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HISTORY OF THE
WALDENSES OF ITALY.

c>

HISTORY

WALDENSES OF ITALY,

FROM THEIR ORIGIN TO THE REFORMATION.

EMILIO COMBA, D.D.
(WaldenKian Theological College, Florence, Italy J.

Translated prom the Author's Ebvised Edition
BY
TEOFILO E. COMBA.

LONDON:
TRUSLOVE & SHIRLEY, 7, ST. PAUL'S CHURCHYARD.
1889.

Printed bt Hutchings and Crowslet, Limited,
123, Fdlham Road, London, s.w.

PREFACE

" It is a beautiful peculiarity of this little people that it
should occupy so prominent a place in the history of Europe."
This saying of Michelet expresses so well the opinion commonly
held, that a new attempt to write its history may, to some, appear
superfluous. It may be urged, that, the history of the Waldenses
being well known, there is no need to rewrite it. We reply : The
history of the Waldenses is not so well-known as is generally
assumed. Their early history has been thoroughly explored and
discussed, but has never yet been recounted ; indeed a writer of
great; authority has said, ' ' The history of the ancient Wal
denses certainly remains to be written." This is a grave omis
sion indeed, which may well strike us as singular. Was it worth
while, it may be asked, to trace their origin so ^r back and then
leave their history unrecorded ? There has been a desire on
the part of some to extend backward their early history ; with
this only as a result, that it has been crushed out of aU shape.
The historian has filled it full of fables and traditions picked
up at hap-hazard ; then, as if with trumpet-blast and clarion-
ring, its antiquity was blazoned forth. But, although the sound
re-echoed far and wide, it could not dispel the thick cloud that
overhung that people's origin and early days. Flatterers are
more to be feared than assailants. The former would have it
credited or imagined that' the Waldenses are of a patriarchal
age — of great duration ; that they are apostolic in name and in
fact, but barren withal ; that they had -an existence, but always
in the cradle ; that they did not live with all the word implies,
but slept for three, seven, or even ten centuries ! It is quite
possible to conceive that such an uneventful existence — if such
could be —might well have passed unnoticed ; what we deny is
that such an existence was possible. We shall examine facts,

Preface. vi.
and, after all, if we find the antiquity of the Waldenses to be less
far reaching than has been supposed, it is none the less grand and
venerable. So much for the early period, but as regards the modern
period, its history cannot be said to be unrecorded. It is time,
however, that there should now be a complete record, and such is
the object of this new essay. The material which new researches
accumulate from year to year, has nearly all passed through the
crucible of discussion. The work of selection and discrimina
tion is still a difficult one, and much has been discarded, and
more will share the same fate, before the task of the critic
can be considered complete ; the reader is asked to bear this in
mind and grant indulgence. We shall be guided by the adage
of the poet : " Rien n'est beau que le vrai, le vrai seul est
aimable." We shall here study the early period of Waldensian history.
There is an idea with some, that its origin may be traced back to
the very time of the first preaching of the Gospel ; but it is
important that this idea be disentangled from a confused mass
of legends. We shall find the first authentic source appearing with
Waldo, and the disciples whom tradition has called by his name.
From that time onward, we shall follow the sinuous course of
their followers' history down to the eve of the Eeformation.
Then will come the time for us to examine closely, in order
to discriminate between those elements which properly belong to
the Waldensian idea, and those which the body has taken to itself,
in the fields both of literature and religious observances. Before
we have finished we shall be convinced that the Waldensian
protest at first aimed only at proclaiming and observing the apos
tolic ideal— an ideal disowned by the Popes and abandoned by
the Church ; but that, meeting with persecutions, it quickly gave
way to a movement of dissent, which did not at once culminate in
schism but necessarily eventually led to it.

CONTENTS.

CHAPTEE THE FIRST.
The Origin op the Waldenses. page
The Alps— their legends, like their rivers, have hidden sources — The ques
tion ofthe origin of the Waldenses ; the, difficulties which surround it —
The report of a monk and the inferences that may be drawn from it —
The origin of the Waldenses as recorded in tradition, both as to their
decadence and as to subsequent revivals — The echo of this among the
primitive Waldenses — How another monk quibbles on this point — The
Waldensian tradition properly so called— How it degenerated — The
truth which lies beneath it — ^The source  1
CHAPTEE THE SECOND.
The Poor op Lyons.
Lyons before the XII. century — Signs of awakening — Peter Waldo : his
origin : his conversion — The song of St. Alexis — The advice of the
master of theology — The vow of poverty and what it entailed : the
commencement of separation — Waldo's daughters in a convent: his
alms — The translation of some books of the Scripture — Eeunions —
Arohbisho]) Guichard and the Chapter of the Cathedral — The first law
suit : Waldo, banished fi'om Lyons, appeals to Rome — Alexander III.
and the third Lateran Council — Waldo receives the kiss of peace — A
scene in the Couuoil^The crisis — Archbishop Jean anx Blanches Mains
drives away the Waldenses and retires to a convent — The thunders of
the Council of Verona. ¦  11
CHAPTEE THE THIED.
The Dispersion.
The Exodus — The Waldenses enter into Dauphiny after a protest from Peter
of Bruys and Henry of Lausanne — The reactions iu Southern France :
why the doctrine of the Cathari was propagated there ; its progress and
influence— Appearance of the Waldenses ; their disputation with the
Catholic clergy at Narbonne and what resulted from it— Diego and the
new tactics of the missionary Legates— Fresh disputations at Montreal
and Pamiers — Durand of Huesca separates, capitulates to the Pope, and
founds the order of the Catholic Poor— Bernard I. follows his example-
End of the Catholic Poor ; their principle survives — The Waldenses at
Metz— Traces of their mission in Switzerland and the Valley of the
Ehine ; The Brethren of the Free Spirit— Milan the centre of dissent—
The tendency of Arnaldo and the dissent of the Humiliate— The Poor of
Lombardy ; the retrograde party and that of the conservatives and of
the progressists- The conference of Bergamo and the circular letter-
Mission in the diocese of Passau and m the rest of Germany— The
Hussite reaction in ISohemia and its relation to the Waldensian mission :
Frederick Reiser— The Unity of Brethren and the Waldenses' pai-tici-
l)ation in it, through their Bishop Stephen of Austria— The clue to the
dispersion disappears  '^^
CHAPTER THE FOURTH.
The Alpine Refuge.
Rjli"ious'ideas, like birds, have a tendency to build nests for themselves—
The retreat of the Waldenses into the Valleys of the Alps was occasioned
by two facts : their bani.-^hment from Lyons and the Crusade against
the Albigensis— The Waldenses reach the Italian side and establish
themselves there, thanks to the concurrence of diverse circumstances—

Contents. viii.
PAGE
The contiguration of the counti-y — Uncultivated lands — Is there any
reason to admit the existence of traces of ancient local dissent ^ in the
Italian Valleys ? — Discussion upon this point tends to prove the vicinity,
if not the presence, of the sect of the Cathari — The Abbey of St. Mary of
Pignerol and the Castle of Luoerna — Thomas I., Count of Savoy and the
House of Achaia — New Colonies : that of Calabria — First decrees of
persecution against the Waldenses of the Valleys : that of Turin, and
that of Pignerol — The Inquisition : its " raison d'etre " and its establish
ment — The strongholds capitulate : Podesta Oldrado iu Milan and the
repression in the country towns — First assaults of the Monks at Perosa,
Augrogna, Pragelas, and iu Dauphiny — Two new decrees, one by Louis
XI. and the other by the Duchess lolante — First Crusade against the
Waldenses : Innocent VIII. and his BuU : a check in the Valleys of
Piedmont and cruelties in Dauphiny — A Waldensian deputation at
Pignerol^ — An inquiry at Freyssinieres and the letter of Louis XII. —
Margaret of Foix and the first glorious return — What was going on
within — The Barbes, the Mission and the School — Condition of the
Waldenses ou the eve of the Reformation  81
CHAPTER THB FIFTH.
Literature.
Preliminary remarks — The Waldensian dialect and a general view of
materials — Versions op the Scriptubes — Early versions which have
disappeared — Those of Waldo and the Waldenses of Metz — ^Ancient ver
sions that have survived, but which are contested — Manuscript versions
of Lyons .and Paris — Slore recent but recognised versions — MSS. of
Cambridge, Grenoble, Dublin, and Zurich — Comparative specimens — Con
nection between these versions and what is inferred therefi'om with
respect to their origin— A version in a foreign tongue— MS. of Tepl.—
Prose Writings— Those which have perished— Gleanings of original
writings — Compilations from a Catholic source — The Doctor ana the
Orchard— Brainless treatise — The commentary on the Lord's Prayer 
The Virtues, the Canticles— Compilations from a Hussite source— The
epistle to Kino- Ladislas — The treatise upon the cause of breakin" with
the Romish Church- The collection of the Treasure and the Light of
Faith, containing The Ten Commandments, the Seven Sacraments, Pur
gatory, the Invocation of Saints— The Power granted to the Vicars of
Christ, Antichrist, and the Minor Interrogations— Poetical Writings
Contempt forthe, world— The Bark- The Lord's Prayer or confession
of sms— The new comfort— The new sermon— The Parable of the Sower
The Father Eternal— Finally, the Noble Lesson, with critical notes— The
conclusions from this chapter summarized  jgQ
CHAPTER THE SIXTH.
The Religious Lipe.
The materials for this picture refurnished by Waldo— The rule of religious
^'^ ^ PlV'''*''l law accordiu"- to the Scripture— Have the Waldenses
adopted the scholastic method of interpretation '/—Their articles of faith
mainly derived from Catholic tradition, are reformed as regards two
points : eschatology and worship— Their morals, copied from the pre
cepts of the Gospel, give evidence of the influence of Catharism and
are especially marked m the protest against falsehood, oaths, and the
death penalty— Divers names ; the one that remains— The communitv
and the triple vow of admissiou--Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons ;
the Bishop and the general administration— The Chapters— Worshin ¦
remarks upon the times, places, and elements— The Benedicite Praver ¦
the Lord s Prayer only used, the Avc Maria given up-The reading of
the Holy Scriptures : reading, learning by rote, preaching— The Sacra
ments : their number according to Waldensian usage-Va?iations iu the
conception and observance of baptism— Ordination bv the lavino- nn
of hands: rubric-Confession and Penances-The Eucharistic rite" and
the consecrated bread— Polemics— Ethics : praise and calumny— Diver
ent usages: costumes disguises ; the hawker— The epoch of decadence ¦
rehgious life in the valleys of the Alps toward the end of the XV cen '
tury and at the approach of the Reformation, according to the testimonr
of Inquisitors, of Bishop Seyssel and ofthe Barbe Morel— Concludin.-

240

THE
WALDENSES OF ITALY.

CHAPTER THE FIRST.

The Origin op the Waldenses.
The Alps — their legends, like their rivers, have hidden sources —
The question of the origin of the Waldenses ; the difficulties
which surround it— The report of ar)ionk and the inferences
that may he drawn from it — The origin of the Waldenses as
recorded in tradition, both as to their decadence and as to
subsequent revivals — The echo of this among the primitive
XValdenses — Hoiv another monk quibbles on this point — The
Waldensian tradition properly so called — Hmv it degenerated
— The truth zvhich lies beneath it — The source.
THE Alps which mark the boundaries of France, Switzerland,
and Italy, ofi'er one of the most subhme of spectacles to the
eye of man. Nature's temples may be found under all skies, but
there, indeed, stands her cathedral, with its white cupola and high
altar. That altar is common to all Europe. A divine hand has there
gathered together invaluable traditions, truths, liberty and virtue.
If they be lost elsewhere, there at least they may be found ; they
may be inhaled with eveiy breath, fresh as the first breeze of
morn. Among those awe-inspiring mountains, nature is so grand,
so towering, that all things save reason and truth seem annihilated
in her presence. All temples made by men are small and puny,
before this magnificent pile, built by the hand of God. Before
this mighty Alpine altar, the Omnipotence of God manifests itself
in all its grandeur, and here, as under the very covert of • His
wings, lies the birthplace of the Waldenses. It is owing to its
position that the little Waldensian Church has been compared to
a dove able "to find her food even among the rocks. B

2 The Waldenses of Italy.
It is hence that spring the traditions of the House of Savoy,
and those others concerning the Israel of the Alps, that are so
closely united with them in time and place. The course of the
history of the Waldenses may well be typified by that of one of
their own Alpine rivers. Like a river, the histoiy interests us
from the very mystery of its origin. Its source we shall find to
be a distinct one, and the distant rivers unto this day bear that
name which tradition, with inefiaceable seal, has stamped as the
origin of its first waters. From such a place the rivers of
history take their rise, even as at the foot of Monte Rosa — crowned
with her seven-pointed diadem — issue those rivers that bless
Europe, and make it fertile. At distant intervals come the
tributaries which greatly help to swell its volume. Its course is
marked by many, and ofttimes surprising irregularities ; but a
vigorous people, like an Alpine river, will make for itself an outlet,
in spite of all obstacles. It is dammed back by every impediment
it meets, and seems to gain in strength thereby. If no struggle
be required of it, it grows feeble and is in danger of being lost.
People who judge only by appearances may be deceived by this ;
for, just as in the case of the Ehone, it may happen that defeat is
proclaimed when victory is nearest at hand. Is not the very spot
known as " la parte du Ehone " the scene of its most maiweUous
victory? It happens that the naturalist who explains this
phenomenon, is himself induced to make a comparison which has
a material interest for us. He says: — "It might often have
been beheved that the extermination of the Waldensians was
complete ; but they have always risen again."
We need not multiply the analogies ;- they are self evident.
Whether we study the course of a history or of a river, we like to
discover the origin, and what wanderings were passed through
before the light of day was reached. We may claim to say in
our turn: — "Such are questions with which an ignorant man
distracts himself, and learned men are far from having solved.
How much study and research are necessary before we can trace,
without fear of being mistaken, the immeasurable circuit followed
by a single drop of water through clouds and rocks."^ Waldensian
history contains just such obscurities of origin and regions of
cloud. The drop of water represents here the idea, the principle,
which disengages itself, in order eventually to reach the river's
source.

The Waldenses of Italy. 3
The question of the origin of the Waldenses deserves serious
investigation. Natural obscurities render the task a difficult one,
and this difficulty is increased by party polemics, the result being
confusion worse confounded. Solutions offered are far from
agreeing with each other. It has been said : — " There is
hardly a sect whose origin has been more disputed over than
that of the Waldenses." Disregarding the expression " a
sect " — which is here more or leas out of place — the above
statement is not without foundation. We know that any question
of origin contains inherently an element of vagueness, which
fascinates the imagination. What religion, city, or family, is not
inclined to trace its origin back to mythical sources ? All these
had their origin in the womb of time, as the river has its source,
and the tree its roots, in the womb of nature. To discover such
origin, our investigation must be conducted without prejudice or
foregone conclusions. If prejudice be allowed to have a voice in
the matter, it will only accumulate legends ; and history can no
longer disentangle herself from them. This has too often been
the case. Basnage says : — " It is a weakness belonging to all
Churches, as well as States, to claim for themselves great
antiquity." The reason may be readily divined, for it is nothing
new.^ Let us admit at the outset, that prejudice has taken
a very active part in the researches relating to the origin
of the Waldenses ; it has exerted its influence, somewhat over
everybody, friends as well as foes. But as prejudice has no
part in true history, it must be our endeavour to free ourselves
of it. The following words, written more than five centuries ago,
are often quoted : — " Among all the sects, there is none more per"^
nicious to the church than that of the Leonists, and for three
reasons : — In the first place, because it is one of the most
ancient ;' for some say that it dates back to the time of Sylvester ;
others to the time of the Apostles. In the second place, because
it is the mostwidespread. There is hardly a country where it
does not exist. In the third place, because, if other sects strike
with horror those who listen to them, the Leonists, on the con
trary, possess a great outward appearance of piety. As a matter
of fact they lead irreproachable lives before men, and as regards
their faith and the articles of their creed, they are orthodox.
Their one conspicuous fault is, that they blaspheme against the
B 2

4 The Waldenses of Italy.
Church and the clergy, points on which laymen in general are
known to be too easily led away."
Here we have an indisputable testimony. It has been
erroneously attributed to the Inquisitor Eaincrius Sacclio, who
settled in Milan, and was in contact with the Waldenses of Italy ;
whereas it was rendered by one of his colleagues in the diocese
of Passau in Austria, about the year 1260.'' We may assent to it,
but on one condition, namely, that its meaning be not perverted.
The writer in no wise affirms that the Waldenses date back to a
period anterior to Waldo ; he simply states that some claim that
they do.^ As for himself, he behoves in no such thing. His
mode alone of expressing himself indicates this, whilst the fact
becomes evident as he goes on to give his opinion as to the origin
of the Waldenses. He classifies them, without much ceremony,
among " modern heretics," and proceeds to state that they are
descendants of Waldo. Even in such a shape, this testimony is
nevertheless of material value to us ; for it offers, as it were, the
end of a skein which will have to be disentangled. Unquestionably
it was, even at this early time, current among the Waldenses, that
they were of ancient origin, truly apostolic. We shall hereafter see
how this idea may be entertained, and what may reasonably be
inferred from it.
The pretension to apostolic succession in the Church innate,
manifests itself in the Cathohc party in a way difi'ering from that
in the dissenting sections. In the former it takes a more material
and gross form of expression than in the case of the latter, in
which it has nevertheless a wider basis of truth, notwithstanding
the little regard manifested for appearances. According to the
popular tradition — which for many years has had an increasing
ascendancy over men's minds — the primitive Church, faithful and
canonical, goes back to the days of Constantine, under whose reign
the great original faU of the Church took place, and the era of
apostacy began. At that time the church and the world became
reconciled ; according to the legend, this was the manner of it : —
Constantine, like his predecessors, had first been an enemy — a
persecutor of the church. Being afilicted with leprosy, he imagined
that in order to be healed, he must bathe in the purest human
blood. The innocents destined to furnish this imperial bath were
about to be immolated, when their mothers' cry was heard. The
Emperor stopped ; he was ashamed. Having been warned in a

The Waldenses of Italy. 5
dream, he applied for healing to Sylvester, Bishop of Eome,
and by him was baptized in clear water, which miraculously
removed the leprosy. Then Constantine made a public declaration
of faith, adding that he recognised the sovereignty of Sylvester,
Head of the Church, Lord of Eome, of Italy and of the West.^ It
is even said that taking the golden diadem from his own brow, he
crowned Sylvester with it to the glory of Saint Peter. Having
done this, he withdrew to the East, in order not to encroach upon
the Pontiff's domain. During the ceremony, however, a voice
had been heard on high, a cry repeated by the angels in the
heavens, saying : — " To-day has poison been poured out in the
Church."' Sylvester heard it as well as the rest; but notwith
standing the example of his Divine master, of the apostles, and of
his own predecessors, he was not ashamed to yield to temptation.
This time the devil gained the victory, and Sylvester bowed himself
before the Emperor, receiving a crown and earthly possessions.
Thus, when Caesar became a Christian, the Pope became a Pagan.
Since that time men began to separate themselves from Sylvester
and his successors, because it was through them that decadence
and the ruin of faith and morals was brought about. ^^
Such was the original fall of the Church. It opened out a new
era of corruption on the one hand, and of reform on the other.
The reaction produced by it called generations back to the
apostolic faith, and caused it to be mourned as a lost ideal. But,
it may be asked, is not the above-mentioned story of the gifts made
to the Pope unauthentic ? Undoubtedly ; nevertheless, it is the
expression of a real truth. At all events, it ministered to the
ambition of Popes. It is easily perceived that it was in reliance
upon its authenticity and authority that they "originally foundtd
t^eir temporal dominion."" Towards the year 1000 its authenticity
was already being contested, but still it was admitted by general
opinion. While the disciples of Arnaud rejected it as apocryphal, '^
in the days of Eugene IIL, St. Bernard in a letter to this pontiff,
who had at one time been his pupil, writes : — " Acting as thou
doest, thou showest that thou hast not succeeded to Peter but
to Constantine."'^ And Dante, a long time after, expresses the
legend in those famous lines : —
" Ah, Constantine ! of how much ill was cause,
Not thy conversion, but those rich domains,
That the first wealthy pope received of thee."

6 The Waldenses of Italy.
Tradition, indeed, makes the destinies of the Church depend too
much upon the will of two men, who, indeed, deserved "neither
such excess of honour, nor such indignity."
Decadence had commenced before their appearance upon the
scene of history ; they are not the originators of it, but they are
its most famous factors. Popular tradition, with its tendency to
personify everything, clung to their names, the more naturally, in
that they mark a distinct political date ; that of the general and
definite transition of the free, humble, and poor primitive Church
into the enslaved, dominant, and worldly Church. In this change
is to be found the prime reason, and the common basis of the
reactions, which followed one another through the ages of Eoman
evolution, from the ancient Cathari to the Middle Ages, fi-om
Vigilantius and Claudius of Turin down to Pierre de Bruys,
Arnaldo da Brescia, Henry of Lausanne and Waldo, and from
Waldo to the Eeformation. Those reactions, which ecclesiastic
prejudice condemns as novel innovations, are, with a few exceptions,
more truly conservative than the dominant church with its constant
introduction of innovations ; as compared with the latter, they seem
even to be retrogressive. We must not be surprised if when the
first sects had disappeared, the Waldensian reaction, sprung as it
were from the very womb of general Christian tradition, claimed its
right to be considered apostolic ; and this, not at the moment of
its appearance, when it still courted the tutelage of the Pope ; but,
it must be well observed, only after it had broken off with him in
consequence of the sentences pronounced by the Councils and the
persecution which followed. Indeed, the first writers who mention
the Waldenses — Bernardus Fontis Calidi, Alanus, Peter Vallis
Cernaii, Eberhard of Bethune, and others — make no allusion to any
pretension on their part to reach back through history to the early
days of the Church. And yet that pretension was present in the
case of others and was quite noisy and near at hand ; it was heard
from the mouths of other dissenters, particularly from the
Cathari ;'* but at that time, having no use for such pretensions,
they had not as yet appropriated them. When they were placed
under the ban of Catholic Christendom they changed their
attitude and became more resolute. They, too, armed themselves
with the tradition then in vogue amongst other bodies ; and whilst
accusing the dominant Church of apostasy, they claimed for them
selves an origin anterior to the period of decadence. From that

The Waldenses of Italy. 7
moment, that is to say during the thirteenth century, the testi
mony of history comes to light, as is shown by the words of the
Inquisitor of the diocese of Passau, and as the following citation
wiU prove: —
" The Church of Christ," says the monk Eaincrius Saccho,
" continued in her bishops and other prelates, down to the blessed
Sylvester ; but under his reign it declined until the Eestoration,
which was their work.'* They say, however, that at all times there
have been God-fearing people who have been saved."'" They be
lieve that Pope Sylvester, at the instigation of the devil, became
the founder of the Eoman Church.'^ " They say," repeats the
monk Moneta, " that the Church of God had declined in the time
of Sylvester, and that in these days it had been re-established by
their efforts, commencing with Waldo."'** " They call themselves
successors of the Apostles,'" adds monk David of Augsburg,
" and say they are in possession of the apostolic authority, and of
the keys to bind and unbind. "''
It is here evident, at the first glance, to what the Waldenses'
pretension to apostohc antiquity is reduced. It is the religious
idea that is ancient in their estimation, not the fact of their origin
as a people. They plead this antiquity for the sole purpose ot
reconnecting the truth of their faith and principles with its true
source ; the tradition of which had been interrupted by the Eoman
apostasy.^" So manifest is this fact that in order to refute the
ideal succession claimed by the Waldenses, the Inquisitor Moneta
irges against them the evidence of historical facts. This is what
e says : —
" We shall plainly see, if we inquire into their origin, that
,hey are not the Church of God. Indeed, their existence dates but
1 little way back ; because, according to every evidence, their
jrigin goes back to Waldo, a citizen of Lyons, who opened the
way for them some eighty years ago.^' Therefore, they are not the
successors of the primitive Church ; therefore, they are not the
Church of God. Will they attempt to assert that their mode of
thought is of a date prior to Waldo ? If so, let them prove it by
some testimony. But that is impossible. If they be descendants
of Waldo let them teU us whence he himself was descended.
If they say that they are begotten of God, of the Apostles , and of
the Gospel, we answer: God is merciful only through his minister,
according to these words, ' Whosoever sins ye remit, they are

8 The Waldenses of Italy.
remitted unto them.' Therefore, they can have been remitted to
Waldo only through the instrumentality of a minister. Who may
that minister be ? Have they the three ecclesiastic orders ?
They reply that they have. Then I ask : From whom do
they hold them ? Who is their bishop ? If they answer : Such an
one, I ask : By whom was he ordained ? If they say : He was
ordained by a certain person, I ask again : Who ordained this
certain person ? FoUowing them up in this way, they are com
peUed to go back to Waldo. Then we ask : From whom did he
hold orders ? If they say that he took them unto himself, it is
clear that they are at variance with the Apostle, who writes : —
' And no man taketh this honour unto himself, but he that was
caUed of God, as was Aaron.' Will they say that Waldo holds
orders directly from God ? If they do, they wUl not be able to
prove it by the testimony of the Scriptures. Some have claimed
that Waldo was ordained by the community of his brethren, and
the first to reason in this way was a certain heresiarch, belonging
to the order of the ' Poor of Lombardy ' — a pervert doctor caUed
Thomas. They may say, perhaps, that their congregation and
that of the Eoman Church are one, both Holy and Catholic ;
although divided into two sections, one of which, the Eoman
Church is that of the wicked ; and the other, the Waldensian
community, that of the righteous. But this is contradicted by the
fact that the existence of such a community, from the time of
Sylvester to that of Waldo, cannot be demonstrated.^^ They say
that the Church of God declined in the days of the blessed
Sylvester. Let us see : How do they know that to be the case ?
It cannot be proved by any testimony, and therefore they
are obhged to be sUent. A wicked life does not prevent a
minister from being efficacious in his ofiice ; and even though
Sylvester had been sinful and wicked, are we bound to conclude
that in him the Church had fallen ? " 23
This monk's polemics permit us to form some conception of
the opinion held in the thirteenth century concerning the
Waldenses' origin.
But, some may say that this is not the common opinion ; and
that it is only the notion of fanatic monks and absolutely
unworthy of credit.
That is not exactly so; Moneta relates current opinions.
Furthermore, we are dealing here with judges of heresy, wlio base

The Waldenses of Italy. 9
their testimony upon what they heard a thousand times in the
course of their prosecutions ; and this proves that they are not
absolutely incompetent. Are they truthful ? Not always ; far
from it ; but two things are worthy of notice, namely, that in this
case their testimony is unanimous, and that their object is to
direct the members of the Inquisition in the examination and
refutation of heretics. Indeed, in this case, one can hardly see
what they could gain by concealing acknowledged facts. The
Waldenses were there to produce such facts, if there be any that
indicate an ancient origin, prior to Waldo. They did not do so,
and this is an important point. The first forefathers of the
Waldensian Church were quite as anxious as anybody to appeal
to apostolic tradition, unpractised, but unforgotten. They
cherished the thought of reviving it again, this cannot be doubted ;
but nowhere do we read that, on either side of the Alps,
they claimed upon historical gTound, an origin anterior to that
of Waldo. Did they but produce their testimony we should
stand convinced. Let us first cite a fact.
In the year 1218, the Waldenses held a conference with their
brethren of Lombardy ; the name they then bore was that
of Valdesians or Associates of X^aldes. Together they composed
the Valdesian Society.-* In their debates, not the slightest allusion
is found to a time anterior to Waldo. To him, as to the leader
and founder of the institution, more than one question was referred.
He was the leader then according to the avowal of these early
Valdesians. To this fact we can add a piece of explicit testimony, taken
fi-om a Waldensian document, with two readings, one of which
bears the date of 1404. It reads as foUows : —
" We do not find anywhere in the writings of the Old
Testament that the light of truth and of holiness was at any
time completely extinguished. There have always been men
who walked faithfuUy in the paths of righteousness. Their
number has been at times reduced to a few; but has never
been altogether lost. We believe that the same has been
the case from the time of Jesus Christ until now; and that
it will be so unto the end. For if the Church of God was founded,
it was in order that she might remain until the end of time.
She preserved for a long period the virtue of holy religion, and,
according to ancient history, her directors lived in poverty and

10 The Waldenses of Italy.
humihty for about three centuries ; that is to say, down to the
time of Constantine. Under the reign of this Emperor, who
was a leper, there was in the Church a man named Sylvester,
a Eoman. Constantine went to him, was baptized m the
name of Jesus Christ, and cured of his leprosy. The Emperor
finding himself healed of a loathsome disease, in the name of
Jesus Christ, thought he would honour him who had wrought the
cure by bestowing upon him the Crown of the Empire. Sylvester
accepted it, but his companion, it is said, refused his consent,
separated from him, and continued to follow the path of poverty.
Then, Constantine went away to regions beyond the sea, foUowed
by a multitude of Eomans, and buUt up the city, to which he
gave his name — Constantinople — so that from that time the Here
siarch rose to honour and dignity, and evil was multiplied upon
tlie earth. We do not believe that the Church of God, absolutely
departed from the way of truth ; but one portion yielded, and, as
is commonly seen, the majority was led away to evil ; the other
portion remaining long faithful to the truth it had received. Thus,
little by little, the sanctity of the Church declined. Eight cen
turies after Constantine, there arose a man named Peter, a native,
they say, of a country caUed Vaud." ^*
Such is the primitive tradition of the Waldenses with regard
to their origin. It springs from general tradition, floating in the
minds of men for generations. It took root in Lombardy during
the XIV. century, and only later, as we shall see further on,
did it make its appearance in the vaUeys of the Alps.^" Moreover, it
has no reference to the isolated existence of any particular religious
sect, and not even to their creeds ; but solely to the vow of
poverty, which Waldo certainly did not invent, but merely
re-established.^'' The testimony of the primitive Waldenses does
not, when it is well authenticated, diff'er materially from that of
tlieir judges.
It may be perceived from the Waldensian document quoted
above, that the tradition concerning their origin had already
begun to degenerate. The imaginary personage, at one time
placed side by side with Sylvester, and at another confronted with
him, was at first only used to represent uprightness, as the Eoman
Bishop represents the faU. There is this difference, however, that
whereas Sylvester is a maii of flesh and blood, the first of a branch
like Cain, his companion, having succumbed, like Abel, leaves

The Waldenses of Italy. 11
but a tradition without genealogy. At first he is anonymous ;
later he is called Leon, perhaps to explain the name of Leonists,
at a time when it had already been forgotten that the disciples
of Waldo were so named because they came from Lyons. ^^ Per
haps in pursuance of a still more whimsical idea, the time of
Waldo's appearance was antedated to the time of Sylvester ; then
he and this so-called Leon constitute one and the same man.
Such an hypothesis could only be tenable upon the assumption
that Waldo had grown old backwards, and that to about the age
of Methuselah.^^ The tradition, started in this manner, was still
more perverted by the men of the Eeformation. Adopting the
Waldenses as their precursors, they endeavoured, by that means,
to create for themselves " a secret perpetuity during the middle
ages, vying with Catholic perpetuity."^" This purpose was easily
attained, thanks to the confounding of the Waldensian reaction
with those that, especially during the stormy days of persecution,
preceded it. Legend, like Pharaoh's lean kine, swallowed up
history; the date of Waldensian writings were confused, and
false quotations did the rest.''
The legend is at least useful as showing an abhorrence of the
vacuum, the abyss formed by Eomish decadence. A bridge
thrown over an obstacle, or a subterranean way beneath it, are
something more than artifices. There is something real going on
there which constitutes the link between the Waldensian reaction
and the primitive Church. But what is it ? One might think a
mystery was being unfolded, and that mystery truth itself —
imperishable truth. In the struggle for existence, it is truth
that constitutes the future ; although forced under by oppres
sion, sooner or later it must come to the surface reverberating
from distance to distance, hke the echo of the apostolic voice ;
transmitted from hand to hand by its wonderful messengers, it
traverses the night as did the fiery cross of the clans. " Et quasi
cursores, vitai lampada tradunt." The tree of life may fall alas !
but it Uves again in its offshoots. " Uno avulso, non deficit
alter." Having whole centuries in which to work, its action is
slow and gradual, but sure, notwithstanding the different reactions
which seem to impede its progress. Everything surrounding its
varied development is bound together and interwoven hke the
links of a chain ; not that of the Popes, but the golden chain
of the free Gospel. This is the real, the living, and legitimate

12 The Waldenses of Italy.
succession. The Waldensian reaction is its middle link, long
and precious ; stiU that link does not constitute the chain.
The oracles of Eome have verified these successive reactions,
without discovering anything good or logical in them. They
acknowledge that there exists between them a certain bond of union;
but, if we beheve them, this bond is purely negative — mutual
hatred or vanity ; the heretics being only rebels or conspirators.
They are compared, with much monotony of iteration, to the
little foxes which are tied together by the taU and devastate the
mystic vineyard.^^ The comparison is out of place, notwith-
s<!anding its Biblical colouring. It is true that Sampsons have
never been wanting to tie the tails together, and Papacy has had her
'giants, and the giants have had their DelUahs. EquaUy apphc
able would be another figure, furnished by a great poet, held in
high esteem during the middle ages. It might be said that
when the Eomish Church of decadence is not as furious as a buU of
Bashan, it resembles the quadruped described by Virgil, when
he recounts how bees come to hfe. "Procumbit humi bos."
There he lies, his entrails exposed and smoking. Suddenly
swarms of winged insects fly thereout with a buzzing sound ; these
are the bees and drones that form the great army of heretics. If
fables must be used, it is weU to use such as, hke this latter one,
have at least a basis of truth. But we have nothing to do with
fables when it is a question of emerging from the cloud-land of
legend to place our foot on the terra firma of reality.
To sum up : we assert, that if the antiquity attributed to the
Waldenses, by tracing their genealogy back to the early days of
Christianity, be only a fable, the gradual preparation of their pro
test during the centuries of the middle ages is an historic fact.
So much for the subject of the origin of the Waldensian
reaction. In a limited sense their antiquity may be admitted ; but
Waldo is the source, properly so-caUed, and therefore, with him
the narrative must commence ; this much may as weU be
admitted with a good grace. Moreover, let us add with one of
its critics : — " The Waldensian Church does not need, in order to
render herself glorious, that her historical period should be pre
ceded by a sort of mythical era, dating back from the time of the
Apostles. It seems to us sufficiently worthy of respect, even
though it be descended from a simple layman of Lyons, whose
piety, moderation, and courage may be held up as an example to

' The Waldenses of Italy. 13
aU. To have brought the Gospel to light again, three centuries
before the Eeformation, and to have preserved it ever since with
heroic faithfulness, in the midst of persecution and torture, seems
to us sufficiently lovely to restrain us from embellishing that
undeniable fact by associating with it a long period regarding
which there is no certainty. Now, we have the positive fact of
Waldo ; why should not that suffice so long, at least, as it cannot
be proved that the Waldenses existed before him ? " ''

14 The Waldenses of Italy.

CHAPTER THE SECOND.

The Pock of Lyons.
Lyons before the XII. century — Signs of awakening — Peter
W(ddo : his origin : Ids conversion— The song of St. Ale.vis
— The advice of the master of theology — The vow of poverti/
and what it entailed : the commencement of separation —
Waldo's daughters in a convent : his alms — The translation
of some books of the Scripture — Reunions — Archbishop
Guichard and the Chapter of the Cathedral — The first
latvsuit : Waldo, banished from Lyons, appeals to Rome —
Alexander III., and the third Lateran Council — XValdo
receives the kiss of peace — A scene in the Council — The
crisis — Archbishop Jean aux Blanches Mains drives away
the Waldenses and retires to a convent — The thunders of
the Council of Verona.
THE city of Lyons is one of the most ancient capitals of France.
" Uniting together nations as well as rivers," as early
as the time of the Eomans, -it attracted a varied population,
eminently industrious and given to commerce.'* During the
Middle Ages it became the retreat of a swarm of fugitives, whose
ole fortune was their stout arms and the water-way of the
Ehone. Opulence, luxury and pleasure were there, elbowing
misery, mendicity and fanaticism. The splendour of the Church
was not echpsed by that of the city.'" The legend of her
apostolic origin, the glorious memory of the martyrs, Sanctus,
Attalus and Blandine ; of Potin, her first Bishop, a pastor of
heroes ; finally, the venerated name of Iraeneus, the conqueror of
heresy, had crowned her with a brilliant halo. Afterwards came
decadence, with new honours in its train. Her Bishop was pro
moted to the dignity of Archbishop and Primate, and along with
him prospered the venerable and fat Chapter of Canons, which
mustered on its rolls the sons of Princes and learned men. The

H'

The Waldenses of Italy. 15
level of morality was sinking lower and lower, whilst that of
superstition was rising, like the threatening tide which no banier
can stop. As early as in the days of Charlemagne, efforts had
been made to turn aside the encroachment of idolatry, either by
the Decrees of Councils, or by the authority of the Bishops.
Claudius of Turin undertook this reform on the Italian side ; his
example was followed by Agobard and his disciple Amolus in
Lyons. It was aU in vain. Zeal for the worship of images
knew no bounds. God was made to appear to have abdicated His
throne. Thanks to the ingenuity of the Canons, it was made to
seem as if that Divine power were passing into the hands of the
child Jesus, under the absolute regency of the Madonna. Indeed,
to the Chapter of Lyons belongs the questionable honour of
having, about the year 1140, corruption being then at its height,
inaugurated the Feast of the Immaculate Virgin, and this not
withstanding the remonstrances of St. Bernard. But although
the feast was denounced as an innovation, and that by the
most venerated voice'^" amongst them, the Canons of Lyons won
then* case. Did not St. Bernard go so far as to assert that
feasts should be left to the saints in Paradise, and banished
from this vale of exile and misery ?'' The Canons were not
troubled with his gloomy disposition. They did not consider it so
very wrong to anticipate celestial joys. In their opinion, it be
hoved men to make merry, and this opinion was shared by many
people in a city like Lyons, who loved to dream of new pleasures.
This novelty, like many others, was not long in becoming a cus
tom ; and early tradition, driven further and further back, seemed
to be swaUowed up by a heap of abuses. To be new, it only had to
come out, but at its own risk and peril ; for the clerical tribe does
not fancy ghosts of that kind, and would have given it the cold
shoulder.'^ That had happened before, and wUl happen again.
Yet, though in Lyons people accepted the new order, great
signs of a reaction were appearing on the horizon. After the time
of Berengarius, the word of truth had burst forth in the protest of
Abelard. He was compeUed to give way it is true, but the blow
of his battering ram had been fatal ; the breach made in the walls
of scholasticism was never again repaired; nay, it became enlarged
on all sides, and assailants of every class were seen to be mount
ing it. Discussion of the dogmas and customs of the Church
became general. In 1140, the bishops of France were writing to

16 The Waldenses of Italy.
the Pope. " Everywhere in our cities and viUages, not only in
our schools but at the street corners, learned and ignorant, gi-eat
and smaU, are discussing the gravest mysteries."'" It seemed
indeed as if the foundations of the Church were being upheaved ;
storms of ideas and lurid lights were arising on all sides. " The
re- animated fragments ofthe past came into colhsion with the germs
of the future, which were striving to spring into life under numerous
and strange forms. The science of Greek antiquity, as yet iU-under-
stood, the bold conceptions of Arab genius, the distorted traditions
of Persian Magianism and of the old mystic theories which had
weU-nigb ruined Christianity at its birth, were quickly springing
up. These were intermingled with new interpretations of
the Gospel which were audaciously progressive, and with opinions,
which, on the contrary, sought refuge in primitive Christian tradi
tion against the innovations of Eome."*" It is worth whUe to
pause a moment to contemplate this novel scene.
The Crusades had opened' the way for invasions from the East,
of the Saracens, the Jews, the Cathari. The latter brought
into the field of discussion the Manichean two-fold principle of
good and evil, together with a train of Gnostic legends.*'
From Bosnia they spread over Italy like a swarm of grasshoppers,
and without losing any time, passed into Provence and Languedoc,
where strangers called them after the name of Albi,*^ one of their
centres. On the other hand, behold two heroes coming out of
the school of Abelard, in the very heart of France. One of
them, the younger, will by-and-by go to Eome, and there at the
end of his troubled career proclaim the separation of the Church
from the world, and in principle that of the Church from the
State.*' The other as firm as his predecessors in repelling the
idolatry which is invading Divine worship, goes so far as to reject
even the symbol of the Cross. More resolute than Berengarius,
he rejects too the dogma of transubstantiation. With the
Albigenses he condemns tiie above-mentioned superstitions, as also
that of the salvation of chUdren by the sprinkling of water ; but
while he condemns these he is tolerant of Pagan duahsm and the
mania for celibacy. Peter died in 1126, the victim of a mob, while
Arnaldo died in 1155. Yet ere that fire was kindled which was
to burn Peter de Bruys at the stake, Henry of Lausanne — also
caUed the Itahan — had arisen. At first he was thought merely
to have been won over to the general reform, promulgated by

The Waldenses of Italy. 17
Gregory VIL, against the dissolute priesthood; but men soon
discovered in him the elder Peter de Bruys' disciple, successor, and
heir.** He also succumbed, and that as early as 1148. The
reaction went on notwithstanding the checks it had received.
Driven out of Toulouse, its centre, it sent out swarms on all sides
without materially depopulating the parent hive. One colony
is found in Cologne. Bees and drones are all mixed up
together. The Albigenses are readily recognized by their part-
coloured dualism ; others gradually borrow from them mo e
than one element of reform ; and ultimately they reject all
the sacraments except baptism, which they reserve for be-
Kevers ; they reject the mediation of saints, and the prayers for
the dead, as a consequence of their no longer admitting the doctrine
of purgatory, at least as defined by the Church. In this way
they attacked the priesthood at a time when it set itself up as
more than ever indispensable. They ousted the clergy from their
of&ce and made laymen of them.*^ Such actions as these, which
are common both to the Albigenses and the Henricians, betray
certain points of contact in their principles. The most evident is
the common profession of poverty, a direct consequence of the
Ught in which the apostasy of the dominant Church was regarded
at that time. To lead a life of poverty is the first symptom of a
return to the good apostolic tradition ; it is by their poverty, even
more than by their love of their neighbour, that at that time
the disciples of Christ may be recognized. Hence, poverty
constituted their prestige. "We are Christ's poor," said they,
as they fled before their persecutors; "we lead a wandering
life, and why? Because we are not of this world. You,
on the contrary, addressing their persecutors, are at peace
with it because you are its friends."*'' The Parthian's dart
was not sharper. They styled themselves " apostoUc," and this
name is of itself a formidable protest, taken with the fact that
about the same time Arnaldo da Brescia was preaching to the
Eomans that the Pope had lost the right of bearing it.*'' St.
Bernard, whose mission it was to oppose them, describes them in
a few words. "Do you ask what their faith is? Nothing can
be more Christian. What their conduct is? Nothmg can be
more irreproachable ; and what they preach they practice. They
are assiduous in their attendance at the services, respectful towards
the clergy, liberal in their offerings, and they attend confession

18 The Waldenses of Italy.
and communion. They set an example to the faithful themselves
by then- hfe and habits ; haggard with abstinence, they avoid idle
ness, and earn their bread with their own hands."*' Yet people
shunned them and denounced them ; very soon they were con
temptuously nicknamed Beghards and Beguines,*" or were occa-
sionaUy caUed by the name of St. Alexis, on account of tiie
veneration in which he was held by them.«" According to St.
Bernard, the reason of aU this was that their piety was only an
artifice of the devil. These are his words ; but does he really
beheve what he says ? The Abbot was irritated and ill at ease
when he spoke thus. The very ideal which he looks morosely
upon, and which he curses in others, lies deep down in his owu
soul. He sees himself reflected in it as in a glass ; he would like
to see it resplendent in the Church, and resting hke a halo upon
the head of his disciple. Pope Eugene III. It is the only crown
lie desired for him; but in vain. " Oh! that I might, before
dying, see the Church of God led back to the ideal of her early
days ! Then nets were cast out, not to gather gold, but to save
souls."*' Towards this point converge all the protests, heard both
within and without the Church. From this point went forth a general
if not uniform spirit that took possession of Europe. " Hoc
Europa quidem fuerat jam dogmate plena. "*^
But Lyons seemed as yet untainted. " Open to all the mer
chants of the globe," *' it continued to attract the youth of the
neighbouring country, and more than one mountaineer eager to
better his condition. About 1150, the Archiepiscopal chair was
occupied by Humbert II. , who v.^as descended on his mother's
side from the house of the Count of Savoy and Maurienne. What
is known concerning him amounts to very little. Did he long for
the reformation of the Church, as Pope Celestine Y. did later on,
and did it seem an impossibility to him ? We dare not suppose
it. He kept himself quiet, ready at any time to abjure his high
estate in his own smaU way. The chronicle says that, weary of
government, he retired to a convent to end his life in a manner
that was in accordance with his tastes ; and that at his death he
bequeathed to the Cathedral of St. Stephen, now caUed St.
John, a smaU house and a few charitable doles to keep his
memory green." At that time, or a littie after, there hved
in Lyons a man who was about to rise and undertake that
which, notwithstanding their prestige, neither Popes nor Prelates

/

The Waldenses of Italy. 19
had yet succeeded in accomplishing. That man was Peter Waldo.
Whence did he come ? That is not known, but his name has
given rise to more than one conjecture. More than one person
before him had borne the name of Waldo.*'' His name is
properly Valdez or Valdesius ;*" that is to say, it might easily be
a surname added to the true and only one of Peter ; indicating
if not his place of birth, at least that of his origin.*' Now where
shall we look for that place ? Not far from Lyons ; doubtless
towards the Alps.*^ On this point we find a diversity of opinion.
Some think that Waldo originated from Dauphiny.*" Others are
inclined to beUeve he was born further off, even in Piedmont,
where there were plenty of mountains and wooded dales. Finally,
we are reminded that the Canton de Vaud in Switzerland was so
caUed before this period,^" and that the monk, Henry of Lausanne,
came into France by the Valley of the Ehone. From this point,
to arrive at the conclusion that Waldo may easily have come to
Lyons by the same road, is but a step.''' Nevertheless, the
question is not settled.*^ Let us, therefore, leave it open, and
retum to Lyons where we find Waldo.
We are told that Waldo lived near the Church of St. Nizier,
in a street afterward caUed Val Grant or Vaudrant, and sometimes
Eue Maudite.^' He was a merchant, and so successful, that
he was in a fair way of becoming wealthy. He undoubtedly
attended the fairs and markets of the neighbourhood, leading
an active and laborious life. The chronicler informs us that
Waldo accumulated wealth, without being very particular con
cerning the means employed.^* Even if it were true, what of
that ? Guerrazzi wrote, not long ago, " In a merchant's house
all are ahke." That may be going too far; but it is certain that
if Waldo had been merely a usurer, the clergy would never have
thought of casting a stone at him. Had he not friends in high
places, both in the city and in the Church ? He enjoyed their
society, it would seem, without denying himself home comforts.
He went to mass like everyone else. But, lo ! at a time when he
was in the most comfortable circumstances, and flattered on all
'sides, his conscience began to trouble him. Did he, in the days
of his youth, hear the voice of Henry of Lausanne or his disciples,
cursing the general worldliness and proclaiming woe to tho&e
who treasure up wealth iniquitously ? He may have done so, but
his soul was asleep. An accident suddenly roused him. One

20 The Waldenses of Italy.
day, whUe in the company of some of the leading citizens, one of
his friends fell lifeless at his side."* Terrified by the event, he said
to himself : If death had stricken me, what would have become of
my soul? This thought caused him gi-eat uneasiness and'
anxiety. On another occasion — on his way to or from mass
perhaps, for it was a Sunday — he saw a baUad singer, sur
rounded by an eager crowd, holding forth in the public square.
He drew near and listened ; the singer was reciting in dolorous
tones the story, then much in vogue, of a saint named Alexis,
born in Eome, the only son of wealthy parents. Alexis
married, but had hardly descended the steps of the hymeneal
altar, when he turned his back upon his bride and left his parents,
in order to take the vow of poverty and make a pilgrimage to the
East. When he returned, being recognized by nobody, he begged
Lis relatives to grant him a shelter under the stairs, and there he
died. Then he was recognized ; but it was too late."* The old
song of St. Alexis has been found.
" Signour et dames, entendes un sermon
D'un saintisme home qui AUessis ot non,
Et d'une feme que il prist a oissor.
Que il guerpi pour Diu son Creatour
Saulve en est I'ame el ciel nostre Signour,
Li cors en gist a Eom a grant hoimour."
Thus runs the commencement ofthe strain. The singer weeps
over the good old times, and denounces the corruption of the
Church. Life is short; he continues : —
" Al tans de Noe et al tans Abraham
Et a Davi que Dieus par ama tant,
Fu bons li siecles: jamais n'iert si vaillans.
S'est empieres, et li biens va morant.
Li ordene vont le loi mal menant :
Trespasse ont le Damediu commant,
Et saintes gUses, fiUes Jherusalem,
De tout en tout se vont afoibliant.
La fois del siecle se va toute falant.
Fraisle est la vie : ne duerra lone tans."
What is to be done, but to prepare for heaven ? This St.
Alexis did. Eid of his wealth and aU earthly cares, he thinks
of nothing- but heaven.

The Waldenses of Italy. 21
" En sainte eglise converse volontiers ;
Chascune feste se fait acomungier ;
Sainte escriture 90 ert ses conseiliers.^''"
More than one feature of this wiU be found resuscitated in
the protest of Waldo. On that Sunday, Waldo greatly inter
ested, took the singer to his own home in order that he
might repeat the whole story, for he had only heard the
end. During the night his soul was troubled. The next morn
ing he anxiously wished to consult a master of theology, possibly
one of the Canons of the Cathedral, in order to arrive at
some definite conclusion relative to his salvation. The theo
logian was very learned ; he knew as many roads to heaven as
Waldo had travelled in attending the different markets. He talked
a great deal. The merchant's ears were full of his words ; but his
mind remained still undecided, like that of a man who is seeking
his way and suddenly comes to a cross-road. He was perplexed
at the choice set before him, and yet he had no time to lose. At
last he said, " Of all the roads that lead to heaven, which is the
surest ? I desire to foUow the perfect way." Ah ! answered the
theologian, that being the case, here is Christ's precept: "If
thou wUt be perfect, go, sell that thou hast and give to the poor,
and thou shalt have treasure in heaven ; and come take up thy
cross and foUow me." ^^
Waldo undoubtedly desired to understand these words more
fully than the legend of St. Alexis. It is probable that he
left the Canon to his theological studies, intending to meditate in
solitude upon the words of the Gospel which had just been
addressed to him. He returned home fiUed -vrith the words of
Christv- Far from distorting their meaning by giving them a
mystic, aUegorical, and especially a less inconvenient meaning,
after the manner of men in all ages who have tried to reconcile
the doctrine of our Saviour, with love for this world's goods, he took
the precept literally, immediately set about putting it into practice,
and cast his eyes over his possessions ; this time, not for the
purpose of taking stock of them, but to see how he might get rid
of them. He spoke to his wife about the matter. At first she was
disconcerted, but when she fuUy understood his intention, she be
came calmer. He said to her, " I am possessed of personal property
and real estate, take your choice." The list of real estate was a
long one, houses, meadows, vineyards, woods, bakehouses, and

22 The Waldenses of Italy.
miUs, with rent arising from all. The wife did not hesitate
long; she chose the real estate, and did not ever give it
up.''" Both felt they had chosen the " better part," each from
his own standpoint. There remained the ready money and what
might be reahzed from the sale of the stock-in-trade. What
should be done with that ? First, he would make reparation for
any injustice of which he might have been guilty.'" Then he
would devote a portion of it to providing a dowry for his two
daughters, whom he decided to remove from their mother's
influence, and to place without her knowledge in the Abbey of
Fontevrault. This had been founded in 1106, m Poitou, by an
eccentric monk, whose name was Eobert of Arbrissel, in a spirit
that seems to have anticipated the ideas of the " Poor of Lyons."
We give here a succinct history of this man.
Eobert of Arbrissel had been at the abbey of la Eoue, which
he quitted for ever, to devote himself entirely to preaching ; in
this intent receiving the approbation of Pope Urban II. He had
no fixed place of abode, and was foUowed about by a great multi
tude of men and women. The presence of the latter caused him
some annoyance, and he thought of providing them with some
fixed dwelhng place. He was blamed not only for a certain
indiscreet familiarity, which gave occasion for invidious remark,
but also for his strange appearance, long beard, bare feet, and
mean and ragged clothing. These singularities seemed less likely to
give him authority among the simple and needy, than to create a
suspicion concerning his sanity among such wise men as Bishop
Marbode of Eheims, his superior. Furthermore, he was accused
of declaiming against the priests and the higher clergy, " thereby
causing several curates to be deserted by their flocks."''^ Criticized
thus, he finally looked for a place of refuge in the desert, ou
the confines of the diocese of Poitiers, two leagues from Cande in
Touraine. " This spot, caUed Fontevrault, was uncultivated,
covered with thorns and briars, and Eobert having obtained
possession of it from the owners, at once erected huts as a
protection from tUe weather, and built an oratory. He
separated the women from the men, and shut the former up by
themselves, intending that they should devote themselves chiefly
to prayer, whilst the men should work. Ecclesiastics and laymen
lived together, the former sang psalms and celebrated mass, the
latter performed manual labour; and aU preserved silence at

The Waldenses of Italy. 23
certain times. They lived very frugally and unitedly, and caUed
!^obert ' Master,' simply because he would not allow the title of
' Dom ' or ' Abbot ' to be used. He denounced sin and sinners
vehemently, and his discourses displayed marvellous energy ; but
he was gentle with the penitent ; indulgent to others, he was
stern to himself. Hypocrisy he hated. He would not have his
disciples bear any other name than that of the ' Poor of Jesus
Christ.' Indeed they lived for some time on what was voluntarily
supplied by the inhabitants of the surrounding country. "'^^ Such
was the origin of the Abbey founded in honour of the Virgin
Mary. Donations soon began to flow in, thanks to the favour of
the Bishop of Poitiers, who revered the memory of Eobert of
Arbrissel as that of an " apostolic man." In Waldo's time the
monastery of Fontevrault was fashionable. It received the
daughters of the nobUity, widows, and even beggars ; and it is
believed that, in certain cases, the pupils were permitted to quit
the institution after a certain time and yet retain the name of
the " Poor of Christ," which they had learned to love.
To this solitary dwelling-place Waldo consigned his two
daughters. He had not as yet parted with all his property, the
larger portion of the ready money stiU remained. This was
reserved for the poor, and, as we shall see further on, for a work
that rendered his name glorious. At that time famine was raging,
and the city of Lyons was swarming with beggars. To reUeve them,
Waldo did not proceed at hap-hazard but according to certain rules.
Nothing in his manner recalls that of some weU-known monks
who, actuated rather by a desire for show, than by love for their
neighbour, did not think of the profit which the poor might derive
fi-om the wealth which they gave up. He did not proceed, as
did, for instance, Francis of Assise, who threw his father's money
out of window ; or like Gerard SegareUi who divided his wealth
among rogues, who gambled it away. Such proceedings are so
contrary to all reason, that a great wit, though a zealous Franciscan,
in remarking upon them, added with a touch of irony, that Christ
had indeed commanded us to give our goods to the poor, but not
to rogues." Waldo, while conforming to the manners of his age,
was more sensible. He planned a regular distribution of bread,
meat, and other provisions to the poor. Beginning at Pentecost,
this distribution was continued three times a week until the
feast of the Ascension of the Virgin, which was at that time

24 The Waldenses op Italy.
celebrated in the middle of August. We read that on that day
he distributed the rest of his money to the starving poor in the
streets, saying to whomsoever chose to hear him : " No man can
serve two masters, God and Mammon." When the crowd
thronged him on all sides, and people began to laugh, thinking he
had gone out of his mind, he took up a position whence he could
be heard by all and spoke as follows : —
" Citizens and friends, I am not mad as you suppose. This
is what I have done : I have revenged myself on enemies, who
had reduced me to such a state of servitude as to make me more
heedful of money than of God ; more subject to the creature than
to the Creator. I know that not a few wiU blame me for doing
these things publicly ; but I have acted in this manner for my own
sake, who now speak to you, and for yours, who hear me ; for
myself, that anyone may call me mad who in future shall see me
possessed of money ; for you also, in a measure, that you may
learn to put your trust in God and no longer run after wealth."'*
That was the end. The next day as he retumed from mass,
Waldo asked a friend to give him something to eat. His friend
took him to his house, received him like a brother, and said : —
" Now ask for anything you require ; as long as I live you shall
not want for the necessaries of life." Waldo's wife, however,
got wind of this, and was almost distracted. She ran to the
Archbishop, and told him with tears of the affront that had been
put upon her. On a sign from the Archbishop, the hospitable
host was ordered to give up his guest and to bring him before the
Prelate. When Waldo's wife saw him, she seized him by the
coat, exclaiming: "Husband, listen; if anyone is to redeem his
soul by the alms he gives you, is it not best that it should be your
wife rather than such as are not of our household ?"'* What
answer could be made to that ? The husband undoubtedly could
have urged good reasons ; but he did not care to prolong a scene
that was both ridiculous and painfiil. Before being allowed to
quit the archiepiscopal presence, Waldo was obhged to listen to a
homily upon his prodigaUty, and was formally forbidden, when he
was in the city, at least, ever to take food from that day forth
anywhere but at his wife's table.'"
This happened in 1173, under Archbishop Guichard, the third
successor of him whom we mentioned at the commencement of
this narrative."

The Waldenses of Italy. 25
Thus far, we have no sign of the Eeformer, although we know
that the renouncing of this world's goods had become the sine qua
non of every popular reform. But our historian has omitted one
important fact, which wiU provide us with a key to what we have
already read and to much which follows.
On leaving the theologian, Waldo had resolved to profit more
than ever by the very rare opportunities he possessed for listening
to the reading of the Gospel which it is true was read only in
Latin and in the church. In this he did not fail, but the readings
being only occasional, and at times uninteUigible, soon tried his
patience. The reading was bad, and Waldo was not well versed
in Latin,'' although he understood something of it. He tried to
read for himself, and with more profit; but he met with more than
one obstacle ; nevertheless, that instinct of truth which guides
honest souls, told him that he had laid his hand upon a treasure
more precious than aU eartlily possessions. The word of Christ
already held his mind under a divine spell ; while it bound his
conscience, which feared not the chains of obedience. Little by
little, its precepts were engraved upon his mind, and he wished to
read the whole of it. To attain his purpose, he associated to
himself two ecclesiastics, by means of a little of that money
which he was happy to get rid of and they to receive.'" If his
riches were sinful, was not that the most exceUent means of
making friends with them? According to the arrangement made
with his co-workers, one of them wrote from the dictation of the
other, who translated the Latin into the dialect of the country.
The first was Bemard Ydros, the other Stephen of Ansa.'" They
commenced with the Gospels ; then they took up a few other
books of the Scriptures, neglecting not at the same time to make a
little coUection of maxims from the writings of the Fathers of the
Church. Waldo was never tired of reading that translation ; it
seemed to be engraved upon the tables of his memory and heart. '^
He was ceaselessly meditating upon it, and soon began to repeat
it to others, without giving much thought to furnishing any
explanation of it. There were a great many ballad singers about
at that time, but none that carried the Gospel with them. Waldo
became a sort of walking Bible. He had not to seek far for an
audience, as his house was open to the poor. To them it was
that he first spoke,"- teaching them word by word the primary
truths which he himself had- appropriated. One may easily guess

26 The Waldenses of Italy.
what they were. Did he not find in the Scriptures both the con
demnation of his past life and of the general decadence of faith
and morals? " Whether we look at ourselves, or at the time in
which we live," he said, " who does not sigh on account of the
oblivion into which the precepts of the Gospel have faUen ?" Still
there remains for us something better to do than merely to com
plain ; we wiU practice those precepts, beginning with the very
first, which bids us give up earthly possessions and depend only
upon God.'* That wiU be the means of reviving apostoHc life,'*
and with it the Church itself."
Thus spoke Waldo. When his profession of poverty had
become well-known and had been imitated by a few disciples, he
faced the masses, and we have already seen that he knew how to
do that at the proper time. He had noticed that the Apostles
were not satisfied with leading a life of poverty, but that they
obeyed in a special manner the last command : ' ' Go into aU the
world, and preach the Gospel to every creature."'" Without being
able to sUence the scoffers, he soon gained the confidence of the
humble. His disciples became almost as many co-workers for
him, no longer hired like the two ecclesiastics, but voluntary. He
practised them in reading, and, by assiduous instruction, he
strengthened them in their vocation." Then they went out into
the public places and the workshops, and visited from house
to house, whilst what they had to say, was summed up for
the time being, in these words : " Blessed are the poor in spirit,
for theirs is the Kmgdom of Heaven."
Thus did the Waldensian community come into existence.
Eich in promises of a future, by reason of its voluntary poverty, and
its fidelity to the meek and gentle Master, whom it was preparing
to serve in humility and follow to the end, it was already a living
protest against the worldliness of the faUen church. The vow
which bound its different members together was not a new one ;
it would have alarmed no one if each of its members had not been
bound by another vow, more or less tacit, yet real, that of speakino-
freely. "To become poor," especially when one is rich; to
become poor, no longer after the manner of those who consent to
it only on condition of lacking nothing, was rare and beautiful ;
but after all it did not accomplish the main object. "To evangeUze
the poor ; " this was its care, its pecuharity, its ideal, from the be
ginning; its wisdom according to some; according to others its folly.

The Waldenses of Italy. 27
What will become of the new community ? With humility
and unaffected simpUcity it marched without fear to encounter
danger, perhaps it did not even suspect the danger.
Waldo's friends were beginning to forsake- him. If they met
him in the street they were careful not to recognise him. At his
age, he might, perhaps, have been forgiven had he entered into
unprofitable speculations ; but to make himself poor for the sake
of foUowing Christ in a manner different to other people seemed
monstrous. There was no doubt amongst his friends that his
mind was affected ; upon this point there was a consensus of
opinion. As for the ecclesiastics, it is very true that Waldo had
estranged them — unintentionally, however. He had disposed of
his entire fortune, he had provided for his wife and his daughters ;
he had looked after the interests of all sorts of creditors, and of
the poor in the street, and had given nothing to the Church.
This was bis offending. Furthermore, what was he doing ? A
layman, it was argued, should keep quiet ; even though he may be
somewhat of a scholar. A man might be forgiven for giving alms,
but not for preaching sermons ! " It is true that he did not
venture to occupy the pulpit ; he preferred a stone step ; but in
one respect that seemed worse, because by that means religion,
it was held, was profaned. For one donation which he had was
bestowed upon the Church, how many pearls had he not cast
before swine ? That smacked of heresy, and the scandal appeared
the more lamentable that, in order to go and listen to Waldo, the
populace turned its back upon the magnificent preaching to be
heard in the Cathedral.
"Ne sutor ultra crepidam," they in the Canon's Chapel
sententiously said. A deep, coarse voice would add, " It is time
this thing was put a stop to."
Waldo had heard that voice before ; it was that of Archbishop
Guichard, whose business occupations, to tell the truth, did not
always leave him sufficient leisure to attend to his pastoral cares.
He had been worried by a dispute with the house of the Count of
Fores which would not relinquish its rights over the city. In
consequence of this quarrel, the Chapter had been in a flutter ; it
had even been compeUed to flee with the Archbishop, while
marauders pUlaged the houses. But Guichard worked so long
and so adroitly that he attained his object. Weary of the struggle
and constrained by force of circum.stances, Count Guido II. gave

28 The Waldenses of Italy.
up aU his privileges to the Archbishop and the Chapter, in
exchange fora few casties and the sum of a thousand marks.
From that time, the Canons as weU as the Archbishop, bore the
titie of Count. That state of things did not last long, for the
people of Lyons did not look with favour upon the transfer of civil
power to the hands of the priests, they even rose up agamst
the priests, and forced them to do homage to the king of
France. But for the time being, the Chapter was merry, and
clerical ride plumed itself to its heart's content. Guichard, now
freed from the weighty cares of politics, kept a watchful eye upon
the Church. In 1174, he attended the dedication of a chapel at
Clairvaux. It has been pretended that two years later he took
part in a Synod against the heretic Albigenses ; nay, more, that
he there pronounced a sentence upon their leader ; but that is a
mistake.'" It is more probable that he devoted his attention to the
Waldensian mission, and that if he did not lay it ander an inter
dict, he succeeded, at least, in troubling it. If he had interfered
in a question pertaining to a private household, what would he not
do, now that it concerned, as he believed, the house of God?
Thereupon Waldo was undoubtedly summoned again before him,'"
but this time the Prelate found him to be less docile. We
may presume that with an accent of conviction, which must
necessarily have made a certain amount of impression, he claimed
the right to live a life of poverty, to read the Gospel, and to pro
claim it after the manner of the Apostles. He did not deviate in
the least from the good tradition ; on the contrary, he maintained
it. But Guichard did not see matters in the light that he
did. In his opinion, Waldo was in the wrong, and he took
good care to make him feel that he thought so. He filed a
suit, and doubtless cited Waldo and some of his brethren to
appear before the Synod of the diocese ; but that was only
as a matter of form. The deliberations were not long pending,
and the defendants were caUed into court. " You are pro
hibited," said the Archbishop, " from meddling with preaching,
even though it be for explaining the Scriptm-es as you say. You
have nothing to do but to obey. Otherwise we shaU proceed
according to our regulations. ""^ Peter rose from his seat and replied,
" Judge ye whether it be lawful before God to obey you rather than
God : for we cannot refuse to obey him who hath said, ' Go ye into
aU the world and preach the Gospel to every creature.' " ^^

The Waldenses op Italy. 29
Upon that Waldo and his friends were banished from the
diocese."' Little more was wanting to induce Waldo to go and see
the Pope.
This took place in the year 1177 on the eve of the third council
of the Lateran."*
We do not stop at the fact of Waldo's visit to the Eternal City
at the time of a great Council. Historians, even those who
are most fond of legends, do not pay any attention to this one, or
else they doubt it on untenable grounds. But before reaching this
point, let us glance briefly at the events that were taking place in
the world, and especially in Eome.
The world was then resounding with the news of the briUiant
victory of Legnano, won by the free cities of Lombardy against
the Emperor Frederick Barbarossa. The Pope, who had had
some difficulty with the latter, was as jubilant over it as if it had
been the most glorious event of his reign ; although he did
hardly anything but play the part of a looker-on who watches the
game to profit by the issue."* Meanwhile Frederick betook him
self to Venice, where peace was to be concluded. The Pope
announced his intention of meeting him there, and did not fail.
A treaty was made, a humiUating one for the chivalric monarch,
and it is weU-known that in order to obtain its ratification, he
condescended to kiss the Pontiff's foot. To this day a flagstone
of red porphyry is pointed out in the vestibule of St. Mark's
Cathedral, which, the guides say, marks the spot where this
ridiculous but imposing ceremony took place. It left a very vivid
impression on men's minds. Legend, as well as art, seized upon
it ; and, by the order of the Eepublic of Venice itself, the scene
was represented in a picture which is still to be seen in the
ancient palace of the Doges. Frederick is therein represented at
the moment when the shoe of Alexander III. rests upon his
imperial neck, and when the latter, intoxicated with pride,
addresses to himself the famous words : " Super aspidem et
basiliscum ambulabis et conculcabis leonem et draconem." Having
gained a complete victory, the Pontiff, resplendent as the sun^to
which, since the ecUpse of Canossa, the successors of Gregory VIL
have so often deUghted in comparing themselves — thought of
employing it for the consoHdation of his power, and thereby for
the peace of the Church, which was rent by schism. For that
purpose, he convened an oecumenical council in Eome, on the first

30 The Waldenses op Italy.
Sunday in Lent, of the year 1179."° Three-hundred-and-two
bishops were present, with the Prelates, Senators and Consuls of
Eome. The Emperor Frederick was conspicuous by his absence.
The Gauls were represented by Archbishop Pons of Narbonne
and a few prelates of second rank ; as for their Primate, he had
not been able to leave Lyons.
The dominant note at this Council may be easily guessed.
The object was to support clericalism. Under Innocent II. it had
been proposed to withdraw the election of the Pope from the
suffrages of the Princes and the Eoman people, and Alexander's
successor had been the first to benefit by this change. In fact an
attempt was to be made to deprive the laity of their right of electing
their bishops. Having gained their independence, the clergy
claimed a monopoly, and the movement initiated by Gregory VH.
did not fall far short of accomplishing it. The Prelates held high
state in luxury and opulence ; the rapacity of the Papal Legates
in devouring the revenues of the Church had set public opinion
in motion. They were compared to a flight of locusts, and their
abuses were justly condemned. When the end of the last session
came there remained but one canon to define ; this was aimed
against the heretics. The Church, it proceeds to say, has always had
a horror of blood ; still it is bound to recognise the fact that the
dread of physical pain may have a salutary effect. Therefore, con
sidering that the heretics who go by the name of Cathari, Patarins,
Publicans, or whatever they may be called, have become so
numerous in Gascony, the territory of the Albigenses of Toulouse
and in other places, that they no longer even conceal themselves, as
some do, but publicly teach their errors and lead astray the simple-
minded, this Council therefore anathematizes them ; both them and
those who afford them protection or shelter, and forbids anybody,
under pain of excommunication, to receive them either in their
houses or on their premises, to protect or have anything to do
with them, to perform religious services on their behalf, or to
grant them burial among Christians ; and it blesses those who
shall take up arms against them. Thereupon, invoking the help
of Princes, the Council proceeds to award them, as remuneration,
aU confiscated properties, besides the general indulgence promised
to the faithful."'
It is evident that there is nothing in the decrees of the
Council concerning the Waldenses. But if the Waldenses did

The Waldenses of Italy. 81
appeal to Eome where they were cited to appear before
the Council, "' it must be admitted at least that their case
would have been, under such cfrcumstances, subjected to a
prehminary hearing, foUowed by a resolution of some sort. One
writer of the period reports that the Council pronounced a sentence
of condemnation against the Waldenses as heretics."" But in lieu
of anticipating, let us retm-n to Waldo whom we left on the eve of
starting for Eome.
Waldo in Eome ! The fact seems strange, but the reason is
simple. Thus far the various testimony which confirms it has not
received the attention it is entitled to, although what it tells us
harmonizes with everything that we read on the subject of
Waldo.^"" Still, for what purpose did he go ? This question
will be difficult for those only who are the victims of prejudice.
Waldo is dressed up as one of the reformed, and it then becomes
impossible to conceive the idea of his going to Eome like a good
Catholic. He is dressed almost like a clergyman, and lo,
he proposes to have a regular entry made of his vow of poverty !
However, it must be confessed that the imagination which could
suspect Dante of being " a pastor of the Church of Albigenses of
the city of Florence,"'"' was capable of taking still gi-eater
liberties on the subject of Waldo. Let us return to facts.
Thus far Waldo had not the slightest visible bond of union
with the adversaries of the Church. It was to ministers of the
Catholic church that he had first applied for support ; it is out of
respect for her that he undertook a journey to Eome. He had
taken the vow of poverty like a faithful Catholic, even as one of
the old school ; but the validity of his action being disputed, he
would go and ask the Pope to sanction it. Nothing could be
more logical. The example of Peter of Lyons going to ask the
approbation of Alexander III. was foUowed later on by Francis
of Assisi in the days of Innocent III. But in addition to
his vow of poverty, Waldo was haunted by a new care. He feared
lest the Uberty to preach the Gospel, which he claimed by virtue
of his vow of poverty, might be contested. He hoped to obtain
both from Alexander HI. and the third Lateran CouncU, a per-
• mission simUar to that which Dominic in his turn invoked from
Pope Innocent III. and the fourth Council. Confident of being
in the right, he by no means despaired of obtaining justice ; for
after aU, it was quite evident from the Scriptures and the Fathers

32 The Waldenses of Italy.
that he was introducing no innovation, and he had taken note of
this. This is simplicity,'"^ some wUl say, but whose fault was
that ? We shaU soon S3e, for Waldo has arrived at the gates of
Eome !
The Pope, after ten years' exUe, had returned to Eome on the
12th of March, 1178. The unheard of festivities, with which he
had been received, were no longer spoken of ; because the reconcUia-
tions of .the Eoman people with their Popes were as frequent as
they were insincere, and hence also they were of short duration.
Some new plot was being laid to shake off his tyrannical yoke,
and he knew it perfectly weU. What a destiny was that of this
people ! Never free, constantly engaged in revolutions, ever
rolling its stone of Sisyphus ! It was pitiful, especiaUy at that
time, when Italy was witnessing the revival of her civU liberties,
which were dreaded by the very monarch who had sent to the
scaffold Arnaldo da Brescia, the great Tribune of independence.
Between the aspirations of the Eomans and those of the Pope
there was, unfortunately, one thing in common, namely, an
incurable and fruitless ambition to rule, or, if nothing more could
be gained, at least to appear to rule urbi et orbi. This ambition
was not badly expressed in an inscription, which Waldo may
have read, when he visited the city.
Eoma vetusta fuit, sed nunc nova Eoma vocabor,
Eruta ruderibus culmen ad alta fero.
Alexander III. lived, if not like a prisoner, at least as if in
an enemy's country.'"' The Eternal City, bristling with 361
towers, 49 fortified castles, and 6,900 ramparts, resembled less
the mystic Zion than a gigantic mouse trap. What may surprise
us is, not that Waldo entered there, but that he ever came out
again. It is true that he entered it with hundreds of Bishops
and thousands of pilgrims, who arrested pubUc attention sufficiently
to permit him to pass in unperceived. In those days there was
nothing going on in Eome of a nature to interest him except the
Council. They were not translating the Bible there, as in Lyons ;
they were attending to quite other labours. The learned
Albinus was about to begin the collection of documents likely
to justify the original rights of the Holy See. Others foUowing
the footsteps of the monk Gratianus were compUing canons —
not without consulting his Concordia discordantium canonum,
which had been the rage. Some thought they had made

The Waldenses of Italy. 33
astounding discoveries on the subject of Virgil. Several
were on the point of attributing to him Messianic visions ; nay
more, some discerned in him the Morning Star that had heralded
the sun of the papacy and a new era. Some thought they had
discovered that the Apostle Paul had made a pilgrimage to Naples
to visit his sepulchre. Finally, he was no longer a magician, but
a prophet, and saint in the popular imagination. He was being
seized upon as a subject for sacred pictures, and presented to
the veneration of the faithful, while his legend was sung before
the altars.'"* AU this was going on in Eome, and Waldo had not
even heard a whisper of it. But if he were unknowing, he was also
unknown. Nobody knew who he was, nor what brought him to the
Eternal City. His mission, however, they soon heard of in high
places, when the time had come for the "Poor of Lyons" to
present himself before the conqueror of Barbarossa.
When Waldo arrived in the presence of the Pope he was
received as a beloved son of the Church ; he had even the good
fortune to receive a solemn embrace from His HoHness.'"* Was
he surprised at this ? Less than we are, undoubtedly. It must
be admitted that, after a lapse of seven centuries, the anecdote has
become stimulating to the imagination. But why should we look
upon that act as a mark of personal benevolence ? It was not a
question of personal affection, but of sanctioning a vow of poverty.""'
Hence, that kiss did not over-excite the imagination of the
Waldenses. No mention is made of it in their writings, nor even
in popular tradition. Certainly they do not think of recording it.
The sanction granted by Alexander did not imply, however,
liberty to preach — quite the contrary. It is therefore probable
that Waldo prolonged his stay in Eome for the purpose of soften
ing the will of the Pontiff.'"' A cardinal who enjoyed his evan
gelical and artless speech interested himself in Waldo, it seems,
and pleaded his cause,^"' so says the chronicle. It adds that
on this occasion Waldo engaged not to depart from the doctrine
of the Latin Fathers, especiaUy Ambrose, Augustine, Gregory
and Jerome, who were deemed the pUlars of the Eomish Church.^""
Finally, must they not have been convinced, when they listened
to him, that he had not the slightest notion of becoming the rival
of titled preachers ? His mission was more humble. He did not even
endeavour to preach, but to talk.^^" One is therefore tempted to
believe that, out of regard for Waldo and his defenders, the Pope

'34: The Waldenses op Italy.
may have yielded for a moment, pending a final decision. Indeed,
one chronicle asserts that he did,^" and another tells us that
Waldo evangelized in Eome, and not without success.-"-^^ But
where did all this dispute take place ? In the Council, of course.
Let us enter there ; we shall assist at a curious little scene. We
have a description of it from the hand of the principal actor ; this
was Walter Map, a Welshman, a delegate of Edward IL, King
of England. A passably good scholar, a friend of art, at one time
jester, at another pedant, he concealed under the guise of a truly
conventual humiHty a courtier's soul, which aimed at effect. This
will be well seen, for his language soon betrays it.
"I saw in the Council," says our writer, "some Waldenses,
ignorant and unmannered people, called by the name of Waldo,
their chief, who was formerly a citizen of Lyons on the Ehone.'"
They presented to the Pope a book written in the dialect of Gaul,
containing the text of and a glossary to the Psalms, together with
several portions of the Old and New Testaments. These people
insisted that their right to preach should be recognised. They
considered themselves worthy ; as a matter of fact they were
nothing but fools, like the birds which do not observe the nets and
fancy they can always find a way of escape. I, poor wretch, who
felt remarkably smaU in such an imposing assembly, could not
help thinking it ridiculous that their request should be seriously
considered, and that it took so long to arrive at a decision.
Being called upon, I expressed my opinion. At last, before
several theologians well versed in the Canon law, two Wal
denses were brought forward, who were reputed to belong to
the chiefs of the sect. They were not abashed, for they expected
to silence me. I took my seat with perturbation. I have no
hesitation in saying so, for I could not help asking myself whether
for my sins I had not deserved that I should have been refused
permission to speak in so grand a Council., But the Pontiff
directed me to question them, which I was very ready to do. I
commenced with the most elementary questions, which everyone
should be capable of answering ; being well aware that a donkey
which can munch oats does not disdain milk diet.
" ' Do you believe in God the Father ?'
" ' We do believe in Him.'
"'And in His Son?'
" ' We believe in Him also.'

( J

The Waldenses of Italy. 35
" ' And in the Holy Ghost ? '
' Equally.'
¦ And in the mother of Christ ? '
¦¦ Yes.'
"At this the whole assembly burst out laughing."* Our
friends retfred in confusion and justice was done. They pre
tended to be guides and were themselves in want of guides ;
resembling in this case Phaeton, who did not even know the
names of his horses. These are people without fixed abode.
They go about in pairs, bare-footed with a wooUen tunic and
possessing nothing. Being poor themselves they foUow a Christ
who is poor, like the Apostles. Certainly they cannot take a
humbler stand for they have scarcely learned to walk. But if we
admit them, it is we who ought to be turned out.""*
The end of it all was that the Waldenses lost their cause.
The answer of the Council as delivered by the Pope may be
summed up in two words: — "You shall not under any circum
stances preach, except at the express desire and under the
authority of the clergy of your country """
What were they to do ? There remained nothing for them
but to bow their heads submissively and to cany the grave news
to Lyons. Could Waldo return there again ? or would he remain
in Italy "' among the sect of the " Poor of Lombardy," who had
also andvery justly claimed the right of free speech ?"' We cannot
teU for certain. Then occurred that ominous pause which precedes
aU revolutions, and men hastened to pretend to see in it an indica
tion of wavering."" Not so. The Waldenses drew themselves
back to consult their oracle — that is to say God's own Word.
Instinctively they were led to read over again the first acts of
the Church of the Apostles, in that book which traces with such
truthfulness the relations between thein ahd the ancient Syna
gogue. They meditated and compared and were finaUy able to
make out their real position. They felt as thoagh scales had
faUen from their eyes. Waldo was not far away ; he roused him
self like a lion awakening from his sleep, and repeated the
apostolic cry, " We must obey God rather than men." That day
a Eeformer was born. The apostolic motto remains ; it forms
their Articles of Association. The choi „. was made, conscience
was saved and with it reason and HL- 17. What would be the
issue ? It was weU foreseen. To-m w rupture ; after that
c 2

36 The Waldenses of Italy.
persecution. Meanwhile the mission of the Waldenses took a
fresh onward leap. Like the river which is momentarily inter
rupted in its course, it advanced with a bound.
Waldo multiplied himself, thanks to the co-operation of his
most faithful friends, amongst them perhaps Vivetus, of whom
we hear.'^^ With their assistance, if not with them, he
tauffht and evangelized. The sect of the Waldenses was
established. This was not sufficient ; he sent his brethren two
by two, into the surrounding countries, and so effectually did
the word of Christ spread abroad that , ere long, one could say of
the diocese of Lyons what Melanchthon wrote concerning another-
country at the dawn of the Eeformation, " The Gospel resounds
in this country — sonat Evangelium."
Unfortunately, it was not for long. Alexander IIL, driven by
the tide of revolution, had quitted his country for the last time
and had just died on 30th August, 1181. Guichard, the aged
Archbishop, was also dead and had left his throne a prey to the
intrigues which were the ordinary prelude to a new election. He
was succeeded by Jean aux Blanches Mains, heretofore bishop of
Poitiers, and the Archbishop designate of Narbonne. '^^ The
inptallation of the new Primate of the Gauls was no sooner decreed
at Eome, where Lucius III. had taken the place of Alexander,
than it was celebrated by the gay city of Lyons, with the Chapter
at its head.'^' Jean aux Blanches Mains accepted his festive
reception with a good grace. He was said to be a learned an'l
eloquent man ;'^* but he had little else than that eloquence which
borrows clerical thunders. When the festivities incident upon his
installation were at an end, he turned to business. The aged
counsellors of the Archbishop declared that it was urgently
necessary to put an end, once for all, to the preaching which had
been carried on in the houses and even in the streets
to the prejudice of the sacred ministry. Moreover, it
was the express desire of the Pope.'^* Nothing remained to
be done but to carry it into execution. John summoned Waldo
to appear. He told him to desist from preaching and enjoined
the same upon aU his disciples ; but he availed nothing.i^" At last
the Waldenses were driven into exUe. It is said that there
were about eight thousand of them.'^'
A few years after, a decrepit old man was sighinw over his
sins in the Convent of Clairvaux. He read the sacred Scriptures

The Waldenses of Italy. 37
wiyh devotion, and was particularly absorbed in meditating on
the Psalms. Every day he celebrated mass for his own soul and
that of St. Bemard. When he wrote to friends it was always in
these words, " I am doing penance here ; I am atoning for my
crimes ; I beseech you intercede for my pardon — suppliciter exoro
quatinus pro reatuum meorum venia intervenire dig nemini. "'^^^
ThisuLatin is authentic. It was written by the white hand of
John, Archbishop of Lyons, after he had abdicated, previous to
doing penance.
Compared with those Primates of the Gauls and their pitiful
ideal of shutting themselves up in a convent to mumble over a
" mea culpa," Waldo seems to us a grand contrast, owing to the
character, simpHcity, and logic of his convictions. That which
Archbishops muttered at their last hour, he carried written large
upon his forehead. He read the same Bible ; but like a free
man, surrounded by souls whom he enlightened and saved by
means of that book, he found better things to do than to shut
himself up in the solitary ceU of a cloister, when people were
dying of ignorance. He went out and faced the world, bearing
the Word of Ufe and followed by a legion of missionaries.
Hunted out of their native town, the Waldenses discovered
more than one country suited for their adoption. It must be con
fessed that up to that time their community had been recruited
from none but the poorer classes, and had attracted neither the
nobiHty nor the middle classes. But if the wind had hitherto set
always in favour of clericaHsm, a future was imminent in which it
would favour liberty. Hitherto there had been nothing done but
preparatory work; now the mission of Waldo was about to com
mence in reality. He devoted himself entirely to it, and so
thoroughly, that a cloud of silence gathered around him, and it has
been supposed that this was the sUence of death. StiU he was
" nel mezzo del cammin di sua vita." Only, like the poet he was
entering a dark forest, wild and fuU of dangers. His career was as
long as it was laborious. He died fuU of years about 1217,'^"
leaving an ineffaceable impression upon the minds of men, and a
vacant place which was more difficult to fiU satisfactorUy than was
the throne of his Archbishop.
But listen ! The forest is fUled with sounds. Is that lightning
which has just struck ? Yes, it is the greater excommunication
jA'onounced by Pope Lucian III. in the CouncU of Verone under the

38 The Waldenses of Italy.
auspices of the Emperor Frederick, towards the end of the yi^r
1183. It runs thus : — " By the present decree we condemn
aU heresies ; therefore we first anathematize the Cathari and
the Patarins, as weU as those who conceal themselves under the
name of Humiliati or Poor of Lyons, the Passagins, Josephites,
and Amaldists. And as some with a certain appearance of piety,
but denying the real sense of the Apostle's words, arrogate to
themselves the right of preaching, although the very same apostle
says, ' How wiU they preach if they are not sent ? ' we include
under the same perpetual anathema all those who, in spite of our
interdiction and without being sent by us, shall dare to preach
whether in private or in public, contrary to the authority repre
sented by the Apostolic See and the Bishops."""
Evidently this general decree was aimed directly at the Wal
denses. They were heretics because they arrogated to themselves
the right of preaching. War was now openly declared ; they were
hunted like wild beasts on the mountains, in the valleys, and along
the roads. What wiU become of them now ? WiU they perish
in the dark glades of the forest ? No, certainly not ; they carried
with them that light which shines in darkness.

The Waldenses op Italy. 3b

CHAPTER THE THIRD.

The Dispersion.
The Exodus — The Waldenses enter into Dauphiny after a
protest from Peter of Bruys and Henry of Lausanne — The
reactions in Southern France : ivhy the doctrine of the Cathari
was propagated there ; its progress and influence — Appearance
of the XValdenses : their disputation with the Catholic clergy
at Narbonne and what resulted from it — Diego and the neiv
tactics of the missionary Legates — Fresh disputations at
Montreal and Pamiers — Durand of Huesca separates,
capitulates to the Pope, and founds the order of the Catholic
Poor — Bernard I. follows his example —End of the Catholic
Poor ; their principle survives — The Waldenses at Metz —
Traces of their mission in Switzerland and the Valley of the
Rhine ; The Brethren of the Free Spirit— Milan the centre
of dissent — The tendency of Arnaldo and the dissent of the
Humiliate — The Poor of Lombardy ,- the retrograde party
and that of the conservatives and of the progressists —
The conference of Bergamo ancl the circidar letter — Mission
in the diocese of Passau and in the rest of Germany — The
Hussite reaction in Bohemia and its relation to the Waldensian
mission: Frederick Reiser — The Unity of Brethren and the
Waldenses' participation in it, through their Bishop Stephen
of Austria — The clue to the dispersion disappears.
WAS the expulsion of the Waldenses from their native city a
misfortune ? That may be doubted, for it benefited their
mission. One might say of them, as was said of the primitive Chris
tians after the persecution, that " they that were scattered abroad,
went everywhere preaching the word."'^" Who cannot picture to him
self the part taken by Waldo in this critical hour ? Was he not the
Moses of this little people which were going out of the land of
bondage ? He it was therefore who must have directed the exodus.

^40 The Waldenses op Italy.
every departing band received from him a parting glance and a watch
word. There is a basis of truth in the legend which multipUes
his presence. Wliere are aU these exiles going ? To the field
destined for them. Their field is the world. Ploughed up by
discord and famine, harrowed by the most various reactions, it
awaits the new seed. When the Eeformation shaU come, the
harvest will be great.
One of the first bands, soon followed by others, took the
direction of Dauphiny. This can be surmised even without
existing indications. It had been the early home of a number of them,
and it was a possible refuge for aU. The names of Peter of Bruys
and his disciple Henry were stUl held in veneration and the fire of
their protest was smouldering there. Peter, a native of
the neighbourhood of Gap,'" undoubtedly had spread these
principles of liberty and reform, he had learned at school and
found in the Scriptures. More conseiwative than his teacher,
Abelard, with regard to dogmas, he had nevertheless aimed
at the uprooting of gross traditional abuses in divine wor
ship, which he wished to see purified. In his way, he con
tinued the Carlovingian reaction against idolatry, the echo of
which Had resounded in Lyons and Turin, during the times of
Agobard and Claude. After twenty years of labour he finally
succumbed at St. Gilles, a victim to his iconoclastic zeal against
the idolatry of the Cross. This tragic end, the sinister prelude
to the scenes of the Inquisition, made the greatest sensation.
The monks saw in it the finger of God. At Cluny, an oracle of
the time declared that his soul had passed from the flames of the
stake to those of HeU."^ The reaction revived, thanks to the
appearance of Henry, a disciple of the martyr. His origin is
unknown. "V\Tietlier he came from Lausanne, from some vUlage
of Savoy, or from Italy, it is impossible to state."' At any rate
he was known ; he had been seen by the side of his master, Peter
de Bruys, whose mouth-piece he was, and an eloquent one for the
people. He was a man of imposing deportment ; his glance and
his powerful voice possessed a singular animation. Clear, austere
and pliant of speech — now impassioned as the stormy wind, or
striking as the thunderbolt, now gentle as the zephyr that kisses
the flowers of spring — he carried away men of generous impulses and
touchedthe most hardened hearts. The people thought that he read
the souls of his hearers ; he even passed for a prophet ;"* less so,

The Waldenses of Italy. 41
however, in Lausanne, whence he had been driven, or in Savoy,
or Orleans, than in the South of France. At Mans he was
for a time the arbiter of pubHc opinion ; but the clergy, seeing
their credit more than threatened, collected their forces in
time, faced about and constrained him to withdraw. Did he then
go into Dauphiny ? Some have been of that opinion. He found
there a less excitable and colder population, but yet sufficiently
favourable to him to alarm the bishops. They had not the courage to
resist him openly. The Cluny monk, shrewd and valgar under his
venerable cowl, scoffed at his feUows, though a little late in the day.
" You are petrified with astonishment," hewrotetothem,"* " dazed
as the dove charmed by the serpent ; nay, as simple minded as the
ox being led to the slaughter."" Much cause there is for this
indeed ! Had you to defend yourselves against the wisdom of the
Greeks, perhaps, the power of the Eomans, the cruelty of the
Persians, the prodigies of Antichrist, or the rage of a riotous
mob ? For shame ! You had only to resist two miserable
heretics,^" and now there you stand with your arms folded as if,
because Henry the false apostle and his companions had been
compeUed to withdraw, there were nothing more to do." Henry
had withdrawn then, to go into Provence, it would appear. There
he was pursued and summoned before the Council of Pisa, which
condemned him to do penance in a cloister. When he came out
he went into Languedoc, according to some ; others say to
Guyenne, and the chase began once more. St. Bernard had
provoked it by his letters to his pupil, Eugene III. ; he in
augurated it by his doleful censures. The Pope delegated
Cardinal Alberic to the spot, and Hem-y who was hiding in the
neighbourhood of Toulouse, tracked like a wild beast, was
arrested, put in chains, taken to the Council of Eheims, and sen
tenced to life-long incarceration, under which he soon after died.
His adherents, more or less scattered, let the storm pass. There
were some yet in Dauphiny, and this knowledge deprived the Abbot
of Cluny of his sleep. In his epistle to the Bishops, he examined
and refuted the errors of the heretics point by point, whUst he
begged the prelates to render his polemics beneficial to those who
were led astray. " Eouse yourselves ! " he further wrote, " con
sider that if the teachers of error are far away, their seed
remains ; nay, it abounds, and if you neglect to destroy it,
to-morrow the tares will have grown and damaged the harvest."'

42 The Waldenses of Italy.
Let us avert this danger. We do not desire to witness the
resuscitation of that iniquitous brood."" Thereupon, from the
depths of his cloister, the Abbot apostrophizes the heretics : —
" Come out in broad daylight, if you dare, heretical outcasts and
schismatic rabble ; come out, ye blind leaders of the bUnd, from
the darkness that shelters you. I defy you.'*" Truth loves not
dark corners ; Hght is not made to remain under a bushel ; come,
I say, hasten to the voice ofthe Church which caUs you."'*^
Thus spake the Abbot. There is nothing to indicate that his
voice was listened to. Half-a-century elapsed, and lo ! a new band
of heretics are driven out of Lyons. They lodged in the VaUeys of
Dauphiny, and constitute the stock of the Waldenses of the Alps.
We shall have to return again to this point. Let us now follow
thefr brethren who went down further South, toward the classic
land of the Eenaissance and reaction.
Before they reached it, the wind, thus far adverse, changed
and became favourable to them. Let us first form an idea of the
new surroundings by which they were attracted.
" During the second half of the XII. century, protest under
all its forms had a visible tendency to concentrate itself in the
South of J^'rance. The principal wandering sectarians — those at
least who left a name in history — are seen to concentrate upon that
point, to found congregations and organize for the struggle.
They were attracted by the superior civilization of the South, by
its Hght literature, which willingly lent itself to attacks upon the
monks and official prelacy, and by its independent and jesting turn
of fancy. The beautiful country, extending from the Alps to the
Gulf of Gascony, had in truth never thoroughly submitted to
Eoman orthodoxy. Arianism had long reigned there under the
Visigoth kings, and the recoUections of that form of Christianity
were confounded with the traditions of the glorious independence
of Aquitania. To the eyes of the Southern, CathoHcism ever
represented the rehgion of Northern men, of conquest and of
invasion. Those recollections were still so vivid when the
sectarians first appeared, that the defenders of Eome saw in them
at first only a continuance of Arianism. It was, however, nothing
of the kind. Arianism, whether Visigoth, Burgundian, or Lom
bard, had truly died under the blows of the Frankish lance. "'*^
This could hardly be better expressed. But is the almost
sudden breaking into blossom of the grand reaction of the

The Waldenses op Italy. 43
Albigenses in those districts now quite clear to us ? Not quite.
Arianism was certainly forgotten ; but it is also certain that
" Catharism took deep root in the West, only in those districts
formerly Arian, which Frank conquest had brought back by force
into CathoHc unity, namely. Northern Spain, Southern France,
and Northern Italy."'*' From that it has been concluded, on the
one hand, that Arianism had left a leaven of protest against the
ruUng Church ; on the other, that ancient Manicheism, every
where repressed and in its turn forgotten, had deposited certain
germs which the superstitions of the Middle Ages relative to
Satan were of a nature to sustain, and which, after having long
been buried, had finaUy been hatched at the favourable time.
Catharism, making Eome one of the seats of Satan's empire
and attributing the Papal doctrines to the very principle of evil
as their only and necessary source, responded freely to the
antipathy provoked by the scandals of ecclesiastic life, and to a
well-known passionate hostility. The radicalism of its protest
ought not to have been displeasing to men of advanced ideas, and
its manner of explaining the Old Testament anticipated their
doubts, although its metaphysical incumbrances must have caused
thinkers to smUe whUe it left the people indifferent." Are we,
however, hereby made to understand how Oriental Catharism in this
district prevailed over the indigenous reactions ? Why did not our
popidations follow rather their own Apostles, Peter of Bruys,
for example, Henry of Lausanne or Waldo ? This question,
which continues to be a knotty one, has been answered with a
perfectly just remark,'^** namely, that Catharism, though a leveUer
in the field of orthodox dogmatism, nevertheless reseiwed plenty
of work for the most refined dialectics, and that in another respect,
it was distinguished by its aristocracy of forms. It must be
recognised, for instance, that its episcopalianism was very marked;
to say nothing of the Pope it was said to have, but who does not
seem to be an authentic character. Also the nobiHty enjoyed
Catharism, and distmsted evangeUsts sprung froiii the ranks of
the people, their mission being too democratic for people with
" white hands." As a consequence of these very qualities it was
inevitable that as soon as the nobUity should cease to patronize
Catharism it must coUapse, and its ruin would be irretrievable.
With that coUapse the Waldensian reaction will survive and the
figure of Waldo wUl grow until it wUl, as it were, personify
traditional protest.

44 The Waldenses of Italy.
But we are anticipating. The Cathari were yet preponderant
in the South of France, where, however, they were not introduced
before the eleventh century. In the year 1119 a CouncU held at
Toulouse had pasped a sentence against them, enjoining the
Lords of the soU to drive them away. In 1163 a new CouncU
was held at Tours, presided over by Pope Alexander III., and
at it the condemnation of the heresy of the Cathari was reiterated ;
Toulouse, being regarded as its nearest source, was closely
watched. In 1165 a third CouncU passed a thfr-d sentence at
Lombers; but it was as if the edict had gone forth, "Increase
and multiply and fiU the whole earth." The heresy invaded the
nobUity ; it was propagated even amongst the ranks of the clergy
and pursued its conquest toward the West, " as far as the road
goes." There is yet another councU ; but this time it is a CouncU
of Cathari. It met in 1167, at St. FeUx de Caraman, not far from
Toulouse, for the manifest purpose of completing the institution of
the sect. A Bishop named Nicetas came from Constantinople;
he was undoubtedly a delegate of the E3,stern Churches of the
Cathari, and invested with a sufficiently real power, vividly to
impress the popular imagination, which indeed dressed him in its
own fashion, and the credulous chronicle presents him to posterity
under the magnificent title of Do?remtis ^ajjrt Niquinta. Besides
that of Nicetas the presence of Bishops from Lombardy is notice
able. The Cathari of Toulouse gave a warm welcome to these
"good men," as they were accustomed to be caUed, and
actuated by jealousy, they asked that a Bishop should be given
to them also.
Toulouse had, therefore, very soon become the principal seat
of the reaction of the Cathari. That is explained by the place she
occupied in the political world. Her Count of the Eaymond
Uneage was the richest lord of the kingdom ; five neighbouring
fiefs were juridicaUy dependent on his domain, the most consider
able being those of Narbonne and Beziers. Public opinion
there favoured independence, both as regards the King of
France and the Pope, and hence was favourable to the Cathari
caUed Albigenses. The national spirit became so thoroughly
impregnated with the Albigensian protest, that it finally became
inseparable from it. The Count of Toulouse, for form's sake,
attended CathoHc worship, though it was known that the Albio-enses
held their meetings in his castle, and that he used to attend them.

