SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS
OF ASSISI

ELLEN SCOTT DAVISON, B, S,, A. M.

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULFILMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN THE
FACtn-TY OF POLmCAL SCIENCE OF
COLUMBU UnIVEKSITV

1907

Yale university
LIBRARY

ACQUIRED BY EXCHANGE

SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST, FRANQS
OF ASSISI

BY
ELLEN SCOTT DAVISON, B, S,, A, M,

SUBMITTED IN PARTIAL FULnLMENT OF THE REQUIREMENTS
FOR THE DEGREE OF DOCTOR OF PHILOSOPHY
IN THE
Faculty of Poutical Soence of
Columbia University

1907

CONTENTS

CHAPTER I
Introductory . • ¦ 5
CHAPTER II
Apostolic Sects Allied to the Cathari . . . i6

CHAPTER III

Arnold of Brescia
CHAPTER IV
'
31
The Humiliati .
.
k
3
5S
CHAPTER I
Introductory
Early in the thirteenth century, there appeared almost
simultaneously in different parts of sputhern Europe two men
destined to influence the lives pf multitudes: Dominic, a noble
Spaniard and a scholar ; Francis, son of a merchant in the little
Italian town of Assisi, destitute of the learning of the schools.
Both believed that, as disciples of Christ, they were bound tP
obey literally the commands of the Master : to teach ; to help
the suffering ; to live, as Christ had told His Apostles to do, in
utter poverty. Throngs of followers eager to spend their lives
in apostolic poverty speedily gathered about both men.
Both Francis and Dominic were born leaders of men ; but in
no age can any man lead the masses except in paths toward
which the age is tending. The movement, quickened by them
into a world-force, was in its underlying principle and even in
its details no new one. Apostles of primitive Christianity and
of evangelical poverty had arisen in the church at various
times, especially since the opening of the eleventh century;
and a clear appreciation of these earlier movements, orthodox
and heretical, is necessary to a full understanding of the origin
and growth of the Mendicant orders.
Francis and Dominic remained devout sons of the Church ;
yet the basis of their action was essentially a protest against
the existing condition of the ecclesiastical institution, which was
far removed from the apostolic ideal. The history of Christi
anity presents a series of such movements ; protests against the
conformity of the Church as an institution with universal social
and economic laws.
Early Christianity was an enthusiasm for an ideal, an attempt
to regulate individual life according to the precepts and com
mands of Christ. Among His commands were several which, 5

6 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
if followed literally, would have barred effectually the develop
ment of any institution based on Christianity, When the young
man who had great possessions asked Jesus what he should do
to inherit eternal life, the answer was : " Sell that thou hast,
and give to the poor," When Christ sent the Twelve forth to
preach. He said to them: "Provide neither gold, nor silver,
nor brass in your purses, nor scrip for your journey, neither
two coats, neither shoes, nor yet staves," " Go ye into all the
world, and preach the gospel to every creature," These com
mands, literally obeyed, would have made of the men vowed to
spend their lives in Christ's service a company of penniless
wanderers. No institution has ever existed in a society based
on property without holding property. Further, every com
munity or individual that holds possessions must manage and
defend them ; yet Christ said : " Resist not evil ; but whoso
ever shall smite thee on thy right cheek, turn to him the other
also. And if any man will sue thee at the law, and take away
thy coat, let him have thy cloke also,"
Even during the life of Christ on earth there were signs that
the little company of His followers was becoming an organized
community, Christ had laid upon His disciples obligations
which could not be fulfilled without resulting in definite and
extensive organization. They were, for example, to take con
stant care of the weaker brethren, to teach and baptize all
nations, to establish and maintain the cult of Christ throughout
the world.'
The process by which the Church became an organized,
property-holding institution is obscure, and cannot be traced
here." That it had already become such an institution before
it was given a legal existence by Galerius and Constantine,
their edicts bear witness.^ The development of the institution
• Luke 10 : 27 «y. Matth. 19:21.
'The reader may be referred to Friedherg, Kirchenrecht, pp. 10 seq, (ed. 1895).
A. V. G. Allen, Christian Institutions, Chapters ii-viii.
' Edict of Galerius (311), Lactantius, De Mortibus Persecuiorum, c, 34. Edict of
Constantine (Milan, 313), Lactantius, iiid., c. 48. Codex Theodosianus, lib. xvi
(ed. Haenel). Boyd, 772^ Ecclesiastical Edicts in the Theodosian Code, Cohimbia
Univ., doctor's dissertation, 1904. For comment, Gibbon's Decline and FaU of the
Roman Empire, vol. 21, pp. 132 seq, Ed. Bury, 1896,

INTRODUCTORY y
along lines already marked out was stimulated by the new impe
rial policy. When the Church was sanctioned by the Empire
it gained the opportunity for larger functions, and received
endowments of land and of other wealth which made possible
the performance of those functions," The Church of the poor
became the Church of the rich and powerful.
The Bishops had now two functions. They were shepherds
of men, as Christ had commanded them to be ; they were also
administrators of wealth, an office forced into their hands by the
inevitable logic of events,* Their secular obligations were des
tined to grow heavier in the age that followed. Before the
time of Constantine the Empire's strength had been taxed to
keep the barbarian invaders beyond her frontiers. Later, as
province after province fell into the hands of Germanic chiefs,
the civil organization of the Empire was shattered. In many
districts the Bishops became the sole representatives of the old
law and order. They had civic functions while the Rhine and
the Danube still separated the Roman world from the barbarian.
These functions were now expanded as the need for them grew
greater.^ Further, in the prevailing confusion the landed prop
erty of the Church increased. Barbarian kings were used to
offer gifts to their gods, just as they sent presents to chieftains
whose friendship they sought; converted to Christianity, they
gave freely of their vast, new lands and of their treasure to the
God who gave them victory ,¦• Many estates fell into the hands
of the Church because of this naive faith ; others by the work
ing of more complex motives and forces. In Italy, Pepin
asserted no claim to the lands which, at Pope Gregory's call, he
had freed from the Lombards ; and Charles the Great drew the
Southern boundary of his Kingdom of Lombardy somewhat
'Codex Theodosianus, lib. xvi, tit. 4. Gibbon's Decline and Fall (eA, Bury, 1896),
vol. ii, pp. 320 seq,
'Gibbon's Decline and Fall (ed. Bury, 1896), vol. ii, pp. 39-47, 53-54, 322 seq.
'Milman, Latin Christianity, vol. i, pp. 95 seq; pp. 162 seq, Allard, Le Chris-
aanisme et I' Empire Remain, pp. 150 seq.
*Milman, ibid,, pp. 399 seq. Montalembert, The Monks of the West, vol. ii, pp.
123 seq.

8 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
north of Rome, The ancient capital of the world, with the sur
rounding territory, became the capital of the Church, the domin
ion of the Pope, The occupant of the chair of Peter the
Fisherman became the possessor of an enormous patrimony.
Christ's apostles, commanded by Him to have " neither gold
nor silver," to wander from city to city, teaching and baptizing,
seeking no settled home, were succeeded by men who held and
administered property in trust for the needs of the ecclesiastical
community, and who wielded the power of secular potentates.
The institution which had grown out of the religion of Christ
was at variance with the commands of Christ, This contradic
tion of the ideal by the real did riot escape the notice of
idealists. From the beginning of the Church's triumph there
were men whose lives were protests against the Church as an
institution, and attempts to follow literally the most ascetic
commands of Christ.
The triumph of the Church as an institution and the great
extension of the Christian monastic movement were co-incident.
The age of the great Christian Councils was the age of Jerome,
prophet of monasticism," and every further development of the
Church as an institution has been accompanied by a reaction
toward asceticism. The rule of Benedict of Nursia found
numerous and enthusiastic adherents during the pontificate of
Gregory I ; " under Gregory VII, or during the fifty years fol
lowing his death, were founded the order of Grammont, most
rigid in discipline, the Carthusian brotherhood, the Premon-
stratensian order, and, by the great Bernard, the monastery of
Clairvaux.3 The age of Innocent III was the age of Dominic
and of Francis of Assisi. Monasticism is, it is true, based on
complex human motives, yet in the origin of many rapidly
growing monastic bodies may be found, acting as a compeHing
force, this one motive : protest against the non-apostolic char
acter of existing ecclesiastical institutions. Not that the men
'Milman, ibid., vol. i, pp. 115 seq. Milman, ibid„vo\, iii, pp. 190 seq. (ed. 1892).
'Montalembert, ibid., vol. i, pp. 389 seq,
' Wurm, Der heilige Bernard, passim, Luchaire, Manual des Institutions Fratt-
(aises, pp. IOO seq.

INTRODUCTORY 9
who first, by devotion to the apostolic life, furnished centres for
these movements were all consciously led to do so by dissatis
faction with the Church's worldliness, Francis certainly was
not influenced by this motive, but doubtless the rapid growth of
his band of followers was due to the fact that many other men
felt the need of a life strictly given to obeying these commands
of Christ which lead to asceticism and the impossibility of such
a life iri the Church, It was this same need to which was due,
in close succession, the growth of the various sects of heretical
Apostolic Christians — the Arnoldists, the Humiliati, the
Waldenses," However, monasticism, at first a protest against the institu
tional side of Christianity, became itself an institution. The
noble works done by the monastic communities while their
faith was young and the enthusiasm which had brought them
into being was still undimmed, are too familiar to need reitera
tion. We can go with the early missionaries into Germany and
Gaul, with Sturmi into the forest hard by " the fell Saxons,"
with Columban into Frisia, or Gall into Suabia ; ' all fugitives
from the world, seeking a life of poverty, simplicity, and self-
denial, combating paganism and the wilderness.^ The rigors of
the conflict forced upon these men and their devoted followers
close and efficient organization. Their very virtues led to their
undoing. Gifts to God brought salvation to the givers; and
gifts to the monks were gifts to God. So secular responsi
bility increased, and with it power to command luxury. The
growing institution of monasticism was already departing from
the spirit of the first enthusiasts when the genius of Benedict of
Nursia gave it definite shape in the Rule which seeks, while
organizing the institution, to maintain for the individual some
thing of literal obedience to Christ's command " Be ye poor."
' See below, pp. 50 seq. 'Montalembert, ibid., vol. ii, pp. 241, 292 seq.
' Montalembert, zWaf., vol. i, pp. 30-47; vol. ii, pp. \i^ seq. On the services of
the monks to civilization see also Sommerlad, Die wirtschaftliche Thdtigkeit der
Kirche im Mittelaller, passim.
*The Rule of Benedict has been edited many times. See, for instance, Benedicti
Regula Monachorum, recensuit Eduardus Woelfflin (1895). See Montalembert,
ibid., vol. i, pp. 389 seq.

IO SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
But Benedict undertook what was impossible ; he tried to com
bat by formal laws the inevitable sequence of events. Monastic
communities became rich and powerful, luxurious and pleasure-
loving. Voices were, it is true, never lacking to demand that the
monks be faithful to their original aims, and in truth in the
eleventh century, monasticism alone among Christian institu
tions kept alive even the tradition of evangelical poverty.'
Ecclesiastical offices were sought by men who coveted their
revenues and paid scant attention to the duties which they in-
volved.° Simony was rife.' The revenues of benefices were
often increased in questionable ways. For example, Bishops
and Abbots alike saw in the adoration of relics a means by
which the wealth and influence of their churches might be in
creased, and they were not always scrupulous as to the means
by which they obtained such relics. Sometimes prelates in
vented and circulated histories of the saints whose relics they
possessed, exalting their merits and the miracle-working power
of their bones, that pilgrims might be induced to visit their
shrines in large numbers, and leave rich gifts behind them,*
Men who ruled vast lands had to become princes rather than
shepherds if they were to keep their possessions. In times of
political disorder, all owners of property must protect it by
means more drastic than the imposition of penance, or even
'Dresdner, Kultur- und Sittengeschichte der Italienischen Geistiiehkeit im loten
und llten Jahrhundert,/«j«V«. Especially pp. 50 seq, De Welte, Geschichte der
Christlichen Siitenlehre, passim. Delarc, St. Gre^oire et la reforme de Veglise,
passim. 'Gerohus Reichersbergensis, De Investigatione Antichristi, lib. i, c. 42. Ed.
Scheibelberger, p. 88. For a diverting account of an Archbishop of Rheims who-
quite frankly found his duties a nuisance, see Guibertus Novigenti, De Vita Sua, lib^
i, u. II, ed. D'Achery, p. 467. He quotes the Archbishop, a certain Manas.^es,
"Bonus esset Remensis archiepiscopus si non missas inde canlari oporteret." The
same prelate robbed the treasury (1084). See below, pp. 29 seq.
' See note i .
•For various stories illustrating this point, see Guib. Nov., De Pignoribus Sanc
torum, lib. i, CC 2 and 3; lib, ii, c. 3, ed. D'Achery, pp. 334 seq. See also a satire
on the zeal for relic hunting displayed by Pope Urban II, in Pfiugk-Harttung, Iter
Italicum, pp. 439 seq.

INTRODUCTORY II
excommunication," At all times when a foreign foe harried
the land. Bishops and Abbots, like Counts and Dukes, had to
arm themselves against the invaders.' Not only was defence
necessary on the battle-field, but often in the courts. While
some laymen gave gifts to the Church to secure rest for their
souls, other laymen were always ready to seize Church property
on any plausible pretext, or without a pretext.^ It is not diffi
cult, then, to understand the preoccupation of the higher
clergy with secular affairs, and their consequent neglect of their
spiritual functions. Bishops who had sought preferment in the
Church for the sake of wealth and power, were almost of neces
sity engrossed in the material cares which wealth and power
brought with them. They frequently did not labor to organize
their dioceses, nor secure for their people an active and com
petent priesthood. It was then not only the prelates who be
came false to their apostolic commission ; the lower clergy
suffered also.
It is impossible to speak with certainty of the character of
the lower clergy as a class in the period preceding the reform
movement in the eleventh century. The literature of the time
abounds with drastic criticism of the evil lives of the priests,
and of their neglect of duty,* Nevertheless, there were doubt
less God-fearing priests, laboring in obscurity, sincerely ful
filling their duty to their people, so far as their ability and
¦Geroh, Reichersbeig, De Investigatione, lib. i, c. 42. Peter Damian says an
abbot could not be a monk, nor a bishop a priest. Opusc. 21, praef. opp. vol. iii,
P- 455-
'See Hugo, Destructio Farfense, M. G. H. SS., vol. xi, pp. 532 seq. Also Ekke-
hard, Cas. S. Galli. M. G. H. SS. , vol. ii, pp. 105-109. Also, for Monte Cassino,.
Desiderii, Abbatis Casinensi Dialogi, lib. i. Bibl. Max. Patr. Lugd., vol. xviii, pp.
339 ¦?'•?¦
'See Suger, Gesta Ludovici regis cognomento grossi, cc. 2, 23 (ed. Molinier, iir
Collection des textes) , for accounts of attacks on ecclesiastical properly in France in
the early twelfth century. Seher, Abbot of Chamonzey in the diocese of Toul, teils
of his struggle to keep his property. Seheri, Primordia Calmosiacensia, M. G. H.
SS. , vol. xii, pp. 324-347. The Canons of Lucca built a castle for defence against
an aggressive layman. Muratori, Antiquitates, vol. iv, p. 733. See also Dresdner,.
ibid., pp. 87 seq.
* Dresdner, ibid., pp. 100 seq.

