th, with
my party I set out for the West. My boys and the
officers met us at the depot in Omaha, and all the fam
ily were soon gathered around the home table once
more. In the spring of 1885, haring an inspection tour to
make to the TeUowstone National Park, which was
within the limits of my department, I enjoyed a brief
sojourn with Mrs. Howard and a party of friends amid
the wonders of that region. The traces of my route
when pursuing Chief Joseph in the Nez Perces War,
were still visible.
Our four years' stay in Omaha was delightful in
every respect and many were the friends we made
there. Our T. M. C. A. work was well started and es
pecially did I enjoy my relations with the First Con
gregational Church, whose pastor. Dr. A. F. Sherrill,
became the closest of friends to me and my family.
Early in February the death of General Hancock
was announced. My own promotion followed March 19,
1886. Immediately there was excitement for my fam
ily and that of my personal staff. Possessions that
had accumulated had to be disposed of and everything
prepared for a move. The order came with my pro
motion to major general for me to pass from Omaha
to California and assume command of the military di
vision which then embraced the entire Pacific coast.
545

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
The joumey was quickly made and on April 17th I
issued an order assuming command according to my
instructions. At first I made my miUtary headquar
ters, as my predecessor had done, at the Presidio ; but
I took my family to reside tn a charming spot about
halfway between the Presidio and the Oakland land
ing tn San Francisco. There was here a large resi
dence which General McDowell had remodeled, the very
place where Mrs. Howard and I had been entertained
by the McDowells some years before. Near it was an
army post of two companies commanded by Major
John A. Darling. The post was officially called Fort
Mason, but habitually by cirilians Black Point. One
aid-de-camp occupied a pretty cottage at the post. The
groimds of our main house were very charming — the
trees of the southem and tropical growth, the hedges
all aroimd of geranium, larger than I had ever seen
before, and seventy-five varieties of roses beautified
a square. After passing through a high gateway, and
by the watchful sentinel, we were within a veritable
paradise. Taken tn connection with the climate, at all
times genial, our residence as a family in San Fran
cisco -vrill never be forgotten.
Soon after our arrival here, we received the happy
news that our third son, Chancey, whom we had left
in Omaha, had married Miss Alice G. Eusttn of that
city. We had named him Chancey as he was bom on
the second day of the battle of Chancellorsrille. He
has for some years been a Special Examiner of Pen
sions for the Govemment. His happy household — a
wife, three sons and a daughter — constantly remind
me of our o-wn earlier family.

546

CHAPTEE LXIX
TRANSFERRED TO NEW YORK CITY
WE united with the First Congregational Church
of San Francisco, whose pastor was Eev. C. D.
Barrows. He was very enterprising, and with him I
entered into church work with earnestness. He set
apart his pastor's study on Sundays for my Bible
class, and the class was very successful. The room
was usually full. We all profited by the choice fel
lowship of this church. The Toung Men's Christian
Association of San Francisco was thriring under the
superb leadership of H. J. McCoy, the general secre
tary. He soon called upon me to assist him in his
operations, not only for the city but for the coast. My
association with the Loyal Legion and Grand Army
posts was exceedingly pleasant.
During this tour of duty there was restlessness
again among the Apaches of Arizona. General Nelson
A. Miles commanded that department, which formed a
part of my military dirision. The Chiricahua Apaches
had been surrounded by a cavalry force, taken in a
body a hundred miles northward to San Carlos, and
put on a reservation -vrith Indians who were hostile
to them. This was done ostensibly because some
Apaches had become intoxicated and committed griev
ous offenses. As soon as I knew of this enforced re
moval, I said : " The Chiricahuas -vrill break out." The
547

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
next mail brought me news that Geronimo was lead
ing tn a raid against the people of Arizona southward.
The campaign of General Miles ensued; the Indians
after capture or surrender were taken first to Florida
and afterwards to Mount Vemon, Ala. With them
went a small portion of the Araripa Apaches under
Eskiminztn. There seems to have been no reason
whatever for taking Eskiminztn and his people, as
they were not engaged in the raid.
At one time I had word from the Apaches begging
me to come do-wn and see them and stating that they
would give themselves into my hands ; but I answered
that I was unwilling to interfere because they had
broken their treaty -vrith me.
General Shafter was then colonel of the First In
fantry and commanding his regiment in my depart
ment at Angel Island. I saw much of him, especiaUy
in our summer encampments, and always found bim
a diUgent officer in the performance of duty. I did
not see him after I left CalKornia till I met him in
Florida during the Spanish War, when he was in com
mand of the active column at Tampa.
I renewed an exceedingly pleasant acquaintance
with General Alexander Piper ^ whom I knew when a
cadet. He was now colonel of the FKth ArtiUery and
commanded at the Presidio.
I kept up my studies, wrote many articles for pubh
cation, and prepared lectures, such as " Grant and his
Generals," " The Life of General George H. Thomas,"
" Sherman and his March to the Sea." These and
" Gettysburg " were my secular lectures, but for Chris
tian efforts in pubUc I delivered on Sundays or before
= He met -with a sad death at the burning of the Park Hotel, in 1902,
losing his life in the conflagration.
548

Transferred to New York City
religious bodies, among others, " The Power of Small
Things," " Father Love, Patriotic and Christian." I
could always please an audience better when I spoke
-vrithout a manuscript. The manuscript usually had
the effect either to repress my attempts at humor or
the audience's appreciation of it.
In official work I had for my adjutant general
first my classmate General 0. D. Green, and later Gen
eral Chauncey McKeever. My aids were Lieutenant
Edwin St. J. Greble, son of my favorite classmate, and
Lieutenant George N. Chase. General Sherman had
greatly desired for the sake of economy to have di
vision and department headquarters established at the
army posts nearest to the towns or cities, and it was
so arranged until an Act of Congress directed that
they be retumed to the cities. By the President's or
der sent through General Sherman our Military Divi
sion and Department of California went back from the
Presidio to the Phelan Building in San Francisco.
Sherman haring retired, Sheridan was in command
of the army till his death at Nonquitt, Mass., August
5, 1888. During his last illness he had been promoted
to full generalship. This rank he held for about two
months. As soon as his death was announced General
Schofield was placed in command of the Army of the
United States.
About November 1, 1888, my adjutant general was
temporarily absent and my presence at the headquar
ters of my division had never been more necessary, but
by every mail I was receiving word of the extreme
illness of my good mother, then living with my brother
General C. H. Howard, at Glencoe, IU. My brother
wrote about that time: "If you expect to see mother
alive you must come quickly." This distressed me
549

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
greatly, but I saw no way to leave my post, when un
expectedly a vacancy occurred in the command of the
MiUtary Division of the East, headquarters at Govern
or's Island.
Just as soon as I could get ready I set out for Glen
coe and arrived tn time to spend a little over a week
with my mother. I went from her sickroom to Gov
ernor's Island tn time to assume command on Decem
ber 12th. My mother's death took place two days
later. I had left her so cheerful and ready to depart
and be -vrith her Sariour that I did not attempt to go
back to see her again.
My aids, Lieutenants Greble and Chase, came with
me to the new field. The great care of packing up
our household goods in San Francisco was left to Mrs.
Howard, and -vrith the children she came across the
continent by the Canadian Pacific. We were soon all
together again at Governor's Island.
As I had care of both the MiUtary Dirision and the
Department of the East, there was an abundance of
official work. Shortly after this, very sensibly, the
miUtary divisions were aboUshed and thereafter, with
the loss of a few grains of official dignity, I commanded
only the department, but it took a sweep of country
big enough for ordinary ambition. It extended from
the Lakes to the foot of Louisiana. Not a very active
command with only twenty-odd army posts to look out
for, but one's eyes had to be kept open during strikes,
labor troubles, and riots, or disturbance beyond the
control of the States and cities within that domain.
In peace, contingencies must be meditated upon, and
the army commander be always ready for prompt
action. During 1SS9, when making my inspections, I -visited
550

0

Transferred to New York City
Mount Vernon, Ala., and met the Indians, with Geron
imo and Eskiminztn. It is impossible to describe the
meeting. The men ran to me and embraced me with
what I call the " double embrace," and the women
brought their children for me to put my hands on them
and bless them. Geronimo declared that he was go
ing to do his best to have the children educated, and
Eskiminziu begged hard to return to his own farm in
Arizona. They all declared they would do anything I
told them to do. We had formed two Indian compa
nies from the Indian prisoners, one stationed at Mount
Vernon and the other at Fort Pickens. From both
companies I had nothing but excellent reports, and as
soon as it was at all practicable we had the rest sent
to the Indian Territory, where they have been ever
since. One trouble with having regular Indian mili
tary companies was that white soldiers would not serve
under Indian noncommissioned officers, and another
difficulty was the impossibility of having an Indian's
family -vrith him. They, however, made the best of
irregular troops and scouts. It was not long before
all the young Indians were mustered out and joined
their people.
In the same year in New Tork City we had the
Washington Centennial Parade tn honor of the inau
guration of George Washington. It lasted three days.
On the last day of the month of April was the mili
tary participation. All the troops I could gather were
brought together and led in column. Major General
Fitzgerald, being a major general commanding the
New Tork National Guard, objected to the regulars
preceding his troops, because commanded by only a
lieutenant colonel of engineers. I had been re
quested to join the President and others at the review-
551

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ing stand, but as soon as the difficulty was reported
to me, and knowing that I was senior in rank to Fitz
gerald, I entered the column myself in command of the
smaU contingent of regulars. This arrangement made
everything go off -vrithout any further friction.
As a family we changed our churcb relationship
from San Francisco to the New Tork Broadway Taber
nacle, and it was our great pleasure and profit to sit
under the preaching of Dr. WUUam Taylor. On our
retum from church one day my youngest son, Harry,
suggested that we might find some missionary work
nearer home for Sunday aftemoons. A Uttle later
we found over an old stable on EUzabeth Street a
Sunday school which was a part of " Camp Memorial
Church." It was near Grand Street, New Tork, and
had a faithful young man, Mr. Meyerholtz, for superin
tendent. As there was a dearth of teachers, my son
and I took classes and continued -vrith the school un
til my retirement. The accommodations in the old
hall were so poor and the atmosphere so bad that we
began to seek for new quarters. We finaUy bought
a very suitable old church edifice on Chrystie Street.
To pay for this church and make necessary repairs
I was made collector of funds. Just as I had gathered
together between three and four thousand doUars for
the last payment, and a couple of days before I was to
hand over the money, the bank where I made my de
posit failed. The next day I borrowed the money and
completed the payment on the church. In a short time
friends kindly assisted me tn raising the debt. This
" Camp Memorial Church " was later aided by the Con
gregational Missionary Society, and it has had over
twenty years of very successful missionary effort.
Now liring so near New Tork, I frequently met
5.52

Transferred to New York City
Sherman, my old and beloved commander, at his home
on Seventy-second Street, and also at public entertain
ments. He was very fond of having Slocum and my
self (left and right wing commanders) with him, and
when he could he secured us seats, the one on his right
and the other on his left. He then seemed to be very
hearty and strong, but during the wmter of 1890 and
1891 he had a severe attack of erysipelas. Just
before his death, which resulted from this illness, Feb
ruary 14, 1891, he expressed a strong desire that his
two wing commanders, Howard and Slocum, should
conduct his funeral services. Accordingly his broth
er, Hon. John Sherman, wrote and asked us to do so.
We selected one of his division commanders, General
Daniel Butterfield, for the immediate control and di
rection of the New Tork processions, which were very
extensive. I myself went to St. Louis and was pres
ent at the final obsequies, participating in the work of
the escort and all ceremonies, and attending his re
mains to their last resting place beside those of his
wife, on the banks of the Mississippi. His son, Fa
ther Sherman, a Jesuit priest, admirably conducted
all the religious exercises for his father tn St. Louis.
I asked the young man how he had the strength to do
it. Hd smiled and replied by a question to this effect,
"General, do you know what it is to obey orders?"
Though General Sherman was not a Catholic, all the
services were under the direction of the Catholic
church. His brother said to me that this was a com
fort to his children. As the casket containing his re
mains had been brought out and was waiting a few
minutes on the upper step of his house, the pallbearers
stood on the right and left -vrith uncovered heads. The
weather was exceedingly cold. Some one said to Gen-
553

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
eral Joseph E. Johnston, one of the bearers : " Gen
eral, put on your hat, you will take cold." Johnston
answered : " If I were in his place and he standing
here tn mine he would not put on his hat." Thus deU-
cately he signified his deep regard for Sherman. In
fact, these two, after their campaign was over, behaved
always toward each other as brothers. General John
ston did take cold at that funeral, and his own sick
ness and death in Washington City followed soon
after. I was present at his funeral. He had a miU
tary escort of Confederate friends but without arms.
I noticed them as they swung from line to column,
obeying their orders -vrith promptitude Uke the veteran
soldiers that they were.
It was about this time that I took my family to
Florida. We enjoyed the hospitality of the Hon. H.
M. Flagler. What he has done for the eastern por
tion of Florida is enormous in its inception and re
sults. Our stay later at Key West was made very
pleasant. Here I met three colored young men, who
were graduates of Howard University. One of the
young men was superintendent of colored schools. He
presented us with a very beautiful basket of shells.
The editor of the Key West Journal told me that he
did not know what Key West would have done if it
bad not been for these three young men. The school
superintendent was a druggist and a graduate phar
macist. I spent one day tn risiting his excellent
schools. Nothing gratified me more than to find the
alumni of my favorite institution useful and appre
ciated. We made a very pleasant trip at this time across
the narrow gulf to Havana. Patriotic Cubans then
came to me and opened their hearts. They were hop-
554

Transferred to New York City
ing that Cuba, throwing off the yoke of Spain, might
sometime gain her freedom. While standing beside
the statue of Columbus I spoke to a Cuban with refer
ence to Isabella and the projected Columbian Expo
sition in Chicago. He was glad, he said, that so much
was to be made of Columbus. A little later I had an
interview with the captain general, who was a Span
iard. I remarked that we Americans recognized the
fact that Isabella was the patroness who rendered
Columbus's voyage possible.
" Tes," he answered, " but why is it that in all
America there is not a monument raised to her mem
ory ? " This question was the cause of my writing the
life of Isabella of Castile ; not as a monument, but with
a view to quicken the interest, as far as I might be
able to do, in a character which certainly deserves a
very tender recognition from all who have been bene
fited and blessed by the discoveries of Christopher
Columbus. Our daughter Bessie had finished her studies at
Farmington, Conn., and returned home. Harry had
passed through a severe attack of typhoid fever, and
Mrs. Howard and I thought that it would be a good
plan for them to go abroad together and perfect their
French at the house of our good friend, M. Adolph
Chauvet, in Evreux, France. This was done and the
following January Mrs. Howard left New Tork on the
Friesland, and after a pleasant voyage joined the chil
dren, and they traveled together.
My brother, Eev. Eowland B. Howard, had gone
to a Peace Convention held in Eome. He was Ul be
fore starting and was made much worse by his journey
from London to Eome. In the convention as secretary
of the American Peace Society he took a most active
555

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
part tn the speeches and in the proceedings, especially
pleading for a positive recognition of Christ tn the de
Uberation of the Peace Convention. His last speech,
eloquent and strong, increased his illness, and he was
placed in a private hospital, St. Paul's Home. Here
he was attended by Dr. Eobert Prochet, Dr. Toung,
and a competent American nurse. Miss Daniels, of
Brattleboro, Vt., and though he had every possible
attention and care, he died January 25, 1892. My son
Harry, then tn France, went immediately to Eome,
settled up his affairs, and sent his remains to Leeds,
Me., for burial.
During the year 1892 I was asked by D. Appleton
& Co. to write a book for their Great Commanders
series on the IKe of General Zachary Taylor. In the
prosecution of this work I was wonderfully helped by
my honored friend, Francis W. Upham, LL.D., of
New Tork; in fact, Mr. Upham' s reminiscences were
invaluable. For years the hospitality of himself and,
since his decease, of Mrs. Upham, who contributed
liberally to my educational efforts in Tennessee, is
full of bright sunshine in retrospect.
I enjoyed making a thorough study of Taylor's
career, going to every place where history said he had
been, and taking a trip to Old Mexico to see his battle
fields. On this agreeable visit I was accompanied by
Captain and Mrs. Guy Howard, Captain and Mrs.
Charles E. Barnett, Mrs. Shoemaker and daughter, of
Baltimore, and Mrs. Barnett' s mother and sister. Be
fore starting, the Mexican Minister Eomero, who so
generously befriended General Grant in New Tork,
gave me letters to the President of the Mexican Ee
public and to others. Their kindness met me as soon
as I crossed the border. At Camargo the commandant
556

Transferred to New York City
had his battalion under arms to do me honor at ten
o'clock at night. The same thing occurred later, on
our arrival at Matamoras. As soon as I reached the
City of Mexico, an officer of rank, designated by Presi
dent Diaz, met us at the station and showed our party
every attention during our stay at the capital. I en
joyed more than anything else the kind reception
President Diaz gave me. He showed at once his in
tense interest in the education of his people, and
desired me to visit the schools and particularly the
Industrial and Eeform School which he had estab
lished for delinquent youth.
By the courtesy of General Frisbee, of whom I had
heard before my visit, I was able to see all the forts
that became historic during our war with Mexico, and
from his lips I obtained brief and interesting sketches
of each notable conflict.
At the President's suggestion we took a trip to the
vicinity of Vera Cruz, where General Scott began his
operations in 1847, but we were vastly more inter
ested in the coffee plantations which we found on our
route. President Diaz appeared to me to be a man of de
cided ability, who combined marked courtesy with
prompt decision. After seeing him, I have understood
why he has continued so long at the head of affairs,
and aided so materially tn the development and prog
ress of Mexico. It comes from the strong character
of the man.