The Waldenses op Italy. 45
The Count of Foix adhered to the heresy through his family ; as
for himself, he was almost a free-thinker. "The Pope has
nothing to do with my rehgion," he would say, "inasmuch as
every man must be free to choose his own."'** The troubadours
took a share in the dispute, and certainly the dominant Church was
not less iU-used in their sirventes than in rehgious discussions.
If the troubadours are to be believed, the Prelates were too fond
of " fair women and red wine ; " the orthodox are " Eomipetes."
Nay, more, an outrageous comedy was performed, whose subject
was "the heresy of the Priests." The people enjoyed that, and
reserved ecclesiastical titles for use in biting sarcasm. " A.meriou
miou estre capelan " (I would rather be a chaplain), they often
said, "than do that." The clergy, startled and alarmed,
dared not always to appear in public. It is said that Priests
went so far as to conceal the tonsure, by means of the hair on
the back of their heads.'*" Even the great men were not spared,
notwithstanding their gxavity and accustomed pomp. Thus,
when ten years after the Council of the Cathari, the Cardinal
Legate, Peter of St. Chrysogone, visited Toulouse, accompanied
by Henry of Clairvaux, the latter complained that they were
received with jeers. Fingers were pointed at them, and they
were called apostates, hypocrites, and heretics,"' which proved,
according to the .Abbot, how necessary their visit was. " Had it
only been retarded three years," thought he, " it is doubtful
whether any worshippers of Christ would have been found in
Toulouse."'*' On this occasion he noticed a detail which is
interesting to us ; namely, that not only did the heretics elect
their leaders, but that they sent evangelists as missionaries to
inculcate a new Gospel into men's souls.'*"
Such, then, was the state of the atmosphere of the place
which welcomed the Waldenses when banished by the Primate of
the Gauls. We may surmise how they were received. As for
them, whilst inhaling the liberty with which they were surrounded,
at first they did not feel quite at ease in the midst of those gross
heretics. They were too distrustful of their jesting, virulent and
frivolous discussions, to risk being carried along with them. They
were fortified by their very stiffness and their own tendencies ; above
all, by their firm attachment to the Gospel, as well as by the bond
of real brotherhood which united them. Nevertheless circum
stances exercise an irresistible influence even on granite, and they

46 The Waldenses op Italy.
could not escape altogether. They were about to acquire a grace
and freedom of manner that would be of service to them, and also a
more impulsive imagination. Their too prosaic minds would yet
bring forth the chanson, which the people prefer to sermons ;
their lessons of morality interwoven with quotations from the
Fathers would anon disengage themselves from the latter like a
chrysalis, in order to rise nearer the ideal by means of the wings
oiven them by the breath of poetry. Besides, what they gained
from their new environment, their ovm biblical austerity and
their moderation had a reacting influence on thefr new neigh
bours, by which the latter were civUized. Even the clergy
appreciated them — after their own fashion. Says a monk who is
not fond of sparing them, " They are wicked, but as compared
with the other heretics, they are much less wicked."^*" Hence it
is not astonishing that, the opportunity offering, they should be
placed in opposition to the Cathari. Nobility, till then inaccessible,
half opened its doors to them sufficiently to procure them an
influence which soon rivalled that of the Albigenses. They
even gained a hold upon general opinion, especiaUy by means of
public discussion, which is the ordinary prelude to the conversion
of numbers of people and to persecution. But as to the result
of their mission, one cannot attempt to define it with precision.
Nobody now-a-days asserts that the Albigenses "received the
belief of the Waldenses a little whUe after the departure of
Waldo from Lyons,"'** because the Albigenses and Waldenses
must no longer be confounded as they have been heretofore by
partisans whose object is very apparent.'*^ While waiting for
danger to unite them, liberty brought them occasionaUy into contact
with each other, and sometimes with such success that it is
difficult to distinguish the traces of the Waldenses from those of
other dissenters. For once that they sided with the CathoHcs
against the Albigenses, they fought a score of times by the side
of the latter against thefr common enemy.
These disputes are furthermore a characteristic sign of the
times, and especiaUy of the places here in question. If they are
witnesses to the zeal of Eomish missionaries, they tell us also
how thefr arrogance must have been humbled to induce them to sub
mit to such discussions ; for, before commencing them, the parties
brought face to face were accustomed to choose arbiters by
common consent. It was even conceded on both sides that the

The Waldenses of Italy. 47
Scriptures were to be accepted as a law fr-om which there was no
appeal. Generally the arbitrator named was a Eomish ecclesiastic,
pious, moderate, and weak. In such a case, the sentence was
hardly doubtful ; but, when neither Popes nor Councils were
beheved in, was there much risk in being bound by the sentence
of a private individual ? Good argument was more effective than
anything else. If the arbitrators were laymen, then the humilia
tion of the defenders of Mother Church was overwhelming.
" Oh ! Shame !" exclaims a chaplain on one such occasion ; " the
Church and CathoHc faith must have fallen into very great con
tempt if we must submit to abide by the judgment of the
laity."'*' Let us attend one of these disputations. It took
place between CathoHcs and Waldenses at Narbonne, and may be
reduced to a series of counts of indictment in the shape of accusa
tions and repHes ; the meeting was under the presidency of the
priest Eaymond de Daventer. We shaU listen to the dialogue.'**
" This, 0, Waldenses ! is the principal cause of complaint
which we have to present against you ; you are in a state of
rebellion against the Church of Eome. As a matter of fact you
no longer obey either her Priests or her Bishops. By so doing
TOU violate the principles of the Scriptures. Do they not expressly
say : ' If any man obey not, note that man and have no company
with him.' And again, ' Obey your rulers.' And of him who
wUl not yield obedience what do we read ? ' If he neglect to hear
the Church, let him be unto thee as a heathen man and a
publican.''** You see, you are Hkened to Pagans; so that your
portion is vrith the unbelievers. You are damned, digni tnorte
eterna." " Gently — you would be right if Bishops and Priests were
obedient to the Word of God ; but as they are, on the contrary,
the very first to disobey, we must choose between two ways — either
we must obey God and disobey the Church, or else we must obey
the Church and disobey God. Having weU considered the matter
from aU sides, we have concluded that the only path for us to
pursue is to decide, as the Apostle Peter did on a simUar occasion,
when he said : ' We ought to obey God rather than men.' If,
therefore, we are not with you, it is only that we may not abandon
the path of obedience."
" Error very soon betrays itself by its fruit. Having disobeyed
the Church, you are about to usurp the sacred office of preaching ;

48 The Waldenses op Italy.
you have all turned preachers, men and women. It is scandalous,
for it is well-known that this office does not become the laity ; it
is even prohibited to them. It is true that there may be excep
tions ; but then, the way to proceed is as follows : the layman
who presents himself for the purpose is examined, in order to
ascertain whether or not he be a good Catholic. If so, if he leads
an honest life and his words do not lack wisdom, he may upon a
sign from his Bishop or his Curate venture to exhort his neigh
bour ; at least, this is our opinion. Even then, there must be
no encumbrance in the shape of a wife, or a business. Should
the man be a heretic, then, of course, he must not preach under
any circumstances ; it would be a sin to listen to him, even if he
were a cleric. You are not all clerics ; very far from it; it is not
knowledge that makes you mad ; but this is your state. It is
easy enough to miderstand why you go about saying that neither
Pastors, nor Bishops, nor even holy Mother Church, is entitled to
obedience. You pretend to obey God ! Nonsense ! that is a
mere pretext. Indeed, it is clear enough : you teach differently
from the Cliurch,^''^ drawing down just wrath upon your heads."
" When we asked the Church to recognise our right to speak,
for the purpose of proclaiming the Gospel, you know how it
answered us. We have not been convinced of error, and yet we
are far from being agreed. What you caU the exception, is for
us the rule, for it is thus that the Scriptures regard it. Whoever
is able to spread the Word of God among the people is in duty
bound to do so : such is the Gospel principle, against which aU
your fine arguments will faU. ' To him that knoweth to do
good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin,' says St. James, Chap, iv.,
V. 17. If therefore, knowing how to evangeUse, we were to
abandon that work, we should commit a grievous sin."
" St. James does not say ' him that knoweth to teach,' but
' him that knoweth to do.' There is a great diff'erenoe between
teaching and doing."
"Alas! that is very clear; but the diff'erenoe should
not be made so great. St. James would be astonished to learn,
that, to obey the precept of preaching the Gospel is not to
do good." " You wish to argue by means of the Scriptures ; very weU.
The Gospel of St. Mark, Chap, i., verse 23rd and foUowing
contains something that greatly concerns you. We read that

The Waldenses of Italy. 49
there was in the synagogue a man with an unclean spiiit. This
man on meeting Christ cried out : ' I know thee who thou art,
the Holy One of God.' But Jesus rebuked him saying : ' Hold
thy peace.' There is the precept for you to foUow. The name
of Christ should not be proclaimed by your lips, even though you
may have learned to know Him. You would soon infuse poison
with your fine words."
"Your interpretation is convenient; but upon what is it
founded ? Upon a slanderous judgment you have formed against
us. Suppose we should answer that you are the ones, not we,
who have the unclean spirit, what would that prove ? But look
rather in the same Gospel, Chap, ix., verses 38 and 39 :
' John said to him. Master, we saw one casting out devils in Thy
name, and we forbade him because he foUoweth not us.' What
did the Master answer to that ? ' Forbid him not, nolite prohibere
eum,' do you hear ? ' For,' Chiist adds, ' there is no man which
shaU do a mfracle in my name, that can lightly speak evil of me.'
There is the precept. If, therefore, we preach in the name of
Christ, even when we do not foUow the Bishops and the Pastors,
they have no right to forbid us."'*'
" Very good, if your preaching were inspfr-ed with a spirit of
obedience, and you were animated by benevolent dispositions
indicating a real vocation. But with your spirit of strife — — "
" Very well, we wiU gi-ant you for the sake of argument, that
our disposition is such as you have represented it. Then the
case was foreseen by St. Paul in his words to the Philippians,
Chap, i., V. 15 — 18 : ' Some indeed preach Chiist even of envy
and strife ; and some also of good wUl ; the one preach Christ of
contention, not sincerely, supposing to add affliction to my bonds :
but the other of love, knowing that I am set for the defence of the
Gospel.' From aU this, what conclusion does the Apostle draw ?
' What then ? notwithstanding, every way, whether in pretence, or
in truth, Christ is preached ; and I therein do rejoice, yea, and
wUl rejoice.' Cannot you rejoice also ? One would think that
you were envious."
" We can only pity you."
"Envy is old, and you would not be the first who have been
affected by it. We read in the Old Testament, in the Book of
Numbers, Chap, xi., that two men called Eldad andMedad having
received the Spirit of God, prophesied inthe camp of Israel. This

50 The Waldenses of Italy.
caused a great commotion. A young man ran to tell Moses ;
' Eldad and Medad do prophesy in the camp ! ' Hearing this,
Joshua, the son of Nun, answered and said : ' My Lord Moses,
forbid them.' But Moses answered : ' Enviest thou for my sake ?
Would God that all the Lord's people were prophets, and that the
Lord would put his Spiiit upon them ! '"
" That has nothing to do with this case, for you are not
true but false prophets."
" So you say, but does that prove anything ? He is a false
prophet who speaks not according to the oracles of God."
"You are heretics."
" Again, you cannot be both judge and accuser. The judgment
belongs not to you, but to Him who  "
" To him who presides over us, certainly, to that pious and
venerable ecclesiastic of noble birth and stiU nobler character  "
" As much as you please — we wished to say just now that
judgment belongs to God, and that it is afready pronounced ui
His Word. If we were permitted to retm-n to it, it would be for
the purpose of calling your attention to the chief precept of
Christ, to which we were alluding a moment ago. Did he not
say to his disciples, before ascending into Heaven : ' Go ye into
all the world and preach the Gospel to every creature ?' "
" That order does not concern you in the least ; it was given
to the Church, that is to say, to the Priests. Laymen have
nothing to do with that."
" Of what Church are you speaking ? We belong to the
Church of Chiist and his Apostles, and we desire to follow the
rule of the ApostoHc Church ; there is our obedience or our dis
obedience, according to the way it is looked at. In the time of
St. Gregory, people did not argue as you do, for he said : ' Who
ever has heard in his heart the supreme voice of love owes to his
neighbour the voice of exhortation.' And, again, ' As far as it
depends on you, give bountifully of His good word to your neigh
bour ; " proximis vestris boni verbi cyathos date." ' We could
remind you of many other precious maxims, which, alas, are now
a dead letter. But how many practised them before us and are
an example to us?'*^ The blessed Honorius and St. Equitius,
for instance, whom the same Gregory mentions in his Dialogues ;
and even in our own time Paul Eaymond, whose holiness is con
firmed by so many miracles. Those, it seems to us, were lay

The Waldenses of Italy. 61
preachers ; but why should we stop at them ? What men more
truly belonged to the laity than the Apostles, the pre-eminent
messengers of the Gospel of the Master.'*" It is true that, accord
ing to the Synagogue, they were without authority, without
vocation, iUiterate, incompetent, and above aU, very disobedient."
"You are no Apostles; you are not even laymen provided
with the mandate of the Church. St. Eaymond had the permission
ofthe Church, but you have not."
" Whose fault is that ? "
" You ought to know. But time presses, and we would Hke
to speak of one more grievance. It bears upon the method and
certain already visible results of your illicit mission ; indeed, you go
about seducing everybody to some extent. Who are your prose
lytes ? First, women ; then more women, that is to say,
effeminate men.*"" You attract people of unsound judgment, liars,
misers; in short, worthless persons. It is said that you first
address yourselves to the women, and reach their husbands through
them.'"' Are you not ashamed of yourselves? You are Hke
a lot of buUs. You know the Scriptures compare heretics to
bulls."i"2 "It is repugnant to our feelings to follow you on such
ground." " That is comparatively a small matter. But what is serious
and scandalous is that you permit women to preach. Now, we
ask, how do you reconcile the taking of such liberties with the
precept of the Apostle ? ' Let your women keep sUence in the
Churches ; for it is not permitted unto them to speak.' "*"'
" You exaggerate. It is less a question of preaching than of
teaching ; so that the same Apostle is able to say to his disciple
Titus, Chap, ii., v. 3 : ' the aged women should be teachers of good
things.' "
" Those women are not caUed to teach men pubhcly, but
young persons and in private. Notice, if you please, that he
speaks of aged women."
" This deserves consideration. But, while recognizing the
rule laid down by St. Paul, might not an exception be made of
such a prophetess as Anna, for instance, of whom it is written
that she ' praised God in the temple ? ' "
" Anna was 84 years old, and by her fasting well deserved
the gift of prophecy. Furthermore, we do not read that she

52 The Waldenses of Italy.
preached or taught ; she spoke of Christ, and that was aU. Now,
preaching and speaking are very different things."' *
The Waldenses would have liked nothfrig better than to leave
the privilege of preaching in the hands of the Priests ; provided
always that they were aUowed to retain the right of free
speech. Thus ends the dispute of Narbonne.*"* A few days later a sen
tence written by the arbitrator, Eaymond of Deventer, pronounced
the condemnation of the Waldenses.'"" This sentence had its use
as a local enunciation of that of the Council of Verona. Haste
was made to enforce it, by means of vigorous decrees, Hke that of
Alfonso II. , King of Aragon and Marquis of Provence, and that
<if the Bishop of Toul. Both were issued in 1192. The flrst
especially is of unheard-of virulence, perhaps for the very reason
of its inefficacy. "We order," said the King, "that the Wal
denses or Ensabates,^^^ who are also called the ' Poor of Lyons,'
and all the other numberless heretics, anathematized by Holy
Mother Church, be expelled from all our States as enemies ofthe
cross of Christ, violators of the Christian religion, and pubhc
enemies of our person and Kingdom. Therefore, from this day
forth, whosoever shall dare to receive into his house, or listen to the
preaching of the said Waldenses or such other heretics, wherever
it may be, or to feed or assist them in any way, is warned that he
will thereby incur the wrath of Almighty God, and of ourselves ;
and that his possessions will be confiscated without appeal,
according to the penalty provided against those who render them
selves guilty of high treason."'"' This decree reminds one ofthe
Inquisition ; but the Dominicans were not yet in existence to carry
it into effect, and it ran the risk of remaining a dead letter. Two
years later it was revived by Don Pedro, Alfonso's successor, and
again renewed in 1197. The other decree emanated from Eudes
of Vaudemont, Bishop of Toul. " With regard to the heretics
called Wadoys," he says, " we order all the faithful, who may
chance to meet with them, to arrest and bring them, bound, to
our See of Toul, in order that they may be punished."'"" These
are the precursory signs of the crusade, which was declared
seventeen years later. In the meantime they seemed to alarm no
one. Fanaticism had been so effectually luUed to sleep by the
songs of the Troubadours, that its awakening was despaired of.
It was no longer a question of driving heresy back within its

The Waldenses op Italy. 53
intrenehments, but of defending themselves against it. More than
one ecclesiastic, weary of war, joined the ballad singers' chorus.
Witness the monk of Cluny who wrote : —
" Eome nous suce et nous englot,
Eome est la doiz de la malice
Dont sordent fuit li malves vice ;
C'est un viviers pleins de vermine.
Centre I'Escripture divine
Et centre Deu sont teut lor fet."""
And so passed the last years of the XII. century and the
first of the XIII. At that time a pious Bishop, named Diego,
was languishing in his diocese, his soul tormented. Sud
denly he came to a grave decision. " What can I do here ? " he
asked himself. " It were better for me to carry my religion to
the heathen." He started for Eome forthwith, for he required the
approbation of the Pope, but this he could not obtain. " The best
thing for you to do," the inexorable Pontiff replied, "is to return
to your diocese." Diego bowed submissively, and made his way
back by short stages, accompanied by a young Canon, whose zeal
indicated the most brilliant prospects, The Pontiff was Inno
cent IIL, and the Canon Dominic. These names suggest the
preparation of something new and a change in the times. When
he arrived at Montpellier Diego met the three missionary Legates,
who had just been sent out against the heretics. They were
demoraUzed, crushed, and on the point of giving up their mission
in despair,"' " What disheartens us so completelj'," said they,
"is that whenever we talk with heretics they continuaUy harp on
this string, namely, that we are like physicians who, instead of
thinking about healing others, would do well to cure themselves.
We must admit that the morals of our clergy are abominable. If
no remedy can be found there is an end of the matter ; we shall
be preaching in the desert. We might as well abandon it alto
gether.""^ The Bishop remained wrapt in deep thought. Sud
denly these words came from his lips : —
"Listen! I have an idea. Be the veiy first to preach by
your example."
" What then, have we done till now ?"
" Your equipages and this large retinue which accompanies
you, doubtless, solely for the sake of appearances, are not, believe

54 The Waldenses of Italy.
me, in keeping with your mission, and only contribute to its dis
credit in this country."
" And then ? "
" You wiU go on foot ; you wiU take with you neither gold nor
silver ; in fact, you wiU act as the Aposties did.^" That is my
advice. Do that and the wind wiU change."
Dominic seconded the advice of his aged Bishop, with aU the
impetuosity of his thirty-five years.
" Very weU, said one of the Legates ; we are of your opinion,
only there is one danger."
" What is that ? "
" Have you thought of this : that we should then ourselves be
innovators." " But after the manner of the Apostles."
" Ah ! if some one would only lead the way for us ! We would
certainly foUow him."
" Well, here I am ! I will lead the way."
Thereupon Diego started upon his course, preceded by
Dominic, that grand greyhound of the chase after heretics, and
the Legates foUowed in good earnest. The mission was once
more undertaken, and not without some Httle success.
Here we have one fact among a thousand, showing how use
ful a protest is, even to the Church which condemns it. The
bare-footed heretics cause the messengers of the Church to step
down from their carriages. A battle is about to be fought, but a
moral victory is already won. The renewed discussions are more
animated and noisy than ever. We shall notice two of them only,
which relate to the dissent of the Waldenses. They are the dis
putations of Montreal and Pamiers.
At Montreal the disputation lasted for fifteen days, under the
presidency of two lay arbitrators. The dissenting orator, Arnaud
Hot, spoke at great length, and yet so weU as to produce a gi-eat
impression upon the audience. " It was a pity that so many good
souls should have heard him," naively remarks the chaplain who
relates the circumstance.*'* However, Hot had a good opportunity :
he showed how the Apostolic ministry had become vitiated in the
Church by becoming a ministry of temporal affairs. This told
in the vernacular, and in the manner one can imagine, must
have made the monks feel as though haU were faUing on thefr
shaven crowns ; so much so that the legates, being unable to

The Waldenses of Italy. 55
stand it, left abruptly and withdrew with their adherents, a
Hght dwelhng in their eyes that was soon to kindle the fires of the
Inquisition. The arbitrators on this occasion had no judgment
to pronounce. Desertion spoke more eloquently than they could
have done, concerning the discomfiture of the Eomipetes. The
disputations did not, however, usually close in this way.
Diego resumed his journey toward Osma, his diocese. When
he reached Pamiers, in the territory of Toulouse, he made another
halt where he was soon surrounded by Bishops and Abbots who had
come to implore his support. A disputation with the Waldenses
was about to take place in the castle itself, under the auspices of
Bernard Eoger, Count of Foix, whose wife and sister had joined
their society. Another sister, it is believed, had taken the part of
the Cathari. As usual, an arbitrator was elected. This honour
feU to the lot of a certain master of theology, named Arnaud de
Campran. The arguments brought forward by the two parties
have not been reported. It appears that the struggle became so
lively that Claramonde, the sister who sided with the Waldenses,
forgot herself and made some remark. She was immediately
snubbed with unheard of rudeness by a monk. " Madam," said
he, "go to your distaff; women have nothing to do with this sort
of discussion."*'* Yet'sbe was in her brother's house if not in
her own. One might be tempted to believe that the Count of
Foix shewed himself more than tolerant on this occasion ; unless,
indeed, the monk owed his good fortune, in not feeling the back of
some knight's hand, to the regard entertained for the lady of the
manor, who, Hke a good Waldensian, had possibly adopted the
maxim that forbids us to return evil for evU. The arbitrator
decided against the Waldenses this time, and the dispute seems
to have had untoward results for them ; for from this same dis
putation, held in the castle of Pamiers in the year 1206, dates a
movement of separation which finally brought back a few dissi
dents within the pale of the Church. It is worth while to
follow their history.""
Among the adherents of the opposition to the Church who had
been present at the dispute of Pamiers, was a small number of
ecclesiastics, among whom a certain Durand was conspicuous.
He came from the city of Huesca, not far from the Pyrenees.
Shaken m his opinions, and attracted perhaps by Dominic's zeal,
he was won over with some others of his colleagues. The few

56 The Waldenses of Italy.
who had separated held a councU, and decided to draw up a con
fession of faith, to be submitted to the Pope, asking him to
authorise them to keep the statutes they had thus far observed.
Thereupon Durand started for Eome, accompanied by John of
Narbonne, Guilliaume of St. Antonin, D. of Naiaque, Bernard and
Ermengard of Beziers, Eaymond of St. Paul, Hebrin and several
other persons who are not named. Innocent IIL, who no doubt
had been forewarned, welcomed them in a fatherly manner but
with shrewdness. He approved of the confession, and authorised
the statutes, to both of which they were obliged to bind themselves
by oath. The foUowing were their salient points : —
" To the glory of God and of his Church and for the salvation
of our souls, we pledge ourselves to believe with our hearts and
to confess with our lips the Catholic faith, inviolable and in its
integrity, as under the protection and government of the Eoman
Pontiff. Having renounced the world and given our possessions
to the poor, according to God's precept, and having made a vow
of poverty, we take no thought for the morrow, and wUl accept in
alms neither gold nor silver, nor anything of that kind, but only
enough to eat and wherewithal to clothe ourselves day by day.
Our law is to observe the counsels of evangelical perfection as so
many precepts. Inasmuch as most of us are clerics and almost
all men of letters, we have resolved to devote ourselves to reading,
exhortation, teaching, and discussing against all the different
kinds of error ; and we intend to propose that those who are the
best instructed in the law of God and the maxims of the Fathers be
utilised in our school to bring the erring back to the faith and to
the pale of the Church, without doing anything that might be
prejudicial to episcopal authority. We have agreed to wear the
modest religious dress to which we have been accustomed, with
shoes cut off at the top and made in such a way that people may
know at a glance, and without a doubt, that we have separated
ourselves from the Lyonese in body as we are separated in heart,
so long as they shall not become reconciled with the Church. If
laymen express desire to join us, we shall take care that, with
the exception of those who may be capable of talking and disputing
with the heretics, they live at home religiously and in good order,
working with their hands, ani discharging their duties towards the
Church with respect to their tithes, first-fruits and offerings.""'
The statute having been sworn to, the dissidents were granted a

The Waldenses of Italy. 57
few privileges as a recompense for their fidelity ; such as that of
not being obliged to take up arms against Christians, nor to take
an oath in temporal matters; so long only as this could be
reconcUed with the respect due to others, and occasion no annoy
ance to the secular authority.'" They were aU banded together
under the protection of the Pope, who named them the " CathoHc
Poor." Before leaving the City of Eome, Durand promised to
pay one bezant every year as a token of submission to the
Apostolic See.""
In a very short time the Pope received complaints from the
Archbishop of Narbonne and some of the bishops belonging to
his jurisdiction, to the effect that Durand and his associates were
becoming unmanageable on account of their boasting. They had
changed nothing in their practices, and Waldenses, who were stUl
unreconciled with the Church, were by them admitted to the
participation of the mass. They opened their doors to unfi-ocked
monks, and by their discourses attracted faithful believers, who
were afterwards seen to forsake canonical services ; in which thing
the latter only foUowed the example of their teachers. Innocent
hastened to state these complaints to his proteges, exhorting
them to give no more occasion for them, if they did not wish it
to be said that the remedy was worse than the disease.*'" More
over, he wrote to the Prelates to quiet down their ruffled temper,
and to give them a lesson in pastoral prudence after his own style.
"Be not alarmed on thefr account," said he to them. " If they
intend to deceive the Church and to elude its discipline, they vrill
very soon be caught in their own toils. But if they do nothing
worse, for the time being, than retain somewhat of their ancient
practices, it may be but pure craftiness, for the purpose of more
easUy gaining over their former co-reHgionists, those Httle foxes
which devastate the vineyard of the Lord. It were better to be
patient and to abide results. So long as they do not wander from
the essential principles of truth, it is right that we should deal
somewhat indulgently with them. If they do not break off' all
at once from thefr former habits, that is undoubtedly one way of
bui-ying them, with a certain decency which spares one's feelings.
Let us practice the word of the Apostle : " Being crafty I caught
you with guUe.""^
Though the prelates submitted, they were furious with rage,
Dm-and, with his arts of dissimulation and his insolence of

58 The Waldenses op Italy.
manner, provoked them more than an outright adversary. They
soon renewed their complaints, repeating nearly the same charges.
Innocent also repeated his exhortations to gentleness and prudence.
He even charged them not to permit the poor wretches to be
worried ; he went so far as to guarantee to the latter the right of
electing their own provost, in conjunction with the local Bishop,
for he was vexed to learn that dissidents who were ready to be
readmitted were aUowed to remain outside the Chm'ch."^
Some pretend that in the meantime Durand returned to Eome, *"
but the truth about this we do not know. It is quite certain that he
had explanations enough to give and new favours to ask. The fact is,
that he never was without the protection of the Pontiff, and by that
means he succeeded in founding more than one refuge for such
unfortunates as age, sickness or privation compeUed to seek his
assistance. With this movement of the CathoHc Poor is connected that
of Bernard I., GuUlaume, Arnaud, and a few other Waldenses of
Lombardy, who had gone to Eome in the year 1210 and had been
examined before the Pontiff."* They had experienced much
more difficulty than their predecessors in being admitted, and
were compeUed to undergo a humiliating interrogation.
"You look to me, with your shoes cut off at the sole, like
tramps," said Innocent; "that is superstition! And how
frightful you look with your hooded cloak. It hardly harmonizes
with your uncut hair. You look too much like laymen. And, by
the way, tell me : I am informed that you travel about, men and
women together ; it is even said that you lodge in the same
houses ; I shaU not repeat to you aU that I hear."* What am
I to believe ? "
" We travel with women, it is true, but after the manner of
the Apostles."""
" I do not approve of that, nor of certain other usages which
it appears you have not abandoned; for instance, the mania
several of you manifest for preaching, for administering the
Eucharist, and for hearing confession. There are these women,
too, who meddle with teaching in the Church ; I wUl not tolerate
anything of that kind, remember. "*''
They were not admitted therefore on that occasion ; but it
seems that they were not long in coming to an agreement. After
aU, the Pope had not shown himself very exacting. Bernard iu

The Waldenses of Italy. 59
the foUowing year presented a declaration, in consequence of
which his submission was accepted. This is evident from a
letter written by Innocent HI. to the Bishop of Cremona. He
expresses in it the same sentiment he had before formulated, when
addressing the Bishops of the Lower Languedoc. " Use gentle
means with these people," said he, " for if we are told to invite
the lame and the bUnd to the feast of the Lord, even to compel
them to come in ; with how much more reason should we beware
of thrasting back those who come of their own accord. That is
why we commend to you Bernard I. and his colleague. They
were, it is true, deeply tainted with heresy ; but they have re
turned to us to take refuge in the bosom of the Church.""'
On seeing these different companies of "the Poor " returning tn
the fold of the Church by different ways, we are tempted to ask
what difference there was between them. Their origin was the
same, and their real object also. One as much as the other, they
observed the apostolic rule of life, more especially the vow of
poverty. As a matter of fact, they had given their goods to the
poor ; they did not accept either silver or gold, but food and
raiment only. They all foUowed their itinerant mission, not as in
past times, for the purpose of preaching the Gospel fi-eely, but in
order to work under the papal shield and to bring back their
brethren to the fold."" This last trait was more especially the
distinguishing characteristic of the foUowers of Durand; whUst
those of Bernard, being less fitted to teach, did not disdain to
labour with thefr hands. The former remind us of the order of
Dominican Friars, the latter of the Franciscans.'"" The idea of
these orders of Mendicant Friars, which was eminently opposed
to the Waldensian idea, is afready beginning to shew itself as in
a seed. But before it can spring up the seed must die. Did the
Poor Catholics succeed in reconciling the statutes of the Waldenses
with the authority of the Eoman Church ? To all appearance they
did so, but, as a matter of fact they never did ; for, without the
liberty to obey God rather than men, the statutes are not Walden
sian. Where is the merit of aU this ? If there be any merit in
the whole affair it belongs entirely to the Pope ; but of a truth
there was very Httle. Innocent III. has been credited with bene
volence, because he was complaisant; just as these "Poor" were
submissive because they had flexible backs. If the Pontiff' exer
cised his authority to enforce tolerance on the clergy, to wuom

60 The Waldenses of Italy.
Alexander III. had sacrificed too much, it was because he had no
longer to deal with men Hke Waldo and his first disciples. The
capitulation of the Poor Catholics was equivalent to a recantation
—if not to suicide— which is always the case, unfortunately, when
liberty has to be immolated on the altar of peace.
Such was the fate of this Httie reaction, which made more noise
than work. The CathoHc Poor did not long survive their founders.
They were finally incorporated in the order of the Hermits of
St.Augustineasearlyas the year 1256."' " They became extinct
without anyone taking notice of the fact," writes an apologist,*"^
and were buried vrith a decorum against which nothing can be
said. The Pope had dreamed of another end, that of the Wal
denses properly so-called, and had thought he would obtain it by
setting up discord ; but his msh was so far from being reaHzed
that the Waldenses do not even seem to have been disturbed by
the desertion of the CathoHc Poor. One would think they forgot
them, for they never mention them ; as far at least as we know.
The deserters were not even regretted. They were Priests,
mostly, more or less men of letters, but apt to compromise the
lay character of the Waldensian mission ; and besides, who
knows whether their doctrine was not hiding the old leaven of
Manicheism ?*"' They had faUen back too wantonly ; there was too
much artifice in their movements, to make us beheve that their
profession was of a sterling quality. In such a case it is better
to separate. Separation purifies more than it weakens.
The Catholic Poor have taken us out of France. Let us
in imagination retum thither. Before leaving we must take notice of
another centre of reaction, away up in the North. This time we
shall see a bright ray of Waldensian faith emanate therefrom.
Metz, notwithstanding her bishop, was a city of refuge. She
did not even repel the Jews, who were proscribed everywhere.
" It was the city of those who had no city of habitation — a mixed
city if ever there were one."'"* Hence, it wiU not be surprising if
Waldenses be found there. It is not easy to fix the time of their
coming ; but it must have taken place, if not immediately after Waldo
was driven into exile, at least close upon the exile of his brethren,
under the persecution of Jean aux Blanches Mains. We read
that it was during the time of Bertram, who was Bishop of Metz
from 1180 to 1212.*"* One day, while in the cathedral, Bertram
recognised amongst the congregation two Waldenses whose con-

The Waldenses of Italy. 61
demnation he had witnessed at Montpellier. As soon as he had
descended from his pulpit he issued the order for thefr arrest. But
it was not executed. They were protected, we are told, "by some
notable personage belonging to the city."'^" The Waldensian
party had then some adherents there ; in fact, they must have
gained a firm footing amongst the citizens of Metz. It must be
remembered, too, that this took place before the year 1199, when the
persecution commenced. " They swarmed," says the chr'onicle. '"'
The Bishop having learned what was going on,info]'med Innocent IH.
and, thanks to this Pope's letters, it has come to our knowledge.
A translation of the Gospels, of the Epistles of St. Paul, of the
Psalms, and perhaps of some other book of the Sciiptiu-e, had
been put in cfr'culation ; it was eagerly sought after by a large
number of laymen ; they met in secret to hear portions explained,
and at these meetings anyone might speak. When Priests inter
vened to reprove, Hke true disciples of Waldo they resisted
them face to face, and the Pope took notice ofthe fact."" If their
right were questioned, they appealed to the testimony of the Scrip
tures. Upon this Innocent IH. took the matter in hand ; he wrote
both to the people and to the Bishop ; to the former for the pur
pose of instruction and admonition ; to the latter to direct him m
his inqufry. " Assuredly there is nothing that is not laudable
in the desire to understand the Scriptures," said the Pope to the
faithful ; " but to meet in secret, to usurp the ministry of preach
ing, to dispense vrith the ministry of the Priest, to the extent of
scorning it, there lies the evil, and some remedy must be devised.
Who does not know the depth of meaning contained in the
Scriptures ? If when endeavouring to penetrate it, learned men
be obHged to recognise thefr insufficiency, you will be the
more so in that you are simple and iUiterate. Hence the Divine
law has wisely decreed that any beast touching the holy mountain
should be stoned to death ; this typefies that common people may not
presume by their inteUect to attain to the sublime heights of
Eevelation and to preach it to others. The Apostle, on the other
hand, exhorts us not to think of ourselves more highly than we
ought to think. We must have knowledge ; but not too much.'"*
There remains for you, therefore, but one thing to do, namely, to
obey. Do so voluntarUy, and you wUl not be compelled by
force."^"" To the Bishop the Pope has something more to say : —
" 'Why do you not tell me whether these people err as regards the

62 The Waldenses op Italy.
faith, whether they depart from wholesome doctrine ? Inquire
into this without delay ; be in a position to tell me especially, who
is the author of that translation, what is his object in view, what
faith do they who read it profess, and the reason of their teaching.
Do they hold our apostolic See and the Eoman Church in venera
tion ? We desire to be clearly informed concerning these things
for our guidance."'"'
One would say that, finding himself face to face with the
censure and threats of Eome, the Bishop was the one who would
be the most embarassed. Indeed, several of the leading men of
the City refused to submit, protesting that they owed obedienoe
to God alone. ^"^ They did not give up their meetings or then
preaching, or the reading of holy books in the vernacular. Let
them prohibit the use of our translation if they Hke, said they ;
as for us, we shaU keep it. It is said by some, that in this affair
the Bishop was even roughly handled.^"' However that may be, he
complained to the Pontiff, especiaUy against a certain " Master
Crespin," a Priest, as we read, and one of his own companions.
This Crespin was possibly one of the authors of the translation ; for,
had he been satisfied with expounding the Scriptures, the Bishop
would not have cried out so loudly against him especiaUy. What
did Innocent III. do ? He charged three Abbots to interfere,
and in concert with the Bishop to proceed to the desfr'ed enqufry,
and to the application of ecclesiastical discipline. This mission
had its effect, for the chronicle relates that the Pontifical
Commissioners succeeded in burning " a few books translated fi-om
the Latin into the vernacular," if not in "exterminating the
sect."^"* It is true that more than one copy of the forbidden
translation escaped the flames. As a matter of fact two years
later, at Lieges, people were ordered to place in the hands of the
Bishop any translation of the Scriptures, either French or German,
which they possessed.^"* As for the sect, it was so imperfectly
exterminated that subsequent measures had to be taken for its
persecution. The Crusade had already burst forth ; it raged with
fury in the South, when Innocent IIL, writing to Bishop Bertram,
invited him to proclaim it against the heretics of his diocese. He
did so, and with such success that the Count of Bat and a goodly
number of knights were enroUed.^"" Yet it does not appear that
the sword had any better success than the sermons of the
Abbotts ; for in 1221 " heresy was not extinct in the City of

The Waldenses of Italy. 63
Metz,"^"' and the door remained open for new reactions, which
invaded Flanders and disseminated themselves to the centre of
Europe. Let us now foUow the footsteps of other refugees, who, passing
through the upper valleys of the Ehone and Ehine, reached
Switzerland and Italy on the one hand, and Germany on the other,
and continuing their mission, spread their doctrines in Austria,
Hungary, and as far as Transylvania.
Those who went up the vaUey of the Ehone were, perhaps,
about to resuscitate in the mountains of Switzerland the memory
of Arnaldo Brescia, and Henry of Lausanne, who had resided
there less than fifty years before. At any rate they found they
had been preceded by the Cathari, who had penetrated to those
heights even as they had almost everywhere else.^"' It is not
known where they pitched thefr tents. Nearly a century had
passed away before the presence of heretics was ascertained in
Berne. ^"" Were these the Waldenses, or did they belong to
some other reaction? It is impossible to state. Traces
of them may still be found either in Berne itself or in Fribourg.^'"
During the year 1400, the magistrates of Berne decreed that no
individual holding the creed of the Waldenses should be eligible
for civU office or even as a witness before the tribunals. This
decree was read thenceforth every year on Easter Monday, that is
to say, on the day of the election of the two hundred.^*' After
wards the storm of persecution arose more furiously than ever,
and the Waldenses finaUy succumbed. If no visible bond united
them with their brethren of Italy, they nevertheless heard them
spoken of ;^*^ no doubt by the missionaries, who we shall see
joined them from further Germany.
Fribourg is a smaU city, a thoroughfare between the South and
the VaUey of the Ehine, which the refugees from Lyons must
have reached at an early date. This magnificent vaUey, thanks
to the attractions which it offered, had for a long time been the
favourite residence of Prelates.^" Perched up there in thefr
castles they lived parasitic Hves, which their avarice made stiU
more scandalous. In this respect the Ehine had Httle or no
cause to envy the Tiber. What the troubadours of Provence and
ItaHan poets sung at great length in their fruitless invectives,
the peasants of the borders of the Ehine whispered low in their
simple legends. We can easily guess how the disciples of Waldo,

64 The Waldenses of Italy.
with their passion for voluntary poverty, and especially with the
word of Chiist, which they came to announce to the poor and
destitute, must have made their way iu the midst of a population
troubled by the worldliness of the clergy and dreaming of an ideal.
They made proselytes in Strasburg, a relatively free, commercial
and wealthy city — a city in which the Bishop had so often been held
in check that he was perhaps the first in Germany to caU to his aid
the Dominican monks. In 1212 the chase began in earnest;
more than five hundred heretics were ferreted out. Were
they Waldenses "? We are inclined to think so.^'* They pro
fessed articles of faith which correspond more with those of the
Waldenses than they do with those of divers sects that,
however, in their turn did some missionary work here.
Their principal superintendent resided in MUan ; to him they
forwarded their collections for the poor. But there were two
others, one in Bohemia, surnamed the Picard — could it be Waldo ?
— the other in Strasburg itself. The latter was John the .Presbyter,
who marched to the stake at the head of a handful of heroes.
" Would' st thou," his judges asked him, "that thy cause be
decided by the trial of red hot iron ? "
" That would be tempting God."
" Ah ! you are afraid of burning even a finger."
" Very well ! here is more than a finger ; here is my whole
body. It is ready to be burnt, if it is a question of rendering
homage to the Word of God."
He walked to the stake with a firm step, followed by his
seventy-nine companions, among whom were twelve priests and
twenty-three women.
Later, in 1216 and again in 1230, the heretics reappeared
on the scene of martyrdom, thanks to the persecution proclaimed
by Conrad of Marburg. We find always the same tendency,
more or less. The Church is for them a synagogue of Satan,
the Pope, Bishops and Priests are ministers of the Adversary.
They caU themselves disciples of the Apostles, and take the Holy
Spirit as their guide. They are so numerous that when one of
them goes from England or Antwerp to Eome, he is able to lodge
every night at the house of one of his brethren. They continue
to' send tiieir contributions to their chief at Milan.^'* If these are
Waldenses, ought we not to admit that there is here a com-
mingUng with the sectarians who are about to appear unexpectedly.

The Waldenses of Italy. 65
Nothing seems more natural than this.^*" However that may be,
after this date, sUence enshrouds them ; of them no more mention
is made. They did not disappear ; but their voice, intimidated by
persecution or overpowered by that of other sects, cannot
reach us.
What are these other sects ? We cannot avoid saying a word
about them. Ffrst, the Cathari, with whom we are acquainted,
and of whom we shall not speak again here ; the more so as
they had not in the North that full sway which they had in the
South. There were the Beghards, too, whose principal seat was
at Cologne. These were uneducated Pietists, less careful of the
study of the Scriptures than of their vague and mystic speculations.
They lived in common, but had taken no vows ; they spent their
time in doing penance and in working and caring for the unfortunate.
Thefr first origin dates from the end of the XII. century ; the
XHI. was their most flourishing period.-" Afterwards, to avoid
persecution, they took refuge in the ranks of the Tertiary Friars of
the order of Mendicants, especially with the Franciscans, learing
the way open for the entrance of the Brethren of the Free Spirit.
These latter were bolder, in thought at least, if not in character.
On the one hand they professed the Pantheistic ideas that their
master Amaur of Bena seems to have borrowed from the school of
Scotus Erigene ; namely, that God is everything, and that man
alone of all his creatures is one with hirn through the Spirit. On
the other hand, they shared the tendency of the hermit Joachim of
Floris who had just proclaimed the approaching end of the second
epoch of humanity, that of the Son, and the inauguration of the
third, that of the Spirit, foretold for the year 1260. They abandoned
the use of sacraments, which in their opinion were losing their
importance. One of their first centres was Paris, where they met
at the house of a jeweller named GuUlaume. At Strasburg they
had a new master caUed Ortlieo. He continued the sect by
renewing it; it was called from that tiine the sect of the " New
Spirit." To this movement it is that the Strasburg dissent—
which we have marked as an offshoot of the Waldenses, whether
they be caUed Ortliebers^" or Winkelers, which was subsequently
given as a nickname — attaches itself.^'" After considering the
matter fully, we find that the principles of this local reaction are
sufficiently characteristic. As a matter of fact, the Ortliehers
arrogated to themselves the right of hearing confession, and even
d

66 The Waldenses of Italy.
that of administering baptism. They rejected the doctrine of
purgatory, saying of masses for the dead, and the intercession of
Saints ; they also abstained from lying, fi-om swearing, and from
shedding of blood. We learn from all this that their quarrel with
the Eomish Church, more especially as regards the sacrament of
the Eucharist, the ritual and other ordinances, bore the seal of the
mission of the Poor of Lombardy, of whom we shaU soon speak.
On the other hand, the Ortliehers differed from the Wal
denses of France, as well as from those of Lombardy and of
Germany, by their aUegoric notions, tainted with Pantheism, and
by thefr tendency to spiritualize the dogmas, and even the actions
recorded in the life of Jesus, ^^" including the sacrament of the
Last Supper, which a portion of them set aside as the Quakers do
now.^'** From Alsace where they had their centre they spread in
different directions, into France, Swabia, and as far as Austria.^^^
We find them mentioned for the last time in the XIV. century,
and we only hear of them again as the Winkelers, who disappeared
in their turn, with other less known divisions, such as the
Sifrides, the Tortolans and the Communies. We can understand
from this, how it was that the valley of the Ehine became for
Germany a nursery of missionaries. An agitation was commenced
there which permeated public opinion to a great distance, reacting
against the abuses of the Eomish Church. StUl the principal
seat of the Waldenses movement was not here, but in a country
which we have stiU to visit ; namely, MUan. We shall go down
there, foUowing the tracks of the refugees fr-om Lyons, before
proceeding into Germany.
Milan, once the seat of the Western Empfre and of the
iUustrious Bishop Ambrose, had not yet forgiven Eome for casting
her into the shade. Eesigned though she was, she preserved a
leaven of distrust and a remnant of liberal incHnations that showed
itself in the morals of the laity. While bowmg to the tiara,
her Primate had lost the splendour of his ancient prestige and
much of his popularity ; on the other hand, his servitude had been
rewarded. Eome had hastened to confirm the Archiepiscopal
authority, which he wielded over eighteen bishops. It extended
to the boundaries of Old Lombardy, stretching out on the East,
as far as the Venetian territory, and on the West to the Cottian
Alps. The Synod of MUan rivaUed the CouncUs in gravity, but
hardly anything was heard there beyond the echo of the Eoman

The Waldenses of Italy. 67
oracle, repeated by the Bishops, either of Turin and Asti or of
Brescia and Cremona. Its debates lacked that breath of life which
animated the disputes of the Eepublican community. Between
the head of the large diocese and the Podesta, harmony did not
invariably exist. They quarreUed more than once, without coming
to blows, however ; this, either because they feared each other,
or because frequent wars with other free cities and ecclesiastical
conflicts had the effect of diverting their attention. Still heresy
was increasing rapidly in the metropolis. The sect of the
Cathari was rooted there, either on the decline or else absorbed
into the indigenous party of the Patarins, who were less a
rehgious than a political party, and did not draw their recruits, as
at the commencement, from the quarter of Pataria alone, but
were almost as much from the palaces of the nobles.^^' Thanks
to this party, the temporal power formerly wielded by the Bishops
had passed into the hands of the magistrates. The Patarins
protected the smaller dissenting societies, which literaUy swarmed.
Were there not seventeen in Milan alone ? At least that is what
we are told by one of the Waldenses, who had Hved there for a
long time.^^* The refugees from Lyons had hardly ariived^^*
before they found themselves at war with more than one sect,
although on good terms with others, who eventually associated
themselves with them in some numbers. We shall make mention
of the Humiliati, and the disciples of Arnaldo of Brescia.
Arnaldo had flUed Italy with his reputation. The voice of the
martyr stUl echoed in the consciences of the people. Taking
up involuntarily the principal thread of that ancient Puritan move
ment of the Donatists, which had for a long time been lost sight
of, he reminded the Eoman Pontiff that it is not the frock that
makes the monk, and certainly not a successor of the Apostles ;
that the right of apostoHc succession is based upon the practical
application of the primitive law, of which the first precept
consists in the vow of poverty .^^" Not only has he no power to
aUy himself to the ambition of temporal dominion ; but this vow
absolutely excludes it. Amaldo said, "A Pope ought to be able
to repeat the words of St. Peter, ' Silver and gold have I none,'
otherwise he is Hke the salt which has lost its savour. "^^' In
speaking thus, the illustrious emulator of Abelard ploughed a broad
farrow, in which since that time the principles of our political
liberty have been sown with a prodigal hand. That Cardinal also,
D 2

68 The Waldenses of Italy.
who recognised in Arnaldo "the prince and the patriarch of
political heresy, "^^' had a quick and discerning eye. Was he
nothing more than this ? We cannot doubt that he was.
He did not found a rehgious sect, but his leanings possessed both
a religious and a political character. His religious tendencies
opened a way for more than one reaction, and in Lombardy, at
least, he seems to have preceded Waldo. This may be a conjecture,
yet more than one sign justifies it.^^" At any rate, we shall see the
Donatist principle which he had re-lighted making itself pretty
plainly visible in the movement of the Poor of Lombardy.
As regards the movement of the Humiliati, it is now an
undoubted fact that it brought about, in Milan itself, a distinct
association which seems to be linked to that of the Poor of Lyons,
We derive our information on this point from the same source as
our history. The chronicle of Laon says : — " There Hved in the
towns of Lombardy a certain number of citizens, who without
quitting their own hearths observed a set of rules which they had
selected for themselves. Simply clothed, they abstained from
lying, from swearing, and all lawsuits which are opposed to the
CathoHc faith. They addressed themselves to the Pope, asking
him to sanction their profession of faith. The Pope replied that
he sanctioned all that they did honestly and in humility, " but,"
he added, "I expressly forbid you to arrogate to yourselves the
right of preaching in public." These people made Hght of the
orders of the Pontiff; they disobeyed and were excommunicated.
They called themselves HumUiati," because they were content
with plain, uncoloured vestments.^'" This took place under the
pontificate of Alexander III. One writer reports that the
HumUiati multiphed in Lombardy Hke the fish of the sea. Those,
concerning whom we are writing, constituted undoubtedly a lay
branch, if not an offshoot of the general order known by this
name.2" It is they who are referred to in the foUowing verses :—
" Sunt et in Italia fratres humiliati
Qui jurare renuunt et sunt uxorati."
Coming into existence about the same time, the Poor of
Lyons and the HumUiati made the same appeal to the same Pope,
and finished by being condemned by the same CouncU of Verona
which made no effort to distinguish between them ;"2 perhaps
because theu- union was afready an accomplished fact, or on the

The Waldenses of Italy. 69
eve of becoming so. The name which prevailed was that of the
Poor, only they were no longer called the Poor of Lyons, but
the Poor of Lombardy. The principle of the Waldenses was
based upon the authority of Scripture and lay preaching, but
their fu sion with the characteristic principles of their associates —
such as their joint duty to support themselves by work in lieu of
by alms, and thefr independent position with regard to the CathoHc
clergy, whom they regarded as unworthy — gave rise to discord,
and this was intensified by persecution. Taking advantage of a
favourable opportunity, they succeeded in obtaining from the town
a site suitable for the erection of a school, which was soon buUt ;
they thereby roused the anger of the Archbishop Philip, who
caused it to be demoHshed.^" PhiHp died in 1206 and the school
was rebuilt.^'* His successor, Hubert of Pirovano, followed the
example of Innocent IIL, just as PhiHp of Lampugnano had
followed that of Lucius III. StUl the young community was
passing through a critical period, as its open way of procedure
terrified the timid ones, who were stUl seeking some concessions
from Eome. Thereupon Durand of Huesca, the Apostle of the
Catholic Poor, returning from the court of Innocent III. took
these people in hand, for the purpose of bringing them back
within the pale of the Church, and finally succeeded in rallying
around him about one hundred whom he induced to sign the con
fession sanctioned by the Pope. The perverts signed it on con
dition that the free use ofthe above mentioned school building, or of
another suitable for their meetings, should be granted them. Their
petition, transmitted by Durand, was duly approved of and
recommended to the Archbishop Hubert by Innocent IH. This
was in April, 1210.^'* We learn that, at the same time, Bernard
Premier was deaUng with the Pope for the return of a certain
number of his co-reHgionists, and we know with what result.^"'
WhUe the perverts were thus returning to the pale of the Church,
those who remained and formed the great majority found themselves
at variance with thefr former companions. They represent during
this critical period the traditional and Conservative party. They
had up to that time carried everything before them with a high
hand, and unity had been maintained, notwithstanding the dis
tance which separated them and more than one difficulty that had
arisen. This time discord broke out anew and a breach was
inevitable.^"" The rupture was as painful to one party as to the

70 The Waldenses of Italy.
other, more especiaUy to the original mother community, which
could not view without emotion its children thus abandoning the
paternal roof ; for we must not forget that the poor of Lombardy were
an offshoot of the Lyonese stock.^" Waldo, who stUl was at the
head of the community,^'" greatly deplored this division. He
looked upon it as a misfortune from more than one point of view..
He protested and grieved over it for the rest of his days. After
his death an attempt was made at a reconcihation and for this
purpose a conference was assembled at Bergamo in May, 1218.^*"
There were twelve commissioners chosen, six of whom represented
the ultramontane Waldenses and six those of Lombardy.^*'
Different questions were there discussed which we shaU proceed
to note. The first thing which strikes us as strange is the great.
importance in which the memory of Waldo was held. It rises-
above all discussion and seems to make a strangely imposing
effect. We shaU see further on what is the reason of this. In
the meantime reciprocal advances were made on more than one
point. The Lombards nominated their superiors for life ; the
others chose their rectors pro tempore. It was agreed — in the
interests of all and of peace — to refer the nomination to the reunited
community and to leave the decision to them, whether in the one-
sense or the other. The same conclusion was come to with
reference to the ordination of ministers. As regards the question
of manual labour the ultramontane party no longer insisted, as
Waldo had done, on its absolute prohibition, while the Lombard
party admitted the advantage of subjecting it to a more rigorous.
control. A compromise was agreed to. Let us agree on the
other points, they said, we shall be able to come to a solution of
tbe difficulty some way or other. The points which had caused
the disunion seemed to be disposed of. With regard to matri
mony and baptism, there was no conflict to speak of ; there was
only one isolated fact in dispute. It was a question concerning
Thomas de Jean Francigena and others, who had for special reasons
been excluded from the community by the brethren of Franco.
Let their matter, it was said, be thoroughly sifted ; they are ready to
render satisfaction if necessary and aU will be well. But after all
there remained a twofold difficulty — one concerned the memory of
Waldo ; the other had reference to the sacrament of the
JEuchaiist.

The Waldenses of Italy. 71
" TeU us frankly," said Peter de Eelana who was associated
with Berenger d'Aquaviva ; "do you or do you not admit that
Waldo and Vivetus ai-e in paradise ?"
" That is a personal question if ever there was one. Should
we do not do better to strike it out ?"
" WeU then we may as weU separate for good and aU."^*'
" Our opinion has not changed. If during their lifetime they
have made satisfaction to God for all thefr- sins, they are saved. "^ *'
" Those sins, how are they to be understood ? It is no ques
tion of ordinary sins ; the declaration of the Lombards would be
too unmeaning for that, and one cannot very well see in what way
it could contain anything that was shocking to their co-religionists.
It must therefore have reference to some errors with which
he had been reproached in his relations with the brethren of
Lombardy. In such case one can understand that the French
Waldenses would not have been ready to avow them over the
scarcely closed grave of him whom they regarded as the founder
of the whole sect. MeanwhUe the discord became more envenomed
on a more serious matter. Unhappily it was the Sacrament of the
Eucharist, the symbol of peace, which was destined to re-Hght the
torch of discord vrithout raising any serious point of dogma. The
only question was as to the part played by the Priest recognised
by the Church. According to the ultramontane Waldenses, if the
Priest pronounced the sacramental words the mystery is accom
pHshed, as it is not the virtue of the man which operates, but the
word of God.^** The Poor of Lombardy did not hold that to be
sufficient; besides this, according to them the Priest must not
be unworthy of his office. Upon that point we will not yield,
said they, to those who would subjugate us, even though they be
of higher worldly position than ourselves ; for our Saviour did not
accept any man's authority. Are they doctors ? Let them meditate
on the instruction handed down to us by the fathers. St. Cyprian,
for example, says very clearly, that the faithful ought not to receive
the sacrament at the hands of heretical, unworthy and profane
priests. According to him, it is certain that the Eucharist does
not have effect where hope is lost and faith corrupted — where all
is a trick and a lie. In arrogating to himself the authority and
the verity of the Church the heretic acts like a monkey who, not
belonging to our race, is reduced to imitating us. An intruder,
cursed of God and dead, he invokes the Saviour and pronounces

72 The Waldenses of Italy.
the words of benediction with blasphemy in his soul. Is not
that a sacrilege ? He carries audacity even to the point of cele
brating the holy sacrament of the Eucharist ; but without the
presence of the Holy Spirit, how shaU his offering be sanctified ?
God cannot give heed to the prayer of the impious.^** Jerome
teaches us that priests who administer the sacrament of the altar
unworthily act in a profane manner. This father says in his
Commentaries, that disregarding the law of Christ they imagine
that the solemn words of prayer suffice for the celebration, and
that neither integrity nor merit are necessary in the celebrant ;
whereas it is written, as we know, that a Priest who has sinned
is not permitted to present an offering; Holy in appearance
before the eyes of the faithful, it is not the less tainted vrith sin
in reality, if the soul of the priest be impure.^*" Such as buy or
sell holy orders are not legitimate priests, observes Pope Gregory,
and it has been said with reason that the curse rests both upon
him who gives and him who receives. Such is the case in a
matter of simony. Besides which, how can he, who is himself
under the ban of anathema, sanctify another ? How can he offer
or receive the body of Christ if he have no part in it himself? "^*'
"We should prefer to have some proofs taken from Scripture.
You lay too much stress upon the man ; we prefer to look at the
words of benediction which proceed from his mouth."^*^
" The objection is an old one, and if you do not know it, we
wUl repeat the answer made by Pope Innocent. ' Oh ! most
miserable of the miserable ! you forget that which the Lord said
to the mercenary priests by the mouth of His prophet Malachi :
' I will curse your blessings.' "2*"
" You no longer agree with yourselves, for you formerly looked
upon the matter in the same way as ourselves."
" Yes, formerly, when we were children. It is as St. Paul
says : ' When I was a child I spake as a chUd, I understood as a
chUd, I thought as a chUd ; but when I became a man I put away
chUdish things.' '"">
" It wiU be necessary to return to that state, if you stiU have
any wish for unity."
" AVe cannot believe that which contradicts the evidence of the
Scriptures. No, we shall not do that, even though the Waldenses
wished to compel us. It is our turn to say : ' W^e ought to obey
God rather than men.' As you know, Paul resisted those who

The Waldenses of Italy. 73
wanted to bring him under the yoke of the law ; and Peter, after
he had proclaimed the order which he had received in a vision,
touching the conversion of Cornelius, was suffered by the brethren
of the cfr-cumcision to do as he wished ; they created no opposition
or discord ; on the contrary, they glorified the Lord."^*'
The two parties were far from being of one mind. It is clear
that the French Waldenses were still afraid of schism ; for fear of
the Church they hesitated about crossing the Eubicon. Their
brethren in MUan, on the contrary, had learned in a good school
that concUiation was a snare. They could not consent to a protest
without issue, and they were not far from anticipating that separa
tion which was to take place in the days of the Eeformation.
After the conference of Bergamo they separated for a long
time.^*^ The brethren of the diaspora had, moreover, to be officially
informed, this being necessary to prevent any misunderstand
ing. A circular letter was sent addressed "to the brethren and
friends residing beyond the Alps," in the name of Otto de
Eamezello.^*' The vague address seems to imply that the
Lombardy mission was about to be enlarged. Meanwhile the
letter could hardly be destined for any others than the missionary
brethren of South Germany, and notably for those who were to be
found in the district of Passau, which then formed part of the
Duchy of Austria. Let us take as our guide the inquisitor who
was on duty there, and he wiU soon put us on the track of the
readers. The inquisitor of Passau unroUs before our eyes a little
catalogue, in which are indicated the localities in the diocese of
Passau alone visited by our Italian missionaries. There are
forty-two, and adherents everywhere. In speaking of twelve of
them he adds : " And schools are there also."^** In one place we
even read : " Schools are also there, and the Bishop ; "^** this is at
Einzispach. Elsewhere, at Kematen, there are "several schools,"
ten it would seem ; but this doleful note is added, " They have
kiUed the Curate there. "^*" Why ? Was it perchance as in Styria,
where a Curate's barn had been fired, because the Inquisitor had
lodged in his house? These reprisals are surprising in one
respect ; they are rare. It would be odious to infer from this
that the morals of the dissenters were in unison, especially when
the Inquisitor himseK eulogizes them. We shaU have to refer to
these eulogies later on, and we shaU see that they are

74 The Waldenses of Italy.
worth more than many apologies. One monk — who loved tO'
account for the movement of reform, into the nature of which his
official position had led him to inquire — finds one of the principal
causes to be the morals of the heretics, which he praises. In his
opinion they present the greatest contrast to those of the clergy,
which he criticises with equal frankness. It is true that he did
not complete publishing his criticisms. The Jesuit Gretser, who
quotes so many pages from the Inquisitor of Passau, omits this
one.^*' AU the sacraments, it says, the temples, feasts, worship of
saints, miracles, reUcs, the cross, pilgrimages, funeral rites —
aU are profaned by a frivolous, mercenary, cynical, deceitful
clergy; and, as if the testimony of an Inquisitor were not above.
suspicion, facts are adduced to support it. The most striking
part is the final statement, in which our monk reproaches the-
Priests for asserting, among other impostures, that the Eoman See
is infaUible : " quod sedes romana non possit errare." But, to
explain this movement of reform, there are also reasons of a
different character, quite external. The schisms which were
convulsing the Church ; the strifes of the Pontiff's among them
selves and against the Empire ; the excommunications and.
persecutions, were opening new doors. ^*' For that matter the
Emperor was far from protecting them, even though his name
was Frederick II. To this very Prince may be traced back the
Code which condemns new heresies as political crimes and
dissenters as rebelHous subjects. For this reason, the fact ofthe-
propagation of the Waldenses in Germany is worthy of con
sideration ; the more so as, after the researches now being made,.
it is of more importance than all that has been said about it tiU
now. As early as the thirteenth century it was increasing
rapidly ; at the end of the fourteenth it was at its cHmax, and
had then reached every class of society.^*" Adherents multiphed
and feared not to caU themselves " the friends," in contrast to the
Catholic adversaries who, in their estimation were " the enemies "
or " the strangers."^"" So there is no cause for astonishment that
at that time Waldenses were met with in aU the thoroughfares,
from Lombardy to the Baltic and from the Ehine to Eaab ; nor
that, in the general opinion, separation from the Church of Eome
seemed to be a possibiHty.^"* But thanks to the assistance of the
secular arm, the Inquisition succeeded in charming it away, and it
is by the light of the blazing pUes that we can distinguish, one

The Waldenses of Italy. 75
after the other, the principal stations belonging to the Waldensian
mission. In Bavaria, Eatisbon ; in Franconia, Wiirzburg,
Eichstadt, Nuremberg, Bamberg, Heilsbronn ; in Swabia, Augs
burg, Tischingen, NordUngen, Donawert, ; in Saxony, Wittemberg,
Plauen ; in Thuringia, Erfurt ; in the Ehenish provinces, Cologne,
Mayence, Friedberg, Spires, Bingen, Treves, Strasburg, Hagenau,
Weissemberg, Offenburg, Lahr ; in Pomerania and the Margravate
•of Brandeburg, Stettin and its neighbourhood, Konigsberg in
Neunark, Dramburg, Angermunds, Prenzlau ; in Austria, Vienna,
Steyer, and good number of viUages, both in the Duchy of Styria
itself and in the Archduchies ; in Hungary, Budapest, Oedenburg,
Gunz ; furthermore, in Transylvania, in Silesia, in Poland ;^"^
finaUy, in Switzerland, Basle, Berne, Fribourg, Soleure,^"' as also
in the Netherlands^"* were the pruicipal stations. Among the
victims, itinerant preachers occupy the first place. Twelve of them
were imprisoned in Austria at one and the same time ; among
them were Hermann of Mistelgau and Nicholas of Plauen.^"* With
regard to the persecutors, two of them deserved weU of the
Chm-ch ; they were Peter of the Order of Celestius, and Martin
of Prague. In the XV. century decadence began. Nevertheless,
the Waldenses held their own until the end of that century,
as is proved by the persecution which was proclaimed in
Brandeburg about the year 1480, and in consequence of which
a certain number of fugitives passed into Moravia and Bohemia,^^"
where a new centre of reaction was formed, which thenceforth
attracted the attention of the Waldenses scattered through
Germany. This reaction is weU-known, but we must notice it
briefly. Bohemia was its arena, and Conrad Stiekna, an Austrian, was the
man who commenced it. He saw, in the errors and scandals of
the dominating Church, so many signs of the early coming of
Antichrist, for as such he described them. His friend Milicz of
Moravia went further ; in his opinion Antichrist had come ; it was
a question of denouncing him. What did he do ? He started for
Eome, where he posted his thesis on the doors of St. Peter. This
audacious act nearly cost him his life. Matthias of Janow,
Curate of Prague, in his turn, mounted the breach. He gazed
fixedly upon Antichrist, and boldly said what he thought of him.
He declared that his name is Legion, for he constitutes the false
hurch of the unfaithful, co mposed of monks, prelates and popes.

76 The Waldenses op Italy.
Finally came John Huss. By his ecclesiastic tendency, he was
more nearly associated with WycHffe — whose writings had just
been scattered throughout Bohemia — than with his own pre
decessors. He learned of him, not only what all dissidents had
thought about the original fall of the Church, that it was in con
sequence ofthe gift of temporal power by Constantine, but further
more that in the twelfth century, Satan through the monks of the
Inquisition had been let loose in the midst of Christendom for the
purpose of establishing the reign of Antichrist, who substitutes for
the laws of God " the new buUs, which Jesus Chiist did not
issue." Excommunicated by the Pope, he appealed dfrectly to
Christ, without referring his cause to the CouncU. The Pope was
not so anxious for the reformation of the Church as for the mono
poly of the reformation ; rather than renounce this, he put the
reformer to death. Huss went to the stake on the 6th of July,
1415. Then it was Jerome of Prague's turn. Meanwhile con
science, victorious through martyrdom, was being stirred up;
Jacques of Misa, Curate of Prague, celebrated the Holy Com
munion in both kinds. This was the signal for a long and bloody
war. The Hussites were divided into two parties ; one national
and conservative — that of the Calixtines,^"' had Eokycana for a
leader ; the other, dissident and radical — that of the Taborites,^^*
was directed by Procopus the Greater. After divers vicissitudes the
Taborites moderated their excessive zeal, which had sometimes
partaken of the nature of frenzy; but they never aban
doned their distinctive principles, namely : —
The Bible ; the only rule of faith, independent of the interpre
tation ofthe Fathers.
Justification by faith ; " the summary of the Gospel and basis
of Christianity." Two Sacraments only ; Baptism and the Lord's Supper.
From that time the agreement ofthe parties became impossible,
at least upon legal and national grounds. The Taborites were
dispersed and several little sects sprang up. One only of them is
of friterest to us here — that of Peter of Chelcicky. It professed,
among other maxims, brotherly equality and separation from the
Antichrist — that is to say, the Pope. Moreover, there was to be
no armed resistance, and no taking of oaths. The reader per
ceives that these maxims go further than those ofthe Waldenses ;
indeed, they are an indication of their presence and action.

The Waldenses of Italy. 77
The beUefs of Chelcicky, according to the national historian
of 'Bohemia, showed him to be as much an offshoot of the
Waldensian as of the Hussite tendency.^"" No one denies
the presence of the Waldenses,^'" only it is claimed that in
Bohemia they were not constituted into distinct communi
ties.^'* If so, which party, then, did they most res6mble ? They
were more in affinity with the Calaxtines than the Taborites,
though retaining some of their tendencies.^'^ The latter's
austerity of discipline undoubtedly attracted them ; but they were
in full sympathy with the former, on account of their hesitancy to
separate radicaUy from the Church of Eome. They stiU exer
cised a certain influence , and were not reduced to receiving every
thing without being able to make any return. Wherever there
is salt its savour wiU be felt. Some among the Waldenses
of Germany even rose to a place in the general dfrection of the
Hussite mission. This was the case, for instance, with Frederick
Eeiser, who is worthy of special mention.
He was horn iu 1401, in the vUlage of Deutach, near Dona
wert, and was from his infancy instructed by his father, who had
made a profession of it in his capacity of a teacher in the doctrine
of the Waldenses. At 18 years of age, he, desiring to devote him
self to the career of an itinerant preacher, was taken by his father
to a friend, a merchant of Nuremberg, called John of Plauen,
and placed under his care. This John, of course, belonged
to the Waldenses' dissent as did the Eeisen family ; he inter
ested himself zealously in their mission, and loved to prepare
labourers for it. It was while in Nuremberg that Frederick be
came acquainted with the Waldensian teachers, who visited the
German and Swiss communities. In 1418 he also met a cele
brated teacher of Prague, named Peter Payne, who was at that
time striving to bring about a union between the Hussites and the
Waldenses, and by him the activity of the young Levite was
influenced in the same direction. Eeiser went forth to visit
different localities in Germany and Switzerland. As a preacher
he visited the communities of his brethren ; as a merchant the
customers of the house of Plauen. FinaUy, he settled in Heils
bronn, near Ansbach in Franconia, there succeeding in gathering
together a certain number of adherents. Soon he underwent
strange vicissitudes. The war of the Hussites was going on
around him, and he was taken and carried away a captive in thefr

78 The Waldenses op Italy.
midst. This was the decisive moment of his Hfe. At Prague
and Tabor, Frederick entered into relations with the ecclesiastics ;
here he found again his old friend Peter Payne, and through his
instrumentaHty, received priestly ordination at the hands of
Nicholas, Bishop of the Taborites. He then accompanied the
Hussite deputies to the CouncU of Basle. Eetuming into
Bohemia, Procop the Great, chief of the Taborites, sent him to
his new destination, the Httie city of Landscron. His sojourn in
Bohemia was not without advantage to the cause of union. He
was forced to the conclusion that, without the support of the
Taborites, there was no future for the Waldensian mission m
Germany, and that its scattered and isolated communities, almost
strangers to each other, had everything to gain by joining a move
ment, whose effect was to bring them together and estabhsh a
bond of union between them. He resumed his office of itinerant
preacher that he might again visit his dispersed brethren, feed
them, and bring them to the desired union. He certainly
sojourned at Strasburg, at Basle, at Heilsbronn, and again with
his old friends in Heroldsberg, not far from Nuremberg. If he
did return to Bohemia at this time, it was probably only to obtain
the definite sanction of his plans for organisation. At Tabor
the establishment of a fixed number of itinerant preachers, under
the direction of four Bishops, was determined upon, and the
special superintendence of the Waldensian communities of Ger
many was put into Eeiser's hands. Thenceforth he bore this title
" Frederick, by the grace of God, Bishop of the faithful, who,
in the Eomish Church, reject the donation of Constantine."-"
If union were brought about, the Inquisition was always on
the watch to destroy it, and as early as 1458 Eeiser succumbed at
Strasburg. It seems that the torments of the rack extorted
incoherent avowals from him, as they did later from Savonarola.
As Gino Capponi said, in speaking of the latter, one may
have the heart and not the fibres of a martyr.^'* Eeiser went to
the stake together with his faithful companion, Anna Weiler, of
Franconia, and their ashes were thrown together into the
Ehine.2'* During the same year Matthew Hagen, who had been
ordained by Eeiser, died at the stake in Berlin, he proving him
self more staunch than his Bishop, notwithstanding the threats
and seductions to which his companions had finally yielded.^'"

The Waldenses of Italy. 79
WhUe the monks of the Inquisition were still bent upon des
truction, the Bohemian Brethren buUt up the edifice of their
unity. It was composed of divers elements, both Calixtine and
Taborite, cemented by the discipline which Peter of Chelcicky
had just elaborated. The plan on which it was arranged was the
law of God. The organisation was completed in 1467, by the
election of nine ministers, one of whom was caUed to the office
of Bishop. Then a serious question arose as to who was to con
secrate him ; to decide this the Brethren appealed to the Waldensian
fraternity. There were a certain number in the Duchy of Austria,
their origin, it was said, dating back to the days of the primitive
Church. In one of his writings, Chelcicky teUs how Sylvester
and Waldo, fleeing from the Imperial Beast, had hidden in the
woods ; and how Constantine, having meanwhUe embraced the
Christian faith, sent an animal for Sylvester to ride and brought
him back to Eome, where he received the fatal donation.^" Waldo
did not return ; he kept aloof and protested against Sylvester.
" Thou dost not act," said he, " according to the doctrine and
example given to us by Chiist and our fathers the Apostles."^"
This legend was not contradicted by the Waldenses ; Stephen
their Bijhop even believed it. Thereupon the Brethren decided
to free themselves from the yoke of Eomish sacerdotal consecra
tion ; they even laid it solemnly aside and obtained the ordina
tion of one of their Elders at the hands of a venerable Walden
sian ecclesiastic. This act generated doubts ; however, it was asked
if this were the true priestly consecration, would it not be more
sm-ely guaranteed and complete if received from a Bishop, and finaUy
Stephen was asked to intervene. He conferred the laying on of
hands upon Matthias of Kunewald, the first Bishop of the Unity
of Brethren, who hastened to impart it to two Elders, his
colleagues. Thereby the brethren thought they would again be
come attached to the true Church and accompHsh thefr separation
from that of Eome.^'" It has been claimed that Stephen had
been consecrated by a Catholic Bishop, but this is a myth.
Moreover, it is not a question of finding in Stephen a Bishop in
the ordinary sense of the word, but in its primitive and scriptural
acceptation.^'" It is to be regretted that he was not supported in
Austria by the other Waldensian ecclesiastics. Had he been,
their example would have induced their flocks to adhere in a body
to the Unity of Brethren, but they had become more jealous for

80 The Waldenses of Italy.
their Eoman consecration and the privileges it conferred than for
their profession of poverty. Stephen's entreaties were all in vain,
and, if the truth has been told, his zeal for union betrayed him
to the Inquisitors of heresy, who condemned him to the stake at
Vienna.^'* A few years later Stephen's colleagues passed over to
the Church of Eome and the Waldenses of Austria were no
longer heard of.
If it be true that a few degenerate Waldenses left the Brethren
to themselves, it is not necessarily to be inferred from this that the
Waldensian mission in Bohemia was fruitless. The Unity owes
it something more than the martyred Bishop's hand of feUow
ship ; she owes to it, partly at least, her very cohesion, and that dis
cipline, which l-'eter of Chelcicky received from the Waldenses as
much as from his Hussite ancestors. At any rate, the mission of
the Waldenses Has been fruitful for Germany ; it there sowed the
first seeds of the Eeformation — the Bible- — long before Luther's
time.^'^ This is now being recognised. " We acknowledge,"
exclaims a learned man, " that the Waldenses exercised a more
vigorous and wide-spread influence in Germany before the Eefor
mation than has been hitherto believed,"^^' and another writer
adds, " their history is far from having enjoyed among us the con
sideration it deserves.^'* ¦
We shall not follow the traces of the dispersion of the Wal
denses any further ; indeed, they cannot be followed. What
we have said suffices to prove their missionary zeal, which made
them carry out their Master's order, " Go into all the woiid."^'*
Less than a century after their first banishment, one of their
persecutors confessed that they had spread everywhere. " Where
is," he exclaimed, " the country to be found, in which their sect
does not exist?" Unfortunately, the Inquisition also was
spreading everywhere on their track, putting out, one by one, the
torches that were gleammg in the darkness, and we are assured
that one of the Waldensian martyrs confessed to his judges that
the cause for which he was about to die "was a fire soon to
disappear."^'* With aU that a light does stUl hold on to bum
upon yonder " Alpine-altar."

The Waldenses of Italy. 81

CHAPTER THE FOURTH.

The Alpine Eefuge.
Reliijious ideas, like birds, have a tendency to build nests
for themselves — The retreat of the Waldenses into the
Valleys of the Alps was occasioned by two facts : their
banishment from Lyons and the Crusade against the
Albigenses — The Waldenses reach the Italian side and
establish themselves there, thanks to the concurrence of diverse
circumstances — The configuration of the country — Un
cultivated lands — Is there any reason to admit the existence of
traces of ancient local dissent in the Italian Valleys ? — Dis
cussion upon this point tends to prove the vicinity, if not the
presence, ofthe sect of the Cathari — The Abbey of St. Mary of
Pignerol and the Castle of Lucerna — Thomas I., Count of
Savoy and the House of Achaia — New Colonies : that of
Calabria — First decrees of persecution against the Waldenses
of the Valleys: that of Turin, and that of Pignerol — The
Inquisition : its " raison d'etre" and its establishment — The
strongholds capitulate : Podesta Oldrado in Milan and
the repression in the country towns — First assaults of the
Monks at Perosa, Angrogna, Pragelas, and in Dauphiny —
Two new decrees, one by Louis XI. and the other by the
Duchess lolante — First Crusade against the XValdenses :
Innocent VIII. and his Bull : a check in the Valleys of Pied
mont and cruelties in Dauphiny — A Waldensian deputation
at Pignerol — An inquiry at Freyssinieres and the letter of
Louis XII. — Margaret of Foix and the first glorious return
— What was going on within — The Barbes, the Mission and
the School — Condition of the Waldenses on the eve of
tlie Reformation.
AS with primitive tribes, so it is with creeds ; after having
wandered about for some time they finally settle down on
the spot where their native genius can take root. It is a law of

82 The Waldenses of Italy.
nature. " As soon as a new creed is revealed to mankind it seeks.
a new country for its development. As the- young birds which,
as soon as hatched, set out all ignorant to find the cHmate and
shelter most suited to them ; as the hidden stream which flows
by the most direct route to the lake it has never seen; even
so does a rehgious idea, hardly conceived in the genius of a people,
go forth to seek in nature the type into which it is to develope."^'^
This was the case with religious ideas tn the East untU the
appearance of Christianity, and it was also that of the religious
reactions of the Middle Ages down to the Eeformation which was
the crown of all. AU seek nests for themselves ; the Cathari in
Bosnia, the Albigenses in Toulouse, the Patarins in Milan, the
Joachimists in Calabria, God's Friends in Alsace, the Apostolica
in the mountains of Novara, the Taborites in Tabor. To-day the
homes of all of those ancient forms of dissent are deserted.
Sheltered by the Alps, that of the Waldenses stUl exists.
It is worth whUe, therefore, to point out the cfrcumstances in the
midst of which they were led to estabhsh themselves there.
We have already remarked that immediately after their exile
from Lyons, there were some who took refuge in Dauphiny, and
there constituted the stock from which the Waldenses of the Alps
are sprung. This is the well-authenticated report of local
tradition.^" A chronicle of Malines in the Valley of Queyras says
that " the Waldenses, having been driven out from Lyons, a
namber of them took refuge in the country and began to settle in
Pimouzet ; thence they spread into Ginaillaud, Villar, La Pisse,
and Les Pres, the other hamlets of the country being free from
them."^'* Now these names correspond to a number of locahties
contained in a little district situated at the junction of the valleys
of Pelvoux and Durance. Pimouzet, which the Waldensian refugees-
are said to have made their first stopping place, is situated at the
lower end of Val Louise, on the right, and is now known by the name
of Puy-Saint-Eusebe. Pinaillaud is on the left ; it is now caUed
Puy-AiUaud. Le ViUar is upon the left bank of the Durance,
opposite Puy- Saint- Andre. La Pisse is at the bottom of a smaU
lateral valley which terminates with the monastery of Biiancon.
Lastly, Les Pres are below the Vignaux, another village of Val
Louise, which was inhabited by the Waldenses.^'* From liiese
different localities, many of the refugees climbed the heights, crossed
the frontier, and reached the valleys on the ItaHan side,^'" pre-

The Waldenses of Italy. 83
ceded perhaps by the first scouts, if it be true that any were sent
on by Waldo before leaving Lyons. This last supposition is
credited by Gilles. "It is thought," he says, "that these perse
cuted Lyonnais, foreseeing the necessity of a retreat, had before
moving them from Lyons, sent some one to reconnoitre and find
out beforehand some places where they might put their house
holds in safety." Our historian adds that Waldo "accom
panied that band comuig toward the Alps of Piedmont, and saw
his fiock settled there before he left it to return to the other
bands, which had started out towards the North, and of whom he
led a portion into Bohemia." AU this is possible, only we must
admit that it is not supported by any fact ; nay, more, there is
nothing to indicate the presence of the Waldenses in the Italian
VaUeys of the Alps before the year 1209, which was the first year
of the Crusade against the Albigenses. That event alone would
suffice to account for the emigration of which we are speaking ;
but it is probable that its only effect was to increase the
proportions of it.
We do not propose to relate here the history of that famous
Crusade. It is weU known that Innocent III. was the soul of it,
Dominic the Apostle, Simon de Montfort the executioner, and
Eaymond VL, Count of Toulouse, its most iUustrious victim. In
the eyes of Eome the latter had become, right or wrong, the
personification of the evil genius of Eebellion in religion even
more than in politics. Now, let us not forget that this was the
time of the most powerful Pontiff that ever lived. It was he who
reaHzed the aspirations of the Conqueror of Canossa, and put forth
pretensions which were boundless. " The Pope," he himself
said, " acknowledges no superior except God. He is the mediator
between God and men ; less than God, more than man. He is
set over nations and kingdoms. According to the divine law, kings
and priests are anointed ; the priest, however, anoints the king,
not the king the priest. Now he who anoints holds a higher rank
than he who is anointed. Priesthood is as far above royalty in
rank as the soul is superior to the body. At the beginning of the
world God placed two great lights in the canopy of heaven, one
to shine by day and the other by night. As the moon receives its
light from the sun, so do princes receive their power from us."^"
Such is the papal doctrine. The rule of action, which Innocent
carried out, Jean-sans- Terre knew something of, as did also King

84 The Waldenses of Italy.
Philip Augustus. Nay, was not the Emperor Frederick compelled
to bow his head ? Now, when emperors and kings bowed the head,
it was not for an insignificant Count of Toulouse to lift up his.
If his predecessors had practised toleration, it was now, thought
the great Pontiff, high time to stop. From the very first year of his
reign, he had recaUed the monks of Citeaux to their office, which
was to preach the Crusade. There had been Crusades in Asia ;
why not have some in Europe? People had rushed upon the
Saracens ; but were not heretics even more wicked aud
dangerous ? Hence, death to the heretics ! The Crusade was
proclaimed towards the end of 1207. It was a hunting field on a
gigantic scale, worthy of Olympus and Tartarus. The king of
France was invited to join, together with aU the nobiHty who had
wUling minds. The Dominicans, those excellent hounds, were
set loose, and all monkhood with them. The Count of Toulouse
wavered, yielded, and wished to capitulate ; it was in vain. This
was not enough, there was another and necessary element in this
Crusade. After all, it was not so much a question of bringing
him back to obedience as "of catching the little foxes which do
not cease from devastating the vineyard of the Lord."^'" Eighteen
cities and one hundred and twenty-four villages, with more than
60,000 inhabitants, gave way. It was determined upon to lay the
land under an interdict, as in the East. Was this caused by
thirst for carnage, or was it a piece of strategy in order to produce
a general panic, which should hasten on the victory ? One or the
other it must have been, if we are to account for the massacre of
Beziers, for instance, where all the inhabitants were slain,
including the 7,000 who, mad with terror, crouched down in the
Church of St. Magdalen. " Nothing could save them," says a
Troubadour, " neither cross, nor crucifix, nor altars ; I do not
believe a single one escaped."^"" It was in this terrible hour that
the legate Arnaud is said to have spoken the cynical words, " KUl
them all; God knows his own."-"* United in their death or
flight, Albigenses and Waldenses crowded the highways ; dazed
with flight they rushed pell-meU, mostly toward the East. This
new exodus, only to be compared to the one seen afterwards in
France after the revocation of the Edict of Nantes, stripped the
South of its industrious population. Whither should they flee ?
The enemy were everywhere holding the outlets. In the meantune
a large number succeeded in reaching Dauphiny, where they were

The Waldenses of Italy. 85
received by their brethren. Soon the country became unable to
accommodate so great an influx of people. The vaUeys of
Freyssinieres and Louise were invaded ; but the tide of emigration
kept flowing in day by day. Finally, the most needy formed a
group; and in their turn reached the frontier. The pass of Mont-
Genevre unites the vaUeys of the Durance and the Doire ; that of
Sestrietres makes a communication between the former and the
smaUer valleys of Cluson and Pragelas. Now it is unnecessary to
demonstrate that natural communications determine the relations
between contiguous populations. Habitual, even intimate rela
tions, must have been formed between the inhabitants of those
three vaUeys, and the old Eoman road which crosses their terri
tories is a sufficient proof of the antiquity of this intercourse ;
hence, the refugees had only to foUow the estabhshed current to
enter into relations with the ItaHan valleys. ^"^ They descended
mostly into the graceful little valley of Pragelas, at that time
comprised in the territory of Count Gui of Vienne. According
to a certain local tradition, the road of the Traversette, near Viso,
did not exist then, as it dates only from 1220 ; but if the pass
were open for the Saracens who had gone up from the valley of the
Po into that of Queyras, whence they had finaUy been driven out
after much difficulty, why should it not be open for the fugitives
who crossed it in an opposite direction ? More than one band
ventured into the footpaths of the Croix and JuHen passes, lead
ing up to the heights above the central valleys of Luserna, Perosa,
and St. Martin, but the bulk of the colony settled in Pragelas,
whence it soon overflowed into the neighbouring valleys. " Being
once established there," says a Catholic writer, " their own needs
compeUed them to be so industrious and skUful in cultivating the
soil even to the remotest little patches of ground, that, with no
other occupation or means of supporting their already numerous
families, they graduaUy cleared enough to supply their wants.
StiU finding themselves much cramped for room in the Pragelas
and the neighbouring mountains, which could only with great
difficulty shelter them aU — for they were multiplying with great
rapidity — -they passed thence into the mountains of Piedmont,
which are above Perier, and into the valleys of St. Martin and
those of Val Lucerne that constitute the upper part of the com
munities of Angrogna, ViUar, and Bobbio."^"'

86 The Waldenses of Italy.
The Waldenses have an-ived. They have earned by the sweat
of their brow the places which wUl be their retreat fr-om one gene
ration to another. The sky is seldom clear over their heads,
but further on it unrolls its azure vault. At their feet ravines
run down to the vaUeys of PeHs and Cluson, intersected by dales
whose upper end is closed by granite waUs, but are bordered lower
down with wooded and green hills. Pathways run along the
rivers and debouche with them at the Httle city of Pignerol.
There the plain of Piedmont opens out, intersected by the Po.
On its north are the snow-clad Alps ; on its south the dark mass
ofthe Apennines, almost shrouded in the clouds.
One might be tempted to beheve that the fugitives had come
there incontinent, like the leaves, blown hither and thither by the
storm raging behind them. But it is not so ; their emigration
was weU reasoned. GUles tells us it was justified by different
circumstances, by the simultaneous occurrence of which, the
estabhshment of the Waldensian colony was destined soon to be an
accomplished fact.
In the first place, mth regard to security, " the situation was
favourable to their condition. "2"* An individual quahfied to judge
of this observed, not long ago, that the vaUeys of Piedmont,
made up, as we know they are, of the valley of the PeHs and a
part of that of Cluson, which are two affiuents of the Po, have as
a whole " the form of a quadrUateral, with boundaries clearly
marked by ridges of difficiUt access." " On the ItaHan side," he
goes on to say, " they have extremely steep slopes, and are
separated by short and abrupt spurs, whose extremities, formed
of granite rock, draw near each other and give to the Alps, when
looked at from Turin, the appearance of an immense waU enclosing
a garden. "2"* Indeed, it has been calculated that the double zone,
which comes down from the ridge of the frontier to the plam of
the Po on one side and to the Ehone on the other, stretches out
seven times further in the dfrection of France than in that of
Italy. Furthermore, it is a fact worthy of notice, that in the case
of the latter the vaUeys are joined together by upper passes, aU
directed towards a common entrance which can be easUy closed ;
while with the former, the vaUeys are independent, and open into
France through separate roads which afford as many ways of ingress
for an enemy. It is easy to see what might result from this.
Moreover, history has confirmed the fact that, on the French

The Waldenses of Italy. 87
side, the Waldensian population hardly succeeded in holding its
own, except in the upper vaUeys, which communicate with the
more privUeged Italian vaUeys, whUe on the other side they were
able to face attack ; hence we have a natural explanation of the
fact, which is, however, none the less marveUous, that the Wal
denses were preserved in those countries in the midst of enemies
bent on thefr destruction. If we compare their situation with
that of their brethren dispersed in so many different lands, we
can easUy understand how, elsewhere, they finaUy disappeared,
nor need thefr- preservation here be — as it has often been —
claimed as due to the intervention of miraculous power. The
hand of Providence was sufficiently apparent in the fact of the
fugitives' arrival, and especiaUy in the circumstances which con
duced to thefr establishment in that lofty retreat ; and it is not
reasonable that we should refuse to recognize that hand till later,
and then only in a few isolated facts, and almost in such a manner
as to give the impression that the God of the Israel of the Alps
is " a God of the hills. "^"" Historians " more pious than
erudite " — ^remarks in this connection a writer who is both — have
attributed to continual Proridential intervention that victorious
resistance to the multiplied attacks of the enemy. It is not
necessary to explain their success by means of supernatural
interference ; it is sufficient to examine the configuration of the
coimtry carefully.^"' An instinct almost as sure as that of the
eagle guided the Waldenses to those high valleys, where we find
the cradle of their generations. They were the more easily able
to put thefr trust in God, in that they sought for safety under the
covert of nature's wings. Such instinct oftentimes makes up for
scientific strategical observation, nor withal renders faith useless.
Faith wUl, when necessary, of itself perform miracles — who has
not witnessed that ? Meanwhile, it cannot be questioned, as one
of their historians has said, that the situation of the new centre,
in which the Waldensian colony established itself, was favourable
to their condition. With his opinion the foUowing words of the
CathoHc chronicle seem to agree :- — " The situation of the valleys,
shut in on aU sides by high mountains, caused them to be sought
after as retreats by the heretics when driven out of France."^"'
After that there is no need of becoming over-excited or of resorting
to prophecy, after the manner of Leger, who explains the situation
of the country by the purpose of God, " who had prepared it,

88 The Waldenses of Italy,
according to the prophecy of St. John, for the preservation of the
woman clothed with the sun, who holds the moon under her feet
against aU the floods of persecution which the great red dragon
might cast out of his mouth against her. "2""
If we examine facts, we shaU find that the locaHty we are dis-
cusshig was favourable to the refugees from a second stand-point.
There was in the Alpine Valleys, says GiUes, "a considerable
amount of unoccupied land suitable for their wants." In other
words, half of the country was, when the new settlers arrived,
stiU uncultivated, if not wooded. Its inhabitants, gathered here
and there in isolated hamlets, " cultivated hardly any but those
spots of more attractive appearance, the tUling of which was easy
and profitable; so that the new comers, by means of proper
agreements, easUy obtained from those who held it, sufficient land
in the higher territory of all the vaUeys, on which to build thefr
homes, with fields to cultivate for a subsistence. There, in the
different districts, they built their best and most secure villages.'""
To be convinced of this one has only to glance over some of the
most ancient documents belonging to the noble house of Luserna,
relating to the valley of that name and the smaller ones of
Angrogna and Eora, bordering upon it,'"* or study the act of
donation by which Adelaide of Susa granted to the Abbey of
Pignerol the right of sovereignty over the sniaU territory which
skirts the Cluson. It wiU be seen that in Val Perosa especiaUy,
and even in Val St. Martin, there were uncultivated localities in
abundance, whilst the inhabitants were few. The Waldenses
established themselves in these regions comfortably, and so as to
leave but little room for the Catholic population ; this could not
be said regarding the valleys nearest the plain. Furthermore, the
aspect presented by the entire Italian slope, both as regards culti
vation and habitation, points to these conclusions. Indeed, "four
habitable zones, one above the other, and clearly distinguished by
their produce,"'"^ are distinctly visible ; so that the most super
ficial observer is struck by the fact, and asks himself what the
cause of this may be. The reason is to be found in movements
of the population upwards or downwards, according to the
exigencies of the situation ; it had to mount upwards under
the pressure of persecution by the troops of the Duke of
of Savoy and of the outlaws turned loose by the Pope and the
monks. The site of the highest hamlets, that of the churches

The Waldenses of Italy. 89
especially, is very significant in this respect. It reveals, at one
and the same time, the necessity for security from a surprise by
the enemy and the effect of a continuous oppression, sanctioned
by law. " It is a remarkable thing," someone lately observed,.
" that, after more than six centuries and a half have elapsed since
the Poor of Lyons came with their families to occupy the highest
of the Waldensian VaUeys of Italy, it would probably not be im
possible, even to-day, to draw approximately the line which marked
the lower limit of habitation assigned by the natives to their
ultramontane brethren ; so much difference is there between the
patois used in the mountains and in the plain, and even in certain
towns, between the patois of the hiU and that of the lower
vaUey."'"' But let us return to the soil itself, for it gives us even
more information. At the foot of the rocky, bare, and water
bearing snow-capped heights, the ground is covered with fine and
sweet-scented grass only, utilized during thesummer in the pasturage
of cattle. Lower down, the coniferous trees and beeches appear,
and among.them the first chalets Still lower we find chestnut trees,
wheatfields and permanent dwellings. The refugees were un
doubtedly obliged to reach this zone to procure their food, and it
was only little by Httle that they mingled with the native popula
tion of the hill-sides near the plain, to participate there
in the raising of corn, the cultivation of the mulberry aad
fruit trees and the vine with its waving tendrils. Gradually
they brought the vegetation higher up, as it were, and took
advantage for their sustenance of all the resources of their
limited territory, so that " every undulation of the ground is
covered with cultivated fields, meadows, houses, and villages, with
their thick frame of fruit trees and high trained vines. No
portion has been permitted to lie fallow, and life and vegetation
are seen wherever the bare rock does not show above ground. In
several places, even the rock itself, is clothed and blooming,
thanks to the earth with which it has been artificially covered, and
to the Httle streams of water skilfully directed thereupon.""*
The chestnut tree is the one that towers above this varied
vegetation. It is as a king, aud it has been named the national
tree of the Waldenses. It is found scattered about ou
aU the hills, spreading out its green canoj)y, and gracefaliy
breaking the line of the horizon. It bears -a delicious fruit of a
variety called the Lombarda, renowned for its size and sweet

¦90 The Waldenses of Italy.
flavour, and this fruit serves the Waldensian population in the
same manner as the polenta of corn flour does the Piedmontese
peasant, and the potato the Irishman. Often durfrig the persecu
tions no other sustenance was obtainable ; hence it is that the
Waldenses cultivate with a sort of fiHal affection that " Saviour
tree,"'"* which at an early date covered the ground occupied by thefr
ancestors and grew to a considerable height. It might be concluded
that they hastened to plant chestnut trees on their arrival at the
lower levels, and that afterwards they took them with them when
they retreated to the heights, in order that their necessary bread
might be within reach.
So much with regard to the situation of the valleys, from tbe
standpoint of their configuration and conditions of soU. We are
thereby afforded good reasons for the arrival of the Waldensian
refutiees and their attempt to settle there ; without, perhaps,
sufficient explanation of the stabUity and permanence of their
establishment. In order to understand this, one must take into
account, not only the natural surroundings, but also the induce
ments offered by the existing society with its more or less
unsettled ideas. Now, on this point we must hear what Gilles
says. " The natives and thefr neighbours," he writes, " were
not far from having the same feehngs and knowledge, with
regard to religion, and they gave evidence of this by the prompt
ness with which a great number of them joined the Lyonnais and
professed the same religion."'"" Thereupon he invokes — rather
mal apropos — the testimony of a Catholic writer of his time, in
order to show that upon their arrival in the vaUeys "the Wal
denses found there the true seed of religion."'"' This conclusion
goes too far ; it overleaps the facts. As yet there had been
nothing that could positively justify such a conclusion, so that
whatever value it may have is only that due to d priori reasoning ;
in any case, in order to arrive at this conclusion facts should not
be forced. Now what may be the meaning of this phrase — " true
seed of religion?" According to some, it refers to a certain
more or less evangelic and anti-Eoman tendency in a latent state;
according to others it means "Biblical principles," properly so-
caUed, which already flourished before the Waldensian immigi-a-
tion. In our opinion, the first interpretation does not give per
haps the full meaning of Gilles' words ; but, if it weakens them,
it is in order to make them agree with the facts. The second, on

The Waldenses of Italy. 91
the contrary, strains the words of GUles and invents freely. It
expresses an absolutely gratuitous opinion, which is on that
account unsustainable.'"'
Is then the conventional belief to be repudiated ? We think
that it necessarily must be. But it may be said by the reader
that he has not yet been made able to form definite opinions
on that point, and he may wish to know more about the matter.
He may wish to know still more about the actual origin; he
may say that at the beginning of the book that was discussed
from a general standpoint only. We shaU, therefore, succinctly
restate the arguments. Some have contended that the Apostles
Paul and James may well have sown the true seed of rehgion in
Waldensian soU when on their way to Spain ; but this theory cannot
be seriously maintained. Even were it the case, as has been
asserted, that the Gospel penetrated to these valleys in the early
days of the Church, when the persecutions of the Caesars were
being carried on, this would not require us to admit that Christian
faith took root there and maintained itself continuous and un
changeable. Such a conclusion could only be tenable on the
assumption that the ancestors of the Waldenses had been more
successful in escaping from the influence of the world than were
the monks who retired into the desert. It is upon such an
hypothesis, however, that it is possible to imagine that the Wal
denses dispensed with the Eeformation. It is true that GUles
does not venture thus far, but Leger and Eizzi go if possible
further, and indeed reproach GiUes with having accepted the name
of "reformed." It is stoutly asserted by them that the Wal
denses obtained their belief from the Apostles or their immediate
successors, and that from that time " it has never changed in the
vaUeys," and that, therefore, the Waldenses "have never under
gone any reformation." Were these things indeed so, the question
would arise : Have the Waldenses been a race of living beings or
a coUection of immobile mummies ? Is there nothing for the
Waldenses to repeat but the "apology of their evangelical
immobility ?"
The principal champion of the Waldensian legend is himself
compelled to admit that "it would be absurd to ask for proofs of
the apostolic succession of the Waldensian Church in times
anterior to the seventh century."'*^ Up to that time— indeed up to
the time of Claudius, Bishop of Turin — there is no reason to sus-

92 The Waldenses of Italy.
pect the existence of Christian doctrmes, other than Eoman, in
Waldensian Valleys. Murton does indeed conjecture that Claudius,
being a Spaniard, may have visited the Waldenses on his way to
Italy, and he— the wish being father to the thought — goes on to
say that he may there have imbibed Waldensian opinions.'*' Of
course this is but a conjecture on which Murton laid no emphasis,
for he elsewhere states that " the doctrine of Claudius spread
from Turin even to the vaUeys."'**
Claudius presumably imbibed his opinions at tho seat of the
Carloringians — whose mouthpiece he became on the Italian side of
the Alps— and from direct study of the Scriptures. It has been
stated by Leger that with the population of the vaUeys, he " openly
separated from the communion of the Eomish Church and from the
Pope." But Leger could not of his own knowledge know anything
of this, for he is separated from Claudius by an interval of time
as wide as that which separates the period of Claudius fr-om that of
the Apostles. Claudius, as a matter of strict fact, never did separate
from the Church of Eome ; when firing he protested with emphasis
that he " was preserring unity and desired neither schism, sect, nor
heresy," and he ever struggled against them'*" as becomes what
he was — a Bishop. He himself states that while protesting
against the errors in his church he stood alone in the breach ;'*'
and it seems Hkely that his protests perished with him, for unlike
Fra Dolcino, of whose retreat in the mountains of Novara local
tradition'*' still tells, no record of any kind remains in the vaUey
that commemorates his protest.'*" It is true that Leger states
that the doctrine of the Waldenses differs in nothing from that
of Claudius ; and other writers have repeated his statement,
though it wiU bear no investigation.'^" Brezzi, on the other hand,
asserts that the original articles of faith of the Waldenses were
identical with those of Bruys.
Those conjectures are wide of the mark, and on careful
examination of the matter a different conclusion is reached. The
Waldensian re-action has its own distinctive character, and the
settlement in the valleys of those who took part in it cannot be
doubted and sufficiently explains the origin of the dissenting
population there. Their establishment is possible under the con
ditions heretofore pointed out ; political circumstances favoured
it as well. It has sometimes been claimed that there was in the
Italian Alpine VaUeys, or in their vicinity, before the time of the

The Waldenses op Italy. 93
arrival of the refugees from Lyons, a distinct anti-Eoman tendency.
It has been claimed that a search in the archives of such houses
as those of Lucerne and Pignol, and neighbouring monasteries
would reveal secrets which would estabhsh this view. It was
said by Leger himself that but for a fire which consumed his
memoirs this theory would have been established, and Meytre
seems to credit this.'^* So much does imagination rule in ques
tions of this kind that there be many who imagine that the
archives hold secrets that would establish their views about the
apostolic origin of the Waldenses. Such forget the fact that the
iirchives have been searched, and that nothing has been found
which can be cited in support of the opinion that an evangehcal
j)opulation existed in the vaUeys before the arrival of Waldo's
disciples. Baron Manueli di S. Giovani testifies to this. He
.says : — " The first germs of the Waldensian heresy, in the vaUeys of
Piedmont were brought there from neighbouring French provinces, at
the end of the 12th century." Before that time they did not
exist there, and he adds the following proof, to those aUeged by
the most , creditable writers, Protestant as well as Catholic : —
" No mention of them is found in any authenticated document ;
neither in foundation deeds nor other documents concerning
monasteries and churches, erected not long before in these
very territories and in neighbouring ones. They contain
no allusion to the existence of heretics in their vicinity. Had
heretics existed aUusions to them would have been sure to occur
and the expediency of making these foundations with a view to
combatting their errors and defending the Catholic faith would
have been demonstrated in the deeds. '^^ It has been claimed by
some that as early as the eleventh century some ghmmerings of
evangehcal light are discernible in the Waldensian valleys. Monas-
tier is cited as saying that Pietro Damiani complained in a letter
to the Duchess Adelaide of Susa that the clergy of her States " did
not observe the ordinances of the Church."'^'
Monastier is mistaken, however. Damiani does not say that
the law of celibacy, sanctioned by Pope Gregory VIL, met with
strong opposition everywhere, even in the States of the Duchess.
On this account, Damiani wrote to Adelaide concerning the in
continence of his clergy — de clericorum in continentia.^^* On
the other hand he found fault with Bishop Cunibert of Turin for
permitting priests to marry. '^* The question, therefore, was that

94 The Waldenses of Italy.
of the marriage of priests, which the Pope wanted to put a stop
to, and which he caUed incontinence. This had not anything to
do with the Waldenses, who were chaste, even in the Eoman
sense of the word and upon the testimony of their enemies.
Then the bull of Pope Victor II. to Viniman, Archbishop of
Embrun is cited. It is dated in the year 1057, and according to
Hudry-Menos, it states that Archbishop Viniman was invited
"to take measures against heresy," and warned that his diocese
"was wonderfully corrupted thereby."'^"
But the bull itself reads thus :— " The Church of Embrun,
formerly so remarkable for its piety and wealth, has been plunged
into misery and corruption — first, by the Saracen invasion and
cruelties ; then by the arrival and sojourn of fugitives and people
¦without discipHne ; and finally, by the long oppression undergone
by its pastors."'" There is in this aUusion to heresy, and if there
be taken into account the political troubles of that epoch, the
anarchy and disorder caused by the Saracens and Hungarians in
Embrun as much as in the surrounding country, the words of the
buU are capable of a perfectly natural explanation. Again it is
stated, on the authority of Murton that Urbanus IL, in the year
1026, denounced Val Louise as " tainted with heresy."'^'
The text, however, contains no such statement.'^"
Then Monastier, quoting the so-called chronicle of St. Thron,
in Belgium, states that a monk, called Eadulphus, about to start
for Italy, complained how, on crossing the Alps, he had to traverse
" a territory contaminated by an inveterate heresy touching the
body and blood of the Lord"""" This chronicle dates apparently
from the beginning of the twelfth century. It is claimed that
the territory mentioned is in the Valleys of the Alps. These
words are put forth as "an indication of evangelical and anti-
Eomish tendencies among the inhabitants of the vaUeys, before
the arrival of Waldo or of his followers.""*
But the quotation is unfortunate. The chronicle of St. Thron
does not speak of a territory at the crossing of the Alps. Eadal-
phus went to Eome, it says, and reached that city after having been
robbed by marauders. He stopped a few days there, and hardly
knew how to decide with reference to the rest of his journey. He
had just been told that one of the territories he intended to
traverse " was contaminated by an inveterate heresy touching the
body and blood of the Lord." What still further augmented his

The Waldenses of Italy. 95
uneasiness " was a pain in his hip which had troubled him for
some time. It prevented his walking, and did not even permit
him to ride on horseback." He therefore abandoned his plan and
returned by the way of the St. Bernard."' • There is, therefore, no
occasion to look for a nest of heresy at the crossing of the Alps,
and it must be admitted that, with his lame hip, Eadulphus would
have been in a bad condition to risit the vaUeys. Furthermore,
the heresy aUuded to by him was precisely at that time professed
by the Cathari in Italy and elsewhere, while it was far from
characterizing the first Waldenses.
The quotations cited to defend a view should, if possible, be
obtained direct and not at second hand. Major Eochas d'Aiglun
said not long ago, " so many books have been lightly written on
the authority of second-hand documents that now-a-days a reader,
anxious to get to the bottom of things, cannot rely upon simple
statements.""' An author should certainly be no less scrupulous
than his reader, and it is for this reason that so many quotations
are cited and examined here.
There remain to be examined the arguments advanced in
support of the proposition that the early Waldensian protest was
derived from the reaction of Claudius, or from that of Peter of
Bruys. The validity of this conclusion has been strongly denied."*
In speaking of the hypothesis of the Waldenses' antiquity,
Hudry-Menos confesses that he knows not how to prop it up.
" In order to give an historical basis to this hypothesis," says he,
"there is need of documents that are wanting.""*
In summing up the arguments that have been advanced in
proof of the antiquity of the Waldensian faith, we need not arrive
at a dfrectly negative conclusion. We may believe that the point
of contact between the Waldensian refugees and the anti-Eomish
re-action, which stirred the minds of northern Italy, is supplied
by the Cathari, and the foUowing reasons that support such an
opinion may be stated.
The Cathari had spread over the north of Italy before the
twelfth century. As early as 1028 we have unequivocal indica
tions of their presence in the vUlage of Montfort, in the diocese of
Asti."" Afterwards they are found swarming in Susa, Coni,
Saluzzio, Bagnolo, and other localities in the vicinity of the
Valleys of Luserna and Pragelas. This being so, the refugees on
thefr arrival could count upon their neighbourliness. If before

96 The Waldenses of Italy.
the Crusade, Waldenses and Cathari were able to approach each
other in a brotherly fashion, to the extent of Hving in harmony
under the same roof, as we Have seen in one instance,'" it would
not be extraordinary if the same thing should happen again, when
in the face of such dangers as threatened aU now brought near
together under the shelter of the Alps. Now this is precisely
what happened, and we notice without the least surprise that the
first inquiries of the Inquisition reveal the presence of Cathari
in the very vaUeys. In the fourteenth century they lived there,
and there in the foUowing century they as a sect died. Pope
John XXII. mentions, in 1332, a certain Martin Pastre as having
preached in those parts "against the incarnation of the Son of
God and the presence of Christ's body in the sacrament of the
altar."'" If this accusation be correct, it can only refer to some
of the Cathari. In 1387, Father Septo of Savigliano came to
establish his tribunal in the Church of St. Dona in Pignerol,
where he summoned before him a large number of inhabitants of
the surrounding places, both from the mountains and from the
plain, and very thoroughly indeed did he do his work of prosecution
in the valleys. The fact that becomes most incontestably evident
is the intimate and intertwined co-existence of Waldenses and
Cathari. What brought them thus together? Was it a mis
understanding, or a comprise ? The fact is that the Inquisitors
were puzzled to distinguish between them."" In 1403 the monk
Vincent Ferreri visited the valleys of the Alps, and there he too
remarked upon the co-existence of the Waldensian refugees with
" the Gazari."'*" Finally, in 1451, a man named Philip Eegis
came down from Val St. Martin to Pignerol, on account of a
charge of heresy brought against him by the Judges. His cross-
examination shows that he himself was no longer able to dis
tinguish between the doctrine of the Waldenses and that of the
Cathari ; and yet this is the man who, in the absence of the
Elders, would have been obHged to fiU their place.'** It is, there
fore, evident that a mingling had taken place between the Wal
denses and the Cathari in the very bosom of the valleys. The
question of the date at which this happened is an important one.
Does it suffice to conclude with the historian of the Cathari, that
their sect took shelter in those valleys " as early as the beginning
ofthe fourteenth century?"'*^ We are inclined to believe that
they did not wait till that time ; we think that the Cathari may

The Waldenses of Italy. 97
just as weU have preceded the Waldenses iu their retreat or have
accompanied them thither.'*' This would not prevent us from
recognising the fact that others may afterwards have joined them,
during the time that they were established there, arriving
either from France'** or from the upper regions of Italy.'** We
thus see that even religious circumstances conduced to facUitating
the estabhshment of the Waldensian colony in the vaUeys of
Piedmont ; nor must we lose sight of political circumstances as
weU. At the moment of the Waldenses' arrival, anarchy threatened
everywhere. The Pope reigned almost absolute ; he was the
" roi-soleil " of nations. The Emperor, with his train of vassals,
— a more or less luminous, but frequently eclipsed satellite
circled around him. The feudal edifice was shaken ; it threatened
to tumble down at the people's caU for liberty. The Church, ever
encroaching, was taking possession of kingdoms, dukedoms, and
lesser manors. Its power penetrated with that of the Empire,
even into the Httle valleys of the Cottian Alps. In 1032 the
royal dynasty of Burgundy ceased to exist. On account of their
strategic and commercial importance of the passes over the
frontier, the feudal lords struggled for their possession as they had
done under King Cottius, the Longobards, the Saracens, and the
Hungarians, and this struggle they carried on, notwithstanding
Imperial intervention. The French slope belonged to the county
of the Dauphin, as did also Val Pragelas ; the Italian slope
formed a part of the domain of Savoy. Sometimes one Prince,
sometimes the other, was dominant; both had to deal with
bishops, to whom were confided certain pririleges and the charge
of Abbeys which were being enlarged. Among the latter was the
Abbey of St. Mary of Pignerol, of the Benedictine order, whose
foundation dates back to a very early period. In 1064 it
received from the Duchess Adelaide a rich grant of territory.
Twelve years later, this princess ceded to it aU her rights over
the vaUeys of the Perosa and St. Martin, and finally she presented
to the Abbey the Castle of Pignerol and its dependencies.'*" All
these gifts were confirmed by the Popes Calixtus H., Victor II. ,
and Urbanus II. , together with the grants of new privileges.'*'
WhUe the Abbey of Pignerol was flourishing, that of ViUar in Val
PeHs was in ruin. The lord of those places had chosen for his
residence the hill that rises on the right bank of the river, at the
E

98 The Waldenses of Italy.
point where the little vaUey of Eora opens. He was placed there,
it is believed, by the Marquis of Susa, to keep the passage of the
Alps.'*' It would be difficult to say from whence this lord sprung.
It has been supposed that he had Longobard blood tn his veins,
and was related to his sovereign ; a family tradition states that
the head of the house of Luserna was a monk.'*" If this be
so, the monk did better service to the Church by breaking his
vow of celibacy than by keeping it, for the house of Luserna
furnished more than one Prior to the abbeys of St. Justus,
Novalese, St. Michael, Staffarde, Cavour, and Pignerol. The
genealogical tree begins with Henry of Luserna. His son
WiUiam exercised fuU right of seigniory in the valley. In 1154,
he granted some lands in the Alps to the Abbot of Staffarde. He
had three sons— Henry, whose line soon died out ; Hubert, from
whom the Manfredi and BiUours are sprung ; and, finally, Peter of
Angi-ogna, father of Eichard, Podestat of Pignerol, and of Berenger
from whom the Eorengs were descended. The three famUies of
the Manfredi, BiUours, and Eorengs, were perpetuated to modern
times ; the last two have now disappeared ; that ofthe Manfredi stUl
exists.'*" On the arrival of the Waldenses, the seigniory of the
valley was divided between William's sons. The prestige of the
house of Luserna was on the increase ; and although there are no
traces of their having used a coat of arms down to the thirteenth
century, this is not very strange, for the same thing obtains with
the house of Savoy, and every one knows that coats of arms are
the result of gradual development. At first they have a personal
and therefore unnoticed origin ; then they appear in pubhc, after
which they flourish and bloom with the name they adorn and
symbolize, when, in consequence of the alHances and privileges
which are successively entered upon from time to time, fresh
quarterings and additions are made. During the thirteenth
century, the seal of the lord of Luserna was a little star,
surrounded by thick darkness.'** Later, it bore the well-known
inscription, " Lux in tenebris lucet," and the addition, " Verbum
tuum, 0 Domine, lucerna pedum meorum." This religious
symbol, its origin easily explainable by the monkish origin of the
house of Luserna, contains nothing which would indicate the
existence of any protest in the bosom of the Church.'*^ That
motto, like so many others of its kind, was, after aU, and notwith
standing aU einbeUishments, but a lamp without oil.'*' With the

The Waldenses of Italy. 99
coming of the Waldenses came the oil to fiU that lamp which then
was kindled, and continues to burn even unto this day.'**
By crossing the frontier and descending into the valleys, the
Waldenses escaped from the power of Gui VI. , Count of Vienne.
This at first they may have regretted, but it seems highly im
probable that at that critical time, and in the face of an uncertain
future, they should have thought of soHciting fromhim the annexation
of the higher localities of Angrogna which they had just invaded.
A chronicle, but one too modern to deserve absolute credit upon so
special a point, goes so far as to state that they obtained this
privilege.'** Even if credence be given to the chronicle, it
only indicates that, under the reign of that prince, settlements
were possible, and some measure of liberty was enjoyed at a time
when, on the other side of the frontier, all was anarchy and
disorder. About this time there arose upon Italian soil another
prince, whose valour and Hberal-minded dealings caused him to be
beloved by his new subjects.
Count Thomas I. of Savoy, born in 1178, the son of Humbert
III. and Beatrix of Burgundy, came of age in 1192, and from the
beginning strove to bring about the union of his hereditary
estates, divided by recent revolutions. The difficulties he had to
encounter in his task were due to clerical reaction and small
vassals. At Pignerol the people groaned under the yoke of the
monks, and as early as 1198, Count Thomas had been called
thither by the inhabitants, to support their complaints against the
jurisdiction of the Abbot of St. Mary. " This is the first time,"
writes a Canon of that town, " that there has ever been seen princely
authority disputing with the abbots concerning the exercise of
their temporal power, without, however, daring to contest it or caU it
in question."'*" The Bishop of Turin also had provoked disorders
owing to his grievous exactions ; but he had been obHged to
yield. Jacques Carisio, Abbot of the Benedictine order, who suc
ceeded him in 1206, acted as if he meant to hinder the prince in
his purpose. Tired of his intrigues, and those of the Prior of
the Pignerol Abbey and a few other lords, Thomas took up arms
and carried war into Piedmont. When he arrived under the waUs
of Pignerol, the citizens opened the gates to him, put the city in
his power, to the Abbot's great displeasure, and proclaimed him
sovereign.'*' The times were favourable to emancipation; the
question for the districts was the shaking off' of the old feudal yoke,
E 2

100 The Waldenses of Italy.
which had now become intolerable. Pignerol was among the first
to claim the restoration of her franchise, which dates from the
year 1220, From that time she continued, day by day, to increase
in importance, and became the principal city of the stiU very
limited territory which constituted the province of Piedmont. In
the meantime Thomas was raised to the dignity of Vicar of the
Empfre, and the credit of his policy was only increased thereby.
The Waldenses who had settied upon the heights above the vaUeys
were beguming to come down, bringing with them the Hght of the
Gospel. The monks of the Abbey were alarmed ;'*' the Bishop
of Turin, indeed, bethought himself of driving them back, and
even out of his diocese ; but he troubled himself without taking
action, for Prince Thomas, busy in conjuring up stiU more threat
ening storms, needed all his thunderbolts, and thus his attention
was called elsewhere. There is no necessity, in order to account
for Thomas' moderation, to make it appear that he, followed
by aU his vassals, had set off on the Crusade against the Albi
genses.'*" He had, in fact, something better to do than to mount
guard over blaspheming and troublesome monks, while the Wal
denses were there to hold them in check at the least sign. As for
his nobles, they, of course, observed the same attitude, both dis
creet and judicious."^" The chronicle, therefore, speaks the truth
when it says that while the Prince was " so busy elsewhere, these
poor Waldenses, who were hardly known, or were looked down
upon as miserable wretches, were not hindered in the least, either
by Thomas or the Lords of the VaUeys of Piedmont, from settling
in those mountains, almost by the same means and under the same
conditions as in those of Pragelas in Dauphiny."'"*
In 1226, Frederick II. descended into Lombardy, and there
organized the Ghibelline party. The foUowing year, Turin and
Pignerol, with Count Gui VII. of Vienne, together joined the
Lombard alliance. Pope Gregory IX. hurled a sentence of
excommunication against the Emperor, whUst an army went up
from Milan into Piedmont, and was there defeated by Count
Thomas. Overpowered by new compUcations, Count Thomas was
afterward persuaded to grant the franchise to the city of Chamberi ;
then he betook himself to the siege of Turin, where he was over
taken by death on the 1st of March, 1233. Amadeus IV., his
successor, was also obliged both on the north and south side, of
the Alps, with sword in hand, to stand for his rights. On the

The Waldenses of Italy. 101
south side his sovereignty had not taken deep root. The city of
Pignerol, like Turin, professed to be loyal, but the profession
was aU ; Amadeus, therefore, surrendered his claims upon Pied
mont to his brother, Thomas II. , and constituted him his repre
sentative. The latter repafred to the spot ; he negotiated with
Alboin, Abbot of Pignerol, and he obtained the rights and
privileges which the latter had quietly re-appropriated, and, by
an agreement concluded on the 31st of January, 1246, he founded
in this city the house of Achaia.'"^ The treaty concluded with the
Abbot, who guaranteed him aU rights over the castle, the city, and
territory of Pignerol, as also over the valley of Cluson, in short,
the entire sovereignty. On his side, Thomas II. agreed to defend
the rights of the monastery against all comers. This alliance
seemed to forebode no good to the Waldenses ; but it does not
appear to have at once produced those evils which subsequently grew
out of it.
The Waldenses dwelt a long time in the vaUeys before they
were molested by persecution. The first colonists had sufficient
time to establish themselves ; they increased and prospered, and
many of them died full of years, leaving to their chUdren a safe
asylum. With every returning spring came seed-time, with every
autumn came the increase, and in the viUages the sounds of the
tiaU on the threshing-floor were mingled with the voices of
chUdren at happy play.
The colony visibly prospered, nor lacked the observance of country
festivals and recurring public rejoicing. Here, as in Pragelas, the
Waldenses are said to have "multiphed furiously."'"' Their increase
beyond the power of the land to sustain them caused new swarms
to leave the Alpine bee-hive. Some bands once more crossed the
frontier to colonize the banks of the Durance, between Cisteron
and the county of Avignon. Their actirity was soon crowned with
unparaUeled prosperity, as is evident from the foundation of the
vUlages of Cabrieres, Merindol, and Lormaret,'"* and the enlarge
ment of the hamlets which afready existed. Other bands spread
abroad in Piedmont, especiaUy toward Saluzzo, in the valleys of
Paesano, Crussol, and Onrino ; and also toward Meane and Susa.
Many of the Waldenses ventured further away into the plain ; but,
of all those attempts at colonization, the most celebrated is un
questionably that of the Calabris.