12 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
education allowed. History does not record the lives of incon
spicuous, commonplace, good men, whether they be priests or
laymen. Now and then a virtuous priest rose into notice be
cause he was an eloquent preacher; but unless he possessed
conspicuous gifts, a worthy priest lived and died and left no
record. The lower clergy were drawn largely from the com
mon people, and it was among the common people that re
ligious enthusiasm never waned. Further, reform movements
always found adherents among the common people and among
the lower clergy."
Yet it would seem that there was ample justification for the
abuse heaped upon the priests. How could it be otherwise?
Little effort seems to have been made by the bishops to secure
the proper preparation of priests for holy office, or to limit
ordination and installation to men of God-fearing lives; nor
was episcopal supervision always directed to securing faithful
ness to duty. The Bishop who had paid a high price for his
benefice exacted payment in his turn for the humbler offices in
his gift. Too often a priest was chosen because he could pay
for his appointment, not because he was fit to have the cure of
souls. There is, then, ample evidence that many of the clergy
were ignorant, neglectful, sinful; that churches were allowed
to fall into ruins, while their priests took the tithes, sometimes
sold the very vessels from the altars, and did not cumber them
selves with the cure of souls." It is true that it cannot always
have been possible to secure competent priests; educational
facilities were scanty in the eleventh and twelfth centuries. It
is on the other hand undeniable that most- bishops were too
busy with the cares of state and wealth to make the attempt.
There is little material for judging what the layman desired
of his priest. The clearest light is thrown on the subject by a
study of the enthusiasts who easily gained a following. Within
the Church itself, the source of the prevailing evils was often
' Dresdner, ibid,, pp. 169 seq. Note Arialdus in Milan, see below. Also Arnold,
see below.
2 Dresdner, ibid., pp. 100 seq, S. Bernard, De consideratione, lib. iv, c. 2. Ed.
Mabillon, vol. i, cc. 436 seq.

INTRODUCTORY 13
declared to be the possession of wealth. The Church had
always praised poverty ; but generally the eulogies refer to in
dividual poverty coupled with communistic possession, which
did not exclude individual enjoyment," The inconsistency be
tween the actual wealth of the clergy and their theoretical
poverty was not lost upon thoughtful and conscientious church
men, " We seek," says Abelard, " to be made richer as monks
than we were in the world," " Gerohus, of Reichersberg,
laments : " The Bishops claim that the evangelical perfection
in which Peter gloried, saying to the Lord, ' Behold, we leave
all and follow Thee,' and of which the Lord said, ' Unless a
man has given up all that he possesses, he cannot be my dis
ciple,' that this perfection pertains to the monks alone, and not
to the secular clergy," ^ By these men, members of the clergy
were criticized because they appropriated to unwarranted uses
the wealth of the Church, or because they, as individuals,.
possessed property. The tendency to such criticism increased
during the eleventh and twelfth centuries,* On the one hand,
reformers protested against the individual possession of wealth
by the clergy, and the misuse of property held in common ; on
the other, there arose a more radical conception of evangelical
poverty, which excluded even communistic possession by the
clergy, and in some instances by the laity as well. An investp-
•S- Bernard, /. c. Sermo: In Solemnitate Omnium Sanctorum, Igniacensis S,
Bernardi Discipulis, ibid,, vol, ii, cc, 1043-1044.
'Abelard, De Saneto yoanne Baptista Sermo. Opera, ed. Cousin, vol, i, p, 572.
' Geroh. Reichersbergensis, De Investigatione Antichristi, lib. i, t. 43. Ibid. , p.
90, Cf. the practical protest against the wealth of the clergy by Arialdus of Milan.
See Vita Arialdi, AA, SS, Boll, V Junii, p, 282, and below, p, 32. Cf. also St.
Norbert, Archbishop of Magdeburg, to 11 27, who gave all his wealth to the poor and
travelled about barefoot, preaching. Vita S, Norberti, M, G. H. SS., vol. xii, p,
673, See also p, 8 above. The founder of the Chartreuse fled to the desert in
disgust at the luxurious lives of the clergy of Rheims, and their misuse of ecclesias
tical property. See Guibertus Novigenti, De Vita Sua, lib. i, c. 11, ed. D'Achery,,
p, 467,
•Note, for instance, many passages in the sermons of Berthold von Regensburg;
for example, ed, Pfeiffer-Strohl, pp, 93 seq, and 393-4; also Guibert. Novigenti, /. c;
also Jacques de Vitry, Historia Occidentalis, t. 5 (ed. 1596, pp. 272 seq,"); also De-
siderius, De Miraculis S. Benedicti, in Bibl. Max. Patrum. Lugd., vol. xviii, pp.
839 seq.; also John of Salisbury, Polycraticus, bk, iv, cc. 2-5.

14 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
gation and analysis of this enthusiasm for evangelical poverty
is the precise subject of this essay.
We cannot know to what degree this tendency to emphasize
poverty as an integral part of Christianity was due to a realiza
tion that wealth was corrupting the Church; to the contrast
between the simple life and the privations of Christ and the
Apostles, and the magnificence and luxury which surrounded
the clergy. As this study proceeds, however, an effort will be
made to explain the conditions under which each reformer be
gan his work, and it will become apparent in some cases that
there was certainly present an element of direct reaction against
the unapostolic character of the lives of the clergy and the
magnificent ceremonial of the Church,
Efforts to restore primitive Christianity, to follow literally the
commands of Christ and the teaching of the Apostles in daily
life and in religious observance were very numerous in the
eleventh and twelfth centuries. The conceptions men formed
of the essence of Apostolic Christianity varied widely. The
fundamental motive of all was the sarae : they would live as
Christ taught men to live ; they would conform their worship
to that of the little group of believers who first followed Him
in far-away Palestine. Arialdus and Waldo, Arnold and
Francis," agreed in basing the apostolic life on evangehcal
poverty. But Waldo wished to sweep away all doctrines, all
religious observances, which were not found in the Church of
the apostolic age; Arnold believed that the vicar of Christ
should not be a secular prince, and assailed the whole vast
fabric of the temporal power of the Church ; Arialdus tried to
purge the Church of simony, to teach the priests to lead pure
lives ; Francis saw clearly his own duty — to be poor, as Christ
had commanded, to help suffering humanity, while he upheld
the"Church as an institution.
Moreover, in these two centuries, a great tide of religious
enthusiasm swept over the nations of western Europe, The
eleventh century was the age of the Cluniac Reform, of the
' .See below, pp. 32, 33 seq.

INTRODUCTORY 1 5
foundation of Cistercian and Carthusian orders, of the first
great Crusade. The twelfth century brought to light many
new enthusiasts, most of whom the Church counted as heretics.
These men were in most cases reformers as truly as were
Norbert and St. Bernard. The leaders among them spoke in
Christ's name, and voiced Christ's commands. The multitude
followed, and found itself outside the Church which claimed to
be the fold of Christ, They did not plan heresy; they, in
many instances, thought themselves champions of the Church.
Waldo, like Francis, asked the Pope to sanction his work, to
authorize him to help the Church in teaching the people to fol
low Christ. Orthodox and heretical reformers were alike pro
ducts of the religious enthusiasm of the age, and sought to
restore apostolic Christianity. All found a following. Wher
ever a man appeared who possessed enthusiasm and brought a
message, the people flocked to hear him. When he told his
hearers what Christ had commanded them to do, some among
them were always ready to obey the command.
The Church finally awoke to these facts. The Papal Curia
was convinced that if the dangerous grewth pf heresy were to
be checked the Church must appeal to the people through the
enthusiasm for primitive Christianity and evangelical poverty,
which was carrying thousands into the ranks of heresy. Then
began a consistent effort to enlist under the banner of the
Church apostles of primitive Christianity," and of these apostles
St, Francis is the chief in beauty of life, in power over the
masses, in influence upon the age. Of that age he is a true
child, and a study of the primitive Christians who preceded him
may throw some light upon the movement he inspired,
' For attempts of the Curia to secure the adherence of the Humiliati and the branch
of the Waldenses known as the Poor Catholics, see below. Note also the sig
nificant story of Diego of Osna and St. Dominic, who found themselves utterly
•unsuccessful in combating heresy until they, like the heretical preachers, stood before
the people in the guise of simplicity and poverty. See Guillelmis de Podio Laurentii,
Historia Albigensium, c. 8 (Ann. 1206). Bouquet, vol. xix, p. 200.

CHAPTER II
APOSTOLIC Sects Allied to the Cathari,
The Cathari were the arch-heretics of the Middle Ages; they
are best known to the general student of European history
through the successful attempt of Simon de Montfort to exter
minate the powerful community of them known as the Albi-
genses. Their belief was a form of dualism, and they were
manifestations of the great Manichaean movement which seems
to have traveled from the East, perhaps originally from Persia,
westward into the African and European provinces of the
Roman Empire, "
The first great wave of Manichaeism swept over southern
Europe in the fourth and fifth centuries. The Emperor Valen-
tinian discovered it in Italy, and in 372 found it necessary to
forbid the meetings of Manichaeans.' Later emperors issued
stringent decrees against these heretics. Their belief was de
clared to be a public crime, and ferocious laws were enacted to
secure the extermination of the faith and of its adherents,^ In
spite, however, of all the proceedings against the Manichaeans
their number grew. About the middle of the fifth century Pope
Leo the Great discovered an alarmingly strong community of
them in Rome. He preached against them, and caused them to
be condemned by a synod and banished by the Senate, For
the time the movement was checked in Rome,*
The efforts of Leo resulted not in exterminating the heretics,
'C, Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, vo\. i, pp. i-8, and authorities there cited.
Cf. Real Encyclopaedie, vol. xiii, p. 762.
' Cod. Theod., lib, xvi, tit, 5, 1, 3,
'Theodosius the Great, in 381, 382, 389, Ibid., tit. 5, 1, 7, 9, 18. Honorius, in
399. 405. 408. Ibid., 1. 33, 40, 43. Theodosius II, in 423, 425, 428. Ibid., 1 59,
62, 65.
*C. Schmidt, ibid., p. 17.
16

APOSTOLIC SECTS ALLIED TO THE CATHARI ly
but in dispersing them, to form elsewhere centres for the pro
mulgation of their doctrine. Effective persecution was then,
and for a long time afterward, impossible to the Popes; the
organization of judicial machinery for the extirpation of heresy
was not to be achieved for some centuries.
It is then not strange that Manichaeans were discovered at
Ravenna in 550 and at Rome by .various Popes between Leo I
and Gregory I. The latter made earnest efforts to root out the
heresy ; he issued emphatic commands to Bishops in whose dio
ceses it was known to exist, adjuring them to exterminate it."
For more than four hundred years after Gregory's death
there is no evidence of the existence of the dualistic heresy in
Europe. It must, however, have existed and grown below the
surface of society, for early in the eleventh century it was so for
midable as to invite persecution in northern Italy and southern
France." Beginning with the year 1012 there are various ac
counts of the discovery of dualists and of edicts against them.'
The tenets which attracted the attention of the clergy were :
denial of the efficacy of the Mass, of the baptism of infants,
and of the intercession of saints ; and refusal to venerate the
Cross. When their manner of life was questioned, it was
found that they considered marriage sinful, and that they
would not use as food milk, nor anything made from it, because
of the connectiojn of milk with the function of generation. By
these signs the Manichaeans were always recognized. They
were called by various names during the centuries in which this
form of belief was to the Church an ever present and malignant
foe; but whether known as Manichaeans, Cathari, or mem-
'For all this early movement, see C, Schmidt, ibid,, vol. i, pp. 1-18.
' See Schmidt, ibid., pp. 24 seq.
'Schmidt, ibid,, pp. 24 seq. Among the accounts are: for Limoges (1012), Ade-
mari Historiarum libri III, lib. iii, i.. 69. M. G. H. SS., vol. iv, p. 148. The
same source furnishes accounts of the discovery of Manichaeans, at Aries (ibid,, p.
143), and at Toulouse, /. c. For further account of the heresy in Aries, see Radulfi
Glabri, Historiarum libri V, lib. iii, c. 8. Bouquet, vol. x, p. 35. The Synod of
St. Carroux in Vienne (1028) took action against the heretics. Concilium Karro-
fense, Mansi, vol. xix, c. 485. The synod held at Arras in 1025 also took action con
cerning them. Mansi, vol. xix, cc. 423 seq.

l8 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
bers of the great Albigensian organization, such adherents of
the dualistic Philosophy were probably never entirely elim
inated from mediaeval Europe.
The form of dualism which was most prevalent recognized
" two co-equal principles, God and Satan, of whom the former
created the invisible, spiritual, and eternal universe, the latter
the material and temporal, which he governs. Satan is the
Jehovah of the Old Testament; the prophets and patriarchs
are robbers, and, consequently, all Scripture anterior to the
Gospels is to be rejected. The New Testament, however, is
Holy Writ, but Christ was not a man, but a phantasm — the Son
of God who appeared to be born of the Virgin Mary and came
from Heaven to overthrow the worship of Satan," " " The
Church was the synagogue of Satan, and all its rites were
futile or worse than futile. Asceticism and the prohibition of
marriage were logical consequences of a belief which recog
nized the body as the handiwork and servant of Satan, hamper
ing and striving to ruin the soul, the child of God," '
The Church having been repudiated, the dualists formed
their own organization, their own hierarchy. They themselves,
forming the Church of Christ, had, they believed, the power to
" bind and loose," to reconcile the sinner with God, which had
been given by Christ to the Apostles, and was the basis of the
power of the Church over the people. Admission to their sect
was conferred through the Consolamentum, or laying on of
hands, by which sin was wiped out and the Holy Spirit entered
into the aspirant,'
It is, however, the concrete facts of the lives of these people
together with their opposition to the Church, which are formu
lated and discussed by persecutors and writers against heresy.
The philosophy on which their system was based is often not
alluded to at all. Perhaps the subtleties of the doctrine were
not understood by the great body of the Cathari, So philo
sophical and intellectual a creed as the Catharan version of
• Lea, Inquisition, vol. i, pp. 24 seq.
'Lea, ibid., pp, 93 seq. Cf. Real Encyclopaedic, vol, xiii, pp. 762 seq.
• Lea, ibid., pp. 93 seq. Cf. Schmidt, /, t.