557

CHAPTEE LXX
D. L. MOODY ON BOARD THE SPREE; SPANISH WAR, 1898;
LINCOLN MEMORIAL L'XI-VERSITY ; CONCLUSION
WHILE -writing the life of Isabella, I felt the lack
of local knowledge, and so determined, if I
could get a leave of absence, to visit Spain. Gen
eral Schofield, commanding the army, gave me permis
sion to be absent from my headquarters from October
15th for two months. At that time I had on my per
sonal staff Lieutenant Charles G. Treat ^ as aid-de
camp, and he accompanied me, leaving New York
October 15th, on the steamer Fulda, North German
Lloyd. I enjoyed the passage from New Tork to
Gibraltar exceedingly.
On Sunday moming we had a public religious serv
ice at which I read selections from the sermons of
Bishop Brooks. Noticing that an Italian Catholic
priest, on his way from Kansas to Italy, did not par
ticipate tn the service, I rallied him pleasantly on the
subject. He said that he had had a headache and that
was the reason he did not come out. I then said to
him: "Father, why don't you preach the Gospel?"
He answered: "What do you mean, General Howard?
I do preach the Gospel."
I replied, " I do not think you do, for here are 300
Italians on board, who are going from the United
1 Since Lieutenant-Colonel and Commandant of Cadets, United States
Military Academy. 558

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
States to Italy. Why do you not preach the Gospel to
them? "
The father then roused himself and said with con
siderable spirit : " I would if I could get a chance."
I laughed and said, " I'll get you a chance."
I went to the captain and told him I wished he would
give the priest a chance to speak to the Italians.
He answered : " Tes, yes, I'll do so. I'll build you
a throne." The captain had a platform constructed, and the
Italians were inrited to attend the meeting. They all
came, men, women, and children, and the father gave
them a good sermon tn Italian. He told them that they
owed the opportunity for the service to me. I then
asked, " Can't you sing? " One tall, bright-eyed man
said, " Tes, we can sing the Litany."
The tall man then began a religious chant and all
the people, with glad faces, joined iu it, and I do not
think I ever heard any song or hymn more melodious
than what they sang. The father was glad of this
opportunity and didn't mind my sitting with him on
the " throne." ^
Mr. Treat and I visited every part of Spain where
we could find that Isabella had been from the time of
her birth till her death and burial. It was an inter
esting journey and one very helpful to me in the work
I was prosecuting. My son James's wife and child
were visiting her home in Gottingen and I met them
at Bremen in order to accompany them home. Mr.
Treat had left me for England while I was en route to
Bremen. Mrs. James Howard and her little girl were
there on my arrival, and the next day we set out for
home on the steamer Spree. At Southampton, Eng-
' See the details of this -visit to Spain in my book, " Isabella of Castile."
559

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
land, I was delighted to see Mr. D. L. Moody and his
son Will Moody come on board. After this accession,
Adelheid, my daughter-in-law, having many friends on
the vessel, we had the prospect of a happy voyage.
On the steamer were people of every nation, 750 of
them, separated into first and second cabin, without
any steerage passengers.
After midnight Friday, we were about eleven hun
dred miles on our way, when the main shaft of the
propeller broke, sending two large fragments through
the bottom of the steamer. The bulkheads had not
been closed and for a time about half the compartments
speedily filled with water. Of course, the compart
ments were instantly shut off from each other by the
bulkhead doors and the water was pumped out from
every compartment except the last two near the stem.
These two could not be secured without straining the
ship and producing a great leakage. The second-class
passengers had been caught in their berths and state
rooms, and rushed to the deck saving scarcely any of
their luggage. At first the electric lights were out
and the gloom and terror that followed the accident
cannot easily be described; yet Captain Willerode,
his crew, and all other employees in the ship showed
no panic, but every man kept his place and did his
duty. My room was near the dining-hall and my
daughter-in-law's farther back. I had her take mine
at once and then went in search of her nursemaid,
Matilda. As I was passing through the crowd, Ma
tilda, who knew no English, got a glimpse of me and
seized my hand, which she held vrith great tenacity
till we reached her mistress.
Early next moming I found Mr. Moody and his son
sitting on deck. Mr. Moody was weakened by sick-
560

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
ness, but as soon as he could speak he said: " General,
let us go down to my stateroom." As we started he
added : " Come, my son, come with us." As soon as
he had entered his stateroom he knelt down by his
berth and prayed, saying : " 0 Lord, when Thy disciples
were on the sea and in trouble, Thou didst save them.
Are we not Thy disciples? Please smooth the waves
so that we shall not be dro-wned, and please send us
a ship." His son and myself followed Mr. Moody m
prayer, also asking for God's mercy and blessing.
Then Moody arose, sat on a high stool, and began to
read the Ninety-first psalm. He paused while reading
and smiling said : " That psalm seems made for just
this occasion, doesn't it?"
After this, with very little delay, we went back to
do whatever we could to comfort and cheer the people.
Mr. Koop, whom I knew, had with him his wife and
two daughters. Mrs. Koop almost immediately be
came delirious, but under the doctor's care was very
soon quietly asleep. Mr. Koop said to me : " Do you
think a man who hasn't been doing his duty ought to
pray at such a time as this ? It seems a little ignoble,
doesn't it?"
I answered : " Perhaps the trouble was permitted,
so far as you are concerned, to lead you to pray."
Then I showed him, giring him an instance, how men
have been led to prayer through meeting with acci
dents. I had hardly finished when Mr. Koop's coun
tenance was filled with hope. From that time on he
became the helper of others who were in need. There
were many cases where people shed tears, some in
great terror and some in great distress.
The acuteness of the situation was shown when
during the first, ahnost hopeless condition, my daugh-
561

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ter-in-law said to me: "Father, I have given up my
home people and my husband, but I do not see how I
could bear it K HUdegard (then three years old) should
cry as we go down." A French countess who was in
perturbation of mind told me she prayed constantly,
but still she was so afraid she could not take off her
boots. One elderly Jew from Eussia was on his knees most
of the time weeping. He insisted that he was the
Jonah because he had come away from home withont
bidding bis family adieu. He thought that if we
would throw him overboard safety would surely
come. On Sunday moming I was trying to encourage a
fellow-passenger who had hard work to repress his
fear, when from the next table a member of ^Ir. Beech
er's old church in Brooklyn called out: "I don't see
where you get your confidence." I put my hand on
my breast and said: " I do not know, but it is tn there."
I suppose, accustomed to danger as I was, this did
not disturb me as much as it did some others.
Mr. Moody proposed to me that we have a serrice,
as it was Sunday. He said: "Tou see the captain;
you can do that better than I can."
I found the captain in his place in the pilot house.
Though suffering excruciatingly from an attack of
cholelithiasis, he answered: "A Christian serrice?
Oh, yes, I am that way myself."
I went at once and saw the head steward and ar
ranged for a serrice between ten and eleven o'clock of
tbat moming tn the dining salon. Then I reported to
Mr. Moody what I bad done. He said, " Tell the peo
ple." I went one way and said that Mr. Moody would
have a serrice tn the dining salon, and WUl Moody
562

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
the other way and said that General Howard would
have the meeting. At last he and I met, having
given the general notification. Before the hour every
body came crowding into the salon. This was filled,
and all the passages leading to it. I think everybody
on the ship responded to the invitation, except, of
course, those on duty. For a while, in the imminent
danger, everybody attempted to pray. Mr. Moody
stood at the head of the table and led the reading and
the prayer. A good Catholic lady from South Amer
ica, returning to New Tork, led our singing, beginning
with " Nearer, my God, to Thee." There was singing
in English and German. I led the speaking, using the
words : " Let not your heart be troubled." A German
officer followed me in German, and I heard him use
some words with which I had closed: " Man's extrem
ity is God's opportunity."
The rest of the day we watched for a steamer, and
saw the day close without any substantial answer to
our petitions. After the accident a young man, a sec
ond-class passenger, occupied one of the berths in my
stateroom, while I slept under the window with my
feet toward the door. The electric light had been re
vived and my door was held open a little way by a
long hook. About three o'clock Monday morning, I
opened my eyes and saw Matilda looking in from the
hallway smiling. She said in plain English, for her
mistress had just taught her the four words : " The
ship is coining, Herr General." Indeed it was true.
The steamer Huron, crossing from Canada, had seen
our signals of distress, and she came, just in time, to
our relief. We had drifted out of the usual course of
ships, and to many on board there appeared very little
hope of our rescue. 563

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
By nine o'clock Monday moming the Huron was
towing the Spree by two strong cables, and we were
quietly dragged for eight days on a smooth sea back
to Queensto-wn, Ireland. As soon as we touched land,
the most of the passengers ran to the nearest church.
It was of the Methodist persuasion and when the house
was well filled. Moody mounted the pulpit and preached
a sermon from the text, " God is Love," and we all
gave thanks. Moody preceded me to the United
States, going over by another Une. I retumed by the
Harvel, a sister ship of the Spree. When I arrived,
I found the newspapers filled -vrith opposition to
Moody's theory, which he expressed tn the brief
phrase, " Prayer saved the ship." When correspond
ents met me and asked me for the facts, I said : " Mr.
Moody's prayer had been, ' Please send us a ship, and
smooth the waves so that we shall not be drowned.'
The ship Huron did come in time to our rescue and we
had a smooth sea for eight days back to Queensto-wn,
Ireland. What we asked for came, but whether our
Heavenly Father performed a miracle to bring this
about I do not know. Tou ask for daily bread and
receive it, and that is sufficient."
It was remarkable that only one man perished on
the Spree. He jumped overboard and refused the
help offered him ; a German sailor said : " He murdered
bis-self." That homeward trip had hundreds of incidents
peculiar to such a situation, but whatever our belief,
surely we were made to feel, as Moody said, that " God
is Love." The long detention prevented our reaching home
till after Christmas, and in that way I was made to
overstay my two months' leave of absence. Under the
564

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
circumstances I was forgiven the delinquency, which
could not have been prevented.
Lieutenant Guy Howard's efficiency brought him
promotion to a captaincy in the quartermaster's de
partment, and he was sent not long after to survey,
lay out, and build Fort Ethan AUen, some four mUes
from Burlmgton, Vt. It is a beautiful post, weU con
structed, and regarded in the army as a great honor
to its builder.
My retirement from the army occurred November
8, 1904 (my sixty-fourth birthday). At noon, the offi
cers of the department staff very kindly gathered at
the headquarters on Governor's Island, and I took
leave of those who had been so closely associated with
me at this my last station. In the evening my family
and I, accompanied by my late aids-de-camp, Captain
Wm. W. Wotherspoon, Lieutenant Charles G. Treat,
and Lieutenant Godfrey H. MacDonald, attended a
farewell reception generously extended to me by the
U. S. Grant Post G. A. E. in Brooklyn. After the
cordial greetings of old war veterans, a slight feeling
of homesickness came over me as I looked on the full
uniforms of my three young officers; I gave them my
last order — to leave me — bidding them an affectionate
farewell. Although I had anticipated this retirement,
still it finally came like a shock, and it took me some
days to become used to the situation, with no one to
command. On our way to Portland, Ore., where we were to
spend the winter, we stopped at Fort Snelling to see
my good friend Colonel E. C. Mason, who had been
my chief of staff during the Nez Perces Indian cam
paign, 1877. Although I protested, stating that I was
supposed now to be retired, the Colonel welcomed tne
565

Autobiography of Gen. O, O. Ho^\•ard
with a military salute of eleven guns. He said that I
would always be his commander and so gave me a re
riew of his entire regiment. In the march past, com
manding a company, was my former aid-de-camp, Cap
tain M. C. Wilkinson, who in the Nez Perces War in the
battle of the Clearwater, July 11 and 12, 1877, had
under my eye performed such gallant services in ac
tion that he was brevetted a major on October 5, 1898.
He was killed in leading an attack against the Indians
at Bear Island, Leech Lake, Minn.
While in Portland we Uved near our daughter, Mrs.
James T. Gray, and her family, and also had the com
panionship of my aid. Captain Joseph A. Sladen.
When I saw him a clerk of the United States Court
and a prominent leader tn all good works, it gave me a
pecuUar satisfaction.
I continued my writings, and while retuming to
the East filled lecture engagements in CaUfornia, Colo
rado, and elsewhere. At Denver we risited my half
brother, Judge Eodelphus Howard Gilmore, who is a
prominent la-wyer of that city. In that year, 1895, we
came to Burlington, Vt., where my son. Captain Guy
Howard, continuing his work at Fort Ethan AUen,
was likely to remain for some years. We Uved in a
rented house for two years, then built a permanent
home on the ridge which overlooks Lake Champlain
and the Adirondacks. We here received word of the
marriage of my fourth son. Lieutenant John Howard,
to Emily Britton in San Francisco. John had been
commissioned a second lieutenant. Nineteenth United
States Infantry, in 1891. During the Philippine insur
rection he became major of the Forty-eighth United
States Volunteer Infantry. He has seen continuous
service with three tours in the PhiUppines, and has
566

HZ
O a
> o f
a 3KP
P5

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
now reached the rank of captain in the regular
army. After extraordinary efforts on the part of General
Horace Porter and several other strong friends of our
late General U. S. Grant, the monument erected to his
memory in New Tork was at last completed and ready
for unveiling. The procession was large, and General
Grenville M. Dodge was made the grand marshal for
the occasion. I was selected to command the veteran
division and so located as to review all the troops as
they passed on northward toward Grant's Tomb. I
sat with my staff for over four hours reviewing the
parade. My station was in the vicinity of Seventieth
Street, with my back toward the river. There was
nothing very remarkable except the excessive coldness
of the weather, which could not, however, dampen the
ardor and enthusiasm of the people. While there, Chief
Joseph of the Nez Perces, who had been my stalwart
enemy, came along in the column with Colonel W. F.
Cody (Buffalo Bill). As tbey moved past. Chief Jo
seph smiled very happily and seemed to be gratified to
be with the staff of General Dodge and participate in
the parade. We were all satisfied with the beauty and
completeness of this great ceremonial in honor of him,
whom as general we had followed and trusted above
every other.
During 1895 we had the first break tn our family,
then numbering seven children and twelve grandchil
dren, or, when we take in those by marriage, twelve
children. My daughter Grace, Mrs. Gray, brought her
five children from Portland, Ore., to Burlington. Her
eldest daughter, Elizabeth Howard Gray, then sixteen
years old, who some time before had had scarlet fever,
died at our home, and was buried in the beautiful
567