102 The Waldenses op Italy.
The kingdom of Naples, subjugated by the house of Anjou,
was in course of consolidation under the sceptre of King Eobert.
This Prince lavished upon his subjects grand promises of peace and
protection, and they, unmindful of the proverbial untrustworthiness
of princes' promises, credited them. Eobert had certain rights in
Piedmont, and seneschals in his seiwice were busy bringing back
to obedience the rebel communities of Coni, Fossano, and Cherasco.
Their soldiery, consisting entirely of adventurers and plunderers,
were, from Saluzzo to Tm-in, carrying desolation into the adjoining
neighbourhood, causing more than one Waldensian family to with
draw to the shelter of the mountains. With or against their wUl the
territories submitted ; but peace did not seem to be estabhshed.'"*
Meantime while the tide of Waldensian population was at its
flood and ready to overflow, and when the young and impatient
were anxious to emigrate, opportunely enough, some of the
Waldenses happened at an inn to meet a nobleman of Calabria,
who was then staying in Turin.'"" Some have thought, and it
seems highly probable, that this personage was in the service of
one of the king's seneschals, whose duty it was to enrol emigrants.
The venerable GiUes relates that in the course of the con
versation which took place between the Calabrian nobleman and,
the Waldenses, the former, " having heard from them that they
had need of new habitations, offered to procure for them vacant
and fertUe lands in Calabria, as much as they might want,
on the condition that they should in the future pay a reasonable
revenue to those to whom they might become subject. These
things were promised on the condition that they should demean
themselves weU and virtuously. Thereupon the Waldenses sent
capable men to examine the place, and they, having found it a
pleasant one, were granted a great stretch of country, producing
abundantly, as the fruit which there grew uncultivated (and was
wasted for want of hands to gather it) amply testified. There
were plains and hills covered with all sorts of fruit trees, growing
in utter confusion ; among them chestnuts, walnuts, olives,
oranges, larches, and firs ; there were good pastures and also
good fields for arable tillage. The bargain which was concluded
was that, in exchange for a rent for the land occupied, the Wal
denses should have the privUege of forming among themselves
one or more communities, and should be allowed to establish the
necessary leaders of their people, and impose and exact taxes

The Waldenses of Italy. 103
without permission asked or obtained, or the rendering of any
account to any but their own people. An agreement with the lords
and magistrates, concerning aU ordinary and casual rights, was
also made ; and an authentic deed embodying aU these matters
was obtained. This deed was subsequently confirmed by Ferdinand
of Arragon, King of Naples. The deputies having returned to
the vaUeys, and having reported the above, a large number of
people prepared for the journey, selling their claims to their
relatives who remained behind. Young people got married before
thefr departure, then, taking leave and commending themselves to
God's keeping, they set out on their five and twenty days' journey
to their new home, near the town of Montalto in Calabria. In
the immediate vicinity of Montalto, they first erected and peopled
the vUlage caUed Borgo d'Oltremontani, so called from the
Apennines which He between the vaUeys and the new territory.
About fifty years later, their number having multiplied and
increased, by the addition from the vaUeys of new comers, who
joined them from time to time, they built another village about
a mUe distant from the first, and named it St. Sixtus ; it was
here that one of their most famous churches was afterward
placed. Subsequently, in consequence of their rapid increase
and new arrivals from the valleys, they built and populated
Vacarisso, Argentine, and St. Vincent. FinaUy, Marquis
SpineUo allowed them to build on his estate the walled city of
Guardia, which stood on elevated gi-ound near the Mediterranean,
he granting to the inhabitants important pririleges, which in time
caused it to become a rich and notable city. In all these places
those Waldenses, or Ultramontanes, multiphed greatly. About
the year 1400, several of the Waldenses of Provence, being
persecuted at the instigation of the Pope reigning at Avignon,
returned to the Valleys, whence their fathers had gone forth, and
thence again, accompanied by dweUers in the VaUeys, they went
to Hve within the boundaries of " I'ApouiUe," toward the city of
Naples, in time building there five smaU walled cities, namely,
Monlione, Montalto, Faito, La CeUa, and La Motta. FinaUy,
about the year 1500, a few from Fraissiniere and other Walden
sian VaUeys went to live in the town of Voltura, near the five
small cities, founded by their predecessors. After this exodus in
1500, the Waldenses of the Valleys did not to any great extent
go forth colonizing, though it is true that in time they spread to

104 The Waldenses of Italy.
the other parts of the Kingdom of Naples, and as far as Sicily^
as well as to other places.'"'
Thus did the population of Calabria gradually increase. In the
days of the Eeformation it numbered nearly four thousand souls."*
We shall later recount how the colony came to an end. Far from
its sheltering mountains, isolated in a Eoman territory, exposed
to political storms, it is a miracle that it lived at aU ; but it was
destined to succumb to the tirst persecution instituted against it.
What astonishes us at first is that this should have been so long
in bursting out, when we consider that it had already been
ordered, by the head of the house of Anjou, against heretics,
undoubtedly for the most part Cathari, who more than fifty years
before had scattered themselves throughout the Southern countries
of Italy."" There are, however, two circumstances which will aid
us in understanding the matter. On the one hand, the lords of
Puglia and Calabria, as weU as their King, were evidently
interested in fostering the establishment of the colony ; on the
other, although denounced in open council, the schism of the
Waldenses was not an accomplished fact. They went to mass
now and then, and still had their children baptized by CathoHc
priests. It is true that missionaries visited them occasionally, for
the purpose of instructing them in the Holy Scriptures, hearing
their secret confession, and keeping up their relations with their
brethren in the North ; but aU this was carried on without any
noise and with all the precautions rendered necessary by danger.
Nevertheless, persecution began to trouble the Waldenses in their
Alpine retreat.
We saw that the monks of the Abbey of Pignerol were not
iU-situated for spying out the arrival of the Waldenses. The first
to take alarm, they naturally denounced them to the Abbot of
thefr order, Carisio, Bishop of Turin. He meditated an appeal to
the Emperor Otho IV., who had just overcome his rival in
Germany, and had goue down into Italy to receive the Imperial
crown at the hands of the Pontiff. To that end the Prelate
prepared an edict of persecution and waited for a favourable
moment to have it sanctioned by the monarch ; but just as the
opportunity seemed to present itself, it suddenly disappeared.
The Emperor, who had granted the clergy of Turin certain
privUeges,"" was excommunicated by the Pope for invading the
States of Frederick II. , King of Sicily. Thereupon he hastened

The Waldenses of Italy. 105
.once more to cross the mountains, and the edict was not signed ;
but the draft remains, and it has its value, for the Waldenses are
there mentioned, for the first time since their arrival in Piedmont.
It was drawn up about the year 1210, and this is its tenor : —
" Otho, by the grace of God, an ever-august Emperor, to his
well-beloved son, the Bishop of Turin. Grace be unto you and
good-will. God's clemency is manifestly risible in this, that,
actuated by the error of incredulity, he reveals to bis faithful ones
the truth of faith. Indeed, the just live by faith, and whoever
beUeves not is already condemned. Therefore, not haring received
the grace of faith in vain, we desire that those who endeavour, by
means of the wickedness of heresy, to extinguish in our Empire
the light of the CathoHc faith, be punished with severity and be
everywhere separated from the body of the faithful. We send
you, therefore, upon the authority of these presents, an order to
expel from the entire diocese of Turin the Waldensian heretics,
and whomsoever there may be who are sowing the tares of false
doctrine and opposing themselves to the Catholic faith, no matter
what the error be founded upon, conferring upon thee at the same
time permission, complete authority and fuU power, in order that
by thy dihgent care the garner of the diocese of Turin may be
thoroughly cleansed from aU wickedness, which raises its head
-against the CathoHc faith." '"
This decree remained a dead letter. There remained nothing
for Carisio to do but to place the matter either in the hands of
Prince Thomas, or before the ApostoHc See. The Prince was
Hardly in the proper humour to gratify his wishes ; but when, a
few years later, he received the keys of the Castle of Pignerol from
the hands of the prior of St. Mary's, in compliance with the
entreaties of the latter, it is possible that he may have authorised
the foUovring decree, which we read, under an uncertain date,
among the first statutes of that city : " Whoever shaU knowingly
harbour a Waldensian man or woman shaU pay ten sols for every
offence.""' This fine seems insignificant, but it is estimated that
it was equivalent to about 280 francs."" The decree this time is
reaUy authentic. It is nevertheless possible that the sanction of
one of Thomas's successors ought to be recognized here and not
iis own."" This much had to be said concerning the Prince. The
Eoman Pontiff naturally Hstened intently to the statements of the

106 The Waldenses of Italy.
Bishop who had been outwitted, owing to the unexpected
departure of the Emperor Otho, whose coveted signature he had
hoped to obtain. The anathema was hurled, and there was no
thought of stopping it for so smaU a matter as the want of a
signature. The Waldenses of the Alps, unlike the Albigenses,
did not constitute a danger or obstacle to the establishment of
papal supremacy. Innocent III. had just then received the
backsliding Waldenses into the fold. He was out of patience
with the recusant and did not feel inclined to spare them any
more than their brethren the Cathari, but his power was limited.
Although let loose against heresy, the Albigensian crusade was
confined by political circumstances to certain locahties. Had he
but been able to double it, so as to strike Lombardy also and
cleanse it of its inveterate and manifold heresies, then would
certainly have been seen fire and sword spreading terror abroad,
and the fate of the Alpine refugees might well have been an evil one.
However, even under such circumstances, the Pope could not
have flattered himself that he would certainly witness the dis
appearance of all the little foxes, so much was his entfre vineyard
infested by them. To destroy them there would have been need
of an ideal, a universal. Crusade — that is to say, one which it would
have been impossible to carry out. Nevertheless, this ideal and
regular Crusade, which realized the dreams of priestly tyranny
was in another way instituted. Every one recognizes it in the
Inquisition. Instead of rushing like wolves upon the heretics,
the priests seemed to say to themselves, "Let us Hke the spider
He in wait for them in the dark ; or in the garb of the shepherd,
let us kill them after the manner of Agnelet, ' to keep them from
dying.' " Did Innocent foresee how profitable this change of
tactics would be to the Church ? Perhaps not. He had foreseen,
however, that the Church might look to the armed bands of the
Mendicant Orders for powerful assistance. It is even said that
towards the close of his life he became a monomaniac on this
subject. The Basilica of St. John of the Lateran appeared to
him in a vision to be on the point of faUing down, when two
unknown men stepped out of the darkness and rushed forth to
support it ; they were Dominic and Francis of Assise. However
that may be, at the fourth Lateran Council, held in Eome in
1215, he confirmed to the letter the condemnation of the Waldenses
pronounced more than thirty years before at the Council of

The Waldenses op Italy. 107
Verona, not however, without adding special prescripts, conceived
with the purpose of enclosing the ecclesiastical world in the
meshes of the Inquisition. Each Bishop was ordered to establish
in every parish a lay committee of informers against heresy."*
Yet, after the idea had been started, it was soon discovered that it
would not succeed in that way. The machine was perfect, but
one wheel would not work, and this was the part assigned to the
laity. The fact is that they had not the instincts of the hound,
which, with keenness of scent, are only to be acquired in the
seminary. Gregory IX. knew this very well, and he let the
monks loose. He had the choice between two orders — the
Franciscans and the Dominicans. It is known that, in order
better to overcome the Waldensian protest, both brotherhoods had
begun to imitate it ; the former by leading a life of poverty, the
latter by filling the office of preachers. The vocation of the
Dominicans was particularly obvious. They had made their first
sortie before the Crusade, and were upon the heretics' tracks ;
they had also gained the confidence of the Bishops, by their self-
denial, zeal, and dialectic skiU. Briefly, they had become
the monks of ready help ; it was to them, therefore, that the
Pope appHed. He succeeded by thefr means in disciplining the
Inquisition, and in urging it to action of a resolute kind ; that
was not done in a day, but stUl sufficiently speedy. What was
needed to establish the Inquisition was a solid and legal
foundation, namely, dogma, law, a code, and the support of the
secular power. Now, none of these elements were lacking.
Dogma was there, within reach of all, saying by the mouth of
every priest, that Heresy is the greatest of crimes, because it
offends against the Dirine Ma,jesty. If anyone, therefore, be guilty
of it, he must be dealt with by the Vicar of God, the Supreme
Judge, the Emperor who does not bear the sword of Justice in
vain. Of course the heretic deserves, at least, the penalty
incurred for high treason, namely, the loss of aU property,
and death ; yet the Church desfres not the death of the
sinner, but rather that he should turn from his wickedness
and Hve. If he be converted he sHaU Hve ; but for this
clemency he must recant and do penance. If he refuse to be
converted, then shaU no mercy be granted to him. It wUl not
suffice that he be excommunicated ; he must be delivered up to
the secular arm and die ; it will be but justice.'" Thus heresy

108 The Waldenses of Italy.
was made to become a public crime — even the greatest. The law
which made it so, being once obtained and formulated, the anvU
was at last found upon which were successively hammered out
the codes of inquisitorial procedure. The Dominican Code was
sanctioned in 1232 for Aragon, Germany, and Austria ; the
following year, thanks to the decrees of the Princes, who seem to
have been as zealous as was Gregory IX. on this point, it was
authorized in the South of France and Lombardy. Among all
these decrees, we easily understand the decision of tone of the
Emperor's ; yet it is surprising, and justly so, that Frederick,.
the old heretic, should have been the promulgator, and that he^
should have devoted all his Teutonic fury to such a villainous
enterprise. At the time of his coronation in Eome, on the 22nd
of November, 1220, he assumed an Olympian attitude, and hurled
his first thunderbolts in the shape of a decree against the heretics.
Nor did it strike the air only, for that decree was only the first of
a whole series of legislative edicts. When he arrived at Padua
he reiterated his edict more than once, aiming at Lombardy.
Then he entirely dropped the mask ; his religious intolerance was
evidently made to subserve his fierce political ambition, and this
led him to sacrifice whatever principles he may have had, and to
ape the Pope, at the vei-y time, perhaps, when he flattered himself
that he was deceiving him. When he writes from Catania to the-
Bishop of Madgeburg, his legate in Lombardy, concerning heresy
which was springing up, it might well be thought fr-om his language
that he was quite disconsolate. He sighs over the hostUe
heretics."* He complains of them to Pope Honorius IIL, and
impeaches those free — nay, too free — cities which are so ungrateful
to him for his zeal."* Meanwhile, his decrees are enacted into con
stitutions, and he goes on adding to their number. Yesterday,
the thunderbolts ; to-day, hail. He took measures for haring his
decrees weU posted up, and above all, observed by aU his officers,
podestas, consuls, and rectors."" Nay, more, like a good
successor of Barbarossa, he took the trouble to urge even the
priests to hunt up heretics'" and to revive the zeal of the
Pope,"' which was hardly necessary, as it had not grovm cold.
Meanwhile, his cunning and angry glance had turned toward the
North of Italy, for there the heart of Italy was still beating ; there
was yet a remnant of liberty, which upon him had the effect of a.
pestUence. It might be thought from his words that he was.

The Waldenses of Italy. 109
alarmed. If the North were to defile the Mecca of the West, he
would be giieved, and he would not like to have his sainted island
contaminated by it."" Was he in earnest, or was he laughing
behind his poHtical mask ? At any rate, liberty of thought,
which he misused so badly, had in him a deadly enemy, and the
tribunal of the Inquisition could not have been set up under better
auspices. Undoubtedly, if the infernal machine had worked
according to the vrishes of its sponsors, it would have anticipated
a certain steam guiUotine imagined by a modern satirical poet,
which in three hours fa la testa a centomila
messi in fila.'""
But the heretics were a stirring folk, who did not allow them
selves to be thus dressed in line. TheoreticaUy, it could be very
quickly done. Cathari, Poor of Lyons, Patarins, Passagins,
Josephites, Amaldists, Speronists, etc., all would be aimed at,
riddled with bullets, and sent to the gibbet. A stroke of the pen :
the signature : and the decree would be enacted. PracticaUy, it
was another thing ; here is a case of art being difficult. The
opposition was strong. The executioners had their martyrs.
Victory in the Crusade soon smiled upon them in the South of
France ; but two Inquisitors of the prorince of Alby were mas
sacred, and those of Toulouse and Narbonne escaped the same
fate, but not without difficulty. FinaUy, heresy disappeared.
Thousands of fugitives had reached the sea or the mountains to
take refuge in Lombardy. It was there that resistance centred,
but in vain, for it had to be broken. Honorius IH. first sought
to apply to that resistance the decrees of the last Lateran Council.
The podestas were slow to obey, for they feared to cause an
uprising; they contented themselves for a while with slight
vexations. Here, a house where the heretics held thefr meetings
was puUed down ; there, the castle of a Patarin lord was razed
to the ground. Nor did the Waldenses' house in MUan — no
doubt weU known, as the Pope had heard it spoken of — escape
these first severities. Once before it had been destroyed and
again rebuUt.'"* Its days were now surely numbered. One more
message from the Pope, and then the repression began in earnest,
UntU the monks of the Inquisition arrived or set about their work,
the Archbishop took charge of heresy;'"^ but he was driven out

110 The Waldenses of Italy.
of the city. Quiet was re-established ; then, suddenly, a loud
alarm bell was heard ; the Emperor Frederick has sent out a
decree which concerned the civil power, and, therefore, the com
munes. The clergy, hardly secure, attempted a decisive step
with the podesta ; the latter still hesitated, and convened the
assembly of the people. It met on the 13th of January, 1228,
and decreed that : Heretics should be forbidden to reside either in
Milan or in the villages under its jurisdiction ; their houses should
be demolished ; their property confiscated ; whosoever should
harbour them should pay twenty-five pounds ; whoever should
rent them a lodging, fifteen pounds ; finaUy, an inquisitorial com
mission should be elected to seek out the guilty, it should be
composed of twelve citizens and four mendicant monks. This
was a mark of deference to the Pope, but he clamoured for
decrees. The following year a Legate made the podesta and the
assembly ofthe people swear to observe that law without mercy.'"'
Everything was sworn to ; still, somebody had to be found who
would bell the cat. The Cathari and Patarin party had adherents
among the leading citizens ; the wealthiest belonged to them,
and sheltered the *" perfect " in their castles, just as their co-
religionists had done in the South of France. Eobert Pacta and
Lantelmi received them in their domains ; the latter even put
them in possession of one of his castles. Still the clerical tide
was rising. The podesta looked to see which way the wind was
blowing, and said to himself that it was favourable to clerical re
action, and that he was ready for anything. Thereupon he started
and began to incite people to fall upon the heretics. He enforced
the decrees of the Council, of the Emperor, and of the Arch
bishop. He even issued one after his own taste, which reads as
follows : —
"In the name of the Lord- and in this year 1233, of the
Incarnation, on a Friday, the I5th of September, the seventh con
vocation under the administration of Oldrad of Tresseno, Podesta
of Milan, the Dominican friar, Peter of Verona, by virtue of the
authority in him vested by the Pontiff against the heretics, as set
forth in a charter attested and drawn up by Obizzon Scazzago, a
notary of Milan, in 1232 ; by virtue also of the authority in him
vested by the commune of MUan, and bestowed in the general
assembly against the above mentioned heretics, as stated in
another charter extracted and translated by Singhimbaldo della

The Waldenses of Italy. Ill
Torre, notary and knight of this community, the said Peter has
decreed and ordained that the chapters, hereinafter set forth, be
numbered among the other statutes of this republic, which chap
ters are contained in the letters of the sovereign Pontiff, addressed
to the friar Peter of Verona, by virtue of which aU heretics are
anathematized ; Cathari, Patarins, Poor of Lyons, Passagins,
Josephites, Amaldists, Speronists, and others of divers names,
haring different faces but united together by the tail, which
heretics, being condemned by the Church of God, must be in like
manner condemned by the secular arm."
The decree does not end here, but it goes no further than to
transcribe the dispositions already issued by the Pope as well as
the Emperor. These state that the impenitent heretics render
themselves liable to the penalty of imprisonment for life ; those
who conceal or uphold them, to excommunication first, which
involves the forfeiture of civil rights, then, in case of impenitence,
the penalty inflicted upon the heretics themselves. Finally, the
decree concludes : —
" No layman is allowed to discuss, either in public or in private,
the subject of the Catholic faith, under penalty of excommunica
tion. Anyone who may hear of heretics gathering in secret
conventicles, or celebrating rites and usages apart from the com
munion of the faithful, shall hasten to report to his confessor or
other person, who shaU also surely inform the prelate, this again
under pain of excommunication. Children of heretics, and those
who conceal or defend them shall, until the second generation, be
incapable of holding ecclesiastic offices and benefices. Further
more, the houses of those who shall rashly receive such heretics
into the city shaU be demolished without delay or appeal. If
anyone knows a heretic, and does not denounce him, he shall be
fined twenty pounds ; and in default of payment he shaU be
banished. Moreover, the sentence shaU not be remitted without
payment of the said sum. Finally, those who conceal and defend
heretics shall be deprived of the third part of their possessions,
for the benefit of the commune of MUan ; and in the case of a
second offence they shall be driven out of the city and jurisdic
tion, and shall not be permitted to return within a certain time,
without having dreed the aforesaid penalty."'"*
The podesta kept his word, and the proof is that an eques
trian statue was awarded him as "the defender of the faith." It

112 The Waldenses of Italy.
was placed on the facade of the ancient palace of the commune,
in the Broletto Nuovo, now caUed the Merchants' Square, and there
it stands unto this day. Upon it is the foUowing inscription : —
Atria qui grandis solii regalia scandis
Civis laudensis fidei tutoris et ensis
Presidis hie memores Oldradi semper honores
Qui solium struxit Catharos ut debuit uxit.^^^
But all these things did not happen in a day, though Peter of
Verona, the invincible, of Moneta, Ehenarius Saccho, and many
others co-operated and gave themselves heart and soul to the work
of repression. When the persecution began to rage Frederick
accused the Pope of growing slack — nay, he accused Gregory IX.
of actual complicity.'"" It was, thanks to that perfidious monarch,
who, with a light heart, sacrificed the holiest of liberties on the
altar of his human ambition that the Inquisition worked prodigies;
MUan purged itself with the blood of heretics of the offence
given to Frederick II. to such an extent as to earn the praise of
Gregory IX. '"' Even after all these things heresy still existed.
Several of the principal lords of the city continued to protect it ;
meetings were held, sometimes at the house of the chief standard
bearer, d'AUia, sometimes at the castles of La Gatta, or Mon-
gano. The rage of the Inquisitors urged them to such unheard
of excesses, that at last the indignation of the people burst forth.
Peter of Verona was kUled ; Ehenarius Saccho fled ; Moneta only
escaped death by, crucifix in hand, arresting and sending to the
stake those who had sworn to do away with him. The monks
were again hindered in their work of repression by the influence of
Ezzelino da Eomano, a sateUite of Frederick II. In 1280, the
famous Guillelmina, with her dreamy ideas concerning the Holy
Spfrit, of which she believed herself to be the mouthpiece, had a
whole people for her admirers. The Inquisition had now paused
in its work, and by degrees quiet was restored. At the same
time the other communes of Lombardy submitted in thefr turn,
each one reading in its own fashion the decrees issued by the
authority of the Church and backed by that of the Empfre, though
this also was gained only at the price of sanguinary struggles. At
Brescia resistance had even got the upper hand. Pope Honorius
III. teUs us that the heretics burned the churches and that, from
the top of the towers, they threw firebrands down upon the city

The Waldenses op Italy. 113
as a symbol of anathema against the Church of Eome and its
adherents. He commanded the Bishop of Eimini to repair
thither, and to raze to the ground the castles of the most guUty
lords, such as the Gambara, Ugoni, Orani, and Bottazzi, but only
to half puU down the towers of those who were less compromised,
It may be doubted whether this order was HteraUy carried out. At
Monza, Bergamo, Plaisance, Modena, as far as Liguria in
Tuscany, and in the cities of Umbria, fighting everywhere took
place at the approach of the monks, but they were eventuaUy
obliged to succumb. Notwithstanding aU her shrewdness and
prestige, the Queen of the Adriatic herself became resigned to
the intrusion of the abhorred tribunal ; she insisted, however,
that her three " wise men in matters of heresy " should be
admitted to seats that they might watch over its proceedings.
Thus fell the strongholds of the dissident reaction. The
Waldenses are hardly mentioned, for the Patarins had the same
precedence here as the Albigenses in the South of France. It is,
however, certain that they met with more than one check.
In spite of aU this, thefr school at MUan was stiU standing;
whence a constant stream of missionaries proceeded to reap a
harvest at a distance ; and from aU quarters of Germany loving
eyes were turned toward her as the " Ahna Mater." Several, up
to the year 1325, stUl went there; some from the depths of
Bohemia, to receive instruction from the lips of their venerated
masters ; others to do homage to the Bishops, and to deHver up
the amount of the collections made in their churches.'"' In the
year 1368, the Waldenses gave the last sign of Hfe that we know
of, by sending out a cfrcular letter addi-essed to the Brethren in
Austria, who had become alarmed at the news of the recent
¦defections. The ebb tide had set in with fuU force, but in the
midst of this raging sea, where everything was being lost, a pale
ray of light stUl shone. It came from the lighthouse fixed
upon the rocky summits of the Alps. Let us retum there.
Eome had afready cast angry glances in that direction, and now
began to beUow forth Anathemas.
While the tribunal of heresy triumphed everywhere, thanks to
the odious compHcity of papacy and the empfre, it has been said
that the Lord of Luserna demanded a certain tolerance in
favour of the Waldenses. Such is the assertion made, and
furthermore, it is added that this act of magnanimity is connected

114 The Waldenses of Italy.
with the treaty of submission to the house of Savoy, made or
ratified in the year 1233.'"" If this be so, the escutcheon of
Luserna did momentarily shine with a pure light, too soon, alas !
obscured by the darkness of intolerance. It must be granted that,
with the Abbot of St. Mary on the qui vive, and the Bishop of
Turin on the watch, the Mendicant friars were early invited to
come and spy out the Waldenses' retreat. They were, however,
hardly bold enough to venture in there —and indeed they had good
cause for thefr temerity — but were obliged to stay for some time
in Pignerol. At last a station was established in Perosa. It is
mentioned in the reign of Amadeus V., under the foUowing cfrcum
stances : Amadeus' grand-nephew, Philip, having received Pied
mont in appanage, had gone thither to receive the oath of fideHty
of his vassals of Luserna, Piossasque, and other localities. His
jurisdiction extended to the far end of the Val Perosa, and we
read that he maintained an Inquisitor there at his own expense.*""
In 1301, he married the Crown Princess of the house of Achaia.
It has been ascertained that, on this same date, a monk of
Bergamo was residing in Perosa, invested with full power to
" seize heretics of whatever sect, condemned by the Church of
Eome."*"* Later, toward the year 1312, allusion is made to a case
of death by fire for the crime of " valdesie."*"^ The Inquisition
did not stop there ; it succeeded in planting a garrison in the chief
town of the valley of Luserna, under the protection of her Lord.
Thence, slinking into the neighbouring places, the monks made
their way into the valley of Angrogna, as far as the pastor's
House, and there hatched their plots. Once they are said to have
paid dearly for their audacity. One Pope tells us that the
Inquisitor, John Albert^ of CasteUazzo, having displayed an
intention to exercise his office, the inhabitants of Angrogna
hastily armed themselves and assembled upon the public square.
Their angry eyes were turned in every direction to find the Priest
GuUlaume.*"' He appeared after celebrating the mass, deprecatory
and paternal, as to his air. A cry was raised, " Down with the spy
and traitor ! " and He was stricken down. Then the people rushed
tumultuously down the vaUey and besieged the Inquisitor's
residence. The place had to be abandoned, of course.*"* Castallazzo,
no doubt, carried his complaint to Pignerol, to the Prince of
Achaia, and further stUl. The Lord of Luserna had his mandate
and he was ordered, not for the last time,*"* to lend assistance to

The Waldenses of Italy. 115
the judges of heresy. The monks retraced their footsteps, but
noiselessly. It might be thought that they profited by thefr
lesson. In one sense there is no doubt they did ; but if their
caution increased, their zeal did not diminish. We can now only
surmise what went on for some time after these events. In 1374,
an Inquisitor fell at Biiqueras, at the entrance of the valley ; it
was Father Antonio Pavo of SavigHano.*"" Some time before this
happened there had been a disturbance at Susa ; the monastery
had been broken into, and the famous Pietro di Euffia, Inquisitor-
General of Piedmont, had been despatched.*"' Thereupon Pope
Gregory complained to Amadeus VI., of Savoy, and took advantage
of this opportunity to exhort him not to permit the thorns of error
to grow in his States, but to fight valiantly against heretics ; " as
vahantly," he added, " as thou didst against the Turks."*"' At
the same time the Bishop of Turin received positive instructions ;
as a consequence there succeeded some acts of repression. But
now there was heard a sharp cry of despair, which no iron hand
could smother. W"e hear it still re-echoed, as from age to age it
has been, in the mountains and huts of Pragelas. It was at
Christmastide of the year 1400 that BorreUi, a Franciscan monk,
accompanied by a band of hired assassins, intent only on violence
and carnage, fell upon the villages occupied by heretics. Fathers
and mothers rushed out of their dwellings, and fled toward the
mountains, carrying thefr- children vrith them ; the snow covered
the ground, and there was none to succour. Without shelter,
famished, dying of fatigue, the fugitives feU one by one. Men,
women, and chUdren, they feU asleep upon nature's breast, never
more to wake. It is said that a band of these unfortunates were
lost in the ravines of Alberjean. When dayHght dawned, the
mothers held in their arms nothing but dead bodies, and they
numbered upwards of fifty. For once, pity was not dumb ; its
voice reached the ears of the Pope, who, it is said, now begged
the Inquisitor to use moderation.*"" It may be supposed that on
the other side of the frontier, times were no less hard.
In France, the Crusade had movm down its victims by thou
sands. Monks and prelates foUowed the reapers to glean what
might have been left. The Inquisitor PeHsson mentions in his
chronicle more than one execution ; for instance, that of the
woman burned on the day of the canonization of St. Dominic.
The learned and voluminous reports of Bernard de Caux and Jean

13 6 The Waldenses of Italy.
de St. Pierre deal with 106 localities, and are weU worth
reading. That of Bernard Gui is no less eloquent ; he is respon
sible for the death of 630 persons. " The exact truth," observes
M. Donais, " is that he knew of 930 cases of heresy, and 42.
persons were handed over to the secular arm between 3rd March,
1308, and 12th September, 1322."**° For his services Gui was
promoted to a bishopric. The rictims of this Crusade were, how
ever, mostly Cathari, rarely Waldenses. There were many, as
may be inferred from the names we find, who, Cathari at that.
time, afterwards became Waldenses.*** Heretics of any kind were
accused of " Vaudoisie."**^ A nun of Lespinasse, of the order of
Fontevrault, was accused of having given ahns to Waldenses.
Hers was a serious case, so she was condemned to go in peace,
which meant that she was to be confined in a solitary ceU, to see
no one, not even the person from whom she received her food, as
it was to be handed to her through a little window.**' In these
actions we recognise the relations which existed between the
South of France and Lombardy ; but as they refer almost alto
gether to the Albigenses, their history may be left to that body's
historians.*** The Waldenses being less numerous than the Albi
genses, scattered less ; they endeavoured to keep together, and
their tracks did not remain unknown to the " Hounds of the
Lord,"*** who voiced the Bishop to the chase. But the Bishops.
were slow to move, and had to be urged on by the Pope, as we
see by the admonitions addressed to the Bishops of Vienne and
Valencia by Benedict XII.**" The number of Waldenses had been
diminished ; but again, by reason of the increase in the population
of the higher valleys, and above aU, by the return to Dauphiny
about the year 1350 of those who had fled into Italy, it increased
sensibly. Dauphiny, and even certain localities of Provence and
Savoy, were again fuU to overflowing with heretics, so much so
that the clergy hardly dared to molest them, or lend assistance to
the Inquisition, whilst the ciril authorities resisted prosecutions.
Gregory XI. was obliged to interfere. His remonstrances to
Charles V., King of France, were earnest and oft-repeated.**'
He was particalarly vexed vrith the Governor of Dauphiny. His
most pressing appeals were directed to the Archbishops of Vienne,
Aries, and Embrun. His complaints singularly resemble those-
of the Abbot of Cluny, of venerable memory. " We are in
formed," he teUs those too peaceful prelates, "that your terri-

The Waldenses of Italy. 117
tories have, for a long time past, become a den of heretics. Your
predecessors neglected to deal as they should have done with
such a state of things, and you foUow their example only too
closely. When such is the case, is it surprising if heretics
swarm and spread around you?"**' That was in 1375. Five
years later, from his see at Avignon, Clement VIL gave the
signal for new reprisals.**" Then the fierce Franciscan monk,
Borelli, who had acquired such an unenviable reputation in the
vaUey of the Pragelas, appeared on the scene. First, he sum
moned the inhabitants of Freyssinieres, Argentiere, and Val
Louise before him. That was to satisfy a mere form. As they
did not appear, he had them condemned in default, and several
were burned at the stake, the victims being mostly from Val
Louise. Perin says that " as many as one hundred and fifty men,
several women and a number of their grown-up sons and daugh
ters perished." He mentions as being amongst that number,
GuUlaume Marie of Vilar, Pierre and Jean Long, Albert and
Jeanne Vincent. The victims of this slow persecution were less
numerous in the other two valleys ; says the same historian,
they were " to the number of eighty," and he names in that num
ber three women, viz. : Astrue Berarde, Agresonne Bresson, and
Barthelemie Porte. This general sentence was pronounced in
the Cathedi-al of Embrun, in 1393, and was executed at Greno
ble.*^" BoreUi had undoubtedly undertaken to prove that the
order of St. Francis could be as useful to the Holy Office as that
of St. Dominic. The proof was, as we have seen, only too con
clusive for a leaden sUence, doleful and cold, he left in the places
through which he had passed. It might be compared to that
which makes itself felt in the mountain hut when a vulture has
been hanging over it. Half-a-century elapsed, and danger
seemed to have again drawn off to a distance, when once more it
approached, and this time very ominously. It was in the
year 1460 that a Franciscan monk named Jean Veylet, provided
with the authority of the Archbishop of Embrun, took up against
the Waldenses of the vaUeys of Freyssineres, Ai-gentiere, and
Louise, the indictment of BorelH, of bloody memory. Peace,
life, and property — especiaUy property — ^were threatened; the
Inquisition, with its villainous mode of procedure, "bled and
swallowed." The Waldenses' distress was great ; compassion
was aroused for them, and they were advised to carry thefr com-

118 The Waldenses op Italy.
plaint direct to the sovereign. They therefore appealed to Louis XL,
who ordered an inquiry to be made, which was slow, of course, but
advantageous to them. It established two points — first, that
the Waldenses were not such as the judges of heresy had been
pleased to represent them, but faithful subjects, neither wicked
nor heretics ; second, that the persecution which they were
made to undergo was too much fomented by the avarice and
cupidity of judges whose proceedings were most venal. There
upon King Louis issued the memorable decree, dated Arras,
May 18th, 1478, which began as follows : —
" On the part of the viUeins and inhabita.nts of Val Loyse
Fraissiniere, Argentiere and others of our land of .Dauphiny, it
has been made clear to us that whereas they have lived, and
desire to live like good Catholic Christians without Holding,
believing, or maintaining any superstition, not in accordance
with the observance and discipline of our Holy Mother Church,
nevertheless certain Mendicant Monks, calHng themselves Inquisi
tors of the Faith, and others, believing that by means of vexation
and molestation they might unduly extort possessions from them,
and otherwise personally ill-use them, have attempted and do
attempt falsely to impute to them the holding and beliering of
certain heresies and superstitions against the Catholic Faith,
and under cover of this have involved and do involve them in
great complications of suits, as much in our Court of Parliament
of Dauphiny, as in various other countries and jurisdictions. And
in order to bring about the confiscation of the property of those
whom they charge with the said accusations, several of the
judges and likewise the said Inquisitors of the Faith, who are
usuaUy Mendicant Monks, Have instituted, and do daily institute,
proceedings against many poor people, vrithout reasonable cause,
under the cover of the office of Inquisitor, and have also tortured
some and put them to the rack without preceding inquiry, and
condemned them for crimes they had never committed, as has
been afterward found ; and have taken others and exacted large
sums of money to set them at Hberty, and have by various means
unjustly vexed and molested them, to the great prejudice and
damage, not only of the said petitioners, but of us and of the
entire common weal of our estate of Dauphiny. Therefore,
desiring to provide for this, and not to suffer our poor people to
be vexed and molested by such unjust means, inasmuch as the

The Waldenses op Italy. 119
inhabitants of the said localities say that they have ever lived,
and desire to live like good Christians and CathoHcs, without
haring ever believed, or held any other belief but that of our
Holy Mother Church ; nor maintained or desired to maintain or
believe anything contrary to the sincerity of our faith, and as by
right, no one should be condemned for the crime of heresy except
those who, by continuous obstinacy, would persistently maintain
and affirm things contrary to the sincerity of our faith — We, after
long and mature dehberation, and in order to obviate such frauds
and abuses, vexations and undue exactions, have granted to those
suppHants, and do hereby grant, and of our own certain know
ledge, special pleasure, fuU Eoyal and Dauphinal power and
authority, have desired and decreed, and do desire and decree
by these presents, that those suppHants and all others of our
country of Dauphiny be reheved from all proceedings ; and all
the suits which some of them may have been obliged to institute
because of the above-mentioned matters, we have of our certain
knowledge fuU Eoyal and Dauphinal power and authority abolished
and do abolish, have put and do put to naught, by these presents,
and desire that never, for all past time to the present shall any
thing be expected of them, on account of these matters in person
or estate ; nor shall they be even reproached therefor, except,
however, there be some who obstinately, and with hardened
courage, maintain and affirm anything against the Holy Catholic
faith." In consequence of this decree, restitution was to be made of
confiscated goods, without appeal or delay, and the wUl of the King
would protect the owners in the future against the rapacity of the
judges. For, says the decree, " in order to obviate the frauds
and abuses perpetrated by the said Inquisitors of the Faith, we
have forbidden and do forbid the said Inquisitors of the Faith to
be henceforth permitted to proceed against any of the said inhabi
tants of our country of Dauphiny, or to maintain any suit in court
against them, for the above mentioned or similar causes, without
having previously obtained for that purpose letters patent from
us."*2i One sighs with relief on reading this decree, which would
appear to have been dictated by a heart that felt for the "poor."
At aU events it is worthy of a prudent king, who was slower than
the priests to shed blood. It is true that upon one point it sur-

120 The Waldenses of Italy.
prises us, especially if there lurk in our mind any prejudice with
respect to the creed of the Waldenses before the Eeformation.
According to the letter of the decree those who were protected by
the King had represented themselves as a body of " good Chris
tian Catholics." Did this denote cowardice on thefr part in
order to avoid ruin, or did the king aUow himself to be Ul-
informed by benevolent agents, who were fiUed with compassion
f'or those unfortunate and oppressed people ? The reason may be
found elsewhere. The Waldenses had the right to caU themselves
Christians — nay, even good Catholics, especially as compared with
their persecutors, who really were neither the one nor the other.
Besides the king was not then in the humour to suffer thefr pro
test to be scrupulously examined by the light of theology ; for it
is evident that, if he had left things to take thefr course, he would
have lost the opportunity of re-estabHshing peace. Let us not
forget that "Louis by the grace of God, king of France," was,
even according to the address of the decree, " Dauphin of
Vienne," and not long before, in writing to the " faithful governor
.of his estates of Dauphiny," he had been interested in doing an
act of wise policy. The inquiry must have proved to him that
public conscience, in Dauphiny, revolted against the iniquities of
the Inquisitor monks. It became important, therefore, to satisfy
pubhc conscience and run no risk of aUenating from himself the
affection of those liring on the frontier. After aU, that would
always have been the sentiment which would have prevailed in
the policy of the Princes of the house of France, as well as in
that of the house of Savoy, had it not been so resisted by the
corrupt and fatal action of the clergy. Alas ! Princes yield but
too easily, though sometimes with but an Ul-grace. In this case,
it might be thought that a word would have sufficed to stop the
persecution, and that the decree having been issued, the appeal of
the Waldenses would have been satisfied ; but the use that was
made of the decree by the Archbishop was to cling to the excep
tion it contained, and to hold that there existed indeed in the VaUeys
of Dauphiny " some who obstinately maintain things contrary to
the Catholic faith." In support of this he produced the testimony
rendered by curates and other agents interested in his cause ; so
that the case had to be begun over again. " For lack of means
to defray the expenses of such a long suit," says Pei-rin, " most
resorted simply to flight, there being only one among the perse-

The Waldenses of Italy. 121
cuted, a certain Jacques Paliveri, who protested against the undue
vexation, to the prejudice ofthe letters obtained from His Majesty,
and demanded a copy of their proceedings that he might have
recourse to those whom it concerned. The Archbishop left him
in peace, persecuting those who had not sufficient courage to
resist his violent measures." It appears that even some of the
boldest paid dearly for opposition. Thus " the consuls of Frais-
sinieres, Michel Euffi, and Jean Giraud did not get off so
easily," adds our historian, " for being summoned to appear before
the said Archbishop, to answer in their own name and in that of
the inhabitants of the vaUey, they answered that they had nothing
to say before the said Archbishop, inasmuch as their suit was
pending before the King and his Council, that therefore they pro
tested and asked for a copy. Being urged to answer, notwith
standing aU protestation to the contrary, Michel Euffi, tossing his
head, answered in his language : Veici rages ; and upon renewal
of entreaties : Veici una bella r'aison. The Archbishop, irritated
against the said consuls for such contempt, sent them to the
stake without more ado."*"^
While the clergy of Dauphiny rendered the just edict of Louis
XI. useless, those of Turin obtained an iniquitous decree from the
Duchess lolante, elder sister of the King of France, and widow of
the most easy-tempered of the Dukes of Savoy.
The Inquisition had never really withdrawn from the attack ;
on the contrary it was ever on the watch, and took advantage of
every opportunity to oppress, stUl further, the peaceful inhabitants
of the valleys. An Inquisitor, named Jacques, of Buronzo, near
Novara, weary of preaching in the desert, and not knovring how to
proceed against an entire population, had obtained an interdict
against the valley of Luserna. By this means, which was never
without result in the Middle Ages, he had been only too successful
in bringing back more than one Waldensian to the fold of the
Church. Yet, as the rope will break if it be stretched too much,
be stopped in time, and in 1453 *^' invoked the suspension of the
interdict by means of a decree from Nicolas V., holding himself at
liberty to take up again at any time, with renewed zeal, the
course of his inquisitorial proceedings. Twenty years later, the
Waldenses had to deal with a new Inquisitor called Jean Andre,
of Aquapendente. We gather from the decree hurled by him
against the Lord of Luserna, that the Waldenses who had yielded

122 The Waldenses op Italy.
to the threats of his predecessor Jacques, had not not become
CathoHcs, but had lived and died impenitent ; whence he is care
ful to conclude that their possessions had thereby been forfeited.
His object was to gather this inheritance, to take it away from
those who held it, in order to divide it between the Lord of the
Manor, the Bishop, and the Holy Office. On the very first Sunday
foUowing the communication of the decree, officials who were
recommended to read the proclamation very distinctly,*^* made it
known to the inhabitants of the valley after mass. The house of
Luserna had then a woman at its head. She decided to submit
to the decree, but held herself at liberty to do as she pleased
about carrying it into execution. She regretted, perhaps, that she
could not appeal to the clemency of a prince, like Amadeus IX.,
of blessed memory, for he had died three years previous. Under
his reign the oppressed could indeed breathe, and the Jews of
Chamberi knew something of this. A Dominican monk having
preached there to incite the people against them and drive them
out, the crowd was about to rush upon them, thanks to the
countenance of an impetuous and brutal nobleman called Aimar
de Varax, when the Ducal Commissioner appeared on the scene,
threatening the fanatics with the indignation of the Prince. But
the times had changed. The regency had just been thrust into the
hands of the Duchess lolante, and the moment was favourable to
the judges of heresy. In the towns several Waldenses were seized ;
more than one promised to change his religion, but for them it
was a mere change of torture, for they could not avoid the burning
fire of remorse. To some it appeared that there was but one way
of escape, namely, by flight ; some fled in the direction of
Provence, others towards Calabria. However, the Inquisition got
wind of their project, laid its snares, and recaptured some of its
victims. Their fate was no longer doubtful. The martyrdom of
Jordan Tertian, burned at Susa, and of HyppoHte Eoussier and
Hugon Chiamp of FenestreUes, executed at Turin, are cases in
point ; furthermore, there are those of Ambroise Villermin and
Antoine Hiun, who were hung upon the Col de Meane.*^* Besides
these there were many others ; but their names are lost. StUl
the grand Inquisitor was meditating a radical repression. The
decree issued not long before in the name of the Bishop of Turin
had not produced the desired result. It was true that it could not
be expected that the heretics of the vaUeys would be in the

The Waldenses of Italy. 123
humour to permit their rights of property to be violated, now that
they were settled there ; but the Lords of Pignerol and Cavour,
and he of Luserna especiaUy, were not over-devoted to Mother
Church. The fact is that they did not afford the support which
was demanded of them, so something had to be thought of which
would be effective in making them yield it. In the days of the
blessed Amadeus "those people did not care a bit about us," said
the monk, "but under the regent we shaU see whether they wiU long
turn a deaf ear." Thereupon, Andre of Aquapendente went to the
Bishop Campesio ; they conferred together for a time ; a clerical
messenger started for the country residence of lolante at EivoH,
and a short decree soon appeared, reading as foUows : —
" lolante, elder sister to the King of France, Guardian and
Eegent of our very illustrious son Charles, by the grace of God
Duke of Savoy.
" To the beloved and faithful Lords of Pignerol, and Cavour, and
to the Lord of Luserna, and to aU other officers or lieutenants,
and to the mediate and immediate subjects of our son, to
whom these presents shall come. Greeting : — Haring looked
into the request and the letter of the Inquisitor of heresy, a copy
of which is herewith attached, and after examination has been
made of them by our CouncU, in our residence, we enjoin you so
to act, that more especially the people of the vaUey of Luserna
may enter within the fold of Holy Mother Church.*^" And we
enjoin you all, as many as you may be, under penalty of a flne of one
hundred marks of silver each, and, with regard to officers, under
penalty of being deprived of their charge, that the said letter of
the Inquisitor in its form, spirit, and tenor, and in conformity
with the requfr-ements of justice, be by you received, considered,
and observed, and that ye may cause it to be received, considered,
and observed in its integrity, by aU whom it may concern, and that
you insist upon the full and entfre execution of it, without per
mitting yourselves to be hindered by any opposition, excuse, or
frivolous exception whatsoever, and without waiting for any
fm-ther order ; and let every one of you fear lest he may incur
the penalties here above imposed. And since thou. Lord of
Luserna, here above mentioned, hast refused to carry out the said
request, and, furthermore, hast retained that letter in thy pos
session, at the instance of the Fiscal Attorney-General of Savoy,
and through the above-mentioned Ducal officers, we summon and

124 The Waldenses of Italy.
enjoin thee to appear on the 10th of the month of February before
our Council, in our residence, where thou shalt be present and
appear, under the pains and penalties as aforesaid, in order to
answer before the Fiscal Attorney concerning the charges brought,
and to be brought, against thee. FaUing in which, on that same
day, through the Council, thou shalt be made to see and hear the
declaration of the penalties imposed, and the consequences which
may result from them.
" Given at Eivoli, this 23rd day of January, in the year of the
Lord, 1476."*^'
According to what we have just read, the refusal of the Lord
of Luserna seems to have been expHcit.*^' That does him honour.
StiU, there is no reason for suspecting him of siding with the
Waldenses in attempt to break the union of the CathoHc Church.
All his merit lies in his not responding with warmth to the more
or less arrogant requirements of the Holy Office.*^" His prede
cessors had protested quite sufficiently concerning their orthodoxy,
their faithfulness, and the sincerity of their efforts towards the
extirpation of heresy at Angrogna and St. Jean, as well as at Bobi
and Villar. Nor was it their fault if, when they lent themselves
to be the instruments of inquisitorial intrigues, the population
rose against them ; but that was what did happen.*'" However,
the Eegent of Savoy had hardly signed the decree when her atten
tion was called off' elsewhere by changes in her Kingdom. The
clerical party, however, who watched so carefuUy to prevent the
execution of Louis XL's decree, worked just as hard to ensure that
the one issued by his sister lolante should not remain a dead letter.
They endeavoured to enforce it, but at first, almost without result.
When Charles I. came into power, after the premature death of
his brother Philibert, he sent delegates to the spot to enquire into
the state of affairs,*'* and finally left the decision with the court
at Eome. That was the match which exploded the mine of the
Ci-usade. Innocent III. had proclaimed the Crusade against the Albi
genses ; Innocent VIIL, of bad eminence,*'^ was to proclaim the
Crusade against the Waldenses. John Baptist Cibo, for that was
his name, had attained the apostolic chair, thanks to the venaHty
of his electors. He had nothing to recommend him. Just as
the other Innocent had been powerful in character, the present

The Waldenses of Italy. 125
¦one was weak and violent. The Eomans haUed his accession
humming the lines : —
Octo nocens pueros genuit, totidemque puellas :
Hunc merito poterit dicere Eoma patrem.*"
If Innocent VIII. had not a soul of steel, he had a face of
brass. Far fr-om being ashamed, he married off his sons in the
face of the world, and with every wedding there was a feast at the
Holy Father's. We do not wish to recaU certain wanton scenes,
which, moreover, were hardly noticed in those days ; but there
was much talk concerning a mysterious personage, a prisoner in
the Vatican. His name was Djem. Fleeing from his brother,
the Sultan Bajazet II. Djem had thrown himself into the arms
of the great Prior of the Order of Malta. The Pope, seeing in
this a possibiHty of gain, made an agreement with Bajazet. " I
wUl hold your brother Djem behind the bolts of St. Peter," said
he to him, " if you pay me 40,000 ducats per annum for the ser
vice," and the bargain was struck, for Innocent was ever ready to
turn a penny. The curia fixed a tariff upon sins. A crime could
be expiated for a specified charge, and those able to pay indulged
in sin at the market price. The Eoman chronicle relates a
viUainous anecdote on that subject. Someone chatting one day
with the Chamberlain of His Holiness, asked why penance was
no longer obligatoiy. " It is," said the Chamberlain, "because God
desireth not the death of a sinner, but rather that he should live
and pay." They had gone to that extent. The holy city, a prey
to anarchy and every vice, was imprecating fire from Heaven
upon herself. The Pontiff, instead of dressing in sackcloth and
ashes, in order to avert such a calamity, set himself up as censor
of the universe, and began to bring about a rain of fire and brim
stone. He commenced with the heretics, and appointed the most
ferocious Inquisitors ; in Spain he appointed Torquemada ; in
Germany, Kraemer and Sprenger, whom he provided with a special
bull, in which Germany is designated a country inhabited by
sorcerers, male and female, " who had made an impious compact
with the devil."*'* FinaUy, he proclaimed the Crusade against
the Turks, and that, too, while he himself was the Sultan's
deputy gaol keeper. It need not surprise us, if, in the estimation
of such an Innocent, the Waldenses were nothing but " sons of
iniquity," worthy of the Papal Gehenna.

126 The Waldenses of Italy.
Charles VIII. had succeeded Louis XI. upon the throne of
France and Charles I., the warrior, had foUowed his mother
lolante and his brother PhiHbert, the Hunter. The Pontiff, as
early as 1485, for the repression of the Waldenses of Piedmont
and Dauphiny, accredited a nuncio and a general inquisitor to
those two Princes. When the moment had arrived, he addressed
the buU which was to be the signal for the Crusade to the Nuncio.
It bears the date of May 5th, 1487,*'* and begins thus :—
" Innocent, Bishop, servant of the servants of God, to our
beloved son, Albert Catanee, Archdeacon of the Church of
Cremona, our Nuncio and Commissary of the Apostolic See for
the Seigniories of our dear Son, the noble Charles, Duke of
Savoy, both on this and the other side of the mountains, and
Vienne in Dauphiny, and the City of Zion, comprising the diocese
and neighbouring locahties, greeting and apostolic benediction.
" The desfres of our Heart induce us, with vigilant solicitude,
to look for some means of extricating from the abyss of error,
those for the salvation of whom the Sovereign Creator of aU
things was himself pleased to endure the sufi'eiings of human
nature, and to seek their salvation by the help of Divine grace ;
we to whom he has committed the charge and government of his
flock have at heart the triumph of the Catholic faith during our
reign, and the extirpation of the wickedness of heresy from the
midst of the faithful. Now we have been informed, greatly to our
displeasure, that several sons of iniquity, inhabitants of the
province of Embrun, adherents of that very pernicious and
abominable sect of wicked men, caUed Poor of Lyons or Waldenses,
which has unfortunately raised itself up for a long time in Pied
mont and in the neighbouring places*'" by virtue of the evil one,
who endeavours with fatal sagacity to ensnare by artful and
circuitous ways, and in the darkness of precipices the sheep con
secrated to the Lord, and to lead them finally to the perdition of
their souls, causing them to wander, under a certain false appear
ance of sanctity, rejected by thefr own sense, hold the foUowmg
of the path of truth in great abhorence, and observe superstitious
and heretical practices, say, do, and commit many things contrary
to the orthodox faith, offensive in the eyes of his Divine Majesty,
and very dangerous in themselves to the salvation of souls. Our
beloved Son, Blaise de Mont- Eoyal, of the Order of Preachers,
Professor of Theology and General Inquisitor of those locahties,

The Waldenses of Italy. 127
has therefore betaken himself there to induce them to abjure the
above-mentioned errors and profess the true faith in Christ, and
to extirpate from among them all sorts of evil, having been
previously destined for that purpose by the Master- General of the
said Order, and afterwards by our beloved Son, Dominic, Cardinal
Priest of the title of St. Clement, Legate of the Apostolic See in
those regions, and finally by Pope Sixtus IV. of blessed memory,
our immediate predecessor. These people, far from abandoning
their very wicked and perverse errors, stopping their ears like the
deaf adder, and adding to the evUs already committed, stiU
greater ones, have not feared to preach them publicly, and have
drawn by this means to these same errors, others of Christ's faithful,
to vilify excommunications, interdicts and other censures of this
same Inquisitor ; to throw down his house and to take away or
alienate his goods, as also those of several other faithful men ; to
kill his servant, to make open war, to resist their temporal Lords,
to ravage their properties, to drive them with their famUies out of
their parishes, to burn or destroy their houses, to prevent them
from receiring their revenues, and to do them aU possible harm ;
as also to commit an infinite number of other iniquities likewise
execrable and abominable."
These things being so, there is nothing for it but the
extirpation of this accursed sect, and the devotion thereto of aU
possible energy. Consequently, the Nuncio is authorized to caU
for the co-operation of the Archbishops, and to invoke the support
of the secular arm from the King of France, the Duke of Savoy
and the Lords, as they shall judge expedient, " in order to pro
ceed with armed hand against the said Waldenses and all other
heretics, and to crush them like venomous serpents," neglecting
everything, whether threats or promises, for " so holy and so
necessary an extermination."*" To all those who shaU obey is
granted plenary indulgence, together with permission to seize the
heretics' possessions. Their neighbours and servants, debtors
included, are loosed from aU obligations, but thej' must withdraw
from their company at the earliest opportunity. Woe to the
refi-actory ! Princes and Plebians, Lords and Slaves, aU are struck
at by the interdict.
Such was the signal for the Crusade. What the Waldenses
had endured thus far in the shape of bloody molestations was but
"roses and flowers," says Leger, as compared with what was

128 The Waldenses of Italy.
about to foUow. The threatened region was divided among three
Sovereigns : the King of France, the Duke of Savoy, and the
Marquis of Saluces. It has been remarked that they took no
part in the Crusade. That is untrue. They authorised it. Even
had they been satisfled to remain passive, their attitude would
have resembled that of the shepherd who permits the wolf to
enter the sheepfold, but their asistance was not of this negative
kind. Charles VIIL, King of France, hastened to respond to the
Pontiff's appeal, with express orders ; he enjoined the authorities
to lend their support to the Nuncio Catanee.*" It is true that
these orders can refer only to the district of Dauphiny ; but when
the Kuig of France set the example, the Duke of Savoy was, of
course, obliged to bow his head. Charles I., the warrior, was
therefore, though somewhat against his will, submissive. He
himself declared his unwillingness, and we must believe him.
As for the Lord of Saluces he was of no importance, and more
over he was not primarily concerned. Albert of Catanee had
only to follow the path marked out for him. WhUst a few bands
of soldiers were recruited for him, he reached Pignerol, and
stopped at the convent of St. Laurent, belonging to the order of
the Humiliati. From there he sent out a few preaching monks
towards the valleys, to invite the Waldenses to repentance ; but
it was of no avail. Seeing this the Nuncio aUowed the time of
grace to elapse ; for he tells us everything was done according to
law and order;*'" after which operations commenced. The
Legate's strategy does not seem to have roused the enthusiasm of
experts in such work. It is beyond our comprehension ; it seems
to have been a chase in the dark. Instead of dfrecting his
forces against a given point, he scattered them in order to let not
one escape ; but the net of his miUtia was so much stretched that
the meshes broke, and the haul seems to have been but inconsider
able. It is a matter somewhat surprising that the Legate's
writings include no mention of the double attack directed against
the valley of the Angrogna. Perhaps he was not present ; besides
the check received by his men there does not constitute an ele
ment necessary to his narrative, which is essentially apologetic.
Let us pause a little before taking up again the thread of his blood-
besprinlded journey across the frontier, whUe we hear of the
attack from other sources.

The Waldenses of Italy. 129
If we believe the Waldensian tradition, which, as wUl be seen
is borne out by witnesses, that against the vaUey of Angrogna,
deserves to be mentioned among the principal attacks. The
reader knows that at the summit of this valley is the Wal
denses' sacred refuge, " thefr- last earthly refuge," caUed Pre du
Tour. Protected as it is on the north by the bare ridges of
Infei-net, on the south by the rampart of Vandahn, on the west
by the heights of SeUa Vegha and Mount Eoux, it is almost in
accessible, except fr-om the east ; that is to say, to reach it one
must enter by the door. Now the door is overhung on the left of the
stream by rocks, which command it Hke the bastions of a gigantic
fortress, and these natural bastions are guarded by aU the force
avaUable, for behind the front ranks were sheltered the old people
and the women and little children. So good was the guard that
the enemy never succeeded in penetrating there during all the
days of the persecution. Once they almost succeeded, however,
but before reaching the spot they had already received a check.
A band of Crusaders had just climbed the border line of St. Joan,
the name given to the hUls which, at the approaches of the
Valley of Angrogna, overlook this locality. They had hoped to
force a passage at the vUlage of Eocciamaneout, but were suddenly
brought to a standstill by the advanced guard of the Waldenses.
The mountaineers, weU stationed, had provided themselves with
cufr-asses and targets made of hides or chestnut bark, and these
protected them against the arrows of the enemy. The latter,
greatly superior in number, were obliged to shoot upwards, and
were therefore at some disadvantage, but the assault was a severe
one nevertheless, and the position seemed for a moment to be in
jeopardy. More than one of the Waldenses feU, but the ranks
were maintained close. The irritated assailants renewed the
attacks with greater fury. One of the leaders, followed by a band
of soldiers advanced, breathing out threatenings and violence.**"
All eyes turned towards him. " God, help us " — the women's
voices cried — Dio aintaci.**^ Tradition describes the leader of
the assailants as a giant of swarthy complexion — a Goliath, full
as to his mouth of curses and blasphemies, and called by
the name of the Black One of Mondovi. As he advanced
suddenly, whether from bravado or because of the heat, he raised
his vizor, and quickly a swift arrow, sped by Pierre Eevel,
stretched him. on the dust. Then terror seized upon the enemy.

130 The Waldenses of Italy.
and they fell back in disorder, only to return to the assault by
another way. The Waldenses now hastened to reach the heights
of the valley while the Crusaders reascended, and drew out their
bands in echelon on the left of the stream. Having reached
Serre, they disappeared in the lowlands beyond the hiU nnd
entered into the pass of the Eodraille, at the approaches of Pre du
Tour, At that instant a dense fog unexpectedly fell upon and
surrounded them, and the path which winds along the Angrogna,
was lost in darkness. Suddenly, some Waldenses posted in that
vicinity came out of their retreat ; arrows flew through the fog ;
rocks were hurled down from the mountain sides ; and vrith their
noise the earth trembled and shook. Heaven and earth and the
inhabitants thereof seemed to have formed a holy alliance against
the redressers of heresy. The Crusaders, confounded and amazed,
tried to beat a retreat ; but the narrow path was obstructed by the
troops behind. Confusion and panic in such a situation was fatal,
many, looking for a means of escape, slipped and feU from the
rocks into the torrent below ; many threw themselves down head
long, as eager to anticipate their fate. Amongst the number of those
who perished was Captain Saquet of Polonghera, of the province
of Coni. It is said that he had just threatened the heretics with
certain ruin. Tradition says, " This man having fallen from a
rock into the stream, which is called the Angrogna, was carried
away, and thrown by it into a large and deep hole, formed among
the rocks." The pool received thereafter the name of " Gouffre
de Saquet," and its name ever since has helped to preserve the
memory of that signal victory sent by heaven to its people.**^
The rout was complete and disastrous, and little likely to
appease the wrath of the Nuncio against those who had brought it
about. According to his account, the case was very different in
the territory of Dauphiny, which comprised, as will be remembered,
the valley of Pragelas, where Catanee caused twenty-twi
Waldenses of Briancon and Cesane to be arrested and brought
into his presence ; they were, if he is to be believed, among the
principal people of those localities. He adds that the heretics, not
satisfied with assaulting the Inquisitor, Veyleti, and covering him
with wounds, had caused much grief and apprehension to certain
magistrates and to the good souls in general who had been
interested in their safety ; and now they wished to drive him from
amongst them, for when they should have done with the Nuncio,

The Waldenses op Italy. 131
they thought they would be left in peace. In short, they had
stu-red up the water ; moreover, Catanee was there to testify to
the fact, and to re-estabUsh order ; they were, therefore, put to
torture and forced to confess their faith. Two of their number
haring refused to recant, were handed over to the executioner ;
as for the others they re-entered the bosom of the Church, safe if
not sound.**' The report of- this was sedulously disseminated,
and the preaching monks called upon the people to seize the
golden opportunity and obtain pardon. Several of the inhabitants
of Val Pragelas, and of the neighbouring places, took advantage of
the occasion, and their return to the faith was celebrated with
solemnity in Briancon.*** But not aU bowed the knee, for man^-
belonging to Mentoules, Usseaux, FenestreUes, and several
riUages in Val Cluson, wishing to avoid this, withdrew to the
summits of the mountains, and there prepared for resistance.
When the attack was about to commence, the Waldenses sent
two men to parley ; they were Jean Camp and Jean Desidere.
This is what they had to say : —
" The true faithful of Val Cluson entreat you, reverend and
magnificent Lords, not to be led by the speeches of our enemies
to condemn us without hearing our defence. We are the king's
faithful subjects, and hold it an honour to bear the name of
Christians. Our Barbes, who are educated and respectable
persons, declare themselves ready to prove to you in a manner as
clear as day, and in open conference, either on tbe testimony cf
the Old or New Testament, that we are orthodox with regard to
the articles of our faith, and deserve not abuse but praise ; for
we wiU not foUow the transgressors of evangelic law, and those
who turn away from the tradition of the Apostles, nor obey their
wicked institutions. We delight in the poverty and innocence
which marked the origin and development of orthodox faith. We
despise wealth, luxury, and lust for power, and aU these things
which are, alas ! too truly the characteristics of our persecutors.
Now you say that the destruction of what you caU our sect, has
been ordered. Beware, lest you make war against God, and draw
down His wrath upon your heads, and lest, beliering you are
doing right, you be guilty of a great crime, as was the case
with St. Paul. We have put our trust in God, for we are
endeavouring to be acceptable unto Him rather than unto men.
We fear not those who kill the body, but cannot kill the soul.
p 2

132 The Waldenses of Italy.
Know ye, therefore, that if it be not God's wiU, the forces you
have gathered together against us will avail nothing."***
The Nuncio Catanee answered, and it is unnecessary to say
how ; that can be easUy imagined. He pretended that his
answer terrified the Waldenses to such an extent as to induce
them to ask for eight days' grace for reflection, declaring them
selves ready to abjure, if convinced of error. Aymar de la
Eoche, Prior of Mentoules, with some few preachers, went to
visit them, in the hope of touching the heart of this people ; but
they were not received in the manner they had hoped for and
desired. " We are in the right ; it is you who are the leaders
into evil," the people cried to them,**" and the messengers were
obliged to return without having concluded anything. Then the
Nuncio, having exhausted all his legal proceedings,**' gave the
signal for the combat to commence. The Waldenses, who had
withdrawn to almost inaccessible heights, armed with arrows
and short javelins, made a fierce resistance; nevertheless, a
number of them perished, especially at the defence of the Mont
Fraisse cave. Fifteen of the most prominent heretics were sent
to the stake. The next day the Crusaders attacked another refuge,
steeper and more formidable : that above the rock of Eoderie.
They combined all thefr forces for this assault, but the Wal
denses were protected by the nature of their position, and the
soldiers were obHged to fall back before an avalanche of stones.
Several were kUled, and a still larger number were wounded,
being then precipitated over the rocks. The battle raged with
much fury from daybreak tUl evening.**' In this case, however, the
persecuted folk were dealing with much more skUful adversaries
than the Black One of Mondovi and Captain Saquet. King
Charles VIII. had sent for his lieutenant, Hugues de la Palu, who,
assisted by the CouncUlor Jean Eibot, went straight at his work.
The very next day the Crusaders retumed to the assault with
engines of war, and the Waldenses were obliged to surrender.
" Prostrate upon the earth," says Catanee, they promised to
abjure if they were pardoned. Peace was granted them, and by
the order of the Nuncio, all that multitude set out for Mentoules ;
there, after a solemn celebration of the ordinary rite, leaving
their old leaven, and having been made into a new lump, according
to the word of the Apostle, they re-entered the Catholic

The Waldenses op Italy. 133
Then the Nuncio Catanee crossed Mount Genevre, and went
to Embrun, for the purpose of dfrecting the Crusade in the
direction of the vaUeys of Louise and Freyssinieres. There he
repeated the menaces and promises contained in ths Pope's Bull,
and, vrith burning words, stirred up the zeal of the faithful, who
had hastened to him from several locahties of Dauphiny. After
this prelude, Hugues de la Palu arose, and, at the head of his
army, invaded first the narrow valley of Freyssinieres. At the
sight of the soldiery, the inhabitants scaled the heights, and con
centrated themselves upon four different points, especiaUy on the
rock caUedthe " Church Eock." Hugues, by taking a cross-road, got
at this last-named vantage ground, and compeUed the defenders to
surrender, the rest soon following their example. Almost
all went down to perform the act of submission. "You ask for
mercy, come and ask it at Embrun," answered the Nuncio.**"
They went, but we do not know to what number.
In Val Louise, the rage of the Crusaders had freer scope, and
thefr irritation at the care the persecuted people displayed for
their Hves and their faith rendered them furious. The refugees
for the most part betook themselves to a cave, which owes almost
all its celebrity to this Crusade. It is situated on the slopes of
Pelvoux, the Viso of the BiianSonnais. Almost half-way up that
mountain is a narrow gorge, which leads to the cave called Aigue
Fraide, because of the spring which there issues from under the
glaciers. In front of the opening, stretching out on a projection
of the mountain is a platform, from which the eye looks down
upon the surrounding ravines. This can only be reached by a
frightful path, overhanging the precipices. Such is the spot
where the Waldenses awaited their persecutors. They had pro-
risioned themselves for two years, says the Nuncio, who was
present at the assault. At first messengers were sent to summon
them to perform the act of obedience. That was of no avaU,.
Measure the height of those rocks, answered they, and go
and teU him who sent you that we are resolved, if necessary, to
die for our faith.*** Catanee harangued the devout troops before
they mounted to the assault ; but the stones began to roll down,
and aU attempts to reach the platform by a direct ascent had to
be abandoned. At night Hugues de la Palu bethought him of a
stratagem, and he conceived the idea of putting it into execution
the very next day — a Sunday. He managed to get a number of

134 The Waldenses of Italy.
youno- men to climb from behind, and unperceived to the summit.
From this point they, by means of ropes, lowered one another to
a rock that overlooked the entrance to the cave. The Waldenses
could not see them, nor had they any suspicion of their presence,
as their attention was taken up by a feint attack, which was
renewed in order to efi'ect a diversion.**^ At the proper moment, a
simultaneous rush was made upon the besieged from above and
below, when, taken by surprise, and disconcerted, they were
vanquished. They were possessed with such terror that more
than ninety precipitated themselves from the rock. The Nuncio
says that the surrivors were pardoned,**' but tradition sa;ys differ
ently. It aUeges that the soldiers piled up green wood at the
entrance to the cave, set tire to it, and transformed that refuge
into a tomb.*** When an entrance was afterwards made, 3,000
victims were found, it is said, among whom were 400 chUdren,
who died in their cradles or in their mother's arms.*** According
to another version, which perhaps falsities in a different direc
tion, there were " thirty families only, numbering in aU 70
persons — men, women, and chUdren."**" It is to be believed that
"had the Waldenses been in such small numbers, it would not
have been necessary to send the lieutenant-governor of the pro
vince with a miniature army against them."*** The cave is still
there : a place of horrors. It is called the Balme des Vaudois, or
the Balme Chapelne.
The city of Embrun also witnessed the arrival of the poor
inhabitants of the valley of Argentiere, seeking for pardon. The
goods of the heretics were contiscated, especiaUy in Val Louise,
which it was intended to re-people with Catholics. " Never since
that time," says Muston, " has the Waldensian Church risen again
in those valleys."**' On quitting these desolated spots the
Nuncio left the care of fulfilling his mission to a Franciscan
monk, named Francois Ploireri, who iminediately went to work.
He summoned to Embrun those Waldenses who had not re
entered the pale of the Church, or were backsliders. He insti
tuted a number of proceedings against them, and, in order
that no appeal might be had from his decision, condemned them,
with the assistance of a CounciUor of the Parliament of Dauphiny,
caUed Pons. The general sentence having been once pronounced,
it was posted up on the door, " and at the foot of it were the 32
articles of the creed of the said Waldenses."**"

The Waldenses of Italy. 135
The account of this Crusade may be closed with one more
incident, for which we are indebted to tradition, narrated by Gilles.
A battaUon 700 strong, cHmbing over the pass of Abries, reached
the heights of Val St. Martin more or less unexpectedly, and feU
upon the vUlage of Pommiers in the township of Prali.*"" The
advent of the soldiers was discovered in time, so that while the
Crusaders were scattering forthe purposes of plunder, the " Pralins "
feU upon them. All, except the colour-bearer, were killed,
according to Gilles; or, "kiUed and put to flight," according to
Muston. The colour-bearer had, during the flight, hidden himself
in a ravine under the snow. Cold and hunger drove him out at
last, and his life was spared. " Having cooled down a little, the
' Prahns ' let him go unharmed, to carry the news of the total
defeat of his companions."*"*
Thus ended the Crusade, the date of which is not yet fixed.
According to Waldensian historians, it took place in 1488;*"^
but the accuracy of this date may be doubted, as it does not agree
very weU with the circumstances which accompanied the event.
Indeed, we know that the bull of Innocent VIIL, first proclaimed
at Eome, May 5th, 1487, in the thfrd year of his pontificate, was
less than two months afterwards (June 26th) repeated " in the
convent of St. Laurent, without the walls of Pignerol."*"' The
season was propitious for its execution, and there is nothing that
indicates delay. The Crusade, therefore, probably commenced in
the year 1487.*"*
Charles I., Duke of Savoy, had not been indifferent to the
ricissitudes undergone by his subjects in the valleys.*"* Their
sufferings, as well as their courage, had touched his heart. He
delegated a Bishop to confer with, and assure them as to
his trae feelings. The prelate went up to Angrogna, and
dehvered his message of sympathy at the village of Prassint.
It was agreed that the Waldenses should send a deputation,
composed of twelve of their principal men, to do homage to the
Duke. Charles awaited them at his castle of Pignerol. He had
doubtless heard much about the heretics, and what he had heard
seems to have whetted his curiosity. The deputies arrived.
The Duke received them with the courtesy and breeding due from
one of the house of Savoy ; his youth — he was then only twenty —
rendering it the more charming. According to some, he excused
himself for haring tolerated such a cruel v/ar ; according to

136 The Waldenses of Italy.
others, " he granted pardon on receipt of such a sum of money
as should defray the expenses of it."*"" These two versions cer
tainly differ materially, but one does not necessarUy exclude the
other ; still, whatever the means, peace was re-estabhshed, and the
Waldenses had the opportunity of becoming convinced that, but
for clerical interference, they might have enjoyed some little
liberty. The audience ended in familiar conversation, during
which children were mentioned. The Duke, who could hardly
overcome his sui-prise at the nursery tales which had been pahned
off upon him, asked with a smile : " Is it true that your chUdren
are born with a black throat, four rows of hairy teeth, and one
eye inthe middle of the forehead?" Some were presented to
Him, and they took it upon themselves to answer. The Duke
blushed for having been so credulous, and was indignant with the
slanderers. This is an anecdote worthy of being chronicled, as
showing what fanaticism could invent.
The most advantageous result of the conference at Pignerol
was peace — a lasting peace which, in the vaUeys subject to the
house of Savoy, was not again interrupted untU after the Eeforma
tion. The comments made upon the Prince by the deputies as,
mth light and joyful hearts, they returned to their firesides, may
be surmised, and are undoubtedly reflected in those of Waldensian
writers. " God has touched the heart of the Prince," some said ;
" God be praised, "others added, " our young Duke has harked back
upon the natural kind ways of his race."*"' They were jubilant in
the vaUeys, and bonfires were kindled on the mountain-tops as a
sign of rejoicing ; but a mysterious, unexpected, and unforeseen
grief soon quenched the joy in every heart. The young Duke
died in that very Pignerol on March 13th, 1490. It has been
suspected by some that he was poisoned.*"' Nothing, however,
is known for certain ; stiU, one thing we do know, namely, that
suspicion did not fall upon the Waldenses, and that none mourned
his death more sincerely than they : indeed, it came near being
fatal to them, for its effect was to place the power once more in
the hands of a regent. Only two years later another death took
place, which, however, did not cause any regret — that of the
author of the Crusade. Innocent VIII. had just received a sfrt-
gular present from the Sultan ; it was a portion of the lance
which had pierced the side of our Saviour. He rejoiced so much
over this, that he ordered a procession to go out and meet

The Waldenses op Italy. 137
Bajazet's messenger, in order to receive and instal with suitable
ceremony the relic, which might indeed, as a symbol, have
suggested some serious reflections to him. As he was about to die, a
Jewish physician suggested, as a last remedy, a draught of human
blood. Three apparently motherless young boys were brought ;
they permitted thefr veins to be opened, for money which other
hands received ; but the innocent blood did not help the Pontiff,
who had afready drunk too much of it. He went to his grave on
the 15th of July, 1492.
Still, the peace granted by the Duke of Savoy had not put an
end to aU the effects of the Crasade. In Piedmont it left a door
open for the molestation of inquisitorial procedure, both regular
and secret ; clerical reaction, however, had at least been checked.
In Dauphiny people envied the fate of the subjects of the house of
Savoy, and not vrithout cause. After the Crusade there happened
that which always followed war in those barbarous days ; the
vultures and crows came down upon their prey. In this case the
vultures were represented by the officials of the Eoyal Treasury,
and this is shown by the following decree, issued March 4th,
1488 :—
" Charles * * * We, having received a humble petition from
our friends and faithful counseUors, Hugues de la Palu, Lord of
Varas, Lieutenant-Governor of our country of Dauphiny, Sire
Pons, Counsellor in our Court of Parliament at Grenoble, and
Charles Baron, our CounseUor and Chamberlain, setting forth that,
by our other letters-patent given at Angers,; in the mouth of June
past, we appointed and delegated them to take, seize, and put into
our hands all estates and property whatever of certain inhabitants
of the said country of Dauphiny, called Waldenses, who, by sen
tence of our dear and beloved master, Albert de Cappitaneys,
learned in every law, appointed by our Holy Father the Pope for
that purpose, had been declared confiscated and belonging to us,
because of the evU schisms and heresies which they had heretofore
held and were holding against the Holy Apostolic Faith."*""
Another share of the confiscated property had fallen to Jean
BaUe, Archbishop of Embrun, and it increased day by day, in con
sequence of new confiscations. On the arrival of his successor,
Eastain, in 1497, the patrimony of the Archbishopric had attained
very goodly proportions. The latter prelate examined it care
fuUy, and compared it with the documentary titles. He ascer-

138 The Waldenses of Italy.
tained, also, that the people of Freyssinieres were stiU under the
burden of excommunication ; therefore, he said to himself, " I
shaU not go to visit their accursed vaUey." One day he was
approached by a certain Fazy Gay of Freyssinieres, who said
to him : —
" We are expecting you up yonder," your Grace. " ShaU you
not come up and see us ? "
" No, indeed."
" Why, pray ? "
" The excommunication which was hurled against you has not
been taken away."
" I beg pardon, your Grace ; it is a long time since we were
freed from it. You must forget that we obtained absolution by
the decree of Louis XI."
" Nonsense. You are under condemnation by the authority
of the Pontiff' : authoritate pontificis romani. I believe that's
clear." " So that we shall be deprived of your visit."
" You wiU not see me in Freyssinieres, so long as you are not
reconciled with the Pope."
" But then, of what use was our promise to live like good
Catholics ? "
" I have nothing to say in the matter, I tell you. That is to
say, I am quite willing to send you Sire Jean Colombi ; he wiU
find out all about the rights of things. Moreover, I wUl write to
Eome." It was found afterwards that the Pope never sent any reply to
that communication. Alexander VI. had his hands full elsewhere ;
he was just then stirring up the flre which burned Savanarola.
Meanwhile, Charles VIII. haring died, Eostain went to attend the
coronation of Louis XIL, and the people of Freyssinieres sent their
delegates to the new king, charging them to present to him then-
everlasting request. It was the old question of recovering Iheir
property, unjustly withheld by the Archbishop. The king referred
the matter to his ChanceUor, who questioned Eostain. He,
shrugging his shoulders, answered, " What can I tell you ? it is
none of my business. The goods that are claimed were con
fiscated before my instaUation. In Paris you wUl find members
of the Parliament of Grenoble, CounseUor Eabot among others.
Ask them ; they wiU give you information." The Waldensian

The Waldenses op Italy. 139
deputies were heard in their turn; they said: "We ask that
the decree of Louis XL, of blessed memory, be observed. Our
best property is annexed to the patrimony of the Archbishopric.
AU our complaints have been in vain. After the king has
decided, we to the prejudice of his legitimate authority, are
referred to the Pope."
Thereupon the Eoyal Council decided upon an inquiry. The
commissioners delegated for the purpose arrived in Embrun,
on July 4, 1501, and Eostain, out of deference to his rank, was
permitted to take part in the inquiry. He soon, however, got into a
very bad humour, because the royal officers, from a feeling of delicacy,
refused his interested attentions, and he showed his displeasure
very plainly — first, by disputing their right to examine the papers
in the case ; afterwards, by fuming during the whole inquiry ; and
finally, by spreading annoying reports of the procedure. What
made the Prelate most bitter was that the commissioners should,
although with reserve, have granted the Waldenses absolution
as regards contumacy.*'" He at once protested, and began to aver
that his coUeagues showed too clearly by their remarks that they
had espoused the cause of the heretics.
" We wish to be just, first of aU. If our remarks are at
fault, let your Grace denounce them," said the commissioners.
" WeU, Monsieur d'Orleans, since you inrite me to do so, I
wUl teU you that I was pained to hear whaf you said at the Inn of
the Angel."
" What was that ? "
" Oh ! What you said there goes beyond anything I could
have imagined, and I am so deeply grieved at it, that I still
wonder whether you really spoke the words which are attributed
to you." " May I ask what they are ? "
" It is affirmed that you said, ' I would that I were as good a
Christian as are the worst inhabitants of Freyssinieres.' "
" And that distresses you."
" It seems to me there is good reason why it should."
MaHcious people averred that what most distressed the
Archbishop was the fear of having to restore to the Waldenses
the beautiful vineyards of St. Clement, St. Crespin, and
Chanteloube, as well as the estates of Chateau Eoux.*'*

140 The Waldenses op Italy.
Upon receipt of the Commissioners' report, Louis XIL issued
the following decree : —
" Louis, by the grace of God, king of France, etc.
"It having come to our notice that the inhabitants of
Freyssinieres have suffered great wrongs and vexations, difficulties
and labour, desiring to reheve them, and that they may be
reinstated in the possession of their property, chattels, and
estates, we order by these presents to all those who are with
holding the said properties, incontinently and without delay to
dispossess themselves of them, and hand over the said properties,
and return and restore them to the said suppliants or their pro
curators, each one in his place, and in case of opposition, refusal,
or delay, we, having regard to their poverty and misery, in the
which they have long been and stiU are detained, without being
able to obtain justice — WE desfring with all our heart that right
shall be done to them, will our own selves know the reason
thereof, &c., &c.
" Given at Lyons on the 12th of October, 1501." *'2
After this new decree, nothing, it would seem, remained but to
obey. However, the Archbishop did not see matters in that
light. He drew a distinction. "I am not indebted to the
inhabitants of Freyssinieres for my property," he said, " I
received that from my predecessor. I am quite wiUing," he
added, "to conform to the orders of His Majesty; let us
return confiscated property to Ihe Waldenses ; I wait but for
one thing, namely, that the Lords of Dauphiny set me the
example." The reader wiU not have forgotten that, as the representatives
of the civU power, these latter had had their bountiful share.
Besides which, on this matter. Lords and Prelates always went
hand and glove. Several personages were summoned before the
king. They excused themselves without much ceremony, and
actually went so far as to say that in order to carry out the desired
restoration, they required, as did the Archbishop, the absolution
of tbe Pope. Perhaps the Papal BuU which foUowed was
obtained, if not directly by the Archbishop, at least by one of his
dignitaries on a mission to the the Court of France. Such is
with fair probabUity affirmed.*" If this be so, it must be confessed
that when hope was lost, the Waldenses found an unexpected
protector, whose favour, however, was more venal than efficient :

The Waldenses of Italy. 141
venal, for we are speaking of the Pope, whose conduct suggested
the well known distich : —
Vendit Alexander cruces, altaria Christum.
Emerat ille prius, vendere jure potest.
The protection was insufficient, because Archbishop Eostain
laughed at the Bull, and did not consider it obligatory. In order
to be so, he repHed, it must proceed directly from the Holy
Father. In short, we learn here that nothing availed against his
sacerdotal avarice, and the Poor of Lyons, or rather the faithful
amongst them, would have lost less time, and perhaps less credit,
had they kept Waldo's ideal in sight, and had ceased to protest
against it.
The narrative thus far has not led us to the vaUey of the Po,
into which, however, we know that the Waldenses had a long time
before penetrated, either from France or from the vaUey bordering
upon that of Luserna. Had the vaUey escaped the storm of the
Crusade ? Judging from his memoirs, Albert de Catanee would not
seem to have betaken himself thither ; no known fact indicates the
presence in those parts of his soldiers, renowned as they were for
their fanaticism.*'* The conclusion that may be drawn from this
is, that the Waldenses had not yet collected there in sufficiently
large numbers to draw upon themselves general attention ; or, as
we prefer to beheve, that during the raging of the Crusade there
was no need of Eomish thunderbolts to reduce the heretics to
sUence, and that the mUd inquisitorial hail alone was sufficient.
After the Crusade, those who fled from Val Luserna, and particu
larly from the localities of Bobi and Eora, seem to have contri
buted to sweU their number, but, at the same time also, the
danger which threatened them. Be that as it may, persecution
did later faU upon them, and our business is to relate the facts,
but before doing so we must go back a Httle.
It will be remembered that the vaUey of the Po had received
the refugees from France, after the famous Crusade against the
Albigenses. They had reached it — a part of them at least —
by the more or less frequented paths in the vicinity of Viso.
The whole frontier, as far as the Maritime Alps, was traversed
by the stream of emigration ; divers points of the territory now
comprised in the province of Coni being repeatedly attained. This
city witnessed the rapid increase of heretics, either within its

142 The Waldenses of Italy.
walls or in its neighbourhood, as far as Dronero, Busca, Sarig-
Hano, Saluzzo, up toward the Alpine frontier, from the vaUey of
the Po to that of Maira, and the pass of Tende. Yet it was
further on, into the free cities of Lombardy, that the stream of
emigration finaUy flowed. Coni v/as for the Albigenses hardly
more than a city of passage.*'" In the XV. century, heresy had
by no means disappeared from it. In 1417, the Inquisition asked
to be permitted free entrance and assistance, as it had learned on
good authority that in more than one locaHty heretics abounded,
and that they even enjoyed sufficient favour to dare to hold meet
ings, and to teach their doctrines by means of which they out
rageously lacerated the bosom of Mother Church, and precipitated
souls into the abyss of perdition.*" It has been doubted whether
at that time the Inquisition obtained the desired support.*"
Thirty years later, its action was only too manifest. This was in
the time of Duke Louis of Savoy.*'^ A local chronicle says that
in 1445, some thirty houses were destroyed by fire in one of the
streets of Coni, and that this accident seemed to herald the
avenging flames of the CathoHc faith. With the assistance of
monkish zeal, the omen was realised. Twenty-two inhabitants of
the vUlage of Bernezzo were summoned to Coni and burned. The
chronicle is ambiguous as to whom they were. It says : " They
profess the heresy of the Poor of Lyons whom some call Gazares
and others Waldenses.*'" But it was in the domain of the Marquis
of Saluzzo mainly that the heretics succeeded in settling. It is
the opinion of more than one writer, that Bagnolo was one of the
most renowned centres of the Cathari,*'* and some Waldenses
may have intermingled with them. Still the latter shewed a
tendency to settle more to the west, towards the sources of the
Po, in the viUages of PraviUelm, Biolet, and Bietonet, notwith
standing the Inquisition that aimed at their destruction.
We have now arrived at the year 1509, in the month of
November.*'^ Margaret of Foix, for the last five years widow of
the Marquis Louis II. of Saluzzo, still young, but morose and
bigoted,*" " was free as respects her own power, but a slave to
her confessor."*'* There is little doubt that her zeal alarmed the
lesser Lords of Paesane, and that would explain the conflict of
jurisdiction which we find arose between the Marchioness and her
vassals. The latter, jealous of their rights, claimed to manage
the inquisition of heresy in concert with the monks and the bishop

The Waldenses of Italy. 143
and without the intervention of the Princess. Margaret thereupon
bought up the rights of the monks and of the bishop, though without
i-eHnquishing her own, and intimated to her feudatories that she
freed them from all care as regards the necessary expenses,
including the cost of wood for the piles.*'* Then Angelo
Eicciardino, a Dominican monk. Inquisitor at Saluzzo, betook
himself to Paesane, and caused it to be proclaimed in the public
market place, that the inhabitants of Pravellelm, Biolet, and
Bietonet, and of the Serre of Momian should come down to him
and do penance. No one went down. In the meantime an
unknown man from the borough of Saint Front was arrested. His
name was Pierre Faro Julian.*'"
" TeU me what you know about the Waldenses of your viUage,"
said the inquisitor to him ; "I promise you that you shall there
by save your Hfe and property."
" Well, they are all heretics, from the first to the last."
The Inquisitor desfred nothing more. A second witness was
examined, and the same confession obtained, with respect to all
the neighbouring villages. Thereupon, on the 25th of November,
St. Catherine's Day, the monk sent out myrmidons with orders
to arrest the principal heretics of PraviUelm and Oncino in church
and during Mass. They were able to seize two only, Francois
Maria and Balangier Lanfre.
" Are you Waldenses ? "
" We are.*" "
On hearing this the Marchioness sent out 200 soldiers, with
orders to assist the monk Eicciardino. The latter directed them
toward the villages of PraviUelm, Bietonet, and Oncino. Go,
said he to them, and bring all those heretics to me. Warned be
times, most of the intended victims fled to Barge, with their
cattle ; but some were arrested and thrown into prison, and the
deserted homes were piUaged. The inquiry began, not without
the aid of torture, and on the 24th of March, 1510, Jacques,
Mainero, Antoine Lanfre, Francois Luchino, and GuUlaume Maria
were sentenced to be burned at the stake the very next day. That
day had been chosen for the execution on account of its solemnity,
it being the feast of the Annunciation and Palm Sunday, and
the execution was to take place at Croes, in the territory of
Paesane, in a meadow opposite the house of the said Mainero.
The pile was ready awaiting its five victims ; but snow and rain

144 The Waldenses of Italy.
feU in such quantities, that the execution had to be postponed
tiU the morrow. At night, the prisoners broke the bars of their
window, and escaped with great difficulty, dragging their chains
as far as Bosco Piano. There a friend came to their assistance,
their chains were taken off, and they were free to go where they
pleased ; they reached Barge safe and sound. After this the rage
of the Inquisitor may be imagined. He insisted that the
spectacle should take place just the same. To be sure there were
no condemned culprits avaUable, but that could be managed. In
the prisons of Saint Front were three Waldenses, who had been
promised their pardon, because they had, without any need for
the apphcation of the torture, confessed everything. We have
afready named one of them, Belangier Lanfre ; the others were
JuHan and Maria.*" To break promise to heretics could be no
sin ; moreover, in some way or other, justice must be satis
fied,*'" so these men were burned alive on the banks of the Po,
on May 12th of the same year. Many others of their co-religion
ists were arrested, and after being cudgelled, were sent out of the
country.*"-' Among the number was a man of the Bianchi family
and his mother, Antoine, George Mainero of Serre Oncino,
and Luchino VermineUa of PrariUelm. Nicolas Eosso of Mom-
bracco and his brother went to the stake a few days later at
Saint Front. FinaUy, on the 18th of July, the house where the
Waldenses were holding their meetings was demolished. Exter-
naUy it had, we read, a pretty appearance ; within it looked like
a labyrinth.*"* Even the name of the viUage of PrariUelm was
by order changed to that of St. Laurent; tradition, however,
laughed at the ceremony, and the former name continued to
be used. AU the property of the heretics was confiscated; one
thfrd went to the Lords of Paesane and Oncino, and the rest to
the Marchioness.*"*
Nevertheless, the fugitives hadreached the valley of Luserna, and
had scattered through the locahties of Eora, Angrogna, and Bobi.
They were not satisfied vrith the cordial reception given them by
their co-reHgionists. In vain more than once did they send up
petitions to Margaret to be permitted to return to their firesides.
FinaUy they resolved upon an heroic course. "A valiant
and courageous man among them — having been promised
by other exiles that they would foUow him and imitate his
example — went, well attended and unexpectedly, to risit the

The Waldenses of Italy. 145
houses and properties they had abandoned, then occupied by the
neighbouring, papists. With his two-handed sword he cut in
pieces aU whom he met with on the properties, both men and
beasts ; then, haring done this in one district, and having carried
away the goods found in their houses, in order to defray the
expenses of the journey, the party withdrew to another district.
Continuing in like manner, they so frightened the papists of the
surrounding country, that not only did they no longer dare to be
found in PraviUelm, Bioletz, or Bietone, but even trembled in their
own houses, so that they themselves prevailed upon the Marchioness
to permit the Waldenses to return and occupy their dweUings in
peace, with the enjoyment of thefr Hberties."*"'
Such, in brief, is the account of the return into their homes of
the Waldenses of the VaUey of the Po.*"* This took place in
1512. The local chronicle, which, as we note in passing, does
not agree vrith GUles' History, says not a word of the indiridual
who directed the return ; on the other hand, it furnishes new
details concerning the compromises stipulated for between the
Lords of the place and Margaret, and we are surprised to have to
note the intervention of the Pope. " In the year 1513," says the
chronicle, " about the 8th of July, Madame haring seen the par
don and absolution granted by Pope Leo to the men of PrariUelm,
Biolet, Bietonet, and Serre of Momian, her ladyship, in her tum,
pardoned the aforesaid, that is to say, as far as her jurisdiction
extended. Madame furthermore remitted to them two-thirds of
their goods, which had not yet been sold, and authorized them to
re-establish themselves in their homes on payment of 4,400
ducats, which they agreed to pay within a certain time."*"* All this
property put together did not amount, however, to even one-third
of the requfred sum, so that when the period had elapsed, as the
Marchioness did not receive her money, she issued a decree, dated
AprU 24th, 1514, ordering the Waldenses to leave the country
withui three days, under penalty of death. This decree appeared
so cruel that the pubHc conscience was shocked. A remonstrance
was addressed to the Marchioness, who finally agreed that the
Waldenses should pay down 600 ducats, and the rest of the
sum at the rate of 40 ducats per year. The Lords of Paesane, to
whom had faUen a third part of the confiscated property, gave it
up in thefr tum, under the foUowing conditions : —

146 The Waldenses op Italy.
The Waldenses were to pay the sum of ten golden ducats
yearly on St. Martin's Day ; they should see to it that the miU was
kept in good order, and they should be expected to bring in to
the Castellan of Paesane partridges, hares, and nests of hawks at
the price of three drachms.*"" After that, we learn that the Wal
denses of the VaUey of the Po began to lead, if not a peaceful
Hfe, one that was much more free from torment. Margaret of
Foix, more papist than the Pope, never became reconciled to
them ; and yet they had one thing in common with her, namely,
the Gospel text : " Si Deus pro nobis quis contra nos ? "*"' — with
this difference, however, that the Marchioness carried the motto
engraved upon her shield, whilst the Waldenses bore it in then-
hearts . Were it not for their faith , one could hardly account for thefr
return being so obscure (and yet so glorious) or even for its taking
place at aU. It was indeed a glorious return, for it proved some
thing better than their attachment to legitimate but material
property, which was, moreover, assm-ed to them neither by
right of conquest nor by that of re-purchase, nor yet by right of
birth. What the return ofthe Waldenses does prove, is fondness
for their homes, and also love, a holy love, for their country.
From this point of view, so Hmited an undertaking, hidden in the
darkness that surrounds the name, the figure, and the memory of
its hero, is far from being insignificant. Some have attempted to
throw ridicule upon it,*"' but the ridicule has recoiled upon the
traduoers. Who knows, after all, whether this first glorious
return did not suggest the idea of the second, the splendour of
which had the effect on the other hand of relegating the patriots
of the Valley of the Po more than ever to oblivion ?
Let us pause a moment to throw a final glance upon the
mother-colony of the Alps. We may, without circumlocution,
confess that it is impossible to ascertain with any certainty what
went on there. Persecution compelled the Church of the valleys
to sink into a silence which too often conceals her from our sight ;
her history, like the lofty mountain-tops, is enveloped, in the
mists of obscurity. We have noticed in the people certain move
ments in diverse directions. These movements cannot be altogether
accounted for by the numerical increase of the inhabitants ; it was
largely due to the inquisitorial repression, which enclosed the
settlers within ever-narrowing limits, and contended with them
for their property and the soU consecrated by their labour ; hence

The Waldenses of Italy. 147
emigration became necessary to the people, and it served, too, for
the development of spiritual life. The emigration, too, especially
where the least danger threatened, as between the two slopes of
the Alps, was continuous. But even there a danger was to be
apprehended: viz., the ruin of the community through dispersion,
unless indeed the Waldenses were careful to anticipate the danger
by pastoral action among their missionaries.
Who has not heard of the Barbes ? They are the most legiti
mate representatives of the early Waldenses, so much so that the
latter derive from them the nick-name of Barbets. The name of
Barbes was not invented, but borrowed from popular use. It
meant " Uncle."*"" We know that in ancient times — even now it
may stUl be observed — the uncle was a conspicuous character in
the family, especially when, renouncing matrimony, he gave himself
whoUy to famUy Hfe. He was the jealous guardian of the
family traditions, the tutor or pedagogue.*"" The children had as
much veneration for him as for their father, nay, even more when
the latter was neglectful of his office. By degrees, the name of
Uncle became a title of respect, which was applied to every man
who was venerable either by age or character. The Waldensian
Barbe may therefore be compared to the Elders in Israel and in
the primitive Church.*"* He was not a Priest, nor did" he aspire to
become one ; he did better — he threw the priest into the shade. *"^
His essentially moral authority was fed by the decadence of
official priesthood, and became the more real as the ecclesiastic
consecration became more Ulusive. The Barbe did not desfre
schism in God's family, he wished to see discipline ; he did not
assume, as a rule, the privUege of administering the sacraments.
He aimed, first of all, at preaching the good lessons of the Scrip
tures when on his visits, and in hearing the confessions of the
faithful ; hence the title of teacher, applied to the Barbes by
thefr disciples as well as by their adversaries,*"' and hence, too,
the usage which gives the name of schools to the places of wor
ship and the meetings at which they presided.
Attempts have been made to draw up a Hst of the Barbes,
that is to say, of the leaders of dissidence in the valleys of the
Alps before the Eeformation;*"* but these attempts must be
renounced. The following are the names of some of the principal
Barbes : —

148

The Waldenses of Italy.

Barbe Paul Gignoso of Bobi.
Pierre of Piedmont.
Antoine of Val de Suse.
Jean Martin of Val St. Martin.
Mauhien of Bobi.
PhUippe of Luserna.
George of Piedmont.
Etienne Laurens of Val St. Martin.
Martin of Meane.
These, according to Leger, dwelt in the valleys.*"*
Barbe Barthelemi Tertian of Meane may have been of the
same famUy as Jordan Tertian, the martyr. Leger says he was
called " the large-handed Barbe."
Barbe Jean Girard of Meane.
,, Tomasin Bastia of Angrogna.
,, Barthelemi ,, ,, ,,
The first withdrew to Geneva, and became a printer ; the
second died in Puglia, and the third in Calabria.
Barbe Jacques Bellonato of Angrogna.
Jacques Germane of Val Perosa.
Jean Benedetto.
Jean Eomaguolo of Sienna.
Francesquin of Val Freyssinieres.
Michel Porta of VaUouise, or of Pragelas.
Pierre Flot of Pragelas,
Jacques of Legero.*""
There is no attempt here at specifying the time at which they
lived, or even at uniting them in the same epoch. The weU-known
names of four contemporaries of the Eeformation may be set down
here : they are Barbe Pierre Masson of Burgogne.
,, George Morel of Freyssinieres, or of
Chauteloube.
,, Jean of Molines.
,, Daniel of Valence.
The Barbes have also been caUed pastors : they were so indeed,
but their parishes consisted of the dispersed tribe of the Israel of the

The Waldenses of Italy. 149
Alps. Anyone of them might have said, as Wesley did later, " My
parish is the world." They were both the messengers of God
and of their brethren, having their heart set on replacing the
light of the Gospel upon the hill-top, strengthening the bonds
which united the communities, and reviving languishing faith
everywhere. Their task was so vast that they were insufficient
for it, and oftentimes their grave and sober pastoral epistles had
to supply thefr places, as weU as might be, during enforced absences.
The letter of Tertian, aux grands mains, is a characteristic one.*"'
The Barbes carried on with very special solicitude the inter
course between the mother colony of the Alpine Valleys and the
daughter colony of Calabria. So great was their zeal for the
latter, that it might almost seem at times as if the ecclesiastic
centre had been established there at the end of the XIV. century.
According to a popular idea, based on the inquisitorial proceedings,
the leader of the Waldenses resided in Puglia.*"' A monk states,
after an inquiry had been held, that it was thence that preaching
in the vaUeys was provided for.*"" The reason for this probably was
that the Barbes journeyed ceaselessly to and fro, between those
two poles of the Waldensian mission in Italy. On the way they
visited individual brethren or scattered communities who awaited
thefr arrival, in order that the members might together receive
absolution from their sins. It has been claimed that in almost every
principal city there was some house used as a conventicle. It is
true that, with the exception of the room at Milan, which Has been
mentioned before, there is no certain information on this point ;
but traditions, vague though they be, are unanimous on the
subject. On this matter GiUes says : —
" The Barbes had in Florence a house belonging to them, with
moneys for their various needs, in going and coming through
Italy. They had another in Genoa, and several disciples there,
as also in Venice, where the minister informed GiUes, on the
occasion of a risit made by him to this place, that the faithful
numbered six thousand. There were also a great number
of disciples at Eome, and almost everywhere else."**" It is
possible that the statements are exaggerated, nay, it is quite
probable.*** We certainly know that the presence of a mission
house was rather the exception, and its absence a rule. Whether
by j)reference, or of necessity, the Waldensian missionaries
foUowed the example of the Apostles, and accepted from their

150 The Waldenses of Italy.
co-religionists hospitality for themselves, and accommodation for
their meetings.**^ We may notice too, the general assembhes in
which unity of faith and action was declared ; they were convened
with such circumspection that for the most part they were
unknown to the Church police. They are only mentioned once or
twice in the chronicles of that age. Here is an aUusion to an
assembly of that character. Pope John XXII. in his brief of the
year 1332, says : — " We Have heard that in the vaUeys of
Luserna and in the territory of Perosa, the heretics, and the sect
of the Waldenses especially, have multiplied to such an extent,
that they permit themselves to assemble frequently in the form of
a chapter, and their meetings number at times as many as five
hundred persons."
This was in the time of Aimon le Pacifique, and of Prince
Philip of Achaia. If the number seem a large one, it can after
all be accounted for without any need of asking whether Wal
denses only were there spoken of. It only requires to be admittel,
what is very obvious, namely, that the assembly was composed
not only of Barbes, but also of those faithful to the example of
the primitive Church, which class might include the Cathari. These
general assemblies were essentially missionai-y in character, as
proved by the assembly's management of the Waldensian mission
interests, and by their connection with the propaganda of their
brethren in Italy and elsewhere, and above all, in Germany. More
than once a collection of contributions of money for transmission to
the leaders of the Hussite dissidence was decreed.**' There were
periodical regular assemblies for the transaction of current and
extraordinary business, as the needs of the day demanded. They
always aimed at the " preservation of unity and the maintenance
of uniformity in the churches." At times, " delegates from all
quarters of Europe in which there were Waldensian churches " in
a condition to send them, hastened to be present at such meetings.
" Such was," says Gilles, " the character of the Synod held at
Laus of Valcluson in la ter times, when there were present 140
Waldensian pastors, who had come from different countries. At
other times they kept up communication by letter, as far as they
were able."***
The character of the Barbes is of primary importance ; they
were the Levites and the Judges of the Israel of the Alps. The
question whence they came may, however, stiU be asked. A man

The Waldenses of Italy. 151
did not become a Barbe in the same way as he became an uncle ;
there was, it is said, a school of Barbes. W^hat do we know
about this school ?
First, let us get rid of any ambiguity of expression, for words
are sometimes deceptive. There are schools and schools. It
was remarked before that this name was given to more or less
pubhc meetings presided over by the " teachers," that is to say,
by the ministers ofthe community. This usage, as has just been
said, *** betrays the spirit of dissidence. Let it be added that,
when coming from the pen of the Inquisitors, the expression is
capable of stUl further explanation, as Eoman Catholic custom is
against the employment of ecclesiastic terminology, when speak
ing of the usages of a sect. We must keep these distinctions in
mind, though it is to be confessed that, in certain cases, to do so
is not an easy task. Thus, when the monk, Vincent Ferreri, in
forms his superiors that the Waldensian schools found by him in
the valley of Angrogna were destroyed,**" what does he mean ?
Does he refer to forbidden meetings, or to the puUing down of
some house used for purposes of meeting, or to the school of the
Barbes ? All these hypotheses are possible, the more so that if
the school of the Barbes had a house of its own, it was according to
the tradition, at Pre du Tour. Yet Pre du Tour hardly suffered
any devastation but that effected by time, as before the Eeforma
tion at least, persecution did not penetrate there. Another Pro
testant author, Flacius, surnamed lUyiicus, whose testimony is
often quoted upon the point in question, relates that, according to
the official records of the Inquisition, there existed in Lombardy,
in the middle of the XIV. century, schools — that is to say, a
species of academies — where "sound Christian theology" was
taught ; thither contributions from Bohemia and Poland were sent,
and more than one student left Bohemia to go and attend the lessons
of his " Waldensian teachers."**' This time we have to do with
a school, above aU a Waldensian school.**' But where was it ?
At Pre du Tour, Waldensian historians have until quite lately
unanimously answered.**" It would seem that they are mis
taken; not because Pre du Tour may not be comprised
within the limits then assigned to the territory of Lombardy ; but
because Milan is specified by the writer quoted as the place of
residence of the teachers of the theology spoken of, and conse
quently the seat of the Waldensian school. Indeed, he adds

152 The Waldenses of Italy.
that, as early as 1212, there were at MUan adherents to the Wal
densian doctrine, and that some Alsatians had sent collections to
those MUanese " as to thefr teachers."*^" This agrees perfectly
with the testimony already gathered concerning that epoch. In
fact, the school of MUan was mentioned by Stephanus de Borbone.
This Inquisitor tells us that a Waldensian, arrested at JonveUe,
on the Saone, near Jussey, confessed to him that he had quitted
his country more than 18 years before to go to Milan and study
the doctrine he was now propagating. Moreover, Flacius*^* does
not ignore the existence of Waldenses in the vaUeys of the Alps ;
on the contrary, he shows that they there surrived persecution ;
but he finds no mention of their school in the reports of the In
quisition. That leads us to think that the school of Pre du Tour
was not so famous as has been thought, and that it has been
confounded Mith the school at Milan. The impression becomes
stronger when we find that " the college of Barbes furnished so
many pastors and so many evangelists to aU regions of Italy, and
even to Bohemia, Moravia, Hungary, &c."*^^ StUl, the school of
the Barbes did exist, and although a very modest one, it had its
mission and its merit, which need not be ignored. If thunder
bolts of eloquence were not forged there, the students were
taught to become something better than " riders of hobbies."*^'
There, far fromthenoise of large cities, under the shadow ofthe Alps,
there might be inhaled the peaceful calm necessary for meditating
upon the Scriptures. Faith might gi-ow in that austere soHtude,-
and character might be formed strong as the native granite.
The college of Barbes is kuownto date back to the time of Waldo
himself *2* After his time it simply multiphed. The Waldenses of
the Alps were not long in organizing it for their own uses ; their
tendencies, being both biblical 'and didactic, made such a school a
necessity. If, in addition to this, we consider the circumstances
of their new condition, and the wants necessarily created by
emigration, we shall at once recognise the fact, that if a coUege
had not previously existed, they certainly would have had to in
vent one. It appears to have had, for a certain time at least, a
fixed domicile, which everything tends to locate at Pre du Tour,
where, moreover, a vague recollection of it is preserved. Its name
exists as that of a smaU hamlet situated on the left bank of the
river, and overhanging the Httle valley.*^* ii house, which may
be seen at the upper end of the hamlet, contained until lately a

The Waldenses of Italy. 153
singular relic. It was a large stone table, more than two
metres square, by ten centimetres in thickness, and weighing up
wards of 80 tons. " It is generaUy believed," remarks the pastor
of that locality in connection with this subject, " that around this
table were gathered the pupils who attended the ancient school of
the Barbes. More than a dozen can be accommodated very com
fortably." " Formerly," he adds, " inscriptions might have been
read upon it ; but now there is to be seen nothing but a cross, which
might weU be an argument in favour of the antiquity of the
relic." The work necessary to reduce that enormous block of
stone to the shape of a table, and the almost Cyclopean efforts
necessary to transport it, and introduce it into the narrow room,
wherein he found it, ' ' show, ' ' says he, " very plainly that such labours
were rather the work of an association of men, than of a single
famUy."*^" Be that as it may, the name of coUege, fixed by local
tradition, has survived, and it will be difficult to explain it with
out admitting the existence at Pre du Tour of the school of the
Barbes. It would be interesting to know exactly what was taught
at the Waldensian school. On this subject the Barbe Morel
speaks as follows*^' : —
" All those who are to be received among us seek admission
on thefr knees,*^' with the sole object of performing an act of
humUity, doing this while as yet they live with their parents.
They ask, I say, those of us whom they meet, that we should be
pleased to admit them to the ministry, and they ask us to pray to
God for them that they may be rendered worthy of so high an
office. When we assemble, we communicate their request to the
brethren present, and if the applicants be well thought of, they
are admitted by general consent to receive instruction. As almost
all our new members come to us from the class of shepherds or
husbandmen, they are mostly from 25 to 30 years of age, and
quite iUiterate. We keep them on trial for three or four years at
most, and only during two or three months in winter, in order
that we may be satisfied that their conduct is irreproachable.*-"
This time is spent in teaching them to spell and read, and in
making them learn by heart the Gospels of Matthew and John,
the so-caUed canonical epistles, and a good portion of those
written by St. Paul ; after which our new members are taken to
a certain place, where several of our women, called sisters, Hve a
single life. They live here for one, and sometimes two, years,

154 The Waldenses of Italy.
ordinarily attending to mundane duties, if I must so describe any.
FinaUy, the aforesaid pupils are admitted to the pastoral office,
and to preaching, through the ceremonies of laying on of hands and
the sacrament of the Eucharist ; then duly instructed, they are
sent out in pairs to the work of evangelizing.*'"
According to this report, the school curriculum was very
elementary. It is difficult to find in it such elements of a com
plete preparation as have often been enumerated, viz., Latin
and the living languages, arithmetic, moral philosophy, and
the history of philosophy, medicine, surgery, and a technical and
professional education, besides fourfold theology.*'* Again, if
Morel's words be authentic, it does not follow that they must be
literally applied to all the phases passed through by the School of
the Barbes, then in decadence and apparently dispersed, nor in a
special manner to the College of Pre du Tour, which he does not
mention. During its flourishing period, that school might weU
have been a focus of Hght without enforcing such a curriculum as
that to which we have just alluded. Now it is this period that
seems to be reflected in the current tradition, and especiaUy in a
page of GiUes, which may be worth while quoting : —
" This Waldensian people has had very learned pastors, as
appears from their writings, well versed in science, and languages,
and in understanding of the Holy Scriptures, and of the writings
of the doctors of the ancient church. Above all, these Barbes
have been very laborious and watchful, both in instructing their
disciples properly in the love and fear of God, and in the
exercise of deeds of charity, and especially in transcribing for
the use of their disciples, before they had the conveniences of
printing, as much as possible the books of the Holy Scrip
ture ; for, as they were themselves marvellously well versed
and assiduous in the reading of it, so did they carefiilly
recommend the perusal of it to their hearers. They were very
careful in instructing the young, and especially the hopeful
students sent to them to be trained in true piety and the sciences.
From amongst these they selected such as in due time they
recognised to be fitted to enter the holy ministry, always retaining
them near themselves, and exercising them in aU needful things,
until they could be usefully employed ; the others they sent back
to their parents, or taught them some honest trade. Every one
of these Barbes, besides the knowledge aud exercise of the

The Waldenses op Italy. 155
ministry, was acquainted with some trade, especially with medicine
and surgery, in which they were very expert, and their skill was
held in great esteem. They practised their art both with a view to
render succour to their disciples, if need be, and to serve as a
pretext for, and aid in defraying the expenses of their distant and
dangerous travels."*'^
On reading those words, one understands how, under their
modest name, the Barbes were, after Waldo, the fathers of the
Waldensian Chm-ch. Every institution has its vicissitudes, and
after progress comes decline. On the eve of the Eeformation every
thing was on the decline — faith : Hght : life. But for the lantern
of Morel, the school itself which represented these virtues, would
have escaped our notice. It might be thought that the Walden
sian people had disappeared. However, matters were not so
bad as that, though after the Crusade, there was retrogression ;
they hid ; they dissembled ; they kept silence. The Brethren of
Bohemia were so startled hj these signs of decay, that they
demanded to know whether they were the only ones left to raise a
protest. They determined upon an enquiry, and a deputation
started for the East. After haring visited Constantinople,
Thrace, Palestine, and Egypt, it returned and related to the
assembled brethren the result of its mission. It wa.s pitiful and
without fruit, they said ; their journey had been a useless under
taking. False doctrine, evil customs, superstition, and relaxed
discipline, had become the general plague ; the world was sunken
in iniquity. Some time after this enquiry — viz., in 1497 — a new
deputation composed of two men, the Bishop Lucas of Prague,
who had led the first mission, and Thomas, the German, started
for Italy and France.*" This time the result was more encourag
ing, for in several localities throughout Italy, the deputies found
hidden a remnant that still feared God. There was such in
Eome, for instance, that avoided superstition and worldliness,
thanks to its clandestine meetings, though it escaped death only
through dissimulation.*'* One day the Brethren went to visit a
Waldensian, and to him they spoke of Eome, of the Beast of
the Apocalypse, and of the pomp and general corruption which
then existed under the reign of the Borgias. The Waldensian
deplored what he saw as much as they did, and waxed indignant.
" But why," he was asked, " do you not make a public
protest? "

156 The Waldenses of Italy.
That, he said, would be of much use, forsooth ; he had known
a man who had protested, and his fate was not such as to encourage
others to foUow him. This man dared to say quite loudly that
Peter did not act as now did his successor. They took him, sewed
him in a sack, and now he was drinking the water of the Tiber.*'*
That was an instance of How it was free for some to sin to then-
heart's content, to perjure themselves, to He, to waUow in all the
rices ; but as for teUing the truth, that must be very cfrcum-
spectly gone about, for the truth-teller's Hfe was at stake. As for
the speaker, he believed that it was better to eat the beast than to
be devoured by it. He held to that.*'" He might be asked as to
his duty to bear witness to the truth, but certainly he did not see
why, in such times as these, it could be wrong to act as did
Nicodemus, Joseph of Arimathea, and so many others.*"
The good brethren were much displeased at aU this.*" On
their homeward way it is conjectured that they may have
been witnesses of the death of Savanarola in Florence. The
purpose of thefr- mission brought them — -whether before or
after their visit to Eome we cannot say — to the valleys of the
Alps.*'" Here they were given a cordial reception and per
fect unanimity.**" They were impressed by the number of the
Waldenses, and greatly rejoiced to see the spirit which animated
them.*** After haring conferred with them to their hearts' con
tent, and not without profit to both parties,**^ they departed,
carrying away with them two letters in Latin, of which one was
addressed by the Waldenses to King Ladislas the Clement, for
the defence of their brethren who had taken refuge in Bohemia ;
the other from the pen of a certain Thomas " de fonte Citiculae,"
and destined for the missionary priests. The letter to Ladislas
testifies not only to the survival of the Waldensian dissidence in
the valleys of Piedmont, but also to the ardour of their polemics.**'
Oppression had only succeeded in arousing it stiU more. Being
obHged to dissemble, it became concentrated, and was the more to
be feared. It is not surprising that such as be oppressed lose
patience. Let it be remembered, moreover, that this time they
were subjected to a trial that threatened something more precious
than life, for their morals were calumniated, and their wrath
broke out at this. They protest that so far from its being true,
as has been said, that in meetings they gave themselves up to acts
of the most revolting immorality,*** it is a notorious fact that for

The Waldenses of Italy. 157
more than forty years not one among them had with impunity
violated the rule of good morals.*** Everything was aUowable to
the accusers, because the calumniated passed for heretics ; but
thefr adversaries, and not they, were the heretics. By slander of
that kind, their enemies had tried to persuade the King to drive
them out of his kingdom as though they were plague-stricken.**"
Thefr reply to all calumnies aud accusations was to ask that their
Hves might be equitably examined,**' and their,great hope was to
be found worthy to suffer in the cause of justice. Whatever might
be done, they would never be shaken. Who, they asked
with the Apostle, should separate them from the love of Chiist ?
Never should that plant, by God planted and watered with their own
blood, be rooted up. They asked the king to be sure of this : that
rather than abandon the truth and follow the path of falsehood,
they would, with Dirine help, endure chains, prison, and exUe, for
a long time, and in aU patience.**' The reason that the Priests hated
them was that their own deeds were evil, and the lives of those they
hated condemned them. They were hypocrites, given to aU kinds
of vice ; they desecrated the temple of God, and drew down his
just wrath upon themselves. They were suffocated with their
own fat, and inculcated the duty of fasting ; they wallowed in
debauchery and extoUed chastity ; they forbade people to enter
inns, and when evening came they became drunk ; it was when
they were fuU of lust and iniquity that they dared to present them
selves before God on behalf of sinners, though then their prayers
might ascend no higher than the roof of the church.**" The clergy
thought only of wielding power and heaping up treasures, and by
thefr means the church was being peopled with such as were as
horses and mules, in despite of the Holy Spirit, who said by the
mouth of the prophet : " Be ye not as the horse or as the mule,
which have no understanding."
The analogy between mules and monks was drawn, and it was
sought to be shown that as the mule is neither a horse nor an ass,
so is the monk neither man nor devil.**" To go to church where
such men officiated was a crime.*** The monks and priests were
become as filth, Hke the smoke of the lamp that goes out, learing
only darkness and a mortal stench.**^
The boldness of this language betrays the influence of the
Bohemian Brethren, who had sufficiently reproached the
Waldenses for their indecision. This influence is furthermore

158 The Waldenses op Italy.
acknowledged in another writing, only a few years later, in which
the Waldenses explained the reason for their separation from the
Eomish Church.**' Weshall have to return to this. It is impos
sible after these events to follow the circumstances of that revival of
Waldensian independence which preceded the Eeformation, with
its vicissitudes, the power it exerted, and the reactions it under
went, .-^fter a virulent protest, came compromises. To speak of
hating the Church and haring no part with the Priests, was
very easy ; but it provoked annoyances of all kinds ; it was a step
on the road to martyrdom, especially when every move was spied
upon ;*** for among those imitators of the Apostles, Judases were
found. There is nothing surprising in this, but it is none the
less distressing to be compelled to admit that it is true. " Among
the people of the lower class " — we are quoting the words of
Barbe Morel of Freyssinieres — " we have false brethren, who go
secretly to the monks, bishops, magistrates, or other agents of
Antichrist, and say to them, ' What will you give us if
we deliver the doctors of the Waldenses into your hands ?
We know where they are hiding.' " " As a matter of fact, we do
not dare to show ourselves everywhere publicly. When we do,
they consult together, after which these agents come in the
night time, often without our knowledge armed to arrest
us. 'Thus does persecution begin anew; it ordinarily
happens that one among us is led to the stake, sometimes
followed to his execution by several of our ]Deople ; sometimes
instead he is forced to pay a large sum of money."***
Under such circumstances one understands how, in order to avoid
danger, more than one Waldensian would still attend mass,**"
and, instead of the Ave Maria, say, perhaps, in an undertone :
" Den of bandits, may God confound thee ! "**' words which clash
somewhat with the Liturgy. All this was possible, even before the
revival ; it is the shade in the picture. According to the aUusions
of Claude of Sayssel, Archbishop of Turin, in the first days of
Luther's protest**' the rerival continued, and the small people he
despised was stUl to be feared in its profound retreat. He ascer
tained, indeed, the existence of a state not far removed from schism,
fbr the Waldenses professed that the sacraments were not to be
received save from the hands of a priest ;**" he deplores the fact that
certain people should believe the words of their heretical Barbes i^^'
he beheved it opportune to write a book to refute their tenets, and,

The Waldenses op Italy. 159
before laying down the pen, he entreats his flock not to give heed
to " those false prophets who come to them in sheep's clothing,
but inwardly are ravening wolves."*"* The Prelate had not finished
writing his polemic, when the world resounded with the cry of
alarm sent out from Wittemberg, and beyond any doubt, more
than one echo reverberated through the Alpine Valleys. The
following year Luther appeared before the Diet of Worms, only to
disappear immediately from the public stage into his retreat at
Wartburg. When he was thought to be dead he descended from the
mountain, Hke Moses, with the book of God; and the Eeformation
spread from city to city. At the same time it had sprung up in
Zurich and Basle, whilst it permeated the surrounding countrv,
thanks, to the preachiug of Zwingle and CEcolampadus. A son of
Dauphiny then came to Geneva and found the lamp of faith, at
the point of extinction. Upon it could still be read the inscrip
tion : " Post tenebras spero lucem." Farel relighted it, and
its first beams came to meet the little taper that had shone alone
fi-om the candlestick of the Alps. Three generations before,
it is said that Bishop Eeiser, on the point of death, had declared
that the Waldensian reaction was about to disappear in Germany.
It did disappear indeed, like the morning star, which is lost in the
fuU Hght of day. When the sun of the Eeformation arose, the
Waldensian light was shining still, if not as brightly, at least as
purely as in the past ; but in the presence of the new suu, it might
well appearto have grown paler. Morel testifies to this with childlike
simplicity, and an ingenuous joyful expectation, which recalls that
of the prophets of old : " Welcome ! blessed be thou, my Lord,"
he writes to the Basle reformer ; " we come to thee from a far off'
counti-y, -with hearts full of joy, in the hope and assurance that,
through thee, the Spirit of the Almighty wiU enlighten us."*"^
That is the last word of the history of the Waldenses before
the Eeformation. The cry of the navigator, who, at the early dawn,
saw the New World appear, was neither more sincere, nor more
joyous, nor yet of better omen. It was as if, from the valleys
there re-echoed the voice of Simeon, welcoming again the
Saviour of the Israel of the Alps.