APOSTOLIC SECTS ALLIED TO THE CATHARI ig
dualism could hardly have won converts in numbers sufficient
to enable Catharism to supplant the Church in southern France
and to weaken it seriously elsewhere. Probably the Catharan
preachers who sought converts emphasized the asceticism which
grew out of their creed and drew a contrast with the worldliness
of the clergy. Condemnation of the clergy was a not unpopu
lar pose in the eleventh, twelfth and thirteenth centuries, and
the Cathari explicitly and implicitly attacked the clergy. Ex
hortation to simple, pure lives, such as Christ enjoined upon the
first Christians, aroused popular enthusiasm. As will be shown
later," appeals to, the people were made by some dualists on
grounds similar to those of Arnold, of Waldo, of Francis ; that
the perfect life consists in literal obedience to the commands
of Christ ; that their own duty lay in an attempt to revive the
primitive Church,
So some of the Cathari, or of enthusiasts who were affiliated
with them, fall within the scope of this essay, though the great
Catharan movement as a whole lies outside it. The line be
tween the Catharan sects and other heretical bodies is not
always easy to draw, because, as has been said, the dualistic
basis of their belief is not always formulated. Popular preach
ers now and then arose whose doctrines savored of Catharism
so strongly in their tangible characteristics that it seems impos
sible they can have sprung from any other root than that of
dualism. Such leaders were Peter of Bruys and his co-worker
Henry of Lausanne. These men preached mainly in southern
France, between 1106 and 11 34, where, as has been shown,
Catharism had been discovered and condemned a century
before." It had meantime, working under the surface, grown in
strength.3 It was only to be exterminated a century and a half
later by a bloody war.
Peter and Henry were unquestionably Cathari, but they
appealed to the people who thronged to hear them"on"grounds
far more tangible — they preached apostolic Christianity, " They
say in their sermons that Christ sent his apostles forth to preach,
' See below, pp. 22 seq. ' See above, pp, 17,
' Schmidt, ibid., p. 28.

20 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
for he says in the Gospel : ' Go ye into all the world, and preach
the Gospel to every creature. Whosoever shall believe you and
be baptized shall be saved ; but whosoever shall not believe you
shall be condemned,' " "
The conditions under which Peter of Bruys began his mission
are unknown, beyond the fact that he was convinced he was
following Christ because Christ laid commands upon him as he
had done upon the twelve," Like many another apostle of the
Middle Ages, he comes suddenly into the light of history, plays
for a brief space a stormy part, fleeing hither and thither before
persecution, and does not cease to cry out his message until he
is silenced in the fierce glare of a martyr's pyre (ii26),3 Henry
of Lausanne seems to have been aroused by Peter's preaching.
Like Peter, he was persecuted. His life ended not at the stake
but in prison,*
The teaching of the two men was the same in all essentials.
There are several statements, contemporary or nearly so, of
their doctrines. Their principal tenets are these : they denied
the efficacy of infant baptism because Christ said, " Believe and
be baptized," and a child cannot believe ; Christ's body and
blood are not offered in the Sacrament, nor did God command
that the Sacrament be celebrated ; all sacrifices and prayers for
the dead avail nothing ; churches and altars are unnecessary, for
prayer before a stable is as efficacious as that before an altar.
Further, they did not venerate the cross, but execrated it as the
symbol of Christ's torture.s Except that the baptism of adults
is not expressly denounced, these doctrines are Catharan. They
result in pruning away many rites of the Church of post-apos-
' Petri Venerabilis, Tractatus adv. Petrobrusianos Haereticos, B. M. P. Lugd.
vol. xxii, p. 1036.
'Lea, ibid., p. 68.
» Petri Venerabilis Tractatus adv. Petrobrusianos Haereticos, B. M. P, Lugd , vol
xxii, pp, 1033 seq. See also Lea, ibid., vol. i, p. 68. St. Bernardi, ' Epistolae,' 2^1,
242. Opera, vol. i, pp. 237-239.
^ Actus Pontificum Cenomannis, De Hildeberto (Bishop in 1097). In Mabillon
Vetera Analecta, pp. 315 seq, (ed. 1723). Bouquet, vol, xii, p. 547. Chronica
Alberici Monachi Trium Fontium. M. G. H. SS., vol. xxiii, pp. 840 seq.
'Petr., Ven., /. l. Act. Pont. Cen,, I. c.

APOSTOLIC SECTS ALLIED TO THE CATHARI 21
toHc origin. There is scant positive evidence to show whether
this return to apostolic conditions was conscious. There is,
however, presumptive evidence for the conclusion that these
heresiarchs had compai-e'd the existing Church with the early
Christian community and were trying to do away with the rites
and doctrines instituted after the close of the Apostolic Age,
and to conform the clergy to the model established by Christ,
For the heresiarchs were evidently convinced that they them
selves were apostles of Christ, preaching because He had com
manded his apostles to preach, and their doctrine of baptism
was founded on Christ's words. In no other case have their
arguments in support Of 'a tenet been directly reported.
There is fuller evidence of the apostolic character of a body
of heretics discovered at Cologne between 1144 and 1147;
and these were apparently Petrobrusian." They were found
about twenty years after the martyrdom of Peter, while Henry
was dying in prison at Rheims, by Everwin, Provost of Stein-
feld, who wrote an account of them to St. Bernard, and begged
the great Crusader to preach against them." St. Bernard ac
ceded to Everwin's request, and attacked the heretics in ques
tion in two sermons.3 These sermons follow closely the account
furnished by Everwin, and therefore give little additional infor
mation about the heretics of Cologne. The important source
is then the letter of Everwin. His account reads like an ex
pansion of Peter the Venerable's digest of the Petrobrusian
heresy. The heretics of Cologne, like Peter and Henry, rejected
^ Real Encyclopaedic,, vol. i, pp. fOl seq. Kirchen Lexicon, vol. i, p. 1142.
Lea, Inquisition, vol. i, pp. 68-72. Tocco, I'Eresia nel medio evo, p. 164.
' Evervini Stein feldensis Praepositis, Epistola ad S. Bernardum abbatem, De Haer-
eticis sui temporis. In Mabillon, Vetera Analecta, p. 473 (ed. 1723). Buffer, in
Historisches Jahrbuch der Gorres-Gesellschaft, for 1889, p. 765, note 4, says that the
trial of these heretics cannot have been eariier than 1147, because the letter suggests
a personal acquaintance between Evenvin and Bernard hardly likely to have been
formed before the latter's journey to Germany in 1147. Cf. Wurm, Der Heilige
Bernard, p 62.
' S. Bernardi, Sermones In Cantica, nos. 65 and 66. Opera Omnia (ed. Mabillon,
1690), vol. i, cc. 1490 seq.

22 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
infant baptism, and for the same reason. They condemned
entirely all the sacraments except baptism. They were con
vinced that the Church had lost its primitive character, and had
thus ceased to be the Church of Christ, " They say that all
the priests of the Church are not consecrated ; for the apostolic
dignity, so they say, has been corrupted because the clergy
have been involved in secular business. He who sits in the
chair of Peter is no soldier of God like Peter, and has deprived
himself of the power which Peter had in so great a degree, and
he has it not at all. The Archbishops and Bishops who in the
Church lead secular lives do not receive from the Pope power
to consecrate others. This belief they base on the words of
Christ, ' the Scribes and Pharisees sit in the seat of Moses,' " "
"They do not believe in prayers for the dead; they hold that
fasts and other methods of mortifying the flesh imposed for sin
are unnecessary for the just and even for sinners. For ' in
whatsoever day a sinner shall repent, all his sins shall be re
mitted unto Him.' All the observances of the Church which
were not founded by Christ and the Apostles in direct succes
sion from Him they call superstitions. They do not admit that
there is Purgatorial fire after death ; but hold that the souls of
men when they go forth from the body pass at once either into
eternal rest or everlasting punishment. So they count as of no
avail prayers and offerings of the faithful for the dead.""
Further, they deny that the body of Christ is made on the altar.
So far their doctrine is quite clearly the result of a desire to
restore the simplicity and purity of the primitive Church — they
were then apostolic heretics. They show also traces of Cath
arism : for " they call all marriage fornication unless it be con
tracted between two virgins, man and woman. They derive
this doctrine from the words of Christ, with which he answered
> Evervini, Ep. ad S. Bern,, ibid., p. 474. Cf. this attack upon the woridly clergy
with the accounts of the effect of Henry's preaching at Le Mans: " Qua haeresi
plebs in clerum versa est in furorem, adeo quod famulis eorum minarentur cruciatus
nee eis aliquid vendere, vel ab eis emere voluissent; immo habebant eos sicut ethnicos
et publicanos etc." Actus Pontificum Cenomannis. In Mabillon, Vetera Analecta
P- 315-
'Ep. Evervini, ibid,, p. 474.

APOSTOLIC SECTS ALLIED TO THE CATHARI 23
the Pharisees : Whom God hath joined together, let no man put
asunder," " They were not strict Cathari, or they would not
have sanctioned marriage under any conditions. Moreover,
they cited the Old Testament in proof of their doctrine of im
mediate reward or punishment after death ; " and the Cathari
usually rejected the Old Testament altogether. So far as
Everwin's information went, they had no hierarchy, " They
hold our Pope of no account," he says, " but they do not say
that they have any other besides him ; " 3 and the Cathari had
their own hierarchy. Nevertheless, the heretics, of Cologne
must be counted among the sects which were allied with the
Cathari, and probably owed their origin to Peter of Bruys,*
It was, however, through their attempt to restore the apostolic
Church that they gained their hold on the popular imagination.
Contemporary with these last reformers were others, who
called themselves "Apostolics," They, tob, were discovered at
Cologne by Everwin, He, in describing the new heretics, who
he says had everywhere " boiled up from the depth of hell," s
distinguishes two classes " detected through their mutual dis
agreement and contention." One class has already been dis
cussed ; the second, according to Everwin, disagree with these
altogether. This is perhaps too strong a statement, but the
Apostolics are more clearly Catharan than the other heretics
described by Everwin. " They said in their own defense that
' Ep. Evervini, /. c.
' Purgatorium ignem post mortem non concedunt : sed animas statim, quando egre-
diuntur, de corpore in aetemam vel requiem vel poenam transire propter ilia Sala-
monis, " Lignum in quamcumque partem ceciderit, sive ad Austrum, sive ad Aquil-
onem, ibi manebit," /. c,
»L.c, * It is, however, possible that the doctrine of Tanchelm may have spread to Col
ogne and aided in the formation of these sects. Tanchelm was a layman of Antwerp,
who denied the ability of sinful priests to administer the sacraments, and said that
any good man might administer them; that his followers were the church; that tithes
should not be given to the clergy, etc. See Tocco, ibid., pp. 157 seq. Epistola
Trajectensis Ecclesiae ad Federicum Archiepiscopum Coloniensem (1112). In
D'Argentr^, Coll. Jud., vol. i, p. 11. Vita Norberti, c. 16. M. G. H. SS., vol,
xii, pp. 690-691.
*Ep. Evervini., ibid., p. 474.

24 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
this heresy had existed secretly from the time of the martyrs to
our own day, and had persisted in Greece and some other lands," "
As has been said, this tradition of antiquity and of eastern origin
is common to all Catharan sects,"
Whatever the remote origin of their philosophy may have
been, however, the Apostolics of Cologne, like Arnold and
II Waldo, were inspired by the contrast between the Roman hier-
I archy and the primitive Church to make an effort after reform.
" You," they told Everwin, " add house to house and field to
field. You seek your own and the things of this world. Even
those who are held most perfect among you, the monks and the
regular canons, though they do not hold property as individuals,
but possess it in common, yet have all things, , , , You love this
world and are at peace with this world because you are of this
world, , , , Christ possessed nothing and allowed His disciples
to possess nothing, , , , They say they are the Church because
they alone walk in the footsteps of Christ and follow truly the
apostolic life. They seek not the things which are of this
world ; they possess nothing, neither house nor lands nor any
money, just as Christ possessed nothing and allowed His disci
ples to possess nothing, , . . We, they say, are poor men of
Christ, having no permanent abiding place, fleeing from city to
city ; like sheep in the midst of wolves, we suffer persecution 3
with the apostles and martyrs. Yet we lead a life holy and
very strict, persisting in fasting and abstinence, in prayers and
labors day and night, seeking only the necessities of life from
our followers.* All these things we bear because we are not of
this worid. Pseudo-apostles have misinterpreted the word of
Christ, and have sought their own, and have made you and
your fathers proud and worldly. We and our fathers are born
' Cf. St. Bernard, "Nee enim in cunctis assertionibus eorum (nam multae sunt),
novum quid aut inauditum audisse me recolo, sed quod tritum est, et diu ventilatum
inter antiquos haereticos, a nostris autem contritum et eventilatum." Serm. In Can
tica, 65, par. 8. Opera, ed. Mabillon, vol. i, cc. 1493.
' See above, pp. 16.
'There is no record of this persecution, unless it be the effon to extirpate Cathar
ism in France, to which reference has been made above.
' " Tantum necessaria ex eis vitae quaerentes," /. c.