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
cemetery on Lake Champlain. She was lovely tn per
son and character.
It was during that year that I was caUed to Cum
berland Gap, Tenn., for a lecture. A large hotel -vrith
some 600 acres of land, called the Four Seasons,
about a mile and a haK beyond the rillage, had,
prior to my visit, failed, lea-ving the property unoccu
pied. The little Harrow school at the rillage was tn
financial distress, owing to the fact that its patrons no
longer assembled at the hotel. Hon. Darwin E. James,
of New York, the Eev. Fred. B. Avery, of Ohio, and I,
-vrith some others, sat one evening on the Harrow school
porch. " What shall we do -vrith our school '? " was
asked. I remember to have been walking up and do-wn
and thinking of the situation. I stopped suddenly and
remarked: "Friends, K you will make this school a
larger enterprise I will take hold and do what I can."
Out of the conference has gro-wn the large and thriv
ing institution which is chartered as " Lincoln Me
morial University." The first president of the board
was Dr. Gray, editor of the Interior, of Chicago. The
600 acres which embraced the Four Seasons property
were purchased, but Dr. Gray's health and strength
soon failed him, and I had from htm and others an ear
nest entreaty to take a more active part in the plant
ing and development of the institution. I reluctantly
consented, but began to work -vrith all the strength I
could muster. I have had associated -vrith me some
noble men, and the institution has been steadily pro
gressing until more than 500 of the youth of the
mountains are recei-ving excellent and systematic
training. The organizing of the institution, the rais
ing of funds for its plant, the establishment of an en
do-wment, and keeping up the running expenses have
568

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
been for eleven years a decided labor of love. The
continued success of this enterprise as a last work
of an active life I greatly desire and earnestly
pray for.
In 1896 was the first presidential campaign tn
which I participated. I had made up my mind, as soon
as I was retired from the active list of the army, that
I would engage in political work as an example to my
children, and also as I wished to carry out my theory
as to the importance of citizenship. I began by can
vassing Vermont and then Maine, making many ad
dresses in different parts of those two States. Sud
denly I received a dispatch from my friend. General
E. A. Alger, entreating me to join his special car
in Chicago for a political tour. There with General
Sickles, General Thomas J. Stewart, Corporal Tan
ner, and a few others I joined General Alger. We
were designated a little later by the opposition as
" The Wrecks of the Civil War." We made a remark
able campaign, carefully scheduled so as to pass from
place to place and give addresses, sometimes from the
rear platform of our car, but mostly from stands ar
ranged for us near the railway line. We began habitu
ally about seven o'clock tn the morning and met au
diences, as a rule, every half hour during the day, and
often had meetings that lasted until eleven o'clock at
night. We passed through Illinois, Minnesota, the
Dakotas, Iowa, Nebraska, Kansas, Missouri, Indiana,
Ohio, Kentucky, and finished in Pennsylvania. To
carry it through and meet all the expenses of this ex
tensive tour, cost General Alger upward of $25,000.
As we met the old soldiers, their children, and their
grandchildren in every part of the land, we received
a royal welcome, and I am sure contributed largely
569

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
to the election of our comrade, William McKinley, to
the first office in the land.
After the Spanish War in 1898 was well under
way, Mr. D. L. Moody, the chairman of the Evangelis
tic Committee, selected Major D. W. Whittle (my pro
vost marshal during the war) and myself to go to the
various camps of the volunteer soldiers and " witness
for the Master " as best we could. We met early tn
May and took counsel together. From the American
Tract Society we obtained important booklets, Crom
well's Bible, and other publications for distribution.
The religious newspapers, especially the Christian
Herald, aided us with weekly papers. From other
sources we obtained dailies in abundance. After we had
laid in an ample supply for the camps then existing,
for example. Camp Alger tn Virginia, Camp Thomas
at Chickamauga, the encampments at Jacksonrille and
Tampa, Fla., and Mobile, Ala., we went together
first to Camp Alger. At each camp we found that
our young men had already given and pitched a large
tent called " The Pavilion." It was well supplied with
tables, chairs, and desks. Plenty of headed paper -vrith
envelopes was provided for the soldiers. Here was
piled up for their use abundance of books and booklets.
A young man well selected by the T. M. C. A., some
times with one or two assistants, was attending to all
the wants of the Pavilion. We saw a large tank of
ice water and noticed a column of soldiers waiting one
after another to obtain a refreshing drink. In the
early evening we had an opportunity of addressing all
who could come to the Pavilion, bringing to the sol
diers our Christian message, and reminding them aS
well as we could of their friends and their homes.
T-vrice we went to Chickamauga, once to each of the
570

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
other camps, and stayed for quite a length of time at
Tampa. My early Christian association with the
churches of Tampa made the visit there especially in
teresting to me and afforded me much to talk about
in the line of reminiscence. Major Whittle, not being
well, did not go with me throughout the Southem tour.
After we separated I had as an associate a very agree
able young man, William C. Howland. He and I met
Chaplain Steele, United States Navy, at Key West.
Steele had secured a large old-fashioned warehouse
just then imused by the owner. This warehouse was
made to answer the purpose of the Pavilion elsewhere.
At Key West I had my first opportunity to address
soldiers and sailors together. The story of the Cross
made simple in its presentation interested them. After
that, we were invited to go on board vessels in the
harbor, where the naval officers seemed happy to meet
us and give their men the opportimity to listen to our
proclamation of the truth as we saw it. We went on
do-wn from Key West to Guantanimo and there met
our fleet under the command of Admiral Sampson.
He very kindly sent me on a little steamer, the Vixen,
commanded by Captain Sharp (a nephew of General
Grant), to Santiago de Cuba. I next passed after ar
rival to the transport steamer Comal, which was fast
ened to the dock in the inner harbor. From this ship
I had a clear view of many streets of Santiago. Here
I saw crowds of Cubans, wretched, impoverished, and
almost blind with starvation, working their way to
get at the food which Clara Barton had been proriding
for them. Touching the work of the T. M. C. A. Chris
tian Commission I wrote : " We rejoice indeed at what
was done and only regret that it was so limited."
Mr. Howland and I came back on the Yucatan as
571

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
far as the Tampa quarantine station, then we went on
board the Seguranca, where there were at least 200
sick people. Every available place in the social hall
held a sick man, bolstered by his knapsack. The ma
jority were afiBicted -vrith severe malarial fever. It was
difficult to find any relief from the gloom of that ship.
Of course, Howland and I did what we could to allevi
ate the situation all the way from Tampa to New Tork
City.i My son Guy Howard was sent early before the
struggle began to Atlanta, Ga., and controlled an
important supply station for the army. When I was
at Camp Alger, he was chief quartermaster of the Sec
ond Army Corps, then commanded by General Wil
liam M. Graham. One incident at that time indi
cated to me the marked executive ability of Colonel
Howard. Some great difficulty was had tn arranging
and loading two large sea transports at Ne-wport
News. The Secretary of War (General Alger) tele
graphed General Graham: " Can't you name an officer
of the quartermaster's department who will go to
Ne-wport News and get those vessels loaded and off? "
General Graham answered : " Tes, I can."
"Who is he?"
" Colonel Guy Howard."
"When can he go? "
" By the next train."
Colonel Howard did go by the next train, and the
day after his arrival the two vessels had all their
supplies and the soldiers on board in good order, and
put to sea.
During all the operations Colonel Howard gave
1 1 have given a detailed account of all this with other experiences in the
Spanish War in a book entitled "Fighting for Humanity," written the
same year. 572

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
great satisfaction for the most effective service, so
that when the reduction occurred by the mustering out
of the volunteers used in Cuba, Porto Eico, and along
the coast, he was retained in his department as major
and soon sent to the Philippines, where he became the
chief quartermaster of General Lawton's division. In
Lawton's most important northward expedition he
was about to depart from San Isidro, and he needed
his important supplies. My son went do-wn the river
in a little steamer, the Oceania, and securing two large
barges, was slowly pulling them up the crooked channel
of the Eio Grande, when near the mouth of the Eio
Chico a body of armed Filipinos, hiding in the tall
grass some 75 yards from the shore, suddenly shot
nearly everybody on the launch. Some were killed
and others woimded. My son and his messenger fell
immediately to the deck. A shot had passed through
Guy's right lung. He sprang to his feet and cried:
" Whatever happens to me, keep the launch going,"
then instantly fell and died.
Sergeant Harris, Second Infantry, whom Colonel
Howard had selected to accompany him, seized the ma
chine gun and set it in motion, firing rapidly; others of
his guard from the barges quickly began their fire,
while friendly Filipino pilots steered the boat, after
two had been killed. The attacking force was driven
off and the barges were carried on safely to their
destination. The very same day, October 22, 1899, the news was
telegraphed to his wife and family at Omaha and to
us at Burlington. This, is the heaviest blow that our
family has had. His sister Bessie in the midst of her
tears said : " Father, he would rather have died in that
way than any other." 573

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
I do not think I have ever met with an officer abler
to plan a campaign or more thoroughly to execute one
planned by another than he.
In 1897 I had command of the veterans during the
inauguration ceremonies of McKinley March 4th.
Again tn 1901 1 enjoyed a double duty. In the moming
General Sickles and I led the escort from the White
House to the Capitol. This took about two hours.
Later in the day I had charge of a dirision of the vet
erans of both wars. When the day was over I found
that I had been tn the saddle seven hours. That ride,
which inaugurated McKinley for the second time, was
taken in my seventieth year.
For several years I had kept up the custom of rid
ing on horseback. Accompanied by my friend Fred
erick Chamberlin, three times I rode through the moun
tains of Kentucky, Tennessee, and Virginia about the
time of the annual Commencement of our Lincohi Me
morial University. We habitually made twenty mUes
a day for a week's time.
At the next inauguration, 1905, I was requested by
President Eoosevelt to perform a similar part in com
manding the veterans ; this I gladly did, and was hon
ored by a special reriew tn front of the Capitol, which
was given me by Lieutenant General Chaffee.
I may remark here that I participated in the can
vass of 1900 for McKinley, making extensive trips and
many addresses, mostly in the West, for McKinley and
Eoosevelt. In 1904 I did the same for Eoosevelt and Fair
banks, going as far as Colorado, but spending most of
my time in New York and Brooklyn. I made a spe
cial point of sustaining Govemor Higgins, whom some
politicians -vrished to lay aside under false assumptions.
574

Major General Howard.
(From a portrait by Mrs. K. Rogers Nowell, 1906-)

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
As he was a good man, I pleaded his case before the
people -vrith ardor. He was elected ; he performed his
duties during his term of office with marked sincerity
and abiUty. His death has recently occurred, and I
am glad to see that all parties now speak of him with
esteem and praise.
This same year our daughter Bessie was married
in Burlington, Vt., to Joseph Bancroft, of Wilmington,
Del. Their little daughter Elizabeth is, at this writ
ing, the youngest of the thirteen grandchildren.
Two years later my youngest son, Harry Stinson
Howard, named for my beloved aid-de-camp, married,
also in Burlington, Sue E. Hertz, and they now share
in the Burlington home. Harry has been with me as
secretary since my retirement from the army, and
has ably assisted me in all my varied work. He has,
in the meantime, graduated from the New Tork Law
School, and been admitted to the Vermont bar.
In addition to lecturing I have spoken on Sundays
at different churches and often on other days in be
half of the Lincohi Memorial University. Mine has
been a busy life. Indeed, I have never been able to
spend more than a week, and hardly that, at any wa
tering-place or chosen spot for summer rest. Thus far
my rest has been the rest of change.
It is very gratifying to me that personal strength
has continued so long, and that I have been so well re
ceived and kindly treated in every part of the country.
Eecently I went to Atlanta, Ga., to be present at the
unveilmg of a monument to General W. H. T. Walker ;
it was erected on the spot where he fell on the Confed
erate side in the battle of Atlanta. McPherson's mon
ument and his are the same in form, and about 600
yards apart. 575

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
A large body of Confederate veterans received me
-vrith warmth and treated me as kindly as if I had be
longed to them. I think that they recognize the fact
that I have been trying hard to sow the seeds of edu
cation, and help buUd up the places laid waste by war.
After many blessed years of married IKe, Mrs.
Howard and I reached the cro-wning point, the
fiftieth anniversary of our wedding, on February 14,
1905. The golden wedding is permitted to a com
parative few, so we were grateful to Him who had
sustained us through our eventful Ufe, that we might
celebrate the occasion together with so many of our
family around us. We held a reception in New Tork,
to which old friends came in the aftemoon; and
thirty-four — brothers, sisters, children, grandchUdren,
and cousins — dined together, all recording their names
in the old family Bible — a wedding gKt from Mrs.
Howard's mother tn 1855.
Amid the rejoicings of the happy event we missed
the familiar faces of those who had preceded us to
the Heavenly Home, and my brother Charles was the
only one present who had stood -vrith us fifty years be
fore, when our Ufe's achievements were still tn the
future. Comrades axd companions of SER¦v^cE :
It was a good work you did in the great Ciril War.
Without you and those soldiers and saUors who have
already passed to the other side of the dark river, the
Union could not have been preserved and the incubus
of human slavery would not have been removed.
I hope you -wUl not in these later days allow a spirit
of unrest or discontent to mar your peace of mind.
There is no adequate reward, I am aware, to the tn-
576

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
dividual patriot for his share tn the great achievement,
but there is a priceless blessing which comes into his
heart in the consciousness that he bore his part man
fully tn the salvation and purification of the Union.
Pessimism will find flaws in our present national
fabric — plenty of problems to solve. Tour children,
fired by your noble example of patriotic fervor and
sacrifice, will attend to the flaws and the solution of
problems. Our Union, as I understand it, when perfected in all
its parts is worthy of our love. I know of no gov
emment on the whole earth so near an ideal republic
as ours. I often think of how an equilateral triangle
exemplifies our threefold system — the Congress, the
Executive, and the Judiciary ; each side of equal inde
pendence, joined solidly together, and yet each acting
separately to perform its functions, wonderful and
complete. That triangle indicates firmness of struc
ture and strength. It is the people's method of gov
erning themselves. By a written constitution our
Congress, our Executive, and our Courts, all three
created by the people, limit and square their modes of
action. May those who come after us have the wisdom
to preserve and defend our nation thus constituted.
It would be suicidal to take from the States the
power essential to their life. As for the territories —
the simple territorial system is surely the best, espe
cially when some life has been given it by the foster
ing care of the nation, particularly, as in the Philip
pines, in an education which is absolutely necessary
to development. Every danger of revolution, riot, or
anarchy is lessened by this simple system, which has
worked well hitherto.
It appears to me that little would be gained by sun-
577

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
dering any portion of our domain from the nation.
Indeed, I would not advocate it anywhere except where
a plain promise of independence has been given.
It is a fitting close to my Ufe story to Uft up my
heart tn thanksgiving to my Heavenly Father for the
mercies and blessings which he has unceasingly show
ered upon me and mine. It is fifty years this spring
since my conversion — when in Tampa, Fla., I began to
have a sense of the presence of the Spirit of God. I
then took the Old and New Testament story of Christ
as giving me the Messiah of promise. To me He was
and is the manKestation of the Infinite One. And in
His name I have prayed and hoped and trusted. His
precept — Love the Lord thy God with all thy heart and
thy neighbor as thyseK — expresses the aim and aspi
ration of my soul.
True, I have often violated my O'wn conviction of
right, yet my religion has been a great help and com
fort to me. To be a member of a Christian church,
as I have always been since that Florida experience,
to participate in its worship from Sabbath to Sabbath,
and to contribute to its activities, I have counted as
duties — yes, far more, as the most satisfying of priri
leges. The people of God — those who hold and have held
tenaciously and sincerely to the Lord God as revealed
to us in the Holy Scriptures, both before and since
the appearance of our beloved Master upon the earth —
constitute one people — one great church.
For any good man to stand aloof and not identify
himself with any branch tn a thorough and practical
way surely would not be best for him nor for his fel
low men. By separate personal action, however in
trinsically good one might be, the whole world could
578

D. L. Moody on Board the Spree
not be reached with the good news, and brought into
unison with the Spirit of Christ.
In closest union with and loyal devotion to our
Great Master, we shall be able to help fulfill His re
quirement — to go into all the world, to teach all people,
and win them to Him by proper words seasoned with
genuine love.
My part in the world's work will soon be finished.
If I know my own strongest desirCj it is that all peo
ple, and especially all children, may receive into their
minds and hearts that teaching which shall make for
their present and future good, which embraces attain
able knowledge and loving-kindness whose pattern is
in the life of Jesus.