160 The Waldenses of Italy.

CHAPTER THE FIFTH.

Literature.
Preliminary remarks. — The XValdensian dialect and a general
view of materials. — Versions op the Scriptuees — Early
versions which have disappeared — Those of Waldo and the
Walcle7ises of Metz — Ancient versions that have survived,
but which are contested — Manuscript versions of Lyons and
Paris — More recent but recognised versions — MSS. of Cam
bridge, Grenoble, Dublin, and Zurich — Comparative specimens
— Connection between these versions and what is inferred
therefrom ivith respect to their origin — A version in a foreign
tongue— MS. of Tepl. — Prose Writings — Those ivhich have
perished — Gleanings of original loritings — Compilations from
a Catholic source — The Doctor and the Orchard — Brainless
treatise — The coinmeiitary on the Lord's Pi-ay er — The
Virtues, the Canticles — Compilations from a Hussite source —
The epistle to King Ladislas — The treatise upon the cause of
breaking with the Romish Church — The collection of the
Treasure and the Light of Faith, containing The Ten Com
mandments, the Seven Sacraments, Purgatory, the Invocation
of Saints — The Power granted to the Vicars of Christ,
Antichrist, and the Minor Interrogations — Poetical Writings
— Contempt for the world — The Bark — The Lord's Prayer or
confession of sins — The new comfort — The new sermon —
The Parable of the Soiver — The Father Eternal — Finally,
the Noble Lesson, with critical notes — The conclusions from
this chapter summarized.
WALDO commenced his work with the assistance of two
scribes. Without being a man of letters, he gave birth to
a Hterature which was not only fortunate enough to Hve, but to
survive much that disappeared ; that of the Cathari, for instance.*"'
Viewed from a distance, it strikes the eye, much as might an

The Waldenses of Italy. 161
oasis in the desert. Gleaners have been attracted to its field
even before the harvest not yet ended. Let us also enter
there to bind, if it may bo, our sheaf, or glean at least a few ears of
com. In order to enter, it is necessary to have the key. Now
everyone Imows that the key to any literature is the dialect in
which it is written.
For the sake of greater clearness, let us with a good guide
begin on this subject at a somewhat early period.
" After the Eomans had conquered a country, they wished to
force their language upon it. They were, in many eases, almost
completely successful ; but by tho continual commerce between
the conquerors and the conquered, Latin soon became corrupted.
This corruption was, in different parts of the vast empfre of the
Caesars, according to the influences which were at work, brought
about in different ways. We may say that the popular language was
soon subdirided into as many varieties as there had been, before
the Conquest, populations speaking different languages. Of
the dialects thus produced, some, owing to a combination of fortu
nate circumstances, obtained a poHtical and literary development,
which has raised them to the rank of languages ; such are French,
Spanish, Portuguese, Italian, Provengal, and Wallachian. Others,
on the contrary, remained uncultured and conflned within narrow
limits ; these fell to tho level of patois. The different patois or
dialects of France are not, as has long been supposed, degenerate
offspring of the French language ; they are its real brethren,
humble and rustic, it is true, but legitimate offshoots from
the same stock, though their development ceased at different
periods of their growth. The patois of France may be sub
divided into two great classes ; some approximate to the French
language or langue d'o'il, others to the Provengal or langue
d'oc. The langue cl'oil prevails in Dauphiny, as far as the right
bank of the Isere, between the Ehone and the mouth of the
Bourne, there it crosses the river to take in a portion of Eoyannais,
Vercors, the vaUey of Gresse, that of Drac, as far as the Trieves,
and finally, the lower portion of the vaUey of Eomanche. From
the Grave, the boundary line seems to follow high crests of
mountains, almost deserted, in the direction of Mount Thabor,
and onwards to Mont Cenis. Following from north to south,
between Mount Thabor and Mount Viso, the principal chain of
the Alps, which forms the dividing line of the waters, there is

162 The Waldenses op Italy.
found on the eastern slope the vaUeys of Bardonneche, Oulx, and
Pragelas, which now belong to Italy. Descending toward the
south there are found the vaUeys of St. Martin, Angrogna, and
Luserna, generaUy known by the name of the Waldensian vaUeys.
StiU further south, upon the side of Mount Viso, the vaUey of
the Po begins, and debouches in the plains of Saluces. At the
southern extremity of the Marquisate of Saluces Hes the valley of
the Vraite. On the western slope are the vaUeys of Monetier,
Nevache, Bryan9on, Queyras, VaUouise, and Argentiere. These
last two extend as far as the slopes of Mount Pelvoux. The
region we have just indicated, forms, in the very centre of the
Alps, a distinct country, vrith customs and languages peculiar to
itself This latter, which is a dialect of the langue d'oc, has
almost become a language, thanks to the writings of the
Waldenses, but being constantly encroached upon by its two
powerful neighbours — ItaHan and French — it has shown a ten
dency to disappear. Eeduced to the condition of a mere colloquial
patois, it is losing its traditions, its rules, its unity, and is
becoming subdivided into a certain number of local varieties, in
which the ancient terms are gradually making way for the words
of the languages taught in the schools, these being more or less
disfigured by the effects of local pronunciation."*"*
Thus far philologists being thoroughly agreed, we may enter
upon the special subject under consideration.
If the dialect of Queyras appears to have withstood foreign
influences better than the others, that of the Waldenses has not
been totaUy absorbed. Having been more than its neighbours
employed in writings, we can understand how that circumstance
would for centuries contribute to the preservation of the Vaudois
dialect, and we might be amazed that to this day its character
has not been more perfectly described, if we did not know that it
had not been sufficiently used in writing to become thoroughly
established as a language. This is no doubt the reason why its
origin and formation are still discussed, without any definite or
unanimous conclusion being arrived at. Let us first repeat the
contradictory opinions brought out by the discussion. Perrin
hardly touches the point. He simply says that the writings of
the Waldenses have been recorded in a language " partly
Provengal and partly Piedmontese." Gilles, Leger, and their
successors, do not question his opinion, which is probably based

The Waldenses of Italy. 163
upon tradition. If this be so, fi-om the very first, criticism has
attempted to correct it. It is well known that the researches of
the critics were inaugurated by their leader, Eaynouard, and that
he expressed himself most unmistakably on this subject. " The
Waldensian dialect is identical with the Eomance language," he
says; and goes onto state that " the slight modifications, noticeable
when it is compared with the language of the Troubadours, are
explainable in such away as to render additional proofs of this
identity."*"* Those are the two principal opinions, which to this day have
striven for the mastery. We may profitably examine authorities
before arriving at any conclusion as to which view should have the
preference. Diez writes : " The original birth-place of the Waldensian
dialect must be the Lyonnais, where Peter Waldo lived. The
dialect became properly Waldensian, only by the emigration into
Piedmont of Waldo's foUowers, the dialect of that country haring
an influence upon the language, which was originally Provengal." *""
As to the relation between the Provengal and the Lyonnais, W.
Foerster, a worthy successor of Diez, in a letter addressed to the
vmter, has shovm that in certain particulars, the Lyonnais escapes
from the influence of the Provengal, and that it deviates from
the Waldensian dialect and approaches the French.*"' Therefore,
there is no reason for deriving the Waldensian dialect from that
of Lyons.*"' There may be nothing to prevent the idea that the
primitive Waldenses carried the Lyonnais dialect with them into
the VaUeys ; but before admitting that it was implanted, there
some traces of it should be pointed out. Thus far, no one has
succeeded in doing this. Furthermore, the influence of the Pied
montese dialect must not be exaggerated. Diez lays too much
stress upon it. If the old Waldensian seems to him already
different from the Provengal in some of its phonic characters, the
modern Waldensian is still further removed, " approaching the
ItaHan" to such- a degree that "its derivation from the ancient
language is subject to great doubts."*"" Griizmacher was inclined
to favour this opinion,*'" as well as Herzog and Dieckhoff.*'*
Montet adopts it resolutely, almost word for word ;*'^ he even
goes further. According to him, "the Piedmontese dialect even
tuaUy took the place of the Waldensian " as early as the times of
the Eeformation. As a proof, he states that "the acts of the
G 2

164 The Waldenses op Italy.
Synod of Angrogna of 1532 are written in a language greatly
resembling the Italian "*" But the language in which these acts
are recorded not only resembles Italian, it is Italian, as it was
then spoken. It would be a rash conclusion to determine the
character of the local dialect from the more or less frequent use
of that language in official documents, and we should be obliged
to draw an altogether different one from the use of the French
language, when it in turn was introduced. Montet is on this
point quite moderate when compared with Muston, who dates the
flrst influence of Italian a few centuries back, in order that the
birth of the Waldensian dialect may be attributed to it. He gives
himself up so entirely to this opinion, that, in the face of the
most reliable results obtained by the study of the Neo-Latin
languages, he has quite the appearance of wishing to uproot Wal
densian dialect from its natural soil for the purpose of relegating
it, we know not whither ; for he does not succeed in classifying
it as he claims, " with the family of dialects of Italian forma
tion."*'* Perhaps he hopes, by this new device, to restore faith in
Waldensian apostolic antiquity.*'* If so, his argument is founded on
awrong basis.*'" On the one hand, he tries to prove that whichneeds
no proof, namely, that the Waldensian language cannot be num
bered amongst "the French family ;"*" while on the other, he
invokes the support of the masters of comparative phUology to
refute the results obtained from the history of the Neo-Latin
idioms.*'" Indeed, if there be a point now thoroughly established,
it is that the origin and character of the Waldensian dialect are
Provengal. The facts are indeed so striking — at least for those
who make the matter a subject of special and thorough study —
that it is useless to contest them. Professor W. Foerster writes :
" The Waldensian dialect prior to the Eeformation was purely
Provengal in its idiom. With regard to the modern Waldensian
dialect it also is pure Provengal : but we must be on om- guard
against comparing it with the old Provengal. We shaU be con
vinced of this if we compare it with the modern patois of Pro
vence ou the ItaHan side of the Ehone. I must, however, after
my recent researches, confess that the traces to be found in it of
the influence of the Piedmontese, are more insignificant than I
had expected to find, though La Tour is, of course, not the place
in which it would be easiest to find these influences. Wherever
the Piedmontese of the plain had not penetrated, the Provengal

The Waldenses op Italy. 165
dialect has as to its construction remained intact. It is true that
there exist a certain number of words common to the Waldenses
and Piedmontese and unknown on the other slope of the Cottian
Alps ; but that number is exceedingly small." As for the words
which we owe to the slow but irresistible influence of the French
language, it is very weU known that they do not suffice to alter
the fundamental constitution of Waldensian dialect.
Thus the progress of linguistic science brings us back
to the principle established by Eaynouard, according to whom
the Waldensian dialect is Provengal, both iu origin and
character, though contrary opinions are still by some main
tained, less, however, with reference to the more or less ancient
written speech than to the colloquial dialect, which has a tendency
to deriate from it.*'" While the French continues its deleterious
reducing action, the influence of the Piedmontese patois and of the
Italian language have grown stronger, especially since the political
events, which unified Italy and gave the Waldenses public
Hfe. Waldensian dialect, Provengal as to its origin, is being
transformed and resolved into its constituents, not only in the
Valley of Luserna, but also in that of Perouse, more and more
may we, therefore, expect it to assimilate the patois of Piedmont.
Some think that a process of degradation may go on, which will ulti
mately cause it to be classed with secondary or tertiary groups
of dialects still unspecified. A " secondary group of dialects,
haring a Latin basis, and holding an intermediate place between
the tongues of oc and of si on the one side, and the tongue of oil
on the other," is vaguely spoken of, upon the authority of Pro
fessor P. Meyer, who seems at one time to maintain that the lan
guage of the Waldensian Valleys resembles the Provengal most ;
at another, that it has most affinity with the Italian, while at yet
another time he impartially declares that it is a " romance language,
hke Italian and Provengal, but equally distant from both."*'^ Facts
show that if the influence of Piedmontese and French be undeni
able, the Provengal basis is stUl there, evident and visible.
When we go back to the early transformations of the dialect,
or seek to separate it from the mother branch, there is difficulty
in understanding how the genesis and formation of Waldensian
Hterature may be explained. Muston, the poet, in his mind's eye,
saw Hterature springing up upon the Italian side ofthe Alps, even
before Waldo's time ;*" but such an idea need only be mentioned

166 The Waldenses of Italy.
to be dismissed. Herzog himself was not far fr-om going astray,
when he thought that the Waldensian writings, afready partly
compiled upon a Latin basis, had donned a Provengal form
in their second edition, and had afterwards undergone a new
rerision in order to become Vaudois.*'* A Hterature so edited
would thus be the one presented by the existing manuscripts.
There is no need for such an hypothesis as that of Herzog. The
ancient writings did not need to be re-translated into Provengal ;
they were Provengal, and their Waldensian character is revealed by
very slight modifications, of which Montet, as quoted by Griiz
macher, has given us an interesting specimen.*'*
The origin and place of the Waldensian dialect having been
indicated, the writings now come up for examination.
These writings, as MSS. of the thirteenth, fourteenth,
fifteenth, and sixteenth centuries, are to be found in some ten
Ubraries, namely, those of Cambridge, Dublin, Paris, Grenoble,
Carpentras, Geneva, Zurich, Munich, Lyons, and the vUlage of Tepl
in Bohemia.*'" Unfortunately, the history of these MSS. for the
most part escapes research, and we must be content to glean a
few items of information about the coUections of Cambridge and
DubHn. Archbishop Usher was the first to conceive the idea of
making these collections. As early as 1611, he was in search of
documents relating to Waldensian history, and in 1634,
he obtained from a French lawyer a series of very rare
Waldensian writings, for which he paid about 550 francs. The
series passed in its entirety to the library of Trinity CoUege,
Dublin. When in 1655, by order of Cromwell, Samuel Moiiand
betook himself to the Duke of Savoy to plead the cause of the
persecuted Waldenses, he was exhorted by the old Archbishop,
then almost on his death-bed, to profit by this opportunity for
procuring memoirs, and other authentic writings which might serve
to throw some new new Hght on Waldensian tenets. The British
envoy took the matter up heartily, and, on his return, placed a
valuable collection of ancient manuscripts in the library of Cam
bridge University. During the eighteenth century, an ItaHan
assistant at the Hbrary catalogued the coUection among the Spanish
writings, so that until 1862, their existence was unknown. We
can only surmise whence the manuscripts which are kept in the
library of Geneva came. In 1662, Leger deposited there a volume
which cannot be identified from the description he gives of it.

The Waldenses of Italy. 167
Upon the cover of one of the manuscripts there is found an
endorsement, which states that it belongs to the churches of the
VaUeys of Piedmont, " who pray the Genevese to keep it for
them." As will be readUy se.en, these details are far from furnishing us
with the necessary elements for an historical description of the sources
of Waldensian literature. It might be thought that a chronological
catalogue of these writings would be of service, but as yet no
arrangement of them has been made, and what is to be desired is
the work of eUmination and expurgation, rather than any addition
to the compUations already in existence.*" MeanwhUe, such a
general classification as wUl serve the purpose of the narrative,
must for the present be made to suffice.
The two scribes who worked with Waldo — one in the capacity
of a translator and compiler, the other as a copyist — seem to have
been the prototypes of a long succession of translators or com
pilers and copyists. If Waldensian literature does not shine by
its originality, it must be remembered that the ancient Waldenses
were not ambitious for literary fame. Those who reflect, wUl
agree that they had not leisure for writing, their whole lives being
spent in action.
Below is given a list of the versions of the Bible due to that
zeal in them for the Word of God ; which absorbed, as it were,
nearly aU the literary faculty they may have possessed. After
wards some mention wUl be made of thefr profane writings in
prose and poetry. I. — The Early Versions.
It is admitted, without contention, that attempts at the trans
lation of the Scriptures into the vulgar tongue had been made
before the appearance of Waldo, and that they served to sustain,
in some measure, the faith of beHevers, and to feed dissent.
Whether the Cathari were the authors, or even the users, of some
of the translations is not certain.*"
" The French Bible of the Middle Ages dates its origin back
to the first years of the XII. century at least."*'" Lambert le
Begue, a contemporary of Waldo, busied himself with the trans
lation of the Scriptures. Nevertheless, it may be said with truth
that the study of the Bible, which marks the commencement of

168 The Waldenses op Italy.
Waldensian history, also imbues its primitive Hterature in an
eminent degree.*"" This is an incontestible fact, but it has been
exaggerated — so much so, that every time a new feature comes to
Hght in connection with the Scriptural movement of the Middle
Ages, more than one writer hastens to recognize its Waldensian
origin.*"* Is a discovery of translations prior to Waldo made,
straightway without pausing they dash at a conclusion. They
argue that, as they find in the writing under investigation,
literal quotations from the Scriptures which are also found in
this or the other ancient poem of the Waldenses, the poem
must necessarUy date from Waldo's time, or perhaps to a
time anterior, and thus a conclusion is rapidly a.nd iUogically
arrived at. If such reasoners were satisfied vrith agreeing that
Waldo had predecessors, their logic would not be so much at
fault ; but with this they do not rest content — they claim that the
versions anterior to Waldo are necessarUy Waldensian, -without
considering that what they advance as proofs are only very bad
speculations, and they cite quotations which are nowhere to be found.
"I formaUy deny," says Eeuss, "that in any of those poems
there is a single literal quotation from the Bible ; if there were
any they might be taken directly from the Latin. "*"^ ]Moreover,
there is no Waldensian poem which dates back so far as the time
of Waldo. (a) Waldo's Translation.
The circumstances of the coming into existence of Waldo's
translation wUl be remembered.*"' Waldo desired to understand
the Gospels, and being a man of little education, he procured the
assistance of two priests, residents of Lyons, like himself. One
was a grammarian caUed Stephen, from the city of Anse, above
Lyons, on the Saone, where at a later period he held au office in
the cathedral. The other, Bernard Ydi-os, was a scribe by pro
fession. The merchant divided tho work between them in the
following manner : — One was to dictate the translation in the
vulgar tongue, the other was to write it. "In this manner they
wrote several books of the Bible, together with numerous excerpta
from the Saints, grouped under titles ; these they called sen
tences."^"* According to this testimony, which is entitled to more
credit than any other *"* Waldo's share in this work' was large

The Waldenses of Italy. 169
though modest. He is reaUy entitled to the whole merit, though
to give him this it is not necessary to surround him with a literary
aureola or make him out a critic. Gilly, vrith misplaced zeal,
goes so far as to see ui Lyons, a committee of rerision analogous
to those that have sprung from the modern school.*"" However
powerful our imagination may be, we cannot picture to ourselves
Waldo shut up in his study, like a cathedral Canon, carefuUy
and painfuUy coUating the manuscripts of VerceUi, Brescia, and
Verona, to disentangle from them the reading to be adopted in the
subsequent versions, in France as weU as in Italy, and even in
Spain.*"' Amusing though it be, under this fiction lies concealed,
nevertheless, a serious idea, of which we shaU speak further on.
In the domain of fact we shaU find something which concerns the
early Waldensian version.
From 1173 or 1177, the date of Waldo's conversion, to 1179,
the date of the third Lateran Council, to which from Lyons went
the Waldensian deputation, the interval is too short to expect that
in it there originated any new translation, other than that
of which we have been speaking. The Waldensian translation,
seen at Eome, and presented to Alexander IIL, was therefore
Waldo's, augmented perhaps, and already revised. Now, what
follows is the testimony of an onlooker ; it has already been cited,
and need now merely be recaUed. " Wo saw at the CouncU," he
vmtes, " some Waldenses, who presented our Lord the Pope with
a book, written in the Gallic tongue, and containing the text and
the gloss of the Psalter, and a great number of tho books of the
two Testaments."*"' That is what Map, according to Stephen
of Bourbon, teUs us. Both of them might well have been more
expHcit — we should like to know more of the nature of that
translation, its extent and its language. Two elements in it must
be kept separate — the translation and the annotations; Eeuss
attempted to define them, but did not succeed. If it were
proven that Map examined the books to which he aUudes,
and that he was sufficiently well acquainted with the dialect
in which they were written, Eeuss thinks that " we should
necessarily be obliged to admit that the work of the Lyonnese
was an annotated Bible, and as that kind of edition or copy
was very common, that would create no difficulty."*"" On
the other hand, is it not probable that if Map had been com
missioned to carry on a discussion with the Waldensian deputies.

170 The Waldenses op Italy.
he must have been able to go into their affairs with some know
ledge of the matter ? If we admit that, we are therefore
brought to believe that the first Waldensian version com
prised a certain number of more or less isolated books,
accompanied by notes, if not commentaries, aU coUected
into one volume.""" It was at most a collection, as Tron
says, " somewhat complete." As for the language employed,
that is sufficiently indicated by the local circumstances at
tending its publication. It was the language then spoken at
Lyons. But what was that ? This question, so natural thu-ty-
five years ago, is now about to find a definite solution. The
ancient Lyonnese dialect would seem to be " one of the best
known " among those which abounded in France. It is classified
vrith the Franco-Provengal group.""* If this be so, Eeuss may
legitimately repeat, that it is " impossible to admit that the dialect
used by the three citizens of Lyons in their work was the same as
we find in the Waldensian documents."""^ There is no longer any
danger of confounding it with that of Provence, which served for
other translations. What are we to conclude, if not that the
original Waldensian translation has disappeared ? Only, that this
disappearance may, after aU, be more apparent than real. It is
thought to be lost, and rightly so ; but it might be buried where
it is not sought for, namely, in one or several of the subsequent
versions, commencing with that of Metz, to which we are now
about to turn our attention.

(b) The Translation of the Waldenses of Metz.
Here, again, let us briefly recaU some cfr-cumstances which
have already been adverted to.""' This time we have a Pope for
vritness ; but his testimony is not immediate. The reader wUl
remember, that in his answer to Bishop Bertram, Innocent IH.
wrote : " You intimated to me by letter, that in the diocese of
Metz, as weU as in the city itself, a multitude of laymen and
women, carried away by I trow not what desfre to know the Holy
Scriptures, had the Gospels, the Epistles of St. Paul, the Psalter,
the Moralities on Job, and several other books translated for them
into French." ""* On this subject he asks for certain explanations
which have been lost to us.""*

The Waldenses op Italy, 171
The testimony of Innocent HI, does not take us very far ;
stiU he learned what he here states, fi-om a man at Metz, best
qualified to supply information ; he adopts the report unquestion-
ingly, as in fact his investigation is founded thereon. Indeed, he
requires nothing further than to discover the author of the trans
lation, and to verify in what spirit it was written,""" We can form
a shrewd guess from a hint that foUows, Possibly the author
was one Crespin, a priest, if not a friend of the Bishop,
for the latter particularly complains of the clergy,""' Be that
as it may, the translation was made at the express inritation of
the Waldenses,""' who in this imitated the example of their leader.
It could only have been written from the Latin text, in the dialect
of the country.""" When the clergy came on the scene to destroy
it, some copies that fell, into their hands were consigned to the
flames."*" This seems to us to be clearly shown by the testimony we
have just adduced, wherefore we must, to our regret, decline to
foUow Berger in his somewhat speculative deductions. " Did
it occur to anyone," he writes in connection with this, " to con
sider that the question may here refer to something altogether
different from a translation of the four Gospels and the fourteen
epistles of St. Paul, which are supposed to have disappeared without
learing any trace ? Suppose we were to Hght upon a manuscript of
The Gospels and Epistles for Sundays and Feast Days, with an ex
tensive commentary ; suppose this manuscript were by its language
referable to Lorraine, by its origin to Metz, and that its date carried
us back almost precisely to the time of Innocent HI., could one
refuse to recognize in it a stray relic of Waldensian literature, and
even a witness ofthe persecutions of 1139 ? What if the very size
and the whole condition of the manuscript seem to indicate one of
those little unpretending, inexpensive books made to be kept con
cealed, such as the books favoured by the middle classes at Metz
and the Poor of Lyons must have been ? It is a smaU volume,
written in long lines, the text in red, the gloss in black. The
character of the handwriting belongs ^to a period, not later than
the beginning of the XIH. century. The last sheet contains In
dulgences granted to the Minorite Brethren, written a hundred
years later. As Abbe Lebeuf remarked, the volume contains the
Gospels appointed for the last fortnight in Lent, with some
Epistles for the same season, and the gloss attributed to Haimon."

172 The Waldenses of Italy.
Berger then goes on to quote the first lines of this gloss, adding
these reflections : " There never was seen a more pious work, more
sober in sentiment, less tainted with the jargon and subtleties of
the Schools —in a v.'ord, more suited to the edification of those
simple and pious folk called the Waldenses. Nor would its title
in those days imply the slightest reflection upon their religion,
while in point of orthodoxy, the commentary is irreproachable,
and this, too, is quite the character which marks not a Vaudois
book, for tho Waldenses were not at that time bringing out books,
but a pious work, such as they would have got translated and
must have cherished. Among the hundreds of manuscripts of
the French Bible which have been preserved, almost all more or
less annotated and with commentaries ; this assuredly is the only
one in which both commentary and text might find acceptance
with Christians even at the present day, whatever their form
of worship.""** Curious and interesting as are such reflections, they do not
suffice to convince us. We shaU offer no objection on linguistic
grounds, although tho question of language, discussed by the
Secretary to the Protestant Theological Faculty of Paris, is from
what we can learn still far from being solved. We wUl assume
that "this New Testament in the Lorraine dialect, presents aU
the features of the orthography used at Metz in the most ancient
records;" nor shaU we stop to "inquire whether this manuscript,
in the sarae hand throughout, does not present inequalities of
idiom, warranting the conclusion that there is a difference between
the dialect in which it was written, and that in which it was
copied." Even if that be granted, would that solve the question asa
whole ? With difficulty, for in tho first place, whereas it was a ques
tion of a translation, it is now only that of Lessons, with comment
and gloss ;"*^ secondly — ^and this point seems important — the
Vaudois' version contained the Psalms, but the book referred to
by Berger does not. He is surprised that the Metz translation
should have disappeared " without learing any trace ;" but is he
not content to believe that perhaps the same thing happened to
that of Lyons — a hundred times more important from the great
ness of its prestige and the precious recoUections which surround
it? If the Metz translation did disappear, it was probably
because it was Waldensian ; while Haimon's paraphrased version
survives, doubtless because nothing about it rendered it suspicious ;

The Waldenses of Italy. 173
neither its orthodoxy, which is irreproachable, nor the name of
its author, who was no less a personage than the Bishop of
Halberstadt."*' Could Bertram have been ignorant of the fact that
this was the translation of a pious Catholic manual, written by
a brother Churchman ? If he knew, why keep silent about
it in his first letter to the Pontiff, and above aU, why be
scandalized ? If he did not know, must we assume that the
inquiry directed by Innocent IIL, and carried out by the clergy
was insufficient to open his eyes ? But then, why should the
clergy burn the translation ? We do not refuse to recognise the
relation, if any there be, between the above-mentioned Book of
the Gospels and the Biblical movement of Metz ; but why should
this exclude a less fragmentary translation ? When Berger teUs
us that " the Psalters, with and without annotations, were numerous
at the end of the XII. century," and reminds us " that the
period about 1170, was marked by one of the most remarkable
Biblical movements in all the region which extends from Lyons
to the country of the Walloons," we have no option but to conclude,
without him it is true, that there must Have been sufficient in
the world at that time, both for the Waldensian version and the
translation of the manual of the Halberstadt Bishop."**
This is what we had to say on the subject of our early Biblical
translations. Thus far the result of our researches has only been to notice
translations that have disappeared. But others survived the per
secution. First, there are one or two ancient ones, more or less
contested ; then comes a comparatively modern version. Let
us speak of them with their manuscripts, according to their
chronological order. -II. — The Ancient Versions.
Each is represented by one manuscript.
(a) The Manuscript of I/yons.^'^^
There are several features which call tho attention of the critic
to the manuscript of Lyons. It is somewhat unique, as compared
with those that wiU foUow it in this summary. It differs from
them indeed, and in more than one respect — first, outwardly ; then.

174 The Waldenses of Italy.
by the order in which the books are placed. First come the Gos
pels, the Acts, then the Apocalypse and the General Epistles ;
finally, the Episties of Paul ; but vrith this two-fold peculiarity,
namely, that the Epistles to the Thessalonians precede that to the
Colossians, and that the latter is foUowed by the Epistle to the
Laodiceans, known during the middle ages, but since forgotten.
Then, if we note that it is not divided into chapters as at present,
we have proof that the manuscript of Lyons dates back to a
remote period, inasmuch as this division was introduced in the
year 1260, and was not received untU much later."*" The text
presents but two omissions."*'. To this in itself very significant
feature, are added others, which show it to be necessarily a manu
script of the XIIL century. It betrays, moreover, a hand that is
Ul-acquainted with Latin. Is it the hand of a Waldensian?
Fleck, of Giessen, who was the first to examine the manuscript
of Lyons, attributed the translation of it to the Waldenses ; he
hesitated a little, however, doubting whether it might not come
equally weU fi-om the sect of the Albigenses. He conferred
with Fauriel, who went no further than to estabhsh that its lan
guage differs from the Eoman spoken in the vaUey of the Ehone.
GiUy as well as Muston number it among the Walden
sian manuscripts, without taking into account the considerable
difference there is between it and the dialect of the Alps. Accord
ing to Eeuss, the contrast is striking. Comparing, from a linguis
tic point of view, the Lyons translation with the version of the
manuscripts of Zurich and Dublin, he writes : " Not only does
the linguistic material differ, each making use of a great number
of words unknown to the other, but the grammar also is subject
to other rules, other forms, other terminations. Of course, in
comparing the two dialects with Northern French, and that of
to-day, these shades of difference seem to disappear. On both sides
is found a form of language which may be called Provencal, if this
term be taken in a very wide sense ; but only the most superficial
carelessness, and a total absence of phUological instinct, can avoid
noticing the differences. The dialect of the manuscripts of
Zurich and Dublin, which we are told is really of the VaUeys of
Piedmont, is akin to the Italian ; it is most certainly an Alpine
dialect, and we readily admit that it belongs to the eastern slope
of the range. The dialect of the Lyons manuscript has nothing
in common with the forms peculiar to the Italian ; it is akin to

The Waldenses op Italy. 175
Spanish. It belongs to the family of those dialects that were
comprised in the Limosine language, one which was formerly
proper to the countries that extend from Auvergne to Murcia, and
whose pruicipal seat was Catalogue and Languedoc.""*' There
upon Eeuss states, " with perfect assurance," that the translation
we are speaking of is the Cathari in origin and character. His
opinion is the generaUy received one, and more especially so since
the discovery made by one of his coUeagues. This, in a few
words, is the question.
The text of the Lyons translation is foUowed by a few leaves,
containing, as some have thought, a small ritual belonging to the
sect of the Cathari, or Albigenses. Cunitz is the author of that
discovery, and he hastened to publish the said ritual with some
very useful notes."*" From that moment the question was settled,
for Eeuss first of aU, and then for Herzog, Berger, and other
wi-iters, with the exception of Poerster, who has not yet hauled
down his colours, and who deserves attention. In 1872, this
learned philologist devoted his holidays to the transcription of the
entire Gospel of St. John, which he printed six years later. "^"
He did not lose sight of this work, which he must have desired to
complete. His opinion is therefore also based upon experience,
as well as that which, as we saw was so positively expressed.
Here it is : " The dialect of the Lyonnese New Testament is pure
Provengal, as spoken on the right bank of the Ehone, probably in
the departments of the Aude or the Tarn. I believe that version
to be Waldensian ; only the dialect in which it is written is not
the same as it was known in the valleys. It is only quite in its
infancy, and the homogeneous relations between the two, does
not imply an identity, which is lacking. I repeat, in my opinion,
the Lyonnese manuscript belongs to the Waldenses. It is weU
known that they were numerous, especiaUy in the department of
Tam." This is what the Professor at Bonn writes : " Here
again we would not desfre anything better than to be able to
adopt his view, but there is one little difficulty we cannot get
over. Admitting, what does not seem to be absolutely incon
testible, that the Lyonnese manuscript was written in the
district indicated by Foerster, what positive reason have we for
believing that it was the work of the Waldenses ? They were
numerous there, he observes, but were not the Albigenses there
before them ? It seems sufficient to us to recall the fact that,

176 The Waldenses of Italy.
among the localities comprised in this department, is that
of Albi, whence the Cathari derived the name which they
bear in the South of France. However, we desfred to place
on record here the statement of the learned philologist, and
we shaU follow it up with an avowal made by Eeuss himself.
" I can affirm in the most formal and positive manner,"
writes the latter, "that the version of the Cathari, such as
I know it through the manuscript of Lyons, shows not the
slightest trace of the dogmas peculiar to that sect.""^* After
this, what can we say, but that the ritual alone may
decide the question, to some extent at least ? Fcerster,
who has lately examined it again, thinks that it is not as certainly
belonging to the Cathari, as is pretended, and hc inoHnes to the
belief that it is Waldensian. "^^ This is not our opinion. We
beheve the ritual presents unequivocal traces of Catharism. The
mention of the doxology in tho Lord's Prayer, which is foreign to
the Vulgate and Eomish worship ; the quotation of the Prologue
to the Gospel of John, which was orduiarily used in the
Albigenses' worship ; the act of confession and tho expression
referring to the sins of the flesh, especiaUy the ceremony
of the consolamentum or spiritual baptism, are enough to give us
grounds for an opinion as to the origin of the ritual,"^' even though
we do recognize that it does not reveal that dualism which
distinguishes, even in its moderate creeds, the sect of the
Cathari; but for this, there is a very simple reason after
all, namely, that to proclaim this dualism in acts of worship
was contrary to usage."^* With these reservations, it seems
to us that too absolute an importance has been given here to
the fact of the ritual being appended. It has been held,
indeed, that the bibhcal passages quoted, agree in a striking
manner with the corresponding text of the translation opposite ;
but care has been taken to add also, that there is more than
one variation, hence some exceptions. This ritual does not
prove that the version it accompanies is of Catharin origin, but
only that the Albigenses adopted it. If the fact of a ritual being
appended were sufficient to settle, once for aU, a question of this
kind, this argument in itself would settle the question relating
to the version of Tepl, which is at present so much the subject of
controversy.

The Wai,denses of Italy. 177
(e) The Paris Manuscript.
This manuscript presents to us the books of the New Testa
ment, with several omissions."^" Th.e order of these books is not
that of the Vulgate, nor that of our ordinary Bibles. Tho Acts
foUow the (jospels it is true, but the General Epistle precede
those of Paul, as in the Greek manuscripts, as well as in diverse
documents of the Middle Ages. The text is not here divided
into chapters, as it is nc-.w ; it rcniinds one of the lectionaries
of the ancient Church. The portions taken for the Gospels and
Epistles for Sundays and Feast-days are marked, either by means
of special titles, or by an intc^r/ening space aud a difference in the
writing. Thus far the age of the manuscript has not been
ascertained ; but several indications — notably those haring a
bearing upon the language — serve to shov/ that it is very ancient.
The preface fixes tlie date of it within the first half of the XIV.
centui-y, and Bergor confirms this point. The dialect in which it
is written was the Provengal ; hence it is not demonstrated that
the editing was the work of the Waldenses ; nay, moro, there is
nothing to prove that it was done b} their desire. StiU, this or
that feature seems to betray a significant usage ; thus, for
instance, the index, wliich marginally notes those passages which
were the orcHnary subject of Waldensian preaching. According to
Berger, that indication betrays the hand of a Waldensian
coUater."^'* More than one passage should be read, however, before
arriving at conviction. Hero are a couple of examples : —
Non vulhas temer, petita companha, quar plac a vostre payre
dar a vos lo regno. Car ieu habitaray cn els e seray lur dieus et
il seran mon pobol. Car laveniment del senhor sappropria. Car
ancar un petit tant o cant eel que es avenir vonra e non tarzara."^'*
The foUowing passage betrays both grotesque and menacing
features : —
0 vas licz fatz ara ploras u dolas. Las vostras riquczas son
fachas poyiidas c las vostras vestimentas son maniadas darnas."^'
We again affirm that it would be arbitrary, from such examples,
arrive at a fi.nal couchision with respect to the origin of the
version in question, "'.^'e admit, on the other hand, that it is
much less controverted than that of Lyons ; indeed, one can

178 The Waldenses of Italy.
hardly say that any doubt is thrown upon it. Eeuss, who does
not easily take things for granted, recognized the authenticity of
it, although he had not the opportunity of examining the manu
script of Paris as thoroughly as he did that of Lyons. The only
reservation he made was the expression of a doubt whether the
translation of which we are speaking, although Waldensian, ought
to be grouped with those we are about to mention."'"
We shaU now deal with a translation of which there are
several copies, aU, with the exception of some slightly different
readings, agreeing. III. — The Modern Translation.
This is represented by fom- manuscripts. We will say a word
about each of them. (a) The Cambridge Manuscript.^^^
This was thought to be lost. It was not even mislaid, but
simply ignored ; which fact afforded the Librarian of Cambridge
University the satisfaction of bringing it to light, about a quarter
of a century ago. Its place of origin interests us directly, for Sir
Samuel Morland, who deposited it where it now is, received it
from the hand of Leger. "'^ It comprises, as a whole, the New
Testament, vrith the addition of a few fragments of the Old Testa
ment and of the Apocrypha.- Its omissions make it more defective
than its predecessors."" The order is as foUows : The four
Gospels, the Epistles of Paul, Chapter vi. of Proverbs, and
Chapters v. and vi. of the Book of Wisdom, Aets, the General
Epistles, the last few of which, as weU as the Apocalypse, are
wanting. The present dirision into chapters appears here for the
first time ; it is marked in red, with Eoman figures, and with
ornamental initials. According to Bradshaw, the writing belongs
to the end of the XIV. century, and Montet confirmed his opinion.
Were other indications wanting, the dialect leaves no doubt as to
the origin of this translation,
(b) The Grenoble Manuscript.^^
Muston writes : "I have reason to believe that this Bible is
the one which the Waldensian Synod purchased of an inhabitant

The Waldenses op Italy, 179
of Pragela, for the purpose of sending it to Perrin, to whom it was
conveyed by the son of Vignaux, Perrin exchanged it for
historical documents, furnished by a counseUor of the Grenoble
Parhament, named Vulgon. This man bequeathed his Hbrary to
the parliament, or the bishopric, and after their suppression, most
of the books passed to the city library," "'* The manuscript of
Grenoble, however, does not contain the entire Bible, but only the
New Testament^complete this time ; together with Ecclesiastes,
twelve chapters of Proverbs, ten chapters of the Book of Wisdom,
and fifteen chapters of the Book of Jesus, son of Sirach."'" This is
the order of the books : the four Gospels, the Epistles of Paul
and General Epistles, Acts, and Apocalypse. Then come the
excerpta of the Old Testament we have just mentioned, as well as
the Apocrypha, and a few exegetic or homiletic selections, on the
Beatitudes and the Lord's Prayer, with a table of Lessons for
Sundays and Feast-days."" The division into chapters is that of
the Vulgate."" The books have each a prolegomena, borrowed
fi-om St. Jerome. The writing is of the XVI. century, according
to Herzog ; "'" at any rate sufficiently close to the date of the
manuscripts that stUl remain for us to mention.
(c) The Dublin Manuscript.^^"
This is so legible, that one is tempted to believe it to be the
one referred to by Perrin, when he ..writes: "We hold in our
hands a New Testament, on parchment, in the Waldensian dialect,
very weU written, although in very ancient characters.""** This
is the more probable, as among the Waldensian manuscripts pre
served in Dublin there is a certain document annotated by his
hand. Herzog, having transcribed it, deposited the copy in the
Eoyal Library of BerUn,"*^ in the hope that the Prussian Govern
ment, which had favoured him in his work, might direct it to be
printed. This, however, did not take place. There we have the
New Testament entire ; also. Proverbs, Ecclesiastes, Canticles,
the Book of Wisdom, and the first twenty-three chapters of the
Book of Jesus, son of Sirach. Nothing is omitted in this version.
In examining this manuscript, we are led to believe that it is the
copy of one more ancient,"*^ which Gilly and Muston erroneously
thought to be that of Grenoble."** The former has abandoned that
opinion, and claims only a " certain affinity.""** The books come

180 The Waldenses of Italy.
in the following order : — The four Gospels, the Epistles of Paul,
Acts, the General Epistles, and the Apocalypse ; then, as a sort
of appendix, come the five Books of Wisdom, of the Old Testa
ment, following the Vulgate, as we have mentioned them. Almost
every book is preceded by a prologue from St. Jerome. The
division of the text corresponds with that of the present chapters,
with very slight exceptions, and there is no sub-division. In the
handwriting of the copyist, at the end of Apocalypse, the words,
" Deo gratias, 1522," are added. This date manifestly indicates
that of the manuscript, and the point is not disputed. Another
hand has noted on the margin a considerable number of parallel
passages. (d) The Zurich Manuscript. ^'^
According to a note found at tho head of this manuscript, we
learn that it was presented to the Academy of the town in 1692,
by a Waldensian pastor named GuUlaume Malanot."*' A second,
more recent note, also states in Latin that the New Testament
therein contained was translated and written "in the ancient
Waldensian-Piedmontese dialect, by a certain Barbet, or nnnister
of that church.""*' Once more, therefore, we are deahng with a
copy of the New Testament that came from Waldensian vaUeys ;
indeed, we find here all tho New Testament, with a very few
omissions."*" The books follow in the order adopted at present,
namely : the four Gospels, Acts, Epistles of Paul, the General
Epistles, and Apocalypse. Excepting slight variations of read
ing, which have been marked,"*" the text again presents the
ordinary dirision into chapters, as well as the sub-dirision of
chapters into four or seven sections, or portions, indicated by
the first letters of the alphabet. Finally, we read on the mar
gin, references to a large number of parallel passages, of which
several are from tho Old Testament and Apocryphal books."**
These references are written by the copyist. The age of the
manuscript is fixed. The subdivision alone proves that it cannot
date further back than the year 1490, nor further forward than
1550."*^ But we find a stUl more significant feature. It has been
proved for some time past, that this version, espsciall}- subsequently
to the Epistle to the Eomans, took into account the Greek text pub
lished by Erasmus in 1516."*' This fact does not constitute a

The Waldenses of Italy. 181
separate version. The manuscript of Zurich is a copy of an older
version, somewhat corrected, and that is all.
After these rudimentary remarks upon the manuscripts that
have preserved for the Waldenses the existing versions, it may
not be out of place to extract a few parallel passages from them,
in order to present a sniaU comparative specimen. It is for this
purpose that we reproduce here the prologue to the Gospel of
John, and excerpta from the Sermon on the Mount, among others
the Lord's prayer, and finally, the parable of the Prodigal
Son."**

182

LE PEC

y' 
MS. de LTON.
In principio erat verbum,
et verbum erat apud Deum
e Deus era la paraula.
Aisso era el comenzament
ab Deu. Totas causas so
faitas per lui, e senes lui es
fait nient. Zo qu'es fait en
lui era vida e la vida era
lutz dels homes. E la lutz
lutz en tenebras, e las tene
bras no la presero.

MS. de PARIS.
Lo filh era al comensa-
ment, el filh era am Dieu e),
filh era Dieus. Aquest era
al comensament am Dieu.
Totas cauzas foron fachas
per el, e nenguna causa non
fon fach senz el. So que
fon fach era en lui vida, e la
vida era Ius dels homes. E
la Ius Ius en tenebras, e tene
bras non compreenseron lui.

MS. de CAMBRIDGI
Lo filh era al comment
ment, e lo filh era enaj
Dio e Dio era lo filh. Ai
era al comenczament enap
Dio. Totas cosas sonfi
tas per luy, e alcuna ^
non es faicta sencza luy,
que fo faict en lui era vi
e la vita era lucz de li oi
E la lucz luczit en las tft
bras, e las tenebras ?
compreseron ley.

MS. de LYON.
Bonaurat so li paubre per esperit, quar de
lor es lo regnes del eel.
Totz hom qui au la mia paraula aquesta
et la fa, es semblantz a Thome savi qui
endefiquet sa maiso sobre peira. E deis-
sendet la pluia, e vengro li fium, e bufero li
vent, et espeissero la maiso, e no cazet, quar
fermada era sobre ferma peira. E totz hom
qui au la mia paraula e no la fa, es sem
blantz a Thome fol qui endefiquet la sua
maisso sobre arena. E deissendet la pluia,
et vengro li fium, et espeissero, e la meissos
cazet, e fo grans lo cazementz.

FEAI
DU SERMON m
MS. de CAMBRIDGE.

Tot aquel loqual au aquestas mias ]
roUas e fay lor sere semblant al baronii
loqual hedifique la soa maison sobre
peira. E la ploya deiscende e li fium y,
gron e li vent bufferon e embriveron
aquella meison e non cagic. Car era fiii
sobre la ferma peira. E tot aquel que
aquestas mias paroUas e non fai lor SI
semblant al baron fol loqual hedifique la f
maison sobre larena e la ploya deisende f
fium vengron e li vent bufferon e embriver
en aquella maison e cagic. E lo trahui
ment de ley fo grant.

MS. de LYON.
Le nostre paire qui es els eels sanctifi-
catz sia lo teus noms, avengalo teus regnes
e sia faita la lua volontaz sico el eel et e la
terra. E Bona a nosoi lo nostre pa qui es
sobre tota causa. E perdona a nos les nos-
tres deuntes aissico nos perdonam als nos-
tres deutors e no nos amenes en temtation.
Mais deliura nos de mal.

MS. de CARPENTRAS.
O tu lo nostre payre lo cal sies en li c
lo tio nom sia santifica. Lo tioregnevegi
La toa volonta sia fayta enayma ilh es faj
al eel sia fayta en la terra. Donas nos i
coy lo nostre pan cotidian e perdona a n
li nostre peca enayma nos perdonen a qu
que au peca de nos. El nod nos menar
temptacionmas deyliora nos de mal. Am*

.OGUE

18a

y 
MS.deGEENODLE.
Lo filh era al comenza-
int e lo filh era enapres
.0 e Dio era lo filh. Aizo
\ alcomenzament enapres
10. Totas cosas son faitas
r lui, e alcuna cosa non
faita senza lui. Zo che
fait en lui era vita, e la
Sa era luz de li ome. E la
^ Infic en las tenebras, e
.' tenebras non compre-
:on ley.

MS. de DUBLIN.
Lo filh era al comencza
ment, e lo filh era enapres
Dio e Dio era lo filh. Aiczo
era al comenczament ena
pres Dio. Totas cosas son
faitas per luy, e alcuna cosa
non es faita sencza luy. Co
que fo fait en luy era vita, e
la vita era lucz de li home.
E la lucz lucit en las tene
bras, elas tenebras non cum-
preseron ley.

MS. de ZURICH.
Lo filh era al comencza
ment, e lo fllh era enapres
Dio, e Dio era lo filh. Aic
zo era al comenczament ena
pres Dio. Totas cosas son
faitas per luy, e alcuna cosa
non es fayta sencza luy.
Czo que fo fait cn luy era
vita, e la vita era lucz de U
home. E la lucz luczit en
las tenebras, e las tenebras,
non compreseron ley.

ENTS
i MONTAGNE.

MS. de DUBLIN.
paure per sperit son beneyra, car lo
regne de li eel es de lor messeyme.
lot aquel que au aquestas mias parollas
'i.j lor sere semblant al baron savi loqual
fnque la soa meyson sobre la peyra. E
ploza deysende e li fium vengron e li vent
iferon e embriveron en aquella maison e
n cagic. Car era funda sobre la ferma
rra. E tot aquel que au aqueslas parol-
e non fay lor sere semblant al baron fol
[ual ediffique la soa maysen sobre larena.
la ploya deysende e li fium vengren e li
It bufteron e embriveron cn aquella may-
le cagic e lo trabucament de ley fo
mt.

MS. de ZURICH.
Li paure per sperit son beneura, car lo-
regno de li eel es de lor.
Tot aquel lo qual au aquestas mias pa
rollas e fay lor sere semblant al baron savi
loqual a edifica la soa meyson sobre la peyra.
E la ploya desende e li fium vengron e li
vent bufferon e embriveron en aquella may-
son e non cagic. Car ilh era fonda sobre
la ferma peyra. E tot aquel que au aques
tas mias parollas e non fay lor sere sem
blant al baron fol loqual eydifique la soa
mayson sobre larena. La ploya deysende
e li fium vengron e li vent bufferon e em
briveron en aquella mayson e cagic e lo tra
bucament de ley fo grant.

MS. de DUBLIN.
) tu lo nostre payre, lo qual sies en li eel,
teo nom sia sanctifica. Lo teo regne
ua. La toa volunta enayma ilh es fayta
!el sia fayta en la terra. Dona a nos
uoy lo nostre pan quottidian, e perdona
OS li nostre debit enayma nos pardonen
I nostre debitor. E non nos menar en
tation, mas lesliora nos de mal. Amen.

MS. de ZURICH.
O tu lo nostre payre loqual sies en li eel
lo teo nom sia santifica, lo teo regne vegna,
la toa volunta sia fayta enayma ilh es fayta
al eel sia fayta en terra. Donna nos encoy
Io nostre pan cottidian. E nos perdonna li
nostre pecca enayma nos perdonen a aquilh
que an pecca de nos. E non nos menar
en temptacion. Mos deyliora nos de mal.

184

LA PARABOLE E

MS. de LYON.
Us hom ac dos fils e dix lo plus ioves
daquels al paire, paire dona a mi ma part
de laver que mi pertanh. E departic ad els
laver, e no seguentre raoutz dias aiustec to
tas sas causas lo fils pus ioves. E anec sen
en autra terra en rogio londana, e aqui
espendec tot so aver ab las meretretz (1)
vivent luxciosaraent. E seguentre que fo
aio tot cosumat, faita es grans fams en
aquela regio. Et el comenzec fraitura az
aver. E anec et aiustec se ab u ciutada
daquela regio, e trames lo sa vjla que gardes
Ids porx. E cobezeiava omplir so ventre
dels esparx de que maniavan li pore, e negu
hom no li dava. Mals essi tornatz dix cant
servent e la maiso de mo paire avondo de
pas, mais euaiciperisc de fam. Lovarei e
anarei al meu paire, e direili : Paire pequei
el eel e denant tu e ia no so dignes esser
appellatz tos fils fai me sico i de tos sirventz.
E levant vene a so paire. E cum encara
fo lunh vi lo lo paire de lui, e pres lui
misericordia, e corentz gite se sobrel col de
lui e baisec lo, e dix a lui lo fils : Paire
pequei el eel e denant tu ; ia no so dignes
esser apelatz tos fils. E dix lo paire a sos
sirventz : Viasament aportatz ii vestiment
prim e vestelz loi, et datz li anel e sa ma, e
eausamenta els pes, et aduzets i vedcl gras
et aucisetz lo, e maniarem largament. Qui
aquest mens fils era mortz e resuscitec, peric
esatrobatz. E comenzero a largueiar. Et
era lo fils de lui maier el camp. E cum
vene et apropiec de la maiso auzic las simp-
honias els corns (2) e apelec us dels sirventz
e demandec a lui que era aiso, et el dix a
lui ; Tos fraires vene et aucis lo teus paire
i vedel gras que salv lo reeep. Et saub li
mal, e no la vols intrar. Peraico lo pairo
de lui issitz comenzec lo apregar. Mais el
respondentz dix al paire. Veo te que tot
an eu servisc a tu et anc lo teu mandainent
no traspasei, etanc nom donest i cabrit que
ab los raeus amix manies. Mais al seguen
tre lo teu fil aquest que despendec tot so
averab las meretritz vene et aucizestalui u
vedel gras. Et el dix a lui ; Fils tota ora
est ab mi e totas las mias causas so tuas.
Mais largueiar et alegrar nos covenia, que
tos fraire aquest mortz era e resuscitec, pe
ric es atrobatz.

MS. de PARIS.
Uns ome at dos filhs, e dis al paire
plus iove des filhs : payre dona a mi la p
della sustancia que me aperte. E depar
lurla sustancia. Et apres non gaire ioi
lo filh plus iove aiostadas totas sas cau
annet en pellegrinage eu lunhana terra,(
aqui vivent luxurie sament destrui sa 8\
tancia. E pueisque ac degastadas totas i
cauzas fon fac grans fams en aquella ter
Et el meteis comenses a besonhar et ail
tet se amb ii daycella terra e trames lo
sa vUa que pogues payser los pores. (
desirava implir son ventre de las castanh
que maniavan li pore e nenguns non (
donava. E retornat en si dis : 0 qua
logadiers an habundancia de pan en la ma
zon de mon paire et ieu perisc aysi de fc
Levaray me et annaray e mon paire e diri
1 : Payre peccat ay contra lo eel e davit
tu, e non sui dignes que sia appellatz ti
filh. Si tis plas fay me aysi conudet
loguadiers. E levet se e vene a son pail
E can fon davant son paire el paire lo v
fo mogut de misericordia. E corret ves
et abrasset lo. E dis li lo filh : Paire i
ay peecat contra lo eel e davant tu ; y
non sui dignes esser appellatz ton filh.^.
1 paire dis a so sers : Aportatz tostlaprir
estola e vistes lui e das li lanel en la ma
eausamenta es pes de lui, et aduzes lo ve(
gras et aucizes lo e maniem e sadoUi
nos, quar aquestz mos filhs era mortz e i
vioudes, era perit et es trobatz. B comi
ceron a maniar. E 1 plus ancians filhs
lui eran el camp. E vengron de fora
can foron prop de lostal auziron estriime
e van demandar a un lur sers que es ayso
1 sers va dir ; Tos fraires es vengutz e j
payres fes aucir lo vedel gres e fa g|
festa. Bt aquel fon endignat e non n
intrar. Adonc lo paire issi e comenset
a pregar, et el dis a son paire : Yen ay s
vit a vos per tant de temps et anc non t
passiez ton comandament, ni anc non
doniesti mosel que manies am mes am
Et aquest ton filh que es vengut a devo
sa sustancia en mala vida e per el as ai
lo vedel gras. E 1 paire va li dir : Filf
iest am mi tota ora e totas mas cauzas i
tieu as e covenia far festa, quar aquest
fraires era mort e revioudet, era perit el
trobatz.

i. Ah las mtretretz is foreign to the text, and Is taken from v. 30.
ii. The Latin text has chormn. The translator has doubtless read comua.

185

ENFANT PRODIGUE.

/ —
MS. de GRENOBLE.
Fn home ac duj filh, e lo plus jove dis al
¦e : 0 paire, dona a mi la partis de la sub-
icia que se coven a mi. E departia a los
ubstancia. E enapres non moti dia, lo
plus jove, ajostas totas cosas, ane en
egrinage en lognana region, e degaste
i la soa substancia, vivent luxuriosament.
lois quel ac consuma totas cosas, grant
fo fait en aquella region. E el com-
ice have besogna, e ane e se ajoste a un
,adin da quella region. E trames le en
oa vila qu'el paisses li pore. E cubitava
)lir lo seo ventre de las silicas que man-
,n li pore, e alcun ne donava a le. Me
irna en si dis : Quanti mercenar habun-
i de pan en la meison del meo paire,
(?) yo perisso aici de fam. Yo me
jey e anarey al mio paire e direy a le :
aire, yo pechey al eel e devant tu e ia
soy degne esse appela, lo teo filh, fay mi
yma un de li teo mercanar. E levant
c al seo paire. Mos come el fos encara
ong, lo seo paire vec lui e fo mogu de
ericordia, e corrent, cagic sobre lo col
e e bayse le. E lo filh dis a le : O paire,
pechey al eel e devant tu yo ne soy
ne esse apella lo teo filh. Mes lo paire
al seo serf: fo (?) raporta viagament la
miera vestimentae vestic le, e done anel
la man de le e cau^amentas en li pe, c
mi vedel gras e Toccien, e manj en a ale-
a ; car aquest meo filh era mort e es
scola, e era perdu e es atroba. E com-
iceron alegrar. Mes lo filh de le
i velh era el camp e cum el vengues e
Dropies a la meison, auvie la calamella e
:ompania. e appele un de li serf e de-
ide qual fossan aquestas cosas. E el dis
: Lo teo fraire vene e lo teo paire oceis
el gras, car el receop lui salf. Mes el
ndegna e non volia intrar. Me lo paire
e issi, commence pregar li ; mes el re-
dent dis al seo paire : Veto yo servo a
jer tanti an e unque non tranpassey lo
coromandament, e unque non dones a
labri que yo manjes cum li meo amic.
I poisque aquest teo filh lo qual devore
lasubstaiicia cum los meretriees esvengu
ceies a le vedel gras. Mes el dis a lui :
Ih, tu sies tota vi cum mi, e totas las
i cosas son teas, mes la conventava man-
3 alegrar, car aquest teo fraire era mort
revisuola, e era perdu e es atroba.

MS. de ZURICH.
Un home havia duy filh, e lo plus jove dis
al seo payre : 0 payre donna a mi U partia de
la substancia que se coven a mi. E el departic
a lor lasubstancia. E enapres non moti nia lo
plus jove filh aiosta totas oosas,anne;enpele-
grinaie en lognani region e degaste aqui la
soa substancia vivent luxuriosament. E pois
quel hac consuma totas cosas grant fam fo fait
en aquella region. E el comence a haver bs-
song e anne e aioste se a un cittadin da-
quella region. E el trames luy en la soa
Vila quel paisses li pore. E desirava de
umplir lo seo ventre de las silicas que
maniavan li pore, e alcun non en donava
a luy. Mas el retorna a si dis. 0
quanti mercenar habundia de pan en la
maison del meo payre, mas yo periso aici
de fam. Yo me levarey e anarceyalmeo
payre e direy ii luy : O payre yo pequei al
ciel e devant tu e ia non son degne esser
apella lo teo filh, fay a mi enayma a un de
li teo mercanar. E levant vene al seo
payre. E cum el fossa encara de long lo
seo payre vec luy e fo mogu de misericordia
e corrent cagic sobre lo col de \a.y e bajse
luy. E lo filh dis a luy : 0 payre yo
pequey al eel e devant tu jo non soy degne
esser apella lo teo filh. Mas lo payre dis a
li seo serf : Aporta viaczament la prumiera
vestimenta e veste luy e donna anel en la
man de luy e cauczameiita en li pe de luy.
E amena vedl gras e aucie luy e manien
e nos alegren ; car aquest meo filh era agu
mort e revisque e era peri e es atroba. E
comenoeron a maniar. Mas lo filh plus
velh era al camp e cum el vengues e se
apropies a la mayson, auvic la sintonia e la
cumpagnia, e el apelle un de li servitor e
demande qual cosa fos aiczo. E aquest dis
a luj'. Lo teo fayre vene e lo teo payre
aucis vedl gras e receop luy salf. Mais lo
frayre fo endegna et non volia intrar.
Donea lo payre issic e comence a pregar
luy. Mas el respondent dis al seo paj're :
Veto yo servo a tu per tanti an e unca non
trapassey lo teo cumandament, e unca non
denies a mi un cabri que manjes cum li meo
amic. Mas pois que aquest teo filh vene
loqual degaste tota la sua substancia cum
las meretriez, tu aucies a luj' vedel gras.
Mas el dis a luy : 0 filh tu sies tota via cum
mi et totas lamias cosas son teas. M s la
coventava anos maniar e alegrar. Car
aquest teo frayre era agu mort e rev que,
era perdu e ef atroba.

186 The Waldenses of Italy.
Of course the reader will understand that these specimens are not
intended to serve for a comparative study, from an exegetic point
of view ; but only to show the difference of the dialects. An
exegetic study would require a more extended table, containing, at
least, numerous fragments from the Book of the Acts of the
Apostles, in which, more than elsewhere, are evident the variety
of som-ces, or readings, followed by the translator. StUl, it is
quite clear from these specimens that the six manuscripts we have
referred to represent but three principal versions, rendered into as
many distinct sub-dialects. The thu-d version has given rise to a
series of revisions differing only in sHght pecuUarities. It is true
that the Zurich manuscript possesses pecuUarities which make
of it almost a revised edition ; but it is only in the second part of
the New Testament that we find these peculiarities. The above
are by no means all the manuscripts that have been identified
with the history of the Waldensian Bible ; but such as are men
tioned, besides these, could not be inserted in the above table. A
manuscript belonging to Aix has been mentioned, but it is not
known,^** and as for the others, they are not Waldensian.^*^ Who
can teU us, however, whether such a revised edition may not have
met the fate of the primitive versions ? Who can enumerate aU
the manuscripts that have been lost ? If we think of the maimer
in which the translation ofthe Scriptures was so frequently treated,
as mentioned in the records of the Inquisition, the decrees of the
Councils and the chronicles that reflect the Waldenses' religious
life ; if we consider that the same persecution which has annihi
lated the Albigenses' literature, endeavoured to deal with the
Waldensian in the same way and was bent on destroying it in
a hke manner, so that it would probably have disappeared in its
turn, but for the refuge it found in the vaUeys, or in the hands of
benefactors, it wiU be easy to see that one or more revised
editions of the translation of the Scriptures may easily have
perished, together with the manuscript copy. Even such refuge as it
had was none too weU sheltered from surprisals ofthe " enemy " and
certain "false brethren," notwithstanding that the Barbes were
diligent " in transcribing the books of the Holy Scripture, as
much as they could, for the use of their disciples."**^ It is
weU-known that almost aU the manuscripts which survived the
destruction that threatened them, came from the Waldensian
Valleys.^** Several almost went astray, even though kept under lock

The Waldenses of Italy. 187
and key in Ubraries ; although such institutions are certainly more
desirous of "preserving" them, as the register of the Geneva
hbrary has it, than of permitting their " glorious re-entrance." In a
word, the Waldenses' manuscripts shared to the full the "mira
culous " preservation accorded to their faith. It is therefore
natural to beUeve that at least a hundred copies of the versions
have disappeared into obUvion, where our researches and regrets
may easily foUow them, though they will not bring them back.
The best thing for us to do is to devote our attention to these
precious relics of the Waldensian Bible, in order to ascertain
their inter-relation, to know if we can establish that original unity,
which Gilly hoped to discover, when he endeavoured to reconnect
these versions with Waldo's — the fountain head.^*^
The six manuscripts we have recorded above differ, in the first
place, with regard to age. If that of Lyons belongs to the
XIII. century, and that of Paris to the XIV., the other four bring
us down to the eve of the Reformation. They are to be distin
guished, as we have seen, by their language, but they are not
radically different. It is the same language, nay, even the same
dialect ; but, while the former stiU refiects the period of the
Troubadours, the latter indicates decadence and need for a helping
hand. There is nothing, however, in that which would militate
against the idea of their springing from a common origin. As to
the theological point of view, there is no trace of that dualism
which was in a high degree characteristic of the theology
of the Albigenses, nor indeed of any heresy whatsoever."^" If
this feature be somewhat embarrassing for those who persist
ia tracing the hand of the Cathari in the oldest translation, it
weighs in favour of the hypothetis that would attribute it to the
Waldenses. The latter are at least free fi-om the influence of any
particular dogma. Their ideal is, the Bible made known to the
people with the most scrupulous faithfulness ; that is their
ambition — ^that is what they care for. This was noticed by an
Inquisitor. He states that seeing that the Gospel was not
in the letter known, they presumed to translate it into prac
tice,''" from which we may be permitted to infer that they did
not aim at translating it differently upon parchment. Now the
translation presented by Waldensian versions is so hteral, that
the best judges are struck by it. ." The translator has translated
his text word for word," says S. Berger, in connection with this

188 The Waldenses of Italy.
relation.^''^ If, in addition to this, we consider that five out of six
of the existing translations passed through the hands of the
Waldenses, and that several noticeable expressions are familiar to
them and are found in their treatises,^^^ must we content ourselves
with coming to the conclusion that usage does not prove an origin,
and that similarity of expression only indicates the influence of
the assiduous reading of the Sacred .Books ? That would seem to
be straining a point. If the Waldenses did not write the
version which passed through their hands, can it be the pro
duction of a Catholic pen ? We must admit that certain analogies
would render that supposition admissible ; only, in such case,
how can we explain the fact that the version so dear to the
Waldenses and so odious to the Church — which could not find
decrees sufficient to condemn it— should be of orthodox origin ?
The first prohibition issued to laymen, forbidding them to keep in
their homes the books of the Old and New Testament, was
obtained specially through the efforts of the CouncUs of Toulouse,
Tarascon, and Beziers. The decree is conceived in terms, which
betray both great irritation, and a settled purpose to resist some
radical tendency, which was the distinguishing trait of heretics in
general and the Waldenses in particular.""* Where then shaUwe
look for the authors of the forbidden version, if not in the ranks of
the Waldenses ? If that version be not too old, it may weU be
directly connected with Waldo's. If it be more ancient, then we
should not be very weU able to see, either the opening for Waldo's
work or the importance he attached to it — an importance which his
persecutors also have recognised after their own fashion. StiU,
in order to arrive at a solution, we lack several positive data,
especially with respect to the text that served as a basis for the
work. Haupt was inclined for a moment to believe that it might
have been the Latin version, anterior to St. Jerome, but he does
not insist upon this supposition, and Berger absolutely rejects it.
"For the present," writes the latter, "we may state with all
appearance of probability, that the Latin text from which the
Provengal Bible was translated, was scarcely used in the South of
Trance, after the middle of St. Louis' reign ; and that this text
differed very little from the ordinary version, except in the Book
of the Acts of the Apostles."
With regard to this book, it is impossible to believe, as Haupt
seems to, that the Waldenses knowingly preferred the lessons of

The Waldenses op Italy. 189
the Itala, in which we are told they loved to find quotations from
the Fathers. On the contrary, it is certain that whoever may have
rendered the Bible into Provengal, simply translated a certain
text, mixed with fragments of the ancient Latin version, which
we find in a more or less complete form in several manuscripts,
the first of which is the famous Codex Toletanus. This text was
probably very widely spread upon both slopes of the Pyrenees,
ever since the time of the Visigoths."""' If this bo so, the text
we are looking for would bring us back into Languedoc, toward
the beginning ot the XII. century ; from which we should gather
that the translator lived about that time, and nearer to the
Pyrenees than to Lyons. In this way, the origin of the version of
the Lyons manuscript would be in a fair way of being explained ;
but the link, which connects it with that of Waldo, becomes more
than ever indistinct, and it may be wondered whether any such
connection ever existed. Was the text spoken of well understood ?
" Fah-ly," says Berger. Therefore, the foundation wo are seeking
is not even absolutely identified. If this foundation, be it what it
may, were to date yet a little further back, and if we should dis
cover that it had been within Waldo's reach, we should not be far
fi-om admitting that Waldensian manuscripts, beginning with that
of Lyons,""" refer to more or less distinct revised editions of the
early version, or to certain phases of that slow evolution, which
constitutes the history of the Waldensian Bible. Meanwhile,
with the knowledge we have, the paternity of these versions can
not, as GiUy thought, be attributed to Waldo. The last word,
spoken by contemporaneous criticism upon this question, confirms
the answer that was made to GiUy more than thirty years ago,
namely, that as nothing indicates a tangible connection between
the most ancient Provengal version and Waldo's, the origin of the
Waldensian Bible, notwithstanding aU conjecture, is still shrouded
in utter darkness.""'
Before closing this notice concerning the translations of Scrip
ture there must here be mentioned a version, written iu a foreign
tongue, in the native atmosphere of the Waldensian reaction.
IV. — A Version in a Foreign Tongue.
This is the one at present being discussed with reference to
the recent discovery of a manuscript of Tepl.""' The discovery

190 The Waldenses of Italy.
has re-kindled the latent fires of an old controversy. WhUe
popular tradition hailed Luther as the first translator of the Bible
into German, the reader knows that the Catholic party did not
acquiesce in the assumption, and that it had good reasons for con
testing his right to this honour ; for that matter, the reformer
himself laid no claim to it. He could not even have thought of
so doing, knowing that the German Bible had been printed in at
least 17 editions before his time.""^ It has been proved, indeed,
that he actually made use of the German version."™ This, how
ever does not alter the fact that his translation, which was both
classical and popular, did really inaugurate a new literary epoch.
Now we are very much interested in knowing to whom belongs
the credit of the first translation. Catholics and Protestants vie
with each other in putting forth their claims. The latter are
very much inclined to see in this translation some of the fi-uits of
the opposition which preceded the Reformation. When the
manuscript of Tepl appeared, the attention of the learned was
aroused by the fact that the text it presents corresponds word
for word with that of the first three editions of the ancient Ger
man Bible."" Then Louis Keller, an original writer, with thedecided
opinions of a layman and versed in the history of the sects of
the middle-ages, declared the Tepl manuscript to be Walden-
sian."'^ Another writer, Hermann Haupt, who belongs to the old
Catholic party, supported his opinion vigorously."'' His work
soon became the subject of a virulent rejoinder from the Cathohc
pen of Franz Jostes."''* The discussion was resumed once more
on both sides ;"''' more than one theologian taking part in it,
the strident echoes of the strife reaching even to France, England,
and far America."'"
That is enough to excite in some degree everybody's interest
in this Tepl manuscript, which seems to conceal a mystery, if not
to prepare a surprise for us. It contains the New Testament
entu-e, with the addition of the Epistle to the Laodiceans. If
this latter reminds us of the manuscript of Lyons, the order of the
books carries us back to that of Grenoble. Indeed, we find first
the Gospels, then Paul's Epistles, and the General Epistles ;
finally, the Acts and the Apocalypse. The Epistle to the
Laodiceans is interpolated between the Second Epistle to the
Thessalonians and the first to Timothy. This manuscript com
mences and ends with fragments, recalUng the ritual of Lyons, but

The Waldenses of Italy. 191
this time it is not reminiscent of the Cathari. There is first a
word from St. Victor upon the confession of the sick, followed by
a record of the lessons for Sundays and Feast-days, and three
passages from St. Chrysostom's HomUies, intermixed with words
firom St. Augustine, upon the usefuhiess of reading sacred books
and the priesthood of laymen. Those passages are in Latin. So
much for the beginning. At the end there is a succinct exposition
of the seven Articles of Faith and the seven Sacraments. If we
add that the volume is of a very small pocket-size, annotated on
the margin and worn, it will be easy to imagine that we have here
a rehgious manual, both convenient and practical. As to its age,
from several indications it belongs to the XIV. century.
Now let us come to a point which is particularly interesting.
This manual, beyond a doubt, points to a dissident origin. This
is the opinion of those who, like Biltz, for instance, examined it
without ecclesiastic prejudice. " I have more than one reason for
beheving it to be a certain fact," says this learned phUologist,
" that the first German translation originated outside the orthodox
centre, and in the midst of dissidence.""'' KeUer noted emphati-
caUy certain distinctly characteristic differences between the text
of this first translation, which was followed by Luther, and that
of the version adopted by the Romish Church ; the result is a
striking contrast in the dogmatic colouring."'' But the dissident
origin once admitted, we are not necessarUy entitled to conjecture
that the version is Waldensian."" We are brought to this point
only by special indications, which must at least be touched upon.
The version of Tepl, Haupt observes, strikingly reminds us of
that of Dublin ; it presents a certain number of expressions
peculiar to the Waldenses, such as " Son of the Virgin " and
"torment," instead of " Son of Man," and " Gehenna.""'" The
same divergences from the Vulgate are found in the latter, and the
hst of Lessons, corresponds with that which accompanies the New
Testament of Grenoble ; and the Seven Articles of Faith mentioned
at the end, are precisely those which the Waldensian mission
aries professed at the commencement of their ministry."'^ Jostes,
on the other hand, generaUzes the use of these expressions —
Lessons and Articles of Faith — for the purpose of showing that
there was nothing characteristic or definitely marked about them.
Berger intervened to point out an unexpected solution. In his
opinion, the early German translation, with which the New

192 The Waldenses of Italy.
Testament of Tepl corresponds, shows unequivocal traces of inter
polations taken from the ancient versi(m, anterior to Jerome, the
author of the Vulgate, as woU as expressions borrowed from some
Provengal translation. Might it not have been "translated
partly under the auspices of tho Waldenses, from an original,
written in one of the Provengal dialects '? " That is his hypothesis.
Jostes thinks it somowliat far-fetched, but Berger, comparing the
texts, came upon fresh indications, and was confirmed in his
opinions, so that it begins to be tentatively accepted, although it
is not yet quite decidedly adopted. If it can be proved that the
German versicm is based upon the Provengal, it is but one step
further to conclude that it was the work of the Waldenses ; for
let us not forget that the catechetical fragments, which are found
along with it in the Tepl manuscript, indicate of themselves that
it might have been used in their worship. If this be the case,
the Romish Church had more reason than is at first apparent for
reproaching Luther with having follov.-ed in the footprints of the
Waldenses;"'^ but caution should be used in anticipating a
solution, which may probably elude the grasp of investigators, and
which, after all, may well surprise us.
After the translations uf the Scripture, wc must consider the
other writings, both in prose and verse, which are attributed to
the '^'V''aldeuses. It is sm-prising, at the first glance, that they
should be so numerous, wheji hardly any trace of them is discover
able in the records of the Inquisition ; and we cannot help thinking
that this field, which — thanks to the conscientious researches of
more tha.n one writer, aud especially as contained in the beautiful
book of i\I()utet, t" which we shaU often have to refer — is no
longer unexplored, may still ccmtain more than one sm-prise in
reserve for us. Often, while reading certain pages, a doubt suddenly
arises in tho mind, and forcctj tho question : Is this reaUy the
Waldensian stylo ? Furthor reading dispels tho doubt, whilst as
we go on it arises again. But we do not intend to lose om- way
in the labyrinthiiio regions of hypothesis. We propose here to
deal with facts, r.iore or luss authenticated. Between tho blind
prejudice of those who accept as \'\'aldensiaii aU that comus pour
ing out of tho cornucopia of tradition, without even seeking to
tabulate them methodically, and the denials of a boldly sceptical
criticism, there; hi a vast field, which is all that we desire for our
task, consisting as it does in taking account of the condition in

The Waldenses of Italy. 193
which we find the question, without pretending to solve it com
pletely. Furthermore, we reserve general remarks for the end of
the chapter.
" We have been called upon to pass through innumerable persecu
tions, which have often threatened to destroy all our writings ;
so that it was with difficulty that we were able to save the Holy
Scripture.""'^ These touching words of the brethren of Lombardy
are susceptible of a general application. They teU us plainly
enough that the list of the writings which have disappeared would
not be insignificant if it were possible to make one. We must,
however, be content with some brief remarks.
The gloss which accompanied Waldo's version disappeared
with it we believe, being replaced doubtless, by one of those
more or less discursive expositions which we afterwards find
coming to hght. An Inquisitor, subsequent to the year 1250, men
tions that the Poor of Lyons knew how to take advantage of
isolated texts which they borrowed from the Fathers, from Saints
Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, Chrysostom, and Isidorus ; they
translated them he says, and impressed them upon their hearers."'*
To do that, it would have been necessary to have a collection at
hand. Was this the original coUection more or less revised and
augmented, or was it a new treatise, after the style of those
which have come down to us ? We are unable to say. At
Friburg, a woman was questioned concerning a book containing
the explanation, if not the simple translation, of the Gospel and
the Epistles of Paul."'^ Naturally it is impossible to say whether
any connection whatever existed between this book, the work of
Waldo, and that of the disciples at Metz ; or whether there is
nothing to connect these first essays mth any one of the then exist
ing compUations which we are about to mention. A writing in
verse, mentioned under the title of the Ihirty Degrees of St.
Augustine, and containing a description of the gamut of Christian
virtues,"'" has given much trouble to the critics. Herzog believed
that he had found the translation of it in the treatise on the
Virtues, which we shall speak of hereafter ;"¦" but Montet, after
careful examination, declares that he is not inclined to admit this
hypothesis. There is another writing that has disappeared, and
it seems that it is not the last. Much discussion in connection
with analogous excerpta to be found in the manuscript of Tepl
has taken place lately, concerning a little Waldensian Catechism, h

194 The Waldenses of Italy.
containing the Seven Articles of Faith in the Divinity, and the
Seven Articles in the Humanity (of our Lord), as also the Ten
Commandments and the Seven Works of Mercy ;"" but as a
matter of fact no claim that the entire work has been found"'^ has
yet been set up. FinaUy, what shall we say of the treatises like
the Book of the Just, barely mentioned in an epistolary fragment
of the XIV. century,"^" and of other books, to which the Inquisi
tors allude, without even naming them, as was the case at Friburg
and Strasburg, and undoubtedly in other localities ? "^^ Let us
leave all that and devote our attention to existing literature. Our
review will begin with the prose writings.
Pen-in, Leger, Monastier and others incorrectly assign au
ancient date to diverse writings not here classified. The reader
knows we are dealing with a confession of faith, a catechism, and
a few polemic treatises relating to Purgatory and Antichrist, and,
the worship of Saints. These writings, according to Gilly's own
words, "were of a much later period."""^ Discussion of the
legend even for the purpose of refuting it is unprofitable, and
therefore to be avoided.
We may inquire whether none of the early Waldenses has
settled the question of the historical tradition concerning Waldo
and his first disciples. GiUes, it is true, observes that " our
fathers were always more careful to do what was right in aU
thmgs, than to note down and preserve the memory of their
actions.""^' StiU, this does not prevent our beheving that their
minds at times must have been, were it only for polemical pur
poses, exercised with the problems of their orig-in. Thus, the
Book of the Just which has disappeared, touched, at least in one
passage, upon the origin of the Waldenses. In our opinion, this
reference is contained in the historical fragment quoted in the
chapter in this book that discusses the origin of the Waldenses.
Where the original text is we cannot say. Our early historical
literature is therefore reduced to so small a compass, that we can
understand how Gilles had no knowledge of it. It would be of
great importance that we should possess at least, the most
important letters ; but we believe that the very persons for whom
they were intended must, for^ a very obvious reason, have decided
upon destroying them. Whatever the reason, there remain
to us only some three or four of their circular epistles. The most
ancient has already been mentioned ; it is that of the heads of

The Waldenses of Italy. 195
the community of the Poor of Lombardy, written after the
conference of Bergamo to their brethren of Germany. It was not
the only one of its kind, and we are glad to be able to insert here
in full, a letter of the year 1368, recently transcribed from the
manuscript of St. Florian, in Austria. It was written by the
Lombard Brethren, named John, Gerard, Simon, and Peter, aud
was addressed to their co-religionists who were grieved by the
falling away of some regenades.""* The document runs as
follows : —
"We received your letter with the respect that is due to it.
It informs us of several matters which greatly afflict us. But we
belong to a good school, and we must profit by the example of our
forefathers, remembering that the crown of glory is the reward of
a patience which surmounts aU trials. Does not the word of
God say that it is ' in patience we should possess our souls ? '"''
For otherwise, after having been uplifted in the time of prosperity,
we should soon be cast down. Let us remember what the
Psalmist says, ' Thou, 0 God, hast proved us: thou hast tried us
as sUver is tried. Thou broughtest us into the net ; thou laidst
affiiction upon our loins.'"'" We sympathize with you, brethren,
iu your adversity, as we did in better days, according to the words
of the Apostle, ' If one member suffer, all the members suffer
v/ith it."^' Therefore we exhort you to render thanks in the evil
days, to Him who is powerful to turn your sorrow into joy.'
" You have informed us to what perfidy you are exposed, from
those who are our common enemies, as regards the faith, but it
wiU be no hindrance to us if we listen to the voice of the
Psalmist, ' Happy shall he be that taketh and dasheth thy little
ones against the stones.'"''''' We must break our little passions
upon Christ our Rock, looking to the example He has given us,
and to His precepts.'"'" It must needs be," he says, 'that
offences come.''*' We read in the book of Job that when the sons
of God appeared before the Almighty, Satan also came among
them. These people do the same. They would by their wavering
hinder your steadfastness, and introduce by wicked means their
errors into your midst. ' Lo, the wicked travaileth with iniquity,
and hath conceived mischief and brought forth falsehood. He
made a pit and digged it, and is fallen into the ditch which he
made. His mischief shall return upon his own head, and his
violent dealing shall come down upon his own pate. I will praise
h 2

196 The Waldenses of Italy.
the Lord according to his righteousness, and sing praise to the
name of the Lord moat high.''"^ Now, as you have sought our
aid in this matter, according to the saying of Solomon, who says
that ' the brother succoured by his brother is a strong city,''°^ we
feel that it is a question here of protecting our own members, and
of our striving to bear with you the burden which, after aU, weighs
upon our own shoulders, as the Apostle teaches us.'°^ In the first
place, we pray to God that He may hear your groaning, aud
answer you in the day of distress, as it is written in His word,'"*
where He still says to us, ' CaU upon me in the day of trouble ;
I will deliver thee, and thou shalt glorify me. Give us help from
trouble, for vain is the help of man. Through God we shall do
valiantly ; for it is He that shall tread down our enemies.''"'
Then, as we cannot and will not answer all the objections of the
wicked, we pray with all our heart that the Author of all things
may be praised out of your numth, as by the mouth of children.
Say unto Him, ' Lord, open thou my lips, and my mouth shall
show forth Thy praise.''"" Let it suffice for us to answer some of
the accusations that are brought against us.
" It appears, that they are endeavouring to prove, by many
arguments, that our life is of no merit, as respects salvation, and
that for three principal reasons : (1) Because we lack knowledge ;
(2) Because we lack authority, which is false, as we shall soon
show ; (3) Because, according to our adversaries, our life is
neither good nor honest ; hence, neither holy nor meritorious.
Let us examine these charges, point by point.
" They reproach our brethren then, for being ignorant and
without culture. We admit it, at least to a certain extent. We
acknowledge with the Apostle that we do not excel in learned
discourses and subtle reasoning ; but after aU there remains to us
some spiritual knowledge.'"' A peasant taught by the grace of
God, needs in nothing to envy a prince, who has learned aU that
worldly science can teach. Bernard said that, in this respect, the
simple wiU be happier on the last day than lawyers. But read
rather what St. Paul writes to the Corinthians : ' I will destroy
the wisdom of the wise, and wiU bring to nothing the under
standing of the prudent. Where is the wise? Where is the
scribe ? Where is the disputer of this world ? Hath not God
made foohsh the wisdom of this world ? Because the fooUshness
of God is wiser than men, and the weakness of God is stronger

The Waldenses of Italy. 197
-than meu. For ye see your calling, brethren, how that not many
'Wise men after the flesh, not many mighty, not many noble, are
called. But God hath chosen the foolish things of the world to
•confound the wise ; and God hath chosen the weak things of the
world to confound the things which are mighty ; and base things
of the world, and things which are despised, hath God chosen,
yea, and things which are not, to bring to nought things that are ;
that no flesh should glory in his presence. But of him are ye in
Christ Jesus, who of God is made unto us wisdom, and righteous
ness, and sanctification, and redemption ; that, according as it is
written. He that glorieth, let him gloi-y in the Lord.''"^ You see
therefore, dearest brethren that according to the teaching of the
Apostle, Christian faith is not to be confounded with the wisdom
of this or the other preacher. It has seemed fitting that this faith
be preached by people, who could not be vain of their power, of
their wisdom, or of their birth. This was the case with the
Apostles, who were the first preachers ; for, as Gregory says, God
hath chosen for the message of preaching, not rhetoricians and
philosophers, but simple fishermen, absolutely devoid of all
scientific culture.'"' You can therefore understand how Jesus
oxclaimed : ' I thank Thee, 0 Father, Lord of heaven and earth,
because Thou hast hid these things from the wise and prudent,
and hast revealed them unto babes. ''^" Why so ? Because, as
St. Paul adds, ' Knowledge puffeth up, but charity edifieth ; and
if any man think that he knoweth anything, he knoweth nothing
yet as he ought to know. But if any man love God, the same is
known of liim.'"^ From this we learn that perfect knowledge
must fulfil the seven foUowing conditions : —
" 1. — It must be humble, and not puffed up : hiomilis sine
inflacione. Knowledge that is humble says, with the Psalmist,
' Lord, my heart is not haughty, nor mine eyes lofty, neither do I
exercise myself in great matters, or in things too high for me.'^^
On the contrary, knowledge that is puffed up reminds us of one of
the plagues of Egypt ; the dust that produced a boil, breaking
forth with blains upon man and beast.'^' Such is worldly know
ledge. But that of Jesus Christ is different. It says, ' Learn
of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart.''"
"2. — It must be sober, unpresumptuous : sobria sine pre-
sumptione. Indeed, ' let no one presume to be wiser than
necessary,' says the Apostle.'^'

198 The Waldenses of Italy.
" 3. — It must be veritable and without guile : ve7-e sine
deceptione. Then it will not come to pass that men learn, without
being able to come to a knowledge of truth. '^"
" 4. — It must be useful for the edification of others : utilis cum
proximorum tdificacione. Such is the object of these words :
' Let no corrupt communication proceed out of your mouth, but
that which is good to the use of edifying, that it may minister
grace unto the hearers.''^'
" 5. — It should be salutary, being accompanied by the love of
God and of our neighbour : salutifera cum dei et proximi
dileccione. For which reason it is written: " Though I under
stand all mysteries and all knowledge, and have not charity, I am
nothing.''^" " 6. — It should be liberal, and be communicated gratuitously:
liberalis cum gratuita communicacione. We must be able to
say: 'Freely I have received, freely I give; nor do I hide
wisdom's riches. '"^^
" 7. — It must be active, prompt, and efficacious: efjicax cum
prompta operacione. Because, says the Scripture, ' To him that
knoweth to do good, and doeth it not, to him it is sin.''^"
"Finally, let us recall a few maxims of Bernard on this sub
ject. Our knowledge must fulfil a threefold condition : as regards
the order, the mode, and the object. First, as regards the order;
for to know what we do, and not the order in which it ought to
be done, is not to know perfectly. Secondly, as regards the
mode ; because it must be accompanied by charity, which consti
tutes the mede and form of knowledge and of aU virtue; so that
without it knowledge would be vain. Finally, it is important that
our knowledge have an object : for it is not for vain glory, but for
the glory of God that we ought to have knowledge. There are
those who have knowledge to make themselves known. Such
knowledge is but shameful vanity. Others have knowledge, but
only for the sake of knowing. Their knowledge is but shameful
curiosity. Others aim at seUing their knowledge. This is
nothing but shameful cupidity. But there are also those who
apply their knowledge to the edification of them&elves and others.
That is the knowledge of prudence and charity.
" Thus, dearest brethren, be not in doubt as to knowledge. It
is not a question of being without it, or of abounding in it, after
the manner of the men of this world ; Lut to possess in abundance

The Waldenses of Italy. 199
the truth which edifies. Let ue hope that the Lord by His grace
will exalt us out of our abasement, for it is written : ' Whosoever
humbleth himself shall be exalted.''^^
"Let us come to the second head of accusation. Our adver
saries say that we lack authority. To hear them, one would think
that our order is not established on the true foundation ; that we
do not hold it from the Apostles, since we do not adminster all the
sacraments. They aUege the well-known passage : ' I will give
unto thee the keys of the kingdom of heaven ;''^^ and then, the
directions of the Apostle Paul to Titus, for the establishment of
presbyters in the island of Crete ;'^^ then again, the Levitical
sacerdotal tradition ; concluding finally, that no one can give what
he has not received. We concede all that. Does it follow that
our authority is thereby diminished ? On the contrary, it will only
be the greater. Let us graut them the origin and descent of which
they speak, and ask them : Were those Bishops which were
ordained by the other Apostles, who received plenary authority
from Peter, ordained as though by him ? If they answer no, we
reply with these words : ' Having called His twelve disciples. He
gave them power ;' and further : ' Whatsoever ye shaU bind on
earth shall be bound in heaven, and whatsoever ye shall loose on
earth shall be loosed in heaven.''^* If they answer yes, then it is
clear that all their successors had the same power, according to
the words of the Psalm : ' Their line is gone out through aU the
earth, and their words to the end of the world. ''^^ This is the
explanation of those words of our Lord : ' Neither pray I for thee
alone, but for all them which shall believe on me through their
word. And the glory which Thou gavest Me I have given
them.''^" Now, our order is derived thence, namely, from the
Apostles. On this point it is a fact worthy of notice, that in the
lime of Constantine, Pope Sylvester having received the treasure,
his associates protested, saying : ' We have received of the Lord
the precept that we shaU possess no earthly goods. He said : " Pro
vide neither gold, nor silver, nor brass in your purses, nor scrip for
your journey, neither two coats, neither shoes, nor yet staves ; for
the workman is worthy of his hire." And again : " If thou wouldst
be perfect, go and sell that thou hast and give to the poor, and
thou shalt have treasure in heaven: and come and follow Me."
And so it was done : " Peter sail unto Him : Behold, we have
forsaken all and foUowed Thee." '™ But Sylvester replied : ' If

200 The Waldenses of Italy.
you do not remain with me, I will send you into exile. ''^' On
hearing these words they rejoiced, saying : ' We give thanks to
God, because if the earth is denied us for having observed His
precepts. He offers us Heaven. Did He not say: "Everyone
that hath forsaken houses, or brethren, or sisters, or father, or
mother, or wife, or children, or lands, for my name's sake, shall
receive an hundredfold, and shall inherit everlasting life ?" ''^'
The following night, whilst they were still disputing with Sylvester^
a voice from heaven was heard, saying : ' To-day poison hath been
poured into the Church of God.' Having heard this voice, the Poor
of Christ went forth with more courage, and they were driven out of
the synagogue. Thus were fulfilled the words which are written :
' They shall put you out of the synagogue ; yea, the time cometh,
that whosoever killeth you will think that he doeth God service.'""
They were thereupon dispersed over all the earth. As they went
away, they said to Sylvester and his successors : ' We leave
the earth to you, but we shall seek after heaven. ''^^ It was-
Sylvester who had bidden them depart. They endeavoured to
lead a life of poverty, and their number multiplied for a long time.
At last, owing to the envy of false Christians which raged
against them, they were driven to the ends of the earth. Their
enemies said : ' Let us break their bonds. '"^ This does not, how
ever, prevent our adversaries from pretending that Christians have
only been persecuted by Pagans. They read the Scriptures badly ;
for in them we find that the prophets were not put to death by
Pagans, but by Jews. John the Baptist was beheaded by Herod.
Jesus Christ came unto His own, and His own received Him not,.
but delivered Him unto death. James, the brother of our Lord,
was also killed by them, and many other disciples suffered perse
cution of them. All of which is written for our instruction,'^^ and
to serve us for an ensample.'^* That which happened to Paul
proves this sufficiently.'^'' It is, therefore, evident that the elect
are exposed to persecution on aU sides, as much from Pagans and
Jews as from false Christians and aU the world, according to the
words of our Lord, who said : ' Ye shaU be hated of all nations
for my name's sake. ''2" When He says ' aU,' nothing is excluded.
It is, therefore, certain that the saints wiU be persecuted by their
brethren to the end of the world. Nevertheless, they cannot be
entirely destroyed.'" The power of the wicked has limits ; it
could not prevaU against the faith. We shall say, iu our turn :

The Waldenses of Italy. 201
' They imagined a mischievous device, which they are not able to
perform.''^' The more the disciples of Christ are persecuted, the
more their zeal is kindled and their number multiplied. It is
with them as with the tree of which Job speaks : * For there is
hope of a tree, if it be cut down, that it will sprout again, and
that the tender branch thereof will not cease. Though the
root thereof wax old in the earth, and the stock thereof die
in the gi-ound ; yet through the scent of water it will bud, and
bring forth buds like a plant.'"' Now, as regards the branches, you
must know this, that formerly, when the servants of Christ seemed
to have disappeared because of psrsecution, a man was raised up.
He was named Peter of Val, and had a companion, John Lyonnais,
so caUed after the city of Lyons.'*" Our adversaries see in him a
fool, because he was di-iven out of the synagogue. He came up
like a shoot from a tree watered by the grace of the Holy Spirit ;
little by little he prospered. From what is said, he was not the
founder, but the reformer of our order.'*' If he were driven out of
the synagogue, it was only through the judgment of men, not of
God. That happened to others.'*^ So that he was able to say
with the Apostle : ' With me it is a very small thing that I should
be judged of you, or of man's judgment ; yea, I judge not mine
own self, for I know nothing by myself; yet am not I hereby
justified — that is to say, I do not think myself just for all that —
" but He that judgeth me is the Lord." "*5 Such are the Wal
denses, whom, doubtless, you have heard spoken of. They were
caUed by that name, as also by that of the Poor of Lyons, because
they had long dwelt in that city, It is said that what brought
Peter to embrace poverty — which was professed before his day, and
is stUl professed, as we believe, according to the Book of the
Elect — was that word of the Gospel which he had read or
heard, beginning : ' If thou wouldst be perfect, go.''** He roused
himself like a lion awakened from his sleep,'*" did his work,
journeyed to Rome, and incurred the censure of the wicked.'*"
Nevertheless he persevered, and his apostolic example brought
many to embrace the rule of poverty, for he remembered that say
ing of our Lord : ' If two of you shall agree as touching anything
that they shall ask, it shaU be done for them of my Father which
is in heaven. For where two or three are gathered together in
my name, there am I in the midst of them.''-" Of his conduct
some have said that it was influenced by pride. That is a very

202 The Waldenses of Italy.
rash judgment ; being a transgression of the precept given by our
Lord : ' Judge not,' and of the exhortation of the Apostle :
' Judge nothing before the time, until the Lord come, who both
will bring to light the hidden things of darkness and will make
manifest the councils of the hearts, and then shall every man have
praise of God.''*' Does not Augustine himself say : ' He who pro
nounces a rash judgment upon the secret thoughts of the heart,
commits a sin ; especially when it is a question of a person known
only by their good works ?' Knowing therefore, by experience,
that the work of this man was good, we are astonished at the
audacity of those who judge as they do. If that work were not of
God, it would have perished already, so many persecutions did it
have to endure.'*' It may be said that the work of Mahomet also
stands, and that it is the work of men, and not of God. That is
true ; still, it does not prove the stability of his tenets. Let us
say, rather, that God in His patience ' gave him over to a repro
bate mind,''^" and that He has tolerated him also to prove His
own, as it is written : ' Thei'e must be also heresies among
you, that they which are approved ma)- be made manifest among
you.'"' Augustine, too, explains that this is necessary for the
exercising of wisdom : Peter and all the faithful were obhged to
act thus, by virtue of the Lord's precept : ' Flee out of the midst
of Babylon, deliver every man his soul, and be not cut off in her
iniquity. ''^^
"It is further objected that what we assert here is not proven,
for they read in the Book of the Just this expression of the
historian: 'from what I heard, ''^' and they found upon this a
reason for scepticism. The writer does not, however, mean by
this expression that he doubts what he narrates ; he avoids using
rash language, '°* that is aU. The reason why we cannot prove
our statement is two-fold. The first consists in the absence of
witnesses ; no one has seen or heard the real beginning of the
matter, because it took place very long ago. The second reason
is stiU more important. It is this : we have had to pass through
innumerable persecutions, by which our writings have often been
threatened with entire destruction, so that only with difficulty
have we been able to save the Holy Scriptures.'^'' We may,
therefore, say with the Apostle, that ' we have received of the
Lord what we have taught.''^" And even if the aforesaid Peter
of Val had not received ordination like others, which, God forbid

The Waldenses of Italy. 203
—for we claim that he received the sacred ordination as Presby
ter, with John his companion and colleague of the same order,
and we do not doubt that he was confirmed in it by the Cardinal,
who was favourable to him — might he not, with his brethren, have
received the laying on of hands from the priests who joined that
order in such large numbers ?'" Some among us still remember
brother John of Burgundy, and two minor /brethren, who aban
doned their order to join that of the Waldenses ; also Bishop
Bestardi, who, because he had been favourable to us, was called
to Rome and returned no more ; and that other priest who was
led to the stake.
" Let our authority, therefore, be no longer disputed. We
received it both from the Lord and from our superiors. More
over, we know with the Apostle that ' all things work together
for good to them that love God.''°' It is possible that this is not
the case with our adversaries, and what happens may work to
their detriment ; for he who loves not, dwells in death.
" Let us pass to the third- head of accusation, which bears
upon our conduct. They condemn it for more than one reason.
First,we are mercenaries in their estimation. Thatis what one might
with reason say of those who abandon the sheep to the wolves be-
•cause they ' do not care for the sheep. ''^^ Then they say that we do
not administer the ecclesiastic sacraments as others do. There
upon we answer with the Apostle, ' for Christ sent me not to bap
tize, but to preach the Gospel ; not with wisdom of words, lest
the cross of Christ should be made of none effect.''"" Moreover,
we would recaU what he says further on, ' Do ye not know that
they which minister about holy things live of the things of the
temple '? and they which wait at the altar are partakers of the
altar ? Even so hath the Lord ordained that they which preach
the Gospel should live of the Gospel.''"' It appears from the
above that all cannot bear the same charge. Now, because we do
not administer these sacraments in articido mortis, they give out
that some among us die without communion. That is false, for
the Lord said, ' Whoso eateth my flesh and drinketh my blood,
hath eternal life ; ' and further, ' He that eateth me, even he shall
live by me.''"^ Thereupon Augustine said, 'Believe, and thou
hast eaten.''"^ True believers are, therefore, not deprived of the
benefit of this sacrament. Alas ! there are but too many who
communicate, and die, nevertheless, without communion, as there

204 The Waldenses of Italy.
are those who die flith the communion, although without com
municating ; union with Christ and Holy Church is communion
already.""* " Greet all your friends in common. The peace of our Lord
Jesus Christ and the communion of the Holy Ghost be with you
aU. Amen."
Thus ends the letter of the brethren of Lombardy. We have
omitted merely such portions as have no particular interest. It
was not left unanswered. We shall quote from a letter of the
renegade Siegfried, these words only : " Indicate the places to us,
name the persons who exercise the ministry of the sacraments.
You cannot possibly do it. You hear confessions and that is all.
For the rest you send people to the Church. The Church, on the
contrary, administers the sacraments and many other benefits to
the people, while you retain only the confession which is but a
semi-sacrament. You boast, it is true, of your good works, of
your vigils, fasts, prayers, supplications, and thanksgivings."'"^
Another reply bears the signature of a renegade named John.'"''
It repels the accusation against those who abandon Christ's sheep-
to ravening wolves, and contains a few observations on the origin
of the Waldenses. " Your order, from what I have learned, says-
that as the light of faith has never been wanting from Abraham
to Christ, so, too, it cannot have been wantmg from Christ down
to the present day. We read there also, that in the beginning
your community had increased to such an extent, that your faith
ful people, in Synod assembled, numbered sometimes as many as
seven hundred or one thousand. From the incarnation of our
Lord to the period of the Emperor Constantine, are 814 years.
It was then that Sylvester was head and ruler of the Church. From
the time of Constantine and Sylvester to the founder of your sect.
there be 800 years ; now add 200 years which have elapsed since
the foundation. It is said that during those 200 years your order
has manifestly lived. Barely 50 more years bring us down to the
present day, that is to say, the year of grace 1868 ; during that
time you have ceased to preach publicly."'"'
Finally, let us mention one or two letters of the Waldenses of
France, or of the valleys. That of Barbe Tertian to the faithful
of Prajela is well known. There is a letter which deserves to be
mentioned, namely, the Letter to the Friends. According to the
Cambridge and Genevan manuscripts it dates back at least to the

The Waldenses of Italy. 205
beginning of the XV. century. It is true that Montet classifies
it among the " spurious works ;" but he does not say why. The
original does not in any way shew that it is a work to be sus
pected : far from it.'"' We have here a pastoral Epistle intended
for the edification of " all the faithful Friends and Servants of
Jesus Christ," who are invited to remember the mercies God
grants unto His people, in order by means of them to promote
their sanctification. As we read it, we seem to hear the first call
to the Waldenses to bring them back to the God of their fathers.
We find in it at any rate, indications, of a relapsing which has to
be resisted. The authoritative accent is evident. We read in it :
God who has eaUed us, blesses us aU, aud in divers manners ; but
the devil makes the greater efforts to undo and corrupt His work
in us. Be watchful, therefore, that ye may not fall into the toils
of pride and covetousness. Time is short and fleeting ; there-
foic', let everyone make use of transitory things, whilst keeping
sight of eternal salvation. Husbands, Uve with your wives, in
such a manner that they may not turn your heart away from the
fear of God. Fathers, love your children and shew your love by
bringing them up under constant discipline, that they may become
His chUdi-en. Let nothing be a stumbling block unto you, lest
the care of earthly things cause you to lose sight of the kingdom
of heaven. Refrain from aU evil, in thought, word, or deed. It
is through evU deeds that fools perish. Everything that is evil
turns us away from charity, which places us under an obligation
to our brethren. Moreover, do not forget to add to the love of
God love toward your neighbour, whom you ought to love as your
self. Scriptm-e teaches us that he who does not love his brother
shaU perish, but that love is the fulfiUing of the law. Conse
quently, avoid aU malice and quarrelling, seek after peace with all
men, returning good for evU, and blessing those who curse you,
that you may inherit everlasting joy."
There ends the letter.'"' Besides these historical aud
epistolary fragments, there are some of a different character, both -
dogmatic and Uturgical. Charles Schmidt has reproduced some
from a Latin manuscript in the library of Strasburg."" He
recognizes in it the statutes of the Ancient Waldenses, apparently
the very one above-mentioned, which the ministers learned by
heart.'" Here we find, besides the creed in seven articles, some
rubrics relating to the administration of sacraments, especiaUy to

206 The Waldenses of Italy.
those of Confession and Ordination. The critics now add the
fragments preserved in the manuscript of Tepl. Moreover, we
must not forget the discourse upon the Word of God, in the
volume containing the historical fragments concerning the origin
of the Waldenses, which is in the library at Cambridge. This
discourse treats of the vei-y intricate subject of ordination, or
transmission of the office of the ministry of the word."^ It
divides it into four kinds ; that which comes from God alone ; that
which comes from God and man ; that which comes only from
man ; and finally, that which is claimed by false preachers. The
application may be inferred,the introductory words already hint at it.
" There are people who wish to bind the word of God, by following
their own will ! "'" Here it is clearly expressed : "Priests and
curates cause the people to perish for lack of hearing the word of
God." Not only at present will they neither hear nor receive the
word of God ; but that it may not be made known, they issue
orders and frame laws according to their own will, preventing the
free proclamation of it. It shall be more tolerable for the land of
Sodom in the day of judgment than for such. The Gospel of
Christ must be freely preached, for it is manifest that it comes
from God. In ancient times all could preach ; for this, Eldad
and Medad, upon whom the Spirit of the Lord rested, preached
freely without the intervention of Moses being necessary. For
the same reason, the humble of Christ, upon whom the Spirit of
the Lord rested, were enabled to preach the word of God to the
people freely, and without any intervention of Pope or Bishop
being required. Would to God that the Prelates possessed the
Spirit of Moses ; they would not hinder those who sing to Thee,
0 Lord ! neither would they close their mouths." This is
language which reminds us strongly of that used by the Waldenses
at the dispute of Narbonne. It is characteristic and would, if
some of the quotations, used in the text, did not indicate a later
date, lead us back to the origin of the dissent. Indeed, in
addition to the Fathers, St. Bernard, Pope Innocent IIL, even
Nicholas of Lyra, and John of Andrea, are all quoted. These
last lived toward the middle of the XIV. century. From this, to
the date preferred by Montet, the distance is too great ; we cannot
cover it without hesitation. If the manuscript belongs to the
middle of the XV. century, it does not prove that the date we are
seeking should be fixed at the same period. We must admit

The Waldenses of Italy. 207
that, as a rule, the date of a manuscript is later than that of the
original ; and, unless we have absolute proof, we cannot assume
any manuscript to be the original copy. The fact that our
discourse is found side by side with the historical fragment in
the same manuscript, and that it has one point in common with
it, in its aUusion to the legend of Constantine,"* is of a nature to
make us assign nearly the same date to both. Then, why not
prefer the date which is assigned to the fragment ; namely, the
end of the XV. century ? Moreover, there is no doubting the
fact that the date of which we speak cannot be [later than 1440 ;
for it was at that time that Laurent VaUa refuted the legend of
Constantine's donation ; and it is well-known that his refutation
caused no httle stir.
The above constitutes the chief of the original matter gleaned
from our ancient prose. Let us now pass to the translations and
compilations. We were discussing, a few pages back, the fate of the gloss
which accompanied the first Waldensian version of the Scrip
tures, and there seemed to be reasons for thinking that it had dis
appeared. There is more than one way in which such a docu
ment may disappear. It is just possible that it may stiU be lying
concealed in some unsearched collection. Whatever its fate the
sentences of the Fathers, grouped around the Waldensian Bible,
seem to have accumulated and multiplied like limpets on a rock,
as is shewn by the treatises, entitled the Doctor and the Orchard
of Consolation. These two writings cause to dance before our
eyes, as it were, hundreds of quotations, the origin of which pre
cisely corresponds to the description before noticed in the words
of the Inquisitor, David of Augsburg. They are borrowed, as a
matter of fact, from Saints Augustine, Jerome, Ambrose, Gregory
the Great, and Isidore of Seville, as well as from more recent
writers."^ After these two treatises, we have an acephalous work,
which deals in a monotonous style with virtues and vices, its title
being a mere agglomeration of headings of the excerpta which it
contains, thus : — The Ten Commandments, The Seven Deadly
Sins, The Seven Gifts of the Holy Spirit, The Tavern, The
Balli The Sins of the Tongue, The Godly Virtues, The Car
dinal Virtues, The Gifts oJ Nature and of Grace, and The
Six Most Honourable Things in the XVorld. These different
pieces, except the two upon the Tavern and the Ball, are also

208 The Waldenses of Italy.
present in a treatise, entitled La Sonime le Roy, which a preach
ing monk, by name Laurent, composed in 1279 at the order of
Philip III., King of France. There must be noticed next the
treatise upon the Imposition of Penitence, which was found to
be a manual of confession, and the Treizaines, a table of Lessons
for the ecclesiastic year. This table is divided into four sections,
each comprising thirteen Sundays, and it is from this number that
it gets its title. We will mention in passing that, if it corres
pond to the missals of the period, it possesses hardly any similarity
to that which accompanies the Biblical versions of Grenoble and
Tepl. Finally, we may put on one side, without any hesitation,
all that mass of allegorical and fanciful interpretations which has
been too long known in the Church — first under the name of
Physiologue, then under that of Animanczas — for it was demon
strated many years ago that it had a semi-pagan, that is to say,
Gnostic organ."" By reducing these writings to their just value,
which is very small, the critics rendered a real service, and did
themselves much credit. There still remains, however, plenty for
them to do. They would confer a favour if they could find a clue
to that ravelled skein called Glosa. Pater. A first examination
revealed in that paraphrase of the Lord's Prayer some surprising
variations. Five copies have come down to us, not all belonging
to the same epoch. From these different copies we can coUate
at least two very distinct readings and a whole series of diver
gences. According to the most ancient reading, which, through
its two manuscripts is said to date back to the XV. century, tran-
substantion — a term then crudely defined — is stated to be a true
doctrine ; according to the more recent reading, which had been
subject to the influence of the Reformation, it is a false doctrine.
Progress and remodelling are equally apparent here ; but we must
be permitted to question whether this early reading, which is
Roman Catholic in its tendencies, be Waldensian at all. Montet
has some doubts upon this point. After having classified this
among the " spurious writings," he suspends his judgment, and
wonders whether, after all, it does not belong to the category of
mere translations."' After all, what is this book of Virtues
which the critics make so much of even to the extent of finding
therein superstitutions, which they attribute to the Waldenses ?
It is true that it contains many quotations from the sacred Scrip-
tares, intermixed with sayings of the Fathers ; but is it not

The Waldenses of Italy. 209
Roman Catholic throughout ? Where does it betray a Waldensian
tendency ? Montet, who made this the subject of patient re
search, has been compelled to admit, nay, he has even proved,
that there is to be found in it " not the slightest trace of antago
nism to the Romish Church or her dogmas.""' We give up any
idea of analysing it, and we also pass by The Pains and the
Joys of Paradise, minutely dealt with in Future Things. We
shaU not enumerate the unmeaning homilies, crammed with
monkish allegories, which are found here and there in the coUec
tions of these ancient manuscripts. We recognise at once, on
reading these different productions, that criticism has by no means
completed its work of elimination. Among the prose of the first
period there is a book which the critics particularly appreciate,
and are far from desiring to displace from the catalogue of Wal
densian literature. It is the Cantique, which was closely
examined by Herzog."' Montet informs us that he, too, went
over the work, and he adopts Herzog's conclusions, that is to say,
he classifies this book among the Waldensian writings, " imitated
fi-om Catholic works.""" Is this correct ? It is difficult to think
so, and for the foUowing reason : —
The Cantique is a commentary upon the " Song of Solomon."
Let us draw a distinction between the translation and the com
mentary, properly so called. The translation closely foUows the
ordinary Vulgate, whose very alterations it imitates. Its divisions
do not correspond with the chapters. Nothing, therefore, would
prevent this book from dating quite far back in the XIII. century,
were it not that some expressions are found, which are said to be
borrowed from Thomas Aquinas. As to the commentary, it flows
on in the full stream of Roman Catholic — nay, monkish — tradi
tion, with its quadruple method of interpretation ; very slightly
historical, but on the other hand, tropological, anagogical, and
aU aUegorical.'" Moreover, its origin may be easily guessed from
the analogies abeady pointed out, which it presents to the writings
of Apponius, Angelomus, Bruno of Asti, and the Abbot of Clair
vaux. If, moreover, we find evident traces of a Latin original,"^
we shaU be inchned to imagine that we have before us one of
those numerous paraphrases on the aforesaid Book of Scripture,
for which we are indebted to the Middle Ages. Herzog grants
this at first ; he even goes so far as to say that it could not have
been written within the boundaries of the Cottian Alps, and that

210 The Waldenses of Italy.
it was only amended there, for the purpose of facilitating the
reading of it. But he draws a totally unexpected conclusion from
these premises. He would have it, that the condition of the
Waldenses was more clearly reflected in the Cantique than ua any
other writing."^ Montet shares his opinion ; he even affirms that
this commentary evidently indicates " a long- continued develop
ment of the sect." We do not think that to be reaUy the
case. In the Cantique we meet more than once with references and
quotations from the Scriptures ; but there is nothing unusual in
that. So much is admitted by Herzog, therefore, there is uo
reason for us to stop to examine that point. We also find censures
of unworthy Priests, bad Catholics, heretics, schismatics — 'in
short, against " the Church of the wicked." The times are
sad ; the faithful are persecuted, put to death, and given as
a prey to the wolves and leopards. Are not these the plaints of
the distressed Waldensian family ? Not necessarUy so, per
haps ; they are only the stereotyped tones of the old clerical
lamentation used by Apponius, Angelomus, and so many others
before this period. Let us take up at random one of St. Bernard's
sermons; there we shall read the exhortation "to hate the
Church of the mahcious," according to the words of the prophet:
" Ju hai I'eglise des malicious, et ensemble les fellons ne serai
mies.""^ Then let us take the Gallo-Italic sermons preachedabout
that time in Piedmont, probably by a cleric to clerics, and therein
we find analogous expressions. Mention is made of persecutions,
of martyrdoms, of lions and leopards, only there it is a question
of the persecution of Jews by the Emperors. The latter are
the lions. As for the leopards, they are the heretics, spotted with
perverse doctrines, which devour the Church ; like Arius, SibeUius
and the Simonides, the race of whom is not yet extinct."" The
writings ofthe monks during the XIII. and XIV. centuries bristle
with analogous expressions, even more strikingly similar ; for the
divers protests made during the Middle Ages, are no more Wal
densian by reason of their virulence, than those of the Canons of
the Renaissance are Calvinist or Lutheran. But there are other
indications which seem to be more to the point. They are — first :
certain passing but repeated allusions to the " Poor of Christ," to
the " people," the " Church of the Poor," the '• perfect," and the
" saints," as opposed to "the wicked." Who could they have

The Waldenses of Italy. 211
been, if not Waldenses, asks the critic ? We answer that these
last appellations were in 'common use amongst Catholics,'"
and the word " perfect " is susceptible of a variety of apphcations,
especiaUy when it is employed in a general sense, as is here the
case. Finally, what can be more vague than the appeUation
" Poor," at a time when poverty was the ideal of so many people —
the monks themselves included ? " Poor of Christ " existed even
before Waldo, as a proof of which we have the nunnery into
which he placed his daughters. The Beghins also bore that name.
There exists an ancient " Bible of the Poor," which has no con
nection with the Waldenses ; and the reader will not have forgotten
the order ofthe " Catholic Poor," revived, as it were, by that of
St. Francis, entirely composed of brave knights of the goddess
Poverty, for whom many endured the scorn of the world, and th6
anger and persecution of the Prelates. Moreover, if there be some
feature here which corresponds with the style of the Waldenses,
it will serve to make us understand the object of the translation,
unless we are to recognize in it, after all, merely the traces of an
amended copy.'" Let us not exaggerate the importance of this,
the more so, as besides similarities, there are also discrepancies to
be found. Thus, what has this manifold interpretation, which
destroys the real sense of the text, in common with Waldo's
school ? We shall clear up this point further on ;'" but, mean
whUe, let us quote some examples. The commentator of the
Cantique tells us that all numbers up to 10 are perfect, as well as
those from 100 to 1,000 ; that by queens, we must understand
the souls of the saints ; by concubines, the heretics and false
preachers. Elsewhere, he analyzes the walnut, dividing it into
the " scorcza," or outer shell, the " grolha," or sheU, and the
" garilh," or kernel, in order to unfold to us that the first signifies
tribulations ; the second, patience ; and the third, the soul de
voted to good works. The preachers are represented in a thousand
different ways, as, for instance, by the pomegranate or the navel.""
Is that the style of Waldo's disciples ? We doubt it. Further
more, it is to be observed, that not only is the doctrine of the
treatise Cathohc, but it is that and nothing else. Quotations from
the Scriptures recur frequently ; but so they do in more than one
other Cathohc treatise of the same kind ; but why, instead of
adhering so closely to the Vulgate, did not the editor follow the
translation in common use, and more especiaUy as h^ was address-

212 The Waldenses of Italy.
ing his brethren ? He is positively addressing an entire com
munity, even women, recommending the exercise of discipline and
chastity, and finaUy, he commends himself to them lest the
" preyres al poble de Dio" despise his teaching because of his
youth: "per la mia joventu." Herzog here observes that a
Catholic would not have dared to express himself so freely, and
that it is not probable that he would have spoken Latin to women.
But does this language become more natural in the mouths of the
Waldenses ? Let others judge of that ; to us it would seem that
the first editor was an ascete affiliated to the Beghins, if not to a
regular order. If this be so, then all is clear : the Latin, the
allegory, the dogmas, the style. If, after that, the editor chooses
to designate himself a "knight " carried away by the " gloriosa
lautissima paureta,"'"' we shall not be tempted to seek for his
comrades among the shepherds of the Waldensian Alps.
For all these reasons we must claim permission to conclude
that the treatise of the Cantique, probably carries us back, for its
origin, to a source outside of the Waldensian dissidence.
The other prose-writings, which lemain for us to mention,
escaped Roman Catholic influences. On the other hand, they
bear the mark of the Hussite reaction ; but let us hasten to add
that the latter seems to us to have been exaggerated on certain
points. The first which presents itself is a letter, the Epistle to King
Ladislas, a boldly sarcastic apology, already quoted."^
The second is, the treatise upon the Cause of the breach with
the Romish Church. The Hussite infiuence here is conceded."''
It contains an exposition of doctrine, morals, worship, and
discipline, from an altogether dissident point of view, both
Waldensian and Hussite ; finally, a general refutation of
Catholicism. The reasons for the breach with the Romish
Church, are therefore given in detail. The chief reasons assigned
are of a purely moral character, and may be reduced to this one,
viz., the vices of the clergy and their indifference to the salvation
of souls. These vices are lashed without mercy. Dogma also
counts for something amongst the causes of the rupture, but does
not reaUy constitute " la causa," as was the case, in the days of
the Reformation. The points of contact with Rome are stiU
distinctly marked, and it is curious to notice, even when rupture
is spoken of, the existence of a remnant of admiration for the"

The Waldenses of Italy. 213
Church about to be quitted. As to the basis of this com-
pUation it is well-known ; it consists of a less widely spread
Hussite writing ofthe year 1496, relating to the " causes of the
rupture.""* From several indications, it would appear that it
came to hght in the interval which separates the erection of the
pile upon which Savonarola was burned in Florence, and the bull
of Leo X. at Wittemberg.
Now we come to a series of treatises, the sources of which
will appear more and more evident. As to these sources, we
must remind our readers more especially of the Taborite Con
fession of Faith in 1431. The treatises are known for the most
part under the title of Treasure and Light of Faith.''^^ We shall
proceed to enumerate them.
Fu-st, we have the treatise of the Ten Commandments. We
find here a compilation possessing a two-fold origin. Catholic and
Hussite. By the former it dates very far back ; the latter contri
buted to render its arguments clear and vigorous, especially
with regard to the worship of the Virgin and Saints, which, by-
the-way, the Waldenses no longer admitted.
Secondly, we have the treatise of the Seven Sacraments. It
is almost copied from the Taborite confession, though it presents
certain divergences. If the number seven is stiU the rule, the
exception has manifestly a tendency to come in. The second
sacrament of the " Chrisma," is looked upon as devoid of
scriptural basis ; others are modified as regards their interpre
tation, particularly those of Penitence, Ordination, and Extreme
Unction. Thirdly, the treatise of the Dreamed Purgatory''^^ The title
itself is sufficient. The dream of purgatory constitutes the fact
of the Latin or Romish Church. Among the names quoted is
that of master John Huss, " of blessed memory." This treatise,
however, is hardly anything other than a translation of the
two fragments of the Taborite confession.'"
Fourthly, the Invocation of Saints. This treatise consists of
a formal refutation of the worship of saints, upon the basis of the
said confession. According to the compiler, that worship is a
veritable act of idolatry, by which man turns his back upon God
to worship the creature. Quotations from the Scriptures and the
Fathers abound; even Wycliffe, "lo doctor evangelic," finds a
place here.'"