APOSTOLIC SECTS ALLIED TO THE CATHARI 25
of the apostles. We have remained in the grace of Christ, and
we will so remain until the end of the world. To separate you
from us, Christ said : By their fruits ye shall know them. Our
fruits are the foot-prints of Christ," '
One of their tenets then was evangelical poverty — literal
destitution, according to the command given by Christ to His
disciples. They not only believed that they were bound to live
in utter poverty ; they carried the doctrine to its logical con
clusion : a hierarchy which did not obey literally this command
given by Christ to the group of men from whom that hierarchy
claimed to derive its authority, was not the Church of Christ at
all. They made then the deduction which Arnold and Waldo
made, and which Francis never made. Repudiating the Church
of Rome, they had organized a church of their own.
They did not copy the simple democracy of the early
Church. They seem to have had no doubt that Christ founded
a hierarchy not dissimilar to that of the debased Roman
Church ; that He instituted sacraments of which Baptism and
the Mass as administered by that Church were a travesty.
" They have their own Pope," says Everwin ; " " one of those
captured was a Bishop," 3 and there were among them simple
hearers (auditores), "who may, by receiving the laying on of
hands, become believers (credentes)."* This sounds like the
Catharan organization.
As to the sacraments, Everwin believed that they accepted
adult baptism, and that they were given to consecrating their
food and drink, in obedience to the words of Christ at the Last
Supper. Their attitude toward baptism cannot, however, be
exactly determined. Whether they really did believe in adult
baptism, or whether Everwin was led by their purposely equi
vocal statements to think that they did, one thing is certain :
full membership in their sect was conferred by the laying on of
hands. This rite, they claimed, was instituted by Christ. It
'Evervini, ibid,, p. 473. 'Evervini, ibid,, p. 474.
'Evervini, ibid., p. 473.
* Evervini, ibid,, p. 474. Cf. St, Bernardi, Serm. In Cantica, no. 6c„ ibid., c.
1491,

26 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
was that " baptism with the Holy Ghost and with fire " which
John the Baptist promised would be given by the One mightier
than he who was to come after him. In the baptism of Paul,
according to Luke's account, no water was used ; and " what
ever is found in the Acts of the Apostles about the laying on
of hands, they would apply to this baptism," " This ceremony
is characteristically Catharan.
Like the Cathari, the Apostolics were accustomed to conse
crate all food and drink at their daily meals, following the cus
tom of Christ and the Apostles. The consecration was effected
by means of the Lord's Prayer, as was the custom of many
Cathari. The food and drink were consecrated " in corpus
Christi et sanguinem^ and the Apostolics believed " ut inde se
membra et corpus Christi nutriant." " These statements may
indicate belief in transubstantiation. If this be true, then the
Apostolics were not genuine Cathari ; for the Cathari believed
that Christ " was not a man, but a phantasm." 3 On the other
hand, Everwin may have given undue significance, drawn from
the doctrines in which he himself believed, to a rite very simple,
really apostolic, which he was incapable of understanding.
True Cathari these men may or may not have been, but Apos
tolics they clearly were. For they founded their customs on
their literal interpretation of the commands of Christ and the
usage of the apostles. They may have been Cathari who dif
fered from the body of their brethren in their effort to restore
primitive Christianity through evangelical poverty. All branches
of the sect believed that they were of apostolic origin and char-
' L, c. The question of their behef in adult baptism, hke that regarding the ac
ceptance of the doctrine of transubstantiation, concerns inquirers who would establish
their relation with the Catharan movement. This essay is concerned with the rela
tion of the Apostohcs of Cologne with the movement to revive primitive Christianity
and apostolic poverty.
*L,c. 'See above. There is ground for assuming that Everwin thought the Apos
tolics did believe in transubstantiation; for, after describing them, he turns to
his " other heretics " with the words: " Omnino ab istis discordantes. , , . Isti ne-
gant in altari fieri corpus Christi eo quod omnes sacerdotes ecclesiae non sunt conse-
crati," L. c.

APOSTOLIC SECTS ALLIED TO THE CATHARI 27
acter, and that the Papacy had lost the apostolic spirit and
power which it once possessed. This loss they connected with
the false Donation of Constantine the Great, by which, accord
ing to mediaeval belief, temporal power over Italy was conferred
upon Pope Sylvester. The Cathari believed that the Church
was perverted by the possession of temporal wealth and power,
and ceased from that time to be the Church of Christ, " and
they say that the blessed Sylvester was Antichrist." "
This belief in their own apostolic character might easily be
emphasized in the minds of some members of the Catharan
body and develop into the strictly apostolic doctrine of the
heretics of Cologne,' On the other hand, a company of men
who set out independently to lead a life conformed to the
usages of the apostolic Church might find in the Catharan belief
in their own apostolic origin a common ground on which to
meet. Indeed, in districts permeated by Catharism,' as much
of western Europe seems to have been at this time, such men
would be drawn both by the logic of their reasoning and by the
pressure of events toward the Catharan organization.
On the whole, however, the Apostolics of Cologne are most
easily accounted for on the assumption that they were a branch
of the Cathari, and had, in accordance with the spirit of the
age, become enthusiasts for evangelical poverty, without sever
ing their connection with the great body of the Dualists, Sev
eral circumstances point to this conclusion. They do not speak
of a heresiarch, and usually a sect begins with adherence to a
leader. They refer to persecutions endured ; and no such
persecution is known to have taken place, beyond the attempts
to put down Catharism, and the proceedings against Peter of
' Evervini, /, c. For a more detailed account of the Sylvester legend, and the in
fluence of the Donation of Constantine on heresy in mediaeval Europe, see Comba,
Histoire des Vaudois, pp. 77 seq.
'This is the theory of Tocco. See L'Eresia nel medio evo, p. 163. There are no
detailed treatises on the Apostolics, and it is therefore impossible to refer to sec
ondary authorities on points which lie outside the scope of this essay.
'On Catharism in Cologne, see Schmidt, ibid., pp. 94 seq. Also Annates Colo-
menses Maximi (Anno 1163), M. G. H. SS., vol. xvii p. 778, for account of
influx of Cathari from Flanders.

28 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Bruys and Henry of Lausanne and their followers." Whatever
their origin, they had Catharan beliefs, and they were, as they
called themselves, Apostolics.
They also knew how to die, " They were seized against our
will by an over-zealous populace," says Everwin, " and put
upon the fire and burned. What is more marvellous, they
entered the fire and bore the torture not only with patience but
with joy. Whence," he naively inquires, " do these children of
the devil obtain a steadfastness in their heresy such as is
scarcely found in believers in the faith of Christ ! " "
There is no possibility of estimating the influence and the
diffusion of the Apostolics. Their own statement . that "they
have a great multitude, scattered almost everywhere through
out the world," may refer to the Cathari in general. Heretics
were discovered at Treves in 1122,3 at Toul in 1130,'* and in.
Champagne in 11 44.5 In all these cases, they were apparently
Cathari. There is no real evidence that they were Apostolics,*
St. Bernard seems to have heard of other persecutions of the
Apostolics besides those of which Everwin wrote; but his
statement is far too vague to serve as evidence.'
That there is no record of any discovery of Apostolic heretics
in Germany from the time of Everwin to the days of the Walden-
' See above, pp, 20 seq. '£, c.
' Gesta Treverorum Episcoporum, M. G. H. SS., vol, viii, p. 193.
*Epistolae Hugonis Metelli ; Sacrae Antiquitatis Monumenta; in oppido Sancti
Deodati (1731), ep. 15, vol. ii, p. 347.
' Ep, Ecclesiae Leodiensis ad Lucium Papam II, Martine et Durand A. C. I.
P.777- «0f the heretics of Toul, Hugo writes: " Pestilentes homines, qui veriori nomine,
besliae appellari possunt, quae bestiahter vivunt. Conjugium enim detestantur, bap-
.tismum abominantur, sacramenta Ecclesiae dirident, nomen Christianum abhorrent,"
/. c, Cf, accounts for Treves and Laon.
'"Quaesiti fidem, cum de quibus suspecti videbantur, omnia prorsus suo more ne-
garent; examinati judicio aquae, mendaces inventi sunt. Cumque negare non pos
sent, quippe deprehensi, aqua eos non recipiente, arrepto, ut dicitur, freno dentibus
tam misere, quam libere impietatem non confessi, sed professi sunt, palam pietatem'
adstruentes, et pro ea mortem subire parati. Nee minus parati inferre qui adstabant
Itaque irruens in eos populus, novos haereticis suae ipsorum perfidiae martyres dedit '"'
Serm. In Cantica, 66, par, 12, Ibid,, <.. 1499,

APOSTOLIC SECTS ALLIED TO THE CATHARI 29
sian movement is no proof that such heretics did not exist there.
The great prelates of the Rhine valley were absorbed in the
struggle which was vital to their wealth and power "-^the strife
to determine the relations of Church to Empire, They were
probably not over-zealous in the pursuit of heresy. Moreover,
detection of the Apostolics might well be difficult ; for those
discovered by Everwin partook of the Sacraments of the
Church, and so for a time escaped notice." The secret growth
of the sect in the twelfth century is the more probable because
the Church had, as yet, no organized system for ferreting out
heresy. The fact that the Apostolics are not mentioned by
name in the great works on heresy written in the twelfth cen
tury : those of Bonacursus,3 and Moneta,* for example, does not
prove that the sect ceased to exist. The Apostolics might
easily seem indistinguishable from other Cathari on the one
hand, or from the Waldenses on the other. The same reason
ing appHes to the absence of the name Apostolics from the
Papal and Imperial edicts against heresy, issued in the latter
part of the twelfth century and the beginning of the thirteenth.
Though there is no proof that the Apostohcs maintained
themselves and diffused the " poison of their doctrine," it seems
probable that they did so, for the district " infected with their
heresy" was to be a fertile ground for Waldensianism forty
years later ; and the practical teaching of the Apostolics was
identical with that of Waldo. In only one other locality did
the preaching of Waldo gain so quickly a large following, and
that was in Lombardy, where Arnold and the Humihati had
aroused an enthusiasm for primitive Christianity and evangelical
•On the preoccupation of these prelates with worldly affairs, and the resulting
tendency of heresy to increase unmolested, see Rohrich, Die Gottesfreunde und die
Winkeler am Ober rhein, in Illgen's, Zeitschrift fUr die historische Theologie, vol, x,
pt. 4, pp, 118 seq. (1840). For an interesting contemporary account of the clergy,
especially in the diocese of Treves, see Potho of Prum, De statu domus Dei, in Bibl,
Max, Patrum. Lugd., vol. xxi, pp. 489 seq.
'St. Bernard, Serm, In Cantica, no, 65, par, 5.
' Vita haereticorum. D'Achery, Spicilegium, vol. xiii, p. 64.
*Moneta Cremonensis adv. Caiharos et Valdenses, ed, Rome, 1743, by T, Ric-
chinius.

30 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
poverty. The Apostolics of Everwin furnish an explanation for
the wonderfully rapid growth of the German Waldenses into an
organization formidable to the Church. Their creed had doubt
less lived on, strengthened in the popular mind by constant
contemplation of the wealth and luxury and absorption in the
duties and pleasures of secular rulers which characterized the
great Prince-Bishops of the Rhine valley.

CHAPTER III
ARNOLD OF BRESCIA
Looked at in the large, the history of the Church in the
eleventh century presents two great conspicuous facts: the
attempt to define the relation to the secular power in the Inves
titure struggle, and that effort to purify the clergy and bring
their lives into conformity with the apostolic ideal known as the
Cluniac Reform, These two movements doubtless had an incal
culable influence in arousing popular consciousness to the un
apostolic condition of the Church, They also helped to pro
duce in the cities of northern Italy a state of unrest and
confusion which still further emphasized the need for reform
and made all ecclesiastical questions also political ones, A
reformer could hardly attack any ecclesiastical evil without
straightway finding himself at the head of a party in his own
city arrayed against a faction itself headed by ecclesiastics,"
The situation was complicated by the breach between Papacy
and Empire and the warfare betweein the adherents of the two
powers. The prevailing evils seem to have been especially flagrant in
the Lombard communes, of which Milan was the chief." When
the Synod of Sutri in 1059 enunciated the principles of reform,
the Lombard bishops, who, if they tried to enforce the decrees
were sometimes savagely assaulted by their clergy, found sup
port among the people. The alliance was not always, however,
between bishops and people. The Investiture struggle often
arrayed the commune against the bishop, inasmuch as the
burghers were striving after civil rights and political independ
ence, and bishops who, in league with the emperor, tried to
1 Arialdus at Milan, Arnold at Brescia. See below, pp. 32 seq.
'C, Schmidt, Histoire de la secte des Cathares, p, 19. 31

32 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
retain temperal power became enemies of the commune. The
patriot leaders would then ally themselves with the papal legates
against the bishops.
In Milan the popular party was known as the Pataria, and was
led by a certain Arialdus, a man of noble birth sprung from the
neighborhood of Milan, who had traveled widely and studied
much. Perhaps he may have encountered Hildebrand and
learned at first hand of his great effort to purify the Church,
At all events he had before his eyes the ideal of the evangelical
Church, and he fearlessly called upon the clergy of Milan to
give up their wealth, repent of their wickedness and follow
Christ as the apostles had done. Democrats and reformers
flocked to his support, and for a time his faction ruled in Milan.
The Pope, Alexander II, found in the Pataria a useful ally in his
effort to enforce the Cluniac Reform and in opposing the
Emperor and the Anti-Pope upheld by the prelates of Lom
bardy. Simoniacal and married priests were driven from their
altars, and for a time the Pataria controlled the city," When
the Pope's opponents had been humbled, the Curia had no fur
ther need of the party of Arialdus, and the downfall of the
Pataria was inevitable as soon as Rome by their aid had tri
umphed in Lombardy,
But the principles of Arialdus did not die with the fall of his
party. The history of the communes varied greatly in details.
In all, however, there was strife involving ecclesiastial questions,
together with a state of unrest favorable to the development of
revolutionary sentiment, political and ecclesiastical.
One of the most turbulent towns in northern Italy was Brescia,
which then furnished a vivid example of the unapostolic condi
tion into which the Church had fallen. Despite the reform
decrees, the clergy were almost without exception simoniacal.
The evil effect of the possession of temporal power was glar
ingly evident. Though the city was nominally governed by two
consuls, the bishop controlled one-fifth of the land, which was
'Hausrath, Arnold von Brescia, p. i. Vita Arialdi, AA. SS. BoU., 27 Juni, v
p, 281, Giesebrecht, Geschichte der Deutschen Kaiserzeit, vol, iii, p. 30.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA 33
infeudated to the Church," Conflicts between the bishop and
the consuls were frequent." A sort of compromise between the
lay and clerical authorities is indicated by a document of 1 127 3
issued by both together, but this was evidently a momentary
agreement, and did not mean the end of the strife.
New conflicts were imminent. The year 1127 saw two Ger
man kings contending for the imperial crown; in 11 30 two
Popes claimed the Fisherman's Chair. Brescia supported
Lothair III and Innocent II against Conrad III and Anacletus ;
the laity of Brescia, that is, headed by the consuls.* The
bishop, Villanus, was a creature of Anacletus, and bitter strife
existed between the clergy under his leadership and the popular
party. Innocent II visited Brescia in the autumn of 11 32. He
deposed Villanus, and replaced him by Manfred, an adherent of
his own.5
It was during the confusion attendant on the schism of
Anacletus that the man known to history as Arnold of Brescia
first came into prominence. He was a native of the town, of
noble family, born toward the close of the eleventh century.
Nothing is known of the events of his early life, except that he
had been ordained " clericus ac lector I' and had been a pupil of
Abelard, He was a man of affairs rather than of theories.
We judge of his beliefs by his own acts and those of his fol
lowers. According to all the accounts extant of his life, all the
attacks made upon him by his enemies, he remained always a
consistent figure, tracing the evils of the day to the wealth and
temporal power of the Church, finding a remedy in a return to
the conditions of the Apostolic Age.* There is no word of
Arnold's in existence to show the process by which this con
viction was formed.
' Odorici, Storie Bresciano, vol. iv, pp. 237 seq.
'Hausrath, ibid., p. 8. Giesebrecht, ibid,, p. 129.
' This document is given by Odorici, ibid. , vol. v, p. 92.
'Hausrath, /. c.
'Hausrath, /, c. Giesebrecht, /. c. See Odorici, ibid., vol. iv, pp. 240 seq,, for
an account of Innocent's visit, " Innocentius papa Brixiam venit et ejecit Villanum
de episcopatu," Annates Brixiensis, M. G. H. SS,, vol. xviii, p. 812.
• See below, pp. 33 seq.