579

APPENDIX
COLONEL STANNARD AT HARPER'S FERRY
By General T. S. Peck
MoxDAY morning, September 15, 1862, Colonel
Dixon S. Miles was commanding our forces at Har
per's Ferry. He was obliged to surrender. At the
time the white flag went up Colonel George J. Stan
nard with his regiment, the Ninth Vermont, was on
Bolivar Heights. Seeing the flag, Stannard was deeply
chagrined and tried for two hours to get back and
break through the cordon of hostile troops formed
around our unfortunate garrison. In his last effort
he moved do-wn to the lower road, which runs parallel
to the Shenandoah Eiver, and was headed for the
pontoon bridge that crosses the Potomac from the
village of Harper's Ferry. At the foot of this rocky
road Stannard called for forty volunteers as a " for
lorn hope." He put himself at its head and started,
expecting the regiment to follow, rapidly toward the
bridge. But halfway do-wn he met the head of A. P.
HUl's corps. Instantly we saw two of Hill's aids con
fronting Colonel Stannard. Though firm, they were
gentle tn their maimer and informed the colonel that
the garrison had surrendered, and insisted tbat he take
his regiment at once to the camping ground and stack
arms. This occurred two hours after the other troops
580

Appendix
had given up. Being near him, I looked up and saw
that Stannard's face was covered with tears, and I
was sure that he was still meditating some way to
keep his regiment from marchmg back to that hill.
He began to retire, but his movements were slow and
evidently reluctant. One Confederate officer told Stan
nard that if he did not hasten his march they would
not dilly-dally with him longer, but would fire grape
and canister into the command.
While the regiment was ascending the rocky road
the men were breaking up their muskets and the drum
mers throwing their drums into the deep gorge below ;
officers were also breaking their swords and color-
bearers destroying their flags.
When at last the regiment arrived we were ordered
to stack arms; the Confederates laughed at our at
tempts, and while they were evidently angry to see
the muskets so injured they cheered Colonel Stannard
and his soldiers for their bravery.
The next step was for Colonel Stannard to sign
the parole for all his men not to take up arms again
until regularly exchanged. The colonel on the spot
declined to do this, stating that he would give his o-wn
parole, but could not be responsible for the men in
his regiment. He created delay by one contrivance
and another till late in the afternoon, hoping that
relief would come from McClellan.
At last General Hill told Stannard that if he did
not sign at once the men of his regiment would be
marched to Eichmond and held as prisoners of war.
After that threat Colonel Stannard signed the parole.

581

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
GENERAL STANNARD AT FORT HARRISON
By General T. S. Peck
On September 29, 1864, General Stannard assaulted
and took Fort Harrison with his division. The fort
was located on the north side of the James Eiver,
near Chapia's Bluff, four miles from Eichmond. At
noon on September 30th, General Lee tried to re
capture Fort Harrison; his attacking column, some
7,000 strong, was formed tn three successive lines.
The Confederates made three different attacks within
an hour, and did not withdraw till after at least 2,000
were killed and wounded. Those who survived from
the first Confederate line came into Fort Harrison,
and one of the first arrivals was the colonel of an
Alabama regiment, who, with blood streaming do-wn
his face, looked up at General Stannard and said:
" Tou had better come out of this fort, for General
Lee himself is over there " (pointing to the Confed
erate works), "and he says he will retake this fort"
(Harrison) " K it takes half of his army." Stannard's
reply was : " I shall be happy to see General Lee
whenever he chooses to call."
During this short but terrific engagement Stannard
stood, walked, or ran around the top of the parapet,
hat tn one hand and sword in the other, encouraging
by voice and motions the men of his division. He was
seen not only by men of the Union army, not far away,
but by the Confederates.
Within Fort Harrison were log cabins used dur
ing their occupation by the Confederates as quarters.
These cabins took fire, and between the excessive heat
of the burning buildings and the severe fighting the
men of Stannard's division were in a most hazardous
582

Appendix
position. There was great danger of their being pre
vented in their defense by the hot fire from the build
ings. The wounded and hospital men, however, tore
down the cabins and extinguished the fires.
At the close of the engagement proper the sharp
shooters on both sides for a time continued their car
nival ; then it was that General Stannard was shot tn
his right arm, which was afterwards amputated. His
heroic gaUantry and superb fighting enabled the Union
troops to hold this most important fortification, and
for that action he received the brevet of Jilajor General
of Volunteers. Stannard, with the Second Vermont Brigade, at
Gettysburg, as everybody knows, did heroic work and
helped largely to change a doubtful battle into victory.
He was a hard fighter and a manly man, with noblest
instincts. GENERAL HOOKER'S CONGRATULATORY ORDER
HEji.DQUARTERS ArMY OP THE PoTOMAC,
Camp near Falmouth, Virginia, April 30, 1863.
General Orders, No. 47.
It is with heartfelt satisfaction the Commanding
General announces to the Army that the operations
of the last three days have determined that our enemy
must either ingloriously fly, or come out from behind
his defenses and give us battle on our own ground,
where certain destruction awaits him.
The operations of the Fifth, Eleventh, and Twelfth
Corps have been a succession of splendid achieve
ments. By command of Major General Hooker:
S. Williams,
Assistant Adjutant General.
583

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
ACTS OF CONGRESS ESTABLISHING THE FREED
MEN'S BURE.\U
Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Repre
sentatives of the United States of America in Congress
assembled, That there is hereby established tn the War
Department, to continue during the present war of
rebelUon, and for one year thereafter, a Bureau of
Eefugees, Freedmen and Abandoned Lands, to which
shall be committed, as hereinafter pro-rided, the super
vision and management of all abandoned lands, and
the control of all subjects relating to refugees and
freedmen from rebel States, or from any district of
country -vrithin the territory embraced in the opera
tions of the army, under such rules and regulations as
may be prescribed by the head of the bureau and ap
proved by tbe President. The said bureau shall be
under the management and control of a Commissioner
to be appointed by the President, by and with the
advice and consent of the Senate.
Act approved March 3, 1865.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That where ac
counts are rendered for expenditures for refugees or
freedmen under the approval and sanction of the
proper officers, and which shall have been proper and
necessary, but cannot be settled for want of specific
appropriations, the same may be paid out of the fund
for the relief of refugees and freedmen, on the ap
proval of the Commissioner of the Bureau of Eefugees
and Freedmen.
Act approved June 15, 1866.
Sec. 2. And be it further enacted. That the super
vision and care of said bureau shall extend to all loyal
refugees and freedmen, so far as the same shall be
584

Appendix
necessary to enable them as speedily as practicable to
become self-supporting citizens of the United States,
and to aid them in making the freedom conferred by
proclamation of the commander-in-chief, by emancipa
tion under the laws of States, and by constitutional
amendment, available and beneficial to the public.
Sec. 12. And be it further enacted. That the Com
missioner shall have power to seize, hold, use, lease,
or sell all buildings and tenements, and any lands
appertaining to the same, or otherwise, formerly held
under color of title by the late so-called Confederate
States, and not heretofore disposed of by the United
States, and any buildings or lands held in trust for
the same by any person or persons, and to use the
same or appropriate the proceeds derived therefrom
to the education of the freed people ; and whenever the
bureau shall cease to exist, such of said so-called Con
federate States as shall have made provision for the
education of their citizens, without distinction of color,
shall receive the sum remaining unexpended of such
sales or rentals, which shall be distributed among said
States for educational purposes in proportion to their
population. Sec. 13. And be it further enacted, That the Com
missioner of this bureau shall at all times cooperate
with private benevolent associations of citizens in aid
of freedmen, and with agents and teachers duly ac
credited and appointed by them, and shall hire or
provide by lease buildings for purposes of education
whenever such association shall, without cost to the
government, provide suitable teachers and means of
instruction; and he shall furnish such protection as
may be required for the safe conduct of such schools.
Act of July 16, 1866. 585

Autobiography of Gen. O. O. Howard
Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That unexpended
balances in the hands of the Commissioner, not re
quired otherwise for the due execution of the law, may
be, in the discretion of the Commissioner, applied for
the education of freedmen and refugees, subject to
the provisions of laws applicable thereto.
Act of June 24, 1868.

OFFICEES AND DIEECTOES OF LINCOLN
MEMOEIAL UNR^ESITT
Acknowledgment is made to the foUo-wing list of
officers and directors for their hearty cooperation in
the work of the Lincoln ^lemorial University at Cum
berland Gap, Tenn. :
BOARD OF DIRECTORS
William L. Stooksbury, Ph.D., President.
CoL. Robert F. Patterson, Vice-President, Cumberland Gap, Tenn.
Hon. Dar-win R. James, Treasurer, New York.
Chas. F. Eager, Secretary and Asst. Treas.,
Cumberland Gap, Tenn.
Eugene P. Fairchild, Esq., Financial Sec'y, Rutherford, N. J.
Rev. Fred. Burt Avery, D.D., Cleveland, Ohio.
CoL. E. H. Haskell, Boston, Mass.
Benjamin H. Herbert, Chicago, 111.
John F. Spence, LL.D., Knoxrille, Tenn.
Edgar O. Achorn, Esq., Boston, Mass.
A. Lincoln SEHGiL\N, New York.
Macaulay Arthur, M.D., Middlesboro, Ky.
586

Appendix
W. H. Fulkerson, Jerseyville, 111.
Herman Y. Hughes, Esq., Taze-well, Tenn.
Hon. Henry R. Gibson, Knoxville, Tenn.
Rev. Isaac S. Anderson, Rose Hill, Va.
Franklin E. Nettleton, Esq., Scranton, Pa.
B. F. Young, M.D., Knox-vnlle, Tenn.
Millard F. Overton, Cumberland Gap, Tenn.

NEW YORK ADVISORY COMMITTEE
Rev. W. S. Richardson,
La-\vrence W. Sanders.

NEW YORK FINANCE COMMITTEE
(Investment of Endowment.)
Hon. D. R. James,
Hon. Stewart L. Woodford,
J. H. Washburn.

587

INDEX

INDEX

I indicates Vol. I; II indicates Vol, II; hyphen (-) indicates all pages inclusive be.
tween figures given.

Abercrombie, John J., I, 233, 235.
Abbott, Lyman, II, 269.
Achron, E. O., II, 586.
Adairsville, Battle of, I, 521-527.
Adams, John Quincy, II, 282, 321.
Aiken, Hugh K., II, 133.
Alaska, Trip to, II, 468-484.
Alden, B. R., I, 51, 53, 54.
Alexander, A. J., II, 8.
Alexander, E. P., I, 95.
Alger, RusseU A., II, 569, 572.
Allatoona, Battle of, II, 56-63.
Alley, John W., I, 44.
Alvord, J. W., II, 271.
Ames, Adelbert, I, 349, 383, 386,
424, 429.
Ames, John, I, 7.
Amick, Myron J., II, 83, 139.
Anderson, George B., I, 300.
Anderson, George W., II, 91.
Anderson, I. S., II, 587.
Anderson, R. H., I, 275, 289, 331,
351, 356, 358, 359, 367, 369.
Anderson, Robert, I, 96.
Andrew, John A., I, 124.
Andrews, George L., I, 341.
Andrews, Sidney, II, 440.
Antietam, Battle of, I, 286-306.
Appleton & Co., D., II, 556.
Archer, James J., I, 408, 415.
Ardagh, Lieutenant Colonel, 11,
503.
Armesy, Thomas D., 11, 54.
Amnistead, L. A., 1, 244, 435.
Armitage, Rev., 1, 70.

Armstrong, F. C, II, 63.
Armstrong, S. C, II, 347, 408, 415.
Arnell, Samuel M., II, 437.
Arthur, Macaulay, II, 586.
Ashby, Henry M., I, 173.
Askew, Frank, I, 570.
Asmussen, Charles W., 1, 372, 457,
458, 462.
Atlanta, Battle of, II, 3-15.
Atlanta, Cimpaign, I, 499-512.
Atwood, A. J., I, 327, 344.
Austin, Horace B., II, 211.
Avery, Fred B., II, 568, 586.
Avery, Isaac W., I, 430.
Averysboro, Battle of, II, 134-142.
Bailey, Desire, I, 12.
Bailey, Rowland, I, 12.
Baird, Absalom, I, 478, 479, 530,
567, 581; II, 241, 242, 283, 287,
302.
Baker, E. D., 1, 174, 175, 267.
Baldwin, E. H., II, 506, 508, 510.
Baldwin, Mrs., II, 377.
Ballard, Judge, II, 345.
Balloch, George W., I, 187, 437, 472;
II, 113, 216, 256, 263, 267, 397.
Ball's Bluff, I, 174.
Bancroft, C. F. P., II, 192, 272.
Bancroft, Ehzabeth, II, 575.
Bancroft, Joseph, II, 575.
Banks, N. P., I, 172, 199, 201, 203,
256, 258, 259; II, 186, 216.
Barker, E. G., II, 380.
Barksdale, William, I, 173.

591

Index

Barlow, Francis C, I, 187, 243, 247,
301, 349,357,365, 366,369,372,376,
377, 408, 411, 413, 414, 416, 419.
Barnes, J. K., II, 258.
Barnett, Charles R., II, 556.
Barnett, Mrs. Chas. R., II, 556.
Barrows, C. D., II, 547.
Barry, WiUiam F., II, 212.
Bartlett, Wm. H. C, I, 55, 56.
Barton, Clara, II, 571.
Bate, WiUiam B., I, 558, 559, 614;
II, 29.
Baxter, Henry, I, 323.
Bayard, George D., I, 260, 311, 312.
Beauregard, P. G. T., I, 146, 147,
151, 155, 156, 163.
Beddoes, Mr., II, 530.
Bee, Barnard E., I, 151, 155, 156.
Beebe, Wm. N., Jr., II, 101.
Beecher, Henry Ward, II, 330, 429,
430, 562.
Beecher, James C, II, .S-So.
Belknap, W. W., II, 10, 65, 267,
268, 449, 450.
Bendix, John E., I, 140.
Benham, Henry W., I, 352.
Bennett, E. R., II, 1.56.
Benton, Alexander, II, 142.
Bentonville, Battle of, II, 143-159.
Berdan, Hiram, I, 368.
Bemsdorff. Count, II, 5-34.
Berry, Hiram G., I, 143, 373, 374.
Bimey, David B., I, 234, 244, 269,
3.36, 368, 425, 426.
Bismarck, von, O. E. L., I, 34.
Blaine, James G., 1, 68-70, 106, 112-
116, 118, 141, 5.37.
Blair, F. P., I, 1.39, 557, 579; 11,
4-8, 11, 17, 19, 21, 23-26, 32, 34,
37, 40, 46, 78, 79, 96, 98, 99, 104,
109, 111, 140, 142, 144, 145, 148,
150, 206.
Blair, Montgomery, I, 139.
Blake, John AV., 1, .5-84. 613. 615.

Blanding, J. B., II, 289.
Blavatsky, Madame, II, 524, 536, 537.
Blenker, Louis, I, 172, 196.
Bliss, J. S., I, 522.
Blodgett, Andrew T., II, 38.
Blucher, von, G. L., II, 24.
Blumenbach, Friedrich, II, 535, 536.
Bodemeyer, von, Adelheid, II, 532,
544.
Bodemeyer, von, Gertrude, II, 532,
534.
Bodemeyer, von, Hedwig, II, 532,
534.
Bodemeyer, von, Mrs., II, 531.
Boggs, WUliam R., I, 48, 63, 64, 72.
Bond, Hugh, II, 318.
Bonham, M. L., I, 147, 151.
Boody, Alvan H., I, 28, 31.
Borel, Thomas, 1, 125.
Botume, Elizabeth, II, 99.
Boughton, Horace, I, 491.
Bowdoin College, I, 23, 28, 30, 37
42, 43, 123.
Bowen, MarceUus, II, 507.
Bowie, Ogden, II, 285.
Bowlegs, BiUy, Chief, I, 84.
Bowman, A. H., I, 100.
Boynton, C. B., II, 396, 426, 429-
431, 433-4.35.
Boynton, H. V., II, 426, 433, 435.
Bradley, Luther P., I, 613-615.
Bragg, Braxton, I, 456, 471, 477,
479, 481, 484-486, 488, 490; II,
80, 131, 146, 151.
Branch, Mr., I, 87.
Breckinridge, Joseph C, I, 484, 485,
488.
Brewerton, Henry, I. 46, 50.
Brewster, A., II, 395.
Bridgham, Thomas, I, 10.
Britton, EmUy, II, 566.
Brock, Mr., I, 496, 497.
Brodhead, J. M., II, 356.
Brooke, Fort, Fla., I, 73, 77, 88.