214 The Waldenses of Italy.
Fifthly, we have the treatise on the Power given to the Vicars
of Christ, a translation of a fragment of the Treatise on the
Church, by John Huss. Although literal, this translation seems
to deviate slightly from the train of thought of the author, at
least upon the question of faith. While Huss speaks of receiving
Christ through faith, the translator would receive Him through
the fides formafa, according to the formula of Thomas Aquinas.
This point has been especially pointed out.
Sixthly, we come to the treatise on Antichrist. This exists
only in quotations, fortunately, very extensively furnished by
Pen-in and Leger. Dieckhoff had suspected its Hussite origin,
but to GoU belongs the credit of having demonstrated the fact.'"
Ineed, it dates back to Lucas of Prague. The Waldensian
compiler did not adhere strictly to the original arrangement of the
matter, but the divergences appear to be very insignificant.
According to his definition, Antichrist is not a person, but merely
a vague personification of the hypocritical rebellion against the
Church of God and its legitimate ordinances. Its acts are
described, as well as the consequences thereof, and the appear
ances by which they are concealed. Montet concludes that
originally this treatise must have been one with that which turns
upon the causes of the breach with the Romish Church, because
the latter is partly found again in the fragments of the treatise on
Antichrist, preserved by Perrin and Leger.
Finally, let us record the treatise of the Minor Interrogations.
It is a Catechism, the origin of which has greatly puzzled investi
gators, at the head of whom are Professors Zezschwitz and GoU.
At first this was considered to be simply a revision of the
Catechism of the year 1524, belonging to the Brethren of
Bohemia. Dieckhoff and Herzog were of opinion that the two
Catechisms should be attributed to a common source, Bohemian,
but lost. According to Zezschwitz, the Waldensian Catechism
is older than that of the Brethren of Bohemia, which would not
at all prevent their having a common source ; only it would have
to be sought for farther back, in the literature of that country.
Since then GoU has discovered a manuscript in the Tzech
language, in which he thought he recognized the original text of
the Bohemian Catechism. There the question rests.'""
This concludes our review of the prose writings of the first
period. To be absolutely complete, we ought stiU to mention one

The Waldenses of Italy. 215
or other production, which, under the mass of compilations, may
have escaped us. We ought to notice the rescript of more than
one writing already mentioned — of Penitence or Glosa Pater
for instance ; or, again, some letters and memoirs which appeared
on the eve of the introduction of a Reformation in the valleys of
the Cottian Alps. A summary review has limits, however, be
yond which it is impossible to pass. Moreover, the direct con
nection of such letters and memoirs with the subsequent period
will compel us to deal with them later on. Let us now, therefore,
pass to the last division of our chapter, which we shaU devote to
the poetic writings.
After having threaded our way through the somewhat dark
tangle of the prose literature, encumbered with quotations, and
bristling with unsolved and insoluble problems, we do not regret
fully look back upon its charms ; they are too few and mixed.
We rejoice rather at the prospect of coining out into the bright
hght of day, or to gaze upon the stars that shine ip the sky of
poesy. Our metaphor, somewhat bold perhaps, will serve to
introduce in a measure the subject which is now about to engross
our attention.
The sky of Waldensian poetry is far from being as thickly
covered as is the forest of prose. No stars of the first magni
tude appear, though some luminaries are visible even to the
naked eye ; of course, more than one has disappeared. Had
they shone with a brighter lustre, would they not have been
noticed ? We have already mentioned a piece of rhymed prose,
called Rithmes de St. Augustin, a modest little comet, which has
passed into obUvion,'"' and we can hardly hope that any new dis
covery wUl be made. The last, which we owe to Muston, was
made in 1849, and relates to an already known writing; but one
whose somewhat halting measure and rhythm, had not been made
out. AU that has come down to us forms a graceful little group.
The Noble Lesson is the principal poem ; then come seven less
briUiant pieces of verse : The Scorn of the World, The Bark,
The New Comfort, The New Sermon, The Lord's Prayer,
The Parable of the Sower, and The Father Eterncd. Have
Ave here works that are united only in appearance, as the stars of
some constellation ; or, do they really form a group — like that of
a planet for instance, with its Uttle train of satellites ? Montet
observes that they present " something like an appearance of

216 The Waldenses of Italy.
relationship," yet he does not venture to infer from this a com
mon origin. According to Muston they were seen to rise in the
east and foUow a westward course ; but others are of a contrary
opinion, and hold that the Waldensian group, even though not a
planetary one, naturaUy follows the reverse course ; that is to say
that the majority of the poems have the same source as the Wal
densian versions of the Scriptures and most of the other prose
writings, and came from France with the refugees who escaped the
persecutions. We shaU look into that question at tbe proper
time and place. We have now to deal with these eight poems,
one by one, reserving to the last a few critical notes upon The
Noble Lesson.^"'' I. — The Scoen of the World. '"^
This poem treats of the vanities of life and its fictitious
treasures down to the 95th verse, which says :
L'onor del mont yo te volk racontar.
Here we expect a new departure ; but twenty lines further on
the poem is suddenly interrupted. It would seem, therefore, to
be incomplete. More than one author has remarked, towards the
end of it, certain allusions which seem to be inspired neither by
the spectacle nor the experience of the hard life endured in the
vaUeys of the Alps. Those towers, palaces, great banquets,
beautiful vineyards, and spacious gardens, carry the mind back to
the luxurious life of the plain and the opulent Lords of Pro
vence, rather than to the humble domains of the castle of Luserna
and the shepherds of the valleys. Among those descriptions
one is particularly admired ; it is that of death which we give
here : — Tot czo qu'es crea de earn la mort destruy e auci ;
Ilh apremis li grant e li petit asi ;
Ilh ten de li noble la poysencza,
E non ha d'alcun neuna marczeneiancza.
A li due e a li princi ilh es mot criminal ;
A jove asi a velh ilh non vol pardonar.
Par alcun enging non po scampar lo fort
Qu'el non sia atrissa sot lo pe de la mort.

The Waldenses of Italy. 217
II. —The Bark.'"*
This poem begins by describing
De la humana condicion la vilecza.
Man, formed of the basest of the four elements, lives iu a
world full of miseiy, iniquity, and vanity of aU kinds. At last he
wiU be the food of worms. It vvould have been better for him
had he never been born. Death menaces him. He knows not
when it will come. If he be not prepared, he will be taken
unawares, and the result will be ruin and perdition ; therefore
let us awake and lead a wise life. Life here below may be com
pared to a bark making for a port — the Kingdom of God. We
are the passengers. All depends on the manner in which the
bark is laden ; for, once arrived, the cargo cannot be changed.
Happy is the careful man who shaU be found to have laden it with
gold and precious stones, rather than with wood, hay, and stubble ;
but the plight of the careless will be pitiable.
Lo paure marinier que la barca giiidare
A I'nitra d'aquest port trey gran eri gittare,
Diczent : Ay, ay, ay ! del grant paur qu'el aure ;
aud he will be cast into heU. What use wiU his amassed riches
be to him then ? Therefore, 0 sinner ! look and recognize thy
misery. Would'st thou have nothing to fear ? Then humble
thyself before God. Cry to him that he may have mercy upon
thee ; and, going to thy confessor, say unto him : —
Yo peccador, a Dio e a vos soy veugu
Qui vos me done bon conselh a vera penetencia.
Make confession with an open heart, concealing nothing.
E cant tu te seres coufessa entierament
De tuit li teo pecca, cum plor et pentiment.
resolve to commit no more sins, and keep the resolution.
E non te sia greo d'far bona e vera penedeucza
whUe it is time. Car en enfern non ha ledempcion
Ni alcuna perfectivol ni bona confession,
Del cal nos garde Dio pev la soa passion
E nos albei-o;e tuit en la soa sancta maison.

218 The Waldenses of Italy.
Muston claims that the poem concludes with the sinner
acknowledging his faults, and accepting as his only pUot, Jesus
Christ, and as his only treasure His merits.'"^ If this were so,
we should have before us a Protestant poem, whereas, it is hardly
Waldensian. Certain rather trivial expressions betray the jargon
of the monks ;'"" whilst some words seem to indicate a relatively
modern period.'"' At any rate it is very doubtful whether this
poetry was written in the valleys of Piedmont, unless we admit
that there, as elsewhere, there was occasion for saying : —
Li autre ineton lor temps en servir ben lo cors,
De beore e de manjar e pilhar grant deport;
En cantar e baUar meton poc de mesura,
E la noyt e lo jorn segont lor grant luxura,
Durmir e repausar sencz neuna mesura ;
En ornar ben lo cors, aquil es lor grant cura.
3. — The Lord's Prayer.'"'
This production somewhat disguised by the prose accompany
ing it, was first noticed by Muston.'"' Perrin and Leger trans
lated it, without noticing that it was poetry, under the title of
Confession of Sins of the Ancient Waldenses. It is indeed a
confession of sins. It begins thus :—
0 Dio de li rey e Segnor de li segnor, yo me confesso a Tu,
Car yo soy a quel peccador que t'hay mot offendu.
We soon discover here the idea derived from readiug the
Psalms, and an example of that confession to God recommendel
in the Bark. It is very different to analyse this piece; it
abounds so much in parallelisms and repetitions. Nevertheless, we
will try.
0 Lord, I implore Thy forgiveness, for I have greatly sinned.
I have no excuse to offer, for I have done evil, not through
ignorance, but through wickedness and ingratitude, and have for
saken Thy commandments, to give myself up blindly to covetous
ness. Not only have I sinned against Thee directly, but I am
also guilty toward my neighbour. Now, I confess that my
repentance is valueless. What is it, as compared -with my
iniquity ? Nevertheless, Lord, Thou seest ; I cast myself at Thy
feet, with tears and groans.

The Waldenses of Italv. 219
Segnor Dio, tu sabes tot czo que yo hay confessa ;
Encara hi a moti mal que yo non hay reconta.
Mas tu sabes li mal pensier e li mal parlament
E las perversas obras que yo fax a temp present.
Segnor, perdona me, e dona me alongament
Que yo poisa far penitencia en la vita present ;
E dona me tal gracia al temp que es a venir
Que ayre tant lo mal que yo non lo facza plus.
E ame tant las vertucz e las garde al meo cor ;
Que yo ame tu sobra tot, e te feme tant fort
Que yo haya fayt lo teo placzer al jorn de la mia mort.
E dona me tal flancza al jorn de jujament
Que yo non tema demoni, ni autre pavantament,
Ma iste a la toa dreita sencza defalhiment
Segnor, tot ayczo sia fayt per lo teo placziment.
Deo gracias ! Amen.
Muston does not admire these verses unreservedly ; but theii
very defects seem to him to be a sign of " great antiquity."" '
Now and then a verse would lead us to suppose the author had
read the Noble Lesson. At any rate, this piece unmistakably
bears the seal of the Waldensian dissidence.

IV. — The New Comfort.'*"
The subject is indicated at the very commencement : —
Aquest novel confort de vertuos lavor
Mando, vos scrivent en carita e en amor ;
Prego vos carament per I'amor del Segnor,
Alandona lo segle, serve a Dio cum temor.
First comes a somewhat monotonous description of the
wretchedness of life ; after that, some striking passages ; for
instance these three quatrains upon faith and works : —
San Jaco mostra e aferma clarament
Que I'ome non se salva per la fe solament ;
Se el non es cum las obras mescla fidelment :
La ie sola es vana e morta verament.

220 The Waldenses of Italy.
E sant Paul conferma aquest tal parlar,
Que I'auvidor de la ley non se poire salvar ;
Si el non vol cum la fe las obras acabar.
La corona d'gloria non es degne de portar.
Car enayma en I'ome son dui compliment,
L'esperit e lo cors en la vita present ;
Enayma la fe e las obras son un ligament
Per local I'ome se salva, e non ja d'autrament.
Further, the poet resumes the law of Jesus Christ, and
exhorts the reader to yield his rebel heart to Him : —
Emperczo al seo cor se conven batalhar
E a li seo desirier fortment contrastar.
Gum la sancta scriptura lo cor amonestar,
D'esperita cadena fermament lo ligar.
Let him therefore serve the Lord in a spirit of fear and
fidelity, patiently enduring tribulations, even persecutions and
martyrdom ; let suffering complete the purification of his soul and
its preparation for heaven. Moreover, the eye of Christ, the
Good Shepherd, is upon them who follow Him, to keep theni.
Has he not sealed them as His own? They are "His little
ilock," His sheep and His lambs. Therefore, He calls them by
their names, leads them to His pastures and to the very fountain
of life. It has been so from the beginning, and He is faithful to
the end. Those who follow Him shall be partakers of His
victory, coronation, and triumph. The poem concludes with the
following lines : —
0 car amic ! leva vos del dormir.
Car vos non sabe I'ora que Xrist deo venir :
Velha tota via de cor en Dio servir.
Per istar a la gloria, lacal non deo fenir.
Ara vene al dia clar e non sia neghgent,
Tabussa a la porta, facze vertuosament.
E lo sant sperit vos hubrire dvoczament
E amenare vos a la gloria del eel verayament.
Vene» e non atende a la noyt tenebrosa,
Lacal es mot scura, orribla, espavantosa ;
Aquel que ven de noyt, ja I'espos ni I'esposa
Non hubrire a lui la porta preciosa.

The Waldenses of Italy. 221
Raynouard, struck with the relative perfection of the rhythm,
was the first to state that this piece could not be very ancient.
Moreover, does not its language prove this sufficiently ? If we
admit a date that brings us near the Reformation, we shall be
more easily able to account for what is said in it concerning
persecution, and the allusion to the " wicked Antichrists."
V. — The New Sermon."^
In this we have depicted the contrast between the being wbo
waUows in his sin, and the sacred nobility of the penitent. First,
we have a description of those who live for earth, then of those
who live for heaven. The poet begins by saying that men have
gone astray ; there are but few who care to do right, to be num
bered with the elect. They would like to enter Paradise without
taking any trouble to gain it. Now, who does not know that tlie
work of our salvation demands our whole energy ? Here again, to
will is to be able, if we be guided by knowledge. Wisdom advises
everyone to serve God ; but many a one, who has grasped this
fact, goes to perdition just the same. Such is the fate of many
who aUowed themselves to be seduced by covetousness. In this
respect princes, peasants, merchants, usurers, artisans, and
clergy, all join the same path. The latter have the greater
blame, for :
Aquesti ban promes, per propria voluntia,
De segre Yeshu Xrist per via de poverta,
E ensegnar a li autre la via d'vita e d'salvacion ;
Ma car fan plus lo contrari ilh son fait pejor d'tuit.
Entende saviment que yo non die d'li bon.
Que son serf del segnor, ma die d'li fellon.
Do any of them enjoy the money they heap up '? No, in
deed ; they live too much in dread of losing it ; meanwhile, death
¦steps in, and then they are compelled to part with their treasure ;
therefore let us avoid coveting the goods of this world. On the
other hand, excessive poverty has its snares ; we must not be
entangled in them. Let us earn our living honestly, giving away
any surplus, and we shall lay up for ourselves treasure in heaven.
Yet, while some heap up treasures, others follow the lusts of the

222 The Waldenses of Italy.
flesh, and give themselves up to idleness, gluttony, and luxury.
They will find at last that they have served a false god. Death
will precipitate them into hell, where every sin will receive its
appropriate punishment. If, during life, you wore sumptuous
apparel, you shall be naked and cold. If you slept too much
your couch will be invaded by insects. If you enjoyed good
cheer, you will be consumed by hunger and thirst. The impure,
freezing with cold, will be lashed by the storm. "^ Ribald
laughter will be followed by unceasing tears ; foolish songs will
be changed into curses, and he who shone by his comeliness, will
be black as coal. Let us learn, therefore to give our body
nothing but clothing and food, and to hold it in check. But here
is yet another band of sinners ; pride is their banner. This one
because he was placed in a position of authority, has no feeling
but that of scorn ; another can only breathe forth vengeance.
another prides himself on his own sense, or else he swears and
prejudices himself, and threatens and curses. Their end is in the
burning lake of fire and brimstone.
Such is the triple cohort of those who serve the world, the
flesh, and the devil. But there are also those who serve the
Lord. These may be classified into three categories.
La primiera paria es de li contemplant
Lical son dit perfeit en seguent paureta,
Vivent concordialment en pacz e en carita ;
Per paya auren lo regne que Dio lor ha dona.
Ma I'autra compagnia que ven al segont gra
Es la nobla guarnacion, clara per castita,
Amant Dio e le proyme, lavorant justament,
Retenent per lo vivre, donant lo remanent.
Aquesti auren terra nova per la dreita liereta,
La call Xrist ha promise a li sio benaura.
Ma la tercza paria es de li noceia
Gardant lo matrimoui fidelment e en bonta,
Departent se de mal, faczent vertuos lavor,
E ensegnant a li lor filh la temor del Segnor.
Taken altogether, these are the elect, the redeemed of ChriLt.
Humility is their banner. They are a " small company," but thtir
valour is not measured by their number.

The Waldenses op Italy. 223
AquUh son poc per numbre, que portan aqueUa ensegna ;
Ma Uh son mot per valor, car en compagnia deg-na,
Czo es Jeshu Xrist, filh de sancta Maria,
Que U conforta mot e lor mostra la via
NoveUa, e vivent, e de salvacion.
From this language, it is evident that this poem is not ancient.
It dates, perhaps, from the XVI. century. The allusions found
in it relating to the pleasures of an opulent, luxurious, and
frivolous state of society, recall much more forcibly the civihzation
of large cities, than the rustic and arduous life of the Alps.
VI. — The Parable of the Sower."*
This is a paraphrase on the parable of Our Lord. An analysis
would therefore be superfluous. The exposition proceeds without
protection. It is sober, simple, and touching. It afforded a
favourable opportunity for polemical allusions ; but the author
avoids them, as will be seen from the following verses : —
Aquisti fals oysel son li maligne sperit,
L'escriptura o demonstra, e en I'evangeli es script :
E volon devorar lo tropeUet petit
Del cal es bon pastor lo segnor Yeshu Xrist.
Aquesta mala herba, semenoza de tristicia,
Czo son li filh feilon, plen de tota niahcia,
De persegre li just ham mota cubiticia,
Volent lor deviar la divina justicia.
Tribulacions lor donan e li trabalhan fort,
Facien a lor niotas angustias e torment entro a la mort ;
Mas lijust son form ; en Xrist ban lor confort ;
Al regne de paradis istaren cum deport.
Emperczo temon Dio, gardant se de mal far ;
La ley del Segnor s'efforczan de gardar
E totas adversitas en paciencia portar,
Entro que sia vengu lo temp del meisonar.
The applications, which have reference to the good seed, are
particularly interesting to us. Let us note the principal ones.

224 The Waldenses of Italy.
D'aquesta tal semencza son li bon auvidor,
Que scoutan volentier la vocx de Salvador ;
Ben lor par docza, bona, complia d'resplendor ;
De bon cor la recebon, cum spiritual amor.
La paroUa divina se planta en lor cor,
E ferma la soa reicz dedincz e de for,
Que per neuna adversita non es arracha ni mor.
Fin son, a tota prova, coma lo metalh de I'or.
Ben venczon lo demoni e la soa temptacion,
E la soa grant batalha, e la soa decepcion.
La paroUa de Xrist tenon cum devocion
Cum tota bonas obras, complias de perfeccion.
Non lor po noyre vent ni autra mala tempesta,
Ni la perseguecion, ni autra caus molesta,
Non volon laisar Xrist qu'es lor veraya testa,
Mas anion lui e lo temon, e lo servon cum festa.
Non temon lor torbilh de la cura moudana,
De la mala cubicitia, ni de la gloria vana,
Ni desirier carnal ni temptacion humana ;
Car servison a Dio cum la fe cristiana.
Lor mayson hedifican per durar longament,
Cavant en aut fan ferm fundament
En la cantonal peira de Xrist omnipotent.
Non la po more fluz, ni u dilivi ni vent.
Paures son per sperit de la cura temporal ;
Non segiion avaricia, la reyoz de tuit mal :
Mas queron las riqueczas e lo don celestial.
La corona de gloria, lo regne perpetual.
Per czo meton lor cor en servir Yeshu Xrist
Per aquistar riqueczas al regne sobre dit,
Al cal non pon intrar li avar e li cubit ;
L'escriptura o demostra, e en sant Paul es script.
Si alcona vota ploran en la vita present,
Suffrent las angustias e moti apremiment,
Ilh seren benaura al dia del jujament ;
Istaren a la dreyta de Xrist alegrament.

The Waldenses of Italy. 225
Mot son pacific, human e ben suffrent ;
Non se volon deffendre, non son mal repondent,
Mas porton en paciencia gi-eo cosas entre la gent ;
Emperczo son apella filh de Dio tot poysant.
Tribulacions suffi-on, e perseguecion gi-ant ;
Son tormenta e aucis e en grant career istant ;
Per czo son plen de temor e de grant spavant,
Sovent d'un luoc en autre fuon trafugant.
E cant perdon la roba de que devon campar,
Conven qu'ilh se fatigon en fort lavorar.
Car non van mendigant, ni almona demandar :
Del lavor de lor mans se volon ajudar.
Per czo son benaura, enayma es script,
E volon ben comphr czo que lo Segnor ha dit.
Que non faczan venjancza de grant ni de petit ;
Non rendan mal per mal ni maldit per maldit.
After what we have just read, we shall have no difficulty in
admitting that the origin of this poem must be looked for not far
from the refuge of the Cottian Alps, perhaps even before the time
of the last great persecutions.
VII. — The Father Eternal.'"^
We have here a poem sui generis in the Waldensian group.
First, it differs from the others in the train of thought ; though
that is dogmatic, or even scholastic ; secondly, in the style ; the
artifice which, at the expense of simplicity, dominates it, of itself
proves that this piece has no relation to the origin of Waldensian
dissidence, but constitutes an exceptional production, if not a
foreign one, in which we vainly seek for that gi-ace accompanied
by picturesqueness of figure and that natural style which we admire
in the other poems. A short quotation, however, will say more
than many words. Here are the first three, and the last
stanza : —
0 Dio, payre eternal poisant conforta me !
Enayma lo tio filh I'arme gouverna me :
Enayma degainant, retornant a tu, recep me !

226 The Waldenses of Italy.
Ameistra me, Dio filh sapiencia
D'entendament e d'auta sciencia.
En paroUa e en veraya speriencia.
Dio sperit, bonta, vita de tota gent,
Dona me la toa gracia en la vita present;
E a la fin tu me garda de tot amar torment.
Dio autic, novel, per ta bonta un en tres,
Hosta de mi lo ment que destruy en mi czo qu'es,
Lausor sia a tua, ben compUament de tot cant es.
Ought we, with Herzog, to admit that this poem is fuU of
allusions to Catharism, and think, as Montet does, that the author
had left the sect of the Albigenses to embrace the principles of
Waldo, and that in this poem " he poses as the adversary" of
the doctrines of the Cathari '? We are not convinced of this ;
the passages quoted to support this hypothesis seem to us
insignificant, and to perceive all that in it appears to us to require
a great deal of the wish that is father to the thought. We have
also been unable to perceive that the Albigenses were pointed at
in the peaceful Parable of the Sower, and if there is "an intentional
enunciation of the Anti-Catharin truths," we confess that it has
escaped our attention ; in other words, we are not prepared to
beheve anything of the kind. It is pretended that this allusion
to Catharism is found again in the principal Waldensian poem,
which we shall now examine.
VIIL— The Noble Lesson.""
The poetry of the Waldenses naturally savours of their
school. The title of Sermon or Lesson corresponds very well
with the character of its most remarkable pieces. Still, lessons
differ in kind. This one excels in its contents, so that it is
especially entitled to our attention.
The object of the Noble Lesson is indicated in the first hnes :
0 frayres, entende una nobla leyczon :
Sovent deven velhar e istar en oracion.
Car nos veyen aquest mont esser pres del chavon ;
Mot curios deorian esser de bonas obras far,
Car nos veyen aquest mont de la fin appropriar.

The Waldenses of Italy. 227
As to the matter of the poem itself, here is an epitome of it :
Breoment es reconta en aquesta leyczon
De las treys que Dio done al mont.
La prumiera ley demostra a qui ha sen e raczon,
Co es a conoiser Dio e honorar lo seo Creator.
Ma la seconda ley, que Dio done a Moysent.
Nos ensegna a temer Dio e server luy fortment.
Car el condampna e punis tot home que I'offent.
Ma la tercza ley, lacal es ara al temp present,
Nos ensegna amar Dio de bon cor e servir purament.
Autra ley d'ayci enant non deven plus aver.
Si non en segre Yeshu Xrist, e far lo seo bon plager.
Such a resume as we can give here cannot be satisfactory.'"
The verses we have just quoted indicate one of the sahent features
of the poem, or, we might say, the skeleton of it ; and it is evident
that, looked at from this point of view, the Noble Lesson presents
the three successive divisions marked by Muston : the first ending
at the 138tli verse ; the second at the 207th ; the third at the
348th ; then foUows the final application or conclusion. We shaU
not endeavour here to substitute any other division. Only, this
skeleton being admitted, we must ti-y to clothe it with what is
necessary to constitute a body. What we have to say further
wUl serve that purpose.
The end of the world is near ; it is foretold by signs. The
hour of judgment is about to sound for aU. Then
Li bon iron en gloria e li mal al torment.
To be convinced of this, one has but to consult the Scriptures.
There we shall also find that the good are in the minority. If we
deshe to belong to that number, let us learn to invoke the aid of
the Holy Trinity, love our neighbour, and turn a hopeful eye upon
the blessings to come. Our salvation depends upon that. But
the wicked find no pleasure therein. Carried away by love of the
world, they forsake the promises and God's laws ; they even com
pel others to follow them ; and evil has mvaded everything.
Whence does this arise ? In this way : Adam sinned first ; the
seed of sin passed to his descendants, and with sin, death ; but
I 2

228 The Waldenses of Italy.
the good are redeemed by the sufferings of Christ. Evil has only
increased with the generations of mankind. First, we have cor
rupted in ourselves that noble law of nature which taught us to
love God, to seiwe Him, to keep inviolate the holy marriage bond,
and to love our neighbour as ourselves. Then God's threat was
fidfiUed, contrary to what men now say, namely, that He did not
create man in order that he should perish. The deluge came and
destroyed the idlers. Noah and his house were spared, and God
promised to send no more deluge upon the earth ; but Noah^s
descendants having greatly multiplied, gave themselves up to
evil, and doubted of God's faithfulness. In order to guard them
selves against the deluge, they built a tower or city of refuge.
God rendered their foolish undertaking of none effect ; He con
founded their language, so that they were obhged to disperse. As
they continued to transgress natural laws, five cities were destroyed
by fire from heaven. All their inhabitants perished except Lot,
his wife, and his guests — though afterwards his wife, because of
her disobedience, perished also. After that, God called upon
Abraham to leave his own country. Through him He prepared a
separate people, which first lived in Egypt. Afterwards, being
delivered by the hand of Moses from tbe yoke of oppression, it
crossed the Red Sea and entered the desert, where it received the
law, written upon tables of stone. At that time discipline reigned
amongst the people of God. When they were finally estabhshed
in the promised land, they prospered by reason of their faithful
ness ; and, finally, having become unfaithful, they were carried
away captive into Babylon. When they repented they were
restored to Jerusalem ; this repentance, however, was of short
duration, and soon there remained to observe the law but a small
number of the pious.
Mas hi ac alcuna gent plen de si gran falsita ;
Co foron li Pharisio e h autre scriptura;
Qu'Uh gardesan la ley mot era demostra.
Que la gent o veguessan, per esser plus honra ;
Mas poc val aquel honor que tost ven a chavon:
Ilh persequian li sant e li just e li bon.
Cum plor e cum gemament oravan lo Segnor,
Que deisendes en terra per salvar aquest mont.
Car tot I'uman lignage annava a perdicion.

The Waldenses of Italy. 229
Then God sent His angel to " a noble maiden of royal
lineage," to announce to her that she would bring into the world
Jesus, the Saviour. Jesus was born poor ; he escaped the perse
cution occasioned by the visit of the "trey baron," and selected
twelve Apostlfl,'5 E vole mudar la lV,v tiue devant avia dona ;
El non la mude pas, qu'ilh" /os habandona,
Mas la renoveUe, qu'ilh fos mefri' ^garda.
The new law is superior to that of Moses ; the Sermon on the
Mount is a testimony to that. Jesus having himself been bap
tized for the salvation of men, conferred upon His Aptostles the
power of baptizing and instructing every creature in the law of
the Gospel. To this power He added that of perforiiaing
miracles, and of foreteUing the future. He had instructed theijo
to foUow the path of poverty, and had taught them by means of
parables, which have been preserved to us in the New Testament ;
hence it follows that if anyone love Christ, and desire to imitate
Him, he must begin by reading the Scriptures. We find there
Que solament per far ben Xrist fo persegu
E cant el faczia mais de ben, plus era persegu.
FinaUy, Jesus was betrayed and crucified.
Taut foron li torment amar e doloyros
Que I'arma partic del cors per salvar li peccador.
After His resurrection. He appeared to His disciples, and
promised to be with them to the end. Then He ascended up into
heaven, whence the Holy Spirit descended upon the Apostles on
the day of Pentecost. Since that time these latter have gone
into the world preaching the Gospel, and there soon sprung up a
people of believers.
Cristians foron nomma, car ilh creyan en Xrist.
All were persecuted, not by the saints, for that has never been
seen, but by people who acted mostly from ignorance. To-day,
as then, there are those who persecute, and they call themselves
His disciples !

230 The Waldenses of Italy.
Mas enapres li apostol foron alcuns doctors
Lical mostravan la via de Xrist lo nostre Salvador.
Mas encar sen troba alcun al temp present,
Lical son manifest a mot poc de la gent.
La via de Yeshu Xrist mot fort volrian. 'aroi^ii-i'yi,
Mas tant son persegu que a penro o pon far ;
Tant son li fals Xristian RJiiceca per error ;
E maiorment que hV autre aquUh que devon esser pastor,
Car ilh perseguojn e aucion aquilh que son melhor,
E laysan en pacz U fals e li enganador.
Mas en cz^o se po conoyser qu'ilh non son bon pastor,
Car no?;i aman las feas si non per la toyson.
After that, praise was reserved for the wicked. It was he who
-ivas exalted as " prudom e leal home." But let such as act in
that manner beware ; they will be confounded at last. It will
avail them nothing to caU in the confessor in their last moments.
However, we shall see by an example how they are accustomed to
act: Cant lo mal lo costreng taut que a pena po parlar
El demanda lo prever e se vol confessar ;
Mas segont l'escriptura, el ha trop tarcza, lacal di :
" San e vio te confessa e non atendre la fin ! "
Lo prever li demanda si el ha neun pecca;
Duy mot o trey respont e tost ha despacha.
Ben li di lo prever qu'el non po esser asout.
Si el non rent tot I'autruy e smenda U seo tort.
Mas cant el au ayczo, el ha grant pensament,
E pensa entre si que, si el rent entierament,
Que remanre a li seo enfant, e que dire la gent ;
E comanda a li seo enfant que smendoii li seo tort,
E fay pat cum lo prever qu'el poysa esser asout :
Si el n'a cent lioras de I'autruy o encara 2 cent,
Lo prever lo quitta per cent sout o encara per mencz
E li fay amonestancza e li promet perdon,
Qu'el faga dire mesa per si e per U sio payron
E lor empromet perdon sia a just, o sia a feUon. '"
Adonca li pausa la man sobre la testa ;
Cant el li dona mais, li fay plus grant festa.

The Waldenses of Italy. 231
E U fay entendament que el es mot ben asout :
Mas mal son smenda aquUh de qui el ha li tort.
Mas el sere enganna en aital asolvament;
E aquel que lio o fay encreyre hi pecca mortalment.
Ma yo ruso dire, car se troba en ver,
Que tuit li papa que foron de Silvestre entro en aquest,
E tuit li cardenal e li evesque e li abba,
Tuit aquisiti ensemp non ban tanta potesta
Que ilh poissan perdonar un sol pecca mortal :
Solament Dio perdona, que antra non ho po far.
The pastors and the faithful who are worthy of the name do
not act so. Their confession is sincere and thorough ; for if any
one desh-e to foUow Christ he must practice these three virtues :
spiritual poverty, chastity, and humUity.
Such is the permanent law — the way open to us. Let us walk
in it, and remember we are told to watch.
E esser mot avisa del temp de I'antechrist,
Que nos non crean ni a son fait ni a son dit.
Car segont l'escriptura, son ara fait moti antechrist.
Car antechrist sont tuit aquilh que contrastan a Xrist.
Once more, the end is near at hand ; the judgment will soon
come, when heaven and earth shall be shaken. God grant that
on that day our place be found on the right hand of the just
Judge for ever and ever.
Such is a summary of the Noble Lesson.'" We shaU not
here consider the special doctrine that characterizes it ; but we
aheady feel, and shaU moreover demonstrate further on, that it
coincides in every respect with the doctrine of the Waldenses.
We would prefer to examine the question of the date of the
poem, which is stUl such a subject of dispute.
According to an interpretation, which has become traditional,
the Noble Lesson dates back to a period before Waldo. According
to modern criticism it goes back only to the eve of the Reforma
tion, We shall show that this tradition is tainted with prejudice,
and that the critics in this matter hive proceeded with a certain
degree of haste, which has not accelerated a definite solution.
The great point in the dispute that has taken place with
regard to the date of the poem is furnished by two hnes, which

232 The Waldenses of Italy.
are read in two different ways. The reading first followed wa»
this : — Ben ha mil e cent ancz compli entierament
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp.
The other reading, generally foUowed now-a-days, is as
follows : — Ben ha mil e 4 cent an compli entierament
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp.
Of these two readings which is the correct one ? That,
really, is what the whole question is about. Let us enter
into some details, and examine first the one that bears the most
ancient date. Raynouard translated it literally. He says :
Bien a mille et cent aus accomplis entierement
Que fut ecrite I'heure que nous sommes au dernier temps."-'
But did he interpret it aright ? " The poem of the Nobla
Leiczon, he writes, bears the date of 1100." Raynouard did not
well consider that statement ; undoubtedly because he thought
only of appropriating the popular and traditional interpretation of
Morland, Leger, and their repeaters ; moreover, he was interested
in making it fit in with his theory of the primitive Romance lan
guage. Reuss, accustomed to more strictly accurate language,
opens his eyes in astonishment, and exclaims : " Can it be
believed ? almost all the authors who have written upon these
verses, and the poem from which they are taken, claim that they
contain directly and explicitly the poet's mdication of the epoch — ¦
the year 1100 of our era."-' This Avould mean that, at the
moment of our Lord's birth, someone predicted the end of the
world at a given time, and that his writing was accepted as
authoritative at the end of the XI. century ! Is that common
sense ? Where are the inspired books, or those passing as such,
which are contemporary with the year one ? How could those
writers, one after the other, repeat a statement contrary to the
best established facts recorded in sacred historj^, which even
our children know by heart ? Evidently the date, from which to
compute the 1100 years of the poet, must be the epoch of a
writing, containing a similar prediction ; which writing, in its
time, preoccupied the minds and awakened the anxious attention

The Waldenses or Italy. 233
of the party to which it belonged."''-- Now, what is that writing '?
According to Reuss, " it can be none other than the Apocalypse,"
and he does not even think it necessary to prove his statement.
Herzog is not of that opinion ; he believes that the writing
designated by the poet must be the first Epistle of the Apostle
John, which the Waldenses aU knew quite as weU as the Apo
calypse.'^^ Be this as it may, as, according to tradition, those two
writings date fi-om the end of the first century, whether it be one
or the other, the questions remain unchanged. We must,
therefore, count the 1100 years from the year 100 or thereabout.
If wo take the indication given by the poet, in its literal sense,
we come down to a period later than the year 1200 ; for it is only
fair io recognize that this indication — somewhat approximative
and general as it is — refers less to the year than to the century ;
it means that the XII. century was ended and past sometime
before.'^* Our conclusion is, that if the reading of the verse
.quoted be correct, its hteral interpretation fixes the date of the
poem at the beginning of the XIII. centui-y ; that is to say, from
the year 1200 to 1240. Muston has not yet given his adherence
to this view ; still even he no longer dates the Noble
Lesson back to the year ilOO ; the name of Vaudes
found in it no longer seems to him a proof that the Waldenses
existed before Waldo ; and he is ready to " bring that composition
down to a period posterior to that of Waldo." We make a note
of this concession. But why stop short of the term indicated in
the poem "? That is what the historian does when he states that
the Noble Lesson " belongs to the second half and probably the
end ofthe XII. century," whilst at the same time adding " it might
without anachronism be brought down stUl nearer to our time."'^'
It must, in our opinion, be so brought down — arithmetic and logic
demand it ; and that is undoubtedly the reason why, in a recent
study of the Noble Lesson made by a Waldensian pastor, the
following conclusion, as here quoted, is arrived at : — " We are
led to fix the dates of the composition of the poem at the end of
the XII. century, or the beginning of the XIIL, say between 1190
and 1240."'^" On this point we are nearly in complete agreement
with the writer.
It remains to verify the date. From an historical point of
view nothing can be easier. Everybody knows that at the begin
ning of the XIII. century the end of the world was expected :

234 The Waldenses of Italy.
many predicted a universal upheaval ; in short, it was an hmXt of
general expectation.'^' Without being won over by the Apocalyp
tic ideas of Joachin de Flore and his school, the Waldenses
yielded in part to the spirit of the age ; they, too, distinguished the
great epochs of the human race, but after their own fashion ; that
is to say, according to the Scriptural reading. This, however, is
the fact which may most clearly indicate the date of the docnment
we are considering : the Noble Lesson corresponds fully and dis
tinctly to the testimony of the Inquisitors, respecting principles-
of doctrine and morals of the Waldenses during the Middle Ages.
This point will be made clear further on ; only we must acknow-^
ledge that the considerations ordinarily brought forward on this
subject, our own included, do not apply exclusively to the XIIL
century ; they do not prove that the composition of the Noble
Lesson was, in the following century, out of the question — far from
it. That which makes us insist upon the XIIL century, is solely
and entirely the indication of the poet. Had he written :
Ben ha mil e 2 cent an compli entierament,
v.'b should feel quite easy in our minds ; the entire poem would
still be accounted for by reasons of a general kind, such as justify
the accepted date.
But is that date authentic ? That is the kernel of the
question. The critic, Dieckhoff of Goettingen, doubted it before
he could adduce any apparent reason for his doubts. This learned
man, gifted with great perspicuity, but with too fertile an
imagination, bethought himself one day that the Noble Lesson did
not emanate directly from the Waldensian reaction, and might
have issued from that of the Taborites -if the XV. century. In
that case, what became of the verses that indicate the date ?
Dieckhoff explains away their significance, by stating that the
verses had been interpolated. The idea that the poem should
have originated in Bohemia is almost ridiculous. That notion
had no interest for philologists, nor did it long attract the
attention of readers ; Herzog mentions it, only in a few words to
refute it.'^' That point had been reached when the librarian of
Cambridge University laid his hands upon the manuscripts
—deposited by Sir Samuel Morland — thought to have
been lost, perhaps stolen, by the Waldenses or their friends.'^''
On that day fortune favoured Bradshaw. He was looking over

The Waldenses of Italy. 235
the old manuscripts, when his eye was attracted by a copy of the
Noble Lesson. Whilst reading the verses, which we are now
discussing, he came upon a variation : —
Ben ha mil e* cent an compli entierament
Que fo scripta I'ora car sen al derier temp.
The point, marked with an asterisk, showed an erasure.
By the aid of a magnifying glass, the librarian eventuaUy made out
> — so he said — a 4, barely recognizable, owing to the action of an
eraser. "Habemus confitentem reuni," cried he, with gi-eat
satisfaction.'^" A meeting was called, and Bradshaw proved him
self equal to the occasion. After having mentioned with pride
the discovery of the manuscripts — slurring over the fact of their
long obUvion, the result of ignorance — he showed all the
resurrected volumes, and at last came to the subject of the erasure.
He pointed it .out and indicated the figure, which had been
operated upon by the blade of the forger, proceeding by comparing
jt with the other " 4s " which are to be found, in more than one
article forming part of the same volume, to establish its identity
with them. The similarity was evident, and constituted a
primary indication. But the proof was to come. In the following
volume of the series, discovered by him, was a very short fragment,
till then unexamined, containing the first verses only of the Noble
Lesson, written like prose, in uninterrupted lines. Then the
mystery was solved ; for here the four hundred was evident, in
Pioman figures : —

-¦b^

Ben ha mU e cccc anz compli entierament
Que fo scripta I'ora ara sen al derier temps.
That is the second reading. It is more authentic than the
first? Criticism this time scarcely admits of any discussion;
one woidd think that, weary of doubting, it had become credulous.
The manuscripts produced are four in number. Their age seems
to be fixed. Two are at Cambridge, and date, one from the
begmning and the ' other from the middle of the XV. century.
These bear the modern date. The others are in Geneva and
Dublin ; the former belonging to the end of the XV. century, the
latter only to the XVI. These bear the ancient date. Now,
according to Bradshaw, Todd, Herzog, and Montet, there is

236 The A\"aldenses of Italy.
nothing more to be said on the matter ; a decision has to be
arrived at. Only lately Montet wrote : " The question of the time
of the Noble Lesson, the only poem whose date can be approxi
mately fixed, is decided by the respective age of the different
codices which contain it."''^' However, if the truth must be told,.
for us the question is not solved. Can we be sure that no manu
script of the Noble Lesson existed prior to that of Cambridge and
the accompanying fragment ? If such a manuscript did exist, did
it bear the ancient or the modern date ? In other words, what
guarantee have we that the reading of the Cambridge manuscript
is the only authentic one, when, in order to believe that, we must
o-ive up the idea of taking it literaUy ? The attempt to count the
centuries fi-om the year 100 is now given up ; for that would bring
us to the century of the Reformation. Montet seems at first to
wish to make an exception in this case, but he rapidly becomes
confused. He may be judged by his own words. He says : " In
the more ancient manuscripts, the manuscripts B and C of Cam
bridge — one of the first half, the other of the middle of the XV.
century— the Waldensian author states that he writes in the XV^
century. II y a bien mille et quatre cents ans accompUs entieremeut
Depuis que fut ecrite I'heure que nous sommes au dernier temps,
" The author takmg as a. point of departure for his chronology,
the time in which the First Epistle of St. John was written,
namely, about the end of the first century of our era, the fourteen
hundred years of which he speaks, bring us down well into the
fifteenth.'"'- We beg to correct this ; one century, plus fourteen
centuries fully elapsed, bring us to the beginning of the XVL
centurj'. Let us not forget that, according to Reuss, it is a
question of " common sense." If any one possessed that kind of
sense, it was surely the poet, who thought of what he was saying ;
but with the copyist it is a different matter. Little zealous for
the integrity of the text, uneducated, or, it may be,
moderately mindful of the rules of prosody, he may have
been ; hence the mistake. It is not necessary to imagine,
with Muston, that the four manuscripts may have been written
from the same dictation, in order to agree with him, that
it is possible the copyist on arriving at the words, " Ben
ha mil e cent an," may have said to himself, " This will not do.

The Waldenses of Italy. 237
we are in the fifteenth century"; we must therefore write, "Beu
ha mU e 4 cent an.""' A copyist might comiuit such an en-or ;
common sense is not as necessary to such an one, as to the
inditer — and, shall we say ? to his critics.
This is, as far as we are concerned, the main obstacle ; for all
the other aUegations with regard to this less ancient date have
no real value. For instance, what have we to do here with argu
ments derived from the mention of persecutions, or allusions to
the coming of Antichrist ? Persecutions belong to all ages, and
the idea of Antichrist was as widely spread, if not more so,
during the XV. century as at any former period. One may be
sui-prised that the poem should speak of Saracens ; still,
although the expression was an old one, does that prove it to have
been obsolete? Again, the mention of Bishop Sylvester has
seemed to betray a recent date, because it is said the legend
concerning him was not known among the Waldenses in their early
days. What does that signify ? Traces of this legend are not to
be found in aU the revised editions of the poem. The Dublin
manuscript is free from it, Sylvester not being named therein.
Herzog verifies the fact only to observe that " his name may have
been introduced in a subsequent revision ! ""* Here is another
imbroglio. According to the unanimous opinion of all the students
of ancient writings, the Dublin manuscript is the most modern,
and Sylvester is mentioned in the codices of Cambridge and
Geneva. These manuscripts, therefore, present variations that
are not insignificant ; they indicate more than one revision. What
is there to teU us whether the Geneva or DubUn revision may not be
anterior to that of Cambridge ? The age of the manuscripts by
no means decides the question ; their independence is possible,
notwithstanding their age, which, after all, does not appear to be
fixed with great precision. The most recent manuscript may give
a more ancient version ; so that the reading of those of Geneva
and Dublin, with reference to the date of the poem, is not necess
arily explained by a pious fraud ; whilst the erasure at Cambridge,
attributed to the hand of a forger, was, perhaps, the act of an
awkward but scrupulous corrector. Who knows, even, whether we
do not owe the erasure to the hand of the copyist himself?
In my case the explanation is not clear, and the question of the date
of the poem is so far from being solved, that we despair of its
ever being so on purely historic ground. Let us, therefore, con-

238 The Waldenses of Italy. «
sign the solution to the hands of philologists ; at the same time,
however, warning them that, as has been too often the case, if they
take upon themselves to decide the question lightly, their verdict
will have no other effect than to confirm others in their previous
opinions. We hope for a more satisfactory result, which must
necessarUy be facilitated by the recent progi-ess made in Neo-Latin
philology.'"" We heartUy wish them God-speed, the more so as
the date of the Noble Lesson, once established, will serve as
a basis from which to determine that of the other poetical
writings. We have now arrived at the end of our chapter, which may be
here recapitulated in a few words. Let us confess, without hesi
tation, that the impression it leaves is not a very clear one, this
being partly explainable by reason of the imperfection of our
analysis ; but, besides this, we would also ask the reader to take
cognisance of a much more serious and deeper-lying cause, which
belongs to the very nature of Waldensian literature, such as we of
the present day imagine it to have been. Indeed, the two principal
elements of which it is composed diverge too much in thought ;
they are not homogeneous. The poetry, as a rule, bears the
Waldensian imprint ; but the prose bears it only in exceptional
cases. The former is authentic in matter and in form ; generally,
one needs but to read to be convinced. Everything, except some
very slight peculiarities, recaUs what we learn from the judges of
heresy, concerning the dogmatic and moral character of the Wal
densian reaction. The prose, on the contrary, is derived from
concealed foreign sources ; so much is this the case, that, to become
doubtful regarding its authenticity, it is here also only necessai-y
to read it. How many pages are Waldensian only in form, or in
translation ? It may be that the name Waldensian is aU that many
have. We need not then be surprised, if critics have found in these
writings material for showing the early Waldenses to be Catho
lics."" We shall see that the Inquisitors were more just towards
them. VerUy, what the Waldenses lose in being known by the
prose attributed to them, they regain through the writings of the
judges of heresy and the testimony of persecutoi-s. What does
this amount to, but a confession that side by side with a poetry
that is truly Waldensian, we have a prose that is very Httle so ?
This doubt crossed our minds at the commencement of this
jesearch. It continued whilst we proceeded ; and now that we

The Waldenses of Italy. 239
have reached the end, we confess that it has not left us.""
Doubt has its advantages ; it will preserve us from making the
contradictory statements for which critics are now-a-days notorious,
and it may furnish us with the means of re-establishing the facts
concerning the religious life of Waldensian dissent.

240 The Waldenses of Italy.

CHAPTER THE SIXTH.

The Religious Life.
The materials for this picture refurnished by Waldo — The rule
of religious life is Christ's laiu according to the Scripture —
Have the Waldenses adopted the scholastic method of inter
pretation ? — Their articles of faith, mainly derived from
Catholic tradition, are reformed as regards two points :
eschathology and worship — Tlieir morals, copied from the
precepts of the Gospel, give evidence of the influence of
Catharism, and are especially marked in the protest against
falsehood, oaths and the death penalty — Divers names : the
one that remains — The community and the triple vow of
admission— Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons ; the Bishop
and the general administration — The Chapters— XVorship :
remarks upon the times, places, and eltments — The Bene
dicite Prayer : the Lord' s Prayer only used, the Ave Maria
given up — The reading of the Holy Scriptures: reading,
learning by rote, preaching — The Sacraments : their number
according to XX^aldensian usage — Variations in the conception
and observance of baptism- — Ordination by the laying on of
hands : rubric — Confession and Penances — The Eucharistic
rite luid the consecrated bread — -Polemics — Ethics : praise
and calumny — Different usages : costumes, disguises ; the
hawker — The epoch of decadence ; religious life inthe valleys
of the Alps toward the end of the XV. century and at the
approach of the Reformation, according to the testimony of
Inquisitors, of Bishop Seyssel and of tlie Barbe Morel —
Concluding remarks.
THE framework of Waldensian history is now completed. Let
us then endeavour to sketch an outline of Waldensian
rehgious life. It should be a finished picture, but that is not
possible for us. We shall try to give the main features of it at

The Waldenses of Italy. 241
least, and our first question is : Where shaU we find the initial con
ception of the ideal which determines the real character of the
reaction we are studying ?
There is no doubt upon that point. We must look for it in
Waldo. He was the Father, the Abraham of the Israel of the
Alps, before he became it's Moses. He possessed, in short, aU
the quahties that constitute a Reformer, and he excelled in
communicating his own convictions to others ;'" consequently he
has left a deep, indelible impression. His powerful individuality
towers above all others in the period prior to the Reformation ; he
arose in the midst of a world of serfs attached to the Papal glebe,
to follow Christ and obey His word. His entire programme is
contained in the command that re-echoed from the depth of his own
conscience : " Come, thou, and foUow me." It includes all the pre
cepts of evangelical law, fi-om that of volunlary poverty to that of
free preaching. These two precepts of opposite extremes meet
here ; in reahty they constitute but one, and that unity is the
ideal of the Waldensian reaction. The Franciscans and Domini
cans understood it weU ; they were even influenced by it ; but,
making it subservient to Papacy, they changed its nature. If the
Waldensian reaction presents an original type, it owes it to
Waldo. The Mendicant Orders are only an imitation or a carica
ture of it.'" Between the Waldensian principle, and that of the
monks, there is aU the difference that separates obedience from
seiYile ci-inging. If, according to his disciples, Waldo was "like
a lion that awakes fi-om his sleep," the monks were canes Domini,
but dogs that allow themselves to be muzzled. In a word, the
Waldensian idea is summed up in the apostoUc word : " It is
better to obey God than man." Thus Waldo imitates the
Apostles ; he is a continuation of them more than the Popes, for they
do not maintain their veritable tradition as he claims to do. Hence
the double aspect assumed by the Waldensian reaction, according
to the point of view from which it is regarded. On the one hand
it is positive, for it is, above all, an act of obedience to Christ ; on
the other, it is negative, in that it necessarily implies rebellion
against His pretended Vicar. Some think that it bears upon its
banner the vital principle of aU reform worthy of that name ;
others, that it proclaims heresy, the mother of all discord.
Nothing in it, however, points to anarchy, and there is a wide
difference between the free investigation practised by Waldo, and

242 The Waldenses of Italy.
that which is preached in modern times. Liberty is looked upou
by the early Waldenses as a condition of obedience ; it emanci
pates the soul from the yoke of the Church, only to bring it back
captive to the feet of its Divine Master.
Such is the initial conception which dominates the Walden
sian evolution. Let us descend from these general considerations
to the facts, which we desire to determine ; and first, let us
see what is the rule that governs the religious life of the
Waldenses. This rule was not new. It was but necessary to put forth
a hand in order to take it from the ark of tradition, wherein lie
the treasures of faith, " sacred, only, because never touched."
It was not absolutely forbidden to touch them ; but it was no
longer customary to do so, owing to clerical prejudice, which had
ahnost consigned to oblivion both ancient practice and the voice
of the Fathers of the Church, such as Saints Augustine and
Chi-ysostoin. From time to time that voice found a feeble echo
in the words of the pastors ; then the Waldenses hstened.
Waldo, it will be remembered, did so, and his disciples Ukewise.
A priest one day composed a homily upon this text of the Gospel :
" The sower went forth to sow the seed." If ever there were a
text likely to interest the Waldenses this Avas it. On that
occasion the preacher spoke words which were recorded in Wal
densian dialect. Here are a few of them : —
" The word of God is the salvation of the souls of the poor;
it is the medicine of those who faint ; it is the food of
those who hunger ; it is the teaching of those who remain ;
it is the consolation of the afflicted ; it is the rejection of
vices ; it is the acquisition of virtues ; it is the confusion of
devils ; it is the light of hearts ; it is the path of the
traveUer. The word of God fills the thoughts of man with aU
virtues. The word of God tells thee whether thou be an un
reasoning animal or a reasonable man. The word of God is the
beginning of spiritual life. The word of God is the preservation,
not only of the virtues and graces, but of all Christian faith."'*"
The Waldenses, however, were not satisfied with these pious
sentiments alone ; they also used their reason. The Scripture was
for them the very fountain head of religious knowledge. Superior
to reason, tradition, and the authority of the Church, it takes its
stand as the rule of faith.

The Waldenses of Italy. 243
L'Escriptura di, e nos creire ho deven
Ayczo deven ereire car I'Avangeli o di.**'
They distinguish in it three successive laws : the natural law,
the law of Moses, and the perfect law of Jesus Christ. This
latter alone is permanent. To meditate upon it and observe it is
all their wisdom, as it also is their life.
Se Xrist volen amar ni saber sa doctrina
Nos coventa veUiar e legir I'Escriptura.'*^
It woiUd be puerile to pretend that the early Waldenses attempted
to criticise sacred questions, at a time when nobody thought of so
doing. They knew the Scriptures according to the Vulgate ; but
after what we have just seen, it is not surprising that they should
prefer to translate the New Testament.'*' In this they were
acting logically. They only partiaUy attempted to translate the
Old Testament, if we may judge from such portions as have come
down to us, and they did not exclude the .Apocryphal books. If
their notions regarding the canon of the Scriptures betrayed at
first the influence of CathoUcism, they became modified later on
by that of the Renaissance and Reformation.'**
The rule being given, how do they interpret it ?
In Waldo's time, a knowledge of the meaning of the Scriptures
was arrived at by four roads. These had been traversed by the
Fathers, the theologians and the monks. Waldo did not much care
for these beaten paths ; he had no time to lose. Had he heard the
precept, which caused his conversion, preached in several different
ways, it is probable that he would never have quitted his farm
and mUls. He brought to the study of the Scriptures that
practical common sense which had guided him in his business
transactions. Fault was found with his interpretation for being
too literal, and on that account it did not, whatever some writers
of our day may think, agree with the scholastic method.'*"
Is it even probable that Waldo selected any particular method ?
We think not. He seems to have gone on his way without any
theory or interpretation, even in the theological sense of the
term.'*" The word of Christ was clear enough ; for Waldo it was
simply a question of furnishing a literal translation. His school
remained faithful to this principle; nowhere did it produce
theorists. Bernard Gui states, concerning the Waldenses scattered

244 The Waldenses of Italy.
in the South of France, that they insisted upon the observation of
the precepts of the Gospel, just as they were written, and without
commentary.'*' It was not different in Germany. David of Aug-
bourg and his coUeague of Passau, accused their victims of adhering
too closely to the literal meaning, and of rejecting aU mystic
interpretation.'*' It would not seem that the allegorical method
was at all palatable to the early settlers in the valleys of the Alps,
for Morel, writing to Oecolampadus, actually asked whether he
thought that interpretration admissible, and adapted to the
instruction of the people.'*' It is true that certain Waldensian
compilations of Catholic origin, like the treatise on the Vu-tues
and the commentai-y on the Songs of Solomon, had admitted it ;
and it is upon these that Herzog and Montet base their assertions,
when they impute to the early Waldenses the fourfold
scholastic interpretation. Of course such a mode of argument
could be made to prove anything.
We repeat, the Waldenses were not theorists, we must not go
to them for forms and rubrics. Their reaction, which was essenti
ally moral, departed at first, but very slightly, from traditiontJ
dogmas ; like an Alpine brook that flows a long while under the
snowfield upon which it feeds, before the latter breaks down,
that departure was not the result of calculated speculation, but of
a practical observance of evangelical morals. It wUl not be
difficult to form some idea of this.
A new life, according to the perfect law of Christ, commences
with repentance ; that constitutes the first round of the ladder
of perfection. La ley de Yeshu Xi-ist haven abandona,
E non haven temor ni fe ni carita.
Confessar nos coventa : non y deven targar.'^"
As everyone ought to repent before death comes to take him
unawares, there is no time to be lost. If God waits for the
sinner, if he prolong the time of his patience, it is only during
our pilgrimage here below.
Car atent lo peccador e li dona alongament
Quel poysa far penedenga en la vita present. '^'
Does not this principle lead to the denial of purgatory ? At
least, we must confess, it is very far from leading to an admission

The Waldenses of Italy. 245
of that doctrine. Let us not forget that during the XIL century,
the doctrine of purgatory was disputed not ouly by the Cathari,
but even in the bosom of the Roman Church ; moreover, such vague
deductions as the above are not the only proofs we possess ; we
have within reach the most explicit testimonies. There are but
two paths, said the Waldenses — one is the path of life, the other
that of death.'^^ The first leads straight to paradise ; the second,
to hell. There is no middle road.'^' The most ancient Walden
sian writings ignore purgatory ;"** it is mentioned, it is true, in
subsequent writings, but only to be refuted.'^^ Was it rejected from
the commencement : that is to say, by Waldo and his original
foUowers in Lyons. This is a doubtful point ;"" however, the
doctrine of purgatory and the monoply of Scriptural inter
pretation and preaching are the first Romish doctrines decidedly
put aside. '^' There are punishments which serve to purify
the soul, but they are those of this life.''' From this, to
rejecting purification through punishment in another life, was but
a single step,'*' and the conclusion must be — Purgatory does not
exist.'"" The priests invented it solely for the purpose of justify
ing the masses for the dead, suffrages, indulgences and bountiful
alms. AU that scaffolding therefore crumbles from the base.'"'
Even the doctrine of the intercession of Saints becomes iUusory
and the worship of them isrendered futile.'"^ The fact is that neither
the Virgin nor the Saints can do anything for the salvation of
sinners, except by their example, which renders them worthy of
veneration. The Waldenses venerate the Saints, but with discre
tion. They learn in early life that worship belongs to God alone.
We read in the Gloss on the Lord's Prayer, "We owe to God fear,
honour, and obedience in all things ; also honour is due, after
that to God, to the blessed Virgin Mai-y, first among aU created
beings, for she is the mother of Christ ; then a like honour to
all the saints who rest in glory, together with aU the heavenly host."
Then we owe obedience to our superiors.'"' It would be more
than hazardous to deduce from this passage that the Virgin and
the Saints divided the honour of worship with God, even in the
minor degree of " duUa cultus " to use the jargon of the schools.
It contains nothing more than a somewhat vague definition of a
rehgious homage. Again, is that homage quite authentic ? The
passage is taken from too mixed a source to be reliable ; and
whereas a homily of rather suspicious origin is quoted, to show

246 The Waldenses op Italy.
that the Waldenses looked up to the Virgin Mary as the " Queen
of Heaven,"'"* it is contradicted by the testimony of the very
persons who sat in judgment upon them. Indeed, the judges tell
us that the Waldenses, in Germany for instance, do not admit
that the repose of the Saints can be disturbed by our prayers .'"° If
they had to pray for sinners every time the latter afforded them
an opportunity, their state would not be very enviable.'"" No,
they are not cognisant of our miseries, neither can they prevent
them.'"' They cannot see them, being absorbed in the contem
plation of the Godhead.'"' To invoke them is a waste of time, nay
more, a moral sin.'"' Help comes from God, the only object of our
faith."" He has atoned for our sin on the Cross, in the person
of His Son, born of the Virgin i\lary, and he expects from us
obedience to His holy law, and works meet for repentance.
That is the price of our salvation. Man is not saved by faith
alone. Si el non vol cum la fe las obras acabar.
La corona de gloria non es degne de portar.
Works are the demonstration of faith, and an earnest of our
election. There are but few who endeavour to put them into
practice ; with most it is as though it were sufficient to desire
an entry into Paradise to obtain it. That is a mistake. God
has promised it to us as He has promised our daily bread — but
we must earn it.
Poc curan d'obrar per que ilh sian eleit,
Ben volrien paradis, a cant per desirar.
Ma czo per que el s'acquista non volrein gaire far;
Ma segont l'escriptura la lo conven comprar.'"
Here we are, back again in the full blaze of Catholic tradition.
We shaU, whatever ultra-apologists may say, seek in vain in the
creed of the early Waldenses for those tenets which characterise
Protestantism. " When the Waldenses separated themselves,
they held but very few dogmas opposed to ours," says
Bossuet. He would have been right had he stopped there ; but
when he goes on to add that they had " perhaps none at all,'"''^
he goes half-way to meet modei-n criticism, which is on the point
of going astray. We must recognize the fact that the Waldenses
did not aim at reforming creeds. They bear on their banner a
moral ideal ; that perfect standard which is practically summed up

The Waldenses of Italy. 247
iu the triple vow of poverty, chastity and obedience to the law of
the Gospel. Si nos volen amar ni segre A'eshu Xrist,
Paureta sperital de cor deven tenir,
E amar la castita, Dio humilment servir'"'
We may mention that just as their dogmas adhere to Catholic
tradition, so, too, their moral teachings recall those of the Cathari ;
at least in such precepts as escape the influence of the double
principle. Here again the analog}^ is striking. The Waldenses,
following the Cathari, rejected the doctrine of purgatory and the
practices relating thereto, whilst the Cathari have quite the
appearance of having bon-owed the articles that condemn false
hood, the oath and the death-penalty from the Waldenses. The
features they have in common do not end here ; we shall yet
notice several others, relating to organisation and worship. It
may be said that we have seen how the origin of the Waldensian
movement was free from Catharin admixture. True ; but the
first deviations from Catholic tradition, except the one referring to
lay preaching, do not date back to Lyons. Nevertheless, it seems
to us, that the influence of the Cathari has been exaggerated,"*
and that the foUowing fact has not been taken sufficiently into
account, namely, that the moral teachings of the Waldenses are
copied, as it were, from the Sermon on the Mount and the precepts
of Christ.'" Here are the salient features : —
Se n'i a alcun bon que volha amar Dio temer Yeshu Xrist,
Que non volha maudii-e ni jurar ni menth-,
Ni avoutrar ni aucire ni penre de I'autruy,
Ni venjar se de li sio enemic.
Ilh digon quel es vaudes e degne de punir.""
Three of those precepts have been much emphasized. They
are those to which we have just aUuded, and which we shaU con
sider separately.
I. — The Precept Condemning Falsehood.
According to the Waldenses, every man is bound to teU the
truth, as much out of regard for his neighbour as from self-res
pect. Lying kiUs the soul.'" The judges of heresy must at first

248 The Waldenses of Italy.
have greatly reUshed this scruple, which so much faciUtated their
task. It is true, that face to face with torture and the stake, some
tried to compromise. Hence the ambiguous, equivocal language,
extorted by suffering from so many poor victims who had not
courage enough to face martyrdom. This is sufficiently laid
down by the questioners, who minutely analyzed the answers
with a sagacity becoming enough in mere grammarians, but
repugnant to all our feelings at such an occasion. To follow the
analysis still makes us feel as though assisting at an operation
when the knife is cutting thi-ough the living flesh. These
sophisms are even classified and ticketed, with aU the care that
might be bestowed upon a collection of sheUs, flowers, or
precious relics.'" II. — The Precept Condemning Oaths.
Every man must abstain from swearing. According to the
Waldenses the oath is in no case allowable. " Swear not at aU,"
says the Gospel, " neither by Heaven, for it is God's throne, nor
by the eai-th, for it is His footstool ; neither shalt thou swear by
thy head, because thou canst not make one hair white or black ;
but let your communications be 'yea, yea,' 'nay, nay': for what
soever is more than these tendeth to evil." They assiduously in
culcated this precept ; so we are told by one of their judges, and
they cared not at all for commentaries."' Swearing is classified
by them as a mortal sin. If any man be compelled to take an
oath,"-' he must hasten to confess his sin and do penance. That
is the rule everywhere in France,"' as weU as in Italy and Ger
many."^ But exceptions are tolerated, even authorized, in order
to avoid the total ruin of the community, which was already
threatened by so many dangers. "Formerly," obsei-ves an Inquisi
tor, " the Waldenses had determined not to swear at aU ; then they
easily fell into our hands and a great number were despatched.'"
Now they are prudent ; they swear, but only to escape torture and
not to betray one another ;""* they were especiaUy careful not to
compromise their teachers, who were particularly exposed. To
betray a teacher was to commit the sin against the Holy Ghost.'"
" Hence we have," adds our Inquisitor, "those evasive and decep
tive answers which give us so much trouble and render our task
almost desperate."" Rather than die, they deny, swear and per-

The Waldenses of Italy. 249
jure themselves, unless in cases where we are dealing with their
teachers or other persons determined to confess their faith to the
end."'"

HI. — The Precept Condemning the Death Penalty.
We must get an accm-ate conception of this precept, for it has
been the cause of misunderstanding and false deductions. Let us
agam hear the testimony of the Judges.
" The Waldenses affirm," says Bernard Gui, " that aU judg
ment, being forbidden by God, is a sin ; and the judge, who,
under whatever circumstances, and for whatever motive, condemns
a man to torture or to death, acts contrary to the Gospel, in which
it is written : ' Judge not, that ye be not judged.' They also
appeal to the commandment : ' Thou shalt not kiU,' nor regard
any commentaries thereon ;'" and the same principle is professed
in Lombardy and elsewhere.'" It does not only refer to a par
ticular form ofthe death penalty or its application to heretics, as
might be imagined ; on the contrary, it condemns all manner of
violent death, whether by the sword of the soldier or of justice.""
In Germany some, perhaps under the influence of Catharin super
stition,'" seem to have extended the application of it to animals.
From this, to question the salvation of professional violators of
this law, namely, Princes, Lords and officers of justice, is certainly
not a long step.""^ We can now understand how the Waldenses
were suspected of anarchy by people who knew them imperfectly,
or were seeking for a pretext to slander them."'
Let us add, that the condemnation of the death penally
naturally imphed the reprobation of murder, and, by implication,
of all deeds of blood ; for the horror of blood was not with them
a mere feint, as in the dominating Church, but a veritable and
sincere feeling."*
Such are the characteristic features of the creed and moral
teaching of the Waldenses. It is quite clear that they diverge more
and more from the world and the official Church.
And do they not also form themselves into a distinct society,
having a special organization ? It is now time to inquire into
bis. Let us begin by noticing the names the Waldenses give
liemselves, or permit others to give to theni .

250 The Waldenses of Italy.
The first name they are ambitious of, that of " Poor of Christ,"
was not new, nor was that of " Brethren. ""° CathoUcs sometimes
call them after the name of Waldo, their teacher ; sometimes
"Poor of Lyons," or "Leonists," to mark their origin; or again,
Insabates, because of the sabates they were in the habit of wear
ing. " They are called 'Poor of Lyons,'" Stephen of Bourbon
remarks, " because there they first began to profess poverty ; as
for them, they call themselves ' Poor in Spirit,' because the Lord
said : ' Blessed are the poor in spirit.' """ If the name " Poor of
Lyons " recall to us the original root of the Waldensian reaction,
that of " Poor of Lombardy " designates the most prosperous of
its off-shoots. In the valleys of the Alps we find only the three
names that refer to the Lyons origin and to Waldo. The only
other one is that of "Waldenses."'" If the name of Waldo is
susceptible of several interpretations, as we have seen;"' it is
different with that of Waldenses, which designates the disciples of
the reformer of Lyons in whatsoever locality they may live. This
is proved both by the testimony of the Judges of heresy'" and
the early Waldensian tradition,'"" again confirmed in the XVI.
century,'"' and noticed by Gilles. " The aforesaid people, having
come from Lyons," writes the before-mentioned historian, " were
by their adversaries called ' Waldensian People ' on account of
Waldo, although the said people at first refused to accept that
title, not that they despised Waldo, but in order not to bring any
-slight upon the very worthy name of Christian, nor wishing to
seem to acknowledge being sectarian and schismatical, as their
adversaries falsely accused them of being ; and of their said
refusal the proof is to be found as much in the books of the Wal
denses themselves as in those of their adversaries. In the epistle
they wrote to King Ladislas of Bohemia, they designate them
selves " the little Christian flock, falsely called Waldenses ;" and
aniong other instances, also, in the book entitled X^'ittoria Triom-
phale, of the Cordelier monk, Samuel of Cassini, where he says in
the first chapter : " Thou sayest thou art not a Waldensian, but
a member of the Church of Christ." " It is evident, therefore,"
Gilles concludes, " that this name was by their adversaries -forced
upon them against their will."'""^ The name of Waldenses, how
ever, is the only one that survived the first period.
Let us now consider what relates to their organization.

The Waldenses of Italy. 251
If the Waldensian reaction had not been in flagrant opposition
to the traditions of the Church, it is possible that Waldo's
co-religionists would have accepted, to the advantage of the people,
the office of co-adjutors or helpers, as distinct from the clergy,
as was the case with the first disciples of St. Francis
of Assis. But they were condemned and driven out. Then,
what were they to do ? Did they decide to found independent
churches by the side of the Romish Church, or resolve to pursue
their missionary work at a distance, as it were, and secretly,
without creating a schism ? This point has not been examined
closely enough by historians ; nay, a schismatic movement
was beheved in without reason, although the Waldensian mission,
in GaUic territory at least, and in the valleys of the Alps, never
exceeded the limits of simple dissent. The Waldenses evangelize,
hear confession and communicate ; but, whUst stUl leaving the
faithful in the Church in which they were born, these latter are
benefited by their pastoral care without renouncing their member
ship in the Catholic Church.'"'
A distinction between the Waldenses and their faithful
members is here drawn ; this was only to be seen in the beginning.
Afterward, it was particularly maintained in the French tradition,
which was comparatively conservative, and to such an extent that,
on the eve of the Reformation, this distinction had not disappeared
from the vaUeys. The tendency to schism was one of the character
istic features of the Brethren of Lombardy; stiU, as we have
clearly seen, it was not actuaUy realized."'"*
We have just observed that the Waldenses liked to call them
selves " Brethren." This is the more easily understood in that
they observed the same rule and lived in common. Together
they formed an association called the " Fraternity," or the " Com
munity," or simply the " Society."'"'^ Brothers and sisters were
soon designated by the name of " perfect " — a custom undoubtedly
borrowed fi-om the Cathari, because they professed the perfect
law. The faithful who admired the Waldensian maxims, but were
not admitted to the profession of the rule, were caUed " imper
fect," or more usually " friends " or " behevers."'"" To learn how
the primitive community recruited its ranks, we must once more
go back to the early period.
After Waldo had taken the vow of poverty, we saw that he
gained over proselytes, who pledged themselves to imitate him.

252 The Waldenses of Italy.
AU divested themselves of their property, led a chaste life in the
ecclesiastic sense of the term, and at the caU of their master,
went out, two by two, from vUlage to village, reading or preaching
the Gospel. The society, thus founded in Lyons, increased after
the first persecution and multiplied everywhere, especially in the
South of France and in Lombardy. Before admission, the triple
vow of poverty, chastity and obedience to superiors, continued to
be enforced. That was the general rule. Let us now go into
some details.
Bernard Gui tells us : " When a man was received into this
society, called Fraternity, and had pledged himself to obey his
superior and observe evangelical poverty, he was from that moment
bound to observe the law of chastity, and own nothing in his own
right; consequently, he was obliged to seU aU his goods, hand over
the proceeds to the common treasury, and live upon the alms of the
faithful, which the leader took upon himself to distribute to each
one according to his need."'"' These alms were of various kinds.
They consisted either of money or produce, which was sold for
cash ;'"'^ to say nothing of lodging, food and clothing, which the
brethren were sure to receive on their missionary visits. Further
more, the society accepted legacies.'"' It was so everywhere in a
measure, only there is one difference to be noticed relating to
the question of work. While the Waldenses of France renounced
aU material occupation, in order to give themselves up exclusively
to their mission — "" but reserving the right to take up any trade
as a disguise when it was a question of avoiding the attention
of the spies and hirelings of the Holy Office'" — the Poor
¦of Lombardy and their brethren of Germany claimed in
this respect perfect liberty of action ;"^ nay, more, they
were proud of working and reproached the Romish clergy
with their idleness.'" We can surmise how, in their lively discus
sions, they took advantage of the words of the Apostle Paul."*
However, they finally looked at the question from another point of
view and conformed to the rule of their French brethren."'
The second vow was that of chastity.
Here again Waldo set the example. The reader wiU not have
forgotten how he gave up his family Ufe and separated from his
wife. He consented, it is true, in compliance with the injunction
of the Archbishop, to take his meals at her house ; but this act of
obedience was followed by their final separation. Could he have

The Waldenses of Italy. 253
required his brethren to take the vow of chastity had he not
observed it hiniself ? They observed it from the very day of theu-
entrance into the community. If the candidate had a wife he was
obhged to separate from her. If a married woman were to be
admitted she had to be separated from her husband whether she
desired it or not."" Let us also add that the sanction of the
community was necessary, so that no step could be taken on the
caprice of the moment.'" The Poor of Lombardy insisted that
the marriage contract was indissoluble, except in the case provided
for by the Gospel law, and that consequently neither husband nor
wife had the right to withdraw from it, without the consent of the
other party."' However, this in no wise restrained the Lombards
from insisting, as eagerly as their French brethren, upon the
observance of the vow of chastity on the part of those affiliated to
the community ; and that practice is found again among the
Waldenses of Germany."' After aU, the mention of women cannot
always be accounted for in the same manner. In one case it is a
question of women admitted into the community through the
regular vow ;'^" in another it might well be a question merely of
some faithful person,'^' if not of some local and subordinate order,
which escapes us. It is certain, at any rate, that in the begin
ning at least, the community gave women the right of participating
in the triple vow prescribed by the rule.'^^
The third vow was that of obedience.
Waldo had made that vow to God, as others had done, for
the matter of that ; but, in the way that he understood it, it was
not pleasing to the Pope. Waldo kept it nevertheless ; and what
was the consequence ? He in a way supplanted the Pope in the
eyes of his brethren, who recognised in him both the founder of
their order and their legitimate superior. He was in the com
munity of Lyons what Zinzendorf was during the last century in
that of Hermhut, namely, the Bishop of his brethren. He ruled
them by the prestige of his powerful individuality more than by
the exercise of any right conferred on him.'^' His opinion had
sometimes more weight than he desired, and it is very possible
that he may have felt the burden of his power as much as his
subordinates. He was at the same time both Bishop and Rector-
General of the community.'^* What a task and what a responsi
bility was his, in the midst of dispersion ! Is it a matter for
astonishment that he was not able to preserve unity everywhere —

254 The Waldenses of Italy.
in the cities of Lombardy, for instance, which were a prey to so
much discord ? His brethren assembled at Bergamo shortly after
his death ; all attributed to him a saying which is not altogether
clear to us, namely, that he did not consider it right that supreme
direction should be conferred upon any one man, either during his
own lifetime or after his death.'" These words not only
expressed the feehng that the sole head elected by the Lombards
could not be recognised by the ultramontane Waldenses, but also
the conviction that the direction must be divided. There is
nothing to prove that Waldo ever arrogated to himself alone the
supreme power. He undoubtedly had, as colleague in the Rector
ship, that Vivet, who, by his side, filled an eminent position, and
whose name is coupled with Waldo's in the recollections of the
deputies assembled at the conference of Bergamo. At any rate
we find that the two Rectors of the "Waldenses of France presided
over that assembly, namely Peter of Relana and Beranger
d'Aquaviva.'^" They were not elected for Ufe, like the Lombard
President, but for a term — ^for one year only.'^' The residence of
these Presidents is not indicated ; but the Poor of Lombardy un
doubtedly had their chief at Milan. Still that residence was not
absolutely fixed, inasmuch as their colleagues. Bishops, Presby
ters and Deacons, upon whom devolved the different offices of the
community, led an itinerant life.
" AVhat have we here ? Bishops ! "
" Yes ; we find here three very distinct classes of ministers ;
Bishops, Presbyters and Deacons.'-' The Bishop was elected by
the assembled Presbyters and Deacons. He had the power to
administer the Sacraments of Penance, of the Order, and of the
Eucharist, and to preach the Gospel where he thought best ;
besides, it was he who gave the Presbyters their commission to
preach and to hear confessions.'^' Finally, he could absolve from
all sin anyone who confessed to him, and although the latter
power was very rarely exercised,"" remit fully or in part, the penalty
due for sins. The Presbyter received power to hear confessions,
but not to remit penalties or to administer the Sacrament of the
Eucharist."' As for the Deacon, he was by the very act of
ordination rendered subject to the vow of poverty, chastity, and
obedience. Before admission to the order of Deacons, no one is
perfect."^ Any adherents to Waldensian practices, who have not
submitted to ordination, do not count among the members of the

The Waldenses op Italy. 256
community properly so-caUed ; they are not brethren, but friends.
It is from these that the brethren receive their means of subsist
ence.'" The Deacons were the organs of this work of supply ;
it was then- office to provide for the wants of the Bishop and
Presbyters."* They had no power to hear confessions."^
What we have just read with respect to the Bishops is not as
clear, at first sight, as that which relates to the other offices. We
ask, for instance,"" What relation was there between the office
of Bishop and the Rectorship ? We lack information upon this
particular point. It is natural to think, however, that the rectors
were chosen fi'om among the Bishops, without such election
necessarily involving any identity between the offices of Bishop and
Rector ; each of which had its distinct and peculiar character.
But was the Bishop-Rector the sole head ? It seems so, for the
mention of the sole head is very explicit.'" Did we not, however,
in one case find two Rectors co-existing ? That is true. Still,
there is nothing to prevent us from assuming that one was the
Chief Rector, and the other his co-adjutor ; nay, is it not likely to
have been so ? Furthermore, if the chief stood alone in his capacity
of Rector, he did not do so as Bishop."' There was more than
one Bishop. Now the Bishops as such are equal. The election to
the office of Bishop was therefore distinct from the election to the
office of Bishop-Rector.'" The latter presided at ordinations. If
he were absent another Bishop took his place. If there were no
Bishop present, the right of presiding passed to the Presbyters.
It would appear from this that the difference between Bishop and
Presbyter was not as great as amongst Catholics. This difference
hes less in the dignity itself, than in the right of precedence. It
is true that the Bishop enjoyed, in addition, the privUege of cele
brating the Eucharist and pronouncing complete absolution, and
that this privilege did not pass in its entirety to the Presbyters,
even in cases of special delegation.
We now know who this " superior " was who received the
vows of the new brothers, and of whom it is written that " all are
bound to obey him as Catholics do the Pope."'*" He had supreme
authority in the general direction and presided over the Chapters.
He decided and disposed of all matters concerning the Presbyters
and Deacons ; it is he who designated them to collect at con
fession the alms of the faithful, and in all things he controUed
their actions.

256 The Waldenses of Italy.
We have just alluded to the Chapters. It is time to say
something about them, in bringing our remarks respecting organi
zation to a conclusion.
There undoubtedly were particular or district Chapters, since
mention is made of " General Chapters " ; but the chronicles are
silent concerning the former. With respect to the General Chap
ters, Uiatters stand on a different footing. We learn that they
assembled, in the XIV. century at least, once or twice a year, and
ordinarUy in a large city, in order more easily to avoid the eye of
the enemy. The Brothers disguised themselves as merchants in
order to succeed better, and assemblies were held without any
demonstration at the house of some co-religionist of long-stand
ing.'*' The perfect Bishops, Presbyters, and Deacons were con
vened ; all were admitted to participate in the elections, perhaps
the above \vere joined by the faithful ofthe place.'*- The authority
of the Chapter was supreme ; although limited by the power of
the superior who presided in virtue of his office, and who at one
and the same time both consulted and controlled the Chapter. It
was on such occasions that the Deacons presented their accounts ;
and the general interests of the mission were decided upon,
especially the delegation of Presbyters or Deacons to the brethren
and friends of different countries.'*'
Such was the organization of the Waldenses. It was in force,
in a special manner, in France and Lombardy. In the latter
country it differed somewhat, but rather in the matter of names
and titles than in the offices themselves. The General Chapter
acted under the name of the community, used also on the other
side of the Alps, or under that of the congregation ; the simple
Bishop is called minister ; the head Bishop, as we stated, bore
the title of Prepositor. In Germany, we can very easily infer
what the meaning of this was, when we recall the influence of the
Poor of Lombardy that prevailed there. Nevertheless, as the
influence of the Poor of Lyons also counted for something, in
Bohemia particularly, it would not be surprisuig if uniformity was
less rigorously maintained there, than below the Alps. The union
with the Hussites and the Brethren of Bohemia afterward brought
on modifications, with which we have nothing to do. Bishop
Stephen, the martyr of Vienna, is perhaps the last Waldensian
who bore that title.

The Waldenses of Italy. 257
Let us now enter into the sanctuary of the rehgious life of
the Waldenses, to examine their worship.
We might unprofitably seek to distinguish here between the
worship at which Waldenses alone were present and that in which
the faithful took part. We should find the same elements on both
sides. Moreover, we are bound to admit that, on the first point,
we have no large amount of information. We may weU infer that
their statntes compeUed them to observe regular practices. They
undoubtedly had both individual and congregational worship ; that
is to say, among the members of the community, when the latter
was not dispersed in a thousand directions ; but we learn very
little concerning either. This is quite immaterial after all, for
the principles of that private worship wiU be revealed to us in the
outward worship to which the faithful were admitted. Only we
must not here look for that regularity which distinguished the
pi;jtctices of the Association properly so-called. Of course there
Was no place consecrated for worship. In the commencement the
Waldenses appeared before the people in the churches and
chapels ; but persecution forced them — like the early Christians —
to take refuge in the sanctuary of the family with their friends.
They met in secret, in retired places ; sometimes in the caves of
the earth.'** When the wind of persecution had passed, they
ventm-ed out into the open air, in the majestic temple of nature.
As to the hours of worship they were not fixed, except, perhaps,
in the large cities, where adherents were numerous. In the
viUages the day was marked by the visit of the missionary. The
opportunity was eagerly made use of, for it came only about once
a year, usually toward Easter. The best thing we can do to be
come conversant with the forms of Waldensian worship is to follow
the steps of the minister on his arrival. He shaU be our guide,
and, at the appropriate time and place, we shall be successively
initiated into the elements of worship, especiaUy the Benedicite
prayer, the reading of the Scriptures, and finaUy, the Sacra
ments. The minister, even though it be his first visit, is soon
recognised by some slight conventional sign, or by some expres
sion. He does not usuaUy come alone, but is accompanied by his
young assistant.'*^ They go to a friend's house, who makes pre
parations for lodging them. From that moment every meal,
especially the evening one, is made to partake of the character of
K

258 The Waldenses of Italy.
a more or less eucharistic reunion, recalling the daily commu.^iy
in apostoUc times. The minister pronounces the Bcne^a.ni-
This custom is described by an Inquisitor in the-'
terms : — 'ers, since
" Before they sit down to the table they bless itiicles are
Benedicite, Kyrie eleison, Christe eleison, Kyrie eleisl^l Chap-
noster. Thereupon, the oldest person present says, .iat they
dialect : ' God, who blessed the five barley loaves and 'ear, and
for His disciples in the wilderness, bless this table, w'b eye of
upon it, and whatever may be brought to it.' Then, riants in
sign of the Cross, he blesses it saying : In nomine Patifmt any
et Spiritus, Sancti. Amen. In the same manner, lij-stand-
rise from table, be it after dinner or supper, they return fi con-
the words of the Apocalypse, pronounced by the senior phaps
in his own dialect : ' Praise, glory, wisdom, thanksgi'ty
honour, power, and might, be to our God for ever and ever.' ?
further adds : ' May God grant ample reward and good return ^
all those who do us good and bless us, and after having given ut,.
material bread, may He give us spiritual food. God be with us,
and we with Him for ever;' whereupon the rest answer 'Amen.'
Either during the Benediction or at the moment of rendering
thanks they often join hands and lift them up toward heaven."'*"
After the meal is over, the minister commences to exhort the
persons around him, unless there be cause to mistrust some ser
vant or stranger who may happen to be present. But the
preacher generally reserves himself until after supper, when the
faithful, having returned from their daily work, have time to
assemble, and night has come. That hour is the safest. Then
all prepare themselves by meditation, and the worship, properly
so-called, takes place. We shaU not endeavour to indicate the
ritual of it ; but at all events it closes with prayer.'" The other
elements are the reading of sacred books, preaching, aud com
munion. As for singing that was out of the question, as iu order
not to attract the attention of the neighbours, the windows had to
be closed, and sometimes even the light had to be dispensed
with. Silence took the place of song, and the Waldenses
preferred that to Cliurch singing.'*' Let us examine the acts of
worship a little closer, in order to discern their true character.
First, there was prayer.

The Waldenses of Italy. 259
The prayer of the Waldenses was the Lord's Prayer. Is it
jjjg -^^t the only one prescribed, the prayer par excellence ? More is
Ws i^ ^y I'epeating it once, than by chanting a Mass.'*' Thus,
worsiiip at -^S ^o ^^^ proceedings of the Inquisition, the Waldenses
the faithfn'^^^'isfi^'^ with that, and repeated it with a constancy that
sides. M^i*^^ ought to have found exemplary. The foUowing words
we have B'^ to this ; we borrow them again from Bernard Gui : " They
their stat'^^J prayers during the day, and, in like manner, they teach
^jj^QQ],tg(followers to do the same, and join with them. This is the
is to say, ^^^ '"^^^ " '^^^^ kneel on the ground, bend down and lean
was not ^ bench, or some such other piece of furniture which answers
little coiir™P°^®- Then aU begin to pray in silence, and long enough
the priD'f*®^* *^® Lord's Prayer thirty or forty times, and sometimes
iju^^^,.-e. They do this regularly every day when they are alone,
„,„.ii/h their faithful or adherents, before and after dinner and
.-(.iupper, in the evening before retiring, in the morning when they
rise, and several other times during the day, morning or afternoon.
They neither say, teach, nor practice any other prayer than
tliat."'^" But do they not recite the Ave Maria? No; they are
satisfied with the Lord's Prayer.'^' It has been stated, even
quite recently, that it would not have been surprising "to hear
Waldenses repeating the Ave Maria."^^^ Facts do not justify
that assertion. The Waldenses are as careful to leave out the Ave
as they are to repeat the Lord's Prayer. "They think nothing
of it," says Bernard Gui.'^' If they happen to recite it, it is
quite an exception, and they make excuses for so doing. After
aU, they say — Is it a sin to recite a passage of the Gospel ?''* We
must know it by heart, if only, when necessary, to foU the judges
of heresy.'^'* But it sometimes happens, on the other hand, that
some have been brought into straits, because they neglected to
practice.'^" They also suffered — and this was a more frequent
occurrence — for not being able to recite the Apostles' Creed.'"
The Waldenses did not despise that Creed; as we have seen,
they retained the principal articles of it, but they did not all
endorse the adopted form ; for, said they, Christ did not prescribe
it.'^' They have a Creed drawn up in their own fashion, of which
they are even proud ; so says an Inquisitor."' It by no means
follows that this Creed found a place among the elements of
ordinai-y worship ; but, even though the Lord's Prayer excluded
the other pravers or practices used in the Church, did it leave no
K 2

260 The Waldenses of Italy.
place for free or improvised prayer ? As a rule it did not ; stiU if
anyone ask whether this rule admitted of no exceptions our answer
must be that there is not a word to indicate the fact. Do we not
read that some did not even permit themselves to adopt the
Psalms as prayers ?'"" The prayer was long or short, according to
the number of times the Lord's Prayer was repeated, which
absolutely depended upon the inclination of the senior minister
who presided.'"'
Another element of the Waldensian worship is the reading of,
and the insistence on, the Holy Scriptures. This is character
istic, and one word will suffice to define it ; it is the Lesson.'"^
The part played by the Scriptures in the assemblies of Lyons and
Metz has been noticed, and this wiU assist us in accounting for
the general — sometimes extraordinary — knowledge of them, of
which the least educated of the faithful were capable. If the sacred
books were less wide-spread then than we generally imagine, it was
not for want of zeal. They were passed from house to house,
at all hours': Men and women, small and great — all were at work,
night and day, learning them by heart in more ways than one ; no
one grew weary.'"' A disciple of seven days' standing already
began to teach another.'"* This work, like that of bees in the
field, pre-supposes a hive. The hive was with them the assembly,
or, better, the school ; hither, for purposes of learning and teach
ing, the members stealthily came together. The minister — or,
as they called him, the teacher — was there, with his little book in
his hand,'"^ containing various portions of the Scripture, some
times the whole of the New Testament, with chosen selections
from the Old.'"" The spirit of Waldo is here easily recognized, so
faithful are his disciples to the work commenced by him. Some
who were more educated used the Latin text ; but most of them
simply employed the vulgar text.'"' A certain Inquisitor states
that there were those who preached without knowing how to read.
And why not ? In such a case, he adds, they quoted from mem
ory, and not the less faithfully for that.'"' All aimed at inculcating
the text, without commentaries ;'"' for, said they, what is not in
confoi-mity with the text of the Scripture is mere fable."" Waldo
had insisted upon the words of Scripture, nothing more ; his
foUowers did the same, and the consequence was that their hearers
learnt it by heart.'" Men and women, old men and chUdren, down
to the humblest Uttle one, aU listened and turned over in their

The Waldenses op Italy. 261
minds th e Word of Truth."^ According to the trite yet precious
expression of one of their judges, they meditated on it during
worship ; then, after they got back to their firesides, each one
meditated on it again with others ;'" they vied with each other
in writing it upon the tablets of their memory, to meditate upon
it day and night. It was their passion, but it was also their
merit. However, their industrious application would have passed
unnoticed if, instead of having the Word of God for its object, it
had been bestowed upon the large volumes consulted by others
without enduring profit. They had but one book, but it was the
Book. From infancy everyone speUed it, Une by line, learning at
the same time to read, think, beheve, and pray. If anyone de
clared he could leai-n nothing, it was replied : " Try to remember
one word each day; at the end ofthe year you wiUknow so much,
and you will have made a commencement,""* Others distin
guished themselves by their great wilhngness. " I have seen,"
relates Stephen of Bourbon, " a peasant who had been only one
year in the house of a Waldensian heretic. He had so weU
cogitated over what he had heard, that he knew, word for word,
forty of the Gospels for Sunday." He was not the only one of
his kind. The same Inquisitor adds : "I have seen laymen who
knew almost the entire Gospels of St. Matthew and St. Luke,
especially the discourses of our Lord ; so that one could hardly
quote a word without their being able to continue from mem
ory.""^ Yet another example : this time it is an Austrian
peasant. " I have seen and heard," says the Inquisitor who
narrates the fact, " a peasant who knew by heart the whole book
of Job, word for word, and I have known others who knew the
New Testament perfectly.""" Those are the more rare cases, to
judge from the manner in which they are related ; still, they con
firm the characteristic principle of the Waldenses. They may
not be aU able to recite the Creed, but they are ready to give a
reasonable account of the faith that is in them."' This confounds
the clergy, their audacity goads on the judges of heresy; the
more so that such knowledge is a more or less direct protest
against the learned ignorance of the high dignitaries of the Church.
Indeed, it was said that it would be easier to find, among the
simple Waldensian faithful, persons who could recite the text of
the Scriptures, than to find a doctor capable of repeating only three
chapters in succession."' The theologians were furious : " Very

262 The Waldenses of Italy.
good, you recite the Gospels and Epistles ! What of that ? You
have indeed great reason to be proud ! Our scholars know their
grammar at twelve, and can read -with, ease any Latin book. Are
they not a hundred times more learned than your teachers, who at
sixty have no other learning than verses of the Bible stored away
in their memory ?"' If you knew your grammar better, you would
read the Gospel according to the real meaning, and would not
falsify it."
" Give an instance."
" Here is one : St. John saj^s that Christ ' came to his own,
iuid His own received Him not ' — sui eum non receperunt ; and
you read, ' the swine received Him not ' — confounding somewhat
maliciously sui with sues.'-'^" You would do better to leave our
Latin to us."
The reply would not fail to be given that, with all their Latin,
the Catholic doctors had not succeeded in arriving at the most
necessary knowledge of all, the fountain of which never ran dry
during the worship of the Waldenses.
But the teacher's lesson was not confined to reading. When
preaching on the Gospels or Epistles he brought forward examples
and quoted maxims of the holy men of God.''" "Thus is it
written in the Gospel, or Epistle of St. Peter, or of St. Paul, or
of St. James. ""^ That constituted his whole argument, according
to the report of an Inquisitor, who adds that " this did not prevent
him from occasionally making use of the testimony of this saint,
or that doctor, so long as the text of Scripture seemed to be
adhered to ; otherwise he would have nothing to do with it.""^
In short, he apphed the precepts of Scripture, without discussing
the dogmas. His preaching ran upon virtues and vices, upon
good works ; the maxim of " doing unto others as we would that
they should do unto us ;""^' above aU, upon the duty of abstaining
from lying, swearing, or the shedding of blood. He concluded
with: " The time is short ; confess your sins and do penance.""*
The visit being over, the missionaries resumed their journey,
accompanied by some of their hearers, and on then- way they still
expounded the Scriptures.""*
We may weU think, however, that this visit did not conclude
with the preaching of penitence. It was also the occasion for
the administration of the Sacraments in use with the Waldenses.

The Waldenses op Italy. 263
We have now come to the Sacraments. The subject is an
important one, and demands our whole attention. We must
first ascertain how many Sacraments were recognized by the
Waldenses, and how they modified them; more especially in
practice. " The Waldenses," Montet writes, " enter into competition
with the CathoUc priesthood as regards preaching; but they
accept the Sacraments at their hands.""" That was true at the very
commencement ofthe work; but, little by little— when the first
condemnation of the Waldenses was sanctioned by the Lateran
Council, and persecution was let loose by means ofthe Inquisitors
— the question of the Sacraments changed its aspect. Some were
put aside, particularly by the Poor of Lombardy and of Germany.
First, that of marriage, which had nothing to do with the Wal
densian ordinances. It continued to exist for the faithful, and the
Waldenses did not dispute with the clergy the right of administer
ing it ; only it happened that they did not appreciate it as much
as ceUbacy, and that they curtailed the rights of it, owing to the
bi-fold influence of Romish tradition and Catharin principles.'"
They also very soon disregarded the Sacraments of Confirmation
and Extreme Unction, and finaUy rejected them, at least in some
districts of Germany."' The other Sacraments, namely. Baptism,
Ordination, Confession, and the Eucharist, were fuUy recognized ;
but the Waldenses, being forced to re-assert their right to parti
cipate therein — always owing to the intolerance which oppressed
them — modified the practice of them more or less. That is the
point we shall now consider ; and first, as regards Baptism.
Upon this point the Waldenses neither anticipated the belief
of Luther, nor of the Baptists, as has been asserted. They were
originally so completely under the dominion of Catholic tradition,
that a reaction was not long in taking place. Without baptism no
salvation, they said unanimously ; then, while stUl following this
same tradition, added that it might be administered by any one.'"
StUl, on the Italian side of the Alps, a very perceptible divergence
of opinion was soon manifest. Many began to hold that children
might be saved without baptism."" It would even seem that, for
some time, this opinion prevaUed in Lombardy and in some parts
of Germany.'" Whilst the Poor of Lyons continued to recognize
as valid the baptism administered by the Church in Lombardy,
they were liberating themselves from their superstitious practice.

264 The Waldenses of Italy.
Why do you not baptize ? asked the CathoUcs. We have abeady
seen the answer : " Christ did not send us to baptize ; but to pro
claim the Gospel.""- The Brethren of Lombardy did not stop
there in abandoning rites ; they went so far as to treat with
levity the pretension to administer the Sacraments, of which their
predecessors had been so jealous. Otherwise how could we
explain the fact of one of their perverts writing to them in a
defiant tone : " What are the Sacraments you administer ? You
no lono-er retain more than a semi- Sacrament, that of Confession;
that is aU. As for the other Sacraments, you refer people to the
Church.'""
^/ Let us pass on to the Sacrament of Ordination.
Evidently it is here no longer a question of Ordination in the
ordinary sense. The admistration of this Sacrament is a sequel
to the vow of obedience to God, which the Pope and Clergy do not
accept, and which the Waldenses, from the time of their forma
tion, had taken to their superior. At all events, they had a rite
of Ordination, properly so-caUed, and it is not just to imagine that,
amongst the early Waldenses, "the first comer, wearing wooden
shoes, could mount the pulpit steps and preach the word of
God.""* But did theynot profess equality asregards the priests?
Undoubtedly ; but we have seen that they had ordinances. We
must remember this, in order not to be deceived as to the character
of their priesthood. They condemned the exclusive sacerdotal
privUege, but the distinction between the special and universal
priesthood remained, notwithstanding some expressions which
would seem to cast a doubt upon it. " They say," so an Inquisitor
reports, "' that the Sacrament of Ordination is void, and that every
good layman is a Priest, according to the example of the Apostles,
who were themselves laymen. Nay, every layman, in their
opinion, even women, should preach."'" Still, the laity are
ordained,"" and in the foUowing manner. Bernard Gui describes
to us, in successive order, the ordination of a Bishop, Presbyter,
and Deacon.
" The election of the Bishop having taken place, after prayer
in common and the private confession of sins, there follows a public
and general confession ; if there be a Bishop present, it is he
who performs the ceremony ; if not, one of the Presbyters who
may be present prepares to pray, and, while he recites the Lord's
Prayer, he lays his hand upon the head of the Bishop elect, that

The Waldenses of Italy. 265
he may receive the Holy Spirit. After him, aU the others.
Presbyters as well as Deacons, impose their hands, each in his
turn. Thus is accomplished the ordination of the Bishop, without
further formahty, without the least trace of tradition, without
anointing of any kind, or sacred ornaments, but solely by prayer
and the laying on of hands."'" The ordination of a Presbyter is
performed in hke manner. " After prayer and the confession of
sins," Gui adds, " the Bishop lays his hand upon the head of the
candidate, then aU the Presbyters present do the same, that he
may receive the Holy Ghost." We have seen that, in case of the
absence of a Bishop, the Presbyter may proceed to ordain a
Bishop.'" Much more then would he be permitted to proceed, in like
case, to the ordination of a Presbyter. FinaUy, comes the turn
of the Deacon. " When the Deacon has been elected, the Bishop
alone, after the usual prayer and confession, imposes his hands
upon him, repeating the Lord's Prayer, that the candidate may
receive the Holy Ghost," and with that, all is over. Thus, con
cludes the Inquisitor, with almost naive astonishment, the ordina
tion is performed without any more formaUty than prayer and the
laying on of hands. Whether it be that of Bishops, Presbyters, or
Deacons, ignorant laymen, or learned persons, it is sufficient that
the candidate should have been approved and elected in the manner
just described.'"
Such, according to Bernard Gui, was the practice of ordination
among the Waldenses of France. This is not the only information
we have on the subject. Here is more, relating to another branch
of the Waldensian famUy.
Another Inquisitor writes : " When they wish to admit any
one to their number, they first examine him during a certain
time,'""" after prolonged instruction.'""' At the moment of ordina
tion, they require of him a confession of all the sins he can
remember from his youth up. Moreover, to be received into their
ranks, one must be chaste."'""^ And here an important detaU is
mentioned, which apparently escaped the researches of Bernard
Gui, unless — and this is not impossible — it was a subsequent
addition. We read that the candidate was intei-rogated upon the
seven articles of faith, that is to say, he was asked whether he
believed : —
1. In a God, in three persons, one in nature.
2. In a God, Creator of all things, visible and invisible.