34 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Besides Arnold's Lombard environment, then, the only-
known influence in his early life is that of Abelard, during the
period when the author of the " Sic et Non " was living at the
Paraclete," When it is remembered that Abelard exalted the province of
human reason, it seems probable that the fearless independence
of Arnold's later attitude was in part due to him, Abelard
had, moreover, spent years in bitter conflict with ecclesiastical
authorities, at whose hands he had received treatment severe,
if not unjust. He had protested against the disregard of
monastic vows sadly prevalent at that time, Arnold's hostility
to the clergy, natural enough in a citizen of Lombardy, may
well have been stimulated by Abelard. Further, the beauty of
the simple life at the Paraclete must have had its effect on a
man of ascetic tendencies. That Arnold was devoted to
Abelard, and therefore likely to feel his influence strongly, may
be inferred from his return to his master some years later."
Of the further influences to which Arnold was subject, we
know that he was "learned in the Scriptures," 3 and that he can
hardly have failed to hear some Patarin teaching. Moreover,
the study of the Roman law was quite general in Lombardy,
and inevitably made men critical of the relation between the
secular and the ecclesiastical power.*
The Church as Arnold saw it in Lombardy bore little re
semblance to the Church of the Apostolic Age, and the clergy
did not conform their lives to the commands of Christ which
> V. Clavel (Arnauldde Brescia, pp. 28-29), gives exaggerated importance to the
influence of Abelard's "Nee credi posse aliquid nisi primitus intellectum." For an
account of Abelard's life down to this period, see J. McCabe, Life of Abelard, pp,
1-207. ' See below, pp. 35 seq.
* Historia Pontificalis, c. 31; M. G. H. SS., vol. xx, p. 537. [Believed to have
been written by John of Salisbury, who was with Arnold in Paris, under Abelard, and
in Italy during the Roman crisis. Giesebrecht, Arnold, pp. 4, 124-126; Hausrath
p. 4; Pauli, Ueber . , , Johannes Sarisburiensis, in Zeitschrift fflr Kirchenrecht'
vol. XV, pp. 265 seq. ] '
?Giesebrecht, ibid, p. 129. Hausrath, ibid,, p. 2. Breyer, Die Arnoldisten, p.
397. Note also quotations from Justinian's Institutes, in Wezel's letter, Jaffe B r"
G., vol. i, p. 539. For this letter, see below, pp. 42 seq.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA

35

Arnold found in the Scriptures. So in the midst of unseemly
wrangles through which prelates of the Church strove to gain
or to retain wealth and power, he began to cry out that by pos
sessing wealth and power the Church had departed from the
way marked out by Christ and followed by the Apostles ; and
that only by surrendering all property to the laity could the
clergy hope to be saved."
With relentless logic, Arnold called on the clergy of Brescia
to give up their worldly goods. A fresh schism arose, Man
fred and the clergy opposed Arnold, the laity supported him.
Popular feeling was so intense that during Manfred's sojourn in
Rome in 1 137, the citizens of Brescia conspired to prevent his
return. For a time Arnold's party ruled Brescia. When, in
II 39, Rome condemned Arnold, his "duo consules haeretici"
fell." Exiled, Arnold joined Abelard,3 who, after an experience as
Abbot of St. Gildas in Brittany, made stormy by his attempt to
reform the monks, had returned to Paris and was teaching on
Mt. St. Genevieve. In 1141 St. Bernard declared that Abelard
was teaching heresy, of which, we are told, Arnold partook :
" that new form of belief," as St. Bernard calls it, " which has
been devised in France. Its standpoint toward virtue and vice
is not moral, toward the Sacraments not faithful, toward the
mystery of the Holy Trinity something quite different from that
simple and sober one to which we have been trained." * Like
Abelard, Arnold was lashed by St. Bernard's denunciation.
' " Dicebat enim, nee clericas proprietatem, nee episcopus regalia, nee monachos
possessiones habentes, aliqua ratione salvari posse; cuncta haec principis esse, ab ejus-
que beneflcentia in usum laicorum cedere oportere." Otto Frisingensis, Gesta Fri-
derici I, bk. ii, t. 20, M. G. H. SS., vol. xx, p. 403.
'^ Annates Brixiensis, Ann., 113S, M. G. H. SS., vol. xviii, p. 812. (Cited by
Giesebrecht, p. 130, But the year is not that of Arnold's condemnation.)
• St. Bernardi, ep. 195. Opera, ed. Mabillon, vol. i, p. 187; also in Bouquet, vol.
"Vi P- S7S- Walter Map, De Nugis, D. I, c. 24, ed. Wright, p. 43. (Friend of
John of Salisbury, who wrote during latter half of 12th century, and was present at
3rd Council of the Lateran, 1179. Hausrath, ibid., p. 155, n. 6. See also below,
Historia Pontificalis, i., 31; ibid,, p. 537. i
*St. Bern., ep. 330. "Ad Innocentium Papam." Op, cit., vol. i, p. 182.

36 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST, FRANCIS OF ASSISI
With him he was condemned by the Council of Sens in
1141." Abelard, worn out by the labors and contentions of his
strenuous life, was persuaded by Peter the Venerable of Cluny
to make peace with St. Bernard and to submit to the Church,"
Arnold was younger, he was vigorous and uncoiripromising, and
he did not yield.
The sentence of Sens was not approved in France, and after
the submission of the arch-heretic no bishop was found to
execute the harsh judgment of the Council against Arnold, He
was therefore left unmolested for a time.3 Further, Hyacinthus,
later a cardinal, evidently an influential man, espoused Arnold's
cause.'* Moreover, conditions in France were unfavorable to united
clerical action. A heated controversy centred around a bitter
struggle for the see of Bourges and diverted attention from all
minor issues. King and Pope, noble and monk, stood arrayed
against each other. Bloodshed, ban, interdict.^ furnished a
vivid illustration of Arnold's characteristic doctrine, while by
shielding him from the punishment decreed at Sens the strife
made possible a still wider promulgation of the doctrine. He
tarried for a time in Paris, and at Mt. St. Genevieve " expounded
sacred letters to the scholars. What he said agreed perfectly
with the laws of the Christians, but differed as widely as possible
from their lives. He did not spare the bishops, because of their
base and avaricious greed of gain and because of their impure
lives and because they sought to build the Church of God in
blood." «
•Mansi, vol, xxi, cc. 564 seq. Cf. St. Bern., epist. 189; op, cit., vol. I, p. 182,
On Abelard's views condemned at Sens, see McCabe, ibid,, pp. 320-321, and S. m'
Deutsch, Peter Abelard, pp. 255-288.
'Hausrath, ibid., p. 53. Abelard died shortly afterward (April 21, 1 142), in a
priory belonging to Cluny, at Chalons sur Saone. McCabe, ibid,, p. 359.
'Hausrath, /. c St. Bern., epist., 195.
* St. Bern., ep 189. Op, cit,, vol. i, p. 184. Hyacinthus was with John of Salis
bury, Arnold and Abelard in Paris in 1 136. McCabe, ibid, p 201
* Hausrath, ibid, pp. 55-56.
* Historia Pontificalis, c. 31. Ibid,, p. 537.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA 37
Though Pope and bishop gave no open sign of hostility, St.
Bernard had not laid down his arms. Unable to secure the
execution of the papal verdict, he sought to drive the con
demned man out of Christendom. He hunted him from land
to land by appealing to any power he could influence. He did
his best to make true his own description of Arnold : " Wher
ever he has once set his foot, thither he never dares to return
any more." " St. Bernard mediated between the Pope and the
King of France when his country lay under an interdict, and he
finally succeeded in persuading Louis VII to drive Arnold from
Paris and from France,
For a time, probably about a year, he found refuge in Ziirich,'
Still he taught and won followers,* Perhaps the preaching of
Henry of Lausanne had prepared the way for Arnold,^ To the
Bishop of Constance, who had won his see by spending large
sums in Rome during the very year (1139) of Arnold's con
demnation by Innocent II,* St. Bernard sent an emphatic letter
of warning. Arnold, he said, was a man of ingratiating manner,
who never failed to make use of all the influence he could
acquire against the clergy.' We may judge both of Arnold's
course in the diocese of Constance and of the effect of this let
ter by the fact that Arnold did not stay long in ZUrich. We
know also that he had preached there the regeneration of the
Church by a return to the conditions of the Apostolic Age.*
He next went to Guido, the papal legate in Moravia and
Bohemia.9 To Guido also St. Bernard sent a letter of warning
»St. Bern., ep. 195. Op. cit,, vol. i, p. 187.
'Hausrath, ibid,, p. 57. The interdict was removed by Celestinus 11(1143-1147).
•Otto Frising. Gesta Frid, I, bk. .i, t. 20. M. G. H. SS., vol. xx, p. 403. St,
Bern., ep, 195, Giesebrecht, ibid., p. 134.
*Otto Frising. Ibid., p. 404. Wezel (see below, p. 42 seq.) writing from Rome in
1 152, recommends to the Emperor Frederick I "Coraitem Rodulfum de Rames-
berch, et Comitem Andalricum de Leucenburch, et alios idoneos scilicet Eberardum
de Bodemen" who, Giesebrecht (p. 133) thinks, were followers of Arnold from
Constance, as was Wezel himself.
'See above, p. 20. 'Hausrath, p. 68.
'Ep. 195. 'Otto Frising., ibid,,^, 404.
•Giesebrecht, p. 136. Epistolae Wibaldi, Jaff6, B. R. G., vol. viii, p. 542. See
Gregorovins, Geschichte der Stadt Rom im Mittelalter, vol. iv, p. 458.

38 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST, FRANCIS OF ASSISI
couched in much the same terms as that to the Bishop of Con
stance." The effect of this letter is not certainly known. For
two years (1143-1145) there is no trace of Arnold." At the
close of that period he and Guido appeared simultaneously in
Italy.3 At this time, according to the Historia Pontificalis, "Arnold
promised satisfaction and obedience to the Roman See, and was
received by the Lord Eugenius at Viterbo. Penance was en
joined upon him, which he agreed to fulfill : fasting, vigils and
prayers about the sacred places in Rome," The errors for
which Arnold made satisfaction are not stated ; it is uncertain
whether they were the heresies of Abelard or the direct assaults
upon the Church for possessing wealth and power which had
caused his banishment from Brescia,* and which he had appar
ently continued to make in other lands. He owed satisfaction
for both. When he was condemned for his teaching at Brescia
in 1 1 39 he had promised not to return to Italy ; ' and the ban
of Sens still hung over him,
Arnold may have forsworn at Viterbo his views on the wealth
and secular power of the Church, If so, the state of things he
found in Rome forced him once more to resume his mission.
In Rome as in Brescia, a great many of the citizens were
aroused against the secular power of the Church,* The lower
nobility and the burghers had taken advantage of the prevail
ing disorder during the schism of Anacletus, to reorganize the
'" Amoldus de Brixia, cujus conversatio mei, et doctrina venenum; cui caput col-
umbae, Cauda scorpionis est; quem Brixia evomuit, Roma exhorruit, Francia repulit,
Germania abominatur, Italia non vult recipere," etc. St. Bern., ep. 196. Op. cit,,
ibid., vol. i, p. 188. The date according to Giesebrecht (p. 135) is not before 1142
nor after the autumn of 1143.
'Vacandard, Arnauldde Brescia, p. 71. Giesebrecht, ibid,, p. 136,
'Giesebrecht, ibid, p. 136. See also JaffS, Regesta, 9296, for a document dated
Sept. 12, 1 145, which shows that Guido was in Italy.
«St. Bern., ep. 195. " Adhaeserat Paetro Abaelardo." But "Videbetis homi
nem aperte insurgere in clerum," etc. Further, he was cast out from Italy and from
Rome " pro simile causa."
'St. Bern., ep. 195.
'For the whole revolutionary movement, see Gregorovius, Geschichte der Stadt
Rom im Mittelalter, bk. viii, cc. 4 seq., 4th edition, vol. iv, pp. 428 seq.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA 3g
Senate and replace the Papal Prefect by a Patrician of their
own choosing," Lucius II, during his reign of one year (i 144-
1145)) had not succeeded in wielding the temporal power in
Rome, He had aroused the higher nobility against the Senate ;
but the burghers had none the less prevailed. They had sub
stituted Imperial for Papal authority by offering to take the
oath of allegiance to the Emperor Conrad II, and by demand
ing that the Pope give up all temporal power and all income
save tithes and free-will offerings."
Eugenius III spent eight months early in his pontificate with
his cardinals at Viterbo ; 3 months during which the new gov
ernment in Rome showed itself powerless to prevent rioting
and the destruction of property belonging to the cardinals and
other papalists. At the end of the year 1145 a compromise
between Pope and revolutionists enabled Eugenius to enter
Rome.* Strife soon broke out again, however, and in January,
1 146, Eugenius found it expedient to return to Viterbo. In
March he went to Sutri.
Such were the conditions when Arnold went to Rome in the
latter weeks of 1145, presumably to fulfil the penance imposed
upon him at Viterbo and to complete his reconciliation with the
Roman See.' He saw, as he had seen at Brescia, the clergy
engaged in unseemly strife to retain temporal power, and to
continue leading the luxurious lives which Arnold thought so
inconsistent with their calling, Walter Map believed that the
sight of " the luxuriousness of the cardinals and their tables
laden with gold and silver dishes " first led Arnold once more
'The Revolution was a fact before Arnold went to Rome (1144), See Otto Fris
ing, Chron., bk. vii, cc. 27, 31, 34. M. G. H. SS , vol. xx, pp. 264 seq. Historia
Pontificalis, I, c. Two letters of St. Bernard, no. 243 {ep. cit., vol. i, pp. 240-242),
an appeal to the Romans to return to their allegiance to the Pope; no. 244 {ibid.,
pp, 242-243), an appeal to Conrad to defend the Pope. Both letters were written
in 1145-1146 (Giesebrecht, ibid., p. 139), and neither contains any reference to
Arnold. 'Otto Frising. Chron,, bk. 7, c. 31, /. t.
'Until December, 1145. Giesebrecht, ibid., p. 137.
•Otto Frising. Chron,, bk. vii, c. 34. M. G. H. SS., vol. xx, p. 266.
''Historia Pontificalis, I. c. Giesebrecht, ibid., p. 138.