592

Index

Brooke, John R., 1, 187, 244, 246,
247, 300, 317.
Brooks, James, 11, 200.
Brooks, PhUlips, II, 558.
Brown, Harvey, I, 85, 86.
Brown, J. M., II, 216, 267.
Brown, John, 1, 153; II, 170.
Brown, Levi R., I, 49.
Brown, Lieutenant Colonel, I, 369.
Brown, Orlando, II, 215, 217, 232,
233, 283, 284, 347.
Buck, R. P., I, 125, 128; II, 545.
Buckingham, Maurice, I, 313.
Buell, D. II., I, 135.
BueU, Don Carlos, 1, 188,456; II, 169.
BueU, G. P., I, 588, 603.
Buford, John, I, 260, 398-401, 403,
406, 407, 412, 413, 415, 416, 418,
423.
BuUfmch, John, 1, 25.
Bull Run, Battle of, 1, 146-165, 168,
169, 187.
BuU Run, Second Battle of, I, 251-
270.
Bumstead, Horace, II, 403.
Burbank, Sidney, II, 345.
Burnham, A. H., I, 99.
Burnham, Jonas P., I, 18.
Burns, W. V^., 1, 75, 239,267,297,345.
Burnside, A. E., I, 138, 154, 155,
158, 189, 190, 259, 277, 279, 280,
283, 284, 287, 289, 294, 303-305,
311, 313-322, 328, 329, 332, 333,
345, 347, 477, 492; II, 181.
Burt, Edwin, I, 115, 119.
Buscho, Captain, 11, 530.
Bush, W. W., 1, 173.
Bushbeck, Adolph, 1, 350, 354, 364,
373, 481, 482, 484.
Butler, B. F., I, 103, 131, 139, 189,
201; II, 137, 168, 170, 171, 174,
175, 186, 265.
Butterfield, Daniel, I, 138, 333, 444,
467, 516, 572, 615; II, 553.

Butts, Samuel A., 11, 386.
Buzzard Roost Gap, II, 504-506.
Cade, Mr., II, 139.
Caldwell, John C, I, 267, 300, 301,
309, 342.
CaUender, Franklin D., I, 67.
Cameron, Simon, I, 139; II, 170.
Canby, Edw. R. S., II, 188, 216.
Candy, Charles, I, 545.
Caimon, LeGrand B., II, 175.
Carlin, Wm. P., II, 146-148, 344.
Carnot, Monsieur, II, 542.
Carolinas, March through, II, 101-
159.
CarroU, S. S., 1, 101, 102, 137, 430.
Casey, SUas, I, 170, 172, 177, 179,
182, 183, 190, 198, 211, 220, 229,
230, 232-234, 236.
CassvUle, Battle of, I, 528-538.
Catlett, Lottie, 1, 448.
Catlett, Mr., I, 448, 449.
Chamberlin, Frederick, II, 574.
Chambreau, Ned., II, 471, 472.
Chancellor, Melzie, I, 363.
Chancellorsville, Battle of, I, 347-
377.
Chase, George N., II, 549, 550.
Chase, Salmon P., I, 139, 201; II,
184, 1S5, 318, 320, 419.
Chattahoochee River, II, 589.
Chattanooga, Battle of, I, 471-498.
Chauvet, Adolph, II, 526, 527, 530,
555.
Cheatham, B. F., I, 559, 560, 598,
613; II, 7, 11, 12, 14, 57, 131, 141.
Cheraw, Skirmishes at, II, 134^142.
Cheves, Dr., II, 90.
ChUds, Frederick L., I, 69.
Church, A. E., 1, 90, 91, 100.
Church, Andrew J., I, 119.
Clare, WiUiam, II, 48.
Clark, A. Judson, I, 367.
Clark, Mary E., II, 516.

593

Index

Clarke, Francis N, I, 196.
Clarke, WUliam T., II, 143.
Cleburne, Patrick R., 1, 483, 488;
II, 7, 8, 29.
Cleveland, Parker, I, 28, 34.
ClUT, Tony, II, .386.
Closson, Henry W., I, 57.
Cobb, Deacon, I, 14.
Cobb, HoweU, I, 278, 384; II, 48.
Cobham, George A., I, 620.
Coburn, John, I, 615.
CockereU, J. R., I, 565, 566.
Cody, W. F., II, 567.
Coke, PhUlip St. G., I, 147.
Colburn, X. B., I, 209.
Colby, Abram, II, 384.
Cole, A. S., II, 216.
Cole, John A., II, 420.
Columbia, Taking of, II, 117-133.
Colyer, Vincent, II, 176.
Comstock, Cyrus B., I, .354, .365,
376.
Comte de Paris, I, 377, 401.
Coney, Samuel, I, 69.
Conway, Thomas W., II, 186, 188,
215-217, 283, 302.
Conyngham, David B., I, 532.
Cook, B. C, II, 395, 397.
Cooke, Jay, 1, 139.
Cooper, WUliam, II, 379.
Corse, J. M., 1, 535, .536; II, 18, 38,
46, 58-63, 66, 70, 81, 82, 103.
Cosby, George B., I, 70.
Coster, Charies R., 1, 417.
Couch, D. N., I, 172, 220, 229, 2.30,
233-239, 272, 289, 298, 306, 311,
324, 337, 344, .345, 349, 356, 359,
362, 367, 398; II, 181.
CourcUlon, de, Eugene, I, 65.
Courtney, Mr., I, 2.38.
Cox, Jacob D., I, 272, 280, .303, 304,
511, .565, .585, .!;92. 609; II, 1.3.
Cox, R. S., II, 260, 261.
Cox, Samuel S., II, 200.

Craig, Henry K., I, 66, 67.
Craighill, WiUiam P., 1, 281.
Cravath, E. M., 11, 407.
Crawford, Samuel W., 1, 295.
Crook, George, I, 302-305.
Cross, Edward A., 1, 185, 243, 247,
301, 342.
Cruft, Charles, I, 476.
Cudlipp, WiUiam, II, 465-467.
Curtin, A. G., 1, 138.
Curtis, X. M., 11, 347.
Custer, George A., II, 475.
Cutler, Lysander, I, 407, 415.
Cuyler, John M., I, 181, 253.
Dahlgren, John A., II, 85, 91, 92, 96.
Daily, Dennis, I, 497.
DaUas, Battle of, I, 550-570.
Dalton, Battle of, I, 499-512.
Dana, X. J. T., 1, 239, 292, 296, 297.
Danby, Miss, II, 99.
Daniels, Mary E., II, 556.
Darlmg, John A., II, 546.
Davidson, J. W., I, 218.
Davis, B. F., I, 277.
Davis, Henry Winter, II, 321.
Davis, James, II, 381.
Davis, Jeff. C, I, 476, 497, 520, 528,
542, 557-560, 581, 584, 585; II,
29, 39, 43, 51, 52, 57, 146, 290,
345, 463.
Davis, Jefferson, I, 99, 203, 488; II,
48, 93.
Davis, Joseph R., I, 408, 415.
Day, H. Howard, II, 327.
Dayton, L. M., II, 62.
Deady, M. P., II, 473.
Dean, Stephen H., 1, 23.
DeGress, Francis, II, 13, 82, 90
119.
Dehon, Arthur, I, 335.
Delafield, Richard, I, 100.
Delano, Columbus, II, 44.5, 466.
Dennison, WUliam, II, 227.

594

Index

Denver, J. W., I, 175.
Dessaur, F., I, 377.
Devens, Charles, I, 233, 328, 349,
364, 366, 368, 370, 371, 375, 376.
Devereux, J. H., I, 450, 452.
Devin, Thomas C, I, 406, 408.
Diaz, Porfirio, II, 557.
Dickinson, Joseph, I, 373.
Dilger, Hubert, I, 364, 372, 413.
Dodge, G. M., I, 557-559, 597, 598,
602, 611; II, 4-6, 8, 13, 15, 17-
19, 21, 23-26, 32, 567.
Dodge, Theodore A., I, 377.
Dole, t'reorge, I, 371.
Doubleday, Abner, I, 263, 283, 290,
292, 333, 337, 350, 407, 409, 413-
417, 424, 438.
Douglas, M., I, 293.
Douglass, Frederick, II, 317, 321
Dred Scott Case, II, 27.8.
Drexel, Harjes & Co., II, 52G.
Dufferin, Eari and Lady, II, 509.
Duncan, WiUiam, II, 75, 76, 83-
85, 92, 97, 123, 132, 137-139.
DuiUap, John, II, 378, 379.
DunneU, Mark H., I, 143.
Duryea, Abram, I, 140.
Dwight, Henry Otis, II, 511.
Eager, C. F., 586.
Early, Jubal, I, 147, 160, 163, 260,
332, 358, 390, 391, 400, 416, 428,
429.
Easton, L. C, II, 96, 97.
Eaton, A. B., II, 250, 2,57.
Eaton, James D., II, 474.
Eaton, John, II, 179, 215, 225, 232,
251.
Edward, Prince of Wales, I, 9S, 99.
Edwards, L. A., II, 295.
Eeles, Cushing, II, 483.
Eliot, Thomas D., II, 198-201, 204,
282.
Elliot, W. L., II, 56.

Ellsworth, E. Elmer, 1, 104.
Elvans, J. R., II, 419.
Elzey, Arnold, I, 163.
Eskiminzin, Chief, II, 548, 551.
Estes, L. G., II, 35.
Etowah, Crossing of the, II, 534r-
540.
Europe, Trip to, II, 493-512.
Evan.-;, ,L R., II, 318, 319.
Evans, X. George, II, 147, 154-156,
173.
Everett, CarroU S., I, .38.
EweU, Richard S., I, 261, 262, 264,
3SG-388, 390-392, 400, 404, 416,
417, 4-20, 421, 42ij.
Ewing, Hugh, I, .302.
Ewing, Rev., II, 502.
Ewing, WUliam, I, 147.
Ezra Church, Battle of, II, 16-26.
Fagan, Andrew, I, 2.'38.
Failing, Henry, II, 462, 468.
Fairbanks, Charles W., II, 574.
Fairchild, Edward II., II, 406.
Fairchild, E. P., II, 586,
Fairchild, Lucius, I, 415.
Fair Oaks, Battle of, I, 227-250.
Farnsworth, E. J., I, 434.
Farragut, D. G., I, 2S1.
FayettevUle, Ga., II, 134-142.
Fee, John G., II, 404, 406.
Fenton, Reuben E., I, 138.
Ferrero, Edward, I, 344.
Ferris, Isaac, II, 316.
Ferry, Governor, II, 480.
Fessenden, WUliam Pitt, II, 185.
Field, George B., II, 187.
Field, Kate, II, 519.
Finnemore, Sam., I, 16.
Fisk, A. P., I, 251, -252.
Fisk, Clinton B., II, 215, 2.50, 283,
290, 327, 407.
Fitz, Mr., II, 299.
Fitzgerald, Louis, II, 551.

595

Index

Flagler, H. M., II, 554.
Flanders, E. B., I, 190.
Foote, A. H., I, 205.
Foote, Solomon, II, 321.
Foraker, Joseph B., II, 144.
Force, M. F., II, 11, 109, 110.
Ford, Thomas H., I, 276.
Forrest, X. B., II, 28, 30, 46, 375,
381.
Foster, Henry, I, 23.
Foster, John G. , II, 91, 92, 94,96, 335.
Fowler, WiUiam, II, 216, 230, 293.
Francis, Thomas, I, 13.
Frank, John D., I, 196, 243, 343.
Franldin, .lames, II, .379.
Franklin, WiUiam B., I, 148, 149,
154, 172, 216, 217, 224-227, 267,
272, 277, 278, 288, 289, 298, 300-
302, 311, 312, 317, 322, 326, 328-
330, 332, 333, 337, 345, 347, 382.
Frazier, Garrison, II, 190.
Frederick, Ceesar, II, 386.
Fredericksburg, Battle of, I, 327-
336.
Freedman's Aid Societies, II, 194-
205. American Missionary Associa^
tion, II, 195.
American Tract Society, II,
195.
Christian Commission, II, 195.
Sanitary Commission, II, 195.
Freedmen's Bureau:
Abandoned Lands, II, 228-244.
Act, II, 194-205.
Acts for Education, II, .309-330.
Appropriations by Congress, II,
331-.349.
Barry Farm, II, 402-422.
Court of Inquiry, II, 44.5-4.56.
Courts, II, 24.5-262.
Eariy Finances, II, 263-276.
Educational Institutions, II,
402-422.

Freedmen's Bureau — Continued
Educational Work Increased,
II, 331-349.
Famine Relief, II, 350-373.
Home Colony, II, 185.
Legislation, II, 277-292.
Opposition to, II, 423-444.
Organization, 11, 206-228.
Orphans, II, 245-262.
President Johnson's Opposi
tion, II, 293-308.
President Johnson's Recon
struction, II, 277-292.
Schools Started, II, 263-276.
Soldiers' Bounties, II, 350-373.
Summary of Work iu 1866, II,
293-308.
Summary of Work in 1867, II,
331-349.
Summary, II, 350-373.
Fremont, John C, I, 201, 2.56, 257;
II, 167, 168.
French Army Maneuvers, II, 539-
542.
French, J. W., I, 91, 99, 100.
French, S. G., II, 56, 59, 60.
French, W. H., I, 183, 186, 197, 222,
238, 244-246, 248, 296, 299, 300,
302, 338, 340, 341, 360, 363, 393,
398.
Frisbee, Henry N., II, 5.57.
Frissell, H. B., II, 408.
Frost, L. S., II, 378.
Fry, J. B., 1, 90, 101, 158.
Frye, William P., I, 38.
Fulkerson, W. H., II, 587.
Fuller, J. W., II, 4, 18.
FuUer, MelviUe, 1, 39.
FuUerton, J. S., I, 522, 530; II, 216,
241, 297.
Gamble, AVilliam, I, 406.
Gardner, Asa Bird, II, 450.
Gariand, Samuel, 1, 280.

596

Index

Garnett, H. H., II, 317, 320, 321.
Garnett, Robert S., I, 54, 435, 439.
Garrard, Kenner, 1, 520, 528, 542,
579, 590, 592, 594, 595; II, 7, 27,
28.
Geary, J. W., I, 430, 432, 433, 461,
465-469, 476, 494, 516, 544, 645,
616-618; II, 94.
Gebhart, Mr., II, 536.
George, George W., I, 11, 12.
George, King of Greece, II, 514.
Geronimo, Chief, II, 551.
Getty, George W., I, 345; II, 450.
Gettysburg, Battle of, I, 397-447.
Gettysburg, Campaign of, 1, 378-
396.
Gibbon, John, I, 101, 283, 284, 293,
333, 336, 356, 436, 444.
Gibson, H. R., II, 587.
Gidding, Joshua R., II, 321.
Gilbreth, F. W., I, 403, 537, 556;
II, 23, 216.
GUe, G. W., II, 411.
Gillem, A. C, II, 340, 341.
Gillen, P. H., II, 384.
Gibnan, Frank G., I, 537, .562.
Gilmore, EUza Otis, I, 17-29, 37,
40, 41, 49, 59, 61, 122, 549, 550.
Gilmore, John, I, 16, 21, 24; II, 45.
Gihnore, Quincy A., II, 131, 178.
Gilmore, Rodelphus H., II, 566.
Gilsa, von, Leopold, 1, 349, 364, 371,
372, 429.
Gladding, R. H., II, 383.
Goff, Nathan, 11, 54.
Goldsboro, L. M., I, 204.
Goldsmith, Monsieur, II, 528.
Goodwin, Daniel R., 1, 33.
Gordan, Charies G., II, 494, 503.
Gorgas, Josiah, I, 71.
Gorman, Willis A., I, 238, 292, 296,
297.
Graham, Thomas J., 1, 178.
Graham, Mrs. Thos. J., I, 178.