266 The Waldenses op Italy.
3. In the Divine promulgation of the law of Moses on Mount
Sinai. 4. In the incarnation of the Son of God in the Virgin's
womb. 5. In the election of the Holy Church.
6. In the Resurrection of the Body .
7. In the Judgment to come.
The other articles of the Creed are not mentioned.'""' The
candidate was further questioned upon the seven Sacraments. As
to the vows required of him, they are the three we ah-eady know :
obedience, poverty, chastity,'""* in addition to the two foUowing
pledges : When he shall be in prison or in danger of death, he
sliaU not redeem his life or that of his brethren, by a false oath or
any other mortal sin ; and he shall not maintain with his kindred
gi-eater relations of intimacy than those which unite him to his
brethren.'""'^
y We now come to a third Sacrament assiduously practised by
the Waldenses, namely, that of Penance.
This Sacrament is in such perfect harmony with the character
of the Waldensian reaction, that one might almost say, if it had
not existed, the Waldenses would have invented it. At first
they preached penitence, but without confession. The adminis
tration of this Sacrament, on the part of the Waldenses, marked
one of the first consequences of their breach with the clergy.
They contented themselves with consecrating it by religiously
practising it. Many beUeved that they had re-established it ;
they said that the power of the keys, lost by the Popes, had
passed to Waldo.'""" Their notion of penance is already known
by the quotations borrowed from their writings. It was taken
both from the Scripture and from tradition. Their sincere and
rigorous confession was addressed to God, but it was far from
excluding the office of the confessor, as some have thought. This
office was subject to conditions and limited, according to the
spu-it of the Gospel, and certain liberal notions of the time,
emanating from the teaching of the Fathers. It was only re
formed. More than once the Waldenses profited by the maxims
of Peter Lombard, in re-calling the fact that the right of pardon
ing belongs to God alone, and that the office of the confessor
consists on the one hand in pronouncing or declaring forgive
ness ;¦'""' on the other, in directing by his evangelical councils the

The Waldenses op Italy. 267
soul that repents and prescribing the penance.'""' Between the
Romish confessional and the Waldensian conscience there was not
the needful point of unity. Little by Uttle the Waldenses had
drawn themselves back; their faithful disciples, who were still
seen going to the Priest it is true, but only in cases of necessity,
or to elude the vigUance of the persecutors, acted in the same
manner.'""' Even in such cases they seldom confessed to the
Priest any but venial sins.'"'" They usually said : It is better to
confess to a pious layman than to an unworthy Priest.'"" More
over, a layman has as much power as anyone.'"'^ One of the
reasons which urged penitents to confess to the Waldenses was
that they were sure to be weU received. Then- confession was not
more frequent than that of the Church ; it took place at least once
a year,'"" firom chUdhood.'"'* It was serious, complete, sure, and
efficacious.^"'^ The common people in the retired districts of
Germany went so far as to attribute to it a species of magic
virtue. A sin remitted by the Waldenses was remitted effectuaUy ;
the individual was as free from it as if he had just been born.'"'"
If anyone confessed to those holy men and died before the end of
the year he was sure to go straight to heaven.'"" The reason is
because they are not ordained hke others ; they received their
authority from God;'"" they received it from an angel fi-om
heaven. Every seven years they ascend thither, to listen to the
voice of Divine wisdom, and receive the sacred seal of their
mission.'"" The form of Absolution varies. Two are known, of which
one is used in France, the other in Germany. The first is the
prerogative of the Bishop, to whom is reserved the right of com
plete absolution. When he absolves, says the Inquisitor Gui, he
speaks thus : " God absolve thee from aU thy sins. I enjoin
upon thee contrition for thy sins until death, and the performance
of such a penance.'""^" The second formula which has been pre
served is less summary. " May our Lord, who forgave Zaccheus,
Mary Magdalene and Paul, who delivered Peter from his bonds,
and Martha and other penitent women, deign to remit thy sin
The Lord bless and keep thee, the Lord make His face to shine
upon thee, and be gracious unto thee, the Lord hft up His coun
tenance upon thee and give thee peace. And may the peace of
God, which passeth aU understanding, keep thy heart and mind
in Jesus Christ. Blessed be thou by God the Father, and the

268 The Waldenses of Italy.
Son, and the Holy Spirit. Amen."'"^' During absolution, the
confessor probably laid his hand upon the head of the penitent. '"^^
Penance, always rigorous, was sometimes excessive.'"^' It
consisted of fasting and prayer.'"^* We are ah-eady aware that
by prayer we must here understand the repetition of the Lord's
Prayer. It was prescribed for every day, especiaUy for Sunday.'"^'
The Ave Maria, on the contraiy, never was ; it was only tolerated,
and the reason is already known. As to fasting, the Waldenses
in France observed it as follows : Mondays and Wednesdays,
semi-fasts, not excluding the use of meats ; Fridays and part of
Lent, strict fasting, not for conscience's sake — for Christ does not
command fasting — but in order not to give office.'"^" Then-
brethren of Lombardy seem to have followed an analogous custom,
perhaps more rigid.'"^' On Fridays they fasted on bread and water,
except in cases of toil, journeying, or sickness. They also fasted
on Saturday.'"^' The confessor, although strict,'"^' had regard to
the health of the penitent ; sometimes the use of a Uttle wine or
light beer was permitted.'"'" Of course, there was no con
fessional ; nevertheless confession was seldom heard but in secret ;
generally in the hospitable house where the minister lodged, and
in which the meetings were held.'""
FinaUy, the Waldenses attached a great importance to the
Sacrament of the Eucharist.
This Sacrament also underwent at their hands a beginning
of reform. Of a truth, they professed to beheve in the dogma of
transubstantiation, which was several centuries old ; this profes
sion is common to the Waldenses of France and those of Lom
bardy. We have seen that their differences had no reference to
the dogma itself ; they disagreed in their manner of explaining it.
According to the Waldenses of France, transubstantiation is the
result of the magical virtue inherent in the sacramental words ;
or it depends upon the official character of the priest ; or again,
upon the aU-powerful mediation of the God-Man. Their brethren
of Lombardy emphasize this latter causation without admitting it
to be sufficient. In their opinion it matters but little whether
the celebrant be consecrated or not ; he must, above aU, be a good
man, inasmuch as God does not answer the prayers of the wicked.
Such are the diversities of opinion which entail a certain difference of
practice. The sacramental consecration was accepted even from
laymen, almost the same as baptism.'"'^ The holier the celebrant

The Waldenses op Italy. 269
was, from the point of view of the Church, the more his moral
authority seemed to be questioned.'"" Nevertheless, amid aU this
discussion, there was no apparent doubt of the reaUty of the
transubstantiation. Was it always and everywhere thus ? Cer
tainly not. A doubt soon arose, not only among a group of
Waldenses of Alsace, evidently influenced by notions that were
foreign to their dissidence,'"'* but also in Germany.'""^ It found a
form quite ready to embody it, in the symboUc interpretation
adopted by the Cathari. More than one Inquisitor teUs us that,
m their meetings, the Waldenses celebrated this Sacrament by
reciting the consecrated words, and they administered it one
to another, as at the Last Supper.'"'" The cup was then beginning
to be withdrawn ; but the Waldenses retained it.'"" Let us now
go back to the manner in which this rite was celebrated among
them in the beginning, that is to say, in the XIII. century.
" The Poor of Lyons," we read, " celebrated their mass once
a year, namely, on Holy Thursday. At night-faU he who pre
sides, if he have received the order of priesthood, gathers
around him aU the members of his family,'"" of both sexes ; he
causes a bench or a box to be set up before them, which is covered
with a clean table cloth, upon which are placed a large glass of
pure wine and an unleavened loaf of bread.'"" Then he who
presides says : ' Let us pray that God in His mercy may pardon
our sins and transgressions, and deign to answer our prayers ; to
this end we wUl repeat the Lord's prayer seven times, to the glory
of God and the Holy Trinity.' Whereupon all kneel and say the
Lord's Prayer seven times ; then they rise. Afterwards, he who
consecrates makes the sign of the Cross over the bread and the
cup, and, after having broken the bread, he gives a piece to each ;
then he passes the cup to aU. They remain standing during the
whole time of the celebration ; and this closes their act of sacri
fice. They firmly beheve and confess that it is the body and blood
of our Lord Jesus Christ.'"*" If aught of the sacrifice remains
unconsumed, they keep it till Easter and finisheatingitonthat day.
If anyone present ask permission to receive it, they give it to him.
For the space of one year, they give nothing to their sick but con
secrated bread and wine.'"*' Such was originally the custom of
the Poor of Lyons, or Waldenses, before division came in among
them."'"*2

270 The Waldenses of Italy.
The following deductions have been drawmfrom this testimony: —
The Waldenses of France did not celebrate the sacrament of
the Eucharist more than once a year, on Maundy Thursday. This
celebration embraced only the regular members of the primitive
community. Nevertheless, other persons were permitted to attend,
even to participate, if any of the consecrated elements remained.
The consecration of the elements implied transubstantiation. It
was performed by a Priest, and, as a rule, by the chief of the
community, if in holy orders. The blessed bread and wine, which
was distributed during the rest of the year, must not be confounded
with the consecrated elements ; they evidently differed. FinaUy,
this form of celebration is the one that was in use in the com
munity at its commencement, that is to say, before the separation.
It would appear that the Brethren of Lombardy did not retain it.'"*'
Such was apparently the rule ; but it had exceptions. In this
case again, the Priest was dispensed with, if necessary ; that is to
say, when the choice lay between a Priest suspected of mercenary
motives and a good layman.'"** Then the communion was handed
from one to the other.'"*^ The form therefore, we see, varied. ,
Some, we read, celebrated their Easter communion as follows : —
One of them took an unleavened loaf, and placed it upon a little
board ; beside it he placed a wooden spoon -with some water.
After having pronounced the benediction, he communicated and
passed the elements on to the others. When the ceremony was
finished, both the board and the spoon were thrown into the fire.'"*"
It is true, confesses here the anonymous narrator, that this fashion
is not much liked ; it is repugnant even to most of the Waldensian
teachers, who desire either to communicate in the Church or to
go without communion during entire years. In such case, they
hide themselves so as not to be noticed. '"*' Besides, aU Waldenses
do not wait for Holy Thursday to communicate. The custom
was general, we grant, but it did not in any case exclude
frequent, even daUy, communion, if opportunity should offer.'"*'
Still, we are not quite free fi-om doubt on this point. Is it not
possible that the narrator confounded the Eucharistic communion,
properly so-caUed, with that of the blessed bread ? This brings
us to this last rite ; let us try to understand it.
How is this custom of the blessed bread explained ? Thus
far, no satisfactory reason for its use has been assigned. It must
be acknowledged that the allusions to this subject, presented by

The Waldenses of Italy. 271
our sources of information, are few and obscure.'-"*^ This bread not
being that of the Communion proper, does it not have some refer
ence to the benedicite pronounced at meals ? That custom is
known to have come, like so many others, from the Cathari. " It
was the intention of those who first took part in them, that these
repasts should be a renewal of the love-feasts of the early Christians,
and symbolize, not the participation in the benefits of the death of
Christ, but the oneness of the brotherhood existing among aU the
members of the sect. Where the perfect were numerous and
could frequently visit their faithful members, they blessed bread
for them, in sufficient quantity that they might partake of some
every day. In the times of persecution, when the perfect were
obhged to conceal themselves, and could not make their rounds,
excepting at rare intervals, this custom must have undergone some
modification ; blessed bread was at such periods eaten only on
solemn occasions, especially at the feasts of Christmas and
Easter ; faithful messengers carried it into the towns and villages
to the believers, and the latter preserved it reUgiously. It was
then no longer necessary to eat it in common, in order to celebrate
a love-feast ; a bit of it was taken in secret, in commemoration of
admission into the community of believers, and of the fidelity owed
to the Goodmen and their Church.'"*" So much we know concern
ing the practice amongst the Cathari ; that this rite should have
passed from them to the Waldenses is not at aU surprising.'"*'
Only, amongst the Waldenses, the blessed bread does not take the
place of the Eucharist, either because they attached a different
dogmatic interpretation to it, or because they still hesitated to set
themselves up as a separate sect. Meanwhile, the use of the
blessed bread constitutes the first deviation. From this to the
reformed Eucharist is no great stride.
Such are the various modifications imported by the Waldenses
into the observance of the Sacraments.
We see, by what has been said, that the religious life of the
Waldenses, hke their historical tree, has its various ramifications.
It is, for instance, impossible to identify the original reaction which
spread over GaUic soil with that which had its source in Lom
bardy, and from thence sprang up again under a different
form in Switzerland, Alsatia, Swabia, and Austria. Moreover,
those different forms became more marked during the controversy
with the dominant Church.

272 The Waldenses of Italy.
The Poor of Lyons were dissenters and not schismatics. As
a matter of fact, they did not invite the faithful to shake off the
yoke of the Romish Church. They recognised the right of the
clergy to administer the Sacraments, with the idea that their
flocks might derive the benefit thereof.'"*^ It has been claimed
that the Waldenses even exhorted their hearers to frequent the
Church and pay their tithes to it.'"*' That may have occasion
ally been the case, in order not to provoke too inconvenient
reprisals, and we admit the fact ; still when it becomes a question
of arguing on their own account, do they not cast a doubt upon the
moral authority of the Catholic firiesthood'"** — the Popes as well
as the Prelates?'"** They go even further; they betray no
anxiety about being excommunicated,'"*" any more than about
their decrees and statutes.'"*' They have very good reason for
this ; in that the Romish Church clergy have decUned to accept
apostolic poverty. That is the crime, the mortal sin, which renders
their authority vain and their priesthood of none effect ; so much
so that, according to popular opinion, instead of feeding souls they
would do better to go and feed swine.'"*' Here we find a decided
advance made since the conference of Bergame. But this some
what plain spoken language did not always entaU corresponding
results. The Waldenses consider themselves the Church within
the Church ; reform may be possible without schism, if not in the
head, at least in the members. This remark is particularly
applicable to the Waldenses of France. Those of Lombardy and
other countries were less patient ; their protest rose up against
the Church in outspoken indignation. The Romish Church, say
they, is no longer the Church of Jesus Christ, but the Church of
the wicked, the beast and the whores, described in the Apoca
lypse.'"*' It is weU to go out of her, for she is only governed by
Scribes and Pharisees ; whosoever obeys them shall be damned.'"""
We are the Church of Christ, and he who would be saved must
follow us.'""' The authority of the Church of Rome is nuU and
void ; the Pope has lost the right to palm himself off as successor
to the Apostles, seeing that he has become the leader of the
apostacy, and with him the entire hierarchy, already smitten with
the interdict, totters to its faU. After that, what have we to do
¦with tithes, royalties, prebends, donations, legacies, privileges,
immunities, dispensations, indulgencies, canonizations, vigils,
htanies, legends, miracles, reUcs, feasts, dedications, consecrations,

The Waldenses of Italy. 273
candles, ashes, pahns, fastings. Chrisms, purifications, pilgrimages,
temples, water, salt, incense, mitres, chasubles, and the rest ?'""^
Everything, even to the gi-aves, is profaned by the benediction of
mercenaries. It would be better to be buried in the open fields
than in the cemetery, and we should prefer it if we were free.'""'
How much money is wasted in ornaments which would be much
better spent in benefitting the poor ? '""* If we had a voice in the
chapter, we would say to the Priests : Sluggards that ye are, earn
your bread hke other people,'""* instead of wasting your time at
Church, after having frittered it away in the seminary.'""" AU
then- work consists in rendering the law of God of none effect,
in order to estabhsh their traditions, after the manner of the
Pharisees.'""' The traditions, forsooth, sustain the prohibition of
the seven mortal sins, whereas they should add the command
ments directed against lying, calumny, and swearing ; thus having
ten precepts instead of seven.'""' Many others are got rid of for
that matter. Are not violence and persecution a continual violation
of di-dne laws ? Conscience ought not to be forced ; but should
be free.'""' Then what shaU we say of murder ? Have you the
power of giving life ? No. Then that of taking it does not
belong to you.'"'" Death makes ravages enough, when we consider
that every sin is mortal ;"^" only a fool thinks he can rob it of its
prey, by means of the mediations of Saints. As for us, we
beheve, as the Book of Ecclesiastes says : "In the place where
the tree faUeth, there it shaU be." The just have no need of
mediations ; they do no good to the -wicked. This being the
case, of what use are the masses for the dead ? The mass ! The
Apostles knew nothing of the kind.'"'^ All the display made there,
and aU the mutterings are but hes, in so far as they are not a
rehearsal of the word of Christ ;'"" but they hold to it, because
it opens the money bags. What has become of the worship
practised by the Apostles ? It has disappeared. Look at those
images ; what idolatry is there ! They are not even ashamed of
rendei-ing homage to the infamous Cross upon which our Lord
was nailed. They prostrate themselves here and there, kissing
the hand of the Priest and the foot of the Pope, as if they were
more worthy than the Apostle Peter, or more holy than an angel
firom heaven. What is their singing ? Listen to that uproar ;
one would take it to be the grunting of unclean animals — an
mfernal noise. The temple, which should be a house of prayer.

274 The Waldenses of Italy.
is but a house of stone, when it is not made of straw ;'"^* it would
be better to pray in one's room, or even in a stable. Everything
is falsified, even to the parochial definitions, which form the very
basis of their ecclesiastic constitution. It is not just so to divide
the land and the population.'"'* As for us, we hold to the doctrine
of Christ and His Apostles, whilst we ignore the statutes of the
Church.'"'" General rule : everything that cannot be found in the
Gospels ought to be repudiated.'"" To be legitimate, the
ordinances of the Church must date back at least to the day of
Our Lord's Ascension ; otherwise, they should be regarded as
non-existent.'"" Under these words we can trace the existence of a fire that was
ready to burst forth. The struggle was certainly a serious one.
What impetuosity there was on the one side ; still victory
remained on the side of the fire and the stake. After the struggle
came decadence. The reaction drew back ; it re-entered its
original centre, that of dissidence, whilst approaching stiU nearer
to that of Prance and the valleys of the Alps, which at first
seemed too conservative. It was, however, late in the day ; the
ranks begin to waver ; they became visibly thinner, the bravest
struggle in the shade, soon to disappear in the darkness of the
night. We have now nearly reached the end of our review, so far as
it relates to the early religious life of the Waldenses. Before
closing our narrative let us glance back on the field we have just
run hastily over. There are still many more facts to be gleaned.
For instance, with reference to manners and customs. It is true
that we have already spoken of the manners, but one point,
and a very delicate one, remains to be cleared up.
The purity of morals amongst the Waldenses has been so
generally recognized, that more than one judge of heresy testifies
to it. We will quote, as an example, the testimony rendered by
the Inquisitor of Passau :
" They may be recognised by their manners and discom-se.
These are sober and modest; they avoid pride in their dress,
which is composed of materials neither valuable nor worthless.
They have nothing to do with trade, as they have no vnsh to
expose themselves to the necessity of lying, swearing, or cheating.
They live by the work of their hands as journeymen. Their very
teachers are w-eavers and shoemakers.'"" They do not aocumu-

The Waldenses of Italy. 275
late wealth, but are content with what is needful for this life.
They are chaste, the Leonists especially,'"'" and moderate at their
meals. They frequent neither taverns nor ball-rooms, not being
fond of that species of vanity ; they refrain from anger ; although
always at work they find means to study or teach ; therefore
they pray but little.'"" They go to church, participate in the
worship, confess, communicate and attend preaching, but for a
pm-pose, namely to criticise the preacher.'"'^ They are also
known by their discourse, which is both sober and modest.'""
They avoid speaking evil of anyone and abstain from all foohsh or
idle conversation, as from lying. They do not swear ; they do
not even use the expressions " verily " or" certainly," or anything
of the kind, for, in their estimation, such are equivalent to
swearing.'""'* That is no portrait |to be lightly esteemed. It is clearly
enough Umned. We must now try to account for a viUainous
calumny, which is in strong contrast with what we have just
read, as weU as with aU that we know regarding the morals and
manners of the Waldenses.
Certain suspicions were thrown out with respect to their meet
ings, quite horrible enough to be simply ridiculous, if they had
not been at the same time infamous. In short, more than one
Catholic writer says, that at a given moment the lights were put out,
and this, they add, was the signal agreed upon for misdeeds that shall
be nameless.'"'* This foul calumny has been so often repeated, that
it is our desu-e to have it looked into. For this purpose let us
draw a distinction between the source of, and the occasion that
gave rise to, such reports. The source is hatred and prejudice,
those two eyes of the spirit of fanaticism, which has from time
immemorial been the demon of a dominant state religion. The
early Christians fell victims to it. " It was said that at the love-
feasts which they attended, accompanied by their mothers and
sisters, on a given signal the lights were put out, and adulteiy
and incest were committed in the darkness."'"'" The slander is
therefore an old one, but so much the more tenacious, and against
it the apologists of that period had to defend themselves.'"" When
the reins of dominion passed into the hands of the Catholic
Church, her priests repeated the old calumny, with a thousand
other errors and prejudices having the same origin. From that
time tUl now the same calumny has been uttered against the most

276 The Waldenses of Italy.
varied sects ; but for their wickedness there can be no excuse. It
is true that certain Gnostic sects of the early period may have
given reason for a suspicion of immoral practices. When we see,
however, that — for instance, with reference to the Cathari — this
suspicion is perpetuated without the least proof being adduced
in support of it, and that every movement of reform is attacked in
the same way. must we not conclude that the virus of Pagan
intolerance has entered into and vitiated the blood of the Catholic
priesthood ? The history of the Waldenses, which presents many
similarities to that of the early Christians, recalls this fact to
our minds in the matter under consideration. The old calumny is
uttered against them in order to avenge official worship upon those
who denounced the vices and scandals of its Priests.
Such was the cause, and the occasion is as foUows : —
The Waldenses met in secret, protected by darkness. They
lighted a lamp, and often after the reading was ended the hght
was extinguished, lest it might attract the attention of the neigh
bours. How many a time has the dim little taper been extin
guished in the middle of a meeting, upon the slightest signal of
alarm ! Sometimes it was not even lighted. We are not invent
ing ; the Inquisitors themselves tell us so. Says one of them :
" The preaching being over, they kneel for prayer, and they some
times, if there be a light, put it out, so as not to be seen or
surprised by anyone from without."'"" The timid were impressed
by this ; at times even — if they were novices — frightened.'""
Thus, there is contemporary assurance on this point as to the
reasons for the practice, and, indeed, they were quite understood.
It must not be supposed that the Inquisitors, because of this,
withdrew the opprobrious slander. No ; it was not without its
use to them.'"'" Still, they do not know how to prop it up ; wit
nesses are lacking, or else they contradict themselves ; more than
once they are procured from amongst suspicious, unscrupulous
persons, terrorized by torture,'"" or influenced by the hope of
escaping it, if not by the aUurement of some reward. In any case
such witnesses are not in any way entitled to credit. Indeed, an
Inquisitor declares explicitly that he does not believe any such
vUlainous stories about the Waldenses. He says: " They assem
ble particularly at night, during the hour of sleep, in order more
freely to indulge in their iniquitous rites. It is ,said, that after
they have extinguished the lights, Ihey all give themselves up to

The Waldenses of Italy. 277
fornication ; but I do not believe this can be said of this sect ; and
of a truth, I have never heard any such report from the lips of
trustworthy persons."'""^ Moreover, calumny did not end there.
It asserted by the mouth of gossips, that ridiculous animals made
their appearance, and even the devil himself, to whom worship
was rendered. ReaUy, an immense amount of credulity and
depravity must have been required to believe such fables. By
some these old slanders, with new ones added, are still believed.'"''
Meanwhile we caU attention to the fact that the purity of
Waldensian manners was attested by the testimony of those most
interesting in discrediting it. Of course they take some excep
tions, for are they not theologians ? To hear them one would
think they held a brief from Satan himself. Instead of concluding
that the tree could not be evil which bore the fruit of such good
manners they do just the contrary. They say the manners of
the Waldenses present a double aspect : on the one hand, there
are their relations toward men ; on the other their relations to
ward God. The former, the only visible one, is luminous ; the
latter is in the darkness of heresy. Here, therefore, is the
reahty which is falsehood ; there the outward show, which is
hypocrisy.'"'* In this way the devil gets his full share, thanks to
the subtle metaphysics of the Inquisitors. As far as we are con
cerned their deductions are of very little importance. Their
testimony is of value, only in as far as it bears upon outward life.
Now this testimony is such that the highest praise has, with
justice, been found underlying it.'"'* Criticism, which has
searched so much, has found nothing of a nature to attentuate
this. If anyone does so, it is the Waldenses themselves, as wUl
be further seen in their confession to the fathers of the Reforma
tion, humility being one of the attributes of their rehgious life.
We shaU now add a few more details about Waldensian cus
toms. The early Waldenses, as we have seen, were distinguished
by a particular costume. They wore a wooUen tunic,'"'" a cloak
and a particular kind of shoes.'"" They cut the upper part of
these latter, so as to recaU the apostoUc use of sandals,'"" and
marked them with a sign resembling a shield, on account of which
they were caUed Ensabates or Insabbatati.'"" They were like the
Nazarenes in respect that they wore their beards and their hair long.
A monk, whose halting jests have been already noticed, mocks at
them in his own fashion. He says : " They find it more con-

278 The Waldenses op Italy.
venient to cross the straps of theu- sandal than to crucify their
members ; they crown not their head but their shoes."""" That
sign was, however, a cross in the days of the persecution. Little
by little it disappeared, stiU not before the end of the XHI.
century.""' Persecution obliged the Waldenses to exercise much
prudence and even shrewdness ; they travelled mostly by night,
often carrying disguises with them in case of need, in order to
circumvent spies and to be able to disappear, or to pass unper
ceived from one house to another.""^ One day one of their leaders
was arrested. He had enough upon him to rival Proteus, says an
Inquisitor.""' If he had been once seen, he quickly changed his
costume. At one time he would be dressed as a pUgrim, at
another as a penitent ; one day he was a shoemaker, another a
barber, a reaper, or a bowyer.""* The object of the Waldenses
in thus disguising themselves was not merely to escape danger ;
they frequently only desu-ed to disarm prejudice and gain a more
ready acgess as missionaries ; in such cases they assumed the rdle
of pedlars. An Inquisitor has given us such a faithful description
of one of their visits, that we can almost imagine ourselves to be
present. The scene is laid on the confines of Austria and
Bavaria.""* " They endeavour to insinuate themselves into the intimacy
of noble famihes, and their cunning is to be admired. At first
they offer some attractive merchandise to the gentlemen and
ladies — some rings, for instance, or veUs. After the purchase,
if one ask the merchant : Have you anything else left to offer us ?
The latter -wUl reply : I have stones more precious than those
gems ; """ I should be very wiUing to give them to you, if you
wUl promise that I shaU not be betrayed to the clergy. Being
assured on this point he wiU add : I have one pearl so briUiant,
that with it any man may learn to know God ; I have another so
resplendent that it kindles the love of God in the heart of
whoever possesses it.""' And so on ; of course he speaks of
pearls in a figurative sense. After that he vdll recite some
passage of Scripture, such as that of Luke : ' The angel Gabriel
was sent,' etc., or some words used by our Saviour, like those
beginning thus : ' Before the feast,' etc.""' When he begins to
fix the attention of his hearer, he will add : ' The Scribes and
Pharisees sit in Moses' seat,' etc., or : ' Woe unto you Scribes
and Pharisees, hypocrites, for ye shut up the kingdom of heaven

The Waldenses op Italy. 279
against men ; for ye neither go in yourselves, neither suffer ye
them that are entering to go in '; or else : ' Beware of the
Scribes who devour widows' houses, and for a pretence make
long prayers.'""' The listener wUl then ask : To whom are
these imprecations addressed ? He answers : To the Priests
and Monks.'"" Then the heretic compares the condition of the
Romish Church with that which concerns his party. Your teachers,
says he, are fastidious in their dress and manners ; they like the
chief places at feasts and to be called masters. Rabbi, Rabbi !
We do not look for such Rabbis."" They are incontinent ;
whUe each one of us has his wife and lives in chastity with her.'"^
They are those rich men and misers of whom it is said : ' Woe
to you that are rich, for ye have already received your consolation.'
As for us, we are content if we have food and raiment. They are
those voluptuaries to whom it is said : ' Woe to you who devour
widows' houses,' etc. We, on the contrary, satisfy our own needs,
in one way or another. They fight, stir up wars, cause the poor
to be kUled and burned ; of them it is written : ' Whoever kiUs
with the sword shaU be kiUed by the sword.' We, on the
contrary, suffer persecution at their hands, for justice's sake.
They eat the bread of idleness, like drones. We, on the contrary,
work with our own hands. They wish to be the only teachers ;
thus it is said of them : ' Woe unto you who have taken away the
key of knowledge,' etc.'"' With us, the women teach like the
men, and a disciple of seven days' standing teaches another.
Among them it is rare that a doctor of divinity is able to repeat
by heart, and word for word, three consecutive chapters of the
New Testament ; while with us it is seldom you can find any
man or woman unable to recite the text in the vulgar tongue.
And because we have the real faith in Christ, and all of us teach
a pure and holy doctrine, the Scribes and Pharisees persecute
us to death, as, indeed, they did Christ himself."'* Besides,
those people talk and do not act ; they bind burdens that are
heavy and grievous to be borne, and lay them upon men's
shoulders, but they themselves wiU not touch them with one of
their fingers. As for us, we practice aU that we teach.'"* They
endeavour to observe human traditions rather than Divine
precepts ; they observe fast-days, feast-days, and go to Church,
bound as they are by the rules prescribed by men. For us it
suffices to persuade men to observe the doctrine of Christ and

280 The Waldenses op Italy.
His Apostles."'" So, too, they load the penitent with very heavy
punishments, which they do not touch with a finger. We, on the
contrary, following the example of Christ, say to the sinner :
Go and sin no more, and we remit their sins by the laying on of
hands."" In the hour of death we send souls to heaven ; but
they send them all to heU. After this conversation, the heretic
says to his listener : Now see which is the most perfect religion —
the purest faith — ours or that of the Romish Church ? think the
matter over and make your choice."" Once turned aside from
the Cathohc faith by such errors, our members leave us. Anyone
who credits these heretics begins to favour and defend them ;
he conceals the man in his house for months together, and in this
way becomes initiated in all that concerns then- sect."
Here we have a truthful story, simple and charming. There
now only remains for us to discover to what class the personage,
thus placed before us, belongs. Some have thought it was a
Barbe."" But let us not forget that we are neither in the vaUeys
of the Alps, nor on the road to Calabria, and that this appears to
have been a married man. Was he a hawker? Some have
thought and still think so."^" At any rate, we have here a Wal
densian, such as many were, bom to evangeUze, just as the
Dominicans were born to hunt heretics — without consecration,
perhaps without salary, without any obligation of reporting to
superiors, but none the less zealous. The zeal of such a man is
capable of anything. A river intervenes to prevent one Uke him
from arriving promptly at the hamlet where he is expected ; winter
though it be, he swims across."^'
It is true that with all their zeal, the missionaries generaUy
limited their efforts to seeking for the scattered sheep, in
order to lead them to the fountain of Ufe, and to feed them
with the reading of Holy Writ. Of course they are reproached
for this. If you be right, why do you hide ? it is asked. Come
out of your retreat ; cast aside your modest, itinerant mission, and
come out into the fuU light of day ; preach to the scandalous
sinners. But no, you prefer to go to those who are peaceful,
gentle, and quiet."^^ The answer was easy. How can we preach
publicly, when we are pointed out as heretics, and hunted down
like wild beasts ?"^' That is not a mere excuse, but the real truth.
Under such circumstances, not only did they avoid exciting
attention, but they seldom assembled, and even then in smaU

The Waldenses op Italy. 281
numbers,"^* and with a thousand precautions. Before beginning
they made sure there was no suspected person present."^* More
over, there were several ways whereby the faithful recognised each
other, especially in the manner of shaking hands ."'^" It is evident
that aU had not a vocation for addressing multitudes. Many
acknowledged this fi-ankly."" If opportunity offered, the Waldenses
were not slow in seizing it. They were then seen disputing in
the pubUc square, preaching everywhere, even upon the roofs, and
the judges of heresy were aware of it."" Surely, if the Reforma
tion did not take place before Luther came, it was not their fault.
Such was, in general, the condition of the religious Ufe of the
Waldenses during the early period.
Upon reading the foregoing, a doubt may have arisen in the
mind of more than one of our Waldensian readers. We can well
understand it. Having been accustomed to read romance rather
than history upon the subject, certain details have seemed to him,
if not new, at least somewhat odd, and at any rate inexhaustive.
He feels somewhat hurt, and suspects us of concealment. The
silence we have thus far maintained, regarding the particular con
dition of rehgious hfe in the valleys of the Alps, appears to him
suspicious. Upon seeing the principles and practices of the
ancient Waldenses, scattered in France, Alsace, Lombardy, Ger
many, and Austria, as it were unfolded before him, he has said :
That sheds no light upon the faith of my ancestors, properly
so-caUed, and there is nothing to prevent my believing that they
professed in those valleys the good apostolic tradition which
remained unchanged, notwithstanding the lapse of centuries.
What is said concerning our ultramontane co-religionists, and even
concerning those of Lombardy, is surely interesting to us ; but it
could not apply to us, the more so that they did not always agree
on every point. If we have seen the Waldenses of France holding
fast their sentiments, upon certain secondary practices, in opposition
to their brethren of Lombardy, we may be permitted to conclude
that our ancestors also had something to hold fast.
Now, that is what we are anxious to know.
This objection serves our purpose, for it gives us the opportu
nity of returning to our narrative to complete it, and justifies before
hand certain inevitable repetitions. Indeed, it must not be
forgotten that our review of the rehgious Ufe of the Waldenses has-
not come down to the XV. century. It has thus far only marked

282 The Waldenses op Italy.
the early and flourishing period. We still have before us the
period of decadence, which precedes the Reformation. Where
shaU we look for what is lacking in our sketch, if not in the
vaUeys of the Alps ? This wUl also be a means of bringing into
relief that too much ignored tradition of the more direct ancestors
of the Waldenses of the Alps.
This tradition has been estabhshed by the Inquisitors ; then
by a Bishop of Turin ; finaUy, by one of the Barbes. We have
but to record it, according to their testimony. That of the
Inquisitors relates to the time of the Crusaders, and the years
immediately following, hence to the end of the XV. century.
It wUl be remembered that Albert Catanee subjected the
Waldenses to more than one examination. There were those who
sealed their faith with martyrdom, others who were weak and
recanted. There can be no doubt that this great Inquisitor
founded the report upon his notes of the proceedings against them.
From that report we shall borrow an interesting page.
" These heretics, who do not excel either in knowledge or
in mental endowments, do not cast any doubt upon the hidden
mysteries of our religion, as for instance the procession of the
Holy Spirit, concerning which very learned men have put forth
very different opinions. Devoted to their vow of poverty, they
have carried insanity and blindness to the point of denying to the
Apostles, Martyrs, and others Saints, and to the Divine Majesty,
the worship and homage which is their due. They think, indeed,
that we ought not to build temples to God, nor sing his praises.
Their scorn for the Saints is so great, that they beUeve their
prayers to be of no benefit to mankind ; and therefore say we
ought neither to invoke them, nor observe festivals in their
honour. FinaUy, they endeavour to puU down several very legiti
mate institutions, which serve to maintain Christians in the
fulfilment of their duty ; for they beheve and preach as foUows : —
The Romish Church is a house of hes.
Its decrees are worthless.
Neither ordination, nor dignity, make a man a priest, but
merit. Ordination and office count for nothing ; dignity being in
proportion to moral goodness.
The soul, after death, ascends straight to heaven, or descends
into hell.
^^The fire of purgatory exists nowhere.

The Waldenses op Italy. 283
Prayers for the dead are vain and superfluous, being only
inventions created by the avarice of the clergy.
The images of the Deity and Saints ought to be abolished.
Holy Water is ridiculous.
Priests must lead a life of poverty, and be satisfied with alms.
The preaching of the W^ord of God must be free and accessible
to all. No sin ought to be tolerated ; not even for the purpose of
avoiding a greater evil.
If anyone has committed a mortal sin, it is not necessary to
obey him.
Confii-mation and Extreme Unction ought not to be numbered
among the Sacraments of the Church.
Baptism must be celebrated with clear water, without holy oil.
The use of cemeteries is needless ; it was invented for the
purpose of traffic. It matters little how the dead are buried.
The temple of God is vast ; it embraces the whole creation,
and to erect temples, monasteries and chapels, is an attempt to
circumscribe His power, as if Divine goodness would be more
propitious in tliem."^'
Ecclesiatical vestments, the decoration of the altars, cups,
sacred vessels, aU these have no significance as regards.
rehgion. The Priest may consecrate and administer the body of Christ
at aU times and in all places. The Sacramental words are
sufficient. It is useless to invoke the mediation of the Saints, who reign
with Christ in heaven ; for they know not what is gomg on ; they
do not hear the prayers, and if they did, they could do nothing.
Singing and the repetitions of Canonical hours, is but
lost time.
Work should be suspended only one day in seven, namely,
on Sunday. The solemn festivals dedicated to the Saints ought to be
abohshed. The fasts established by the Church are of no avail.
Indulgences and censures shoiUd be looked upon as worthless..
Such are the dreams of the Poor of Lyons. Not content with
propagating them in their little assemblies, they have the
boldness to preach them and affirm them publicly."'"

284 The Waldenses of Italy.
It wiU be noticed that every one of these articles brings us
back to the general tradition of the Waldenses, particularly to
those of France. There is nothing in this detaUed enumeration
to indicate the slightest deviation. They are, furthermore,
confirmed by the records of trials during the same period,
concerning the Waldenses of Freyssinieres, a Barbe named
Martin, arrested at Oulx, and a woman belonging to the diocese
of Valence."" If we examine them with attention, this is what we
find :—
Catanee is right when he observes that the Waldenses
" throw no doubt upon the hidden mysteries," or dogmas, of the
Cathohc rehgion. Metaphysics and theology, properly so-caUed,
remain untouched. It is the doctrine of worship and others akin
to it, that the principal divergences concern. Purgatory is rejected
because it does not exist, except in this life,"'^ inasmuch as it
was invented by the avarice of the Priest."" Our fate is decided
here below : after death, devotions will in no way change it."'*
Worship belongs to God alone, as to the Creator ; '"* the Vu-gm
Mary and the Saints being but creatures, have no share in it ;
besides, is it not doubtful whether they hear our prayers ? At
any rate help can come from God alone."'" What is to become
of the Ave Maria ? Should it be repeated as a penance ? No :
it is not a prayer like the Lord's Prayer, which being taught us
of God, should suffice."" Images are vain ;'^" as to festivals we
must make a distinction. There are the festivals, properly so-
caUed, which God has ordained, namely, Sunday and the festivals
of Christmas, Easter, Ascension, and Pentecost. Of course we are
bound to observe those ;"" the others cannot be obligatory
nor do they exclude work."*" Everyone is fi-ee to act according
to his own consience, but above aU, let Sunday be observed;
whilst the memory of the Apostles or of any who are among the
Saints may also be honoured."*' However, God is not in the
Church more than elsewhere. He may be equaUy well prayed to
at home, nay, even in a stable ; he is present everywhere."*^ The
Romish Church has become a Babel, a Synagogue of Satan;"*'
it is the Church of the wicked."** The Prelates are worldly
and lead scandalous lives,"** hence they ai-e unsuited to their
office ; for legitimate power in the Church of Christ is always
in proportion to the holiness of those who exercise it."*"
The office of the Romish clergy is therefore an empty for-

The Waldenses of Italy. 285
mality ; its practices are worthless, and its holy water very
harmless."*' God blessed the waters from the beginning of
creation, and He blesses them every year on Ascension Day,
together with every one of His creatures."*' Rain water is just as
good."*' Aspersions are, therefore, matters of indifference, as
weU as the singing that accompanies them."*" If this be so, has
the Chm-ch a right to tithes and offerings ? CertaiiUy not. As
for alms, we shall give them to the poor instead of handing them
over to the curates. What matters it to us if these latter remon
strate ? Clerical censures affect us but little ; we are not bound
to obey either the Church or her Prelates ; not even her Pope,
for he is very far from being holy."*' It is a long whUe since he
usurped the power he is wielding ; since Sylvester, of blessed
memory, there has been no true Pope."*^ Once we had the same
ordinances : but the Priests having given themselves up to avarice
and woridly vanities, we have been obliged to separate, hi order to
hold fast the rule of poverty."*' As we are not numerous, we live
concealed, and for very good reasons ;"** but, whatever may be
said, we are the Church of God,"** and those who are not with
us wiU go to perdition."*" We are but a handful of people ; but
it may be on our account that the world has not perished."*' Our
rule forbids all swearing,"*' even mitigated oaths ;"*' it also con
demns the death penalty, except for the crime of killing a man."""
We recognize in our Barbes the power to bind and loose ; it is to
them that we are bound to confess our sins ;""' that is to say,
mortal sins.""^ In pronouncing absolution, the confessor lays his
hand on the penitent's head.""' Penance consists in repeating the
Lord's Prayer a certain number of times,""* without the Ave
Maria ;""* in fasting — not on Saints' days, nor after the Lenten
rule""" — but on the eve of the four gi-eat festivals and of Sunday,
and at any rate on Friday.""' The Barbes do not receive the com
munion at Church any more than their flocks. They bless the
bread, and that serves us as Eucharist. Their benediction is
more effectual than ecclesiastic consecration. This latter is null and
void ;""' hence we desire no communion with Catholics. We avoid
also uniting ourselves with them in the holy bonds of matrimony,""'
were it only out of respect for this last Sacrament, which is not
badly kept in the nest of the Alps.'""
If all this be true, how can we believe certain confessions of
abominable practices, attributed to the Waldenses of Freyssini-

286 The Waldenses of Italy.
eres,"" and even to Barbe Martin ?"'^ The very form of these
confessions betrays, first of all, a contradiction,"" and then an
absurdity.'"* Let us not ibrget that a few years later the Wal
denses did take notice of this cynical slander in order, in a letter
to King Ladislas, to denounce it, complaining that an inquiry was
not granted them."'* No, there can be no doubt ; those infamous
stories are the last resort of a clergy which avenges itself in its
own fashion upon those who did not lay bare the corrupt practices
of the priests to laugh at them, but to place in juxtaposition to
them a pure life. It is true that thereby the scandal was rendered
more publicly outrageous, and the, clergy more and more hateful
and unpopular.
So much having been determined, we must note a few histori
cal details concerning Barbe Martin.
His father was named Girondin, From Spoleto, where he
ordinarily resided, he had more than once visited the vaUeys of
the Alps, in the capacity of a Barbe, preaching and hearing con
fession from viUage to village.'"" To him Martin owed his
early religious instruction."" This was carried on by some other
Barbes, belonging to the little town of Camerino, one of whom was
named Barnovo, and another Josue. Martin had accompanied
them several times on their missionary^ tours, and eventuaUy he
was one day brought to the great teacher Jean Antoine, who
hved in Cambro, on the territory belonging to the Pope."" He was
consecrated Barbe, and on the occasion, as was customary,
exchanged his baptismal name for that of Martin. This is the
way the ordination took place. When a Barbe is consecrated,
Martin writes, the Master assembles a few other Barbes, and the
candidate is required to swear as follows : " You, so-and-so, swear
upon your faith to maintain, multiply, and increase our law, and to
betray it to no one in the world ; you promise in no wise to
swear, to observe the Sabbath, and to do to no one that which you
would not have them do unto you ; finally, that you believe in
God, who made heaven and earth.""" When the candidate had
taken this oath, the great Master handed him a cup, and at that
moment, he assigned a new name to him, saying : " Henceforth
thou shalt be called thus."'"" It is on this occasion, the accused
adds, that I received the name of Martin, in lieu of my former one
of Frangois, for this ceremony takes the place of baptism.""
We learn furthermore, that Martin's co-religionists bore several

The Waldenses op Italy. 287
names ; beyond the mountains in France, they were called Poor
of Lyons ; on this side simply the Poor."'^ He had set out that
year, with a companion named Barbe Andre. They visited
Genoa, Nice, Acqui, and Vivarais, as well as several districts of
France ; they held a C ouncil in Lyons, with six other Barbes,
and saw on their way home a goodly number of Waldenses in the
mountains of Valence and the neighbourhood of Embrum and Gap.
In the month of March last, Martin adds, we met near Acqui,
three persons, refugees from Dauphiny, whence they had been
exUed, who recognised us by our cloaks."" We spoke of our
business, they said they were waiting for pardon to re-enter their
home, and continue as in the past. . . To return to my
narrative, it happened that on my return from Lyons, with
another Barbe, named Pierre, we arrived at Oulx. As we were
crossing the mountain, towards Pragelas, -^^'e were arrested.
Did you know that there were people of your sect there ?
We were told so, so we thought of utilizing our ministry in
favour of the Waldenses."'*
The two Barbes, just mentioned, were not the only ones who
has been seen arriving in the valleys of the Alps about the same
time. A woman teUs us that she received some into her house,
whUe her late husband, Pierre Fournier, was living. One day
she saw two of them,"'* who from their speech would have been
taken for foreigners, for they spoke Italian or Lombard; and
they were dressed in grey.'"" Her husband lodged them " for
the love of God." After supper one of them pulled out a little
book from his pocket, stating that this book contained the
Gospel together with the precepts of the law, and that he was
about to expound it to aU present : that he had a mission from
God for the reformation of the Cathohc faith, and that to this end
he went about the world after the manner of the Apostles,
preaching quietly the mode of serving God and observing his
commandments. Thereupon he began to read :""
" What was their name ?"
" I do not know."
" Have you seen them since ?"
" It is twenty-five years since I saw them for the first time ;
I may have seen them altogether nine or ten times ; not always at
my house, however."
" Did you often confess to those men ?"

288 The Waldenses op Italy.
" Every time that we received them at our house ; therefore
four or five times. When they went away they sometimes gave
us some needles, and my husband gave them some Uttle money
for their trouble."""
" How much, do you know ?"
" I did not see it counted."
" Did you not hear these heretics preach at BariUonne ?"
" Yes, some ten years ago. My husband and I were visiting
a relative, named Jean Favre. We lodged at his house. One
evening we went to call upon his brother, Monnet Favre, and lo !
we found there our two preachers with the assembled famUy.
Monnet, who was not expecting to see us, was quite put out. This
was so evident that we soon withdrew."
" What did the preachers say ?"
" Nothing."
" Did they discontinue their preaching on your arrival ?"
"No."
According to these different testimonies we must conclude
that the Chief of the Barbes at that time usuaUy resided in
Southern Italy."" He presided at their ordination,'"" assigning
to each one a new name ;"" finally, after the example of our
Lord, he sent them out, two by two, to preach repentance and feed
the scattered sheep of persecuted Israel in the vaUeys of the Alps,
in Liguria, Puglia, and other localities."'^
These somewhat lengthy detaUs — but of importance here —
bring us to this two-fold conclusion : first, dissent in the vaUeys
of the Alps during the XV. century, is connected with that of the
early Waldenses, whom we know ; secondly, it shows a certain
fusion — ah-eady noticed"" — with the Cathari.'"* The influence
of these latter upon the Waldensian rule had been sufficiently
marked to induce the Cathari in their turn to yield more than one
point. One would think their dualism had gradually become
melted down by the fire of the Crusades and the stakes. The
fusion was complete ; the name, place, and future were aU left to
the Waldenses. The population thinned and partiaUy dispersed,
ebbed away in different directions, especially towards Calabria ;
but at the time of the visit of the Brethren of Bohemia they had
already got together again, and from the writings which emanated
from them, we have seen that the faith of their fathers was far
from being extinguished."'* A few more years, and we approach

The Waldenses op Italy. 289
the Reformation. Luther had just boldly proclaimed his theses ;
and a broken-down Savoyard Prelate, at the end of his days — for
he had served the French monarchy under three of its kino-s 
had risen to the Ai-chiepiscopal see of Turin. This was Claude
of Seyssel. Though he did not visit the Waldenses, he made
some inquiries concerning them, examined their doctrine, and
undertook to discuss it in a treatise that was posthumously pub-
Ushed in 1520.'"" What did he find to reproach them with ? This
point has been studied by Jacques Cappel, " minister ofthe Holy
Gospel and professor of theology in the Church and Academy of
Sedan.""" He takes up the Archbishop's complaints in order ;
it must suffice us to sum them up.""
The Waldenses accept only the contents of the Old and New
Testament. They hold that the Pontiffs and Priests with their
doctrines and commentaries have attacked the authority of the
Scriptures. Tithes, first fruits, consecrations of churches, indul
gences, benedictions, holy water— all are condemned as of human
invention ; even the mediations also, for, say they, " Christ is
foUy sufficient for aU persons and things.""" Moreover, the
saints do not know what is going on here below. Images and the
sign of the Cross are destestable. It is idle to repeat the Ave
Maria, as it is not a prayer, but a simple salutation. Marriage is
permissible in aU eases, except those of immediate consanguinity.
Purgatory does not exist ; evei-ything done to dehver souls from
it is labour lost and absurd. The Priests have not the power of
forgiving sins ; this belongs to every Christian who treads in the
Apostles' footsteps, and the Waldenses, more than the Church of
Rome, have a right to the name of CathoUc. With respect to
prayer, men ought to accept only that which was transmitted to
them by the sacred authors. Lying is a mortal sin.
Here again the same characteristic traits remain ; but we
long to hear a witness who is not a Cathohc. The last word on
the subject under consideration naturaUy belongs to Barbe Morel,
The reader has not forgotten that to more than one reformer he
opened his mind on the religious condition of the Waldenses. He
is so evidently candid, that to learn the plain truth we have but to
hsten to him.'^"^
After the usual salutations. Morel explains how the ministry is
recruited. Ordination crowns the preparation; it is accomphshed
by means of the laying on of hands, and the administration of the
L

290 The Waldenses of Italy.
Sacrament of the Eucharist. Once consecrated, the young
ministers set forth, two by two, to evangeUze. That has already
been mentioned.'^"
Morel goes on: "As for rank we have regard to years of
service ; that is to say, the order of consecration determines
seniority in everything, whether it be honour, dignity, or office.
He who precedes is the master ; he who foUows, the disciples.'^"^
It is our custom, and we think so much of it, that the latter does
nothing without the former's permission, although it may be the
most insignificant thing — to drink a glass of cold water, for
instance.'^"' Not that we consider it sinful to act otherwise, we
only desire that everything shall be done decently and in order.
As a rule, our ministers do not marry; but I must confess
— for I speak to you in all confidence — that chastity is not always
the better kept for that.'^"* Bread and clothing in sufficient
quantities, on an emergency, for our absolute needs, are fur
nished to us gratuitously by the people who receive our instruc
tion. We work at different trades to please our people and
to avoid idleness,'^"* but, to tell the truth, the time we give
to that would not be of any profit in acquiring a knowledge
of the Scriptures. We pray kneeling, at different hours :
morning, evening, before and after dinner, before and after supper,
at noon, and sometimes also during the night; and also after
preaching. Our prayers last about a quarter of an hour. Before
eating or drinking, we almost always repeat the Lord's Prayer; but
our prayers are not the result of any superstition, or vain desire
for formality, or of respect for the times. We have no other
object than the glory of God and the good of our souls. Our tem
poral goods, which, as I have said, are — thanks to the ahns of our
people — abundantly assured to us, are managed in common. People,
when on their death-bed, frequently offer us money and varied
gifts ; I must confess that I never had the courage to accept any
thing at the hands of a dying person. Every year the ministers
assemble in general councU, to talk over their affairs, and we
change our residence in pau-s ; for we do not reside for more than
two or three years in the same locality, unless perchance, m the
case of some old man who may be permitted to have a fixed resi
dence somewhere, for the remainder of his days. AU we receive
from our people in the way of money is handed over to this same
general council, and placed in the common treasury, in the hands

The Waldenses of Italy. 291
of our leaders.'^"" It is destined, in part, to cover the expenses of
traveUing, as they may deem necessary ; sometimes a portion is
reserved for the poor. Before separating, we unite in the mutual
confession of our sins. If one of us falls into any carnal sin, he is
excluded from our community ;'^"' he is forbidden to preach,
and he is directed to earn his bread by the sweat of his
brow." Thus far Morel has hardly spoken of anything but what has
reference to the organization; however he mentions also the
beUefs, rehgious practices, and manners.'^"'
" With regard to om- articles of beUefs, we teach our people,
as weU as we can, the contents of the twelve articles of the
Symbol, caUed the Apostle's Creed, and every doctrine deviating
from it is looked upon by us as heresy. We believe in a God in
three persons ; we hold that the humanity of Christ is created and
inferior to the Father, who wished by means of it to redeem man
kind ; but we admit at the same time that Christ is both very God
and veiy man. We hold also that there is no other mediator and
intercessor with God than Jesus Christ. The Virgin Mary is
holy, humble, and fuU of grace ; the same with the other saints ;
and they await with her in heaven the glorification of their bodies
at the resurrection. We believe that, after this Ufe, there is only
the place of abode of the elect, called paradise, and that of the
rejected, called heU. As for purgatory it was invented by anti-
Christ, contrary to truth, therefore we reject it. AU that are of
human invention — such as Saints' days, vigils, holy water, fasts on
fixed days, and the like, especiaUy the mass — are, as we think, an
abomination in the sight of God. We beUeve the sacraments to
be the signs of a sacred thing, or a visible figure of an invisible
grace, and that it is good and-useful for the faithful sometimes to
partake of them, if possible ; but we beUeve that, if the oppor
tunity to do so be lacking, a man may be saved nevertheless. As
I understand it, we have erred in admitting more than two sacra-
ments.'^"' We also hold that oral confession is useful, if it be
observed without distinction of tune and for the purpose of com
forting the sick, the ignorant, and those who seek our advice,
according to the Scriptures. According to our rule, charity ought
to proceed as foUows :— Fu;st, everyone must love God, above all
creatures, even more than his own soul; then his soul more than
aU else ; then his neighbour's soul more than his own life ; then
L 2

292 The Waldenses op Italy.
his own Ufe more than that of his neighbour ; finally, the life of
his neighbour more than his own property."
Such are the articles of faith noted by Morel. The foUowing
detaUs merely serve to ampUfy them.'^'"
We, continues the Barbe, once a year visit our people who
are scattered over the mountains in different viUages. Each one
confesses to us in secret.'"' On such occasions we exhort married
people to live together honestly, and to give each other their
due, to avoid evU and not from voluptuousness.'"^ FinaUy, we
entreat everyone to abstain from aU sin, and inculcate upon them,
as best we may, the doctrine of original sin. If anyone be sick,
if we are caUed, we visit him, to comfort him with our exhorta
tions and prayers. At the time of being caUed we are sometimes
asked to bring material assistance also, because of the sick per
son's indigence. When we preach two of us officiate. We sit
near each other ; the elder speaks first, then the younger. As we
have no share in civil power and as — whether they like it or not —
our people are subjected to the jurisdiction of infidels ; we advise
them to elect two or three men of recognized honesty, and to
entrust them with the arrangement of their affairs.'"' We ex
communicate those who steadfastly refuse to accept our instruc
tions and warnings ; the consequence being that they cannot,
after that, take part in business matters or hsten to the
preaching.'^'* If this be done it is to the end that they may be
ashamed ; for we remember, in connection with this, that it is not
becoming to give sacred things to the dogs, or expedient to throw
pearls before swine. Thus there are several, who, when re
admitted to hear the preaching, have treated it with scorn. We
ourselves do not administer the sacraments to the people — they
are Papists who do this ;'^'* but we explain to them as well as we
can the spiritual meaning of the sacraments. We exhort them not
to put their trust in anti-Christian ceremonies, and to pray that
if they be compeUed to see and hear the abominations of anti-
Christ, it may not be imputed to them as a sin, but that such sort
of abominations may soon be confounded to make room for truth,
and that the Word of God may be spread abroad. Besides, we
absolutely forbid our people to swear. All dancing is prohibited,
and, generaUy speaking, all kinds of games, except the practice
of the bow or other arms. Neither do we tolerate vain and
lascivious songs, delicate clothing, whether striped or checked, or

The Waldenses of Italy. 298
cut after the latest fashion.'^" Our people are generaUy simple
folk, peasants, having no other resource but agriculture, dispersed by
persecution in numbers of places very distant from each other.
From one extremity of the district to the other is more than 800
mUes.'"' Although we are eveiywhere subjected to Papist magis
trates and priests, it seldom happens that one of us is called
in judgment or condemned, or that he frequents places of
debauch.'"' After these positive data. Morel states his doubts, which are
those of his co-religionists. They bear upon forty-seven points.
Most of them have their importance, if it be a question of ascer
taining the condition of beliefs, of practices in vogue, and even
current opinions. Let us make a note of them, without, however,
wandering from the text before us. These doubts suggest as
many questions.'"'
1. — Ought we to admit degrees in the dignity of the ministers
of the Word — for example, those of Bishops, Presbyters, and
Deacons ?'^^" We clearly see that the Apostle commands it to
Timothy and Titus ; Christ set Peter over the other Apostles,
giving him the keys of the kingdom of heaven ; and among the
Apostles themselves some were piUars. At any rate, those
degrees are not recognized amongst the Waldenses.'^^'
2. — What are we to understand by the keys which were given
to St. Peter ?
3. — Can such ministers of the Word as lead a wicked life,
usefuUy preach the word of God to the people, if they teach it in
truth ?
4. — Should we recognize Presbyters, who neither preach nor
teach, except by their exemplary Ufe ?
5. — Are the ministers of the Word permitted to possess any
thing of their own ? seeing that it is written : "If thou wilt follow
Me, go seU that thou hast ;" and elsewhere, " have neither gold
nor silver;" and, "the Son of God had not whereon to lay his
head."'222 6. — Are the ministers of the Word permitted to lead a life of
¦ceUbacy ?
7. — May the said ministers take about with them women who
wish to devote themselves to celibacy ?'^^'

294 The Waldenses of Italy.
8.— What difference is there between the ministers of the
Word of the Old Testament, and those of the New ?
9. — Which are the books of Scripture we are to hold as truly
canonical ?
10.-— Is aUegorical interpretation useful for the explanation of
the Scriptures ?'22*
11. — Were the judiciary and ceremonial precepts, given in the
law of Moses, aboUshed by the coming of Christ, or should we
stiU observe them?
12. — Must the ministers of the Word teach all that is con
tained in the Scriptures, without any distinction ?'2^*
13. — How are we to understand the true and faithful inter
pretation of the holy Scripture, so as not to be led astray by the
numerous commentaries and different interpretations, now exist
ing and daily accumulating ?'^^"
14. — Are there more than two Sacraments ?'^^'
15. — Can marriage be sacredly contracted by persons who
have not reached years of discretion ?
16. — Is marriage legitimate in all degrees of relationship
except those indicated in chapter xviii. of Leviticus ?
17. — Is a woman permitted to marry again when her husband
has given no sign of life for a number of years ?
18. — If a man seduce a virgin, is he bound to marry her ? and
if he do mai-ry, must he give her a dowry ?
19. — We exhort the betrothed not to mari-y for the sake of
luxury or avarice, and we tell them that such marriages are of the
DevU. We admonish them to marry to the honour of God and for
the begetting of children. Is this right ?
20. — Is it aUowable for a woman to alienate a portion of her
husband's property without his knowledge ?
21. — Do the Gospels contain certain teachings of Christ
which should be called precepts, and other teachings which should
be looked upon as counsels ?'^^'
22. — Would it be desirable that ministers should celebrate
the rites and ceremonies of the Sacraments whenever they have
au opportunity '^^'

The Waldenses op Italy. 295
23.— From the fact that Christ said " Swear not at aU," must
we conclude that every oath is forbidden as a mortal sin ?'""
24. — Is it aUowable to mourn for the dead ? We read some
where that the saints mourned for them, whUe again we read
elsewhere that such is forbidden them.
25. — Is it aUowable on Sundays to occupy oneself with
manual labour ? Are there feast-days which we are bound to
observe ?'^"
26. — Is it aUowable for a person, who may be assaUed by evil
men, to defend himself, even if he cannot do so without taking
their lives ?'2'2
27. — If we recognize that Christ is our sole justification, and
that we are saved only through His name and not by our own works,
how are we to read so many passages of the Scripture, which rate
works so highly ? The souls of the simple may easUy be deceived
thereby. Is it not written : " By thy words thou shalt be justified
and by thy words thou shalt be condemned ?" Do we not read :
"Not everyone that crieth unto me : Lord, Lord, shaU enter into
the kingdom of heaven, but he that doeth the wiU of my Father,
which is in Heaven?" And elsewhere: "Ye shaU possess the
kingdom for ye have given me to drink ?" And again : "As water
extinguishes the fire, thus do alms extinguish sin ?"'233 ijjjg
ahns and prayers of Cornelius seem to have had the effect of
bringing about the appearance of the angel, and thus he may have
been justified. We might think also that the publican who went
up^to the temple, went away justified through his prayers. If Jesus
loved John particularly, is it not because the latter loved him more
than the other disciples ? We read that Mary Magdalene
experienced a better reception than Simon, because she loved
more. We should conclude from this that works count for some
thing. Moreover, do we not read that on more than one occasion
God revoked his chastisements, upon seeing that the sinners
repented ? Is it not written that we shaU be judged according to
our works ? And lastly it seems that there wiU be a difference,
m paradise between the just. We pray thee to enhghten us,
especiaUy on this point.'^'*
28.— It is written : " Suffer little chUdren to come unto me,
for of such is the kingdom of heaven." Ought we not to con
clude from this that chUdren who have not reached the age when

296 The Waldenses of Italy.
they can use their reason, wiU be saved by the grace of God and
the merits of Christ, whatever people they may belong to ? And
on the other hand, as it is written that " it is impossible, without
faith, to please God," and that " he that beUeveth not the Son, shaU
not see life ; but the wrath of God abideth on him." Must we
conclude that aU those who have the use of reason, without faith
in Christ, shaU be rejected ?'^'*
29. — Are civU or other laws invented by men, and by which
the world is ruled, as to temporal things, legitimate in the sight
of God ? For it is written, " The laws of the nations are
vain."'2'" 30. — Did God ordain that magistrates should inflict the death
penalty on murderers, thieves, and other such evil doers, or does
he wish that a punishment be inflicted upon them, which by sub
jecting them to a severe penance, shaU make them better ? For,
according to the opinion of many, the magistrate carries the sword
to inflict this punishment, but not the death-penalty, as God does
not desire the death of the sinner, but rather that he should turn
from his wickedness and live.'^"
31. — Is it allowable for the faithful to plead before an infidel
judge ? That seems to be forbidden them by St. Paul.
32. — Is it aUowable for anyone who has been unlawfuUy
deprived of an article'"' to regain possession of it, even without
the knowledge of the one that has it in possession, in case he can
not obtain it otherwise ?
33. — If a labom-er be treated with unjust harshness, is he
permitted to retain anything which he may have promised to
return ?'"'
34. — Does the inheritance of children revert by right to the
mother, when there is no wiU ? And if she marry again is it
just that the inheritance should pass to the children of the second
husband ? We doubt it.
35. — Must aU that is added to the principal be considered
usury ?'2*"
36. — Must aU profit be considered iUicit which, in commerce,
exceeds that of labour ?
37. — Is the distinction between mortal and venial sins
legitimate ?

The Waldenses of Italy. 297
88. — Is there any ground for distinguishing between inevitable
ignorance and that which is simulated,or the effect of negUgence ?
39. — Does ignorance make sin excusable ?
40. — Is the passion of our Lord only applicable to original
sm?'2*i 41. — Is the passion of our Lord of no advantage to those who
abide in sin, and are the good works they do of any avail to
them? 42. — What council must be given to one who may have com
mitted a deadly sin, Uke that of murder ; to one who may have
children of another man's wife, which are fed by the husband who
beUeves them to be his own ; or to one who has lived in sin to
the last ?
43. — If one who has obstinately lived in sin, notwithstanding
all the warnings he may have received, caUs us on his deathbed,
ought we to hear him and give him counsel ?
44. — Is a deathbed repentance, caused by fear alone, of any
avaU? 45. — What advice must be given to one who has accidentally
found an article of which the owner is unknown ?
46. — Can we, as ministers of the Word, accept food, money,
or other earthly goods fi-om the faithful ?
47. — Is it allowable for us to counsel our people to kiU the
false brethren in our midst, when they seek — as has happened —
to deliver us into the hands of the papists that we may perish,
and thereby to hinder the preaching of the Word of God ?'^*^
48. — FinaUy, the question which troubles us more than aU the
rest, is that of fi-ee will and predestination, upon which Luther
and Erasmus are far fi-om being agreed.'^*' What we have read
upon the subject has troubled us ; we are, alas, so ignorant ! I
confess that, thus far, we have beUeved that God has placed
withui every man a certain natural virtue, according to the
individual capacity, as seems to be taught by the Parable of
the Talents. Moreover, does not experience teach us that even
inferior creatures are gifted with a certain capacity of their ovm ?
Therefore, we beUeved that man must be able to do something ;
he has only need to be excited and stimulated thereunto by God,
as is done when He says : " I stand at the door and knock " ; so

298 The Waldenses of Italy.
that he who wUl not open to Him, according to his innate capacity,
wiU meet, by his voluntary refusal, the fate he has deserved. If
not, how must we understand aU those positive and negative com
mandments of which we are reminded by Erasmus ? So much
for free wiU. As for predestination, we believed that before
creating heaven and earth, the Almighty had foreknowledge of
those who should be saved, as well as of those who should be
lost, but that He nevertheless created aU men unto etemal life, so
that no one need be damned if he do not elect to be so, by
refusing to obey His commands. But if, as Luther says, all
conies to pass of necessity, then those who are destined to life
cannot be damned, and vice versa, for Divine predestination can
not be without effect. In that case, what need of so many
writings, preachers and physicians ? Nothing can change our
destiny if everything be of necessity.'^**
" We hope," Morel concludes, " that the Spuit of God wiU
enhghten us through thee, 0, CEcolampadus ! that you wUl come
to our help, according to the grace that has been given thee. We
entreat thee earnestly, knowing that the Good Shepherd vrill
not leave helpless those sheep that seek Him. Is it not
written that whosoever asks receives, that he who seeks finds,
and that it shaU be opened to him who knocks ? There is but one
Shepherd and one flock. As the gi-eat Apostle felt himself to be
debtor to everyone, so it is with thee, for thou walkest in his foot
steps. Be it here or there, it is always a question of God's cause.
Now, if there be with God no acceptation of persons, so wiU it be
with thee ; for art thou not His vicar ?'^** 0 that we might be
firmly united together I'^*" After aU, do we not agree with you in
aU things ? We always have had the same sentiment as regards
the faith, from the time of the Apostles ; only, through our fault,
alas ! we have neglected the study of the Scriptures, so that we
have not understood them as you do."*' We therefore eome
to thee to be guided, instructed, and edified. Greeting. The
same God is over us aU."'^*'
Thus ends the confession of the Waldenses. '2*' It is touch
ing, it is lacking in nothing, neither sincerity nor truth. WhUst
reading it we feel the Waldensian soul to be in that critical horn-
that precedes the Reformation, when it opens like the virgin flower
to the first rays of the sun, which gave it life. If this confession

The Waldenses of Italy. 299
indicate a certain decadence, let us not be in a hurry to read any
thing else in it. Isolation, joined to oppression, had condemned
the Waldenses of the Alps to comparative inaction. With Ught
stiU burning, they, Uke the sentinel, waited for the break of day,
and lo ! several went to sleep ; but the awakening was as rapid as
it was easy. In this awakening there is a movement of repent
ance and the earnest of a future about to commence. Thus every
thing is in harmony with the true history of Waldensian origin.
Those who prefer the legend are embarassed by it. They speak,
not of a relaxation, but of decadence, if not of original fall, in
order to be able to beUeve iu a pre-historic, apostoUc, and immacu
late age of the Waldensian faith. As compared with their
ancestors, the Waldenses of this period show at least " a sensible
inferiority in the knowledge of things pertaining to salvation, and
especially m the profession of the evangelical faith."'**" Why so ?
Because, we are told, they are invaded by Romish ideas to such an
extent that even oral confession becomes known among them."**'
But oral confession has been practised by the originators of this
work ; we have sm-ely seen that. It seems to us, on the contrary,
that the Waldenses of the Alps profited by the Lombard and
Hussite reaction, and that with respect to Romish ideas, their
mode of thinking shows, here and there, signs of advance upon the
original tendency of France.'^*^ After aU, the rule always remains
the same. As we found the Waldenses at the dawn of the early
age, so we find them at the end, excepting as regards their zeal,
which has somewhat diminished, either because of the dispersion
or because of local circumstances. StiU these variations, similar
to those which had distinguished other groups of the Waldensian
famUy, are so far from making a breach in the unity of the original
rule, that this latter is recognisable in the vaUeys of the Alps, as
it was in France, iu Lombardy and to the confines of Germany.
This rule became moulded by a new general and powerful reaction,
that of Protestantism. Need this be regretted ?
We answer frankly, no. Infancy has its charms ; aU origins,
seen from afar through the medium of the imagination, are clothed
in tender colours. They make us dream. Our recollection carries
us back to them, and we begin to mourn the good old days, as
in the song of St. Alexis. We have something better to do.
The days of the Apostles were not exempt from imperfections,
any more than those of Abraham and Waldo. Let us admire

300 The Waldenses of Italy.
them, but without preferring them to the future. The ideal is
higher, for it is before us, and the road which leads to it is called
progress. The idea of Waldo springs up like a fountain, it runs
into the river of the Reformation, and the river flows on. Where
is the river that flows back to its source ? Is there any kind of
civUisation which carries nations back to the primitive condition
of wandering tribes ? Can a man enter again his mother's womb ?
We have seen the Brethren of Lombardy separating themselves
from the ultramontanes, because, weary of thinking Uke children,
they wished to reason Uke men ; and here we find Barbe Morel,
who haUs with inward joy the great day of the Reformation, which
he at last sees breaking upon the horizon. Let us learn of our
fathers to plough our furrow without looking back.
But, someone wiU say, beginning vrith Waldo, did they not go
back ? The legend of our apostolic origin, ah-eady deeply rooted
in Morel's time, must mean something. It repeats to us in its
own language the words of the prophet : —
Ye that seek the Lord,
Look unto the rock whence ye are hewn.
Certainly. But for the Israel of the Alps, that rock is Chiist
and His eternal Gospel. More than one child of His will proclaim
the fact in a loud voice before the whole world, in some such
words as these : —
" We beUeve aU the commandments of God, as Jesus Christ
taught them to His holy Apostles, and as the Holy Church holds
and beUeves them, and God forbid that we should wish or
undertake to increase or diminish, correct or reprove the law and
doctrine of God, who is all-good, aU-wise, and aU-perfect ; who
never uttered an imperfect word or thing, in which there is any
thing to be repented of or to be amended ; by which law, as sacred
and perfect, we wish to live and die. And we take God to our
witness that we hold no opinion of any particular sect, and that
we beUeve and have believed neither in Waldo, nor Luther, nor
anyone else, except inasmuch as he proclaimed the Word of
God and not his own, provided we have been able to know.
That is what we hold and beUeve, protesting before God and aU
the world, that if we have been made to say otherwise, by any
means whatsoever, be it by cunning, threats, prisons, tortures,

The Waldenses of Italy. 301
or torments, it was contrary to the truth and our faith and
beUef.'"^*' Now, who is there that does not know that on looking upon
Christ we see, at one and the same time. Him who was, who is,
and who is to come ? Yes, that look embraces the very life of the
rehgion which wUl not be surpassed ; it contemplates the ideal.
Waldensian legend expresses that continuous contemplation, and in
that it is historical. We may even say that in that sense it is truer
than history, " for it fits closer and translates the invisible ideal
more correctly than real facts, which follow its evolutions only
firom afar, and with a slow step."'*** It sums up beforehand, as it
were, the programme of our destiny as a people ; it is like the
anticipated vision of a golden age — believed in, hoped for,, and
continuaUy being realized.

FINIS.

THE WALDENSES OF ITALY.

NOTES,

Wlien two Humhem are found togetlier, tlie one distiiiguished by au asterisk ix
the one n-liieh e-vists as the reference number iu the text.
1 Michelet, Hist, de France Edition 1855, vol. viii., ch. 16.
2 Keaders of the writings of Reclus, the eminent geographer, from whom
we have quoted, will discover in them many analogies of this kind.
3 Id. ia Terre, vol. 1.
i Titus-Livius had already said: " Datur haec venia antiquitati, ut, miscendo
humana divinis, primordia urbium augustiora faoiat."
5 Gretser, Contra Valdeuses, iv. " Diuturnior," says the text. Michelet
translates: " more durable."
6 Preger, Beitrage, etc., p. 6 — 8.
7 Almost aU have been mistaken on this point, historians as well as polemi
cal writers. It is surprising, however, that Michelet should not be an excep
tion. See Hist, de France, ii., 401.
8 Ps. Isidore, Edictum Constantani Imperatoris.
9 " In donatione ilia audita est vox angelorum dicentium in aere: Hodie in
Ecclesia •oenenum, effvimm est." Joh. de Parraisus. Be potestate regia etpapali,
Paris, 1506 ; also Goldast, Monarchia, vol. ii., p. 108.
10 We know that Constantine deferred being baptised until the end of
his life, and that the ceremony took place at Mcomedia, under the auspices of
the Bishop of that city, who was the leader of an Arian faction. The legend
originateci at the end of the V. century from a baptistry in Eome, named after
the Emperior. At the time of the commencement of our history, the legend
was becoming less known ; but papal ambition was reaching its climax and
had no longer any need of it.
11 Fleury, Hist. Eccl., vol. xi., disc. 4.
12 " Mendaoium vero illud et fabulo haeretica . . . ita delecta est, ut etiam
mulierculae super hoc concludant." Wesel, disciple of Arnaldo, ep. 384 (ap.
Mart, and Durand) from Bome, to the Emperor of Germany. The legend was
only exposed by Laurent Valla, in the XV. century.
IB "In his successisti, non Petro, sed Constantino." Be Consid., vol. iv.,
ch. 6.
14 "B. Sylvestrum dicunt Antichristum fuisse, de quo in 2 Thess. ii., 4. A
tempore illo dicuntEcclesiam esseperditam." '&o-ase,ViVSMS,Vitae haereticorum seu
manifestatio haeresis Catharorum, ap. d'Aohery, Spicilegium, vol. i., p. 208, and
Baluz. Misc. vol. ii., p. 581. This witness is a competent one, for he came from
the ranks of the Cathari.
15 " Quousque ipsi eam restaurarunt." Summa, ap. Mart and Durand.
16 " Quod semper fuerunt aliqui qui Deum timebant et salvabantur." Ibid.
17 " Instinctu diabeli fuit aedificator ecolesiae romanae primus." MS. of
Clermont, ap. d'Argentre.
18 "In temporibus autem istis restitutum esse per ipsos, quorum primus
fuit Valdesius." Adv. Cath. et Wald.
19 Preger, Ber Tractat B. von Augsb., Munich, 1878.
20 The expressions auousque, temporibus istis, of Sacconi and Moneta, are
significant. They are quite irreconcilable -vrith the idea of an historical
transition, properly so-called. . ^ ¦ ¦ *
21 "Non enim multum temporis est quod esse coeperimt. Quoniam, sicut
patet, a Valdesio cive Lugdunense exordium acceperunt." Moneta wrote these
words in Lombardy, in the year 1244.

30-1 The Waldenses of Italy.
22 " lUa pars a tempore Silvestri non fuit usque ad tempus Valdesu, quod tu
possis ostendere."
23 Adv. Cath. et Wald., passim.
24 Valdesiani, Socu Valdesu, Societas YaldesianM. Vide the Besoriptum
relating to the conference of Berzamo, ap. Preger. We shall return to this
p')int. 25 Schmidt AMenstuche, ap. Hist. Zeitschrift, 1852, p. 289., cf. MS. of Cam-
bridse, vol. A., f. 236-238 and Nobla Leiczon, v. 403.
26 See the words of Barbe Morel, at the end of this volume. A transient
aUusion to the tradition may be noticed in the Lib. sent. ing. Thol., p. 377 ; that
i« all. 27 " Non prinoipium sed reiiaracio »(«ir/ o;'rf/«/.s fuisse dicitur." Letter of
tlie year 1368. See below, p. . Cf. R. Sacconi.
28 Cl. of Seyssel, Bisp. adv. errores et .wctam Waldensiiim, 1.520.
29 Justinger, Chron., year 1420, according to the original text, ap.
Ochsenbein. 30 Michelet, Hist, de France, ii., 402.
31 This note refers to an Appendix to the French Edition, not included
i 11 the English Edition.
32 "Caudas ad invioem coUigatas, quia de vanitate conveniunt in id
ipsum." Inn. III., ap. Baluz. I. ep. 94 and 509. The sentence is repeated by his
successors. 33 C. Schmidt, letter of April 28th, 1850, ap. Muston, Israel des Alpes,
preface. 34 One finds more than one indication of this in the ancient funeral in
scriptions. One of them runs : " To the memory of a legionary veteran, paper
merchant." See Michelet, Hist, de France, vol. ii., 1. iii.
35 " Civitatis splendorem . . . longe superavit ecclesia lugdunensis."
Gallia Cliristiana, iv., 3.
36 "Novam inducendo celebritatem, quam ritus Ecclesia nesoit, non probat
ratio, non commendat antiqua traditio." Ep. 174 ad canonicos lugdunenses.
37 " Patria? est, non exilii, frequentia haec gaudiorium." Ibid.
38 The Abbot of Clairvaux says of this same Church of Lyons, that " hand
facile unquam repentinis -risa est novitatibus adquiescere." Ibid.
39 " Cum per totam fere Galliam, non solum inter scholas, sed etiam ti-ivi-
atim . . . disputaretur." St. Bern. op^J. i. 309. Cf. ib. ep. 88 ad Cardinales.
40 H. Martin, Hist, de France, vol. iv., b. xxiii.
41 See C. Schmidt, Hist, et doctrine de la secte des Cathares ou Albigeois,
Paris, 1849. Tocco, who is reserved on the question of the origin of this sect,
calls them "manichei imbastarditi." See his Eresia nel Medio Evo, p. 100,
et seq. 42 " Bo quod aliae nationes haireticos Provinciales Albigenses consueverint
appellare." Math., Paris ap. Bouqet xxii., and P. Vaux-Cernay. Hist. Albig.
ap. Duchesne.
43 See Hist. Pontif. ap. Pertz and Wesel's letter to the Emperor Frederick.
44 " Haeres nequitiae ejus . . . non quidem emendavit sed immutavit."
Ep. adv. Petrob. haereticus.
45 " Bvaouant sacerdotium Eoclesiae." Bvervinus, ep.to S. Bernard. B,-p.
d'Argentre I., 33.
46 " Nos pauperes Christi." Bvervinus.
47 "Ipsum papam non esse quod profitetur, apostolioum virum." Hist.
I'ontif. 48 " Si fidem interroges, nihil christianius . . . Panem i non comedit
otiosus." Sermo 65 in Cant., ap. Mabillon iv.
49 " Qui antea Apostolia et Continentes appellabantur, sine dubio postea
Beghardi et Beguiuea dicti sunt." Mosheim, de Beghardis, Leipsic, 1790, p. 122.
50 " Fratres Beghardi . . . qui udem et Alexiani, Coloniae ob. reliquias
S. Alexu in eorum oratorio asservatas." Quotation ap. Mosheim, p. 552.
51 " Quis mihi det, antequam moriar, -videre Ecclesiam. Dei sicut in diebus
antiquis ? " Ep. 238 to Eugene III.
52 MS. poem of the Vatican on Arnaldo. Coll. Ottoboni, n.l463.
63 Clerion, Hist, de Lyon, iv., 176.
54 Gallia Cliristiana, vol. iv.
55 C. Schmidt notes several examples, ap. Muston, ib., p. xxxiii., n. 2.
56 _ So says the Rescriptum ap. Preger. The less precise inquisitorial
chronicleshave Valdus, Valdensis, sometimes Valdius, etc.
57 It is kno-mi that family names were not as yet in use. The name of
Peter is mentioned for the first time in a writing of the year 1368 wrongly

The Waldenses op Italy. 305
attributed to Pilichdorf ; and soon a.fterwards it is mentioned in the double
Waldensisn MSS. of Cambridge and Strasburg, the Latin reading in which bears
the date of 1404. The former says : " E regione Waldis Petrus nominatiis ;" the
latter still mere distinctly : "Lopropi nom del cal era Piero duna region dicta
Vaudia," or " Cujus proprium nomen Petrus fuit, sed a quadam regione dice
batur Waldis." A more or less wooded locality was called Wald, Vauda, Vaudia
or Vaud. As to deriving Valdez from Vallis, it is a mere waste of time and
trouble. Sober men have taken in a serious light the puns of the monks, Ber
nardus Fontis Calidi and Bberardus de Retunia, the former of whom says that
Valdenses comes from Vallis "eo quod profundis et densis errorum tenebris in-
volvantur ;" and the latter that the name of Vallenses is accounted for " eo quod
in Valle lacrymarum maneant." He also derives Montanists from "montani."
We read agam : " Valdenses dicuntur a valido mago, vel a valle, ut alu dicunt,
quia in valli orti sunt quia alio nomine dicuntur pauperes de Lugduno." Schmidt
Acktenstuclie, etc., n. 1. " Petrus de Walle," says a letter of the Brethren of
Lombardy, dated 1368. See below, note 740. After this we are not so much sur
prised that writers should have made Valdesi synonymous with Valley! . But
this latter word does not exist, although it is mentioned by Thou, Leger, Brezzi,
¦Gilly, etc.
58 " He was born at Lyons," says the 3IS. de VHistoire Veritable des Vau
dois, n. 169, King's Library, Turin. But this MS., which is far from deserving
its title, belongs to the XVIL century. According to the chronicles of the
XIV. and XV. centuries, Waldo was born out of Lyons.
.59 Guy AUai-d, for instance, claims that Waldo was a native of Vaux in the
Velin or Viennese. Melia repeats this. Origin, etc., p. 15. Gauduel believes he
came from the Briangonnais, according to A. Lombard, Pierre Valdo et les Vau
dois du Brianconnais, p. 9.
60 According to documents of the XI. century, the territory of Vaud was
called Comitatus and Pagus Waldensis, and its Lord was called Dominus Vaudi,
or Lord of Vaut. See Mem. et Boc. publics parla Soc, d^ Histoire de la Suisse
Bomande, vol. vi. and vii., passim.
61 Ochsenbein, Ber Inquisitions— process, etc., p. 23.
62 Chastel says simply that Waldo is so called "from the Marquisate of
Vaux, of which he was the first to bear the title." Hist, du Christ, iii., 479.
63 " Valdenses dicto a Valde cive lugdunense, in loco dicto vulgariter
Valgran moram faciente." Sori^Jt. Ing. anon., ap. Allix. Some Remarks, etc.,
London, 1690. cf., Melia, op. cit.. p. 2. 'The author, who advances this opinion,
wrote subsequently to 1494. It is as well to note that in 1492 some of the Barbes
met behind the church of St. Nizier, for purposes of drill. See Allix, op. cit.,
p. 314. Can this fact have given rise to the aforesaid idea? M. Berges is inclined
to see in all this nothing more than a " mere play upon words. ' Rev. Hist.
xxxvi., 2nd part.
64 " Per inquitatem f oenoris multas sibi, pecunias coacervaverat. ' Chron.
Laud., ap. Bouquet, Eecueil, xiii., p. 680—682, and ap. Pertz, Mon. Germ. Script,
xxvi., 447 — 149. The reading of Pertz is more complete.
K5 " Contigit cuidam ex eis mori subito coram eis." Anon, of Passau, ap.
d'Argentre I., 92. Some add that this accident happened upon the threshold of
his house (Rubuys, Hist, de Lyon, p. 268) ; others, under the porch. (Fl. Illyr.
CateZ., 1666, p, 631). „. . „ . .
66 Gaston Paris, LaVil de S. Alexis, etc., Paris, 1872. See RiV'i.<<ta Cnstiana,
No. for May, 1887.
67 " De multis modis eundi at Deum edoctus." Chron. Laud.
68 " Cui magister dominioano sententiam proposuit : Si vis esse perfectus,
¦etc. Matthew xix. Ibid. It is known that these same words decided Anthony
of Egypt to become a hermit.
69 "Immobilibus haesit." Ibid.
70 " De mobilibus iis a quibus injuste habuerat, reddidit. Ibid.
71 Fleury. b. Ixv., c. 49.
72 Ibid, c. 60.
73 " Da pauperibus, non ribaldis." Chro7i. de Sahmb.
74 " Non enim insanio sicut vos putatis." Chron. laud.
75 " Velut ameus affecta ... arripiens virum suum per pannos. Ibid. ^
76 "Non licuit ei . . . in ipsa urbe cum alus cibumsumere quam cum uxore.
77 "Currente an. MCLXIIL," so the narrative begins in the Chronicle of
Lyons. The catalogue of the Gallia Christiana states that the successors ot
Humbert II. were Heraclius, Drogon, and this Guichard, who is elsewhere erro
neously called Guilbert. The latter would be installed about the year 1165.

306 The Waldenses of Italy.
78 Stephen of Borbone, Eichard of Cluny, and a nameless writer of Passau
make him out a man of some literary knowledge ; Gaguinus deems him quite
illiterate, while M. Flacius Illyricus, Perrin. Basnage, etc., consider him learned.
79 " Audiens Evangela, curiosus intelligere quid, dicerent, fecit pactum cum
dictis sacerdoribus." Etienne de Borbone. ap. A. Lecoy, Anecdotes historiques,
Paris, 1877.
80 Our chronicler claims that he obtained these details from eye-witnesses,
even fi'om this Bernard, who was one of the richest men in Lyons and friendly
to the monks. He adds that he often saw Stephen, and relates that he, in his
turn, having become wealthy, thanks to his share of the benefices of the Chap
ter, died afterwards of an accident that happened while building his house. See
if Ebrardus (Handbuch d. christi. Kirch, u. Bogm. Ge.ich.lSti5, ii., 317) is right
in suspecting them of being Cathari or precursors of Waldo !
81 " Cum saepe legeret et corde tenus firmaret." Ib.
82 " Pauperes qui ad eum confiuxerunt docuit N.T. textum \-ulgariter.' ' An.
of Passau. Cf. with St. de Borb.
83 " Coiperunt paulatim. . . . sua et aliena culpare peccata." Chrou.laud.
84 Arnaldo da Brescia had already seen in these words : "beati pauperes
spiritu " the "primum mandatum evangelica; doctrinse," the A B C of apostolic
life. See Wesel's ep. to Frederick.
85 "Putabat . . . quod vita apostolica jam non esset in terra." Treatise
contra haer Wald. hitherto attributed to Piliclidorf.
86 " Quod etiam Apostoli Christi non solum erant pauperes, imo etiam prae-
dicatores. Coeperunt et ipsi praedicare verbum Dei." Ib.
87 " Multos homines et mulieres ad idem faciendum ad se convocando, fir
mans eis evangelia." Etienne de Borb.
88 " In giving alms he desired to preach sermons," jeeringly remarks Moreri.
Diet, hist., art. Vaudois.
89 According to the Gallia Christiana, iv., col. 126, he had condemned a
certain Olivier at the Synod of 1176. The Synod in question is that of Lombers.
The error has been rectified ; that Synod was held in 1165. See Gieseler Lehr-
buch, vol. ii., part 2nd, paragraph 85.
90 " Vocati ab archiepiscopi Lugdunensi," says St.de Borbone. It is true
that he adds "qui Johannes vocabatur ;" but he is mistaken, for John was not
Archbishop of Lyons, under Alexander III.
91 " Prohibuit eis ne intromitterent se de Scripturis exponendis vel praedi-
candis." Et. de Borbone, Acts iv., 17 and IS.
92 " Magister sorum, usurpans Petri ufficium, sicut ipse respondit principi
bus sacerdotum, ait : Obedire oportet, etc." Ibid., where reference is made to
Acts \. and Mark xvi. 15.
93 " Post, expulsi ab ilia terra." St. de Borbone, Ibid. The MS. of the
Hist, veritable des Vaudois has it, that Waldo was sentenced by Guichard (whom
it calls Guilbert) at this apocryphal Synod of 1176. Cf. Baronius, who falls into
the same error. It is, perhaps, nothing but a confusion of names and dates.
94 According to the chronicle of Laon ap. Pertz, Waldo determined that
very year publicly to proclaim his vow of poverty and to make proselytes.
95 Gregorovius, whose impartiality is recognised, thinks that the Pope may
have been fortunate, but deserved no credit ; "sein Gluck. nicht sein Verdienst."'
Gesth d Stadt. Bom. 1862, vol iv., ch. 6.
96 At that time, the year began and ended at Easter. The Council was held
from the 5th to the 19th of March, 1178, according to the chronicle, i.e., 1179.
97 "Eos et defensores eorum et receptores anathemati decernimus
subjacere." Cone. Lat. iii., gen. can. 27.
98 "Ad concilium quod fuit Eome ante Lateranense vocati." Et.de Bour
bon, Op. cit., p. 292.
99 " In ooncilio etiam Lateranensi in eos sententia exconimunicationis lata
est : unde eis etiam communicandum non est, cum sententia Apostolica ab
Ecclesia praecisa sunt." Alanus. Contra Haereticos, WaldenJies, etc. Schmidt
persists in believing that this Alanus is " de Podio." He is mistaken. It cer
tainly refers to " Alanus ab Insulis," or " de Lille," who died in 1202.— See
Chron. Alb. monaclri. Triwm. Fontium, ap. Pertz. Mo7i. Germ. SS., xxiii.
Dieckhoff has held this passage to be interpolated, but ihe is far from having
proved it. As to the inscription noticed bv Buxhorn, Blair and Tron, to the
effect that ," under the Pontiff Alexander III., and the Emperor Frederick I.,
the Waldenses were condemned as heretics," it has never been verified.
100 Besides the Chron. of Laon, see Moneta, Schmidt AMen.-<fuclte quoted,
and the MS. of Cambridge : finally the letter of the Brethren of Lombardy, of
the year 1368, and Justinger ap. Ochsenbein, p. 86.

I The Waldenses op Italy. 307
\
\ 101 Aroux, La clef de la oomedie anti-catholique de Bante-Alinliieri,
\ Paris, 1855.
\ 102 " These Waldenses were simple enough to ask for authority from the
\ Pope ; which was equivalent to asking permission to secede from the Church."
i Michelet, Hist, de France, Paris, 1835-44, vol. ii., p. 401-402.
103 "He always lived in Rome, as if in an enemy's country." — Gre
gorovius, ii.
104 Besides Gregorovius see Comparetti, Virgilio nsl medio evo, vol. i.,
<!h. 7.
105 "Valdesium amplexatus est papa." Chron. laud.
106 The mention of this embrace is immediately followed by these words :
"Approbans votum quod fecerat voluntariaepaupertatis.'" Chron. laud. Given
to a mere disciple of Waldo, as Tron, in spite of what the chronicle tells us,
imagines it to have been, it undoubtedly becomes "benevolent," even
"brotherly." The whole story savours of legend. It is inexplicable.
107 " E disputa devant laresiarca. " MS. of Cambridge.
108 " Era aqui un cardenal de Pulha lo cal era amic de lui e laudava la via de
lui e la paroUa, e amava lui." Ibid.
109 " Promisit servare iv. Doctores, scilicet Ambrosium, Augustin um,
Gregorium et Hieronymum." Moneta v., 1.
110 The Beguins, for example, accused of usurping the otfice of preaching,
resort to this distinction, which is less subtile than it seems. "In suam excusa-
tionem fictitie praetendentes quod non praedicant, sed loquuntur de Deo."
Mosheim, Be Beghardis, 1790, p. 206. This distinction is admitted by the
adversaries, when they have an interest therein. See further on, at the dispute
of Narbonne. Ill " Sic accepit a papa praedications of&cium." Moneta.
112 "Nen dement el meseyme predicant en la cipta fey plusors disciples."
113 " A primate ipsorum Valde dictos, qui fuerat civis Lugduni super Roda-
num." This "fuerat" has puzzled the critics. According to Eeuss {Rev de
Theol, June, 1851) Map "says explicitly that Waldo did not attend the Council."
Dieckhofl' tries to evade the difficulty by referring the statement of Map to some
other Council. We would observe that Waldo having been turned out of Lyons
-was no longer a citizen of that town. Although we cannot understand how
Waldo being there. Map does not mention the fact. On the other hand, it being
certain that Waldo did go to Eome — Reuss admits this — how can we account
for his not remaining there to plead his own cause ? Who could have presented
it better than himself ? After all we are obliged to leave this point undecided.
Waldo may have been prevented by some hitherto unknown cause, from being
present, at least on this particular day at the Council. On the other hand. Map's
narrative does not explicitly deny his presence.
114 Credere in is seldom if ever employed in Church Latin, unless with
reference to the persons of the Trinity. The answer to this last question ought
to have been, according to the examiner, " We do not believe in, but on the
mother of Christ." For that matter if men do anywhere believe in mMrem
Christi, it is in the Church of Rome. Moreover, the jargon of the'schools _ did
not always observe this rule. These grand theologians, in full session, strained
at a gnat and swallowed a camel.
115 "Humillimouuncincipiunt modo, quia pedem inferre nequeunt ; quos
si admiserimus expellemur." Mapes, Be nugis curialium, rediscovered and
printed by Wright, London, 1850.
116 " Inhibens eidem ne, vel ipse aut socii sui predicacionis officium pre-
Bumerent nisi rogantibus sacerdotibus " Chron. Laud.'- A laperfin receop repost
en la cort que la gleysa romana non poya portar la paroUa de lui." Cambridge
MS. 117 " Pacent camin per las regions de Ytalia fa aiostament." Cambridge
MS. 118 Chron. Laud ap. Pertz. See above in Chapter iii.
119 " Quod preoeptum modice tempore observaverunt." Ibid.
120 See note 745. , , ^
121 " Valdesium et Vivetum." Rescriptum, p. 19,, 58. He has also been
given, as colleague, a certain " socius Johannis " of Lyons. See note 740. Is
there not some confusion here ? Fuesslin {Kirch, u. Ketzerhist, 1170, part L,
p. 137) observes that certain viTiters, having misread the name of Jean de Lugis,
a Catharian, have converted it into Johannis de Lugduno. Moneta and others
as far do-wn as M. Tron seem to have repeated the error.
122 Gallia Christiania iv., col. 1130-133. Stephen of Borbone calls him
¦" aux Belles-mains."

308 The Waldenses of Italy.
123 " Anunente papa Lucio." Ibid.
124 " Vir magnaa litteraturse et eloquenti*." Ibid.
125 " Mandat dominus Apostolious quod cessarent cum predicatio verbi Dei
rubidus et illiteratis non conveniat." Anonymous writer of Passau.
126 Here again the passage from Stephen of Borbone, which we do not
require to requote, would have its application.
127 " Eorum numerus octena millia excedebat." Ughelli, Italia Sacra, vol.
iv., col. 1041, ed. 1719.
128 Gallia Cliristiana. Thereiis no question of a crime of intolerance. We-
know that his two daughters had not ipassed the period of first youth. On the
other hand, in the year 1218, at the conference at Bergamo, his death is spoken
of as something quite recent.
130 " Qui se Humiliatos vel Pauperes de Lugduno falso nomine mentiuntur
. . . auctoritatem sibi vindicant prEedicandi . . _ . pari vinculo perpetui
anathematis innodamus." Lucu decH. c. hoer. ap. Mausi xxiv.
131 Thus far there are no certain indications of the^origin of P. de Bruys,
but he must have been born in the Alps of Gap. The letter of P. de Cluny^
hereinafter mentioned, would lead us to think as much. We learn, furthermore,.
that there still exists in that territory a town by the name of Bruis (canton de
Eosans (called Bruscum in 1147, Brosium in 1153, Brossium in 1294, Brueys ia
1351, Bruys in 1516 ; which, according to the custom of the XII. century, may
have given him its name. See leBict. topog. du Bep. des H. Alpes, by J. Roman
1844, p. 22. He was not yet confounded with a canon of Lucca, as was done by
Iselin and others before him. Fuesslin I., 191 — 194.
132. Peter the venerable, abbot of Cluny in his E]j. adv. Petrob. haereticos.
133 " Bx longinqua regione istuo accedere potuit et fortasse ex Italia, ut
postea dicturi sumus," says Mabillon ; but he does not return to this subject.
Pref. to his Ed. of Opera S. Bernardi, 1690, vi. Is his surname of Italious truly
historical, and if so, what justifies it? The description of his person is the only
clue left us. It is of some value.
134 " Visa tantum eorum facie, cognosoeret. . > . Asserebant quoque sibi
a Domino Deo anticam et authenticam Prophetarmn coUatum fuisse benedic-
tionem et Spiritum." See the Citron, ap. Mabillon HI., 313.
156 The letter of P. the Venerable is addressed to the Bishops of Embrun,
Die, and Gap.
136 " Facti estis velut columba seducta non habens cor et velut bos ductus
ad victimam." Ibid.
137 '¦ Duobus tantum homuncionibus . . . tam facile cessistis." Ibid.
188 " Tamen in eisdem vestris regionibus non parva semina reliquisse cog-
novi." Ibid.
139 " Ne putridae reliquiae reviviscere queant." Ibid.
140 " Ut de latibulis vestris ad publicum nostrum prodeatis invito." Ibid.
141 " Non habet Veritas angulos, nee lumen sub modio vult latere." ibid.
142 Hudry Menos. Rer. des Beux 2Iondes 1867 — 68, art I Israel des
Alpes. 148 Reveille, art. Les Albigeois in the Rev. des Beux 3Iondes. May 1, 1874.
144 Napoleon Peyrat, Les Albigeois et V Inquisition, Paris, 1872. We note
the more -vvillingly the justness of this observation, as the book, from which we
borrow it is full of more or less whimsical hypotheses.
145 " Quaudoquidem cuivis sua religio debet esse libera." Perrin, b. ii., c. 8,
and Sandius. Nucleus hist, ecel., p. 410.
146 G. of Puy-Laurens, Hist., neg. Franc, adv. Albigenses. Vaissette repro
duces it in his Hist, du Languedoc, iii., p. 129.
147 '• Digito demonstrarent, nos apostatas, nos hypocritas, nos haereticos
conclamantes," Baronius, an. 1178.
148 _ It was, according to him, the opinion also of the Toulousains. The
Cathari, we know, passed for Arians. Ibid.
149 " Etiam evangelistas qui . . . nova illis evangelia cuderent. Ibid.
150 P. de Vause-Gernay, op. cit.,
151 Perrin, oj). cit., b. i., p. 1.
152 By representing them as united by the same faith, hence, one in all
things, the Jesuit Gretser aimed at bringing the Waldenses into discredit j
Flacius Illyricus, L6ger, Monastier, Basnage, Abbadie, etc., aimed at the opposite
result. " Only ignorance or bad faith could have confounded them," says Hudry-
Menos. 158 Guill. de P. L. Ibid.
154 See Contra Wald., ap. Bibl. P.M. vol. xxiv. Bernard, Prior of the
Fontis Calidi on the confines of the dioceses of Narbonne and Beziers, ha*

The Waldenses of Italy. 309
woven the arguments cited in this dispute into his treatise, and has added a few
notes at the end, which he expressly declares refer to other heresies. His aim
thus far, he asserts, is_ to bring the principles of the Waldenses to the knowledge
of illiterate ecclesiastics, and to show how they may be refuted. This leads one
to suspect that if he reproduces in an abridged form the arguments of the dissi
dents, he also permits himself to amplify and complete those of his co-religionists.
This possibility should be noted.
155 2 Thess. iii., 14 ; Heb. xiii., 17; Matt, xviii., 17.
156 "Quia aliter quam S. Ecclesia docent." Gieseler observes that this must
refer to their bibUcal method of teaching, inasmuch as they are accused of no
heresy here, save that of de inobedientia.
157 "Non tamen debent nos prohibere."
168 " Multi laici verbum Dei in populo fideli disseminaverunt."
169 " Isti omnes, licet laici, verbum Dei praedicaverunt."
160 " Viri f emineae debilitatis."
161 " Seduount mulieres prius, per eas viros."
162 "Taurus vocent haereticos." Cf. Ps. xxii., 13, and Ixviii., 31.
163 " Praeter errores jam dictos, graviter errant, quia feminas, etc. 1 Cor.
iT.,34. 164 " Loquuta est de Christo . . . Non est idem praedicare et loqui." Luke
u., .36—38.165 It took place about the year 1190. According to Vaissette (iii. 128)
Gaucelin was Archbishop of that city from the year 1181 to 1191. A consider
able interval must be admitted between the exile from Lyons and the disputation
which took place, far away in Languedoc, and on the other hand, rather a short
one between this disputation and the decrees which sanctioned its conclusions.
166 " Per scriptum definitivam dedit sententiam, et haereticos esse in
capitulis, de quibus accusati fuerant, pronunciavit."
167 This name must be understood as alluding to the apostolic Sabates
(or sandals), which they wore, as we shall see further on.
168 Edictum Alpli. reg. Arag. contra haereiioos, ap. Bibl. M. P., xxv.
169 Stat. Syn. Odon., anno 1192, ap. d'Argentre, i.
170 See the Bible de Guiot de Provins, written in 1203, iu the Fabliau.i- et
oontes des poetes franoais, etc., ed. Meon, Paris, 1808.
171 " Pro toedio renunoiare volentes." P. de Vaux-Cernay.
, 172 " Oporteret eos a praedicatione desistere." Ibid.
173 '¦ Per omnia formam apostolicam imitantes." Ibid.
174 Guill de P.L., ch. 9.
175 " Ite, domina, filate colum vestram ; non interest vestra loqui in
hujusmodi contentione." Ibid.
176 See epistles of Innocent IIL, b xi. to xv., passim, ap. Baluzius.
177 Ep. ad Tarrag. Archiep, January 15, 1209.
178 Ep. ad Burahdum, same date.
179 Ep. Helen episc, June 7, 1213.
180 " Ne error novissimus fiat pejor priore." Ep. ad Bur. de Osca et fratres
gus, July 3, 1210.
181 " Cum essem astutus, dolo vos cepi," 2 Cor. xii., 16. This passage often
occurs in Innocent's writings. Ep ad Karb. episc, et sujfrag. ejus, same date.
182 Ep. ad Narb. et Tarrag. et Medial, archiep.. May 4, 1211 ; ep. ad
Burandum, May 3, 1211, and ep ad Tarrac. et Narb. archiep., of the same day.
183 Hurter, Hist, du Pope Inn. III., b. xiv. But this point does not come
out clearly from the correspondence of the Pontiff.
184 Vidimus tunc temporis aliquos de numero eorum qui dicebantur
Pauperes de Lugduno, apud sedem apostolicam cum magistro suo quodam,_ ut
puto Bernhardo, et hi petebant sectam suam a sede apostolica confirmari et
privilegiari." Chron. Burcliardi et Cuonradi Vrsperg., ap. Pertz, xxiii., p.
396, and Ep. d'Innoc. Ill, ap. Baluze, xiii., 94, xv., 137.
185 " Ipsi dioentes se gerere vitam Apostolorum, nihil volentes possidere aut
certum locum habere, cirouibant per vicos et castella. At Dominus Papa quse-
dam superstitiosa in conversatione ipsorum eisdem objecit, videlicet quod cal-
ceos de superpedem prajcidebant et quasi nudis pedibus ambulabant. Prater ea
cum portarent quasdam cappas, quasi religionis, capillos capitis non attondebant
nisi sicut laici. Hoc quoque probrosum in eis videbatur, quod vin et mulieres
simul manebant in una domo, et de eis diceretur, quod quandoque simul m
lectiilis accubabant." Ibid. ,
186 " Quas omnia ipsi asserebant ad Apostolis descendisse. Inii.
187 Letter of July 18, 1211, ap. Baluze. i- loia
188 Multo fortius . . . repellendi non sunt." Ep. episc. cremon, Aug. lo, iii6.

310 The Waldenses of Italy.
189 Cf., with the references given there Chron. Burch. et C. TJrsperg., ap.
Mon. Germ. Script., xxiii., p. 396.
190 " Exortfe sunt duse religiones . . . videlicet Minorum fratrem et
Prfedicatorum. Quoe forte hac occasione sunt approbatse, quia olim du« seotie
in Italia exortaa adhuc perdurant, quorum alu Humiliatos, alu Pauperes de
Lugduno se nominabant. Chron. Usperg. cf. Miiller Aufarige des Minoriten-
(irdeus, ap. Brieger, Zeitsch.f. Kircheng, vol. vi.
191 Helyot Hist dcs Ordres monastiques, 1839, vol. ii., p. 238 et seq.
192 Hurter, op. cit.
193 See the two epistles of Innocent, dated January 15, 1209, and August 10,
1213. Hahn, while making this remark, goes so far as to take those, who
favoured separation, for Manicheans, and this quite simply. See his Gescli d
Ketzer, i., p. 186, n. 2. In order to account for certain points which, in their
signed confession relate manifestly to Catharism, it suffi.ces to suppose that the
group of those favouring separation had admitted to their number a few converts
from Catharism, and aimed at gaining adherents among them also. Hahn sup
poses that Innocent III. is mistaken, and that he gives the name of Waldenses
to Cathari. But Durand and his associates declare that they separate " a Lug-
dunensibus," and Bemard and his acolytes are called " Pauperes de Lugduno " in
the chronicle which mentions them. Besides, according to the Pontiff's corres
pondence, the above-mentioned confession was to serve as a banner for a genera]
return. We shall see further on that it was again utilized in Milan.
194 Michelet, HUt. de France,^ ii., b. iii.
195 M. Berger remarks on this point : " If we had not, in this respect, the
formal testimony of the chronicler Alberic, we should stUl know, by a number of
other proofs, that under the episcopate of IBertram, the Waldensian heresy found
its greatest development at Metz." La Bible franeaise du moyen age, p. 89,
196 Cajs. Heisterb. Mirac, dist. v., c. 20, ap. Bibl. Cisterc, ii., 138.
197 " In urbe Metensi, puUulante secta quae dicitur Valdensium." Alberic,
the author of the chronicle, is almost contemporary. See Pertz, Mon Germ.
Script, xxiii., p. 878, an. 1199.
198 " Ipsi eis in faciem restiterunt." Ep. Inn. Ill, b. ii., 141, ap Baluz, cf.
Migne, Sp. 699, 793.
199 " Dicit Apostolus : Non plus sapere quam oporteat sapere, sed sapere ad
sobrietatem." See Eom. xii., 3.
200 " Ut qui noluerunt obedire spontanei, discant adquiescere vel. in-riti. " Ibid,
201 "Ut . . . quid statui debeat, melius intelligere valeamus." Ev.l^,
Ibid, July 12, 1199. ^
202 " Obediendum esse soli Deo." Ep. 235 aux abbes de Citeaux, de Mori-
¦iiiond, etc. Ibid.
203 "Injurias contumeliasque hac de re perpessus," Gallia Christiana,
xiii., 754.
204 _ " Direeti sunt ad praedicandum quidam abbates, qui quosdam libros de
latino in romanum versos combusserunt et praedictam sectam extirpaverunt."
205 " Omnes libri romane vel teuthonic6 scripti de divinis scripturis in
manus tradantur episcopi, et ipse, quos reddendos videri, reddat." This decree
is from Bishop Guido, of Palestrina, Plenipotentiary of the Pope in Belgium.
See Miraei, Op. dipt, et hist., i., 564.
206 Gallia Christiana, xiii., 754.
207 Cass Heisterb.
208 The Fasti Corbeienses, quoted by Harenberg (1762, i., p. 72), mention
hostile laymen of " Suavia, Suicia et Bavaria," seduced " ab antiqua progenie
simplicium hominum qui Alpes et viciniam habitant et semper amant antiqua."
These are caUed Manicheans ; we read further that some came originally from
Hungary. Half a century ago, Gieseler doubted whether we should recog
nise among them partisans of Arnaldo da Brescia. Others endeavour to t-wist
the sense of this passage for the purpose of finding Waldenses. But it is proven
that the whole passage, from page 45-89 of Harenberg's Mon. Hist., is not
authentic, as the above-mentioned Fasti does not contain it. C. L. Scheid was
the first to notice this fact in 1758. Pertz, in 1889, laid the fraud bare, in his
Mon. Germ, iii., p. L et seq.
209 Chron., of Justinger, anno 1277 and 1399, ap. Ochsenbein, op. cit., p. 95.
210 One hundred and thirty Waldenses were discovered in Berne, and fifty-
three at Friburg, says Herzog, Real Encycl., 1st ed., art Waldenses. Cf. Och
senbein, op. cit., p. 95-122.
211 " Um des Ungloubens der sekten Waldensium," dated December 9, 1400.
See Recueil Biplom. du canton de Fribourg, b. v., p. 170.