40 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
to lift up his voice in protest. For the Prophet of Brescia
could not keep silence. First " he censured the clergy tem
perately in letters to the Lord Pope ; but they took it in bad
part, and cast him forth. He then returned to the city and be
gan to teach indefatigably. The people flocked about him and
heard him eagerly," " The Pope was absent in France, and
there was no power to. prevent Arnold's preaching openly,"
" He was heard frequently in the Capitol and in public dispu
tations." What were his subjects? "He was," says Otto of Freising,
" a slanderer of the bishops and clergy, a persecutor of the
monks, and a flatterer of the laity as well. For he said that
clergy who hold property, bishops who enjoy regalia, and monks
who have possessions cannot in any wise be saved. All these
things pertain to the secular rulers, and should by their benefi
cence be given to the laity to use." 3 Arnold did not hold
the extreme view of the Apostolics,* or of Waldo, concerning
apostolic power. He would allow the clergy to have the " first-
fruits and tithes, and whatever the devotion of the people
offered," ^ The clergy might then, according to Arnold, have
an income without violating the commands of Christ and the
customs of the Apostolic Age. Property they must not hold.
The accounts extant of Arnold's teaching can hardly mean that
he sanctioned even communistic possession, ownership of any
'Walter Map, De Nugis Curialium, d. i, t. 24, ed. Wright, p. 43.
« Historia Pontificalis, I.e. He went in January, 1 147, to bless crusaders. Vacan
dard, Arnauldde Brescia, p. 81. Hausrath, ibid., p. 94.
'Otto Frising. Gesta Frid,, bk. ii, c. 20. M. G. H. SS., vol. xx, p. 404. Cf.
Gerohus Reichersbergensis, De Aevitatibus hujus saeculi; in Grisar, Geroh iiber die
InvesHtursfrage, Zeitschrift fur Katholischen Theologie, vol. ix, p. 549. " Memini
me, quum fuissem in urbe (Roma), contra quendam Arnaldinum valenter literatum
in palatio disputasse." Breyer (Die Arnoldisten, p. 397), says this was not Arnold
but an Arnoldist, and considers it evidence of the existence of a sect founded by
Arnold— a conclusion which seems hardly warranted. See below, pp. 50 sea.
* See above, pp. 21 seq.
' Gunther, Ligurinus, ed. Reuber, p. 322. Believed to be a production of the late
twelfth century, the material being taken from Otto of Freising. See Hausrath
Arnold, p. I55,.n. 8. Cf. Platform of the Romans before Arnold's advent abdve'
p. 38.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA 41
sort of capital by the Church as an institution. Specific charges
were made against the clergy — simony, worldliness and evil liv
ing, lack of charity, " They love not God nor their neighbor," "
and all these vices were attributed to their wealth.
He then attacked the governing body of the Church, the
Pope and Cardinals, for their unapostolic position. The Col
lege of Cardinals, he claimed, " was, by reason of the pride and
avarice of its members, their hypocrisy and manifold sins, not
the Church of God, but the house of buying and selling, and
the den of thieves, who played the part of the scribes and phari-
sees toward the Christian people. He said the Pope was no
Pope because he was not an apostolic man and a shepherd of
souls, but a man of blood," who maintained his authority by
killing and burning; a tormentor of the churches ; an oppressor
of the innocent, who did nothing in the world but feed on flesh
and fill his coffers and empty those of others. He said he was
not apostolic, because he did not imitate the doctrine nor the
life of the Apostles, and therefore no reverence nor obedience
was due him." 3 Further, " Nothing in the government of the
city pertains to the supreme Pontiff ; ecclesiastical jurisdiction
dught to be enough for him." *
• It was on the common ground of this last doctrine that
Arnold and the Roman Revolutionists formed an alliance.
They, in their rebellion against the temporal rule of the Pope,
were seeking to restore the mechanism of the Roman govern
ment to the state in which it was in the time of Constantine and
Justinian, " who held in their hands the whole earth through the
might of the Senate and the people of Rome." ' The Revolu-
' Gesta di Federico, w. 780-799. Fonti di Storia d'ltalia, vol. i, p. 32.
" Cf. Gerohus of Reichersberg, who regrets that Arnold was punished by death
because the Church was thus guilty of bloodshed. In De Investigatione Antichristi,
bk, i, c, 42, ed, Scheibelberger, p. 89.
^Historia Pontificalis, c, 31, M. G. H. SS., vol. xx, 538. Cf. Gesta di Freder-
ico, w. 785-795. Ibid., p. 31.
*Otto Frising. Gesta Frid., bk. ii, t. 20. M. G. H. SS., vol. xx, p. 404.
' Cf. Otto Frising., bk. ii, c. 20. SS., xx, p. 404. He formulates Arnold's politi
cal doctrine thus: "Proponens antiquorum Romanorum exempla, qui' ex senatus
maturitatis consulto et ex juvenilium animorum fortitudinis ordine et integritate totum

42 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
tionists, as has been shown," had reorganized the Senate.
Through this body they now besought the Emperor to dwell
in Rome and rule all Italy ; " for all clerical obstacles are now
set aside." " Arnold was not primarily a republican, he was not
an imperialist. He believed that the Church was vitiated by
the possession of wealth and temporal power ; and he was con
vinced that it could be restored to apostolic purity only by los
ing that wealth and power. To him, then, the Roman move
ment afforded an opportunity to purify the Church. With this
object in view, he made common cause with the Revolutionists.
From this time our sources for the life of Arnold are very
meagre. The Historia Pontificalis ends; Otto of Freising be
comes unsatisfactory; there are only a few brief notices of
Arnold in the chronicles of the progress and subsequent decline
of the Roman Revolution. Just here, however, may be placed
two letters which are believed to have been inspired, if not
written by Arnold. These form part of a correspondence be
tween the Revolutionists and the Emperor. They are : first, a
letter from " a certain friend of the Senate " to Conrad III ; 3
second, one from Wezel to Frederick.* Giesebrecht 5 believes
that "quidam fidelis senatus" of the first letter may well be
Arnold himself ; for he had bound himself to the Senate by an
oath of allegiance.* The friend of the Senate is at all events a
thorough Arnoldist. Wezel is evidently an adherent of Arnold.
His identity is unknown. It seems probable that he was a Ger
man. Possibly he and the group of men mentioned in his ap-
orbem terrae suum fecerint. Quare reaedificandum CapitoUum, renovandam senator-
iam dignitatem, reformandum equestrem ordinem docuit." Giesebrecht (Arnold von
Brescia, p. 19, note) does not credit this statement. Vacandard (Arnauld de
Brescia, p. 73) does.
'^ Ibid,, bk. i, c. 27, p. 366. Otto Frising.
'Otto Frising., bk. i, c. 27, ibid,^ p. 367.
^Epistolae Wibaldi, no. 216. Jaff6, B. R. G., vol. i, pp, 335 seq.
^Epistolae Wibaldi, no. 404. Ibid,, pp. 534 seq,
^Arnold, p. 142, note.
'Arnold of Brescia " qui honori urbis et rei publice Romanorum se dicebatur obli-
gasse prestito juramento." Historia Pontificalis, c. 31. M. G. H. SS. vol xx
P- 537.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA 43
peal to the Emperor, men who, like him, have German names,
were followers won by Arnold during his sojourn in Constance,"
It is then probable that in these documents we have reasoning
after the characteristic Arnoldist method.
The letter of the man who describes himself as "quidam
fidelis senatus " is an earnest appeal to the Emperor to come
quickly to Rome and re-establish imperial control, thus limiting
the ecclesiastical authority to its proper sphere. For, he says,
no wars should be waged nor murders committed in the world
by priests, who are not permitted to bear the sword with the
chalice. Their duty is to preach, and to support their preach-:
ing by good works," Wezel's letter was written after Conrad
was dead, when Frederick had been chosen king, but before his
coronation as emperor. He reproaches Frederick because he
has failed to recognize the Roman people as the source of his
power, but like his predecessors has obeyed the summons of the
" Julianists, heretics, apostate clergy and false monks, who dis
regard their vows and wield authority despite the evangelical,
apostolic and canon law, and in defiance of all other laws, both
human and divine." Wezel then quotes St. Peter himself 3 to
prove that the Pope is " apostate " : that he is no true descend
ant of the Fisherman. Flee that which is of this world, " add
to your faith virtue, and to your virtue knowledge." How, he
says, could the members of the Curia say with St. Peter:
"Behold I leave all and follow thee?"* And again, " Silver
and gold have I none ?" ^
Wezel thus convicted the worldly See of Rome out of the
mouth of the apostle whom the mediaeval world honored as the
founder of that See and the chief of the apostles, and proved
that the Papacy was unapostolic. He then turns to the founda
tion of all : — the commands of Christ, uttered when he sent his
apostles out into the world and, according to the belief of eccle
siastics, organized the Church, Referring again to the prelates
Wezel says : " How can such men hear from the Lord's lips
' Clavel, Arnauldde Bresiia, pp. 281-283. Giesebrecht, Arnold, p. 143.
' Jaff6, B. R, G., vol, i, pp. 335-336-
' 2 Pet. 1 : 4-7. * Matt. 19: 27. 'Acts 3 : 6.

44 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
' You are the salt of the earth?' " ' Ye are the light of the worid?'
To Peter and the vicars (vicariis) of Peter the Lord said : As
my Father hath sent me, so send I you." But the manner of
his sending by the Father he expressed, saying : ' If I do not
the works of my Father, believe me not.' 3 If Christ, who did
no sin, was not to be believed without works, how are those to
be believed who do evil — nay more, who do evil publicly?"
" How," Wezel proceeds, " can the clergy, given over to luxu
rious living, bear to hear the foremost of the commands of the
Gospel : ' Blessed are the poor in spirit,' * when they are not
poor in fact or in aim?" He continues his argument, following
up the quotations from the New Testament by passages from
the early Fathers, showing how far the Church of his day has
lapsed from the apostolic ideal of a ministry given to self-
denial, humility, poverty, in obedienfce to the commands of
Christ.5 Wezel's letter, like that of " quidam fidelis senatus"
reflects Arnold's characteristic doctrine. The two documents
go to show that during the alliance with the Roman Revolu
tionists, Arnold retained and championed the views which had
led to his banishment from Brescia and from Italy in 1 137,
During seven turbulent years (i 145— 11 52)* Arnold remained
in Rome. At the end of that time the Pope made peace with
the popular party. One of his demands was the banishment or
surrender of Arnold.' Given these alternatives, Arnold chose
exile rather than capitulation. As soon as he had left Rome
he was captured. Shortly after his capture he was put to death,'
The manner of his death is uncertain.* The significance of it is
'Matt. 5: 13, 14. 'John 20: 21.
'John 10: 37, 'Matt. 5: 3.
^Epistolae Wibaldi, no. 404. Jaffe, B. R. G., vol. i, pp. 539 seq.
'Giesebrecht, Arnold, p. 141.
'Gregorovius, ibid,, 498-499, for an account of the interdict on the verge of Holy
Week, by means of which the Pope prevailed over Arnold's party. See also Giese
brecht, ibid,, pp. 145 seq,, and Clavel, Arnauld, pp. 273 seq. Vita Hadriani
Papae IV, Watterich, Pontificorum Romanorum Vitae, vol. ii, pp. 344 seq.
'For accounts of it, see Otto Frising., bk. ii, t. 20, who says he was burned, and
his ashes were scattered on the Tiber; Gesta di Federico, for statement that he was
hanged; a statement supported by Walter Map, w, 831 seq., I. i.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA 45
unquestionable. The party which stood for evangelical poverty
in the Church, which believed that the clergy should confine
themselves to the duties enjoined upon the apostles by Christ,
had been crushingly defeated by the power of the Church as an
institution. The defeat of a party, however, by no means necessarily
implies the conquest of the principles for which that party has
contended. Did the triumph of the Papacy and the death of
Arnold mean the end of Arnold's influence? So Giesebrecht
would have us believe." The part Arnold played in the Roman
Revolution has, for the historian of the Imperial Age in Ger
many, obscured the fundamental doctrine which led him to cast
in his lot with the Revolutionists. That doctrine formed one of
the great world currents in Arnold's time, and was destined to
grow in strength during the two succeeding centuries, and
Arnold had preached it untiringly with all the force of vivid,
magnetic personality and overwhelming conviction.
The extent of his personal influence in the great movement
toward Apostolic Christianity can never, owing to dearth of evi
dence, be determined. His ideas were not spread by any writ
ings of his own, so far as we know. There is in existence no
written word which can be proved to be his." There is not even
any certainty that he ever wrote books. It is true that Innocent
II in condemning Arnold with Abelard after Sens commanded
" that the books containing their errors " 3 be burned, but St.
Bernard, in his account of the council, speaks only of Abelard's
books.'' Moreover, Walter Map says : " This Arnold was con
demned by Pope Eugenius = undefended, in his absence, not out
of his writings, but because of his preaching." ^
' Giesebrecht, .4>-«o/</, pp. 145 seq.
'See comment on the letter written by " Quidam fidelis senatus," above, p. 42.
' Mansi, vol. xxi, t. 565.
*St. Bernard, ep. 189, ep. cit,, vol. i, p. 182.
'A mistake, unless the reference is to the 6nal condemnation in 1155. The first
condemnation was in 1 137, under Iniiocent II, the second at Sens, in 1141, under
the same Pope. Vacandard, pp. 63, 67.
^De Nugis, D. I., c. 24, ed. Wright, p. 43.