Graham, WUliam M., II, 572.
Granger, Gordon, I, 478, 490, 492,
493, 499.
Grant, Gabriel, I, 248-250.
Grant, Ulysses S., I, 192, 205, 256,
326, 453, 460, 471-477, 479, 484,
487, 488, 490, 498; II, 38, 51, 65,
69, 154-159, 163, 178-180, 203,
207, 225, 227, 284, 297, 320, 361,
381, 429, 445-447, 450-452, 479-
481, 567, 571.
Grant, Mrs. U. S., II, 481.
Gray, Elizabeth Howard, II, 567.
Gray, James T., II, 482.
Gray, Mrs. James T., II, 566, 567.
Gray, WiUiam Cunningham, II, 568.
Gray, W. H., II, 482.
Greble, Clara, II, 527, 530, 538.
Greble, Edwin, I, 58.
Greble, Edwin St. J., 1, 141; II, 549,
550.
Greble, John T., I, 58, 140.
Greeley, Horace, II, 316.
Green, Charles, II, 94.
Green, Mr., I, 449.
Green, O. D., II, 549.
Greene, Francis, II, 129.
Greene, George S., I, 294, 295, 297,
299, 426-428, 430, 432, 469.
Greener, Richard T., II, 486.
Gregg, David B., I, 434.
Gregory, C. H., II, 348.
Gregory, E. M., II, 217, 218.
Gresham, W. Q., I, 609, 611; II, 11.
Griffin, Charies, II, 342, 343.
Griffith, James J., I, 442, 443.
GriswoldvUle, Battle of, II, 71-75.
Grose, WiUiam, I, 572, 581.
Grosvenor, Prof., II, 512.
Hale, John P., 1, 386.
Haley, William D., I, 119.
HaU, Daniel, 1, 386, 409, 411-413.
Hall, George A., II, 445.

597

Index

HaU, Norman J., I, 322-324, 342, Harris, Mrs. .John, 11, 517, 519.

436.
HaU, R. M., II, 399, 401.
HaU, Sarah, 1, 37.
HaU, WUliam, II, 9.
HaU, WiUiam, n, 386.
HaUeck, H. W., I, 189, 256, 257,
260, 266, 267, 273, 308, 313, 315,
319, 379, 382, 384, 389, 390, 392,
393, 450, 452, 490; II, 42, 49, 51,
158, 167, 169, 173, 206.
HaUoway, Laura C, II, 524, 536.
Halpin, Artist, II, 12S.
HamUton, Schuyler, I, 172.
Hamlin, Cyrus, II, 511.
Hamlin, Hannibal, I, 446.
Hammond, E. P., II, 469.
Hammond, John F., I, 105, 249.
Hampson, J. B., I, 553.
Hampton, Wade, 1, 1-55, 239; II,
118, 120, 137, 141, 145, 146, 149,
151.
Hancock, W. S., I, 217, 221, 222,
299-301, 338, 341, 3.59-363, 365,
381, 418, 422, 425, 426, 429, 432,
444, 545.
Hardaway, B. F., I, 369.
Hardee, Anna, II, 152.
Hardee, WUUe, II, 152.
Hardee, WiUiam J., I, 92, 101, 485,
518, 528, 533, 534, 540, 542, 543,
556, 5.58-560, 565-568, 574, 575,
579, 598, 604, 612, 619; U, 7, 8,
11, 14, 21, 36-38, 40-42, 48, 82,
92-94, 131, 136, 1.37, 141, 151,
1.52, 189.
Hardie, James A., 1, 332, 337, 394,
Harker, C. G., I, 518, 538, 566, 568,
582-584, 586-.588.
Harmon, Oscar F., I, 585.
Harney, W. S., I, 73-76, 80.
Harris, Beny, II, 386.
Harris, Ira, I, 72, 138.
Harris, Isham G., II, 48.

Harris, Sergeant Wm. D., II, 573.
Harrison, Benjamin, I, 517, 609,
615.
Harrow, WUliam, I, 436, 591; II,
13, 19, 20, 24, 36, 39.
Hartsuff, George L., 1, 295.
Ha.scall, Milo S., I, 586, 609; II, 12.
HaskeU, E. H., II, 586.
Hatch, John P., I, 258, 282, 283.
Hatton, Robert, I, 240.
Hawkins, Dexter, I, 128.
Hawkins, Rush C, I, 325, 328.
Hayes, Rutherford B., II, 482, 485.
Hays, H. T., I, 293.
Hays, WUliam, I, 436, 438.
Hazard, John G., I, 342, 343.
Hazen, WUliam B., I, 458, 465, 466,
553; II, 36, 38, 39, 87-97, 109,
110, 144, 148.
Hazzard, George W., I, 79, 83, 197,
198, 243, 435.
Hazzard, Mrs. George W., 1, 79.
Heath, WUliam S., I, 161.
Hecker, Frederick, I, 468.
Heckman, John P., I, 476.
Heintzelman, S. P., I, 142, 144, 146,
149, 152, 153, 156, 160, 161, 172,
216, 217, 218, 220, 227, 230, 234,
2.36, 244, 262, 264, 311, 312, 390.
Herbert, B. H., 11, 586.
Hertz, Sue E., II, 575.
Hess, Frederick, I, 517.
Heth, Henry, 1, 400, 406, 408.
Higgins, F'rank W., II, 574.
HUl, A. P., I, 263, 304, 305, 332,
334, 335, 380, 385, 388, 400, 403,
404, 407, 421, 429, 680, 581.
HiU, D. H., I, 141, 231, 232, 235,
275, 279-281, 284, 287, 290, 293,
294, 297, 299, 332.
HUl, Elias, II, 387.
HilUiouse, John, 1, 67.
Hillhouse, Mrs. John, 1, 67.

598

Index

Hipp, Charies, Ii, 22, 23.
Hiscock, Rev., II, 316.
Hitchcock, Henry, II, 159.
Hitchcock, Roswell G., I, 1-28.
Hodder, Mr., II, 543.
Hoffman, Ernest F., I, 365, 376,
491.
Holabird, S. B., 1, 101.
Holmes, Freeland S., I, 37.
Holmes, William R., I, 151.
Hood, J. B., I, 240, 287, 290, 294,
332, 426, 510, 618, 520, 528, 629,
632-634, 539, 542, 543, 546, 549,
572, 576, 578, 598, 604, 606, 607,
609, 612; II, 7, 11, 14, 16-18, 21,
26, 28, 29, 34, 41, 47, 48, 60, 52,
55, 57, 63-66, 69, 93, 151.
Hooker, Joseph, 1, 172, 192, 220,
221, 230, 236, 236, 242, 248, 262,
264, 265, 268, 272, 277, 281-284,
289, 290, 292-295, 302, 303, 311,
317, 318, 322, 3-26, 329, 333, 342,
343, 347, 348, 350, 352-354, 366-
362, 366-369, 373-376, 379, 381-
395, 397, 398, 450, 462, 458-
461, 465, 467, 469-471, 476, 480,
483-486, 488, 489, 494, 495, 616-
518, 523, 628-531, 542, 644-550,
560, 661, 564, 666, 671, 573-677,
681, 586, 592-595, 606, 618; II,
16, 583.
Hornburger, Tom, II, 387.
Horner, C. W., II, 216, 259, 295.
Hovey, A. P., I, 518.
Howard, Capt., I, 626.
Howard, Bessie, II, 655, 573, 576.
Howard, C. H., 1, 13, 113, 119, 161,
187, 214, 215, 246, 248, 249, 261,
252, 298, 344, 386, 414, 416, 442,
443, 455, 467, 458, 472, 497, 515,
537, 566; II, 24, 46, 78, 79, 285,
348, 396, 397, 649, 676.
Howard, Chancey Otis, II, 646.
Howard, Eliza Otis, I, 4-16.

Howard, Grace Ellen, 1,86,96; 11,46.
Howard, Guy, I, 69; II, 475. 476,
493, 538, 539, 565, 572, 573.
Howard, Mrs. Guy, II, 638, 556, 573,
Howard, Harry S., II, 556, 556, 575.
Howard, Helen, II, 493.
Howard, HUdegard, II, 562.
Howard, James W., II, 494, 495,
501, 514.
Howard, Mrs. James W., II, 559-561.
Howard, Jesse, I, 7.
Howard, John, Aid of MUes Stand
ish, I, 7.
Howard, John, Lieut., II, .566.
Howard, John, Philanthropist, II,
543.
Howard, Mrs. O. O., I, 66, 67, 70,
95, 96, 107; II, 477, 545, 546, 550,
656, 576.
Howard, Otis Woolworth, II, 493.
Howard, Rowland B. (brother), I,
41, 71, 81, 119, 390, 443; II, 655.
Howard, Rowland B. (father), I,
4,11.
Howard, Seth, I, 3, 4, 7, 20.
Howard, Stillman, I, 16.
Howard University, II, 390-401.
Howard University, President of,
II, 452-456.
Howe, Albion P., I, 382, 383.
Howland, \A'iUiam C, II, 571, 572.
Hubbard, George H., I, 472.
Hubbard, Thomas H., I, 43.
Huger, Benjamin, I, 231.
Hughes, H. Y., II, 587.
Humphreys, Andrew A., I, 342, 343,
425, 449.
Humphreys, Richard, II, 394.
Hunt, Henry J., I, 320, 323, 348,
352, 381, 422, 425, 435.
Hunter, David, I, 146, 149, 152-
164, 157, 158, 181, 201; II, 168.
Hurlbut, Stephen A., II, 188, 216.
Hutchinson Family, I, 201.

599

Index

Indians, in the Northwest, II, 474— Jones, John M., I, 50.

484.
Ingalls, Rufus, II, 479.
Irwin, WUHam H., I, 299, 300.
Iverson, Alfred, I, 416; II, 65.

Jackson, Huntington W., I, 522.
Jackson, J. W., I, 104.
Jackson, Thos. J. (Stonewall), I,
161, 156, 199, 200, 2.58-265, 268,
269, 275, 276, 290, 293, 294, 312,
331, 332, 337, 350, 351, 3.58, 367-
370, 374, 375, 386, 426, 485; II,
108.
Jackson, WiUiam H., I, 540, 541,
679, 698; II, 21, 37.
James, Darwin R., II, 568,586.
James, Horace, II, 176.
Jameson, Charles D., I, 134.
Jeffords, Thomas, II, 446.
Jenkins, A. G., I, 469.
Jewett, John X., I, 38, 39.
Johnson, Andrew, I, 349; II, 220,
224, 225, 227, 235, 237, 244, 250,
271, 277, 279, 282, 283, 297, 3.33,
340, 374, 423.
Johnson, Edward, I, 391, 400, 426-
428, 431.
Johnson, Edward (negro lad), 1, 12.
Johnson, R. W., I, 561-564.
Johnston, Albert Sydney, I, 204.
Johnston, Joseph E., I, 62, 151, 155-
157, 173, 181, 196, 202, 203, 216,
222, 225, 226, 230, 231, 234, 49.3-
495, 498, 502, 503, 507-510, 516,
.520, 621, 523, 525, 528-531, 533,
534, 540, 541, 543, 550, 561, 663,
559, 561-564, 567, 568, 670, 674,
577, 578-580, 686, 589, 592, 594,
596, .598, 600, 603-605; II, 1.36,
140-143, 14.5-148, 1.50-158, 163,
309, 554.
Jones, D. R., I, 147, 294, 302, 304.

Jones, J. R., I, 290.
Jones, P. H., I, 617.
Jones, Samuel, I, 96.
Jones, W. S., II, 12, 23.
Jonesboro, Battle of, II, 27-40.
Jordan, Miss, II, 377.
Joseph, Chief, II, 475, 567.
Judah, Henry M., I, 511, 613.
Kearney, PhU., I, 221, 234-236,242,
244, 261, 262-264, 268, 269.
Keitly, Mr., II, 537.
Kellogg, Sanford C, I, 354-355.
Kemper, James L., I, 435.
Kenesaw, Battle of, I, 571-588.
Kent, Prentiss J., 1, 238.
Ketchum, A. P., II, 240, 241.
Ketchum, Edgar, II, 421, 422.
Keyes, Erasmus D., I, 172, 211, 216,
220, 227, 229-231, 235, 236.
Kiddoo, J. B., II, 291.
Kilbum, Charies L., I, 80, 88.
Kilpatrick, Judson, I, 445; II, 28,
29, 31-34, 36, 37, 40, 61, 71, 72,
75, 76, 78, 86, 87, 114, 115, 130,
140, 141, 149, 154, 156.
Kimball, Xathan, I, 339, 340, 613,
615.
King, Adam E., II, 137.
King, John H., I, 590, 591, 593, 594.
King, Rufus, I, 172, 263, 264.
Kingsley, Canon, II, 500.
Kingston, Battle of, I, 528-539.
Kip, Lawrence, I, 186.
Kirby, Edmund, I, 158, 214, 238.
Kirby, Isaac M., I, 568, 669; II, 106.
Kirkland, Mr., II, 152.
Knapp, Hannah, I, 10.
Knapp, Rufus, I, 10.
Kniffin, G. C, I, 506.
Knipe, Joseph F., 1, 618.
Knox, Mr., I, 327.
Kolb's Farm, Battle of, I, 571-588.

600

Index

Koop, Mr. and Mrs., II, 561.
Krzyzanowski, Wladimir, I, 364,
373, 429, 430.
Kuhn, John H., II, 14.
Ku-Klux-Klan, II, 374-389.
Kuropatkin, Alexi N., II, 539.
Ladd & TUton, II, 468.
Laidley, Theo. T. S., I, 63.
Lakeman, Moses, 1, 136.
Lambert, Lewis J., II, 300, 301.
Lampley, Harris D., II, 10.
Langston, John M., II, 317, 341.
Lansing, Mr., I, 66, 66.
Lansing, Mrs., I, 65.
Lathrop, D. B., 1, 218.
Law, E. M., I, 421.
Lawrence, Arthur, II, 531.
Lawton, A. R., I, 290.
Lawton, H. W., II, 673.
Lazelle, Henry M., I, 49.
Lee, C. C, I, 97.
Lee, Fitzhugh, I, 102, 370.
Lee, Mr., I, 503.
Lee, Robert E., 1, 64, 96, 102, 203,
259-261, 265, 272, 275, 278, 286,
290, 304, 305, 308, 312, 317, 318,
321, 330, 331, 361, 352, 357, 365-
369, 376, 380-383, 385, 387, 388,
392, 395, 397^01, 403, 407, 413,
416, 419^21, 430, 432, 434, 436,
440, 446, 492, 498, 680; II, 124,
163, 164, 163, 309, 582.
Lee, Robert M., I, 246, 248.
Lee, S. D., I, 86; II, 21, 22, 25, 36,
41, 67, 64, 120, 131, 141, 161, 152.
Lee, S. P., 1, 443.
Lee, WeUesley, II, 387.
Lee, W. H. F., 1, 358.
Leech, Susie, 11, 530.
Leech, Wilham A., II, 627.
Leech, WiUiam A., Mrs., II, 527.
Leggett, M. D., I, 611, 612; II, 5, 7,
8, 11, 101, 465, 466.