The Waldenses of Italy. 311
212 One of the women accused of Waldensian heresy in Friburg, in 1430,
confesses to having learned from her co-religionist, Conrad Wasen, that, in the
Eoman districts, there were a good number of people professing the same faith
— "in partibus Romania." See Ochsenbein, oj). cit., p. 284.
213 The public called it " the beautiful street of the prelates — die sclione
Pfaffi^ngasse." 214 T. W. Rohrich, according to Specklin, Mittlieilungen aus der Geschichte
der evang eliscJien Kircke des Elsasses, 1855, 1st. vol.
215 Chron., Bom-in., Colmar., ap., Urstisuis, Germ. iHist., ii., 5, 90 ; and
Chron. Hirsang., ap. Trithemius, i., 543. Cf. Rohrich, ojj. cit.
216 Specklin thinks that these are Waldenses still. " In the year 1230," he
says, " the Waldensian heresy again raised its head here." Collectanea iti usum
ehronici Argent., to the year 1230.
217 Mosheim, Be Beghardis. If we read, for instance, pages 115, 317, 482,
484, and 486, we cannot understand how M. L. Keller can pretend to rest upon
the testimony of Mosheim, for confounding the Waldenses with the Beghins.
Cf. his book Bie Reformation u. die iUtesteu Meformatimis parteieu,\?&h, p. 23.
218 The recent researches of M. Miiller have confirmed our conviction on this
Eoint, and on many others also. We desire to offer him here our best thanks.
ee his book on the Orttieber, entitled: "Bie Waldenser v. Hire einzelnev
Qruppen, bis zunt Aufarw des 14 Jahrhunderts," Gotha, 1886, p. 130 et 169.
219 That is to say, " Winkelprediger " lift, prajdicatores augulorum," because
" ipsi secreto prcedicant et paucis hominibus in anguVis." M. Haupt recognises
in them Waldenses (see B'le relig. Seliten, p. 26) and M. Miiller shows that he is
right, op. cit., p. 165.
220 Et de Borbone Anecdotes, etc., n. 343. Cf . Ing. of Passau, ap M. B%bl.
Pair. XXV., p. 266—267. There is no doubt Michelet borrowed his colours from
here, in order with them to paint the Waldenses in such colours as he liked.
221 These are the " Sifridenses." Anonymous ^vriter of Passau, p. 266.
222 See Et. de Bourbon, ibid., and the Inquisitor of Passau ibid., p. 264.
223 Tocco op. cit., p. 207, et seq.
224 " Recognovit quod bene noverat apud Mediolanum septemdeoim sectas
a se in-ricem divisas et adversas, quas ipsi eciam de secta sua omnes damnabant,
et eas mihi nominavit et differencias earum." Et. de Bourbon, Anecdotes, n. 330.
225 " Fuerunt schismatici judicati. Postea in Provincie terra et Lombardia?.
cum aliis hsereticis se admiscentes, etc. Ibid., n. 342.
226 See ante note 47.
227 Cf. the letter of his disciple Wesel, writing from Rome, ap. Mart and
Durand, Coll. ii., 554, and Jaft'e, i., 539, 543. . ,.
228 " Politicorum haBreticorum patriarcham atque principem se constituit.
Baronius, Ann. Eccl., anno 1141. t ,. j >
229 ''Hominum sectam fecit, qua' adhuc dicitur haeresis Lombardorum.
We read in the Hist. Pontificatis ap. Pertz, xx., p. 515. On the other hand, Da\-.
of Augsburg, op. cit., ch. 20, classes the "Arnostuste " among the sections of the
Waldenses. M. Tocco does not hesitate to affirm that " the Poor of Lombardy
descended in a direct line from the Amaldists," op. cit., p. 187. M. Preger,
although more moderate in his language, is still positive on this rnatter.
Beitrage, p. 31. M. MuUer hesitates to commit himself ; but he admits, m any
case, the possibility of a connection between the movement of Arnaldo and that
of the Waldenses. Bie Wald. -p. 58. . ,. .^ , ¦ i,,-
230 " Sed ne conventicula ab eis fierent, signanter mterdixit et ne m publico
predicare presumerent districte inhibuit. Ipsi vero mandatum apostolicuin con-
tempnentes, facti inobedientes, se ob id excommunicari permiserunt. .Uu se
Humiliatos appeUaverunt, eo quod tincta indumenta non vestientes, simplici
sunt contenti." C/i;'"«. iawt^., ap. Pertz, xxvi., p. 449, 4.50.
281 V. Tiraboschi, Vet. Humil. Mon., imssim. Cf. Preger, Beitrage, p. riJ— rfi,
Miiller, op.cit,, p. 59 et 60. , , r it, ¦ n „; i
282 " Humiliates vel Pauperes de Lugduno," says the decree of this Council,
which we have before quoted. . , „ tt j't.,., tti
238 " Quam bona? memoriiE praidecessor tuus destrui fecerat. lip. a inn. ii i.
to the Archbishop and Chapter of Milan, 3rd April, 1210.
234 " Et nunc iterum est erecta." Ibid. „;„j„„
235 " Pratum prsedictum seu alium locum idoneum . . . concedatib eisaem
sine gravi scandalo aliorum." Ibid. , , , , ,,.,, t„,_
236 The letter of Innocent III. in which we find this is dated 14th June,
1210. Buchardt was a witness of the reappearance of Bernard and hib com
panions. Chron. Ursperg, ap. Pertz, xxiii., p. 396. Cf, Tiraboschi, fy;.CTf.,i.,7J
237 "Cum olim una secta fuisse . . conscissi m diversas hereses dnisi

312 The Waldenses of Italy.
sunt." Dav. of Augsberg, ch. 20. We shall see in our last chapter that the cele
bration of the Eucharist was an invariable practice, before this division: " Eun-
dem modum'tenebant ante di-visionem qufe fuit inter eos." Mart and Durand,
v., 1775. Bernard Gui explains these words by adding: "Videlicet quando
diviserunt se in Pauperes vocatos Lombardos et in Pauperos Citramontanos."
See la Practica Inquisitionis, published by Canon C. Douais, Paris, 1886.
238 " Dividitur haeresis Leonistarum seu pauperum de Lugduno in duas
partes. Prima pars vocatur Pauperes Ultramontani, secunda vero Pauperes
Lombardi . . . Isti descenderunt ab illis." Sacconi, Summa ap. Mart, et Dur.,
v., 1775.
239 See note 924.
240 According to the Bescrijjtum her. Lomb. ad Pauperes de Lugduno gui
xinit in Alamanca, ap. Preger. Cf. the examination of the three MSS. which
contain it, ap. Miiller, p. 22. The most ancient would probably be of XIII.
century, or at latest the commencement of XIV. Cf. Preger, TJeber das Verh'dlt-
niss der Taboriteu zu deu Walden-Hern des 14 Jahrhunderts, Munich, 1888,
p. 16—19. 241 The Ultramontanes were: " Petrus Eelana et Berengarius de Aquaviva
qui ambo tunc temporis accionem ultramontanorum annualem juxta suam con-
suetudinem procurbant, G. de Cremano et G. Turantus, Optandus de Bonate
et Julianus." Those of Lombardy were : " Johannes de Sarnago et Thateus,
Thoma set MaifreduSj Johannes Franceschus et Jordanus de Dogno." Ibid., n. 15.
243 " Pacem nobiscum habere non possent." Ibid., n. 15.
243* II gi p].Q omnibus culpis satisfecerint . . . posse salvari." Ibid.
245 " Non homini sed verbis Dei virtutem attribuimus." Ibid., n. 16.
245* "Cum nee sanotificari illic oblacio possit ubi spiritus sanctus non sit,
nee cuiquam dominus per eius preces et oraciones prosit, qui dominum ipse
violat." Ibid., n. 24.
246 " Sacerdotes qui eucharistic serviunt et sanguinem eius indigne confici-
unt, impie agunt in lege Christi putantes, eucharistiam imprecantis facere verba
non vitam, et necessanam esse tantum solempnem oraoionem et non sacerdotum
merita, de quibus dicitur: sacerdos in quae unque fuerit macula non accedat
oblaciones oflerre deo." Ibid.
247 " Quomodo ergo si sancti non sunt, sanctificare alios possunt ? " Ibid.
248 " Audiant illi . . . dicentes : Ego non symoniacum attendo, sed verba
benediccionis, quse ex illius ore procedunt." Ibid.
249 " 0 miseri, omnibus hominibus miserabiliores, qui ore sacrilege talia
audent fari nefaria . . . Dominus per Malachiam, quod malorum sacerdotum
benediccio pro malediccione imputetur, ait : Maledicam benediccionibus vestris."
Ibid. 250 " Breviter respondemus : Cum essem parvulus, etc." Ibid.
251 " Eespondemus : quia contra veritatem scripturarum jam propalatam
credere non possumus, nee eciam licet Valdesiani in hoc nos vellent cogere,
volumus coniiteri. Oportet emin obedire Deo magis quam hominibus." Ibid.
252 Cf. with another conference, apparently of Cathari, in Bt de Bourbon,
U2J. cit., n. 329.
258 We have taken the facts respecting the conference from the Rescript
itself. This is the addre.ss : " Oto de Ramezello dei gracia confrater pauperum
spiritu, I de Sarnago, Tadeus Marinus, G. de Papia, L. de Leganio, G. de Mol-
trasio, I.de Mutini, J. Franceschus, Jordanus de Dogno Bononius Atque Thomas
dilectis in Christo fratribus ac sororibus, amicis et amicabus trans alpes pie
degentibus in vero salutari salutem et dileccionis perpetue firmitatem." Preger
supposes that this Rector was Thomas, but he is evidently mistaken. The letter
must have been written a short time after the conference ; according to M.
Miiller, M. Preger still thinks it cannot have been written until about 1230, and
gives reasons for his opinion. See Ueber das Verlidltuiss, etc.
254 " Et ibi schole." We know already that these schools were places of
meeting, where particularly the " magistri." who came from afar to -visit the
communities, were received. See Preger, Batrage, in appendix notice to n. ii.,
entitled Orte in der Biocese Passau, n-o die italischen Armen um 1250, Auhanger
hatten. The writing of said notice, as well as the one that follows, dates as far
back as 1260.
255 " Et ibi schole et episcopus." Ibid.
266. "Bt ibi schole plures (x) et plebanus occisus est ab eis." Ibid. The
plurality of schools is an indication that, there as elsewhere, there was more than
one sect at work.
257 Preger reproduces it in his BeitrHi/e, no. iii., under the title of Ber
Passauer anonymus uber die Kirchlichen j/is.'ihrauelie.

The Waldenses of Italy. bl3
258 "Tempore interdict! exultant haeretici, quia tunc possent corrumpere
christianos," said an Inquisitor quoted by Fl. Illyricus, op. cit., p. 653.
259 Fr. lostes, in his dispute with M. Haupt, had held that the Waldensian
movement in Germany did not proceed from the ranks of the people. M. Haupt,
in his reply, proves that it penetrated higher. Ber maid. Ursprung des Code.v
Teplensis, p. 4 — 8.
260 "Nuncupaverunt se inter se dy Kunden et nos dy Fromdeu." Kunder,
in Latin, noti. 'These designations are ratified by usage, in Bavaria, Austria, and
Switzerland. Haupt, Bie religiosen seMen, etc., p. 24.
261 M. Haupt even thinks it was on the point of coming about, as it did, two
centuries before, in the South of France. Ibid.
262 For details we refer to Haupt, op. cit., and with regard to Pomerania
and Brandeburg, to W. Wattenbach, Ueber Ketzergerichte in Pommern u. der
Marh Brandenburg, ap. Sitzungsber, d. hon preuss. Ahad. d. Wiss. 1886.
263 Ochsenbein, oj). cit.
264 Duverger, La Vauderie, 1885, especially p. 17-27, and T. T. Altmeyer
Les Precur seurs de la Reforme aux Pays Bas, 1886, vol. i., p. 54 — 62.
265 Haupt, Bie relig. SeMen, etc., p. 26, and Ber maid Ursprung, etc.,
appendix No. 4. Flacius Illyricus names still more in his Catalogus, p. 660.
266 GoU, Quellen u Untersuchungen, etc., i. p. 121, et seq.
267 From calix, cup. Also called Ultraquists, because they celebrated the
Holy Communion in two kinds : su b -utraque.
226"' 268 M. Schmidt in his Precis, etc., remarks that Tabor in the Slavonii-
dialects signifies a tent. Being compelled to lead a rather nomadic life, ou
account of the persecution, they finally got that name applied to their sect, called
the Tabor.
269 " I no longer doubt now but that Peter Chelcicky was acquainted -with
the doctrine of the Waldenses, from an early age, and found pleasure in it — u.
daran Gefallen fand." Palacky, Ueber die Beziehunger der Wald zu den Secten
¦in Bolimen, 1870. He adds, it is true, that he says not a word about it. M. Goll
agrees in admitting that, when Chelcicky came to Prague from the South of
Prance, he adhered to the views of the Waldenses, and that he continued therein
— " u. habe in der Folge immer au ihr festgehalten." Quellen, ii., 42, n. 2.
270 M. Preger even thinks that they were numerous in Bohemia, on the eve
of J. Huss's appearance. Beitrdge, etc., p. 51.
271 Thus far the existence of any community had not been verified.
Palacky, ibid., Zezschwitz, Bie Katechismen, p. 154 ; Goll., op. eif., p. 87, n. 1.
272 Preger comes to the conclusion in his work, Ueber das Verhdltniss, etc.,
p. 110, that " that the Taborites are the spiritual offspring of the Waldenses."
Lechler thinks this is an extreme conclusion. See Theol. Literatur blatt, llth
November, 1887. Cf. Haupt, Husitische Propaganda in Beutsclilaud {Hist.
Taschenbuch, sixth series, vol. vii., 1888, p. 235).
273 " Frederick, by the Grace of God, bishop of believers in the Eomish
Church, who reject the donation of Constantine." Haupt, op. cit., p. 46.
274 "II cuore.non lafibra." This expression is taken from Gino Capponi,
who applies it to Savonarola, in his St. di Firenze.
275 Consult authorities ap. lung and Boehm. This account is given here
from Haupt, op. cit., p. 44—46.
276 Wattenbach, p. 9—11.
277 Repligue a Roltycana, ap. Goll. Quellen,etc., ii., 42, n. 4.
278 •' We have also heard from those who trace their origin back to the
primitive Church, how even then, when Sylvester accepted those gifts his col
league Peter did not yield, but said : It is not in accordance with the doctrine
and the example that Christ and our fathers, the Apostles gave us." Gregory,
Traite de V Eglise, ap. GoU., op. cit., i., 10, 23. Cf. treatise Wic die Menschen,
ete., ap., Goll. i., Beilage.
279 A bishop of the Brethren went so far as to believe that Waldo was the
first founder of their opposition, and he was not the only one of that opinion.
Goll,, op. cit., i., 49, n. 2. ,._.,.
280 F. S. Hark, Bie Entstehung d alten Br-uder Unitat u thrcs Bistliums, va.
the Bruder-Bote, April and May, 1883.
281 " He performed the services secretly for the Waldenses among the Ger
mans, and on that account he was burnt at the stake." " Wil ste die Menschen,
ete., ap. GoU. , , , . , , „
282 This is the thesis now maintained by M. Haupt, and to which we shall
have to come back. .
283 " Than has been recognised until now." Preger, Beitrage, p. i.

314 The Waldenses of Italy.
284 " The history of the Waldenses has until now by no means received the
tittention which it deserves." Keller, op. cit., p. 20, n. 1.
285 It is the watchword given to every departing missionary. Thus,
Matthew Hagen confesses to his judges that his Bishop Eeiser sent him " in
<jrder that he should proclaim the four Gospels, as the Apostles did, when Christ
said to them : Go, etc." Wattenbach, ibid.
286 "Fere enim nulla est terra in qua haec secta non sit," Ing. of Passau,
op. eit., ap. Bibl. Max, Patr., o. 4.
281* 287 " Like a fire on the point of going out." These words are attri
buted to F. Eeiser. Haupt, op. cit., p. 46.
282'* 288 Edgar Quintet, Melanges, chapter on the Avenu de la religion, and
pas.sini in his book on the Genie des religions.
283* 289 According to Perrin, who had the advantage of consulting docu
ments collected for him in the valley of Luserna and especially in Angrogna by
Vignaux and other pastors of the Valleys (see Gilles, ch. li.), "it is believed by
certain among them that they (the Waldenses) are sprung from the Waldenses
of Dauphiny, Pragela, Fraissiniferes, etc." Hist, {des Vaudois, -part i, p. 1.50?
ibid. p. 5—64.
284* 290 It is the chronicle called the Tranjetons de Molines. These words
;ire quoted after A. Muston. See Le Temoie, ecJio des vallees vaudoises, year ix.,
n. 47. The chronicle quoted by Muston, and which he dates back to the XV.
century, is dated 14th February, 1816. The author was the person who founded
the village of Font Gillarde. The copy of it which is preserved, presents, in the
few lines that are known, some gross errors. Berger, Rev. Hist., xxxvi.
285* 291 Muston, iW<Z., n. 49. Another village of the name of Villar is found
further north, below Briancon.
286* 292 A MS. of Cambridge, entitled Origo Valdensium, by au Inquisitor
of the XV. century, contains the foUo-wing words, concerning our fugitives :
¦' Lugduno fugientes ad ultimas Delphinatus partes, se transferentes in Ebred-
nnensi et Taurinensi dioecesibus in Alpibus et intra concava montium aocessu
difficilia, plures ibi ex ipsis habitaverunt." Allix, Some Remarhs, etc., at the
end. 287*293 "Minor Deo, major homine . . . Sicut luna lumen saum a sole
sortitur, sic," etc. Inn. III., Ep. 401, a.-!i<i passim, ap. Baluz. i.
294 " Pejores sunt illis." Ep. 28, ibid., xi.
289* 295 " Ad capiendas vulpeculas," writes Innocent, Ep. 149, ib-id. x.
290* 296 Fauriel, Croisade centre les Albigeo-is, par un troubadour, p. 37.
Peter Vallis Cernau says the same thing.
291* 297 " Caedite eos, novit, enim Donimus qui sunt ejus." This expres
sion is contested. See, for instance, la Science Catholique, rev. des questions
relig.j 1st year, p. 224. But, " if the letter be incorrect, the fact is strictly true,"
we still say with Duverger, oji. eit. p. 9. Moreover, it does not contradict the
report written to the Pope by the same Arnaud, in which he relates this massacre
of 20,000 persons, withthe unction of a Mahdij and closes by saying: "Facta
hostium strage permaxima, spoliata est tota civitas et succensa, ultione divina in
earn mirabiliter saeviente.' Ep. of Inn., b. xii., 18.
292* 298 A. Muston, ibid., n. 49. Thus far we agree with our poet. But
from this to admitting " the Italian origin of the Waldenses of Piedmont," there
is what is called Saltus inprobando, a very long stride.
293* 299 Hist. Veritable, etc., MS., of Turin. Cf. De Eubeis, after Perrin,
lip. cit., b. i., ch. 8.
294* 300 Gilles, op. cit., ch. i.
295* 301 Les Vallees Vaudoises, etude dc topog raphie et d'kistoire militaires,
by A. de Eochas d'Aiglun, chef de bataillon du G^fenie, Paris, 1880.
296* 302 1 Kings, xx., 23.
297* 303 Hudry-Mfeos, I'Israel des Alpe.% Eev. des D.M., Nov. 15, 1867.
However, some attention is occasionally paid to this. Monastier, for instance,
admits that Pre du Tour is "unassailable," and that to attempt to attack
Angrogna on a certain side, " is folly." Hist, de I'Eglise Vaudo'ise, i., p. 181.
298* 304 MS. of D. L. Garola in the archives of Count Emmanuel of
Luserna, p. 19—23.
299* 305 Hist. G6n., b. i.. ch. 1. Cf. Rsr. xii.
300* 306 Gilles, ibid.
301* 307 The documents of the house of Luserna are in manuscript, private,
but accessible, thanks to the courtesy of Count Emmanuel. Moreover, their
importance is infinitesimal, as regards this history. With respect to the act of
donation of Adelaide, see 3Ion. Hist. Patriae, vol. i., p. 607.
302* 308 A. de Eochas d'Aiglun, I.e.

The Waldenses op Italy. 315
303* .309 Tron, op. cit., oh. xii.
304* 810 Hudry-MSnos, I.e.
805* 811 The same, ibid.
306* 312 GiUes, I.e.
307* 313 Ill-timed, we say, for that testimony narrated iu ah inexact niauner
is not a real testimony ; such as it is, it weakens instead of justifying its own'
assertion. 308* 314 Eecentlyit has again been advanced by Tron, op. cit.. ch. xii
315 These tales are taken from Jacques Brezzi, Timoleon, and J. R. Peyran
Pierre, Bert, etc.
316 Brezzi, Hist, des Vaudois, preface. Cf. ch. ii., p. 46.
317 " Quando importava ai Valdesi di fare, per dir cosi, I'apologia della loio
evangelica immobilita." A. Bert, / Valdesi, etc., p. 32.
312* 318 Leger, Hist. Gen., etc., li., p. 131.
313* 319 Hist, des Vaudois, 1834, p. 160.
314* 320 lUd., p. 196.
321 Op., cit., p. 137.
316* 322 '¦ Non sectam doceo qui unitatem teneo. . . . Sectas et schis-
mate atque haereses in quantum valui compressi, contrivi et pugnavi et expug-
navi, et expugnare in quantum valeo prorsus Deo adiuvante non cesso." Apol.
adv. Tlieod.
317* 823 " Quod homines colebant, ego destrui solus coepi." Ibid.
318* 324 Artiaco, Fra Bolcino e la tradizione, ap. Riv Crist., v. 146.
319* 325 '¦ It is possible," wrote Charles Hase, not long since, " that, since
the time of Claude of Turin, a tendency, which anticipated the mission of the
Waldenses, and assumed a definite form in consequence of its influence, was
maintained among the labouring congregations of the valleys of the Alps." See
his Hist, de I'Eglise, x. edit., year 1877, p. 276. But when we asked the cele
brated historian whether he had any evidence to give in support of his assertion,
he confessed that those words expressed a timid hypothesis, to which he attached
no special importance.
820*' 326 Ex. Gilly in his Wald. Researches, Hudry-Menos in his Israel des
Alpes, ap. Rev. des B. M., etc.
821* 827 Etude sur I'origine des Vaudois du Piemont, Geneva, 1871.
322* 328 " Non vi ha alcun eenno che in quel luoghi vi fossero eretici." Un
Episodic della Storia del Piemonte nel secolo xiv., etc., 1874, p. 10—11.
323* 829 Hist, de I'Eglise Vaudoise, ch. iv.
324* 330 B. Petri Bam. Epist. 1606, b. vii., ep. X6,ad Adelaidom ducissam et
maraliionissam Alp tum Cotiarum.
325* 331 " Permittis enim ut Bcolesiae tuae clerici . . . velut jure matrimonii
confederentur uxoribus." Ibid., h. iv., ep. 'S, ad Cunibertum episcopum taurin-
ensem. 326* 332 See his Is. des Alpies in the Rev. des B. 31.
327'* 333 Gall. Christ, iii., p. 178. Cf. Reoherches hist, stir les Hautes Alpes
by the Abbot GuiUaume, p. 108.
328'* 384 Is. des Alpes, p. xxxii., n. 2.
329* 335 The verification is founded upon the very indications furnished by
Muston. The inaccuracy was established by F. Albert of Grenoble and F. GuUl
aume of Gap, to whom we hereby express our gratitude. The Bull alluded to by
Muston "says not a word about heresy or heretics."
330* 336 Monastier, op. cit., ch. 4. That is repeated by H. Martin, A. Bert,
and others to the present day.
331* 387 These words are from the Temoin, echo des Vallees Vaudoises, anno
1881, in the course of a discussion upon the origin of the Waldenses.
332* 338 Pertz, Mon. Germ., xu.
333*389 Op.cit.,v.S2i.
334* 340 Ag. de Gasparin, Le Christianisme au Moyen- Age, 1859, p. 141.
335* 341 Lettre a A. Lombard, July 12, 1865. The latter published it in the
appendix of his book upon J. L. Pascale et les 3Iartyrs de la Calabre.
386* 342 Landulphi senioris, Hist. Mediolawi, ii., 27, ap. Muratori, Rer. Ital.
Script, iv.
337* 343 I allude to the house of Count of Foix.
338* 344 " Specialiter praedioat contra incarnationem Filii Dei," etc. Brief
dated Avignon, July 8, 1332.
339* 345 Processus contra Valdenses in Lombardia superiori, ap. Bibl
Casan., Rome, D.,iii., 18. The notes of this trial appeared in the Arch St. Ital.
1865. .340* 846 " Quam plures conveni valles haereticorum tum Waldensium quam

316 The Waldenses op Italy.
Gazarorum perversorum." Vine. Ferr. ap. Raynald contin. ann. Baron., an. 1403,
n. 24. 341* 347 " Quando veniebant ad dictas partes, pro majori parte temporis
veniebant ad ipsum exponentum, et quando recedebant aliquantulum constitue-
bant eum eorum Locumtenentem." State of Arch, Turin, Mat. Eccl., Inqui-
sizione, mazzo i., categ. 9. This document was published in the Rivista Cristiana,
October, 1881.
342* 848 Schmidt, Hi.st. de Cathares, etc., vol. i., p. 186—188.
.343* 349 The Albigenses and the Poor of Lyons retired thither, says the MS.
of D. L. Garola, which, moreover, is of a later date than Rorengo and Th.
Belvedere. 344* 350 The existence of a Catharin current of emigration about 1250 has
been ascertained. See Ch. Molinier, L'Inquisifion dansle midi de la France,
1881, p. 25.S— 257.
34.i* 351 Costa de Beauregard held that the Cathari in Italy " rejoined their
co-religionaries of the Valleys of the Pignerol." Mem. hist., quoted by Monastier.
i.. 42. 346* 352 " Me exinde foris expuli. absentem me feci," says the Duchess, in
one of the acts of donation. Croset Mouchet, Abbayede Ste Marie de Pignerol,
1845, Notes and Documents. Gilles {op. cit., ch. xiv.) claims that the abbey
" was founded in the year 606, by Adelaide, daughter of the last Marquis of
Susa." This error, repeated by Muston {IIi.-<t. d. Vaud., p. 7), is rectified by him
{Is. des Alpes, i, 253).
347* 353 Among other privileges, the monastery had that of being classed
among the abbeys, called nullius dicecesis, which are held directly ifrom the
Pope. 348* 354 " I vecohi conti di Luserna hanno avuto principio dai primi
castellani che furono deputati assistenti ai marchesi di Susa alia custodia de
passi dell Alpi." Della Chiesa, Corona Reale, part i.
349* 355 MS. of Garola, passim. We heard this last point fi-om the mouth
of Count Emmanuel of Luserna.
350* 856 It is represented by Alexander, Marquis of Angrogna, and
Emmanuel, Count of Luserna.
351* 357 Garola claims to have kept the imprint of the seal of Count Man
fredi, of the year 1256, and remarks as follows : " There was a small light
surrounded by darkness," and the motto ran : Sigillum Wltslmi Manfredi de
Lucerna. 352* 358 From these coats-of-arms, Lgger and Monastier go so far as to con
clude that the Waldensian Church existed, ab antique. But the middle ages are
full of such. We know that the coat-of-arms of the city of Geneva, before the
Eeformation, had for its motto : Post tenebras spero lucem. The sequins of
Venice, as late as the XVI. century, had on one side the likeness of the Doge
kneeling at the feet of Christ, with the inscription : Ego sum lux mundi. And
does not the coat-of-arms of Leo XIII. bear a star with the words : Lumen de
Ccelo? So true is it that the name and the thing do not necessarily go together.
353* 359 They were, moreover, rather whimsical. Here is an example :
Lucida lucenti lucesoit, luxque, Lucerna, tua.
_ 354* 360 Besides the fact that the Waldenses have restored its true sense to
this symbol, one might further question whether -without them the coat-of-arms
of Luserna would not be absolutely forgottten as that of Leo XIII. At any rate,
we may be permitted to believe that the Waldensian name reflected credit upon
it, when we hear the abbot Botero of St. Michael singing
i Manfredi
La cui virti\ I'alta Lucerna ammanta
Di Valdo e di Calvin contro gli eredi.
355*361 --Angroniam . . . jam ad Delphinatus principe soUioitantibus
Valdensibus praeoccupatum Ughelli, Italia Sacra, iv., 1051. If it were speaking
of Pragelas, we might understand it more easily.
356* 862 Croset-Mouchet, op. cit., p. 18.
857* 363 "Con gran disgusto dell Abate," says Cibrario, cited by Croset-
Mouchet, ibid.
358* 364 " Territi monachi," says UgheUi, I.e.
859* 365 Such is the opinion of the author of the MS. of the Histoire
Veritable des Vaudois, that of Garola, Monastier, and A. Bert ; but there is
absolutely nothing to justify it.
360* 366 " In quella valle non vi furono gentUhuomini ch'opponessers
all'introduttione dell'heresie ma ben i monad dell'Abbazia," 'B..me-a%o,M.em.Hist.,
ch. vi.

The Waldenses of Italy. 317
361* 367 MS. of the Hist. Veritable.
362* 36S See Croset-Mouchet, ibid.-p.Vl—l%, and the Transazioni fatte tra li
siijAori predecessori della serenissima Casa di Saroia e U Rer. mi Abbati ed
mmini del Monastero di S. 3Iaria in Pinerolo, Turin, 1()22.
363* 369 That does not make it necessary to represent the author of Oriqo
Valdensium as saying that the Waldenses, who took refuge from Lyons, in the
Alps, were " more than fifty thousand " (L^g. op. cit. ii., p. 82). This expression
is not found in the text, as reproduced by Allix.
364* 370 According to Camerarius the date of the foundation of this colony
must be brought back to the middle of the XIV. century ; according to De
Thou, to the middle of the XIII.
365* 871 The origin of the emigration into Calabria dates, according to
Gilles, from about the year 1315 ; according to Perrin, about 1370 ; Muston, about
1340. With Vegezzi-Ruscalla we incline towards the date indicated by Gilles.
See Riv. Contemp., Nov., 1862, p. 16], et seq., art., entitled : Colonia piemontese
in Calabria.366* 372 Rorengo claims that he heard this detail from the lips of Gilles,
who, by his family traditions, seems to us to be the best informed writer on this
point. However, Rorengo is far from doing him justice {3Iem. Hist., ch. xvi.) ;
still his criticism is quite insignificant, and Vegezzi-Ruscalla alludes to it only
to reject it.
367* 373 GUles, op. eit., ch. iu.
374 Comprising tlie natives. See Jerome Zanchi, Ep. ad Joh. de Lasco, b.
ii., p. 360.
375 See the two edicts of the year 1269, mentioned by Vegezzi-Euscalla, ibid.,
at the end, and by De Boni, the Inquisizione ed i Calabro- Valdesi, m the
appendix. The second of these decrees gives the names of about 70 heretics
denounced by the Inquisition.
376 "Eodem anno (1210) Otho IV. Imp. Taurini aliquot diebus resedit,
plurima privilegia ecclesus concessit, maxime Eipaltae Abbatiae^" Ughelli.
377 •' Haereticos valdelses i (sio) ... a toto Taurinensi episcopatu im-
periali auctoritate expellas." See Mon. Hist. Patj-ice Script., vol. ii., 1839, col. 488,
by ?. Gioffredo, according to the archives of the archbishopric of Turin, categ.
i., mazzo i., n. 17. The reading has been corrected by Manuel de S. Giovanni,
Un Episodio della St. del Piemonte, p. 11 — 16, ap Mise di SLoria Ital., vol. xv.
(1874). Cf. as to the authenticity of the edict, Winkelmann, Philip of Swabia
and Otto IV. Leipzig (Jahrb. d. deutsch. Gesch., vol. ii., 1878, p. 221) and T.
Picker, Die Regenten des Kaisorreichs, number 2, Othon iv., n. 368. M. Manuel
de S. Giovanni contests the authenticity of it ; Winkelmann hesitates to admit
it ; Picker accepts it, but -without any proof ; Berger supports his view by the
conclusions of these two last writers, whilst mixing them up together. Rev.
Hist., xxxvi., part 6.
^^78 " Statutum est quod si quis vel si que hospitaretur aliquem vel aliquam
%\ ".sem vel Valdensam se sciente in posse Pinerolu dabit bannum solidorum
aece-i quotiescumque hospitabitur." Liber Statutorum civ. Pinerolu, Aug. Taur.,
1602, c. 84.
379 Vegezzi-Euscalla, Miscell. Patria, vol. 122.
380 The coUection of statutes bears the date of 1220, indicating the year in
which the compilation was begun, by order of Thomas I. This date does not
refer to all the statutes indiscriminately. A note at the end of the first book,
p. 54, tells the reader that the different chapters were modified and sanctioned
per dominum in condone, March 31, 1280. On this point Cf. librario St. della
Mon. di. Savoia, 1st ed., i., 263, -with Manuel di S. Giovanni, itp. cit., p. 16. From
this decree, especially frora the expression " Valdensem vel Valdensam," Herzog
draws two conclusions : 1st, that the Waldenses were isolated ; 2nd, that the
women still accompanied their preachers, Rom. Wald., p. 272 — 3.
381 "Adjicimus insuper ut quilibet Archiepiscopus vel Episcopus, etc."
Cone. Lat. iv., c. iii., § 7.
382 Tocco recognizes it very clearly. Op. cit., p. 170.
383 Thomas Aquinas, the angelic doctor, subsequently defined this point in
unequivocal terms. " Non solum ab ecclesia per excommunicationem separari, sed
etiam per mortem a mundo excludi . . . Possunt non solum excommunicari,
sed et juste occidi." Summa ii., 2, 9, xi., art. 3.
384 " Quod hostilis invaleat haeresis, proh pudor 1 in partibus Lombardiae,
quae plures inficiat." Message, dated March, 1224.
.385 Raynaldi. ad an. 1226, n. 26. . ,^,. . ,
383 " Hanc constitutionem nostra-31 per totam Lombardiam facias publican.
Message quoted above.

318 The Waldenses of Italy.
387 " Vigor debet ecclesiasticu.s excitari," wrote Barbarossa, during the same
year as the Waldenses were condemned at the Council of Verona. Frederick II.
follows the same path, and says more resolutely : "A viris ecclesiasticis et
praelatis examinari jubemus."
388 " Eogamus beatitudinem vestram . . diligentem operam assumatis."
Letter of Messine to Gregory IX.
389 See his SioiUan Constitutions, and Cantii, Eretici, discourse v.
390 That is to say : " Cut the head off a hundred thousand meu placed in
line." Verse of Guisti.
391 Vide Ante.
392 He was named Henry of Settala. His epitaph bears the words -.Jugulavit
haereses. 393 Corio, Storia di 3Ii1ano, part u., f. 756 et seq. ; accordmg to Schmidt,
op. cit. i., 156.
394 Cantii, Storia Univ., Dooumenti ii., n. xviii. Cf. A. Lombard, PauUciens,
etc., appendix, letter L.
395 That is to say : Thou who ascendest the royal steps of the great
throne of the citizen of Lodi, protector and sword of faith, always call to
mind on this spot the honours of Governor Oldrado, who raised this throne and
burned the Cathari as it was right to do." Muratori, Antiq. Ital. v., 90.
Guilini, Mem. della cittd e campagna di 3/ilano, vol. iv. Cf. Lombard, op. eit.,
p. 210. This equestrian statue is not in the best taste. Galvano Flamma,
although a monk, says, concerning it : " In marmore super equum residens
sculptus fuit, quod magnum vituperium fuit." Cantfl, Eretici, V disc.
396 '" Mediolanensium civitatem, quae pro maxima parte inhabitatur
haereticis, contra, nos et Imperium manifesto favore tuetur." Pet. de Vineis, b.
i., ep. 21.
897 " Mediolanenses autem, tunc temporis, formidme poenae potius quam
¦virtutis amore, haereticos, qui ci-vitatem suam pro magna parte inhabitabant, ut
faman isuam redimerent, et accusationi imperiali liberius responderent, com
busserunt." Matth. Paris, H. A., p. 366. Cf. RipoU., BuU. ord.fr. proed.,i., 65.
See Schmidt, op. cit, i., 162.
398 Anon, de Passau, ap. F. Illyr, pp. 540 and 547.
399 The Counts of Luserna submitted to the Prince of Savoy that year, "A
condizione d'esser mantenuti ne'loro privileggi, libero esercizio del culto a' Val
desi, oltre la confermazione senza dubbio delle loro proprieta ed immunita velle
Valli." We give this quotation on the good faith of Sieur Gaston de Bez, who
states that he read it in the MS. of Garola, entitled Bocumenti Storici di Luserna
e Valle (January 5, 1881). We have had this MS. before us, but it seems that
these lines escaped our noticCj as was the case with Count Emmanuel and others.
Monastier, who has not been m a position to see them, reads them in anticipa
tion, as it were. See his Histoire, vol. i., p. 92j 170, and 186.
400 " 1297. Philippus libravit inquisitori Vaudensium pro medietate ex-
pensarum per eundem inquirendo Valdenses in valle Peruxie." Cibrario ap.
Kromer, Fra Bolcino u. die Patarener, Leipzig, 1884, p. 22.
401 Patenti di nomina, etc. State of Arch., Turin, Mat. Eccles., categ. ix.,
mazzo i.
402 " Recepit de xvii. sold, pro quodam parvo casali dirupto, sibi vendito
pro parte domini, quod acquisitum propter valdesiam cujusdam valdesie com-
busti." Cibrario ap. Kromer, I.e.
403 " Quadam die quondam Gulielmum rectorem parochialis ecclesiae de
Engravia "Taurin diocesis celebrata missa per eum in platea dictae Villae nequi-
ter occiderunt suspicantes quod dictus rector eos penes Inquisitorem praefatum
de ipsorum haeresibus detulisset." Brief of John XXIL, in the year 1332, ap.
Raynaldus, ad. an. 1332, n. 31. Engravia is evidently an erratum which should
read Engronia. With regard to villa, we do not see why Monastier wants to
make a proper name of it, in order to read Villar.
404 " Praenominati haeretici ipsum Inquisitorem in quodam castello .patenter
et publice obsederunt, sic quod oportuit eum inde recedere inquisitionis hujus
modi officio relicto totaUter imperfecto." Ibid. Muston arbitrarily attributes
this fact to the Waldenses of the Valley of the Po. Is. des Alpes, i., 2.54.
405 Rorengo, jl/em. Hist., p. 17. We there read that Jacques d'Achaie, at
the request of the Inquisitor, Pierre de Ruffia, gave orders in 13.54 to different
personages of the house of Luserna to cause the Waldenses in their valley to be
incarcerated. 406 See upon this subject a letter of Gregory XI. to Amedeus VL, as given
by Raynaldus, ad. an. 1375, n. 56. Cf. Eorengo, ibid., p. 17. The two reports do
not entirely agree in the details. This incident is mentioned in the Processus

The Waldenses of Italy. iil9
contra Valdenses, ap. Arch. St. It., an. 1865, p. 29—31, and so as to leave the
impression that the murderer was not a Waldensian, but probably one of the
Cathari. 407 See again the above-mentioned letter of Gregory XI. Cf. Eorengo ibid
408 Letter of Gregory XL, at the end.
409 Perrin, L6ger, etc.
410 Science Cathidique revue, etc., 15 March, 1888. Cf. Ch. Molinier L'ln-
qaisition dans le midi de la France au XIII. et XIV. s-iicle, part ii., ch. -v.
411 Ex. Arnaud, Pons, Jourdan, Bonet, Maurel, Boer, Pascal, Maraude,
Soulier, etc. Ibid., passim.
412 Exempli gratia., the priest Jean Philibert, ibid., p. 10.
413 " Vidit et adoravit pluries haereticos et in pluribus locis praedicationes
eorum audivit, pluries recepit eos, dedit eleinosinas Valdensibus . . . Includatur
infra septa monasterii, etc." Ibid., p. 71.
414 See Schmidt, Hist, des Cathai-es,i3vd period, oh. iii. Cf, Molinier, op.cit.,
partu., ch.vi.
415 The Dominicans were fond of having the double meaning, of which it
is .susceptible, attached to their name. Bomini cani and Bomini canes.
416 "Ad quos abolendos a Benedioto episcopus Valentinus exoitatus, cen-
Bores fidei zelum explicare jussi, denique Humbertus delphinus Viennensis."
Raynaldi, ad. an. 1335, n. 63.
417 " Qui vocantur Waldenses, maxima multitudo, et quod quidam offioiales
tui dilectos filios inquisitores, non solum non juvant, ut deberent, in suo inquisi
tionis otficio, immo multa impedimenta contra ipsos praestare presumunt."
These obstacles are afterwards indicated. Raynaldi, ad. an. 1378, n. 20. The
reproach is renewed two years later. See ibid., ad. an. 1375, n. 25.
.418 '•Audivimus quod in eis (provinciis) haereticorum multitudo moratur
«tiam ab antique, contra quos vos et praedecessores vestri negligenter omisistis
vestrum exercitium exercere ; unde fit quod multiplicantur. execrabiles haereses,
et haereticorum numerus, proh dolor ! adaugetur,' Eayn., ad'an. 1875, n. 25.
419 Perrin, i., 113.
420 7SW., p. 114.
421 Perrin, op. cit., p. 118—124.
402* 422 Perrin, i., 126.
423 '¦ Vallem ipsam ecclesiastico supposueris interdicto." The papal brief,
dated August 17th, is addressed to the Bishops of Turin and Nice ; to the Arch
deacon of Vercelli ; and to James of Buronzo, a monk of the Order of St.
Dominic, Inquisitor in Piedmont. Rorengo, op. cit., p. 19. The absolution
extends to all the heretics of the VaUey of Luserna and especially to the
Waldenses — " in Valle Lucernae Taurinensis dioecesis commorantes diversarum
haeresum, et praesertim Valdensium seu Pauperum de Lugduno labe infecti."
It is applicable to all the heretics scattered in the different dioceses hereabove-
mentioned, even to those who had experienced more than one relapse — " pluries
relapsi fuerint." What is most clearly shown by this brief, is not so much that
the heretics are being converted, as he claims, but that they are numerous.
424 " Proclamari . . . alta et intelligibili voce faoiatis." This decree,
dated November 28th, 1475j was given at Luserna, "in ecclesia dicti loci,
praesentibus testibus notaris . . . coram spectabilibus cum Dominis
Lucernae videlicet Ugeta de Eorengis, Joanne de Giannoto, Gulielmo de Laia,
Damiano de Nicia, Filipo de Bobio, Antonio de Campiliono potestate Lucernae,
Jacobo de Beneitinis, ac Domina Gatherina tutrix filiorum suorumcondominorum
ut supra." Eorengo, ibid., p. 22 — ^24.
425 Perrin, i., 151. It does not appear that all those names are there indicated
in any order, the more so as Perrin makes mention of Catelan Girard. Gilles is
¦ silent ; Lgger names only the first three ; Brezzi follows Perrin, and is followed
by Mona.-itier.
426 '- Vobis sic omnino fieri volentes, ut potissime hi de Valle Lucernae ad
gremium Somotae Matris Ecclesiae venire possint." This word venire has
excited the imagination of two writers ; they twist it to make it mean that it
was not for the Waldenses a question of re-entering but of entering into the
Church of Eome, and that, consequently, according to one, " the Duchess openly
recognizes the antiquity of our origin, I had almost said our apostolic succes
sion ;" according to the other, " at that time there was as yet no idea of calling
in question the simultaneous and anterior existence of the Waldensian Church
to that of the Romish Church." Cf. Brezzi, Hist, des Vaudois, part u., p. 19, and
Monastier, op. cit, i., 174.
427 Raccolta degli editti, etc. Turin, 1678, p. i. Four pages further on,
mention is made of four former edicts concerning the Waldenses ; two are by

320 The Waldenses of Italy.
Duke Louis, anno 1448 and 1452 ; the third by Duke Amedeus IX., anno 1446 ;
the fourth by Duchess lolante, anno 1478. Those edicts did nothing more than
confirm existiiig' privileges, relating to the valley of Luserna and the localties
near Bubiane, Fenil, CampUlon, etc. There is no question of religious liberty.
428 " Et quia tu Potestas Lucernae . . ilia ut supplicatur exequntioni
demandare renuisti, imo illas retinuisti." Ibid. This podesta was Antonio di
Campiglione. 429 " Perchfe alcuni officiali e massime Antonio di Campiglione pedest^, di
Lucerna non procedeva con quel calore che richiedeva la causa," etc. Rorengo,
op. cit, p. 24.
480 Here is a request of the Lords of Luserna to the Duke of Savoy. The
date is unknown. " Vobis illustrissimae, D.D., nostro Duci Sabaudiae, reverenter
et devote exponitur parte spectabiUum et generosorum Dominorum Lucernae
et Vallis eius. Quod ipsi Domini exponentes, tanquam veri ac fidelis orthodoxi
Christiani, oonati saepe, et saepius fuerunt, omnem rabian, mamillam et labem
heresial Gazariae et Apostasiae, de et a locis Engroniae, Sancti Joannis, Vilarii
et Bobii praefatae eorum Vallis, abstergere, expellere et exterminari facere, qua
labe homines et personae ipsorum looorum erant et sunt infecti et infecta ; ipsis
autem Dominis exponentibus, hanc materiam in honorem Dei solUcitantibus,
homines et personae ipsorum quatuor locorum contra ipsos exponentes eorum
immediatos Dominos et Superiores insurrexerunt, et arma acceperunt bellumque
moverunt, etc." Eorengo, l.c., p. 18. Is it not remarkable that heresy should
there be designated as Gazaria or Apostasia, and the name of Waldenses not
even hinted at ? Eorengo concludes that his ancestors took " Gazari per Valdesi
e Valdesi per Gazari." 1 do not believe them to have been as foolish as that. 1
am rather inclined to infer this : that the Cathari, as compared with the
Waldenses, seemed to them more turbulent, and that it is the former who, in
their opinion, deserve to be signalized as revolutionists.
431 " Ho a-vuta uotizia d'altro ordine del Duca Carlo I. dell'anno 1484, col
quale deputft alcuni delegati a conoscere sopra le violenze commesse ad
Angrogna, Villaro e Bobbio, perchfe i loro signori s'opponevano alle loro heresie,
registrato nel protocoUo del Bessone nell archivio di Chiamberi." Eorengo,
p. 25. 432 It is not necessary to be a Waldensian to feel this repugnance and to
confess it. "I am happy," said a Catholic historian, " not to be obliged to
recount the history of his reign." Cantii, Eretici, etc., xi. disc.
433 " Innocent was eight times father, without counting his eight daughters.
By calling him father, Eome will only do him justice."
434 It is the Bull Summis dcsideranteSj of December 5, 1484.
485 L§ger, who reproduces that Bull, gives by mistake the date of 1477. Op.
cit, part ii., p. 8 — 20.
436 "NonnuUi iniquitatis filii, incolae Provinciae Ebredunensis, sectatores
illius perniciosissimae et abominabilis sectae hominum malignorum Pauperum
de Lugduno seu Valdensium nuncupatorum, quae dudum in partibus Pedemou-
tanis et aliis circumvicinis . . . damnabiliter insurrexit."
437 " Adversus Valdenses praedictos . . . insurgant, eosque veluti
aspides venenosos conculcent ; et ad eorumdem haereticorum tam sanctam
tamque pernecessariam exterminationem et dissipationem adhibeant omnes
conatus." 488 This is what he says in his memoirs : " Simul ac Pontificis litterae ad
eum perlatae sunt, presidibus Delphinatus mandavit, ne qua in re Alberto archi-
diacono ad negotium ex sententia conficiendum deessent." Godetvoy Histoire de
Cliarles VIII, Paris, 1684, p. 277, et seq. The MS. there cited is in the Paris
Bibliothique Nationale.
489 " Omnia enim juris ordine agebantur.'' Ibid.
440 "I miei, i miei faranno la passada." This saying is related by Perrin
{I.e. 153). He quotes it undoubtedly from the memoirs of Vignaux which he had
before him ; and he adds : " Voulant dire que oes soldats crioyent ^ eux pour lea
mettre ^ mort." This explanation seems to us the true one, because passaa is
used in the Piedmontese dialect to signify death ; moreover, how could Perrin
give it, who was ignorant of this dialect, if he did not take it from a competent
author? 441 " Women and children, on their knees, crying out in their language : 0
Bio, aiutaci." Perrin, ibid.
442 Gilles, op. cit, ch. iv. Those are recollections derived from that
traditon " which continually runs side by side with Waldensian history," as
Hudy-Menos says on this subject. Perrin and Gilles do not agree in the details.
Thus, according to Perrin, the Black of Mondovi fell in the last attack, from an

The Waldenses op Italy. 321
arrow which hit him " in the throat," whilst, according to Gilles, he fell in the
first assault, near Eocciamaneout. from an arrow that wounded him " between
the eyes." If Perrin is correct, we might ask whether the pool called Toumpi
Ner is not connected with the fate of the Black of Mondovi. Still, although
Perrin had the memoirs of Vignaux before him, he may easily have made a
mistake. He lacked in his interpretation the check of Jiving tradition. Gilles
wrote a little later, but upon the spot. The reminiscences attaching to the pool
in which Saquet perished, have lived to this day, or very nearly. I observe
further, concerning these Captains, that only one of them is named ; they came
from the same province ; they fell, according to the first narrator, " at the same
time," both, according to the. second historian, imitated Goliath of Gath. But
these data are far from suflicient to make us admit that it is simply a question
of a single individual multiplied by the legend into two.
443 If the accusation made by the Nuncio be correct, wecannot conceive
how 20 of those prisoners -n'ere spared.
444 Omnes incola? Pratigelati et circumvicinorum locorum .... veniam
petiere." Ibid.
445 These words, so sublime in their simplicity, are handed down to us by
the leader of the Crusade ; they are undoubtedly authentic, and deserve to be
quoted, even in the Xuneio's Latin : " Eegi fideles obedientesque sumus et veri
Christiani dici possumus. Prajsti erunt legis nostra; Magistri — 'Barbas ipsi
vocant ' — vitee merito et doctrina insignes, qui sive in generalibus sive synodali-
bus oonciliis, luce clarius novi et veteris Testamenti auctoritatibus probabunt
nose recte de Christiana fide sentire, nee insectatione sed laude dignos esse. Quia
transgressores evangelica? legis, longeque ab Apostolorum traditione recedente
sequi volumus, et eorum pravis institutionibus obedire; sed paupertate ac inno-
oentia delectamur quibus orthodoxa fides et fundata fuit et orevit. Divitias
autem et luxum ac dominandi sitim, quibus nostri persecutores inhiant, asperna-
mur. Nam quod vobis statutum esse dici tis legem et sectam nostram extinguere,
-videte ne deo inimici sitis, neve eius iram in vos provocetis et, sub specie
boni, ingens piaculum admittatis, ut Paulus quondam fecisse dicitur. Nos
in Deo speramus, magisque ei quam hominibus piacere studemus, nee timemus
eos qui corpus oooidunt, animam autem non possunt occidere. Et tamen scitote
quod si Deus voluerit, nihil contra nos vires valebunt vestra."
446 "- Se vera sentire, illos seduotores esse Yooifei-antea." Ibid. Catanfie
adds that they were even beaten. Is the Nuncio always well-informed, and does
he always speak nothing but the truth ? 'We beg leave to doubt the fact.
447 "Omnia prius juris ordine expertus." Ibid.
448 "HEeretici naturalooi tuti, per pronamontiumingentiasaxadevoluentes,
Christianos repulerunt, ac nonnullis cjesis, multis vero vulneratis, ex rupe de-
jecerunt. Pugnatum tamen est summo nunc usquo ad vesperam magna conten
tione animorum." Ibid.
449 "Nova conpersio facti, unitati Catholicorum sunt restituti." Ibid.
Muston attaches no importance to this fact, and, for this reason, Manuel of
S. Giovanni handles him somewhat roughly, as may be seen in his Memorie
Storiche di Bronero et della valle di 3Iaira, 1868, part ii., p. 40, n. 2.
450 " De montibus descendentibus Archidiaconi misericordise se submiser-
int: cujus jussu ad veniam petendam misericordiamque consequendam Ebre-
dunum petiere." Ibid. Chorier, Hist, du Baupliine, vol. ii., p. 502, says the
same thing.
451 "Archidiaconi nuntiis rupis altitudinem metiri jussis se inexpugnabiles
esse, et pro secta sua mori decrevisse respondissent." Ibid.
452 "Super parvula quadam rupe, quse tumulo Valdensium imrninebat,
vicissim se magno discrimine diiiisere. Quod Valdenses qui ..... aliquibus
semper levibus prfeliis inferius tentabantur, et ad eos repellendos intenti erant.
non animadverterunt." Ibid. If Muston had noticed this detail he would not
have said that " nothing could have been more simple and natural than to have
cut the ropes by which they .saw their enemies descending." Op. c-it., i., 64.
453 "Ca?teris venia concessa est." Ibid. "Ipsi vero," repeats another
Inquisitor, "tunc quasi omnes .... ad gratiam benigne recepti fuerunt.
Scriptum Inquisitoris, Cambridge MS.
454 Catanfee is nearer right than he thinks, when he uses the word tumulus
to signify the cave. , _, ^
455 This is Perrin's version, followed by Chorier and Muston. „ , , .
456 An anonymous writing, quoted in the Bulletin de I'Academte Belphin-
ale, vol. i., Grenoble, 1846, p. 4.55.
451* 457 Bulletin, etc., ibid.
468 Op. cit., i., 65. M

322 The Waldenses op Italy.
459 Perrin, op. cit, i., 131. Cf. Script. Inq. anon., ap. Morland and Allix, and
Chabrand, Vaudois et Protestants des Alpes, Grenoble, 1886.
460 According to Monastier (i., 180), the soldiers came up from Bobi and
were " detached from the papal army which occupied the Luserna." He does
not follow GiUes' version, to which Muston brings us back.
461 Gilles. The date of this inroad cannot be fixed.
462 See Perrin (i., 129, 152). ; Gilles (i., 39) ; Monastier (i., 176, 1K6) ;
Muston (i., 61). Leger, who assigns no date, enables the reader to fix it more
accurately. 463 Leger, ii., 20. Innocent VIII. had succeeded to the pontifical See, 24th
August, 1484. It is true that L§ger prints 147 1^, instead of 1487; but that is a
lapsus which he himself corrects in the lines whicli precede the Bull. See ibid.,
p. 7— S.
464 See on this point Chabrand, op. cit, p. 4.5 — 64. He concludes that the
Cru.iade must have raged against the Waldenses of Piedmont in 1487 ? against
those of Dauphiny, in 1488 ; and that it was brought to a close by the massacre
of April, 1489, in the Val Louise.
46.1 According to Perrin and Gilles, this should be Philip of Savoy. How
shall we explain this qui pro quo ? Philip, imaternal uncle of King Charles
VIIL, was then "Governor of Dauphiny," according to the Geneiiliujie, etc.,
before quoted. Now Dauphiny included Val Pragelas. Later, in 1496, he
ascended the Ducal throne, after the death of Charles II. He died in 1497.
Monastier tries to correct Perrin and Gilles ; but he also makes a mistake ; for
he states that it is here a question of Charles II. This prince was born 24th
June, 1489 ; hence, rather late to receive the deputation, and he died in child
hood, 6th April, 1496. See Cibrario Storia della Monarchia in the Speccliio
eronologico. 46B ' Gilles, I.e. Eicotti tells us of a compromise. " On the intercession of
the Bishop of Turin an agreement was come to between the Waldenses and the
Duke of Savoy ; binding the former to lay down their arms, to defray the
expenses of the war, not to erect Churches nor make any outward show of their
form of worship, and moreover, to attend mass. But this compact did not
satisfy either party ; not the Catholics — because, under it heresy remained un
touched — any more than the Waldenses, because, it involved the practice of
degrading dissimulation. Storia della Mon. Piem., 1861, ii., p. 173. The sources
of information indicated by M. Eicotti do not bear out his opinion ; but the
probabilities are sufficiently in its favour, and we should not be surprised to find
it proved and established one of these days.
467 Gilles and Hudry-M6uos, l.c.
46S " Con sospetto di veleno," says Cibrario, Specchio cronol Le.
469 Bulletin de I'Aoad. Belpliinale, p. 454. On the following page is
inserted an extract of manuscript forwarded by the Mayor of VaUouise, according
to which the Crusade took place in 1487, as the royal decree already infers. It is
true that the writing of this manuscript, whose author is unknown, is not con
temporaneous with the event.
470 " Sine prejudicio causae principalis et juri cuicunque acquisiti."
471 Perrin i., 137 k 144.'
472 Ibid., p. 145.
473 Perrin confines himself to stating that the Waldenses obtained a Bull,
nay, a double apostolic Bull, through the mediation of Cardinal George of S.
Sixt, then in France (i., 147). Muston adds, but without proof, that the Bull
was issued by Cesar Borgia, who had just received from the King of France,
" with the title of Duke of Valentine, that part of Dauphiny which precisely
comprised the valley of Freyssinifere " (i., 76). We hold to Perrin's version.
474 " Alexander sells crosses, altars, Christ. Why should he not, since he
first bought them ? "
475 Eicotti, who is not a fanciful writer, takes the liberty of asserting upon
this point, what no authority indicated by him warrants him in saying, namely,
that Crusaders were beaten in the valley of the Po as elsewhere. See his St.
della 3Ion. piem., 1. iii., ch. iii. Cf. with Manuel of S. Giovanni, 3Iem. St. di
Brunero, p. 40. Gilles (ch. iv.) and Lfeger (ii. 26) hardly say a word concerning
the Crusade in that valley ; but it is an unfounded rumour, from which nothing
can be inferred.
476 Baron Manuel of S. Giovanni imagines that this is not proved. Mem.
St. di Dromero, p. 39, et seq. We refer him to Molinier, op. cit, ch. vi., where
mention is made of the Eegister of the Inquisition in Toulouse. See especially
the travels of Fournier, the Cathari. Conclusive data are therein found, which
justify the opinion of Eicotti on this point, and not the denials of his critic.

The Waldenses of Italy. 323
477 . " In nonnuUio partibus dicti marduonatus Salutiarum sunt multi
heretici." Letter of the Inquisitor monks of Asti and of Turin, dated 8th May
1417, to the Regent Valerian of Saluces. Muletti, Memorie storico-diplomatiche
appartenenti alia cittd ed ai marchesi di Saluzzo, 1831, v. 6.
478 Muletti, op. cit, vi., 28.
479 Anno 1440— 1465. The Marquisate of Saluces, dated back almost to the
time of Adelaide of Susa, and it was still a dependency of the house of Savoy.
480 Rorengo, op. cit, p. IS. Cf. Fr. Arcangelo di Salto, Idea di religiose
serafico rappresentata nella vita del B. Angelo di Cliivasso, 1664, p. 103.
481 Such is the theory set up by Manuel of S. Giovanni. Un Episodio, etc.,
p. 17— 21.
482 According to GUles, the persecution of Margaret of Foix began in 1500,
according to Muston in 1499. I do not find any reason for this discrepancy!
Muletti, whose testimony Muston adduces, says expressly : " Le persecuzioui
contro i Valdesi della valle del Po ebbero principio fin dal novembre dell' anno
1509, come imparo dal manoscritto che attentameute io svolgo." Op. cit, vi.,
381. Moreover, Muston wanders here more than once from the sources he
alleges, and others before us have remarked it. See Manuel of S. Giovanni,
Mem. di Bronero, p. 40 — 12, note 2.
4S3 '- luvenis delicata, tota tristis ac languens." Muletti, v., 329. " Madama
nostra era tuta del papa, et madama mandava ogni anno a dito papa (Jules II.)
una trantena de botalli de -rino de Pagno et del Chastellaro, perchfe el bon vin
gli piasia." Ibid., vi., 388.
484 Muston, i., 255.
485 " Furono liberati d' ogni spesa di commissarii, di fanti e perfino de lo
borelo et de lofacinero." Muletti, vi., 381.
486 " Uomo per assai vici che in lui regnaveuo infamissimo," says the MS. of
Giov. Andrea del Castellaro, quoted by Muletti, ibid., p. 382. This MS. is the
more interesting to us, in that we owe it to the pen of the " consignore " of
Poesane and Castellar.
487 " Incontinente senza martirio confessarono esser Valdesi." Ibid.
488 '• Gienet Julian, Gienet Maria," says Muletti. Muston reads " Maria
and Julia Gienet." Julian and Maria are family names, whilst Gienet is a
baptismal name.
489 " Perche li altri f usiteno volseno pura fare qualche iusticia . . . . et gli f u
rotta pereo inquisitore la fede, et per Francesco Arnaudo che seidesia proquorore
de la fede, et fu mal fato a mancargli alia promessa da poi ohe aviano chonf essato
Uberamente." MS. ibid., p. 383.
490 " Chrossati et bandesati." Ibid.
491 "La chossa donda li Valdesi fasiano loro sinagoga era chossa bella a
vedere, et era fata como esquasi un lanbarinto." Ibid. , p. SSi. Muston sees in
this house "the temple of the Waldenses;" whereupon Hudry-Menos speaks of
it as "the first Waldensian temple mentioned in the annals of the sect," and
thinks that '¦ this innovation " provoked the razzia we are narrating.
491* 492 Our MS. records that the nuns of Rifredo were also benefited by
this windfall. Their monastery inherited the property of Jean Motos, con
demned to perpetual imprisonment on account of heresy.
493 GiUes, op. cit., ch. iv.
494 Muletti sums it up as follows : " Nel correre del 1512 non pochi di queqli
alpigiani banditi dal marchesato, che si erano rifuggiti nella valle di Lucerna,
vennero piil volte alle loro case, e trovandone alcune m possessodeinuovi acqui-
sitori nk potendo riaverle, per dispetto le incendiavano. Nelle loro scorrerie
uccisero cinque nomini e piii di cento bestie ; terribili conseguenze di piil terri-
bUi persecuzioni." Ibid., p. 385.
496 " Madama avendo veduto la perdonansa et absolucione que avia fato el
papa Lione a li homeni de Pravigliermo, etc." Ibid.
496 Muletti, ibid., p. 386. These agreements were owing principally to the
good work of Frangois Violi of Saluces and Bernardin de Biandrata of Samt-
Prout. 497 "If God be for us, who can be against us?" Rom. viii., 8L The niedal
bears on one side this inscription : Ludovieus marchio et Margareta B., Fois,
1503 ; on the other, an eagle with outspread -wings, with the arms of Saluces and
Foix, and the above-quoted bibUcal passage. Muletti, v., 381.
498 I allude especially to the prior Rorengo, who cannot find sarcasms suffi
ciently biting when speaking of the man with the long sword whom Gilles
mentions. Mem. Hist, p. VI. We can but say, every one to his taste. VVe leave
to others the relish for large battalions- for the Nuncios and the captains, saii-
ated with their easily acquired glory. When the Prior reproaches Lilies with
M 2

324 The Waldenses op Italy.
the fact that the Waldenses re-establish reform by the use of the " spadone," he
forgets, in the first place, that such was not the purpose for which the Waldenses
re-entered the valley of the Po ; moreover, he fails to observe that his aimiment
strikes at the heart of the theology of the Church and her angelic Doctor,
smiting at one blow the intolerance of the Popes, the feats of the Inquisition,
and the Crusaders.
499 From the Latin barbanus, a word used in the middle ages with the idea
of patruus, avunculus, uncle. Adelaide of Susa mentions two barbani in the act of
donation before cited, in relation to the Abbey of St. Mary of Pignerol-
Ducange adduces still further examples. See his Glossarium. Manage remarks
in his Orig. Ital., that barbanus was derived from barba, " because they mostly
wear beards, i. zii." It has also been observed, with greater humour than
reason, that the Barbes preserved their beards when the priests began to shave.
Barbanus was hardly employed anywhere except in Lombardy ; we know that
the word barba is used in the Waldensian Valleys of Piedmont and in Venetia.
Do not the modern Greeks designate the maternal uncle by the name, Ba/rba
avunculus ? Again, it is Menage who tells us this.
500 Patruus, according to the classics, meant uncle, censor, tutor, a grave
and sober man. "Ne sis patruus mihi," saj's Horace. Most of those meanings
are found also in the word barba.
501 Presbyteros indicated both the age and the gravity which render a man
venerable, without the least particle of the real clerical notion of its derivative
presbtre. Now barba preserves the same idea.
502 Father, abbot, pape, pope, etc., are so many synonymous titles, -with
which that of Barbe has no identity.
503 The Inquisition calls them barba, pi. barbae, or magistri. See e.g.
the interrogatory of Regis, already cited, or further, Seyssel, adv. errores et
.sectam Valdensium.
504 Leger gives the list of the principal Barbes. It is not long, and, never
theless, with the names of Pierre de Bruys, Henri de Ln.usanne, and Waldo, it
includes those of several leaders of the Catharin communities, op. cit, i., 202.
Cf. Perrin, op. cit., aud Chabrand, Vaudois ct Protestants des Alpes, 1886
p. 277. 605 JJ'M., p. 203.
506 This di we owe to the pen of LSger.
507 " We give the letter here textually, as follows : " La present ^s per ad-
vertir la vostra fraternitik, pagant lo meo debit, de mi a vos, de la part de Dio,
maximament sobra la cura de la salil de las vostras armas, segond lo lume de
verity departi a nos del Altissime, que la plaza a un chascun de lo mantenir,
acreisser et favorir segond possibUita, et non venir a mens de tot bon principi,
uzangas et costumas don^s de li nostres Antecessors, et a nos non degnes. Car
poc profeitaria a nos esser muda de I'instantia paternal et dal lume dona de Dio
a nos, per donar nos a la mundana et diabolica et carnal conversation, abandon-
an lo principal, que 6s Dio, et la salA de las armas, per la breo vita temporal.
Car lo Seignor di en I'Evangeli : Qual cosa prifeita a I'home si el gaigna tot lo
mond, et suffre distruiment a la sua arma ; car meii seria a nos non aver cono-
issii la via dejustitia, que avent la conoissua far lo contrari. Car al judici de
Dio nos saren non escusivols e damna plus profondament. car plus fort torment
serfe donna a li plus fort e a li plus conoissent. Per la qual cosa yo prego vos per
la carita de Dio, non voilla diminutr, ma accreisser la carita la temor et I'obedi-
entia degna a Dio, et a vos entre vos, et totas bonas costumas apparterent et
aavias et entenduas de la part de dio et nostra, et ostra et purgar d'entre vos tot
deffect et mancament conturbant la paaz, I'amor, et la concordia et tota causa de
vos ostar la liberty de servici de Dio, et la vostra salA ; et de I'administration de
la veritEl, si vos desir^ que Dio vos prospere li ben temporals e spirituals." (Here
L§ger inadvertently omits a few words, which he translates thus : " Car vous ne
pouvez faire chose aucune sans luy.*' Op. cit, i., 200). Et si cubitsl esser
heritiers de la soa gloria, faga co quel di : Si tu voles entrar a vita, garda li
meo contmandament. Item : Faze que entre vos non se musse juoc ni gour-
mandarias, ni ribauderias, ni bal, ni autras desordonnMncas, ni questions, ni
I'engan, ni barat, ni usura, ni malvolengas. ni discordias. Ni voilla supportar
entre vos, ni sostenir personas de mala vita ni que done scandol et mal example
entre vos ; ma carita et fidelitil regne entre vos et tot bon exemple, tractant Fun
I autre enaima un chascun volera esser faict per si meseime. Car autrament non fes
possible alcon poer esser salva, ni haver la gratia de Dio ni de home en a quest
mond, ni en I'autre la gloria. Bt tot aigo s'apparten principalment mantenir et
favorir a li regidors et gouvernadors. Car quand li cap son enferm, tuit U
membres ensemp se dolon. Pertant si vos sper^ et desira possessir vita eterna.

The Waldenses op Italy. 325
et bona voouz, et bona fama et bon credit, et prosperar en aquest mond en li ben
spiritual et temporal, purga de tota vita desordonn^ entre vos, loqual non aban-
donna unqua li sperant en si. Mas sapia aigb per sort que Dio non exaucis, ni
habita com li peccador, ni en I'arma malvolent, ni il I'home sotmfes a 11 peocL
Bertant un chascun pause lo seo cor sobre la soa via, et fugia li perill si el non
vol perir en lor. Non autre per lo present, sinon que vos mettas en effect
aoquestas cosas, et Dio di paaz sia com tuit vos et accompagne nos a las vrayas
devotas et humils orations, salutant tuit li fidei et am^ de Christ. Totus vester
Bartholomeus Tertianus, ad omnia secundum Deum possibilia paratus."
508 See the Processus contra Valdenses of 1387, passim. Thus on page 40 it
says: — "Magistris valdensibus missis a summo pontifice eorum de Pulia . . .
Promisit servare ritum et omnia qui magistri valdenses predicant in manibus
predicti Johannis Baridon de Pulia missi in partibus istis (a Barge) a papa
eorum de Pulia." From this to deriving the Waldenses from the PauUciens is
but a step, according to A. Lombard. See his art. 3Iartyrs de Calabre inserted
in Clioses vieilles et choses nouvelles, Lausanne, 1865, and his book entitled
PauUciens, Bulgares et Bons-Hommes en Orient et en Occident Geneva,
1879. 509 Vincent Ferreri, after his visit to the Valleys, writes : " Nullus
prsedicaverat nisi Waldenses hasretici, qui ad eos consuetudine veniebant de
Apulia bis in anno." Eaynald., an. 1403, n. 24.
510 Op. cit., ch. iii. Cf. Perrin, Leger, etc.
511 We should not be the first to make this supposition. V. Herzog, art.
Waldenser in the Real-Encycl., 1st edit., p. 518.
512 The Processus contra Valdenses invariably mentions the meetings as
taking place in the house of one or another of the accused ; several are spoken of
in the Valleys of St. Martin and Pragelas. Such an assembly would be excep
tionally numerous. Thus we read on page 34 : " Martinus Carbonarius vidit
modicum super Perruxiam unam congregationem valdensium numero ccxi., et
unus magister sedebat super cathedram et prajdicabat omnibus." There Jean
Borelli is mentioned as the preacher, " filius condam Antonii BorreUi de Villari
Pyonasohe, cui pater fuit combustus." Pierre Pascal of Val St. Martin, Frangois
Zapella of Piossasque, Turin of Angrogne, etc. In the interrogatory of Regis,
mention is made of •' Co gros Amchel de Fraissinierfe," of other Barbes of M^anei
of Puglia, etc.
513 One of these contributions is noticed in the year 1481, with these
words : " Nonne etiam in Delphinatu est quisedam portio inter montes inclusa.
qu£e erroribus adhajrens praadictis Bohemorum, jam tributum imposuit, levavit
et misit eisdem Bohemis, in quibus fautoria manifesta hteresis prsedicta? debet
judioari?" Mansi, Cone. Coll., t. xxix., p. 402. Cf. Palacky, Bas Verhdltniss
der Waldenser zu den ehemaligen Seliten in Bolimen.
514 Op. cit, ch. ii.
515 See ch. iii., p. 92. To the examples indicated might be added the fact
related by Heisterbach. This writer tells us that on the occasion of Emperor
Otho's entrance into Eome, two ecclesiastics of his suite found a public meeting
presided over by a heretic, and this is the way he expresses himself : " Simul in
gressi sunt cuiusdam hEeresiarcha? scholas. Locum quem tunc legebat is erat :
Jam judicium mundi venit; jam princeps mundi huius ejicietur foras. Quem
locum ita glossavit : Ecce Christus diabolum principem huius mundi voca-vit,
quia hunc mundum creavit. Cum quo . . . satis diu disputavit." III. 3Ii.r.,
1. v., ch. 26. It is evident, however, that this was a meeting of Cathari.
516 "De scholis Waldensium, quas inveni in valle qua? dicitur Engroiia
(sic), et earum destructione . . . taceo de prEesenti." L.c.
517 " Fuerunt enim in Longobardia veluti Schola? seu Academia? quEodem
hujus verje Christi theologia? . . . Habeo inquisitionem in Bohemia et
Polonia contra Waldenses sub Eege Johanne circa 1380 Domini annum factam,
ubi inter alia diserte fit mentio coUectarum, quos fratribus et Pra?ceptoribus suis
in Lombardiam soliti sunt mittere, et in alia inquisitione invenio eos esse solito
sex Bohemia causa discendi Theologiam, ad sues Pra?ceptores Waldenses in
Lombardiam proficisci, velut ad Scholam seu Academiam quandam." Matt. Fl.
Illyr., Catal. Test Ver., Francof. 1666, p. 638 et 639.
518 Tron sees but one. Op. cit, p. 63.
519 "This school was nothing else than the College of Barbes," wrote a
Professor of Torre- Pellice, in June, 1866, in the Echo des Vallees, art., Ecole des
Barbes. " Questo istituto era la scuola de'Barbi Valdesi," repeated another pro
fessor in Florence, in 1872, according to the Resoconto Stenog. del Coiif. Ei-an-
Heliche, p. 43. Both based their assertions upon an incomplete quotation of the
words of M. Fl. Illyricus.

326 The Waldenses of Italy.
520 " Nauclerus narrat eodem tempore fl212) etiam Mediolani et circa fuisse ¦
ejusdem sententise ao doctrine homines, misisseque Alsatos Mediolanensibus,
tanquam Praeceptoribus suas collectas, sive eleemosynas. Unde licet oonjioere
utrosque fuisse Waldenses." Catal. p. 639.
521 " Quod bene erant octodecim anni quod ab ilia terra recesserat, causa
heresis adrlisceude. Qui. ut ipse recognovit nobis, per totum dictum spacium
apud Mediolanum studuerat in secta hereticorum Valdensium." Be Septem
donis Sp. Sancti. V. D'Argentre, i., 86. Cf. with the new edition of A. Lecoy de la
Marclie, Paris, 1877.
522 Le Zemoin. Dec. 22,1876, art. entitled: Une pier ri precietise in forme de
Table, signed E. Bonnet, pastor.
523 Perrin, op. cit, p. 12.
524 See Tron, op. eit, the chapter on the School.
525 It is called lon college, i.e., the college. Those who visit Pra du Tour
hear sometimes sdch language as this : As-tu vt moun Jigl ? Si Vai vi passa a
m.ount ver lou Coulege. Diiunt soun li tei maoutoun? Isouu lai d'lai dar
Coulege. The term therefore designates a well-known locality.
526 Ibid. When M. Bonnet put his hand upon that table and had it transported
by " twenty of the strongest men " to the place destined for it, namely, to a room
adjoining the Waldensian chapel, it was covered with a damp dust, and e-vidently
indicated the use m-ade of it by its former owners. Horresco referens, "they
placed upon it their pans ot milk." Must we conclude from this that such was
the original purpose for -which it was designed .' M. Bonnet answers : " They
would not have taken so much trouble to prepare a place upon which merely to set
milk pans,which are ordinarily placed simply upon a board that is not even planed." '
As to the idea that this table was used at the meetings of our Church Board,
" which, from this fact, perhaps, may have borne from ancient times the name of '
Waldensian table," it is simply ridiculous, notwithstanding M. Bonnet, in whose
eyes historical probity is suspicious. For an instance of his lucubrations, ex- -
hibiting such bad taste, see an article signed Barbet in the Zemoin, anno 1881, .
and certain bibliographic reviews on the occasion of M. Worsfold writing on
Waldo and the Waldenses. Ibid.
527 The letter of Morel exists in a two-fold reading, namely, in Waldensian .
dialect and in Latin, but with more than one variation.
528 " Cum genolh plega," or, " genibus curbis."
529 "S'ilh son de mauler as covenivolo e agradivols,'' or, "Si congrius ¦
praestent moribus."
580 "Hoc modo instructi ac edocti ad evangelizandum bini emittuntur.""
For the Latin text see Scultetus, Annalivm Evangelii, etc., p. 294 — 316, or Dieck
hoff, die Wald., app. n. 1 ; for the Waldensian text, the MS. of Dublin, entitled :
Epistola ad Oecolampadium .
531 See art. quoted : L' Ecole des Barbes.
532 Ov. cit., ch. ii.
533 This last is mentioned as " indootus," and also under the name of Thomas
of Landskron. He had already visited the Waldenses of Brandeburg, who had
finally taken refuge with the Brethren of the Unity.
534 " Vulgo ignotos," dit Lasitius, ap. Comenius, E.t,o. ix. " Hi passim in-
venere iu Italia, Eoma quoque, aliquos vera pietate et religione Deum colentes,
in protana atque superstitiosa gente, cum periculo et variis difficultatibus degen-
tes, et clandestinis congressibus exeroentes religionis studium." Camerarius,
Historica Narratio, etc., p. 120.
535 " Hoc ipsum cernens et clara voce : Non sic Petrus dicens, sacco
protinus inclusus aquam Tiberisbibit." Lasitius, ibid., ou. ap. Goll. i., Beilage P.
536 " Malle se ita bestiam devorare, quam ab ea devorari." Ibid.
537 " Tuebatur suam opinionem iUo Josephi et Nicodemi, occultorum Christi
discipulorum exemplo." Ibid.
588 " Quod quidem sinceris Fratribus displicuit." This word of comment
and that which follows is from the pen of Comenius.
539 " Inciderunt et in Gallia in Waldenses," remarks Lasitius. But Camer
arius says : " in Gallia togata," otherwise called Cisalpine ; hence, in Piedmont.
Thereupon, discussion still continues, but without profit, for it is not necessary
to pass our frontier to find one's self in communication with the Waldenses, both
of Dauphiny and Piedmont.
540 " A quibus hospitaliter accepti sunt atque tractati." Lasitius. ibid.
541 " Plurimi tunc sunt reperti. Cum quibus gratulantibus tantam veritatis. -
scientiam Fratribus, et gaudentibus coUoquio ipsorum." Camerarius. Hid.
542 " Multum versati, et de religionis negotio sententias cont'ulerunt, et
admonitione alicubi sua eos adiuverunt." Ibid.

The Waldenses of Italy. 327
643 " Qusedam aliquando audacius importuniusque disseruntur, quam rei
temporique conveniebat. " Lasitius thinks we shall have to return to this again.
A MS. of Dublin, which we are usingj contains a considerable fragment of the
Waldensian text of this letter, beginning as foUows : "Al Serenissime princi Rey
Lancelao." 544 " Car entre las autras cosas ilh predican enayma cans molestos, o renos,
* che nos haven per ley : dona te a tot demandant, che nos douen nostras deleic-
tanczas per cavernas resconduas, o scuras, cum qual que qual nos occorra, o sia
de mayre, o de filha, o de molher, o de seror, che e es de lor maniera, o costuma,
e non de nos." Epistola al Ser. Rey Lancetau.
.545 " Dio devant gardant e perseverant nos d'40 an e de plus non es auvia
fornicacion non punivol enayma entre nos." Ibid.
546 " lid dyon, o mot bon Rey, de gitta lor del vostre Regne aquilh pestil-
lencials p. o. v. o. b., ear petit de levan corromp tota la massa." Ces initiates se
lisent ordinairement ainsi : " Picards ou Vaudois ou B^guards."
.547 " Si alcun examine dreytament la nostra vita."
548 "0 serenissime Rey . . . devant que nos habandonan la verita e
segan la falsita, nos sostenren cum laiutori divin, ligam, careers, exilliament, per
grant temp pacientissimament."
549 " Non monte sobre lo teyt de la gleysa."
550 " Car de lome ilh han la natura, mas del demon las errors e lengan."
551 "Ilh benayozisson, e Dio maleiczis . . Nos non intren en las
gleisas de lor."
562 " Nos despreczen e fuye lor, car ilh son fait enayma stercora de la terra
e enayma lo fum de la lucerna steincta, loqual manda neyror e pudor mortal."
658 "Nos haven conoissu per luoc de tota las cosas ia dictas per las sacras
Bcripturas, per li script human e per predicacions de moti de la part de 1' unita
de li boemienc." Ayczo es la causa del departinient de la qleysa Romana.
Dublin MS., p. 71.
654 " Proditores . . . inter plebeculam ssepicule puUulant." Ep. a
Ecolampade, ap. Scultetus. It is true that these words were written later ; but
they are referable as well to the generation preceding the Reformation as to the
period when they were penned.
555 " Quantum vultis nobis dare, et in manus vestras Waldensium doctores
trademus." Ibid.
566 " Sacrainentorum signa plebeculas nostrje non nos, sed Antichrlsti
membra administrat." Ibid.
557 Gilles, op. cit, ch. iv.
558 Born in Savoy, he became Bishop of Marseilles, then Archbishop of
Turin, where he spent his last years, i.e., from 1515 to 1520.
.559 " Sed et dimittendorum peccatorum nullam sacerdotes nostros potestatem
habere aperte protestantur, et proinde neque iUis confitendum esse affirmant,
neque sacramenta reliquia ab his suscipienda." Adv. errores et sectam Valden
sium., §d. 1520.
560 " Quicumque ab bis barbis et hsereticis decepti estis." Ibid.
561 " Hortamur et obsecramus ut ab istis falsis prophetis caveatis.'' Ibid.
562 " Salve mi Domine benedicte CEcolampadi ... A longinqua regione
animo vehementer exultanti ad te veminus, sperantes atque multum confidentes
prcedictum spiritum per te nos illuminare." Morel to Ecolampadius, ap.
Scuttetus, op. cit.
563 -'We are completely ignorant," says Ch. Schmidt, op. cit., ii., p. 2,
"whether any book of the Catharins escaped the flames." We should now per
haps add, except the Ritual discovered by Cunitz ; and according to others a
version of the N. T.
564 Chabrand and Eochas d'Aiglun, Patois des Alpes Cottiennes, 1877,
preface. 565 Clioix des poesies des troubadours, 1817, vol. ii., p. cxl. Let us notice in
passing that Eaynouard 's opinion is in harmony -with his theory of the early
Eomance Language, which need no longer be discussed, since we know it has
been abandoned.
566 Grammaire des langues romanes, vol. i., p. 100. I have compared this
passage again with the original.
567 " The Lyonnese," Foerster writes, " is a dialect with a Provengal basis as
regards the rules of sounds and the formation of verbs and substantiveSj as well
as from its vocabulary. But to confine ourselves to a point that is quite
elementary, the Latin a is transformed according to a phonetic proceeding
peculiar to the French, and becomes i ox e under the influence of the palatals.
Its strong verbs also assume the French appearance. The Waldensian dialect.

328 The Waldenses of Italy.
on the contrary, does not know that kind of transformation ; it preserves its
Provengal tvpe even in the strong verbs.
568 It was Gruzmacher's opinion, according to his article upon the
Waldensian Bible, v. Tahrbuch f. rom. u. engl. Literatur, 1862, p. 398. Diez
accepted it, but with some attenuations.
569 Ibid., p. \01. Diez notes here that BiondeUi (Sai?,?/, etc., p. 481) "refers
it, without hesitation to the Piedmontese." But Biondelli has read our dialect
in a bad version, sui qem-ris, neither Waldensian nor Piedmontese, of the
Gospels of SS. Luke and John, by Pierre Bert (London, 1882). Moreover, more
than one master of the Neo-Latin languages has not yet gone beyond that
point ; even Diez's grammar is not exempt fi-om inaccuracies. For instance, he
states that " the letter 'Z, after a consonant, becomes /, as in Italian." The words
he quotes show that upon this point his researchps stopped at La Tour. The
Waldenses ofthe Valleys of Perouse and St. Martin, do not s:iy ,r//(/c.«/«, /«¦«)¦,
pias.sa, hut gleisa or qlei.sn, elur, plassa or 2'lasso. The affirmative particle is
not si but oui in the Valley of St. Martin, and both oui and si in that of
Perouse. 570 Waldensische Spraehe, in the Areh i r of Herrig, 1854, vol. xvi., 4th book, ,
p. 400. 571 Rom. Wald. p. 31, and Bie Wall, im Mittelalter, 1851, p. 37, n. 1.
572 The examples taken by Montet from Diez, are precisely those we caUed
attention to as being erroneous. Hist lift, des Vaiidnis du Piemont, Paris,
1885, p. 11 and 12. Page 203.
573 Ibid., p. 11. Montet has recently written some new remarks on the^
Waldensian dialect in his work, La Noble Legon, te.vte original d'apres le MSS.
de Cambridge, etc., Paris, ISf'B.
574 Apereu de I'anfiquitd des Vaudois des Alpes d'apres leurs poemes en
langue rmnane. Pignerol, 1881, p. 11.
.575 His aim is manifest. He is fond of concluding: "The origin of the
indigenous Waldenses, is, therefore, anterior to that of the Waldensians who
immigrated." Ibid., p. 2i;.
57rt See the article of W. Fcerster in the Riv. Cristiana, March, 1882.
577 ¦' My demonstration might have been more conclusive," he confesses.
See his Examen de quelques observations sur I'idiome et les manuscrits vaudois.
Pignerol, 1883, p. 8. There is a very simple way of convincing him. He pre
tends that the most characteristic writings of our ancient literature are the ripe
fruit of the dialect of our valleys, which he derives from the Italian stock,
rather than from that of Provence, and that they take us back to the time of
Waldo's appearance. Very good, we shall now proceed to place before our
readers a specimen of a dialect of the pure Piedmontese, as it was spoken in the
XII. century. It is an extract from a manuscript cantaining some notes of hom
ilies delivered about that time. The subject is amusingly interesting ; the lan
guage is such that it was almost attributed to some Waldensian Barbe. The
subject is the explanation of that passage of Scripture which speaks of our
Saviour driving the money-changers out of the temple. " Aquesta sentenza e
aquest flael dun Xrist catze eels qui vendean e acatavan el temple de so pare, oi
en aquest iorn regnen, zo son li hereti qui acaten e venden les maisuns de Deu.
Zo sun las ecclesies qui est una . . . Si cum dit Salomun in canticis ; Una est
columia mea, zo est gleisa. Aquesta columba sovent es vendua e achataa a
sgmoniacis hereticis, qui son li mal volpil qui vasten e meten a vilta I'esposa de
Xrist . . . Capite nobis vulpes parvulas que demoliuntur vineas, zo est prendi
nos las petite volp qui catzun a mal nostre vigne . . . Lanzai lor las pere e cat-
zai los de la vigna . . . Vos qui devez varder la vigna zo est sancta ecclesia,.
decatzai los heretis. E cum que los catzare ? Cum lo flael de resticulis. Zo sun
le parole de Xrist qui dis : La mia maisun si est maisun d'oraciun, mas vos en
avez fait balma de lairuns. Lo premer maistre d'aquisti larun simoniay si fo
un encantaor qui avea num Symon Magus . . . Bnquora regna en la xrestianta
a questa heresia qui confunt e destrui la gleisa qui est maisun e vigna de Deu,
mult la peora e aflevolis. E li pastor, zo son li evesque e li prever, non tenent
plai, mas il meesme o fan o consenten. Or que deven far oil qui son bon homes
e an lor corage vers Deu ? Dolent e corrozos en deven eser e preer Deu que el
per la soa misericordia los fatza venir aemendement queiil noseien dampnai . . .
Or nos vardem que nos non abiam cum lor compaignis si nos volem aver la
misericordia de Deu e a-yer part ab los saiut apostoil, li quail foron car ami del
nostre seignor Jhesu Xrist qui en la sancta cros sofri passiun per reemer I'umana .
generaciun." Between the above dialect and that of the Waldenses there is cer
tainly not that affinity which connects the latter with the Provengal ; there are
some analogies, which would betray contact, but not consanguinity. Galloital-

The Waldenses of Italy. 329
isclie Predigten aus Cod. misc. lat. Taurinensis B. vi., lOten Jahrhunderts her-
.ausqegeben von W. Foerster, ap. Rom. Studien, vol. iv., p. 1 ; and the following
Uth Homily. It would be interesting to compare it with the Sermons du Xllme
^siecle en vieux provengal, published by Fr. Armitage, Heilbronn, 1884. Cham-
poUion Figeao had said : " This collection of sermons seems to me to belong
to the dialect and to the church of the Waldenses of Piedmont." The professor of
Bonn is of a different opinion. He demonstrates that the dialect of those sermons
does not present the characteristic type of the Provengal, but the distinctive
features of a Gallo-Italic dialect spoken in Piedmont, and that it is sufficient to
compare these fragments with our ancient -ivritings and our modern patois, to see
that the Waldensian dialect is not found therein. Ibid., p. 43. However, Preger,
in his turn, from internal reasons — no longer linguistic, but historical — is brought
to the same conclusion as the last witness : that those sermons are not Wal
densian, but undoubtedly of a churchman speaking to churchmen. See ibid.,
p. 80. 578 Apergu, etc., p. 11. That is the end of Muston's first argument. The
following page begins thus : '- The Waldensian dialect is of an Italian and not a
French formation."
579 Our venerable poet is now showing that French is "the chief of the lang-
uageswhich emanated from the Neo Latin;" which, however, does not hinder him
from stating, on the same page, that it is "n^ du rapprochement de la langue d'oc
et de la langue oil." He classifies the Eoman de la Eose with Provengal literature,
and brings forward Italian words to prove the Italian origin of the Waldensian
dialect, without even asking himself whether these words do not belong to the
Provengal as well. After that he quotes some Spanish, but at the same time
Provengal, to prove that " the formation of the Waldensian dialect took place
before the three languages (Italian, Provengal, and Spanish) became completely
distinct." As if it were possible to judge of the character of a language from a
few words of its vocabulary ! See Apergu, etc., 2iassim, particularly p. 2, 5 — 11
and 30.
580 That is what particularly explains the apparent, rather than real
variations of Montet, who, however, after what we have read, admits that the
-ancient Waldensian is a " Provengal dialect," or " derived from the Provengal."
Op. cit.,p. 13 and 17.
681 Letter of a Professor to the College de France to A. Muston. Examen
¦etc.. p. 5.
682 Letter of P. Meyer to Muston, November 17, 1881. Ibid., p. 7. We
also wrote to Dr. P.Meyer. Here is what, he had the kindness to answer:
" To teU you the truth, I believe that the language of the VaUeys, tends, in its
development towards the Provengal and French, and that in its very forms it
has a close connection with the idiom of Dauphiny ; but I do not kno-w whether
.some linguistic affinities could not be shown to exist on the Eastern side. The
documents which I possess for that part of Piedmont, where Pignerol and
Saluces are situate, are not sufficient for me to decide." Moreover, he confessed
to Muston that he had only looked at the MSS. of Cambridge and Dublin, "super
ficially and without taking any interest in them." So that, up to this point, at
least, the opinion of M. Meyer is neither decided nor certain.
582a Mention has been made to us of a discovery by Professor AscoU ot
Milan. Some of his disciples in Italy support it warmly, and go so far as to
hnagine that it will soon bring about the classification of our dialect with a new
group. The point is this. Ascoli affirms that he has observed near the Alps, but
on the French and Swiss side, as far as the Jura and the Vosges, an interesting
family of dialects, containing, besides certain characteristics of their own, some
features common to French and Provengal. This family does not. o-we its
formation to a tardy concourse of divers elements, but to its own historical ana
independent traditions, more or less like the Neo-Latin languages, whose type is
recognized. It was waiting its turn to be established, and Ascoli has the ment
of having described it, and even of assigning to it a name. It is called Uranco-
Provencal. Ascoli, Schizzi franco-provengaU, in the Arch-glottol. »to<., vol. lu.,
pp. 61—120. Boehmer, nevertheless, continues to give it the name ot bur
gundian." Roman. Sttidien, passim-. But the description given by AscoU, does
not embrace the dialect of the VaUeys ; it passes quite close to it, on the irontier.
This is not mere chance ; for that scholar could not be more explicit. Indeed,
what is the distinguishing feature of the Franco-Pro-vengal fainily / ilus,
namely, that the atonic or privative a, which is preserved intact m Provengal, is
changed here, as in French, and is transformed after a palatal mto ie,i,OT e.
That, says AscoU, is one of the most characteristic phenomena of the fianco-
Provengal patois. " L' antitesi piii decisiva tra 1' idioma provenzale e 1 idioma

330 The Waldenses of Italy.
francese, si manifesta ne' riflessi dell' A latino, cosi in accento come fuori di
accento. L' A tonico rimane inoolume, anche nel francese, quando egli sia in
posizione ; ma fuor di posizione vi si suole alterare, e si riduce di solito ad e.
Cosi, arme arma, apre asper, quart quartus, quattre qu^ttor .; ma ainter amdre,
aimee amata, etc. Nel provenzale, all, incoiitro, e nell' antico in ispecie, P A
tonico si rimane costantemente incolume : aspre, amar, amada, etc. L' A
essendo atono nella sillaba finale, riducesi nel francese ad un' e muta ; nel pro
venzale rimane a (che ne' moderni dialetti fe prevalentemente.fl). Cosi.: fr.
cuuronne, pr. corona; fr. aimee, pr. amada. Ora tra i fenomeni piil caratteristici
de' vernacoli franco-provenzali, egli fe codesto dell' avervisi ie. i, e per 1' antico
A' preceduto da suono palatile." Ibid., p. 70 et seq. Every Waldensian maydra-w
the conclusion. We say couronna and courouno, am a, cantd or ciantd,prijd, buca,
minqid,eto. Foerster, noticing this, holds, therefore, that the group indicated by
AscbU includes the Lyonese and excludes the Waldensian ; which is the out
come, after all, of the foregoing observations. A. Eosiger, speaking of a
Waldensian colony in Germany, places the written Waldensian of the valleys,
and of Dauphiny, by the side of the Franco-Provengal group, and explains
its decadence by the intrusion of the French. Neu-Hengstedt (Bourset),
Gesohiehte u. Sgrache einer Wald. Colonic in Wiirttemberg , Greisswald, 1882..
It is clear, then, that the Waldensian dialect — as, in this particular, it especially
reproduces the Provengal type — could not be classed in the family described by
Ascoli, so long at least as the distinctive trait which characterizes it remains
such as he has described. Romania, anno 1875, p. 293 — 296. But is this defini
tion justifiable and immutable ? Some doubts have been entertained : nay, more,
it has been seriously contested ever since its appearance. . Meyer held that the
system of grouping set forth by Ascoli was erroneous in its foundation, and in
tills connection he adds an observation which it is well to recall. He says :
" Does the new group proposed by Ascoli — one that offers no geographical unity
— at least obviate the difficulty of grouping together very dissimilar dialects ?
Not in the least. He brings together dialects which offer a very small number
ol: facts, selected among many, as being particularly specific. It is very evident
that the Dauphinois resembles the Provengal more than the Franc-comtois and
the Lorrain ; still, the Lorrain, Franc-comtois, and Dauphinois are embraced by
the new group, from which the Provengal is excluded." Ibid. M. Ascoli has
replied to M. Meyer in an article entitled : P. Meyer e il Franco Provengal, ap..
Arch. Glott. Ital., ii., p. 385 — 395. In it he maintains his thesis touching the
deflnition of the group which he has described, without, however, succeeding in
proving that the doubt enunciated by his critic is an arbitrary one. Whether
this definition of Ascoli's be right or wrong — which is a point we need not dis
cuss here — it is certain that the group characterized by it could not comprehend
the dialect of the Valleys. Meanwhile, the fact that this dialect bears one of the
most characteristic traces of the Provengal language is \\e\\ proven ; whereas.
the new combinations cannot prevail against it, as has been seen by the example
adduced. Professor Morosi, of the Florence Superior Institute, who is studying
the Waldensian dialect, has agreed with this after the examination of a transla
tion of the Nobla Leiczon into the principal patois of our Valleys and of Queyras
which I have just submitted to him, and he permits me to record here his
Cl incurrence. 583 It is his old thesis, already brought out in his Bibliographic, p. 81 — 93,
and p. 101. He there said that " our dialect, in which the ancient Waldensian
books are written (XII. to the XIV. century), was not the common language of
France," by which he meant the dialects of Provence, Dauphiny, and Lyons
together. He added that it "approaches much more to the language used
daring the VIII. century, than to that of the XII." According to his latest
writings, Muston is still at that point. Nevertheless, he admits that, compared
with the actual dialect of the VaUey of the Ehbne, ours " presents the most
similarities to the ancient Roman," from which it is not derived !
584 " \\'e must certainly admit the possibility of the unknown documents
having been written in a more ancient language, which is already rendered
soiuewhat unrecognisable in the oldest of the copies which have come down to
us." Rom. Wald., p. 45. As an example of the application of this, see his study
on the Cantica.
585 Ox). cit. p. 13—17. It is true, Meyer observes, that this study " might,
without harm, have been omitted." Romania, XIV., 319. But thus far the
Romanists have given us nothing better.
586 Strasburg is excepted ; the Waldensian MS. it contained having been-
destroyed by the burning of the Ubrary, August 28rd and 24th, 1870.
587 See Lfeger, vol. i., ch. 8. The catalogue we read there had been given by

The Waldenses of Italy. 331
.Sir Samuel Morland in his history. See further, and especially Muston,
Bibliographic, at the end of the last volume of his Is des Alpes ; Todd, Tlie
BuoliS of the Vaudois ; Herzog. Rom. Wald., p. 46—66 ; Montet, Hist litt,
p. 1—11. St^S Ch. Schmidt, op. cit, ii., p. 117 and 274. Cf Reuss Rev. de Th. et de
Phil, chret., 18 2, p. 330.
589 With these iwords commences the learned book of S. Berger : La
Biblefrangaiseaii moyen age, Paris, 1884. Cf Reuss, Fragm. litt. et critiques
relatifs d I'histoire de la Bible frangaise, ap. Rev. de theol. et de phil
ehretiennc, 1851, page 322.
590 Even Perrin recognised this. " The point of departure of the Walden-
. sian sect was the study of the bible," says this Jesuit at the 49th page of his
pamphlet : T Valdesi, etc., Turin, 1871.
591 Tron, however, hesitates, op. cit, p. 23.
592 Ibid., p. 324.
598 See ante.
594 "Similiter multos libros Bibliae." This .y/»i;7ti;e)- seems to puzzle more
than one reader. Berger, for instance, who translates it " ^galement," oj). cit.,
p. 37. 595 Stephen of Borbone, a Dominican monk, was born in Belleville on the
Ehone, toward the end of the XII. century ; he was Inquisitor for 25 years, and
lived in Lyons, where he died about 1261. He can say : " Secundum quod ego
'•(anclivi) a pluribus qui priores eorum (Waldensium) viderunt et a sacerdote iUo
. . . quidictus fuit Bernardus Ydros." Anecdotes historiques, etc., p. 842..
This incident is repeated by Echart and others.
596 "Like the translators of our own authorized version.'' The Rom.
version, introd., p. c. He invents at pleasure on the subject of the composition
of this committee. I noted a little way back that Ebrard believed these two
, priests to be Cathari. Gilly makes them out Lombards. " As their names in
dicate natives of Lombardy, Ydros and Ansa being towns in the North of
Italy." Ibid., p. xcix. Reuss confesses that his geographical knowledge " does
not reach so far." Afterwards, Gilly gives them an associate, again " from
Lombardy," namely, John "de Lugio ;" which is, in his opinion, an abbreviation
of "de Lugduno." And then we have a disguised Manichean sitting with the
Waldensian committee 1 However, we have noticed above (note 121 ) the
mistake which gave rise to the creation of this new personage.
597 Gilly, ibid. Tron remains of Gilly's opinion. See Pierre Waldo, p. 25.
598 "In quo textus et glossa Psalterii plurimorumque Legis utriusque
librorum continebantur." Op. cit, dist. i., c. 31.
599 Revue, etc., lt>51, p. 332—834. The doubts there expressed by Eeuss
-.seem to us excessive. Cf. with his book, Bie Gesch'ichte der heil'tyen Schriften
N. T., 6th ed., § 465.
600 Berger is of the same opinion. Op. cit, p. 37 and 38. Only, why does
he think that those books and notes " difEered in their origin and character ? "
¦ There seems to be uo good reason for that exception.
601 As we observed before, it is the settled opinion of W. Foerster. Muston
says that the Lyonnese in Waldo's time " was already the dialect of French,
whence the Romance language was derived." Bibliographic, p. 101.
602 Revue, etc., 1851, p. 885. Muston is of the same opinion, from a differ
ent standpoint. See l.c.
608 Vide ante.
604 "Evangelia, Epistolas Pauli, Psalterium, Moralia Job et plures ahos
libros sibi fecit in gallico sermone transferri." Migne, Sp. 699. Another letter,
addressed to the three abbots, has these words : " Multitudo gallic£e cuidam
translationi divinorum librorum." Ibid., Sp. 695. , ^ i. ¦
605 Bertram undoubtedly replied ; but his second letter, like the first, is
unknown. To get at the bottom of the matter it would be necessary to have
the key to the private archives of the Vatican.
606 " Quis fuerit auctor translationis illius, qua; intentio transferentis . . .
•cum opinionem et vitam eorum penitus ignoremus qui sacras Scripturas taliter
transtulerunf " /Ji^., Sp. 689. .
607 " Magister Crispinus presbyter et R. socius ejus. I bid.
608 " Multitudo non modica, tracta quodammodo desideno Scripturarum . .
sibi fecit transferri." Ibid.
609 "In gallico sermone." Ibid. ^.i, ti-i
610 " Quosdam libros de latino in romanum versos combusserunt. l ma.
'Thisexpression, which may refer to other books, must primarily refer to such
.-as had been particularly forbidden, namely, the sacred books.

332 The Waldenses of Italy.
611 Op. cit. p. 40 — 42. The Bvangeliare mentioned in these lines is found
in the Bibl. de I'Arsenal, No. 2,083.
612 Eeuss, who had not seen the MS. described by Berger, and knew it only
from Abb6 Lebeuf 's mention of it, says at once: "If it did not contain more
than the Lessons, it does not answer to the idea one has of a Waldensian ver
sion." L.c, p. 341.
613 This point is settled now. Berger disputed it. " It is a mistake," he
said. In his opinion the author must have been Hamon de Landacob, a monk
of Savigny, of the order of Citeaux, in Normandy. Ibid., p. 46 — 47. But H.
Suchier has proved that the person referred to is really Bishop Haimon. See
his art. Zu den altfranz'dsisclien Bibeliibersetrungen, ap. Zeitschrift fUr roman-
isclie Philologie, 1884, p. 413 and foil. Berger now admits that, upon this point
at least, his critic is right. Montet followed Berger. See op. cit., p. 2.
614 With regard to the 3Ioralia .lob, besides Berger and Suchier, see some
observations of Fcerster contained in his preliminary remarks to Li sermon saint
Bernart, edited by him in 1885, p. 11.
615 Bibl. du Palais-des-Arts, A. i., 54. For the description, see GiUy, p.
57 — 61 ; Muston, Bibliog., p. 94 ; especially Eeuss and Foerster, who had it in
their hands, one to analyse it, the other to transcribe the Gospel of John.
Revue, etc., 1852, p. 334 et seq., and the Revue des lanques romanes, vol. v., n. 3
at the beginning.
616 That does not prevent the MS. from having a division by chapters,
resembling that of the Codex Vaticanus.
617 They are : Eom. vii., 18 to viii., 28, and Luke xxi., 37 to xxiii., 14.
618 Revue, etc., 1853, p. 75. Reuss adds the following marginal note : "The
Limousin dialect (spoken by the Cathari) omits voluntarily the nasal n, forms
the plural in s ; changes the (^placed between two vowels into z ; terminates
the first person plural of verbs in m, participles and generaUy all nouns absolute
in s, and this s becomes z after t etc. I have collected hundreds of examples
from all parts of the New Testament, lin order to compare the difference in
words even amongst those in constant use.
619 Ein Katarisches Ritual, Jeua, 1852.
620 Revue des langues romanes, March 15, and April 15, 1878.
621 L.c, p. 87. It is true that in a subsequent article, Reuss claims that
two passages must be excepted, namely : (1) The one which in the Lord's
Prayer wHa&tMvA^^ panem supersubstantialem (according to Matthew), for ^a)JC)«.
quotidianum (according to Luke), and adds the doxology, according to the
Greek rite ; (2) Prov. viii. 22, translated from the Greek ho Kurios ektise, not from
the Vulgate Bominus possedit me. Reuss sees here an indication of the relations
of Catharism with the tradition of the Greek Church. Rev. citee, 1852, p. 827.
All that is very hypothetical ; is it not sufficient to admit that the version of
the Lyons MS. is taken from a text different from our common Vulgate ? Then
we should not be led astray by the traces of Catharism, which Eeuss sees in the
Waldensian versions. Haupt has demonstrated where these traces come from,.
namely, from his own pen.
622 Such is the opinion of Chelle, who has a note in the manuscript itself
that reads : " This MS. contains a translation of the N. T., as used by the Wal
denses, following the text and the order of the Vulgate. It appears to belong
to the commencement of the fourteenth century. It has a Waldensian ritual at
the end." Now, remarks Eeuss, we read the -n'ord Albigenses in two places
instead of Waldenses.
628 See tiie Rituale, 2>assim. Cf. Reuss, «?;»/., 1852, p. 338. It is interesting
to note here the interpretation given to the following passages : Jude 23 ; Matt.
X., 8, and Mark xvi., 17, etc. ; Matt, iu., 11 ; John i., 26, etc., John xx., 21.
624 We are told that Eeusch, whilst lately employed in putting Doellinger's
papers in order, found a refutation of Cunitz's thesis. But Doellinger could not
iu this piece of work have taken into account the Practica of Bernard Gui
recently printed. Let the ceremony of the Consolamentum., according to the
Rituale, be compared with the report of that Inquisitor {ibid., v., p. 1, 2, and 3),
and it will be seen that Cunitz is right. The Eitual is Catharin.
625 Bibl. Nationale, fonds frangais, n. 2425 (old n. 8086 of the Bibl. du Eoi),
For the description, see GiUy, op. cit., introd. p. Ixvi.— Ixix., Eeuss, Revue, etc..
626 Let us notice the following: All the Gospel of Matthew, the first
twenty verses of Mark, 2 John v., 4 to the end, the 3rd Epistle of John, that of
Jude, and the first three verses of the Epistle to the Romans, ch. ii. to iv. of
2nd Epistle to Timothy, and the first two verses of Epistle to Titus. Finally,
here are a few omissions : Markxi., 1—11 ; Luke xvi.. 1—12, xvu., 30— xviii., 10,.

The Waldenses op Italy. 333
etc. Berger thinks these omissions were generally made for the purpose of
abbreviation, or were caused by the negligence of the copyist.
627 We can hardly doubt but that this precious volume was about the XV
century, m the hands of a Waldensian hawker. Revue historique, January'
1886. '
627* 628 Luke xii., 82 ; 2 Cor. vi., 16 ; James v., 8 ; Heb. x., 37.
628* 629 James v., 1. Here are some other passages indicated : Luke xv 11
XIX., 42 ; John u., 17, iii., 18, vi., 51, xviii., 23 ; Acts xiv., 21, xv., 29, xvi , 18'
xvu., 34 ; James u., 8, v., 12 ; 2 Peter ii., 6 ; Eom. v., 12 ; 1 Cor. u., 9 ; xv 16 54 •
? ?°v:^J-1^!'JV-^'^V ^P'\\V i' ^ ^™- H ^' i"-' 12 ; Heb. xi., 9, etc. W are
indebted to the kindness of M. Berger for these notes.
630 Revue de theol, etc., 1852, p. 824.
631 Dniversity Library, Waldensian MS. Dd 15, 34, or vol. F. Por des
cription, see Bradshaw, ap. Todd, Boohs, etc., p. 214. This description, corrected
by means of notes, which Bradshaw intended for us, has been revised and com
pleted by his successor, Mr. Robertson Smith, to whom we here desire to express
our gratitude.
632 L6ger, Histoire, etc., i., p. 21—22. Cf. Morland Hist of the Evang.
Churches of Piedmont, p. 98.
683 The following are the omissions which have been detected ; viz., the
beginning of Matthew as far as vii., 10 ; ' all of Mark ; Luke iii, 7 to the end ;
John vu., 33— xiu., 28, and xv., 21— xx., 29 ; Epistle to the Eomans u. to Corin
thians, Epistle to Colossians, and the 2 to Thessalonians, except the very first
words of the i. ; written through carelessness and without a title ; 1 'Timothy
from commencement to ii., 7 ; Epistles to Philemon and that to the Hebrews ;
Acts iv., 17— v., 4 ; xxu., 5—25 ; xxvi., from 5 till toward the end. Finally, the
MS. ends at 2 Peter ii., 5. Nothing, therefore, of the Epistle of John, or the
Apocalypse. . 684 Bibl. de la vUle, n. 488 (old 8595). Por description see ChampoUion
Pigeac, Nouv. recherches sur les patois ou idiomes vulgaires de la Fraiice, 1809,
p. 24 et seq. ; Gilly, I. c, p. 45 — 51 ; Muston, who says in his Examen, etc., that
it is " la seule Bible Vaudoise qu 'il ait etudice up pen ; " ibid., p. 86, and Bibliog.,
p. 95 ; Herzog, Rom. Wald., p. 62 ; Eeuss, Revue, etc., 1852, p. 342.
635 Examen., etc., p. 36 — 37. Cf. Perrin, opi. cit, p. 57.
636 Ch. Figeac and Muston mention the Book of Songs instead of that of
Jesus, son of Sirach. Gilly refers to these two writers. We follow Herzog, who
saw the MS. after them.
637 This table is written on paper. It begins thus: "Aici oommenga lo
registre de li evangeli de las Bscripturas per lo cercondament del an premiera-
ment en lavenament del Segnor."
688 Generally speaking. According to Muston and Herzog ; but Eeuss calls
attention to the fact that if there are some divergences from the actual order,
the same are also found in certain MSS. of the Vulgate.
689 Ch. Figeac believed this MS. to belong to the XIII. century, but he was
led astray by CSger and Perrin, whom he accepted as guides in discussing and
reckoning the age of Waldensian writings. GiUy notices it in passing : " C. F.
follows the eiTor caused by Perrin's mis-statements." Nevertheless, he adheres
to his opinion upon this point, while Herzog clearly disposes of it.
640 Trinity College Library, Cl. A., Tab. iv., n. 18. For the description see
especially an art. in British 3Iag., by Todd, reprinted in his Boohs of the Vau
dois, p. 1 — 7. Besides, GiUy, l.c, p. xxvui.; Muston, I.e., p. 95; Eeuss, I.e., p. 342;
Herzog, I.e., -p. 55.
641 Perrin, l.c.
642 This copy consists properly of a revision of the Gospel of St. John, pub
lished by GiUy, and the immediately following transcription of the other books
of the N.T.
642* 643 Herzog supposed this, from certain little omissions and slight mis
takes which are not explained by any reading of the Vulgate. He indicates them
in his Rom. Wald., p. 55 and 56.
644 Todd, Boohs of the Vaudois, p. 190.
645 Rom. version, p. xxxvi.
646 City Library, c. 169, 706. - For the description see GiUy, l.c, p. lu.— Ivi ;
but especially Eeuss, who examined it very thoroughly, l.c, p. 344 and foil., and
also Herzog, ibid., p. 61. mix,
647 " Guilemiis Malanotus pastor pedemontanus valdensis hoc N. T. oeleber-
rimae Tigurinae Academiae dono dedit die decimo Septembris, 1692."^
648 " Per Barbetum quemdam, i. e. ministrum ejusdem ecclesiae."