46 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST, FRANCIS OF ASSISI
We are then largely dependent for information about Arnold
upon his enemies — St. Bernard, Otto of Freising, John of
Salisbury, and the rest, from whom we have already quoted.
All these accounts show that Arnold preached evangelical Chris
tianity," They prove that he did more — that he lived the
Apostolic life himself, and that he owed to his life, at least in
part, his great personal influence, St. Bernard wrote to the
Bishop of Constance : " Would that his doctrine were as sound
as his life is austere. If you would know, the man comes
neither eating nor drinking ; like the Devil alone, he hungers
and thirsts for the bipod of souls. He is a wolf in sheep's
clothing." " St. Bernard cannot deny that Arnold has the bear
ing of a good man. " His conversation is honey, his teaching
is poison ; he has the head of a dove, the tail of a scorpion." 3
" Arnold," says another witness, " was a man even too stern and
detached in manner of life." * Otto of Freising could not con
demn his life. The worst he could say of Arnold is summed
up in the following statement : " He was a man not without
natural ability, though he was gifted with a flow of words rather
than with solid judgment. He was fond of the unusual, eager
for novelty. He belonged to that type of man whose mind is
easily turned to devising heresies and schismatic disturbances." '
John of Salisbury testifies, " he had the priestly dignity, wore
the dress of a regular canon, and mortified the flesh by fasting
and sackcloth. He showed himself keen of intellect, but per
verse in the interpretation of the Scriptures. He was an elo-^
quent preacher, and inveighed vehemently against the delights
of this world." * His doctrine was censured, not his life. Ac
cording to Walter Map, " he was noble and great by birth. He
excelled in letters, and was first in religion. He allowed him
self no indulgence in food or clothing beyond what sternest
' See above, pp. 35, 40 seq,
'Ep. no. 195, op. cit,, vol. i, pp. 187-188.
'Ep. no. 196, ibid., p. 188.
' Gesta di Federico, v. 762. Ibid,, p. 31.
'•Otto Frising. Gesta Frid., bk. i, c. 20, ibid,, p. 403.
'^Historia Pontificalis, c. 31. M. G. H. SS., vol. xx, p. 537.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA

47

necessity demanded. He went about preaching. He sought
not the things that were his own, but the things that are of
God, He did always what was amiable and admirable," "
There can be no doubt that Arnold's apostolic life and teach
ing aided by learning, eloquence, and magnetism, swayed the
people among whom he lived. " In no place where he dwelt
would he allow the people to be at peace with the clergy. He
was abbot " at Brescia, and while the bishop was on a journey
to Rome, he so influenced the minds of the citizens that they
would hardly admit the bishop when he returned." 3 It is not
probable that the Apostolic doctrine on which this opposition
was based, failed to find adherents also.
In Paris, after the condemnation of Sens, when Arnold was
preaching at St. Genevieve, he did not lack hearers : " Poor
men, who openly begged for alms from door to door, and so
supported themselves and their master." ?
The success of Arnold in winning converts is, however, best
proved by St. Bernard's fear of his influence, expressed in the
letters already cited to the Bishop of Constance, and to Guido,
the Papal Legate, Some allowance should be made for St,
Bernard's habitually vigorous language, and for his indignation
because the French bishops had failed to execute the Papal
ban which he himself had secured. Still the subject of these
letters must have been a man of dangerous power, " Up to
this time," wrote Bernard, " wherever Arnold has dwelt, he has
left behind him footprints so foul and terrible, that where he
once has set his foot, he never dares to return thither any more.
Indeed he aroused with exceeding violence the very land in
which he was born, and threw it into confusion.s Therefore he
was accused before the Lord Pope as a very evil schismatic,
^ De Nugis, ibid,
'A provost of Augustinian Canons was called abbot in Italy, Giesebrecht, ibid.,
p, 127,
^Historia Pontificalis, c. 31, M, G. H. SS., vol. xx, p. 537.
•For commentary on Bernard's injustice in ascribing the confusion to Arnold, see
above, pp. 32 seq.

48 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
and expelled from his native country, , , . Then for a like cause,
he was cast out of the French kingdom as a noted schismatic.
He had held to Peter Abelard, all of whose errors, attacked
and condemned by the Church, he undertook to defend with
enthusiasm and energy, with him and for him. Through all
these experiences his frenzy has not been diverted; but his
hand is still stretched out. Like a raging lion, he goes about
seeking whom he may devour. He is a fugitive and a wanderer
upon the face of the earth, and he ceases not to do among
strangers what he may not do among his own people  If
you receive him, he will work discord, and devour your peo
ple, , , , He knows not the way of peace. He is an enemy of
the Cross of Christ, a sower of discord, a disturber of the peace,
a maker of schisms, a sunderer of unity. His teeth are arms
and arrows, and his tongue is a sharp sword. Wherefore he is
used to draw to himself by sweet words and the appearance of
virtue the rich and powerful." "
No man is a dangerous disturber of the established order of
things and of the peace founded thereon unless he can command
an enthusiastic following. Arnold was a peril to the ecclesias
tical order because his attacks upon its inconsistencies and
abuses aroused the people to desert the unapostolic clergy for
the apostolic Prophet of Brescia. Perhaps the Bishop of Con
stance found out by experiences of his own the power of Arnold,
It has already been shown " that adherents of Arnold's in Rome
may well have been followers won at Ziirich, Hausrath believes
that a revolt of Augustinian canons at Zurich against the bishop
may have been due to Arnold's influence.3 The revolt took
place, however, ten years after Arnold's departure, and there is
no proof that it was an echo of his preaching.
As has been said, no one knows where Arnold was during the
two years after he was driven from Ziirich.* Possibly he re
mained, protected by the Legate Guido, in Moravia and Bohe
mia — a region which was to become a centre for heretical evan
gelical Christians later on,'
' St, Bernard, ep, no. 195, op. cit., vol, i, pp. 187 seq, « See above, p. 37,
' Iiid,, pp. 79-80, ? See above, p, 38, » See below.

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA

49

In Rome, Arnold at once became a power. The whole his
tory of the revolutionary movement after his appearance there
testifies to his influence. One incident is particularly striking :
" The citizens flocked about him," says Walter Map, " and heard
him eagerly. It happened they heard how he had preached a
sermon about mammon and the scorning of riches in the very
ears of the Cardinals and the presence of the Pope. Arnold
was cast out by the Cardinals. The people thronged to the
Curia and cried out against the Lord Pope and the Cardinals,
saying that Arnold was a good man and just, and the others
were avaricious, unjust and evil ; not the light of the world, but
its defilement." "
He did not win the people by condoning their sins. One
writer, it is true, calls him " flatterer of the people," " but the
more trustworthy author of the Gesta di Federico gives a very
different account of him. " He chid with equal severity priests
and lesser folk, thinking that he alone lived rightly, and that
others were in error with the exception of those who adhered
to his dogmas. He also carped at the deeds of the supreme
Pontiff, and in short spared no one. He mingled true state
ments with false, and thus gave pleasure to many. He also
cursed laymen for withholding tithes, receiving usury, taking
what was not their own, and for gaining wealth by false means." 3
The laity followed him in spite of plain-spoken denunciation
of their ill-doing, and even the clergy whom he ceaselessly
lashed furnished him with adherents in Rome numerous enough
to be deplored by Pope Eugenius.* There is one supreme
proof of the influence which made him the dread of the Pre
lates : on no account would the Pope suffer him to live in Rome
' De Nugis, A. i, t. 24, ed. Wright, p. 43. "
' Gunther's Ligurinus, I. <..
' Vv. 767-780.
* Epistola Eugenii III Papae, Baronius, Annates Ecclesiastici, Ann. 1 148, no. 38,
vol, xii c. 371. " Fallax et invidus humani generis inimicus per Arnaldum schismati-
cum, quasi per membrum proprium, hoc effecit, ut quidam capellani unitatem Ecclesiae,
quae sectionem non patitur, quantum in ds est, dividentes, ipsius Arnaldi sequantur
errorem; & Cardinalibus atque Archipresbyteris suis obedientiam & reverentiam pro-
mittere & exhibere debitam contradicant.

50 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
after the downfall of the Revolutionary government. Even his
dead body was a source of dread. His ashes were scattered on
the Tiber, lest his body be held in veneration by the people,"
The Prelates feared Arnold even in death.
There is then no question that Arnold had everywhere he
went a following. There is, however, no absolute proof that he
founded a sect." It is true that a sect called "Arnoldists " was
condemned in various decrees, and mentioned by writers on
heresy in the two centuries following the death of Arnold of
Brescia. Few details are given concerning this sect, its origin
or its dogmas. No one can be sure that the name was derived
from Arnold of Brescia.3 Even if this be true, it is still uncer
tain whether the sect was founded by him and held the beliefs
which he had preached. What are the authorities on these
points ? The only contemporary writer who states clearly that
Arnold founded a sect is the author of the Historia Pontificalis,
who is believed to have been John of Salisbury.* This authority
says that Arnold founded a sect whose members won popular
favor because of the purity and austerity of their lives. " It is
called the heresy of the Lombards." = The Ligurinus, written
no latter than 1 1 86, contains a veiled reference to such a sect*
' Otto Frising,, Gesta Friderici, bk, 2, i., 20, /, c.
' Among the authorities who believe that Arnold founded the sect known as
Arnoldists are: Preger, Beitrage zur Geschichte der Waldenser,\,. 22a; Dieckhoff,
Die Waldenser im Mittelalter, p. 163 (ed. 1851); Keller, Die Reformation und die
Alter en Reformparteien, p. 17 (ed. 1885); Tocco, L'Eresia nel Medio Evo, pp. 187,
258 (ed, 1884); Comba, Histoire des Vaudois, pp, 102 seq. (ed, 1901); Gregorovius,
ibid., vol. iv, p. 475. The following do not hold that the Arnoldists were derived
from Arnold of Brescia: C.Schmidt, in Real Encyclopedic; G, Arnold, Unpar-
theiische Kirchen u. Ketzerhisterie (1740), pp, 378-395; Guadagnini, Vita d'Arnaldo,
in Niccolini, Arnaldo da Brescia, p. 34 (1873), For Giesebrecht's view, see above,
p, 45, Hahn, Gesch. der Ketzer, does not mention the sect. Breyer, Arnoldisten,
pp. 389-390, does not believe that Arnold founded it,
'There was a group of heretics burned at Cologne, of whom one "Arnoldus
Nomine " was called by the rest " magistrum suum," Caesar, Heisterbach, Dialogus
Miraculorum, c, 19, ed. Strange, 1851, p. 298.
• See above, p. 34, for the authorship of the Historia Pontificalis.
*Hist. Pont. SS., vol. xx, p. 538.
'Unde venenato dudum corrupta sapore, Et nimium falsi doctrina vatis inhaerans
servat adhuc uvae gustum gens ilia paternas," ii, 310 seq., I. <..

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA 5 1
All other twelfth century accounts are silent regarding any
organized following of Arnold's. It should, however, be re
membered that the Historia Pontificalis is an especially reliable
source. Toward the end of the twelfth century the Papal and Im
perial records begin to furnish evidence of the existence of a
sect called Arnoldists." In 1181" Lucius III issued a bull in
which he condemed " catharos, patarenos, leonistas, arnold-
istas," 3 The condemnation was substantially repeated in 1 184*
and in 1229.5 Further, Frederick II included a sect <5f Arnold
ists among the heretics doomed to extirpation by his ferocious
edicts.* The sect is only named, not described ; and it must be
reiterated that according to the one reliable account which
mentions a sect founded by Arnold of Brescia, that sect was not
during his lifetime called by his name. " It was called the
heresy of the Lombards." While these decrees are incontro
vertible evidence that a sect existed called Arnoldists, they are
not proof that these heretics were followers of Arnold of Brescia.
There is a little further evidence of the continued existence
of such a sect. Several thirteenth century writers mention it.
Among these are : David of Augsburg,' Berthold of Regens
burg, Stephen of Bourbon, and Durand of Mende. Now David
of Augsburg was a Franciscan, of the South German province,
who died in 1272. He belongs to the early period of the
organized Franciscan labors against heresy.* Berthold of
' Cf letters of Wezel and " Quidam fidelis senatus " for indications that followers
cf Arnold had formulated his doctrine. Above, pp. 42 seq.
'According to Dieckhoff, Waldenser, pp. 157, 168. Breyer, Arnoldisten, p, 198,
gives the date as 11 84,
' Mansi, vol, xxii, c. 476. ' Ibid., p. 477,
'M, G, H, Ep., saec, 13; vol, i, p, 318.
' Nov, 22, 1 220, M, G, H, LL,, vol, ii, p, 244, Feb, 22, 1 232, ibid., p, 285, • May
14, 1238, ibid,, p, 326, June 26, 1238, ibid., p. 328. Feb, 22, 1239, ibid, p, 485,
' Under the name " Arnostute," in Tractat de inquisicione hereticorum, given by
Preger, in : Kgl. Bay, Akad, der Wissensch, Hist. 01., vol. xiv, pt. 2, p. 216. Also
in Martene, Thesaurus, vol. v, pp. 1778 i^^., where it is attributed to Yvonetus.
Breyer {Arnoldisten, p. 412) says that aU the sects mentioned by David are
Waldensian. ' Breyer, ibid., p. 187.