Lemon, Mr., II, 494.
Lewis, J. R., II, 290.
Lightburn, Joseph A. J., II, 14.
Lincoln, Abraham, I, 102, 104, 135,
137, 139, 176, 180, 182, 188, 193,
196, 200, 202, 209, 256, 271, 309,
310, 312, 349, 350, 379, 385, 452-
454, 492; II, 42, 94, 155, 156, 159,
168, 169, 180, 183, 190, 197, 201,
205, 207, 319, 321, 325.
Lincoln Memorial University, II,
568, 569, 588.
Lindsley, Rev., II, 468, 471.
Livermore, D. S., II, 187.
Lloyd, Howard, II, 644.
Lockwood, Henry H., I, 390.
Lockwood, L. C, I, 128; II, 175.
Logan, John A., I, 657-559, 592,
611; II, 4, 5, 8, 9, 13, 16, 17, 19,
21, 22, 24r-26, 32, 34, 36-38, 46,
98, 99, 104, 109, 122, 131, 135,
139, 142, 144, 145, 148, 206, 211.
Logie, William K., I, 620.
Longstreet, James, I, 147, 221, 231,
235, 241, 259-262, 266, 282, 284,
287, 306, 318, 331, 332, 351, 380,
383, 388, 392, 399, 400, 403, 404,
416, 421, 422, 426, 427, 434, 435,
468, 463, 466, 470, 477, 492.
Loomis, L. L., I, 80, 81, 84, 87.
Loring, WiUiam W., I, 674, 578,
679, 616.
Lothrop, Warren, I, 23, 24, 50, 51.
Lott, Chief, II, 483, 484.
Lovejoy, Owen, II, 321.
Lovejoy Station, Battleof, II, 41-51.
Ludlow, NichoU, II, 506, 507, 509.
Ludwig, Karl Friedrick Wilhelm, II,
534.
Luke, WiUiam C, II, 386.
Lynde, D. B., 1, 82, 87.

McAUister, Fort, II, 86-100.
McArthur, Arthur, I, 27, 28.

601

Index

McCaU, George A., I, 172, 174.
McCandless, WUliam, 1, 439.
McCarty, EUen, I, 63.
McCauley, J. A., U, 318.
McCleery, James, II, 384r-386.
McCleUan, George B., 1, 83, 162,
166-172, 174, 177, 179, 182, 186-
189, 192-197, 199-207, 209-211,
216, 217, 219, 220, 222, 225, 227,
228, 231, 234, 237, 244, 255-257,
260, 271-274, 277, 278, 288, 289,
291, 294, 298, 302-305, 308, 310-
315, 327, 347, 370, 381, 393, 394;
II, 169, 581.
McClintock, J. M., II, 90.
McCook, A.McD., 1,105, 106, 138,588.
McCook, Daniel, 1, 584, 585, 688.
McCook, Ed., I, 501, 642, 544, 566;
n, 27, 28.
McCoy, H. J., II, 547.
McDonald, Private, 1, 190, 215, 569,
570, 572, 573.
McDoweU, H. J., II, 4.
McDoweU, Irvin, I, 139, 143, 144,
146, 147, 149-155, 157, 163, 164,
169, 172, 200, 205, 227, 228, 256,
257, 260, 262-265, 272; 11, 172,
460, 546.
McGilvery, Freeman, I, 436.
McGregor, Sergeant, I, 68.
McIIvain, Alexander, I, 505.
Mclntyre, WUham, I, 247.
McKeever, Chauncey, 1, 144; II, 549.
McKenzie, Alexander, II, 350.
McKinley, WiUiam, II, 670, 574.
McKinstry, Justus, I, 80.
ilcLaren, Adam X., I, 76.
McLaws, Lafayette, 1, 275, 278, 288,
289, 318, 337, 340, 351, 359, 361,
367, 369.
McLean, X'athaniel C, I, 553.
McMorris, Dr., II, 519.
McPherson, J. B., I, 49, 55, 499,
502-504, 506-508, 510, 519-521,

523, 529, 532, 542, 550, 5.56^558,
660, .562, 566, 573-575, 580, 581,
586, 590-594, 596, 602, 605-610,
612, 613; 11, 4-9, 15, 16, 575.
McQueen, John, 11, 123, 124, 133.
McQuesten, J. F., I, 135.
McSweeney, Paul, II, 81.
MacBeth, II, 141.
MacDonald, Godfrey H., II, 565.
Mack, Oscar A., I, 80.
Madawska War, I, 12.
MagTuder, J. B., I, 141, 205, 206.
Mahan, Dennis, I, 385.
Mallory, Charles, II, 168.
Malvern HUl, Battle of, I, 166.
Maney, George, I, 612, 616.
Manigault, E. II, 12.
Mann, Horace, II, 393.
Mann, M. R., Miss., II, 393.
Mansfield, Joseph K. F., 1, 131, 132,
135, 137, 272, 277, 289, 290, 294,
295, 302.
Marcy, R. B., I, 96, 170, 177.
Marshall, Joe, I, 19.
MarshaU, John E., I, 341.
Martin, SeUa, II, 317.
Martin, James S., II, 10.
Mason, E. C, I, 218, 219; II, 565.
Meade, George G., I, 282, 283, 290,
292, 333-337, 349, 353-355, 359-
363, 367, 377, 381, 387, 389, 394-
399, 401, 403, 404, 413, 418, 422-
426, 432, 433, 436, 439, 440, 444,
445, 448-46 1 , 580; II, 255, 429, 496.
Meagher, Thomas F., I, 183, 185,
238, 243, 300, 342.
Meigs, M. C, 1, 164; II, 450.
MeUen, W. P., II, 188.
Meredith, Sol, I, 407. 414.
Merritt, Wesley, I, 434.
Meray, August, II, 14.
Mexican War, I, 21.
Meyerholtz, J. H., II, 552.
Meysenberg, T. A., I, 410, 484.

602

Index

MUes, Dixon S., I, 146, 149, 150, 152
162, 273, 274, 276-278; 11, 680.
Miles, Nelson A., 1, 187, 211, 240,
241, 245, 248, 342; 11, 337, 460,
476, 647, 548.
MUler, James, I, 178, 243-245.
MUlet, Henry, I, 11.
Millet, John D., 1, 11.
MUroy, R. H., I, 386; II, 65.
Missionary Ridge, Battle of, I, 471,
498.
Mitchell, Henry, I, 23, 24.
Mitchell, J. G., I, 584.
Moltke, von, Helmuth C. B., I, 580.
Monmouth Academy, I, 17, 23.
Moody, D. L., I, 501; II, 658, 560,
661, 564, 570.
Moody, WiU, 11, 560-562.
Moore, Aaron, II, 387.
Moore, Alexander, 1, 368.
Moore, Edward, II, 334.
Moore, Elizabeth, I, 10.
Mordecai, Alfred, 1, 97.
Mordecai, Alfred, Jr., I, 97.
Morestadt, Frau, II, 531.
Morgan, Edwin D., I, 138.
Morgan, James D., I, 585; II, 17,
20, 24, 25, 146.
Morgan, Thomas J., I, 515, 522.
Morrill, Lot M., II, 266.
Morris, F. B., II, 395, 396.
Morris, W. W., I, 77, 78.
Morris, Mrs. W. W., I, 77, 78.
Morrow, Henry A., I, 350.
Mortie, Louise de, II, 261.
Morton, Levi P., II, 496, 542.
Mosby, John S., I, 391.
Mower, Joseph A., II, 107-110, 134,
149, 150, 342.
Moy-Yu-Ling, II, 478, 479.
MuUiken, Charies H., 1, 69.
Munroe, John, 1, 78, 79.
Murray, Ben, I, 10.
Murray, Ellen and TwoSisters, 11,98.

Naglee, H. M., I, 229, 232.
Napoleon, Prince Jerome, I, 169.
Nasby, Petroleum V. (Mr. Locke),
II, 435.
Natto, Joe, I, 84, 86.
Negro Conditions in Civil War, II,
163-193.
Nettleton, F. E., II, 587.
Nevins, Rev., II, 517.
Newton, John, I, 281, 430, 500, 604-
506, 613, 518, 520-522, 546, 568,
582, 583, 591, 602, 604-606, 609,
Oil, 613-617, 619.
New Hope Church, Battle of, 1,
642-562.
New York City, II, 547-657.
Nichols, H. D., II, 396.
Niles, Flora, II, 46.
Nodine, Richard H., I, 569, 570.
Norwich University, II, 66.
Officials of L. M. U., II, 586, 587.
Ogden, John, II, 407.
OUver, John M., II, 81, 86.
Oostanaula River, I, 513-527.
Opdycke, Emerson, I, 518, 584.
Ord, E. O. C, II, 332.
Osborn, T. W., I, 413, 429, 435;
II, 110, 111, 143, 215, 217, 218.
Osterhaus, P. J., I, 476, 559; II,
36, 65, 72, 74, 75, 79-82, 87, 96.
Otis, Elizabeth Stanchfield, I,
20.
Otis, Elmer S., 1, 49.
Otis, Ensign, II, 45.
Otis, Frances, I, 18.
Otis, John, I, 17, 40, 41.
Otis, Maria, I, 18.
Otis, Oliver, I, 20.
Otis, WiUiam O., 1, 18, 40.
Otto, August, I, 428.
Overton, M. F., II, 587.
Owen, Joshua T., I, 323, 326, 342,
343.

603

Index

Packard, A. S., 1, 31, 33.
Page, Alexander, II, 387.
Palmer, G. S., I, 119, 137, 178, 249,
250, 310.
Pahner, Innis S., I, 229, 341.
Pahner, John M., I, 479, 506, 513,
530, 531, 542, 544, 566, 573, 575,
681, 5-82, 584, 590, 592, 593, 606,
616, 619; n, 29, 30.
Parker, Thomas J., I, 190, 243.
Patterson, Robert, I, 133, 161, 164.
Patterson. Robert F., II, 586.
Payne, D. A., II, 320, 413.
Peach Tree Creek, Battle, 1, 608-620.
Peak, Mary S., II, 175.
Pearson, E. P., I, 412, 472.
Peck, John J., I, 233.
Peck, Theodore S., II, 580, 582.
Pender, WUUam D., I, 407.
Pendleton, George H., II, 200.
Pendleton, WUliam X'., I, 351, 358,
380, 421.
Peninsular Campaign, I, 166, 199-
212.
Perley, Peleg Sprague, I, 30, .35, 98.
Perry, A. J., I, 70.
Petit, Rufus D., I, 243.
PettengUl, John, I, 26.
Pettigrew, J. J., I, 239, 400, 406,
4.39.
Phelps, J. W., n, 168.
PhUUps, WendeU, H, 254.
Pickett, George E., I, 64, 244, asi,
421, 4.3.5, 438, 439; H, 177.
Pickett, Miss Jennie, I, 64.
Pickett's MUl, Battle of, 1, 550-570.
Pierce, Ebenezer W., I, 140.
Pine Top, Battle of, I, 563.
Piper, Alexander, 11, 548.
Pleasonton, Alfred, I, 76, 272, 279,
280, 282, 285, 302, 312, 318, 350,
352, 3.56, 374, 379, 383, 384, 388,
389, 398, 445, 449.
PocataUgo, S. C, H, 103.

Polk, Leonidas, I, 502, 509, 518;
.528, 533, 5.34, 539, 542, 543, 551,
563, 564, 578, 604; II, 26.
Pomeroy, S. C, II, 395, 397, 419.
Pomphrey, Mr., 1, 209.
Pope, John, I, 256-266, 268, 269;
n, 450.
Porter, Andrew, I, 155, 169.
Porter, A. Toomer, II, 123, 124, 339.
Porter, D. D., II, 154.
Porter, Fitz John, I, 96, 172, 216,
217, 227, 2-28, 262, 264, 265, 272,
277, 289, 303, 305, 311, 312, 370.
Porter, Horace, II, 567.
Portland, Oregon, 11, 468-484.
Posey, Carnot, 1, 361, 369.
Potter, Capt., II, .508.
Pott.5, B. F., II, 9, 1.38.
Prestman, Stephen W., I, 567.
Prochet, Robert, II, 556.
Quimby, George W., II, 83, 139.
Radford, R. C. W., I, 147.
Rains, G. J., 1, 233.
Ramsey, Douglas, I, 158.
RandaU, G. B., I, 620.
Pcankin, J. E., II, 445.
Ransom, Robert, Jr., I, 318, 331,
337; II, 32-34, 36, 65, 66.
Rawlins, John A., I, 460, 479.
Raynor, Keimeth, II, 391, 393.
Reconstruction, II, 16.3-445.
Reese, Chauncey B., II, 87.
Reeve, Isaac V. D., 1, 103.
Reeves, P. S., II, 381.
Reno, jMse L., I, 264, 265, 268,
272, 280-282, 311.
Resaca, Battle of, I, 506-527.
Reybum, Robert, II, 294.
Reynolds, John F., I, 101, 107, 311,
312, .328, 331, 3.33, 344, 352, 366,
.381, 386, .387, 392, 393, 399, 401-
404, 407-414.

604

Index

Reynolds, J. J., II, 343, 450.
Rhett, Thomas S., II. 141.
Rice, EUiot W., II, 38.
Richards, Mr., I, 184, 185.
Richardson, I. B., I, 1,50, 172, 196,
207, 208, 224, 238, 242, 244, 248,
296, 300-303.
Richard.son, W. S., II, 587.
Richmond, Mary, I, 9.
Ricketts, James B., I, 158, 257, 259,
264, 282, 283, 290, 292, 293, 295.
Rigault, Colonel, II, 539.
Robert, Christopher R., II, 272.
Robert, Henry M., I, 92.
Roberts, R. F., 1, 143, 144.
Robinson, James S., I, 618.
Robinson, John C, I, 415, 424; II,
285, 286.
Rochambeau, Marquis, II, 540.
Rockface Ridge, Ga., II, 504.
Rodes, R. E., I, 300, 390, 400, 426.
Rodman, Isaac P., 1, 190, 280, 303-
305.
Rogers, J. A. R., II, 405.
Rogers, Robert M., I, 419.
Romero, M., II, 556.
Roosevelt, Theodore, II, 574.
Rosecrans, WilliamS., 1,460,451)457.
Rosengarten, Joseph G., I, 410.
RosseU, N. B., 1, 75.
Rosser, Thomas H., 1, 280.
Rousseau, Lovell H., I, 601.
Rowett, Richard, II, 61.
Ruger, Thomas H., I, 427, 430-
433, 618.
Runyon, Theodore, I, 146, 152.
RusseU, Henry S.,1, 383.
Rustin, Alice G., II, 546.
Sampson, Charles A. L., I, 120, 137.
Sampson, G. W.. I, 134.
Sampson, Jacob P., 11, 90.
Sampson, Mrs. S. S.. I, 437.
Sampson, WiUiam T., II, 671.

Sanders, L. W., II, 587.
Sandgrs, WiUiam P., I, 492.
San Francisco, In, II, 546, 546.
Sargent, Frank, I, 89.
Savannah, Ga., II, 86-100.
Sawtelle, Charies G., 1, 58.
Saxton, Rufus, II, 95, 98. 99, 178.
191, 215, 217, 234, 238, 283.
Saxton, Mrs. Rufus, II, 99.
Saxton, Sam W., II, 99.
Scammon, E. P., I, 302.
Schenck, Robert C, I, 154, 390.
Schimmelfennig, Alexander, I, 364,
366, 373, 414, 416, 445.
Schofield, J. M., I, 492, 499-501,
503, 605, 507, 510, 611, 523, 528,
629, 5.32, 539, 642, 547, 550, 552,
554, 560-.562, 565, 571, 673, 574,
576, 579-581, 586, 590-592, 595,
603-612; II, 4, 5, 7, 13, 14, 17,
26, 27, 29, 30, 33, 37, 43, 46, 51,
131, 145, 162, 154, 332, 549, 558.
Schoolcraft, Madam, II, 459.
Schurz, Cari, I, 264, 348, 349, 364,
366, 371, 375, 408, 411, 413, 414,
416,417,424,429,444,467,479,494.
Schuyler, E., II, 513.
Scott, Harvey, II, 463.
Scott, Mrs., I, 143, 162.
Scott, R. K., II, 567.
Scott, Winfield, I, 12, 60, 133, .135,
139, 166, 180.
Sedgwick, John, I, 119, 169, 172
196, 199, 215, 222, 2.37-240, 24'2-
244, 267, 278, 291, 296-299, 302,
349, 353, 356-360, 366, 369, 377,
.381, 383.
Seeley, F. A., II, 348.
Seligman, A. L., II, 586.
Seminole War, I, 74-89.
SewaU, F. D., 1, 178, 187, 215, 251,
298.
SewaU, John S., 1, 38.
Seward, W. F., I, 180.