334 The Waldenses of Italy.
649 Namely • the beginning of Matthew to iii., 17; Acts xxvii., 14 — 32;
Eev. XX., 6 — xxi., 23.
650 JR.euss counted six of them. Ibid., p. 345.
6.51 There are no less that 82 books of the 0. T. indicated in thnt manner;
-with them Judith, Tobias, the 4th book of Esdras, Wisdom, Ecclesiastecus, the
18th chapter of Daniel, which is the story of Lusanna. Herzog mentions also
the book of Jesus, son of Sirach.
662 This kind of sub-divition for the Old Testament, dates from 1490. The
division into verses was introduced from 1551 to 1560. Eeuss, I. e.. p. 347 — 349.
653 Eeuss. Revue, etc., 1853, p. 80—85.
654 This specimen is taken in part from the texts reproduced by Gilly,
Eeuss, Foerster, Todd, and Chabrand. We haive made use of the luanuscript
corrections of Herzog upon Gilly's reproductions, and especially of his copy of
the New Testament of Dublin. But, stiU, our specimen would be incomplete
and less exact also, without the co-opetation of Professors Berger of Paris,
Cledat of Lyons, and Ulrich of Zurich, of Dr. Ingram of Dublin, and the
librarians Bradshaw and E. Smith of Cambridge. We desire here to express
to all of them our sincere thanks.
655 'Lelong,Bibl. Sacra, i.,3Hi). Ct.Gi\\ja,p. Todd Boohs of fhe Vaudois,p.Wi.
(:56 I allude to those recorded by Gilly (Rom. vers., p. Ixxviii.), and Muston
{Bibliog., MSS. bibliques ii., vi., and vii.). People have been misled more
especially by the title of Bible des Pauvres, of Paris. This is definitely laid
aside. 657 Gilles, op. eit., preface and ch. ii.
668 Particularly in Val Pragelas. Perrin, ch. ill., p. 57. Cf. Leger, i., 23, 24.
652* 659 "May have been wholly or partially the productions of Waldo and
his associates." Rum. vers., introd., p. xcvi.
1,60 This fact is well authenticated. M. Berger writes us after his last
researches : " I have been unable to discover either in the bible of the Cathari,
or in the texts of the Waldenses, the slightest expression that would indicate a
heretical origin, or that in any way gives a hint of the theology professed by
the translators."
661 " Quia sensu proprio verba evangelii interpretari priesumpserunt,
videntes nullos alios evangelium juxta literam omnino servare, quod se facere
velle jactaverunt." Dav. d'Augsb.
662 I take this statement again from his private correspondence, which I
am authorised to use for my own benefit and that of my readers.
663 E.g. "Ora Dio," to Acts X., 26 (Cf Herzog, Rom. Wald., p. 321), and
" filh de la vergena," " pena," etc., passim.
664 "Arctissime inhibemus," says the decree of the Council of Toulouse,
anno, 1229. Vaissette remarks "We find, in the informations laid and the
judgments pronounced, that the heretics commonly called Waldenses, in the
country read the Gospels in the vulgar tongue." Hist, de Lanquedoc, iii., 411,
anno 1287.
665 Rev. Historique, 1st art. quoted.
666 Muston makes Foerster say that " this translation is, perhaps, by Waldo
himself." E.ramen. etc., p. o6. But he is mistaken. Not only does Foorster
not say that, but he could not do so consistently. The dialect of Lyons
and that of Provence are two different things. What Fcerster admits, is, that
the language of the MS. of LyonsUs so far from being irreconcilable with our
dialect, that it already contains it in a germ. I would add, that according to
Berger, it is to be hoped that the link connecting this version with that of the
MSS. of XVI. century wUl still be found. " I do not know," he says, " whether
the MS. of Paris is not very near being this connecting link." Ibid.
667 Eeuss declared in 1851: "Ifind it impossible for the present to recog
nize the hand of Waldo in the Waldensian Biblical MSS. which now exist."
J?fit).iquoted p. 328. Now, M. Berger recently wrote to us as follows : '• There is no
reason to think that there is any connection whatsoever between the Provengales
versions, the Waldensian versions, and Waldo. Everything tends to exclude
this hypothesis . . . We must, then, until the contrary is proved, deny his pater
nity in the Provengal version, which was that of the Waldenses." While quoting
these words of the eminent Parisian professor, we feel constrained to acknow
ledge that he tries in every possible way " to prove the contrary." We would
offer him here our best wishes for his success, together with the expression of
our heartfelt gratitude.
668 Library of the Convent of the Prfemontr^s of the Abbey of Teplis, near
Marienbaden, Bohemia, vi., 139. For the description see Preface to Codex
Teplensis, printed in 1881 to 1884.

The Waldenses of Italy. 335
669 Kraft, Bie deutsohe Bibel vor Luther, Bonn, 1883.
670 Biltz, Bie neuesten Sehriften, etc., article inserted in the Arohiv fiir das
Studium der neuereu Spraohen u. Litteraturen, vol. Ixxvi., n. 1 and 2.
671 F. Klimesoh, author of the publication of the Codex Teplensis, had not
mistrusted it at first. Biltz was the first to elucidate this point. See the
Sountags beilagen d. neuen Preuss, Ztg. Nos. dated 3rd and 17th July, 1881. Let
US remind the reader that there still exists another MS. preserving the old Ger
man version. It was described by Eachel, Bie Freiberger Bibelhaudschrift,
1866. This learned man proves that the two MSS. have a visible bond of
relationship as regards the text of the version.
672 See his work, Bie Reformation u. die dlteren Reform varteien, 1885
pp. 267— 260. -' /- ' .
673 In his pamphlet entitled : Beutsche Bibeliiber setzung d. mittelalter-
liehen Waldenser, 1885.
674 His pamphlet is entitled : Bie Waldenser u. die vorlutlierisohe deutsohe
Bibeliiber setzung, 18S5.
675 It is first the turn of Haupt to reply with Ber maldensische Ursqn-ung
des Codex Teplensis u. der vorlutherischen deutschen Bibeldruclie gegen die Ang-
nffe von Br. lostes. 1886 ; then foUowed Keller : Bie Waldenser u. die deutschen
Bibeiaber'setzuMjen, 1886 ; and, finally, the new answer of Jostes : Bie Tepler-
bibelubersetzung , eine zmeite Kritih, 1886.
676 Berger, Revue Historique, two articles inserted in vol. xxx. and xxxii.,
1886. He supports the theory of Keller and Haupt. Ph. Schaff, on the con
trary, hastened to side with Jostes. See The Independent, October 8th, 1885.
Ka,rl Miiller is inclined that way (see Zeitschrift fiir Kirchen geschichte, vol.
viii., 3rd ed.), without giving any decisive reason. See, moreover, his article in
the Studien u. Krifihen, 1887.
677 "Appears to me to be uncertain for more than one reason." Art. Bie
neuesten Schriften, etc.
678 Bie Waldenser, etc., p. 84 et seq. Berger thinks that Keller there
follows a dangerous ro,ad, which may lead him to very unexpected discoveries ;
for, is he aware, upon what text the version he is analyzing is founded ? See
the end of the second article of the Rev. Historique. Cf. Kolde, Gott qel.
Anz., 1887, n, 1.
679 Biltz. for example, vaguely attributes it to the Friends of God, the more
so, he says, that the preface to the German Bible, edition of Cologne, tells us
that this Bible had been circulating for a long time in the vaUeys of the Upper
Ehine, Ibid. We note, however, after Haupt and Berger, that the Waldenses
of Strasburg (1400), and of Basle (1430) possessed the German Bible. The Synod
of Treves (1231) already finds that the heretics of that city had it in their hands.
Now several among them seem to have been Waldenses. If, after this, we take
into account the very small size of the Teplis volume, we shall not be far fi-om
recognizing in this one of those little boohs which the Waldensian evangelists
carried with them, hidden under their rough cloaks.
680 Gilly had already remarked that the expression " lo filh de la vergena "
is used in the same sense as indicated above in the version of Dublin, and that
it is found also in that of Zurich, Grenoble, and Paris, and in several Waldensian
writings, but not in the version of Lyons. Rom-, vers., p. xiii. and 95.
681 Allusion is here made to those which Ch. Schmidt published in 1862.
682 Indeed, we know that at the diet of Worms, the representative of the
Roman court said to the Eeformer : " Plurima eorum, qu£e adducis ....
Waldensium sunt, Pauperum de Lugduno sunt . . hereses." P. Balan,
Mon. Ref. Luth., 1884, p. 182.
683 See a letter of the year 1368, hereinafter reproduced.
684 Dav. d'Augsb., ap. Preger, p. 29.
685 " Expositiones," says the inquisitorial record. Ochsenbein, op. cit., p.
•220. Cf. ibid., p. 251 et 387.
686 " Finxerunt quosdam rithm.os, quos vocant triginta gradus s. AugUhtini,
iu quibus docent quasi virtutes sectari et vicia detestari," Dav. of Augsb., ap.
Preger, p. 35.
687 Abriss der gesammten Kirchengeschichte, 1879, vol. iii., p. 406.
688 " Artieulos fidei septem de divinitate, et septem de humanitate, et decem
preoepta dechaloghi, et septem opera misericordise, sub quodam compendio et
sub quodam modo ab eis ordinate et composite, dicunt et docent." Bern. Guid.,
Practica inquisitionis hereticce pravitatis (Paris, 1886), p. 250.
689 It can hardly be a question of a compilation, from the Inquisitor s
remark. See Montet. Hist. Litt, etc., Pifeces justificatives, n. 3. Compare

336 The Waldenses of Italy.
those seven articles of faith with the Credo, after Thomas Aciuinas. See, more
over, the Ziveite Kritih of Jostes, p. 9 — 10.
690 Cod. S. Florian, xi., 152.
691 At Strasburg it is a question of a book which the magister uses during
the tervice ; at Friburg, divers writings in more than one language, especially
a treatise, in which it is said that suffrages and other such works are of no avail
to the souls of the dead.
692 " They were of a much later period." Rom. vers., introd. p. 35—37.
693 Op. eit. ch. ii.
694 That letter is in Latin. See Cod. S. Florian, vol. xi., p. 152. The tran
scription was made by Professor Karl Muller, of Giessen, who had the kindness
to send it to us. We are the more obliged to him as his task was a difficult
one. 695 The quotation is taken from the Vulgate, which is not very correct.
Segond translates : " Par voire perseverance vous sauverez vos ames." Luke
xxi., 19. Of course the letter ignores the division into verses.
696 Ps. Ixvi., 10—11.
697 1 Cor. xii., 26.
693 Ps. cxxxvu., 9.
6'.l8a Cf Matth. xxi., 44 ; and ,Luke xx., 18.
699 " Parvulos motus animi nostri ad Christum debemus allidere."
700 Matth. xviii., 7.
701 Job u., 1 ; and Ps. vii., 14—18.
702 See Prov. xviu., 19 ; but according to the Vulgate. In the English ver
sion the text is totally different.
703 Gal. vi., 2.
704 Ps. XX., 1—5, 7; cxix., 1: cxx., 1; cxU., 1, 2.
705 Ps. l.,15; Ix., 11, 12.
706 Ps. U., 17.
707 " Fatemur enim nos, ut apostolus ait, imperitos sermone vel sermocinali
scriptura, non tamen sine sciencia spirituall."
708 1 Cor., i., 19—20, 25—31.
709 These are the words of St. Paul, to which the editor had added a few
complimentary words.
710 Matth. xi., 25.
711 1 Cor. viii., 1—3.
712 Ps. cxxxi., 1.
713 Exodus ix., 9.
714 Matth. xi., 29.
715 Rom. xii., 3.
.716 2 Tim. iii., 7. The text of the letter contains an vt, instead of n-, but
this is probably only a lapsus.
717 Ephes. iv., 20.
718 1 Cor. xiii., 2.
719 Widom vn., 1.3.
720 James iv., 17,
721 Matth. xxiii., 12. Compare also 2 Cor. iii., 5 ; Eom. xii., 3; 1 Cor. iv.,20:
Eccles X., 1 — 6.
722 Matth xvi., 19.
723 Titus i., 5.
724 Matth. x., 1 ; xviii., 18.
725 Ps. xix., 4.
726 John xvii., 20, 22.
727 Matth. x., 9 ; xix., 21, 27.
728 " Nisi mecum manseritis, terram vobis prohibebo."
729 Matth. xix., 28, 29.
730 John xvi., 2. Cf. ibid.,^ v. 33, et xiii., 16.
731 " Terram vobis relinquimus, nos vero celum appetimus."
732 Ps. ii.,8.
783 Eom. xv., 4.
734 1 Cor. X., 6.
735 Eom. XV., 30 et suiv.
786 Matth. xxiv., 9.
737 Matth. x., 23 et suiv.
738 Ps. xxi., 11.
739 Job. xiv., 6— 8.
740 " Petrus de Walle et ejus socius Johannis Ludinensis a Ludone civitate
dictus (sic)."

The Waldenses of Italy. 337
741 " Tanquam ramus a vero trunco aqua sancti spiritus irrigate paulatim
pullulans, non principium sed reparacio nostri ordinis fuisse dicitur."
742 John ix., 34.
748 1 Cor. iv., 8, 4.
744 " Dicti sunt Waldenses et postremum Ludinenses pauperes a Ludone
civitate, in qua multo tempore conversati sunt . . . Viam scilicet paupertatis,
quam predicti viri secuti sunt pauco ante eum tempore et adhuc sequentes eorum
secuntur ut credimus juxta librum electorum."
745 "Tamquam leo a. somno consurgens."
746 The MSS., which is very difficult to decipher, is here somewhat
¦embarrassing. It seems to read : Sic in curiam uthabetis (or perhaps "hereticus")
est ingressus ab invidis reprobatus." '' Curia " can only refer to Eome."
747 Matth. xviii., 19, 20.
748 Matth. vii., 1 ; 1 Cor. iv., 5.
749 Aets v., 38.
750 Eom. 1, 28.
751 1 Cor. xi., 19.
752 Jer. li., 6. Cf. Matth. x., 5 ; Ephes. iv., 17 ; Rev. xviii., 4.
758 "Ut audivi." This expression is found precisely in the historical frag
ment heretofore noticed. The sentence is : " Post autem anuos DCCC a Constan
tino, surrexit quidam, cujus proprium nomen Petrus, ut audivi, fuit, sed a
quadam regione dicebatur Waldis." See my Introd. alia Storia della Riforma
in Italia, appendix n. 1. There is evidently a connection between this fragment,
or the -wi-iting from which it is taken, and the Book of the Just. The homo-
genity of the matter in both, is, moreover, evident.
754 Col.iv., 6.
765 " Est duplex : prima est propter testium absenciam. Nemo emm
hominum est qui audiverit seu -viderit proprium rei principium, qui multum
tempus jam est elapsum. Secunda racio magis principalis est propter persecu-;
clones innumeras, quas passi sumus ; unde multociens producti sunt libri nostri
quasi in nichilum, ita ut vix sacram paginam possemus reservare."
7.56 1 Cor. xi., 23. "Accepi . ... quod tradidi vobis," dit la
767 " Bt licet Petrus dictus Waldensis non accepisset, quod absit (fa,teiuur
enim fuisse presbyterum sacris ordinibus ordinatum cum Johanne suo socio sive
confratre ejusdem ordinis et postmodum ab illo cardinali de quo audistis favente
¦eidem confirmatum non dubitamus), tamen multi et innumerabiles sacerdotes
qui hane vitam sive fidem secuti sunt, nonne fratribus imponere poterunt ?
We know that this Cardinal is mentioned in the historical fragment.
758 Eom. viii., 28.
759 John x., 13.
760 1 Cor. i.. 17.
761 Ibid., ix., 13, 14.
762 John vi., 47, 54, 57.
763 "Crede et manducasti." . ,
764 " Cum communio sit unitas Christi et sancte ecclesie. '
765 " Auditis solum confessiones ; pro reliquis mittitis ad ecclesiam popu
lum . . . Vos tamen unum semisacrament.um." The letter is addressed :
¦" Profunde speciilacionis viris. fratribus in Italia, etc." . .
766 Envoicil'adresse: '• Dilectis, utinam in Christo fratribus universis et
specialiter hiis quorum legacio ad nos usque pervenit, Johannes, Petrus et
eorum consodales salutem in domino Jesu Christo." , . x i.
767 " Vestra Eegula narrat, ut ego memorie mee tradidi, quod sicut a tempore
Abraham usque ad Christum nunquam deficit lucerna fidei, sic a Christo usque
a,d nunc. Dicitur eciam ibidem, quod in principio vestri ordinis vehementer mul-
tipUcati fuerint fideles vestri qui aliquando M, aliquando verso (?) DOC in uno
synodo congregatur . . . Bt a Constantino et Silvestro usque ad inventorem
vestre secte Di'CC, additis CC annis ab invencione, quibus manifeste dicitur
eam extitisse, remanent vix L anni usque nunc so. anno dommi MCCCljA.Viii,
inquibus predicare publice desit." Here we are brought back again to the
historical fragment. „ . ,, ¦„*„.!;„
768 The \\'aldensia,n ministers and preachers were sufficiently aequainted m
a general way with Latin, and bilingual readings Latin and Waldensian
are not uncommon. We have an example of this at the present day, in tne
writings of Morel. , , ,,. , j v, tt„u„ /^„„„;, ,i
769 At least, according to the Genevan text published by Hahn, bescli. cl.
^Ito '^Af^^tfl:eli,, etc., ap. Zeitschrift /. die hist Theol, 1852, p. 238, et seq.

338 The Waldenses of Italy.
Schmidt published them underthe known title of Regale secte Waldensium, and
considers that the whole forms a discourse.
771 '• Vestra regula narrat, ut ego memorie mee tradidi, said the renegade
Jean, whom we have just quoted.
772 " Trametament," says the MS. See Montet, op. cit., p. 136—189.
773 " Alcuns volon ligar la paroUa de Dio segont la lor volunta.'
774 The aUusion is in this passage : " Dont lo es script que Costantin dis a
Silvestre e a tuit li successor de luy meseyme ; Nos donen la nostra corona en la
testa." 775 Montet, p. 67, et seq. . .
776 The discovery of this is due to Professor Alphonse Meyer. The original
treatise is in Greek. Pitra published it in his Sincilegium Tolesmense, vol. ui.,
p. 338 et seq. See the report of Mayer in the Sitztigscerichte d. philos-philol u.
hist cl. d. k., Ahad. d. Wissenschaften zu MUnchen, 1880, he liv.
777 Op. eit, p. 76. Cf ibid., p. 43—46.
778 Op. cit, p. 72. Cf. Bivista Cristiana, x., p. 235.
779 See Rom. Wald., p. 72—76 ; but, above all, the detailed study he made
of it, in VaeZeitschrift f die Hist. Theol., 1861, 4th part.
780 Op. cit, p. 64—68. .
781 "Li 4 entendement czo es estorial, alegorial, tropologial, anegogial.
Cantica iii., 10.
782 '• Nos latin diczen," says the commentator. See, moreover, the allusion
to the meaning of the word martyr in Latin (iv., 1), and more especiaUy the
Latin versesat the end.
783 Zeitschrift, l.c. Cf Rom. Wald. p. 31—34 and 63—65.
783* 784 "^Such a living picture of the condition of the Waldenses we shall
be unable to find anywhere else.'- Zeitsehrift,l.c
785 F<ierster, Li sermon saint Bernard, serm. xxi.
786 " Enquor n'est assez." Rom. Studien, l.c.
787 Traces of them are found in the Gallo-Ital. Predigten; it may ha-ve
been noticed that even that of bons homes is found there. See our quotation in
a note of the preceding chapter.
788 For example ; the designation of people, flock, or Church of the Poor,
already mentioned, and the passage concerning the jus gladii^ (v., 16), and
such expressions as "filh de la vergma " (viii., 4), "devant pausa " (vi., 9), etc.
789 See following chapter, concerning the rule of faith.
790 " L'emburUh son li predicador " (vii., 2).
701* 791 Cf. vi., 9 ; iv., 4 ; vi., 2.
792 See above (p. 194—196). MS. of DubUn.
793 See above, p. 186, or MS. of Dublin, p. 71. We quote these two MSS.
from a copy we have which belonged to the lamented Prolessor Zezschwitz.
794 On this point cf the art. of Zezschwitz on the Bohemian Brethren.
Real Eneyclu., 2nd edition, p. 655 — 658, aud Goll, Queller u. Unters'uchun^en,
part 1., p. 2S. Professor Goll informs us that instead of " Bohfemiens " (see
above, p. 196, n. 4), the original reads "Utraquistes."
795 According to three MSS., of Cambridge, Dublin, and Geneva. Montet,
p. 50 — 53, and Nuble Legon appendix.
796 Pu7-qatori soyma. Herzog, -/id'm. TFaM., app., n. i., reproduces the com
pared text of the MSS. of Gene-va and Dublin. I'he MS. of Geneva alone is
complete. 797 Lydius, Waldensia, vol. i., p. 42 et seq., 90 et seq. Montet is right
in wondering how Leger could have given to this treatise the date of 1120.
798 L6ger, in his history (i. 162), reminds the reader that the superstition of
the worship of the Saints was an ancient one, and hastens to conclude : " It is
therefore an obvious fact that the aforesaid feature of the Waldenses opposing
the netvly-born or growing doctrine of the invocation of Saints, must be of much
older date than that of Antichrist," and he dates this back to 1120, namely,
" fifty years previous to Waldo. "
799 This iu a writing, in the Trech language, upon Lucas of Prague. See
Montet, Hist. Litt, p. 173—175.
800 Montet, p. 176. We learn that Goll handed over to M. J. Muller, of
Hermhut, the duty of continuing the researches upon this point.
801 The Inquisitor who mentions these Rythmes indicates their object to us,
and adds, that they are not the only attempts of this kind. " Callide inserunt
ibi ritus sues et hereses, ut melius alliciant ad ea discenda et forcius inculcent
ea memoriter, sicut nos laycis proponimus symbolum, oraoionem dominicam, et
alia pulchra huius modi causa confiuxerunt carmina." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 17.
802 All but one have been published by Hahn, oji. cit, p. 660 et seq.

The Waldenses of Italy. 339
803 Lo Bespreezi del mont, after two MSS.. one of Geneva, end of XV.
century, the other of Dublin, beginning of the XVI. century. A Poem of 11.5
decasyllabic verses.
804 La Barca, after the two above-mentioned MSS., containing the pre
ceding poem ; furthermore, a MS. of Cambridge, belonging to the beginning of
the XV. century. A Poem of 56 stanzas of six Alexandrine verses, of which the
48th is irregular, being of 7 verses.
805 Bibliographic, p. 107.
806 See especially a few lines of the stanzas 17 and 19, which there is no
necessity for citing.
807 Ex. " en g^n^ral " and '• pas " at the 74th and 814th verses. According
to Tron, the Bark is of the XII. century.
808 Oragon, according to the MS. of Dublin before-mentioned, fol. 47, a.
They are 94 verses of uneven measure, sometimes even devoid of measure, witli
rhymes that are simply jingles.
809 See the Echo dcs Vallees, 1849, n. 10, p. 160 et seq., and the Bibliog. of
the Israel des Alpes, p. 129.
810 Bibliographic, I.e. The editor of the Echo dcs Vallees does not hesitate
to greet the Oraison, as a poem that comes to swell the list of the " numerous
poems composed five or six centuries ago."
811 Lo novel confort, after the three mentioned MSS. Poem of 800 verses,
or 76 " quatrains." The 40th lacks one verse.
812 Lo Novel Sermon, after the same three MSS. Poem of 408 verses,
divided into 21 couplets. 'The length of the couplet as well as that of the ver.. e
is uneven. 813 Dante in his Inferno, v., 31—45, makes use of the same idea.
814 L'Avangeli or ti Evangeli de li quatre semencz. after the two MSS. of
Geneva and Dutlin. Composition of 300 verses, divided into 75 mono-rhythmic
quatrains. 815 Lo Payre eternal, after the three afore-mentioned MSS. Poem of 156
verses, divided into 15 sections, or .52 stanzas of three lines each. Every section
is composed of 3 stanzas, the first of which refers to the Father, the second to
the Son, the third to the Holy Spirit. The poet also addresses himself directly
to the Trinity, twice in 2 stanzas during the course of the poem, and once at the
end. A capital letter precedes evei-y stanza, joining the three lines with a brace,
and indicating the subject with a P. an F. or an S., and also a T. The title,
therefore, does not correspond with the subject. It is taken from the first
words. 816 The Nobla Leiczon, a poem in Alexandrin verse, after the three afo:e-
mentioned MSS., and a fragment at Cambridge. Eaynouard was the first to
reproduce this poem with a translation. He took as his ground work the
Genevan MSS., and made use of Lager's copy. Many an error has crept, in.to
this reproduction, as well as in that of Gilly, and later in that of Herzog ; which is,
however, much less inexact. We have followed, in our first edition, the reading
of Geneva, after the only diplomatic copy in existence, due to Appelstedt. \\'e
follow here the MSS. of Cambridge, recently published by M. Montet. It is
more complete and more ancient than those of Geneva and of Dublin. It con
tains 481 verses.
817 Herzog suspects the interpolation of verses 439 to 456, and calls attention
to the direct relation between the verses that precede, and those which follow.
But this does not suffice to prove the fact. Rom. Wald., p. 78 — 79.
818 These la^t two lines are wanting in the Genevan and Dublin MSS.
They are reproduced from the MS. of Cambridge, according to Morland.
819 Cf for the summary, Montet, La Noble Legon, p. 11—18, which we have not
made use of in our work. He concludes thus : " "The poem is above all thing.s an
apology of the party, of which it sets forth, very plainly, the moral and religious
principles. In the midst of the persecutions, it forms a confession of faith, a
testimony which ought to demonstrate the innocence of the Waldenses, and at
the same time a banner, a rallying point for reanimating their courage and con-
iirming the hope they cherished, that justice would be done them. Ibid.
820 Sir Samuel Morland erroneously translates car hjfor, which corresponds
to the French car. Lfeger does not fall into that mistake. We kno-n' that car
had two meanings, one of which is rendered by que, the only one applicable m
this case. „ , .. -.or, i.
821 Bx. L6ger, i., 161, and all the ancients; Eaynouard, u., 137 et seq.,
Hahn, i., 6.5, Lerouxde Lincy.p. 7; Muston, ^ai«mm ; Flathe, i., 247 ; Monastier,
i., 105 et seq.
822 Rez. de Thiol., etc., anno 1851, p. 325.

340 The Waldenses of Italy.
823 Rom. Wald., p. 85. Cf 1 John ii., 8, with verses 461 and 453. This last
verse renders the expression of the Apostle to the letter. Montet adopts
Herzog's opinion. That of Mandet, which establishes a relation between tlie
verse of the Noble Lesson with passages of St. Paul, seems to be abandoned.
824 Todd, op. cit., pp. 183 and 184, remarks that we do not read ben han but
ben ha, and that we should say in Latin : Undecies centum anni completum est.
He adds that the Provengal, did not any more than the Latin, admit of the
agreement of a verb in the singular, with a noun in the plural. After that, is it
necessary to demonstrate the force of the two adverbs joined together : ben and
entieraiuent? 825 See the new Preface which Muston adds to the edition of his Isra'el des
Alpes lately put into the market, and which has been neither revised nor re
printed. He stops there, for he says on p. 16 of his E.Tcamen, etc.: " I only wish
to maintain here that the Noble Legon had already appeared, or did appear, at
the time of Waldo's arrival " in the valleys.
826 H. Bosio, La Nobla Leyczon consideree au tri2Jle paint de rue de la doc
trine, de la morale et de V histoire, ap. Bull, de la Soc. d' Hist Vaudoise, n. 2,
p. 20—36. 827 See the chapter on the Fraticelli, in my Introduzio7ie alia Storia della
Riforma in Italia, 18*^1, p. 285 et seq.
828 He claimed: (1) That the Noble Lesson does not bear the seal of the Wal
densian reaction. (2) That the Waldenses did not call themselves by that name
before the XV. century. Herzog had no difficulty in showing that the Goettin
gen critic was in error as to the first point, and that as regards the second, the
Noble Lesson does not authorize us to imagine that the Waldenses called them
selves by that name, but rather to conclude that it was indicted upon them by
their adversaries at an early period. Cf. Bie Waldenser, etc., p. 889, and Roni^
Wald., p. 80—81.
829 The foolish statements given currency to by the British Magazine, con
cerning Morland and Leger ; who are there suspected of having sent the Cam
bridge MSS. to Geneva, would, on the Continent, be sufficient to discredit any
Eeview whatever. Todd, Boohs, etc., p. 135—150. It is, therefore, not right to
quote them as specimens " worthy of the school of critics," as has been done by
M. Bosio, BuUettin dc la Sooiete d'Hist.. Vaud., n. 2.
830 " It is highly satisfactory." Biscoverii, etc.. after Todd, op. cit,
p. 210— 223.
831 Op. cit, p. 1-2.
882 Ibid., p. 132 — 133. Montet, however, adopts the same method for the
interpretation of the other reading. Can this be sustained ? He tells us after
wards, in his Noble Legon, p. 5, that he has changed his opinion. The terminus
a quo is now interchangeable for him with the Christian era. Berger was
already inclined to swallow this hypothesis, as more likely to be true. Rev.
Hist, xxxvi., 2nd part. Lfiger is avenged.
833 Examen, etc., p. 45.
834 " This name was probably introduced in a later revision." Rom. Wald.,.
p. 84. 835 P. Meyer wrote to Muston, 17 Dec, 1881 : "Since writing my article of
1866, I have seen the MSS. of Dublin and of Cambridge ; but only superficially
and without taking any interest in them. All of them appeared to me to be of
the XV. century at the earliest." How is this ; even tho^e whose date is fixed
at the beginning of the XV. century and at the end of the XIV ? That is
going a little far. But Meyer will not long be of this opinion. He wrote to us
recently : " Some day I intend to set to work on the Waldensian literature, as I
am but very little satisfied with all that exists on this subject." Moreover,
Foerster also pledged himself to this. Some 5 years ago he wrote, that, in his
opinion, the text of the Noble Lesson did not date back further than the XIV.
century, and he proposed to prove it one dav ; desiring first to publish a
grammar of the Waldensian dialect. See Riv. Cristiana, 1882, p. 102. We hear
that promise is about to be fulfilled. Mr. Boehmer, after reading what we have
above said, writes : " The impression made upon me— which I informed you
of— that the Nobla Leiczon might be very much older than is generally supposed,.
has been increased by your exposition of the matter.
836 See Montet, jjassim, and after him Bridel, Anderson Scott, etc.
837 We had just written these lines when we read the opinion given by
Professor K. Muller upon the origin of our literature. " All that has been given
out as Waldensian literature, before the Hussite period, is, -without exception, of
Catholic origin, and has never been Waldensian." Z-itsch f. Kirchenq by
Brieger, 1886, p. 506. Here we have a thesis going thoroughly to the root of the

The Waldenses op Italy. 341
matter. It is a pity, that, thus far, the author has not seen fit to justify it, and
that he has not had the time to do so as he had announced in his preface to his
book. Bie Walden,ser, etc.
838 "Avea 1' istinto del riformatore religiose, e ben sapeva trasfondere
altrui I'intimo suo convinclmento." Tocco, op. cit, p. 169.
839 'Tocco appears to find nothing but that. " Come ad imitazoine dei
Poveri di Lione sorsero i Poveri d' Assisi o frati minori, cosi ad imatazione dei
predicatori valdesi nacquero i frati predicatori." Ibid., p. 170.
840 According to two MSS. of Cambridge and Dublin. See Montet, p. 85.
841 Nobla Leiczon, v., 19, 217.
842 7*i(Z., v., 287— 288.
848 Some were not far from leaving the Old Testament on one side
altogether. " Vetus Testamentum non recipiunt ad credendum," observes Dav.
of Augsburg, " sed tantum aliqua inde discunt, ut nos per ea impugnent et se
defendant, dicentes quod superveniente evangelio vetera ommia transierunt.
One reading gives simply : "Vetus Testamentum non habent vel recipiunt, sed
evangelia." Ch. 5.
8M For ex., in the treatises concerning Antichrist and the Cau.se of the
Rupture, an inferior rank is assigned te the 2nd and 8rd epistles of St. John
than to the 1st. Cf, upou this point, the letter of fficolampadius to the
Waldenses. 845 Thus Herzog and Montet, v. Rom. Wald., p. 130—135, and Histoire
Littir., p. 81—84.
846 In our days. L. Desanctis held that the interpretation of the Holy
Soriiitures was not necessary ; this he did from a practical standpoint, and to
put an end to the sophistry of the Eomish theology. Whatever is true in this
opinion was practised by the early Waldenses.
847 " Nee aliquam expositionem super eis recipiunt." Practica, p. 2h2. It is
here a question relating te the oath, etc.
848 " Sensu proprio verba evangelii interpretari presumpserunt, videntes
nullos alios evangelium juxta literam omnino servare, quod se facere velle
jactaverunt . . . Mysticum sensum in divinis SS. ref utant." They give their
believers the impression that they are following the true reading : " boni et
sancti homines, qui haberent rectam scripturam." Wattenbach, Ueber die
Inquisition qeq en die Wald. in Pommern u. der 3Iarh Brandeniurg , Berlin,
1886, p. 44.
849 " An sensus allegorici sint admittendi, et si ad plebem docendam sint
utUes." Scultetus, Ann. Evanq.. etc., 1620, p. 295 — 315, vers la fin.
850 Nob. Leiczon, v. 426—428.
861 Ibid., V. 454—455.
852 The teaching of the " duae viae " is constantly found in the Waldensian
writings. It is proven, moreo-ver, by. the inquisitorial documents. It is, there
fore, characteristic. Is it necessary, in order to account for it, to find in it a link
with the Didaohe so-caUed of the twelve Apostles, as L. KeUer does, for in
stance? See Harnack, Tcvte u. Untersuchungen, vol. ii. It is in our opinion
more natural to recognise in it one of the maxims ef the Sermon on the
Mount. . .
853 " Dicunt et decent quod anime, quando exeunt de corporibus, immediate
vadunt, vel in paradisum . . . vel in infernum, et non est aUus locus animarum
post hanc vitam nisi paradisus vel infernus." Practica, p. 252.
864 Montet confesses that " there is no question here ot our most ancient
documents. The word purgatori is not to be found in any rescript of that
period." Op. cit, p. 89.
855 Thus in the treatise of the Purgatori .soyma . .,,,,,_., .
866 According to Bern. Fontiscaldis, one would imagine that the ideas ot
the Waldenses of his acquaintance on this subject were not definite. Ojj. cit.
867 " Primo . . . purgatorium esse non credunt" Ahtenstiiche, dans la
Hist Zeitschr. 1852, p. 253. . „ ^ ¦ „
858 " It is iu this sense that St. de Borbone mentions poenam purgatoriam,
and Eenier Sacconi the " presentem tribulationem." , . , i- ,.
869 " Dicunt et docent quod vera pa?nitentia et purgatorium de peccatis est
tantummode in hac vita et non in alia." Practica, p. 2o-2. Cf Limborch, Bib.
sentinquis. Tholos.,Amstevda,mim2,pass-im. „ „ ,. Q,7a^ni„„„+
860 " Negant post hanc vitam esse purgatorium. Practica, p. 247. Dicunt
non esse purgatorium." Dav. d' Augsb., ch. o. . „+ „i;,
861 " Consequenter orationes et elemosmas ac missarum celebi ationes et aUa
sufEi-agia pietatis que fiunt a fidelibus pro def unctis, ipsi asserunt non prodesse
Practica, p. 247. Cf. ibid., p. 246, 248, 252, et Lib. Sent., p. 208 ; Cons. Tarrac,

342 The Waldenses of Italy.
p. 1,800 ; Alanus. ch. 12, p. 387—388 ; Wattenbach, Ueber die Inquisition,
p. 57—59, 60-61. . . . . , ^ ^
862 " Non concedunt sanctos intercedere pro nobis, sive pro vivis vel detunc-
tis." Ahtenstiiche, etc.
863 Montet, p. 91. .,., „, ^,
864 Homily en Herod and Herodias, quoted by Montet, ibid. Of the
treatise on the Tribulations.
865 " Venerationein sanctorum dicunt esse ydolatriam." Ahtenstuclie, ete.
Cf . Ochsenbein, op. cit, p. 110 ; Preger, Beitrdi/e, p. 246. . , , , , „
866 " Si pro nobis deberet orare, et alii sancti, quid tunc gaudu haberent .'
WsMeribach, ibid., p. 55. .
867 " Quia beata Maria nullam haberet potestatem, nee sancti.' Ibid. . ^
868 " Quia non averterent faciem suam a Dee et a facie sancte Irmitatis.
Ibid., p. 56.
869 H aupt, Ber maid. Ursprung, p. 86.
870 " Ideo solum Deum invocaverit ... In solo Deo figere fidem. ' Ibi.i.
The passage from the Glosa Pater was corrected in this sense by the Wal
denses. Ii.C.
871 Nov. Sermon, v., 10 et seq.
872 Hist, des Variations xi., 87.
873 Nobla Lriczon, v., i3i—4S6.
874 Tocco, op. cit. p. 139—1.50 ; K. Miiller, op. cit., p. 136—138.
875 Keller has strongly emphasized this point. Bie Reformation, etc., p. 48
et seq. Cf. Dieckhoff; op. cit, p. 189, and Zezschwitz, Bie Kateehismen, etc.,
p. 102, where we read : " For the Poor of Lyons the Sermon on the Mount poss
essed the importance of a Gospel."
876 jV</J. Zr/<;20», V. 369— 373.
877 " Dicunt quod homo non debet mentiri ; quod omnis qui mentitur
occidit animam." Practica, p. 251 et passim. Cf Alanus, ii., 1.5 — 17; Limborch,
Lib. Sent, passim ; Consult Tarrac, p. 1,797 ; Ren. Sacconi, I.e., etc.
878 See, fer instance, the Practica, vp. ii., 78. A distinction is dra-wn between
sophisms " per verborem equivocationem, per oonditionis adjectionem, per
responsionis extorsienem, per admirationem, per translationem, etc." Cf. Dav.
D'Augsb., ch. 42.
879 " Quia Deus prohibuit omne juramentum in Evangelio .. . Et ista
verba multum imprimunt credentibus suis." Practica. ibid., ch. 6. Cf. ibid.,
ch. 8, et iii. part, ch. 34, where we see that the Waldenses rest upon the words of
James v., 12.
880 " Si aliquis de credentibus ipsorum compellatur." Ibid.
881 Cf. Alanus, ch. 18—19 ; Limborch and Pierre de Val dis Cernau, passim,
and the Coyisult. Tarrac. de I'an 1242, ete.
882 " Pauperes Lombardi concordant ... in juramento." E. Sacconi,
l.c. " Dicunt illicitum esse omne juramentum, etiam de vero, et peccatum mor
tale. Sed tamen dispensant ut juret quis pro evadenda morte corporis vel ne
alios prodat vel secretum revelet perfidie sue." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 5. Cf. Anon.
of Passau, p. 547.
883 '¦ Per hoc facile tunc poterant deprehendi et multi de medio auterri."
Dav. ef Augsb., ch. 18 et 31.
884 "Pro se vel alio a morte defendende." Ibid., ch. 18. Some accused
persons think that they are allowed to swear, if it be a question of witnessing to
the truth ; but this is deviation from the Waldensian usage. Wattenbach,
Ueber die Inqtiis., p. 63 — 6.5.
885 " Dicunt enim esse crimen inexpiabile et peccatum in Spiritum Sanctum
prodere aliquem de secta sua perfectum." Practica, Vine partie. 3. Cf. Dav.
d'Augsb., ch. 5.
886 " Hereticos deprehendere vel convincere modo est valde difficile, ut
quasi desperent." Dav. d'Augsb., ch. 28.
887 " Bxceptis valde raris, qui pertinacius errores sues aperte confitentur,
qui eciam pert ecti apud eos reputantur et pro magistris reputantur vel habentur."
Ibid., ch. 31.
888 " Sine expositioue debita.'' Practica. I.e., Cf. Alanus, ch. 20 — 23, and
the other sources indicated by us.
889 " Concordant cum primis ... in justitia soeculari." E. Sacconi.
890 "Dicunt non licere occidere maleficos per judicium seciilare." Dav.
d'Augsb., ch. 5. Cf. Anon, de Passau, ap. Flacius, Catal. test, verit., 1597,
p. 547. 891 " Quidam quadam supersticione asserunt, quod eciam animalia et bruta
non liceat occidere, ut pisces, oves et huiusmodi. Cum autem volunt talia man-

The Waldenses of Italy. 343
ducare, suspendunt ea super ignem in fumum, donee per se moriantur. Pulices
eciam et huiusmodi animalia excuciunt contra ignem vel vestem ipsam intin-
gunt in aqua calida, et tunc nolunt ea occidisse, sed dicunt ea per se mortua
esse." Dav. d'Augsb., ibid.
892 " Dampnant et reprobant imperatores, reges et prinoipes, marchiones,
lantgraveis, duces, barones, justiciaries juratos, judices et scabinos propter
quodounque hemicidium qnamcunque judicialiter et juste factum." P. Celestin,
ap. Preger, Beitrdge, etc., n. 72. Cf Anon, de Passau, l.c., et Wattenbach, op.
cit, p. 66.
893 Inde.v errorum, n. 8, ap. 3Iax. Bibl. Patr., xxv., p. 808.
894 It may be said that the resistance of the Waldenses in times of perse
cution does not go to prove this horror. We answer that the deeds of those
who were only termed the faithful, must not be attributed to the early and pro
perly called Waldenses, in addition to which, while theory may be easy, practice
is difficult. As for criticism, not only is it easy, but odious in this case,
especially on the part of Catholics.
896 " Ipsi inter se vocant se Fratres seu Pauperes Christi." Practica,
l.e., n. 9.
896 Matt, v., 6. " Vocant autem se pauperes spiritu, jiropter quod Dominus
dicit ; Beati pauperes spiritu." Anecdotes, etc., n. 342. Cf. ibid., n. 830.
897 More correctly Valdesietis.
898 See above, note .57. It is to legend we ewe the idea of deriving " Wal
denses, a valido mago, vel a valle," and the name of " Petrus a Valle. '
899 St. de Borb., who procured information in Lyons itself, writes :
"Dicuntur Valdenses a suo heresiarcha." Op. cit, n. 380. Map, who examined
the Waldensian deputation at Rome, says : " Waldesii a primate ipsorum Valde
dicti." Be nugis curialium, l.c. Alanus, Gui, Valdis-Cernaii, etc., testify to the
same thing.
900 See especially the Rescript ef the Poor of Lombardy.
901 In the letter of the Waldenses of Provence to the Protestants of Ger
many, of the year 1585, we read : " Valdenses olim invidiose nominati." Schmidt
Ahtenstiiche, l.c
- 902 Histoire, etc., ch. ii. Perrin had enunciated the same opinion. He
says : " Waldo commenced teaching the people, who were afterwards called by
his name." And on the subject of those of the Alps, who had fled from Lyons,
he adds : '-Who from Waldo, were called Waldenses."
903 Dieckhoff had noticed that ; he had even partly proved it. But to
Professor Miiller belongs the honour of setting it forth clearly in the aforesaid
book, p. 11 et seq.
904 Muller asserts that the name of Waldenses does not, any more than that
of the Poer of Lyons or of Lombardy, designate in the primitive literature of
the Inquisition, dissenting communities, or their faithful members, but merely
the preachers. He quotes in support of this the testimony of Bernard de Fontis-
caldis, Alain de I'lsle Ebrard of Bethune, Peter of Valdis-Cernaii, Peter of
Tarragona, the Boctrina de modo procedendi, Bernard Gui, and the Liber
Sentent-Inquis. Tholos., ap. Limborch v. o^a cit, p. 12—15. The German Inquisitors
would StiU make the same distinction, according to Muller ; they were, however,
the first to extend those appellations to the adherents of the " sect." M. Prfeger
is not of this opinion. He has shown that the above distinction has been at
the least exaggerated. See Ueber das Verhdltniss, etc., p. 57 et seq. ^
905 See »a.ssMK, the authorities quoted. It was also called the Family.
906 "Perfecti enim inter eos ... ; imperfecti vero . . . Inq.
anon of Passau, l.c, p. 266. Concerning the designation " oredentes, see St. de
Borbone, I.e., p. 294 ; the Practica, iu. part. n. 34 : v. part, ii., o et 9, and
907 "Ex tunc debent servare castitatem et non habere proprium, et vivere
de elemosinis." Practica. Vnie partie, ii., 5.
908 " Dedit pecuniam . . Pluries vendidit bladum m foro quod datum
erat Valdensibus et reddidit eis pecuniam." Lib. sent ntquu riiolos.,p. 224,
233. Cf. ibid., p. 232 ; Dav. d'Augsb., ch. 7, et Wattenbach, Ueber die Inquis.,
pamm. „ ^^^ .^ .^ inflrmitate, de qua decessit, clamidem suam Mandine
Valdensi et viginti solidos societati pauperum de Lugduno.'' Form, inquis.
'^giO**'- Ambulant inquiete nil operantes," dit Bern, de Fontcaude "Non
laborant manibus suis postquam sunt facti perfecti nee faciunt aliquod opus ad
lucrandum." Practica, l.c. Cf. Alanus, ch. 24 ; Ebrard de Bfethume, ch. 2.o.
911 " Nisi forsitan in casu ad dissimulandum. Practica, L.c.

344 The Waldenses op Italy.
912 Rescriptum Iter. Lombard., n. 6 et 7, quoted above in ch. iii.
913 " Comedunt panem etiosum, nil operantes ; nos vero manibus opera-
mus," say they, according to the Inquisitor of Passau, who observes that such is
their principle : " Omnem clerum damnant propter otium dicentes eos manibus
debere operari sicut apostoli fecerunt." Bibl. Max. Patr.
914 1 Cor. ix., 4 ; 2 Thess. ui., 7.
915 Muller observes that at the end of the XIV. and the beginning of the
XV. century, the abstaining from work is considered by the Waldenses of
Germany as an advance. Op. cit, p. 125. Cf. Rohrich op. cit, p. 42 and 51, and
Krone, Fra Bolcino, p. 201, on the subject of the " Eeguloe Valdensium."
916 Dicunt quod uxor a vire recedere ee invito et e contrario, et sequi eorum
societatem vel vicim continencie." St. of Borbone, iliid., n. 342. Cf 3Iart, and
Btirand, v., 17.')4 et seq,, and Ahtenstiiche.
917 "Non sal vatur nisi per veluntatem utriusque, nisi occasio justa inter-
venerit secundum quod commuui videbitur." Rescriptum, n. 12.
918 " Credimus legitime coniugates nisi ob fornicacionis causam aut utri
usque consensum neminem debere separare et hoc obsecramus fratres ultramon
tanes credere et fateri." Ibid., n. 9.
919 "Neo coniuges (habere), quas, si antea habueruiit, relinquunt. " Dav. of
Augsb., ch. 7.
920 It is to these regular sisters, we believCj the following words of Alanus
refer : " Mulierculas secum ducunt et eas m conventu fidelium pra?dicare
faciunt" Ct Ahtenstiiche.
921 Thus might, perhaps, be explained the following declaration related by
the Inq. of Passau " Sed unusquisque nostrem uxorem suam habet."
922 See the superabundant indication of confirmatory testimony, ap. Muller,
op. cit, p. 73, n. 3.
923 " Magister eorum," says St. of Borbone.
924 "Sciendum quod dixerunt quod Valdesius ordinem habuit ab universi-
tate fratrum suorum." Moneta, Adv. Cath. et Vald., p. 403. Thomas, the
Lombard, admits the fact, since he strives to justify it, in opposition to the
Eomish Church. In fact, he says : " quilibet de Ula congregatione potuit dare
Valdesio jus suum sc. regere seipsum et sic tota congregatio ilia potiut cenferre
et contulit Valdesio regimen omnium, et sie creaverunt ilium omnium pontifi
cem et prcelatum." Moneta replies to this, that if this reasoning justifies the
office of Eector, it does not legitimatize that of Priest, which office Waldo could
not have received in that manner, from a Catholic point of view. Dieckhoff did
not recognize in Waldo the priestly office, and Preger was the first to point out
this error. Beitrdge, p. 19 — 21.
925 " Se nolle aliquem in societate ultramontanorum aut ytalicorum fratrum
fore prepositum iu vita sua nee pest mortem." Rescriptum., n. 4. The reader
will remember that the Lombards had their "propositus" for life, called
Oto de Eamezello, who signed himself ; " Dei gratia confrater pauperum
spiritu." 926 Rescriptum, n. 15. Cf. Muller, op. cit, p. 83.
927 " Qui ambo," we read concerning them, "tunc temporis accionem ultra
montanorum annualemiii./.'te suam enn.suetudinem procurabant." Ibid.
928 An accused Waldensian declares : " quod in Ecclesia non sunt nisi tres
Ordines ; episcopalis, sacerdotalis et diaconalis." Lib. .tent., p. 290. Cf ibid.,
p. 289, 291, etc. Moneta writes : " Ordinem eoclesiasticum ipsi ad minus tripli-
cem confitentur, sell. Bpiscopatum, Presbyteratum et Diaconatum, sine quo
triplici Ordine Ecclesia Dei non potest esse, nee debet, ut ipsi testantur." Op.
cit., 1, v., ch. i. " Peregrinantur," says the Inq. of Passau, "et ita Lembardium
intrantes visitant Episcopos sues." We shall see further on that Bishops were
not recognized by the Waldenses of the Alps.
929 " Ad cujus potestatem pertinere dicunt sacramenta penitentie et ordinis
et eucharistie ministrare, nen con Evangelium ubicumque voluerit predicare, et
potestatem predicandi Evangelium et confessiones audiendi presbiteris dare."
Bern. Gui, Practica, ui. p., ii., ch. 35, entitled : Ordines quos dicunt Valdenses
esse in sua ecclesia, scilicet e^nscopi, jyresbyteri et dyachoni.
980 ''Licet communiter hoc non fiat." Ibid.
931 '-'¦ Ad potestatem presbiteri pertinet confessiones peccatorum audire,
non tamen potest penas peccatorum remittere, nee potest celebrare." Ibid.
932 " Taliter ordinatus dyachonus efficitur de eorum statu cum vote quod
facit paupertatis, castitatis et odedientie ; nee ante receptionem dicti ordinis
aliquis est perfectus in eorum statu." Ibid.
933 "Alii qui non sunt ordinati vocantur oredentes et amici eorum, a quibus
etiam recipiunt sustentationem." Ibid.

The Waldenses op Italy. 345
934 "Ad dyachonum pertinet ministrare tam majori quam presbiteris
necessaria corporis." Ibid.
935 Nen tamen habet jjotestatem audiendi confessiones." Ibid.
936 Thus says Muller, oq? eit, p. ."-'6 — 88.
937 " Major omnium," says Gui. He mentions him also as "majorem seu
majoralem." Do these two titles indicate the same office, or is that seu, which
means or. used there in the sense of and, according to a frequent custom in
the Middle Ages ? Cf Lib. sent. ing. Tholos p. 346 and 377, where mention
is made of a certain Crispinus " qui erat major inter eos."
938 This point will be brought out by what we shall have to say further on
about ordination. Gui supposes that the participation in this ordination by
other "majores" was possible, and he says that the Presbyter was allowed to
lay hands on him only iu case of the absence or decease of colleagues "majores."
Hence "major" and Bishoji are interchangeable titles. But is the ''major"
necessarily "majoralis ?" We are inclined to think not, and that " majoralis " is
equivalent to "major omnium."
939 Such is the opinion of Miiller, which we think he justifies very clearly.
Ibid., I.e.
940 -'Valdenses habent et constituunt sibi unum superiorem super si-.
quem vocant Majoralem suum, cui omnes tenentur obedire sicut omnes catholici
sunt sub obedientia domini Pape." Practica, v. partie, ii., 5. Cf. Lib. seiitent,
etc., p. 291.
941 " Singulis annis tenent aut celebrant unum vel duo capitula generalia in
aliqua soUempni villa occulte quantum possunt, convenientes in aliqua domo con-
ductam per aliquem vel aliquos de credentibus diu ante." Practica, l.c. The sa'me
instinct is te be found also in all dissenting bodies. These words correspond,
for instance, in a striking manner with what the Venice Inquisition teaches us
concerning an Anabaptist reunion, held in that city, in 1550. See Riv. Cristiina,
1S*'5, January and March.
942 For instance, in the case mentioned above, Miiller is not of that
opinion. He believes the idea of admitting the presence of laymen to the
Chapter held in the Valleys in the XIV. century, to be absolutely erroneous,
op. cit., p. 89. But is it jiroved that the rule does not admit the faithful 1 We
doubt this somewhat. See ante, n. 76'7. According to our interpretation, the
number mentioned, either by John XXII. or the separated brothers John and
Peter, is more easUy exijlaiiied.
943 " In illis capitulis major omnium ordinat et disponit de presbiteris et
dyachenibus et de mittendis ad diversas partes et regiones ad oredentes et
amices sues jjro confessionibus audiendis et elemosinis coUigendis, et audit et
recepit rationem de coUectis et de expensis factis." Practica, l.c.
944 See Dav. of Augsburg, ch. 9.
945 "Bini et bini circumeunt." Map. Z.c. Cf. Wattenbach, ?7e Jer fZ(e Inq.,
p. 44. They were the " major " and the " minor," the " senior " and the " junior "
the "payre religios major " and the " menor," called also the "devant pausa,"
and the "menor pausa." This "minor" or '-junior" seems to have been a
deacon. . , .
946 Practica, v. part, ii. 5. The Benedicite has al:-eady been mentioned in
the Consult. Amnion., 1235, and the Tarracon, 1242. The custom was not
adopted everywhere. ''They do not pronounce the blessing," confesses
AnguiUa BrechiUer of- Friburg in his interrogatory, March 23, 1429. See
Ochsenbein, op. cit, p. 186.
947 "Facta predicatione, flexis genibus." Practica, l.c .
948 An accused person being asked " an cautioum eoclesiasticum credident
magis valere quam simpUciter sub silenti celebrari," answers that he had learned
" quod meUus esset sub sUencio fierf" It is a question of the mass, but this
avowal is none the less significant. Another one declares to the judges that
" melius secrete orare," and that " esse cantum sicut grimnitum porcorum ante
pertain " A third confesses that he sang, in the Church, of course, but not to 1 e
observed A fourth says that he dees not think singing glorifies God, and that
it is preferable to serve him in the secret of one's heart. Wattenbach, op. ett.,
p. 31, 34, 62j 63. ^ ., ,
949 " Unum Paternoster plus valeat quam decem campanarum sonitus, et
plusquam Missa." Inq. of Passau. i, i, i. • ¦
950 "Nullam aliam orationem dicunt tunc nee decent nee habent nifi
orationem Paternoster." Practica, l.c. , , , . „, ¦ , v
951 " Non orant aliud nisi Paternoster, non addenio Ave Maria vel symho-
lum." Ahtenstiiche de Schmidt.
952 Montet, p. 92.

M6 The Waldenses qf Italy.
9.58 " Nee aliquid reputant salutationem beate Marie Ave Maria.'' Ibid.
954 One of the accused avows that his Waldensian confessor directed him
to recite the Lord's Prayer a hundred times, and not the Ave Maria ; adding,
however, that the Ave is from the Gospel : " esse evangelium et non esse
peccatum si diceret." Wattenbach, Ueber die Inquis., p. 33.
955 The confessions of the two accused persons, are as follows : (1) " Quod
dixerint sibi heresiarce, quod Avemaria scire deberet propter homines ; "
(2) Jusserunt tamen ei scire Avemaria propter sacerdotes de hoc fortasse quesi-
turos." Ibid., p. 56.
956 " Plurimi eorum ignorant Ave Maria." Index, etc., ap. Bibl. M.P., p.
307. Witness this -n'oman, who recites it thus : " Ave Marqe gracia plene
Domine dehen ey benedictus Jhesus Cristus amen." Wattenbach, ibid.
957 " Nee symbolum apostolorum Credo in Beum." Practica, ibid., Cf.
Inq. of Passau, ap. Fl. Illyr. whe notes : " Id est negant Symbolum esse oratio
nem." So true is it that they do not recite it, that Gui observes that in order to
surprise them, one has only to ask them: Canyon repeat 7" believe in God?
They will answer: "Nescio, quia nullus me docuit ita." According to Et de
Borbone, or to the interpretation of him given by M. Miiller, it is not the same
in Alsace, any more than in the valleys of the Alps.
958 " Dicunt ilia per Eomanam Ecclesiam et non per Christum fuisse
ordinata seu composita." Ibid. How shall we reconcile those words with the
legend of the Creed, composed of 12 articles, each having an Apostle -"for its
author ? Hahn gives it as Waldensian, because he found it in a so-called
Waldensian writing, but of Catholic origin. Op. eit, p. 605 - 611. Cf. with the
Articles de la Fe, reproduced by Montet, op. eit, Pieces justificatives, ii. 3.
969 " In illo plurimum gloriantur." Ibid.
960 "Non orant Psalmos ac orationes alias quantumcunque devotas."
Index, etc.
961 "In orando nen habent numerum determinatum, sed senior inter eos
incipit orationem et facit eam vel prolixam vel brevem, secundum quod sibi
videtur expedire." Ahtenstiiche, l.c. The author had just remarked that the
M'"aldenses made use of no other than the Lord's Prayer. As a private penance,
this prayer was repeated a great number of times, as we shall see.
962 " Prasdicatio vel lectio." Cone. Tarrac of 1242. Cf., on this point,
Montet, Noble Legon, p. 18.
963 " Omnes scilicet viri et femin^, parvi et magni, nocte et die, nou
cessant docere et discere. Operarius enim in die laborans, in nocte discit vel
docet." Inq. of Passau.
964 "Apud nos vero," says a Waldensian hawker, " tam femina? quam -viri
docent et discipulus septem dierum docet alium." ibid.
965 Ochsenbein, op. cit, p. 284,387, etc., and Rohrich, op. cit., p. 40, 49, etc.
966 It is difficult to admit that this book they were anxious to be able, if
need be, to conceal, contained the whole Bible ; although it may all have
been translated in Germany at least. Indeed, the Inq. of Passau says : " Novum
Testamentum et Vetus vulgariter trans tulerunt."
967 " Pro maiori parte sunt illiterati et scripturum lingua materna in corde
retinentes et experimentes." Ahtenstiiclie, ete.
968 "Habente Evangelia et Epistolas in vulgari communiter et etiam in
latino, quia aliqui inter eos intelligunt, et aliqui sciunt legere, sed ea corde tenus
didiscerunt." Practica, ibid., ch. 6.
969 " Expositiones sanctorum respuunt, et tantum inhterent textui." Inq.
of Passau.
970 " Quicquid prsedicatur quod per textum BibUas non probatur, pro fabulis
habent." Ibid.
971 Consult. Avinion., 1235.
972 " Puellas parvulas docent verba evangelii et epistolas, ut a puericia oon-
suescant." Dav. d'Augsb., ch. 15. Cf. ch. 5.
973 " Alter alteri ruminat . . . Ruminant alus." St de Bourbon, fio. cii.,
n. 349. -^
974 " Disce quotidie unum verbum." Inq. of Passau.
975 Anecdotes, etc., n. 349.
976 " Et plures alios, qui N. T. totum sciverunt perfecte." Inq. of Passau.
977 " Statim offerunt se promptos ad respondendum de fide sua." Practica,
v., part ii, 6.
978 "Qui tria capitula continuata N. T. literaliter sciat corde." Inq of
Passau. 979 " Omnis gloriacie eorum est de singularitate, quod videntur sibi pre
ceteris scioU, quod aliqua evangeli verba vel epistolarum sciunt corde vulgariter

The Waldenses of Italy. 347
recitare. In hoc preferunt se nostris non solum laycis sed eciam literatis, stulti,
non intelligentes quod sepe puer XII. annorum scolaris cencies plus scit quam
magister hereticorum LX. annorum, dum iste sola ilia scit, que usu corde affir-
mavit, ille vero per artem grammatice mille libros scit legere latine et ad
literam intelligere quoquo modo." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 13.
980 See John, i., 11. " Pius jocus," says Flacius.
981 " Dicendo et allegando : Istud dicitur in Evangelio,- vel in epistola,
sancti Petri." Practica, l.c
982 " Dicta Sanctorum nihil curant, nisi quantum pro secta eorum
confortanda retinent : sed tantum Novum Testamentum ad literam observant."
Index, etc.
983 We see, therefore, that the notion which attributes this maxim in its
negative form te the Gospel, is not recent. It is not likely it was the work of
people who committed the Scriptures te memory. So that it would seem that
it is the Judge who displays his ignorance in this case. Practica, l.c.
984 " Dicunt et docent credentibus suis quod confiteantur sibi peccata sua et
audiunt confessiones eorum." Ibid.
985 " Predicationem suam faciunt in domibus credentium suorum, aliquando
in itinere, seu in via." Ibid.
986 Op cit, p. 36.
987 " Matrimonium dicunt esse fornicacionem iuratam, nisi continenter
vivant." Dav. of Augsb. ch. 5. " Mertaliter peccare conjuges, si absque spe
prolis conveniant." Inq. of Passau. We must here note an isolated opinion :
"Quod erraverit Ecclesia olericis matrimonium prohibendo, cum etiam orientalis
concedat ut contrahant." Ibid.
988 " Confirmacionis sacramentam respuunt. Unctionem extremam res
puunt et oleum consecratum et crisma nil valere plus quam aliud." Dav. of
Ausgb., ibid. Cf Inq. of Passau, Ibid. It was not the same at Friburg. See
Ochsenbein op. cit. p. 187. According to Dav. of Augsb., I.e., " magistri eorum
imponunt manus discipulis -vice illius sacramenti." The imposition of hands,.
therefore, occasionally took the place of confirmation. Another Inquisitor says
the same thing, according te Preger, Beitrdge, p. 69, n. 14.
989 This perfect momentary agreement between the Waldenses of Prance
and those of Lombardy is noticed in the Rescriptum,. It is Ithere really a ques
tion concerning baptism "aque materialis." It is valid, not only if it be admin
istered "per homines layeos et maliciosos," but also "per mulieres etiam
meretriees." ibid., n. 8, 11, 17.
990 We see by the tone of the Lombard brethren, that they are preoccupied
by it in their Eescript. " Dicimus quod nemo aque materialis baptismum res-
puens potest salvari, parvulos vere non baptizatos minime credimus salvari et
hoc oramus eos credere et fateri." Ibid., n. 8. There were, therefore, some
Brethren who rejected this doctrine.
991 E. Sacconi, writing some years later, says : " Pauperes Lombardi ....
dicunt quod infantes salvantur sine baptismo." Dav. of Augsburg, Lc, adds :
" Quidam dicunt baptismum non valere parvulis ee quod nendum— one reading
gives ftK«.(7-Ka-ffi— actualiter possint credere." We read again : "Quod ablutio,
qu£e datur infantibus, nihU prosit." Inq. ef Passau. Cf St. of Borbone, op. cit,
n. 343. This latter writer says, on the subject of the Cathari : " Dicunt baptis
mum parvulis non proflcere ad salutem, qui neo motum neo actum habent fidei.
Ibid., n. 346.
992 See ante, p. 2.54. „ . ,. . .^^.,.
993 " Certe non habetis. Auditis solum confessiones ; pro reliqms mittitis
ad ecclesiam populum. Cum igitur ecclesia pepuUs ministret et sacramente
et multa aUa beneficia et vos tamen unum semisacramentum. . . . Cod. S.
^i'i' kd.'?Ta,nek,Reformateurset Publicistes,19,(A,p.W2.
995 " Sicut Apostoli laici erant." Inq. of Passau. Cf. Bern, of Fontis Oaldis
Q »\ j-i AIqtiii^
996 Unordained laymen are distinct from the community. "Quidam dicun
tur perfecti eorum, et hii proprie vocantur Pover de Leun. . Dav. of Augsb.,
ch. 7. " Alii qui nen sunt ordinati, vocantur oredentes et amici eorum ; but
not "brethren." Practica, iii. p., 'A5. „„„+;„„o„ ot
997 "Sic, sine aUquia lalia ferma verborum . per solam orationem et
manuum impositionem apud eos episcopus ordinatur. Practiea,-m part, ch •
intitule: Ordines quos dicunt Valdenses esse rn sua ecclesia, scilicet episcopi,
m-esbiiteri et dyachon. . , . ,, 7j,.j
m " Potest tamen ordinare majorem sen majoralem ipsorum. Ibid
999 "Tam layci et ydiote, quam etiam litterati, dummodo probati prius

348 The Waldenses op Italy.
fuerint in dicta secta et eleoti postmodum, sicut superius est expressum." Ib-id.
1000 " Prius per aliquod tempus examinant eum." Ahtenstiiche.
1001 " Nee omnes ad hanc formam assumuntur sed prius dill inf ormantur, ut
et alios sciant. docere." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 7.
1002 " Quia alias nullus suscipitur nisi sit castus et ab omni consortio miili-
erum immunis, quoad opera carnalia." AMenstuche, etc.
1003 " De alus articulis nullam faciunt omnino mentionem.'' Ibid.
1004 " Vota vero que ab eo requiruntur sunt hec ; primo, ut premittat obe-
dientiam Deo ; secundo castitatem . . . ; quarto, quod nullam habeat spem
seu sustentationem manuum suarum, sed paupertatem voluntariam imitetur."
Ibid. The third point relates to the oath, and the fifth te the relation with
parents. 1005 " Non redimat vitam eorum, in captivitate constitutus, vel quocunque
mortis periculo preventus, false juramente vel aliquo peccata mertali . . .
Quod non habeat maiorem confideutiam de consanguineis suis, quam de aliis
hominibus ejusdem secte." Ibid.
1006 " Credunt quod a beato Clemente citra exclusive, nullus successit B.
Petro apostolo aut Lino vel Clementi, qui haberet potestatem ligandi vel
solvendi usque ad Don Valdense." See Martfene and Durand, v., col. 1754.
1007 "Ponunt solum Deum a peccatis absolvere." Et. of Borbone. "Sacer
dos non est nisi pronunciator. . . . Non valent indulgentias pra?latorum. cum
nullus peccatum possit dimittere, nisi solus Deus." Index errorum. Cf. Lib.
Sent, passim..
1008 Ille oui fit confessio peccatorum, solummode dat consilium, quod
debeat homo facere, et injungit poenitentiam, et hoc potest facere homo sapiens
et discretus, sive sit sacerdos, sive non." Lib. sent., inq. Tholos., p. 290. Cf.
NoblaLeiczon, v. 408—413, the Barca, etc., passim.
100 " Ipsi esiam ad ecclesiam ficte vadunt, offerunt et confitentur et com
municant ficte." Anon, de Passau. ap. Flacius, p. 547. Cf. Dav. of Augsb.,
ch. 14 and 21.
1010 . See Eohrich, op. cit, p. 39, 58 et 68. However, all do not make this
distinction between venial and mortal sins. " Dicunt quod omne peccatum sit
mortale, et nullum veniale," notes the Inquisitor of Passau.
1011 " Non tenetur quis confiteri sacerdoti, si pr;esto sit laicus." Alanus, 1.
iu., ch. 9 et 10.
1012 " Bonus laicus potestatem habet absolvendi." Inq. of Passau.
1013 Wattenbach, Ueber die Inq., p. 35, 36, 42, etc.
1014 From the age of 10 years. Ibid., p. 86.
1015 Seme of. the accused expressed themselves thus : " Tenuerit eos pro
confessoribus melius presbiteris potentibus dimittere sibi peccata . . . Sanctos
homines, melius peccatoribus dimittere peccata presbiteris," etc. Ibid.,
p. 80, 42. i- I' . ,
1016 " Tanquam a pueritia . . . Sicut quando quis nascitur de ventre
matris." Ibid., p. 42, 44.
1017 "Si moriretur ipso anno, statim evolaret ad celum . . . Cui
loqueretur semel in anno, non posset dampnari. Tbid., 45, 43.
1018 "Non ordinatos presbiteros, nee misses ab ordinario . . . Habent
potestatem a Deo . . . ab ore Dei." Ibid., p. 42, 44.
1019 " De septennio ad septennium venirent ante paradisum ad audiendam
sapientiam . . . Semel in anno venirent ad paradisum duo ex ipsis et
reciperent ibi a Deo autoritatem melius presbiteris dimittendi peccata." Ibid.,
p. 44. 1020 " Dicit ita : Deus te absolvat ab omnibus peccatis tuis, et ego injungo
tibi contritionem de peccatis tuis usque ad mortem, et talem poenitentiam
faciendam." Practica, iii., p. 35.
1021 Ahtenstiiche, etc. This form is borrowed from an ancient German
dialect. 1022 "Dicunt confessionem in morte facile abolendam, vel per manus
imposicienem alicuius doctoris ipsorum." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 22. Cf. Anon of
Passau, p. 545.
1023 Some cases of falling away are accounted for by the excessive rigour
of the penances imposed. Bx. Wattenbach, Ibid., p. 47.
+V, ^c^'^ " Puta orationes, vel jejunia, vel utrum que," adds Gui, after quoting
the formula ef the Bishop's absolution. This expression oorresponds exactly
to the penances which we find in the trials.
1025 Wattenbach observes, that, as a rule, penitents were to repeat this
prayer as often as 50 times en working days, and on Sundays about 100 times.
lbid.,p. 45. Cf. Lib. sent, passim.

The Waldenses of Italy. 349
1026 "Ne ceteris veniant in horrorem, quia dicunt quod carnes con-
cedere quacumque die non est peccatum, quia Christus non prohibuit vesci
carnibus nee precepit ab eis abstinere." Practica, v., p., ii., 5.
1027 " Quidam autem . . . affligunt se multum ieiuniis et vigiliis et
huiusmodi." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 5. Cf. the words of Siegfried, ante, p. 255.
1028 "Quatuor dies in ebdomada, jejunant, videlicet 2, 4, 6 ferias et
sabbatum, unum illorum dierum in pane et aqua, scilicet feriam sextam, nisi in
itinere vel in alio gravi labore sive alia causa rationabUi impediantur." Aliten-
stiiclte. Cf. Fl. Illyricus, p. 559.
1029 " Jejunandum in pane et aqua." Wattenbach, Ibid., p. 46.
1080 " In pane et cervisia . . . In pane et tenui cervisia." Ibid.
1031 " Supra celarium in camera." Ibid., p. 49, 42. Penitent^ frequently
did not know the names of the confessors, ibid., p. 41.
1032 " Quod concegsum est cuilibet homini sine peccato mortali consecrare
illud." . E. Sacconi. " Quidam dicunt tantum per bonos fieri, alii autem per om
nes qui verba consecracionis sciunt." Dav. of Augs., ch. 5. " Quod bonus
laicus, etiam muller, si sciat verba conficiat" Anon, of Passau, ap. Fl. Illyr.,
p. 645. 1033 " Quod sacerdos in mertali peccato non possit conficere." Anon, of
Passau, l.c. In France there is this expression, taken from Consult. Tarracon.,
I.e., p. 1800 : " Quod in sacramento alfeiris panis et vinum postquam consecratum
est, non efficitur corpus et sanguis Christi, si sacerdos sit pecoator, et quemlibet
reputant peccatorem, nisi sit de secta eorum." These words are repeated in
Practica, v. ii., 3.
1034 See what we said on the subject of the Ortlieber in ch. 3, p. 83, and cf.
St. of Borbone, op. cit, n. 843.
1035 " Corpus Christi et sanguinem non credunt vere esse, sed panem tan
tum benediotum, qui in figura quadam dicitur corpus Christi, sicut dicitur ;
Petra autem erat Christus, et simile." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 5. Cf Haupt, Ber
Wald. Ursprung, p. 86, n. 8.
1086 "Sicut in cena Christi." Dav. of Augs.. ibid. " Confioiunt in vulgari
et dant sacramenta." Anon, of Passau, p. 546.
108'7 " Confioiunt in picario, i.e., poculo domestico, pro calice." Anon, of
Passau, p. 647.
1038 " lUe qui pra?est inter eos, si est sacerdos, convocat omnes de sua
famiUa," that is to say of the community, thinks MuUer. See appendix to the
Disp. inter catJiol. ct pater, hEBreticum, ap. Mart, and Durand. Thes. nov.
anecdot., vol. 5, 1754. Gui reproduces this excerpt but with some variations.
Practica, v. p., u., 4.
1039 "Unum bonum scyphum de bono vino pure et unam fugaciam
azimam.'' Ibid.
1040 "Credunt firmiter et confitentur quod istud est corpus et sanguis
Domini nostri Jesu ChristL" Ibid.
1041 " Nisi panem benediotum et vinum." Ibid.
1042 " Omnes Pauperes utrius que seotie eumdem modum consecraudi tene-
bant, scilicet proedictam ante divisionem quce fuit inter eos." Ibid.
1043 MuUer, o^J. cit, p. 82. These detaUs are gathered partly from the
Summa of E. Sacconi ; p.trtly from the Bisputatio inter Cathalicum et Patari-
Juercticum; finally, from the Boctrina de modo procedendi contra

1044 '' Dicunt quod mains sacerdos non potest conficere." Along -with this,
the predominating principle, diversities of opinion are to be found ; thus :
" Quilibet potest absolvere, conficere et Ugare, dummodo sciat verba 4 j-*^
stilche,lc. Again: '-De corpore vero Domini sentiunt (Pauperes Lombardi)
etenim pejus quam primi (Pauperes Ultramontani) dicentes quod concessum est
cuilibet homini sine peccato mortali consecrare Ulud." Beg. Vald., ap. Krone,
p. 202 Cf Een. Sacconi. This right appears to have been recognised, even in
women "Bonus laicus, etiam muller. conficiat" Inq. of Passau, ap. Flacius.
Et de Bourbon says : " Quidam . . . dioentes quod ordo requirit sexum virilem :
alu non faciunt differenciam . . . Vidi hereticam que super arcam ad modum
altaris paratam consecrare. . . ." Op. cit, n. 348.
1046 " Sibi mutuo partecipantes." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 6. . . _
1046 " Quo facto, tam asserem quam cochlear in ingem projicit comburenda.
1047 "Plurimi tamen magistrerum suorum abhorrent hoc . . Abscondentes
se . . . paschali tempore, ne a Christianis agnoscantur." Index, eta.
1019 MiiUer has collected the foUowing: "Oredentes qui C9mederunt
anpem etpioem in die eene juxta maledictum morem suum a Valdensibus bene-

350 The Waldenses op Italy.
dictum, cum firmiter existiment ipsi oonsiliarii quod Valdenses tunc credunt
conficere corpus Christi." What is this picem ? Perhaps a derivative oipicari-
um or of p'ieeum, the cup. V. Consult. Avinion. 1235. Cf. Ducange on this
expression. ¦' Si cum eis (that is to say, with the Cathari and the Waldenses)
comedit aut hibit vel de pane benedioto ab eis accepit." Consult. Tarrac, 1242.
" Si pacem ab htereticis vel Valdensibus vel panem ab eis benediotum a quocun
que sibi missum vel datum scienter et dampnabiliter receperunt." Consult Nar-
bon, 1248. " Accepisse pacem amulieribus valdensibus, comedisse eciam de pane
in cena domini ab ipsis Valdensibus benedicte . . . Et multociens pacem ab eis
accepit et comedit de pane etpisce benedicte a Valdensibus in die eene." Form
Inq. Carcass, n. 8.
1050 Schmidt, Hist des Cathares, ii., 180, 131.
1051 If JMuUer had examined attentively, would he not have found that the
origin of this rite is, after all, less mysterious than he thinks.
10.52 " Quando audiunt confessiones, dicunt confitentibus quod quando con
fitebantur sacerdotis non dicant neo revelent eis quod cenfessi fuerunt ipsis
Valdensibus." Again : " Si confitebantur peccata sua semel in quadragesima vel
ante pascha proprio sacerdoti." Practiea, v. part, ii., 6 et 9. This does not pre
vent us from comprehending that believers neglected to confess to the Priests
of the Church. Lib. sent, etc., p. 241 and qMssim.
1058 " Eatis ad ecclesiam, solvite decimas et jura sua olericis." Consult.
Tarracon,&n. 1242.
1054 See the quotations mentioned by Miiller, opi. cit., p. 95, n. 1.
1055 " Non esse subjectos domino pape . . . neo aliis prelatis Romane
Ecclesie." Practica, ibid., chap. 3.
1056 " Asseverant se non posse excommunicari ab eisdem romano pontifice
et prelatis." Ibid.
1057 " Sanctiones canouicas decretalesque constitutiones summorum pontifi
cum et statuta de jejuniis et de testis colendis ac decreta Patrum predicta secta
devians a via et recta semita non recepit neo valere reputat, sed spernit et respuit
et cendempnat." Ibid.
1058 " Melius esset vobis quod essetis custos porcorum quam quod celebratis
missam, quia estis in peccato mortali." So says Crispin to a Priest. Lib. sent..
p. 263. 1059 " Ecclesia malignantium et bestia et meretrix quEe leguntur in Apoca-
lypsi." Een. Sacconi. Cf. Anon, of Passau, ap. Fl. Illyr., p. 544, and Dav. of
Augs., ch. 5.
1060 '¦ Omnes obedientes dampnari." Dav. d'Augsb., iJi^Z.
1061 " Quod ipsi sint Ecclesia Jesu Christi . . . Ipsi soli juste vivant."
Anon of Passau, l.c. " Se solos esse Christi Ecclesiam et Christi discipulos
affirmabant." Dav. ef Augsb., I.e., Cf. Index, etc. " Dividunt unitatem Ecclesie
oredentes et dicentes hominem virtuose viventem solum in sua fide salvandum."
Ahtenstuehe, I.e. Keller interprets this passage arbitrarily, for the purpose of attri
buting to the Waldenses the doctrine of salvation by faith alone. Bie. Ref, p. 249.
1062 " Haec omnia dicunt agi propter qua?stum." Inq. of Passau.
1063 '¦ Velle etiam potius sepeliri in campo quam in coemeterio, si Ecclesiam
non timerent." Ibid. Cf. Index, etc.
1064 " Ornatum BcclesiEe dicunt esse peccatum, et quod melius esset vestire
pauperes, quam ornare parietes." Inq. of Passau.
1065 " Universitates scholarum . . . reputant inutiles et temporis per
ditionem." Inde.e, etc.
1066 " Omneii clerum damnant propter otium, dicentes eos debere manibus
operari." Ibid.
1067 ".Quod omnes observantia; religiosorum sint traditiones Pharis^orum.
Quod traditie LcclesiEe sit traditio Pharisa?orum." Inq. ef Passau.
1068 "Hoc vocant decem precepta." Ibid.
1069 " Quod nemo cogendus sit ad fidem." Ibid.
1070 " Sicut nos non posse vivificare, sic non debere occidere." Bidex, etc
1071 Quod omne peccatum sit mortale." Inq. de Passau.
1072 " Quod missa nihil sit, quia ApostoU eam non h.abebant " Ibid
^ l^^'S '' Nisi tantiim verba Christi vulgariter," i.e., the sacramental' words.
Ibid. Cf. Index, ete.
1074 " Ecclesiam vocant Steinhauss vel StroWtauss Ecclesiam
muratam reputant ut herreum ... nee Deum ibi habitare autumant " (See
Acts xvu., 24). ^
1075 " Quod terra et populus non sit per Parochias dividendus Quod
omnia jura parochialia sint tantum ad inventiones." Ibid

The Waldenses of Italy. 351
1076 Quod doctrina Christi, sive Apostolorum, sine statutis Ecclesia? sufficiat
ad salutem." Ibid.
1077 "Omnes consuetudines Bcclesiie approbatas, quas in Evangelio non
legunt, oontemnunt." Ibid.
1078 " Omnia Statuta Ecclesie post ascensienem Christi dicunt non esse
servanda nee alicuius esse valoris." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 6. This principle is a
radical one, but still Waldensian. Ct. among other sources upon the polemics
the 92 articles enumerated by the Inquisitor Peter ap. Preger. Beitrdge, p. 68. '
1079 This detail, which is true of the Waldenses of Germany, would not
generaUy speaking, have been so of the Waldenses of France. The rest is
susceptible of a general application.
1080 " Casti etiam sunt, maxime Leenistse." Max. Bibl. Patr., xxv., col.
272. This reading is doubtless more correct than that of Fl. Illyricus, who says :
" Casti etiam sunt Leonistoe." Catal., p. 658, 659.
1081 "Semper operantur, discunt et decent, et ideo parum orant" Ibid.
We read also, in the same volume, eel. 263 : " Operarius enim in die laborans, in
nocte discit vel dicet : et ideo parum orant propter studium." Instead of
"semper operantur." Fl. Illyricus says : "Si autem operantur vel discunt vel
docent," etc.
1082 " Ut capiant in sermone," Ibid.
. 1088 " Cognescuntur etiam in verbis prsecisis et modesta." Ibid. In lieu of
these words, Fl. Illyricus reads as follows : " Consimiliter et mulieres eorum
sunt modestEe."
1084 " Nee dicunt vere vel certe, et similia : quia ha?c reputant juramenta:"
Ibid. 10S5 " Stinserunt lumina dicendo : Quilibet faciat pro quo est ibi quis habe-
bit tenrat." See the trials of the year 1387, inserted in the Arch. St. Italia, anno
1865, and examined in the Rcvi.sta Cristiana, 1876, p. 169 and 217 ; the trial of
Philip Eegis in the same Eeview, 1881, p. 363 ; that of Barbe Martin, reproduced
by Morland and Allix, and which we shall analyse further on ; moreover, -vide
ante and Eorengo, 3Iem. Hist., ch. 2, and Lfeger, b. i., p. 182, etc.
1086 Gaston Boissier, from whom these words are borrowed, adds : " Five
centuries before, the fanatics assembled for celebrating the Bacchanalian feasts,
' had been reproached with the same crime." Rev. d. B.M., 15th April, 1876. The
origin of the calumny is, therefore. Pagan.
1087 SeeMiinitius Felix, Octave, ch. 8; Athenageras Leg., ch. 3 ; TertuUian,
Apol., ch. 2 and 7, etc.
1088 " Aliquando faciunt extingui lumen,.si sit ibi, propter hoc, ut dicitur, ut
non videantur vel deprehendantur ab extraneis seu exterioribus non consentien-
tibus in facto eorum." Practica, v., p. ii., 5.
1089 "In nocte maxime perterrebatur,'' confesses a woman, "propter
ablacionem luminis in commode ubi sedebat." Wattenbach, Ueber die Inq.,
p. 40. 1090 " Dicitur," says Gui, in recording the circumstance we have just men
tioned. Elsewhere, he shows clearly that he has not rejected the calumny.
1091 Thus do we account for the depositions of Galosna and Bech in the
Processus contra Valdenses, ap. Arch., St. It. The first recants. The second
contradicts himself in two ways : first in his testimony itself, and then where
he states that the heretics, of whom he speaks " nunquam tangent mulierem,
et mulier unquam virum nee aliam personam qnamcunque." Moreover, the
heretics there called Waldenses are principally Cathari.
1092 " Quod autem ut dicitur . . . extinctis lucernis pariter fernicentur,
non puto istius esse sectae, nee aliquod horum veraciter, intellexi ab illis, quibus
fidem adhiberem." Dav. of Augsb., ch. 10. This was said of the Cathari :
" Cathari dicuntur hoc facere." Cf Ibid., ch. 6. The same is repeated in the
Practica, v., part ii., 5.
1093 See the observations of G. Amati upon the above noted trials, m the
Arch. St. Ital., and what the procurator Pas:ano of Cosenza stated not
long ago, in speaking of the sect of the Saints of Calabria. Tribuna, 12 January,
1887. . ^ 1. • -t. • 1
1094 " Magnam habent speciem pietatis, eo quod coram hommibus juste
vivant" Inq. ef Passau, ibid., p. 264. " Speciem sanctitatis et fidei pretenden-
tes." Bt of Borbone, n. 342. , , , , ^
1095 " Could greater praise be given to the Waldenses, from the mouth of
one of the Inquisitors whe was persecuting them.'" exclaims Haupt, Bie relig.
Sehten, p. 25.
1096 " Laneis inductis," pays Map.
1097 See above en the subject ot the Poor Catholics, p. 71 and 73.

352 The Waldenses of Italy.
1098 " SandaUis desuper perforatis." Innocent III., Epist. xu., I.e.
1099 "Insabbatati dicti sunt, quia . . . speciale signum m modum quasi
scuti in parte superiori cotularium deferebant, in quo signo ab alus suis compli-
cibus et credentibus difl'erebant" Practica, v . part, li., -2. „, _ ^
1100 "Eb. de Bethune, Contra Valdenses, ch. 25, ap. ^(6. M. Patr., xxiv.,
p. 1572. C. P. Valdis Cernaii, ap. Duchesne, Hist. Franc. SS. v., 557, or Bouquet,
EecueU, vol. xix., 6. . 11,41.
1101 " In domo tua te presente m loco multo suspecto plures latentes
heretici cum libris et sandalus et varia supellectiUa sunt invecti." Form., mq.
Carcass., n. 8. This is how a presbyter, who came from Dauphiny to Avigliano
is described a century later : " Niger, cum quadam oppellanda de panne bruno
et uno mantello de blaveto scuro." Proces.sus, ap. Areh. St. It, n. 39, p. 8.
1102 '¦ Vadunt autem in diversis habitibus vestium . . . ne agnoscantur, et
eum transeunt quandoque de domo forte in domum, aliquod onus deferunt palee
vel vasis, et in obscure vadunt, ne (luis perpendat quid agant." Dav. of Augsb.,
ch. 8. Cf. ch. 17. , . 1 ¦ 1. 1, 1
1108 " Aliquando quidam maximus inter eos fuit captus, qui secum^^terebat
multorum artificiorum indicia, in (lue quasi Proteus se transtigurabttt" St. of
Borbone, OjU. c-/^, p. 293. . ^ . ,.
1104 "Si quereretur in una similitudine, et ei innotesceret, in alia se trans-
mutabat. AUquando ferebat habitum et signacula pegrini, aliquando bacculum
penitenciarii et ferramenta : aliquando se fingebat sutorem, aliquando barbiton-
sorem, aliquando messorem." Ibid. Cf ibid., p. 280.
1105 We take this description from its source, namely, the writings of the
Inquisitor of Passau, Max. Bibl. I'atr., xxv., col. 273.
1106 " Habeo pretiosiores gemmas."
1107 " Tantum rutilat, quod ainorem Dei ascendit in corde habentis eam."
1108 Luke i., 26 ; John xiii., 1.
1109 Matth. xxiii., 2, 18 ; Mark xii., 38—40.
1110 " De olericis et religiosis."
1111 " Eabbinos vero tales non qua?rimus."
1112 Already quoted, note 921. We should be inclined to conclude from this
statement that there is here no question of ministers. But it is well to bear in
mind that this took place in the centre, where universal priesthood was most
marked, and where they condemned the enforced celibacy even of the Priests.
See ante, note 987.
1113 Cf. the following passages. Luke vi., 24 ; Matth. xxui., 14 ; Eev.
xiii., 10 ; and Luke xi., 52.
1114 '• Quia veram fidem Christi habemus, et sanctam vitam et doctrinam
docemus omnes nos, ideo . . ." etr.
1115 " Nos vero omnia facimus qua? docemus."
1116 "Nos vero tantum doctrinam Christi servare suademus et Apostolorum'."
1117 " Per manus impositionem omnia peccata relaxamus."
1118 " Eligite eam."
1119 See Echo des Vallees, 1st year, n. 7.
1120 That Avas the idea on which is founded the graceful poem of the late
Professor G. A. de FSlice, entitled, Le Colporteur Vaudois.
1128 "Audivi ab ere credentis cujusdam, quod quidam liEereticus, quem
novi. ad hoc tantiim, ut cum a fide nostra averteret, et ad suam perduceret per-
verteretque, nocte hyemali tempore per aquam, qua? dicitur Ibsa (Fl. 111. dit :
Ibis) natavit ad ipsum." The astounded Inquisitor here exclaims : "Erubescat
negligentia fidelium Doctorum . . . Observa fervorem in docendo et dis-
cendo." Inq. of Passau.
1122 " Hoc tu Valdensis ha?retice non facis ; non vadis ad mundum, non
pr^dicas peccatoribus magnis . . . sed solos illos attrahis, quos audisse esse
pacificos, quietos, silentiosos, composites." Contra Void., ap. Bibl. 31. Patr.,
p. 277-299, ch. 10, et 11.
1123 '-Non possum esse talis luoerna publica propter instantes persecutiones,
quia vocant me hcereticum." Ibid., ch. 13.
1124 Seven, twelve, or twenty persons, according to Wattenbach, ibid.,
p. 49. 1125 " In locis occultis dot ent et discunt, nee aliquem admittunt, qui non
sunt fidei eorum. Cum in unam conveniunt, primo dicunt : Cavetn ne inter vos
sit curvum lignum, id est, ne aliquis extraneus adsit, et suam doctrinam
proecipiunt ocoultare tlericis." Inq. of Passau. This figurative expression was
doubtless agreed upon, and, moreover, it may have implied that they had
but little hope of "dejiriving the lion of his talons."
1126 In Piedmont the conventional sign consisted in the men touching the

The Waldenses of Italy. 353
httle finger, stxying : " Welcome.'' The woman touched two fingers : " De more
ipsorum est quod mulieres taugunt duos digitos ct homines digituin auricularem
ad cognoscendos se ipsos hereticos intra se." Processus, ap. Areh. St It.,n.
39, p. 6, 7, 32.
1127 " Quod haberent potestatem a Deo predicandi hominibus, sed non
omnibus." Wattenbach, ibid., p. 44.
1128 The Inquisitor of Passau says, concerning the preaching of the
Waldenses in Lombardy, Provence, and other places, that crowds
gathered to hear them, " ct in publico disputabant, et populum vecabant ad
stationes solennes in foro, et in campo, et prtedicabant in tectis." Ap. Fl. Illyr.,
p. 642. 1129 " Templum Dei late patere, orbein terrarum illud esse; coarctare ejus
potentiam qui templa, monasteria, sacclla construunt, tanquam divina benitas
magis faveus et magis propitia in illis sit."
1130 " Ha?c sunt Pauperum de LugiUuio opiniones et deliramenta. Nee jam
satis habebant in conciliabulis communicare, sed propalam pricdicare atque
adstruere audebant" Op. eit.
1131 Here are three pieces which refer to it : 1. Scriptum Inq. eujusp. anon.
2. Proe. Inq. contra Barbam 3Iartiuum. 3. Proc Inq. contra Pegroiiettam.
They are reproduced by Morland and Allix, after the Cambridge MSS.
1132 "Tantum Purgantur viventes in prtesenti." Scriptum, ap. Allix,
p. 300. Cf. the trials, ibid., p. 311, 323, 324.
1138 " Ad extorquendas pecunias pro missis et orationibus dicendis quae de
nihilo prosunt." Ibid., p. 311.
1134 " Bona opera qu;E fiunt ante mortem hominis plus prosunt iiuam
omnia qua? fiunt post mortem." Ibid., p. 323.
1185 Ibid., p. 301, 309, 310, 822.
1136 Ibid., 301, 310, .322, 323, 33-1. We read there thfit the Apostle Peter weis
worthy of credit, but not Paul : " S. Paulum vero non credunt quia fuit
assassinus ! " Have we not here an indication of the influence of the Cathari ?
1187 " Ave Maria non est oratio sed annunciacio et salutatio, et idee, non
injungunt in poenitentiam eis qui sunt de eorum seota quod dicant Ave Maria, et
quod Solus Pater Noster est vera oratio, quia a Dee facta fuit oratio ilia." Ibid.,
310-Sll. Cf p. 317.
1188 Ibid., p. 324.
1139 " Festa qu:e sunt praecepta a Deo, prout est Dies Dominicus, festum
Nati-vitatis Domini, festum Paschic, Ascensioniset Pentecestes, sunt celebranda."
Ibid., p. 311. Cf p. 301.
1140 " De festivitatibus Sanctoruin et Sanctarum per Eomanam Ecclesiam
introductis non est curandum, quod licitum est omni die opus servile exercere."
Ibid., p. 31ti. " Alia autem festa Virginis Marie et Sanctorum sunt festicula.
et qui non vult. non tenetur ilia celebrare, quia non sunt iJrEEcejita." Ibid., 311.
1141 ¦' Dies Doniinicales Super omnia alia festa . . . solemniter cell,
Alia vero festa dicebant fuisse per Ecclesiam inventa, qiiic nen erant de neces
sitate colcndii, imo j^oterat alitiuis operari in ijisis, exceptis festivitatis
Apostolorum ut aliis majoribus." Ibid., p. 323. . Cf. p. 309, where we read :
" Credunt in S. Petrum, et post ipsum in S. Gregorium," etc.
1142 " Quia Deus est ubiqiie." Ib-id., p. 300, 311, 324.
1143 " Domus confusionis, Babylon, meretrix et Synagoga Diabeli." Ibid.,
p. 300. 1144 " Ecclesia malignantium." Ibid., p. 299.
1145 Ibid., p. 3-23.
1146 " Quantum quis habet sanctitatem, tantum habet facultatem et
potestatem in Ecclesia." Ibid., p. 299. Cf. p. 311.
1147 Ibid., p. 300, 311, 323.
1148 " In die Ascensienis Domini." Ibid., p. 811. Cf. p. 324.
1149 "AqutE pluviales sunt ejusdem virtutis." Ibid., p. 301.
1150 Ibid., p. 300, 323, 824.
1151 " Summus pontif ex, ex quo non observabat sanctitatem quam debebat
observare, non habebat aliquam potestatem, dicendo de eodem in hEeo verba :
Autant malvais est le Pape comme ne-ngun autre." Ibid., p. 823. Cf p. 800.
1152 " A beato Silvestro non fuit verus Papa." Ibid., p. 299.
1153 " Ipsi prtEdicatores sive magistri hujusmodi secttc et SEicerdotes seu viri
ecclesiastici oUm solebant esse uuius et ejusdem legis et ordinis ; sed cum ipsi
viri ecclesiastici voluerunt insequi avaritiam et vauitates hujus mundi, et ipsi
pra?dicatores iu ipsa paupertate manere voluerunt, ideo fuit facta inter eos
divisio, et elfecti fuerunt inimici." Ibid.,p.'A2i.
1154 " Cum numerus ipsorum pra?dicatorum et aliorum hominum justorum
N

354 The Waldenses of Italy.
qui hujusmodi sectam tenuerint adhuc esset parvus atque rarus,^ ideo eis erat
necesse incedere occulte, sicut faoiebant Christus et ejus Apostoli." Ibid.
1155 "In ipsis tantum sit Ecclesia Dei qui vivunt in paupertate." Ibid.,
p. 299. 1156 "Credunt quod extra eorum sectam nemo salvatur, et qui sunt eorum
sectfi? sancti esse dicuntur." Ibid., p. 301.
1157 " Ces ung plen pung de gent que sosten tot le monde, et si aquello gent
non era tot le monde saria a fin." Ib-id., p. 325.
1158 " Pre quacunque re, vera vel falsa, non licet jurare." Ibid., p. 300.
" Est peccatum mortale." ibid., p. 813.
1159 '• Jurare pro quavis occasione vel causa Deum, pro vero vel mendacio,
aut aliud quodcunque facere juramentum ubi peneretur ista locutio per, erat
magnum peccatum." Ibid., p. 322.
1160 " Pro quovis delicto quantumcunque gravi, quis noti tradendus est
morti, nisi sit homicida." Ibid., p. 313. This is the only exception that we
know of to a rule which was hitherto far more absolute. From this to admitting
that the Waldenses did net hold themselves bound to obey temporal rulers,
'¦ unless they were of their own sect " (ibid., p. 801) is a long stride. At least it
would be necessary to use some discrimination.
1161 " Credunt quod eorum Magistri et Barbae potestatem habeant ligandi et
solvendi, et quod illis et non Presbyteris Romana? Ecclesia? confitenda stmt
peccata." Ibid., p. 299. Cf. p. 323.
1162 Ibid., p. 317.
1168 " Ipsa confessa est jieccata sua alteri ex eis, genibus flexis ac si fuisset
coram suo proprio sacerdote, et inde, facta cenfessione, ipsam absolvebat manum
ad caput impenendo more sacerdotum." Ibid., p. 327.
1164 " Aliquibus vicibus Pater noster pre poenitentia . . , Frequenter Pater
Noster, et hoc tantum quantum possem. Ibid., p. 317, 327.
1165 " Non autem Ave Maria." Ibid., p. 317.
1166 Ibid., p. 301, 311.
1167 lbid.,p.-32i.
1168 " Viri ecclesiastici sunt mali et pessimie vita? et peccatores . . . Non
possunt consecrare corpus Christi, et non valet consecratie per ipsos facta . . .
ipsi Barba?, et qui sunt de eorum secta, non recipiunt eucharistiam, sed loco
eucharistia? benediount panem et dicunt quod ilia benedictio est majoris virtutis
quam dicta oonsecratio, ex eo quia tantum quantum quis habet bonitatis ct puri-
tatis, tantum habet etpotestatis." Ibid.,p.3\l.
1169 " Credunt quod non licet hEcreticis eorum sectte cum catholicis matri-
monia contrahere." Ibid., p. 301.
1170 " Dicebant quod sacramentum matrimonii debebat fideliter et firmiter
custodiri." Ibid., p. 328.
1171 " Credunt quod licitum est libidinose convenire, et jiarticipare etiam
cum omni jiersoni sibi in quovis censanguinitatis vel affinitatis gradu conjimcta,
saltum quando conveniunt cum aliis ejusdem sectEc in eorum jjrEBdicationibus, et
extinctis luminibus." Ibid., p. 300.
1172 To this Barbe Eire attributed distinctions regarding the difierent degrees
of consanguinity, and the avowEil that his penitents lived in incestuous relations,
'¦tiunen extra Synagogum." Ibid., p. 311 — 313 and 317.
1178 The dissidents accused the Priests of the crime of impurity. " Nimis
lubricitur et in honeste vivebant," they said, " tenendo meretriees ... Sic
malum exemplum ostendendo in populo." Ibid., p. '323. In fact, that was one
of their motives for dissidence. Would it have been logical for them to abandon
the priests in order that they might imitate, nay, surpass them in crime ?
1174 Thus Barbe Martin is made to say that according to the commonly
received opinion of his ce-religienists, " si in dicta Synagoga generetur filius, ille
filius erit in futurum aptior ad exercendum officium Barbarum, pra?dicatienum
et confessienum quam aliquis alius quia genitus est in dicta Synagoga." Ibid.,
p. 312. 1175 See Ante, note 544.
1176 "Ipse ejus pater, qui erat Barbe, ibat ad confitendum et pra?dicandum
gentes in illis montibus." Ibid., p. 307.
1177 " Sunt sexdecim anni elapsi quod Girondinus ejus pater ipsum loquen-
tum ipsam fidem Valdensium et hEcresim docuit." L.c. Here we have a proof
of the marriage of the Barbes, some may say, but let us see. If Martin's education
as a Waldensian had only commenced sixteen years i)revi(>usly, the above may
,-^ignify that Girondin, the father, had net embraced the Waldensian rule before
his marriage. Merel will tell us something farther on,, which does not incline
us to believe in the marriage of the Barbes.

The Waldenses of Italy. 355
1178 " Duxit ipsum ad eorum magnum magistrum qui vocatur Joannes
Antonii et qui suam residentiam facit in loco de Cambro de dominie Pena- "
Ibid., p. SOU.
1179 " Tu talis jura supra la fide tua de mantenere . . nostra lege et de
non la discoperire a persona del monde et qui tu prometes de non jurare Dieu a
nui modo, et que garda la domenega." Ibid., p. 318. It is, therefore, a question
of a formal oath. Cf p. 80S. Peyronette says, in her turn, that, as they mistrusted
her, they made her swear te keep silent." Ibid., p. 32.5. Here we have, there
fore, another exception to the rule.
1180 " Magnus magister dat eidem Barba-, sic facto, ad bibendum modicum
vini. Ex tunc mutat sibi nomen, dicendo • Bes en la te chameras tal." Ibid.,
p. 313. 1181 " Quod ilia solemnitas habetur loco baptismi." L.c
1182 " Dixit quod de ultra montes in Eegno Francia? appellantur Pauperes de
Lugduno. de citra vero montes in patria ltala= appellantur Pauperes Mundi."
Ibid., p. 314.
1183 " Qui tres agnoverunt ipsos Barbas in habitas eorum, videlicet in man-
tellis." Ibid., p. 315.
1184 " Animo exercendi eorum officium et ad consolandum dictos Valdenses
ibidem commorantes. Ibid., p. 316.
1185 Ibid., p. 312. Two as a rule. JS'/V/., p. 297, 298. Sometimes it was one
or the ether, or three together. Ibid., p. 322.
1186 " Duo homines extranei, induti vestibus grisei coloris, qui, ut sibi visum
fuit, loquebantur lingua italica, sive lumbardioa." Ibid., p. 322.
1187 '• Hora nocturna pest ccecam unus ipsorum legere coepit unum parvum
librum quem secum deferebat, dicendo in eodem descripta fuisse Evangelia et
pra?cepta. legis, qua? ibidem dicebat se explicare et declarare velle in prEesentia
omnium ibidem circumstantium, quia dicebat se fore missum ex parte Dei ad
reformandam fidem Catholicam, eundo per mundum ad instar Apostolorum pro
prEEdicando bonis et simplicibus gentibus de mode et forma serviendi Deo et
vivendi secundum ejus mandata." L.c.
1188 " Dum recedebant a domo sua aliqueties dabat sibi certam quantitatem
acuum sive d'aiguilles, et ejus quondam maritus dabat ei pecunias pro poena
ipsorum." IbidI, p. 329.
1189 It is as we have seen sometimes at Cambro (?) in the territory of the
Pope ; sometimes at Aquila, ete. Ibid., p. 298.
1190 " BarbEE creari solent per porum sujiremum in civitate Aquila? in Eegno
Neapolitano." L.e.
1191 The evil disposed said it was to mock the Pope : " In desirum Eomani
Pontificis eis nomina mutantur cum ad magisterium hujusmodi afficiantur." L.e.
1192 " Quemadmodum Christus redemptor noster discipulos sues bines mitte-
bat ad pra?dicandum, sic et idiota et bestialis illius secta? Magniscius alios magi-
stros inferiores per ipsum creates et probates, quos vulgo Barbas dicimus, ad
docendum . . . hinc inde bin os mittere solitus fuit" Ibid., p. 291 — 298.
1198 See Ante.
1194 The name of mundi, which is the literal translation of Cathari. is
particularly significant "Mundos se coram populo . . . esse simulant,'' is
what we read in a writing attributed to Joachim. See Schmidt, Hist, de
Cathares, ii., 155.
1195 See Ante.
1196 Adversus errores et sectum Valdensium tractatus. The author died in
June, 1.520. Cl. Coussord, theologian of the University of Paris, again dealt with
the same subject, but according to the pamphlet of Seyssel.
1197 La doctrine des Vaudois representee par Cl. Seissel archevesejve de
Turin, et Cl. Coussord theologian de I'universite de Paris arec notes dressees pin-
Jacques Cappel, etc. Sedan'MDCXVIII.
1198 See ibid., ch. 4 : Ce que Seissel reprend aux Vaudois.
1199 " Christo omnibus ad omna abunde sufficiente."
1200 See the Latin letter ef Morel to Olcelampadius. according to Scuttetus,
I.e., and the Memoires de 3Iorcl, in the Waldensian dialect, according te a MS.
in Dublin, to which Perrin alludes in these words : " The book of George Morel,
containing all the doubtful points, paid by George Morel and Pierre Masson
before OScolampadius and Bucer, concerning religion and the replies of the
aforesaid personages." Herzog examined the MS., and he quotes it in his
Rom,. Wald., p. 340 et seq.
1201 See Ante.
1202 " Bique magister oonstituatur."
1203 "Ut verbigratia bibere aquam." According to the Memoirs "semil

356 The Waldenses of Italy.
hantament li devant pausa non devon far alcun cosa sencza la licenzia de son
compagnon." 1204 " Inter nos nemo ducit uxorem : tamen, ut verum fatear (tecum enim
oum multa omnia loquor), non semper caste nobiscum agitur." Let us remind
the reader that Morel also alludes to : •' nonnulla? nostra? muliercuhc, quas
dicimus sorores," which " agunt vitam in virginitate." The 3Ii mo-ires have a
different reading : "Item alcuns de nos ministres de I'evangeli ni alcunas de las
nostras fennas non se maridan."
1205 "Adplebis obsequium." Doubtless, in order to spare the pockets of
the contributors, the popular reading has emitted this passage.
1206 " ColHguntur a majoribus nostris.' '
1207 " A nostro consortio."
1208 We have thus far followed the order ef the Latin version according to
Scultetus. For this particular point, -r'C follow, with Herzog, the order of the
popular version, which is mere satisfactory ; although the difference is not great
1209 "In hoc, ut audio, erravimus, oredentes plura quam duo sacramenta."
1210 We revert to the Latin version for the order of the subjects.
1211 " Nos annen per tuit li an una vecz jier vesitar nostre poble en lor inej^-
sons, car ilh habitan en las montagnes per diversas borcns e village-^ ; e li auven
d'un en un la confession auricular." The Latin vei'sion says: "clandestine
audimus." 1212 " Debito proprio honeste, et tantum ad medicinam, non ad veluptatis
societatem." No doubt we ought te read here "satietatem" fer the popular
version has: "a medicina de lor debit e nou a la saciota (sic) de la volunta."
Morel mentions a very practical warning, as old as the law of Moses ; but wc
must be excused for not quoting it here.
1213 The choice fell upon as many Barbes, so that Morel radds, according the
popular version : '' Emperczo sen forcza de I'auvir quasi en totas sas difieren-
cias." 1214 " Excemmunicamus a prasi populi et ab verbi auditione.'' Herzog
gives up the attempt to translate prasis, which is, undoubtedly, derived from
"Prazis." 1215 " Li papista." The Latin version has a stronger expression : " Sacra-
mentorum signa plebecul a? nostra? non nes, sed Antichrlsti membra adminis-
trant." 1216 " Neque ulle vestitu, colore diverse, superfine, scutulato, aut delicate.
sive conscise utetur." How shall we translate this consciso or ensemptaihu.
We know that the sumptuary laws ef this period regulated e\'en the cut of
trousers. .1217 "Namab unius extremitate ad aliam intersunt plusquam octingenta
milliaria." Herzog sujiposes an error here. Perrin (i., 106) thinks that Slorel
intended to say that the number of the inhabitants amounted to ,S00,(K)() I
1218 " Per tot sotmes, volha o non volha. a las segnoriias e a li preyre papi-
stica." 1219 "Peticions." We follow both readings.
1220 "Enayma d'episcopa, de jireverage, de cliacona.''
1221 " His tamen gradibus inter nos non utimur." In dialect : " Emperczo
nos nen usen d'aquisti gra entre de nos."
1222 " Cum lo sia script : si tu voles venir enapres mv, vay e vent totas
cosas. . 1228 " Si li dit ministre pon licitament amenar fennas, las quals volhon
yiere en vergeneta." We read, furthermon', the question : " An mulieres
juvenes, requirentes et volentes vitam in virginitate agere, sint in religionem
intreducendEE." There is there an asylum a clas.s of sisters. Morel expresses
himself on this pomt, thus : " Ducuntur pra?dicti recipicndi ad quendam locum,
ubi nonnuUa' nestrEE mulicrcuhc, quas dicimus sorarcs, agunt vitam in virgini
tate. The same passage is te be found in the popular reading with this varia
tion : La cals sen las nostras serers en Jesu." A stroke of the pen has
eliminated the passage from the popular version.
1224 " Si li sen alegoric se son recebu per treyt de l'escriptura sancta pro-
teytivolment See for the Latin reading, ante n. 849.
1225 . The question is exemplified : for instance, says Morel, " what we read
concerning the dEXughters of Lot, concerning Judah and ' soa nora Tamar ' and
concerning the wives anil concubines of Solomon."
.1226 A czo que non sian deceopu per tanti e diver,-; commentaris o internre-
tacions que son ese fan de jorn en jorn."
J^P^^^^'^''"J?^"^.'^'^:??y '^^'=;'''™<'"*'<=<'"'=='o «'=! q'leli papista diczan esser
sept. Ihis question IS addressed te Bucer. Morel omits here the avo-n-al made

The Waldenses up Italy. 357
to ffioolampadius : " In hoc, ut audio, erravimus, oredentes plura quam duo
Sacramenta." 1228 That is at least the sense which we think ought to be given to the
words : " Si sen alcunas scripturas de Crist, lasquals poissan esser ditas comanda
ment e alcuns conselh."
1229 "Si sara cosa profeytivol que ministres administressan li rit e las
ceremonias de li sacrament aqui hont o poyrian far."
1230 " Si tot jurament es defendu sot pena de pecca mortal, diczent Crist,
non volha jurar al postot" The Latin version has an identical expression.
1231 Si es licit de far alcuna cosa manual al jorn de li diamenja e si al postot
se deo gardar alcuna festa." In his second letter te (Ecolampadius Morel asks
whether it is permitted to work on a feast day.
1232 Elsewhere Morel supposes the case of a person attacked in a wood. See
the above-mentioned second letter.
1233 " Ena,yma I'aiga steng lo fuoc, enaymi I'almona steng lo pecca." II est
clair, par ces citations, que la difference entre les livres canoniques et les livres
apocryphes est encore k faire.
1234 This same point is touched upon in the second letter to CEcolampadius,
with the expression : de meritis.
1235 ¦' Non havent fe de Crist, son reprova."
1236 " Si las leis civils e las semilhant atrobas de li home . . . sian
valeronas enapres Dio. Car es script : las leys de li poble son vanas." Here we
surely have one of the consequences of the oppression under which the Waldenses
had so long groaned.
1237 " Car alcuns dison . . . Dicunt enim nonnuUi."
1238 "La soa roba." Herzog translates "Kleid, "«.?., clothing, robe. He is
i\Tong. 1239 To his masters, of course. Here again Herzog's translation is incorrect.
1240 '• Si tet quant es ajosta al principal, es husura." Cf Nov. Serm ,
v. 9.5—96. 1241 " Si la passion de Christ es tant solament ista per lo pecca original."
This idea is enunciated in the Cantica.
1242 " Si lo es licit a nos menistres de conselhar al nostre poble qu'ilh tuen
li fals frayres, lical son entre de nos e cerchon e an cercha de liorar nos menistres
en li mans de li papista, a czo qu'lh fessan nos morir e que la paroUa de Dio non
sia anuncia entre lo poble, e moti de li fidei sian destruyt par dit papista d'arma
e de cors e de la roba." The Latin reading gives more details. See Ante.
1243 " Outra las predictas demandas nen hy a alcuna cosa que conterbe mais
nos frevols que del libre arbitre e de la predestinacion de lio o, de laqual cosa
Luter e Brasine en sen tant different."
1244 " Quia necessario contingunt omnia.'' These last words are wanting the
popular version.
1245 '• Qui vere es illius vicarius."
1246 " 0 utinam inter nos firma essemus unitate conjuncti."
1247 " In omnibus tamen vobiscum convenimus, et a tempore Apostolorum
(temper de fide, sicut vos, sentientes concordavimus, in hoc solo differentes, quod
culpa nostra ingeniiqne nostri pigritia?, scripturas tam recte quam vos neutiquam
intelligimus." 1248 " Omnibus Deus idem." This conclusion is taken, like the rest, both
from the popular and Latin version.
1249 This is Herzog's expression: "Thus did they confess it te them."
Rom. Wald. p. 365.
1250 Monastier, op. cit, I., 19.5—197.
1251 Ibid.
12.52 Herzog, i?(™. Wald.,p. 291 et passim.
12.53 Letter ef the Waldenses of Cabrieres to John of Roma, Inquisitor, 3rd
Februar^¦, 1533. Herminjard. Corr. des Beform, vol. vii., p. 466.
1254 Cf. Emile Montegut, Milanqes Critirques, Pans, 1887, p. 195.

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