605

Index

Seward, WiUiam H., I, 49, 138, 180;
n, 155, 277.
Shafter, Wm. R., II, .548.
Sharp, Fred D., II, 571.
Sharra, Abram, I, 442.
Shepherd, Alexander R., II, 459.
Sheridan, PhU H., I, 192, 478, 479,
488; II, 45, 287, 332, 429, 447,
494, 549.
Sherman, Frank T., 1, 600.
Sherman, John, II, 553.
Sherman, Thomas, II, 553.
Sherman, T. W., I, 189.
Sherman, W. T., I, 57, 154, 164,
192, 458, 471^75, 480-483, 488-
492, 494, 495, 498, 499, 502, 603,
.506-510, 515, 518, 519, .521, 526,
.527-.529, 531, 532, 536, 636, 538-
542, 54.5, 550, 551, 558, 560, 561,
563, 564, 668-571, 573-577, 579-
581, 586, 688-593, 695-597, 600-
603, 60.5-608, 611; II, 3, 5, 8, 9,
13, 14, 16-20, 24, 26-30, 39-53,
5.5-68, 66, 68-70, 75-80, 83, 85-
88, 90, 92-97, 99, 102, 104, 108,
109, 112, 114, 120, 122, 124, 125,
129, 130, 1.36, 138-144, 149-158,
189-194, 206, 207, 209-212, 237,
240, 267, 281, 361, 429, 4.50, 4.52,
-482, 484, 494, 549, 553.
Sherman's March to the Sea, II, 68-
100.
SherriU, A. F., II, 545.
Shickle, A. E., II, 187.
Shields, James, I, 172, 199, 2.56.
Shoemaker, Bessie, II, 556.
Shoemaker, Mrs., II, 556.
Shoup, Francis A., I, 5.34, 598.
Shunk, F. J., I, 63.
Sibley, C. C, II, 340.
Sickks, Daniel E., I, 136, 348, .349,
356, .3.57, 359, .361, 364, 365, 367-
369, 376, 379, 399. 418, 419, 423,
425, 426, 435; II, 332, 569, 574.

Sigel, Franz, I, 257, 258, 260, 264,
311, 312, 348, 349.
Silvey, WiUiam, I, 70.
Sinclau-, Franklin, II, 380.
Sinclair, Wm. Henry, 1, 336.
Skelly, D. A., I, 412.
Sladen, Joseph A., I, 514, 552, 569,
570, 572; II, 216, 446, 461, 477,
478, 566.
Sloan, J. B., II, 302.
Slocum, Henry W., I, 168, 311, 354-
357, 369-363, 365, 367-369, 376,
381, 39.3, 399, 413, 416, 418, 419,
423, 424, 426, 427, 430, 431, 433,
434, 450, 458, 461, 499; II, 16, 17,
41, 42, 51, 57, 70, 75, 76, 94, 103,
104, 112, 115, 116, 119, 120, 130,
136-138, 140-144, 146-149, 151,
553.
Smith, C. H., II, 335.
Smith, E. Kirby, I, 45, 160, 194; II,
309.
Smith, E. P., I, 486, 535; II, 402,
407.
Smith, GUes A., II, 103, 104, 108,
138.
Smith, G, W., I, 225, 234, 236, 237,
240, 241, 578, 598, 604, 608; II,
6, 7, 9, 11, 13, 72, 73, 95.
Smith, John A., II, 398-400.
Smith, John E., II, 46, 103, 104, 109.
Smith, John Lind, I, 96.
Smith, Joseph S., 1, 119.
Smith, Morgan L., I, .590, 592; II,
12, 19, 20, 24.
Smith, Orland, I, 467.
Smith, W. F., I, 172, 299, 300, 328,
481.
Smith, WiUiam Sooy, I, 49.
Smyrna Campground, Battle of, I,
689.
Smyth, T. A., I, 436.
Smyth, WUliam, I, 31, 33, 39
Sellers, Mr., I, 179.

606

Index

Soul^, Mr., II, 128.
South Mountain, Battle of, 1,
286.
Spanish War, II, 566-573.
Spariing, Fred. W., I, 460.
Spaulding, Ira, I, 318, 319.
Spence, J. F., II, 586.
Sprague, J. T., II, 336.
Sprague, J. W., II, 7, 13, 14,
218, 250, 251, 290, 335.
Sprague, WiUiam, I, 138.
Spurgeon, Chas. H., II, 542.
Spurgin, W. F., II, 488.
Stanchfield, Thomas, I, 13.
Standish, Miles, I, 7.
Stanley, David S., I, 478, 500,
606, 514, 521, 555, 568, 581,
584, 691, 594, 596, 597, 606-
II, 16, 43, 51.
Stannard, George J., I, 438
580-583.
Stanton, Edwin M., I, 201, 256,
379, 389; II, 181, 189-191,
207-209, 214, 221, 227, 236,
241, 257, 258, 263, 284, 390.
Staples, Henry G., I, 120, 143.
Starke, W. E., I, 293.
Stearns, D. H., II, 473.
Steedman, James B., I, 601; II,
297.
Steele, Chaplain, II, 571.
Steele, James, II, 468.
Steele, J. W., I, 327.
Steinwehr, von. A., 1, 350, 357,
364, 368, 372, 408, 413, 417,
467, 479, 494; II, 637.
Stetson, Mrs., I, 253.
Stevens, Consul, II, 507.
Stevens, Isaac I., 1, 268, 269.
Stevenson, Carter L., I, 698,
611; II, 111, 141.
Stewart, Alexander P., I, 521,
618; 11, 12, 21, 22, 26, 26, 28
141.

.Stewart, Thomas J., II, 509.
271- Stinson, Alonzo, I, 160.
Stinson, Harry M., I, 327, 344, 383,
386, 446, 472, 537, 552; II, 35,
36, 216.
Stoever, Professor, I, 443.
Stone, Charies P., I, 174.
Stone, George A., II, 120, 121.
215, Stoneman, George, I, 219-221, 348,
350, 379, 507-509, 532, 542, 561,
579, 592, 595, 590, 605, 606; II,
27, 28, 328.
Stooksbury, W. L., II, 583.
Streight, A. D., II, 55.
Strong, WiUiam E., II, 8, 23, 24,
504, 125, 138, 143, 216.
.582, Stuart, J. E. B., I, 53, 147, 156, 173,
-611; 196, 198, 216, 259-261, 266, 267,
274, 279, 293, 305, 318, 331, 334,
; II, 337, 352, 358, 367, 380-384, 388,
389, 401, 434.
313, Stuart, Owen, II, 82.
205, Sturgis, Samuel D., 1, 280, 302-305.
240, Sturgis, William B., II, 387.
Sully, Alfred, I, 238, 269, 326, 342.
Sunrner, Charles, II, 198, 200.
Sumner, E. V., I, 172, 180-185, 190,
194-199, 207, 215, 220, 221, 227-
296, 229, 237, 238, 240, 242, 266, 267,
269, 272, 277, 279, 290, 291, 29.5-
298, 301, 302, 305, 311, 316, 317,
322, 325, 326, 329, 333, 337, 3.38,
344, 347.
363, Sumner, Sam S., I, 183, 186.
424, Sunderland, Byron, I, 175.
Swayne, Noah, II, 218, 345.
Swayne, Wager, II, 107, 217, 218,
249, 253, 254, 287, 333-335, 353,
411, 413.
610, Sweeny, Thomas W., I, 519, 520;
II, 4, 5, 6.
604, Sykes, George, I, 298, 303, 359-362.
, 57, Sylvey, Jerome, II, 46.
Sylvey, Spurgeon, II, 46.
607

Index

Symington, Carrie, 1, 64.
Symington, John, I, 62, 64.
Symington, Mrs. John, I, 63, 64, 71.
Symington, Marj-, I, 72.
Taggart, Samuel L., II, 87, 216.
Taliaferro, Wm. B., I, 264, 332.
Talhnan, James H., I, 120.
Taney, Roger B., II, 273.
Tanner, James, II, 669.
Tappan, Lewis, II, 174, 328.
Taylor, J. H., I, 186, 267.
Taylor, Xelson, 1, 336.
Taylor, WiUiam, I, 329, 331; II,
562.
Taylor, Wm. X., II, 105, 106.
Terry, A. H., II, 88, 135, 145, 284.
Thomas, George H., I, 192, 281, 402,
456, 4.58, 459, 466, 470, 471, 475,
477, 482-490, 493-495, 499, 500,
502, 503, 507, 610, 520, 522, 529,
533, 642, 644, 558, 561, 564, 565,
569, 571, 573, 574, 576, 579-581,
590, 592, 693, 595, 597, 600, 601,
603, 606, 607, 619; II, 4, 7, 16-lS,
27, 30, 33, 37, 39, 40, 43, 45. 46,
51, 131, 332.
Thomas, Lorenzo, I, 106, 135, 200;
II, 186, 188.
Thomas, Samuel, II, 215, 217, 242,
243, 283, 301.
Thompson, D. B., II, 463.
Thom, Mrs. Peter, I, 419.
Tillson, Davis, II, 217, 249, 2.55,
286, 300, 301, 340.
Toombs, Robert, 1, 294, 302-304.
Torgler, Ernst, II, 23.
Tourtelotte, John E., II, 58, 61, 63.
Towne, Laura E., II, 98.
Townsend, E. D., II, 210.
TreadweU, Thomas J., I, 49.
Treat, Charles G., II, 558, 559, 565.
Trimble, Isaac R., I, 261.
True, X. T., I, 22.

Trumbull, Lyman, II, 280, 282,
322.
Tucker, Isaac X., I, 118, 120.
Tucker, R. S., II, 169.
Tucker, Mrs. R. S., II, 159.
Tunnel HiU, Ga., II, 504.
Tupper, H. M., II, 412.
Turner, B. S., II, 334.
Twigg., Da^^d E., I, 103, 182.
Tyler, Daniel, I, 146, 150-154, 391-
39.3.
Tyler, Warren, II, 387.
Tyndale, Hector, I, 468.
L'nderwood, Adeline B., I, 469.
United States Mihtary Academy, I,
42, 45, .55, 59, 70, 88, 89, 98.
Bible Class, I, 52.
Cadet at the, I, 44-68.
Graduation, I, 59-73.
Instructor, I, 90, 111.
Superintendent of the, II, 485^
490.
Upham, Elizabeth K., II, 556.
(Jpham, Francis W., II, 556.
Upham, Thomas C, 1, 31, 33.
Upton, Emery, I, 92.
Vandever, William, II, 58.
Van Dom, Eari, I, 103.
Van Duzer, John C, I, 525, 580.
Vefik, Achmet, II, 511, 512.
Vicars, Hedley, I, 81.
Victoria, Queen, II, 543.
Villard, Henry, I, 452.
Vincent, Thomas M., II, 449. '
Wadhams, William, II, 468, 470,
472.
Wadsworth, James S., I, 172, 203,
256, 352, 407, 408, 412, 415, 417,
418, 445.
Wagner, George D., I, 500, 583,
584.

608

Index

Waite, Alexander B., 1, 39, 40.
Waite, Mrs. A. B., 1, 66.
Waite, Elizabeth Ann, I, 35, 36, 40,
41, 66.
Wakefield, Mr., II, 469.
Walcutt, C. C, II, 71, 72, 74.
Walker, Henry H., I, 48.
Walker, J. G., I, 276, 293.
Walker, W. H. T., 1, 337, 559, 560,
612, 615, 619; II, 15, 575.
Wallace, Lew, II, 510.
Walthall, Edward C, I, 618.
Wangelin, Hugo, II, 5, 8, 10.
Ward, J. H. H., I, 244, 245, 248.
Ward, W. T., I, 494, 496, 517, 615,
616, 619.
Ware, E. A., II, 403.
Wamer, WUlard, II, 48.
Warren, Gouveneur K., 1, 106.
Washburn, Israel, I, 106, 114-116,
255.
Washburn, J. H., II, 587.
Washington, Booker T., II, 415,
416.
Washington, D. C, Camping in, I,
133-145.
Washington, D. C, Life in, II, 459-
467.
Washington, James B., 1, 232.
Watkins, Mr., I, 185, 195.
Wauhatchie, Battle of, I, 466-470.
Wayne, H. C, II, 78, 80, 82.
Webb, A. S., 1, 430, 436, 439,
444.
Webb, E. B., I, 70; II, 97.
Weber, Max, I, 300.
Weir, Robert, I, 91.
Weir, Mrs. Robert, I, 96.
Weiss, Chariey, 1, 215, 437.
Weld, Allan H., 1, 25.
Welles, Gideon, I, 139.
WeUington, Duke of, 1, 612; 11, 24,
495, 496.
WeUs, Spencer, 1, 27.

WesseUs, Henry W., I, 229.
Wever, Clark R., II, 64.
Whaley, WUham, II, 238.
Wheeler, Joseph, 1, 541, 642, 579,
601, 602, 605, 606, 608, 609; II,
7, 14, 28, 30, 47, 74, 78, 80.
Whipple, A. W., I, 157, 333.
White, Juhus, I, 273, 275, 276.
Whiting, Henry, I, 143.
Whiting, W. H. C, I, 225, 226, 239,
241.
Whiting, WiUiam, II, 438.
"Whittaker, J. C, II, 485, 486.
Whittier, John Greenleaf, II, 414.
VWiittle, D. W., II, 62, 570, 571.
Whittlesey, Eliphalet, I, 187, 298,
309, 310, 327, 366; II, 215, 217,
233, 279, 283, 362, 353, 398-400
4.30, 446.
Wiedrich, Michael, I, 364, 476.
Wiggin, Sullivan D., I, 254.
Wilcox, John, I, 22.
Wilder, Charies B., II, 175.
Wilkinson, M. C, II, 461, 464, 468,
470, 566.
WUlard, John, I, 426, 436.
WUlcox, O. B., I, 149, 154, 280, 303,
304, 311, 312, 338, 344, 345.
Willerod, Captain, II, 560.
Williams, A. S., I, 172, 199, 294,
432, 515, 577, 616-618; II, 51,
113.
WiUiams, Daniel and Mrs., II, 469.
Williams, George, II, 643.
WiUiams, Miss, II, 611.
WiUiams, Robert, 1, 281.
WiUiams, Seth, I, 46, 51, 69, 311,
450, 583.
Wffliams, Thomas, II, 167.
Williamsburgh, Battle of, I, 213-
226.
Williamson, Captain, II, 91.
WUHamson, James A., II, 81, 82.
Willich, August, 1, 618.

609

Index

WUson, Henry, I, 175, 446; 11, 198,
322, 323, 353, 3.54, ,386, 395, 397.
WUson, James H., 11, 168.
Wisser, John P., II, 539, 543.
Wood, Fernando, II, 436, 437, 442.
Wood, H. Cky, 11, 463.
Wood, James, I, 615.
Wood, T. J., 1, 478, 479, 500, 504,
511, 513, 514, 521, 537, 651-55.5,
568, .569, 682, 591, 604, 606-609;
11, 288, 301, 340.
Woodbuiy, Daniel P., I, 319, 323.
Woodford, Stewart L., I, 126; II,
587.
Woodman, E. W., II, 45.
Woods, Charles R., II, 13, 14, 19,
21, 24, 66, 70, 72-74, 122, 135,
148.
Woods, George W., 1, 25, 27.

Woods, Leonard, I, 31, 32, 42.
Wool, John E., II, 175.
Woolworth, Jeanie, II, 493.
Woolworth, J. M., n, 493.
Wotherspoon, Wm. W., II, 565.
Wright, A. R., I, 361, 369.
Wright, James S., II, 81.
Wright, R. R., n, 414.
Wright, W. W., I, 624.
Yarmouth Academy, I, 17, 24, 25.
Yorke, L. E., 11, 125.
Yorktown, Siege of, I, 210.
Young, B. F., II, 687.
Young, D., II, 566.
Young, S. B. M., II, 62.
Zeitung, General, II, 534.
Zook, Samuel K., 1, 187, 341.

610

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