52 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Regensburg was his pupil, and was also a Franciscan. He was
a popular preacher, and travelled in Austria, Bohemia and
Silesia, between 1250 and 1260." He, like his master, simply
names the " Arnoldisti." If Arnold of Brescia founded. a sect,
there should have been traces of it, certainly in Switzerland,
possibly in Austria and Bavaria. We might then expect to find
a more distinctive account of these heretics than the mere refer
ence in one of Berthold's sermons," a reference which might
well imply only an acquaintance with the stereotyped lists of
heretics given in the condemnatory edicts. Papal and Imperial.
Stephen of Bourbon was a Dominican monk of Lyons, and an
Inquisitor; a genial person, somewhat garrulous, who often
gained information by talking with people of various sorts,
somewhat as Herodotus did.3 He writes in a diverting fashion
of the multifarious heresies existing in Lombardy, and gives as
his authority a raan who had studied for eighteen years among
the Waldensians.* He mentions a bewildering variety of here
tics. In a list of sects named after their founders he includes
the Arnoldists.s He says nothing about their tenets. He has
just been speaking of " those who are called Communiati,
because they say all things ought to be in comraon," in contra
distinction to " Pauperes de Lurabardia," who receive posses
sions.* It is irapossible to deterraine who these are. Stephen
evidently believes thera to be outside the sects, araong which he
has included the Arnoldists, Yet the reader is at once reminded
that, according to John of Salisbury, the sect founded by Arnold
was called the heresy of the Lombards.' The doctrine regard
ing property, suggested rather than stated by Stephen, might
'Introduction to Pfeififer-Strohl Edition of Berthold von Regensburg (1862-1880),
'Speaking of heretics, he says: "Ein heizent Poveriewe und ein Ariani und
Runkeler unde Sifrider unde Sporer und Manachei und Arnolder.'f Sermon,
" Saelic sint die reines herzens sint." Ed. Pfeifler-Strohl, vol. i, p, 402,
' Stephen of Bourbon, Tractatus de diversis Materiis Praedicabilibus, ed, Lecoy
de la Marche, pp, iv-vii,
^¦Tractatus, etc, pt, iv, tit, 7, par, 330; ibid., p, 280,
'The list reads: "Arnaldiste, Speroniste, Leoniste, Cathari, Patareni, Manachei
sive Burgari; ibid., p. 281,
*Ibid., pp, 280, 281, ' See above, p, 50,

ARNOLD OF BRESCIA 53
conceivably have been derived from Arnold of Brescia, It
raight, on the other hand, have corae frora the Hurailiati, who
certainly existed in Arnold's day, and who, as we shall see,
were widely distributed through Lorabardy in the thirteenth
century." The last reference to the Arnoldists in thirteenth-century
literature is in Durand of Mende's faraous little " Rationale
<livinorum officiorura," finished in 1286, published first in May-
ence in 1459, and very raany times afterward." Durand says
the Church is " called a city because of the communion of her
citizens; she is defended by the fortifications of the Holy
Scriptures, by which heretics are repelled." 3 Araong these
heretics, whom he specifies, are the "Arnoldistse, blaspheraous
heretics who say that in no place is it stated that Christ handed
over the guardianship of his spouse, the Church, to sensual and
unchaste servants, or gave to such the power to perform the
sacred mysteries or to bind and loose, or the keys of the king
dom of heaven. Because only those, as says Gregory, even the
just raen who are still alive, have the power of binding and
loosing possessed by the apostles, if they, together with the
doctrine, hold also to the life and faith of the apostles." * This
rings like the creed of Arnold of Brescia. No ministry can be
a true one except through imitating the ministry of the Apos
tolic Age. In another place Durand says that the Arnoldists
assert that men do not receive the Holy Spirit through baptism,
but by the laying on of hands.' Do these two passages refer to
the same sect? Upon this question no light is thrown by the
context. Again, is this last doctrine likely to have been derived
frora Arnold of Brescia? He, to be sure, held pecuHar views
regarding baptisra.* The doctrine attributed by Durand to his
' See below, p, 59 seq.
' Note the long list of editions in the British Museum Catalogue,
' Durandus of Mende, Rationale divinorum officiorum, lib, i, par, i; "Dt Eccle
sia," ed. Fust & Schoffer, Mainz, 1459, foi. i.
* Lib, 4, ibid., foi. 36. ' Lib, i, ibid,, foi. 16,
« Otto Frising., bk. 2, c, 20; ibid., p. 404. Praeter haec de sacramento altaris, bap-
tismo parvulorum non sane dicitur sensisse. Further, he believed the sacraments
¦were not valid in the hands of sinful priests. Gesta di Federico, ii, 784-785, Cf.
Breyer, Arnoldisten, pp. 389-390-

54 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Arnoldists is, however, Catharan," and no proof exists that
Arnold of Brescia was influenced by Catharism.
These thirteenth-century writers then prove that a sect called
Arnoldists maintained for a time an individual existence among
the numerous heretical bodies of that tirae. They do not prove
that this sect had any connection with Arnold of Brescia, It is
then not certain that Arnold founded a sect. The question
whether he did or did not leave behind hira an organized fol
lowing is, of course, interesting and significant. The fact that
this question cannot be answered does not, however, make any
real difference in the estimate of Arnold's influence. There is
no doubt that he won everywhere a following large enough to
be a danger to the established order. His restless wanderings
led him along paths which were to be trodden by many be
lievers in primitive Christianity, in apostolic poverty. His own
Lombardy was the horae of the Hurailiati, of a powerful branch
of the Waldenses, of the nameless sects described by Stephen
of Bourbon. France gave birth to Waldo, and harbored many
communities of his followers. In Gerraany the Poor Men of
Lyons especially flourished. The zeal of sorae of these en
thusiasts may easily have been kindled by Arnold's fiery words
or by their echoes. They may have been inspired by the
apostolic life of the Prophet of Brescia to model their lives after
the comraands of Christ."
1 Schmidt, Histoire des Cathares, p. 150; Lea, Inquisition, vol, i, pp. 93-94,
' Breyer (Arnoldisten, pp. 403 seq.) is convinced that the Arnoldists existed in
Lombardy as a separate sect when the Waldenses first appeared there; that the
Waldenses were influenced by the Arnoldists, who, however, from this time ceased
to exist as a distinct sect. He bases his view on the teaching of the Lombard
Waldenses that the Sacraments are worthless in sinful hands, on the fact that Arnold
ists and Waldenses apply to the Church the same unpleasant epithets. This last
argument has little force because the epithets in question were habitually applied to
the Church by people who were dissatisfied with it.

CHAPTER IV
The Humiliati
Less than twenty-five years after the death of Arnold, and
nearly thirty years before Francis of Assisi first went to Rorae,
there were heard at the Vatican the voices of other raen who
wished to restore evangelical Christianity. Their principle
was essentially that of Arnold, though their deraands differed
from his. Arnold's voice had made the streets of Rome re
sound with denunciations of the Pope and the raerabers of the
Curia for their wealth, their sins, their possession of teraporal
power — all forbidden by Christ to His Apostles. The new
apostolic Christians came humbly seeking the Pope's sanction
for their attempt to conforra their own lives to the raodel of
the priraitive Church. Peter Waldo was among thera. Their
request that they be allowed to serve God and the Church was
refused, and they were driven into the ranks of the heretics,"
Francis was to make the same request, and to becorae the
staunch supporter of the Church, when, hard pressed by heresy,
she needed all the charapions who would enlist under her
banner. Meantime, five years before the " First Rule " was given to
Francis and his followers, a group of enthusiasts had gained
audience of Innocent III on a similar errand. Like Waldo and
Francis they wished the Pope to authorize them to lead a life
of humility, self-denial, and hard work. They wanted to be
come an organized comraunity with an established rule, sanc
tioned by the Curia." Unlike Waldo, they came at the sum-
' See below, pp. 59 "?¦
' Privilegium qualiter ordo Humiliatorum licite potest habere proprium in com-
muni, et de confirmatione regule, et de juramento non prestando directo prelatis
ordinis cum certis gratiis, June 1 2, 1 20 1 , Tiraboschi, I 'etera Humiliatorum Monu
menta, ed, 1766, vol, ii, p, 135-

56 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
raons of the Pope himself. Between 1179 and 1201, apostolic
Christianity had become a recognized force. Innocent III re
alized that the Church, beset by eneraies who fought for con
science' sake, needed to organize all the enthusiasra and religious
zeal she could comraand within her own ranks. He authorized
the existence of this new band of religionists, and issued rules
for the three sections into which they were divided.
Thus were formally founded the three orders of the Humiliati.
The orders thus sanctioned shared the fate of raost of such or
ganizations founded by enthusiasts within the Church. For a
time they remained true to the ideal of the founders. Then,
because of their sanctity, all people " thought themselves blessed
if the brethren would receive alms from them. So it carae to
pass that they were enriched beyond measure, and the owners
of great possessions." " The present essay is not concerned,
however, with the downfall of the authorized Hurailiati, but with
the wider moveraent of which they were but one manifestation ;
and to this end their origin rather than their destiny needs in
vestigation. There is no reliable evidence bearing on the early history of
the Hurailiati. They did not write their history until the fif
teenth century;" and their chroniclers then give no references
to authorities or sources, beyond stateraents that they have seen
certain documents of early date, which, however, they orait to
transcribe, and of which no trace has since been found. 3 If
their traditions are to be believed, the first Hurailiati gave them
selves up to the evangelical life of preaching and poverty a hun
dred years before Arnold of Brescia dwelt with Abelard at the
Paraclete. ' Jacobi de Vitriaco, Libri Duo, Quorum prior Orientalis sive Hierosolymitana ;
alter, Occidentalis Histor ice Nomine Inscribitur (ed. Duaci, 1596), c. 20, p. 317.
The passage refers to the "gray monks," but it is an excellent statement of' the pro
cess by which the very virtues of orthodox religionists brought about their corruption.
' For account of sources, see Tiraboschi, ibid., vol. iii. Introduction.
' The earliest known document relating to the history of this order is a gift of land
by Guido de porta Orientalis of land in the diocese of Milan. "Guidonis de Porta
Orientali pro Vicoboldonensibus Humiliatis" (1176-), Tiraboschi, ibid,, vol, ii, p,
117, In 1 186 Urban III assured them the right to hold property. Ibid., p. 123.

THE HUMILIATI 57
" The origin and beginning of the order of the Humiliati,"
runs the legend, "was in the time of the Emperor Henry JI,"
who came into Lorabardy and held under suspicion many Lom
bard nobles, especially of Milan and Como. To prevent their
plotting against the Empire, he sent them into exile in Gerraany
in the year 1017. After a tirae these same nobles were in
spired by the grace of the Holy Spirit, and promised to serve
God with huraility, and to put aside all worldly porap ; for they
thought they could not go to Heaven without huraility. Then
these exiles raade no delay. They put off the old raan, they
laid aside their costly garraents and put on clothing of sack
cloth. When they came to speak together, they decided that
if by God's help they should return to their native land, they
would persevere in the religious life as they conceived it.
When these facts carae to the Eraperor's ears, he suramoned
them to appear before hira in the dress they had assumed ; and
wondering he said : ' Draw near, best beloved Humiliati. Have
you given yourselves to religion as your habit bears witness? '
To whora they answered : ' Even as thou seest, O Erapcror.'
And then he suffered thera to return to their fatherland. And
they who had been exiles brought their own famihes in their
horaes to this same devotion, and lived with their wives. Be
cause they would not be idle they were merchants and estab
lished workshops for wool, as I know from their successors.
They raultiplied like fish, in Lorabardy and outside it." "
These corapanies of devout raen and women persisted, the
legend runs, for more than a century without any recognized
rule; "and they were called brethren of the third order." 3
Later, certain of the brethren separated frora their wives, and
coramunities of raonks and nuns were established. Thus was
founded the second order. To this order St. Bernard gave a
1 Henry II was in Italy in 1004 and 1014. Bryce, Holy Roman Empire, p. 143
(ed. 1889).
' Chronicon Ordinis Humiliatorum Compilata de anno, 1419, cc. I and 2. Tira
boschi oi. cit., vol. iii, p. 230. For account of this chronicle see Tiraboschi, op. cit,,
pp. 51 "?¦
Ibid., c. 3-

58 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
rule in 1134, We are still, of course, in the domain of legend.
After a tirae, we are told, a certain John de Oldrado, surnamed
de Meda frora his birthplace, a town of that narae near Milan,.
established the first, or clerical order."
The legend stands unsupported by any conteraporary evi
dence. There is no trace of St. Bernard's connection with the
order in his letters or any other of his volurainous writings.
The canonization of John de Meda rests on tradition ; though
it was confidently and persistently asserted in writings of the
brethren of a later day, and taken for granted in a Breviary of
the order approved by Paul III in 1548." The earliest known
facts are that in 11 76 a grant of land was made to the Humiliati
near Milan, and that their right to hold land was assured in
1 186 by Pope Urban III.3 In 1201 Innocent III granted Rules
to the three orders of the Humiliati,*
Though 1 201 saw the first formal recognition of the Humil
iati as an order, the real beginning of the movement raust have
been a good deal earlier. Formal recognition of every move
raent is always preceded by a period of obscure developraent;
and men and women in Milan had doubtless been giving them
selves to a life of poverty and humility for sorae years before
their representatives won Innocent's sanction, '
There is, however, one bit of evidence as to their early his
tory which the orthodox order of the Humiliati would not have
cited, and which indicates that the raoveraent of which the
authorized Humiliati were but one raanifestation was already a
strong one at least twenty-two years before Innocent's Rule was
' Chronicon Ordinis Humiliatorum, cc, 9 and 10, Ibid., pp, 235-236, A deed
of gift from John de Meda, dated 1056, executed apparently by his wife, is one of
the documents which the compiler of the Chronicon saw, but did not think it neces
sary to transcribe, L. c. Cf. Joannis de Meda. Presbyteris, Vita Auctore anonymo,.
AA. SS. Boll., vii, Sept. , pp. 343 seq. The Life has little value. See Praef,
' /., c.
' See above, p. 56,
• Tiraboschi, op. cit., vol, ii, pp, 128 seq. See below, pp, 62 seq.
' A condemnation of heretics by the Council of Verona in 1184 shows that already
at that time the Church recognized the existence of true Humiliati as distinguished*
from false. See below, pp. 60 seq.

THE HUMILIATI 59
issued. "There were," says the author of the chronicle of
Laon, "certain citizens at this time (1178) in the cities of
Lombardy who lived at home with their families in poverty,
following a certain kind of religious living. They abstained
from lies, oaths, and law suits ; they were content with simple
clothing. They posed as upholders of the Catholic faith. They
went to the Pope, and asked him to sanction their tenets. The
Pope granted that they might carry out their theories provided
they did this in huraility and honesty ; but he expressly forbade
them to hold conventicles, and strictly prohibited their presura-
ing to preach in public. They, however, defied the apostolic
coramand, were disobedient, and allowed themselves to incur
excommunication. They called themselves Hurailiati, because
they were not clad in dyed garments, but were satisfied with
those of natural colour." "
In the light of this brief account Innocent's Rule becoraes
intelligible, and shows, as will appear, that the great statesman
reversed the policy of his predecessor toward the apostolic
reformers, and conciliated so far as he could enthusiasts who
might otherwise becorae eneraies of the Church." It is prob
able that these Humiliati were received by the Pope at the very
Council to which Waldo had gone to win the Church's sanction
for his atterapt to lead the apostolic life, and frora which he,
like them, went forth to strengthen not the Church, but heresy.3
The Humiliati whora Alexander III censured were almost
certainly the same in origin with the raen to whora Innocent III
gave the Sanction of the Church twenty-two years later. The
heretical Humiliati abstained from oaths ; the orthodox Huraili
ati were, according to Innocent's Rule, to take oaths only in
case of necessity. The disobedient Hurailiati lived at home
> Chronicon Laudunense, M, G, H, SS., vol. xxvi, p. 449.
' Cf. Innocent's policy toward the Poor Catholics, see below, and toward
Francis and Dominic,
' Breyer, Arnoldisten, p, 404, But the Chronicon Laudunense gives 11 78 as the
date of Waldo's mission to Rome, and 11 79 for the Humiliati, Walter Map, in his
account of the appearance of the Waldenses at the 3d Lateran Council, does not
mention the Humiliati; but he might have failed to distinguish among the humbly
clad men who came thither on much the same errand. See below.

6o SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
with their families ; the third order approved by Innocent were
to remain with their farailies, and were forbidden to put away
their wives except for adultery. Both groups wore simple
clothing. Both believed themselves to be champions of the
Church. Both true and false Hurailiati wished to preach. Per
mission was refused to those who first sought papal sanction.
It may well be that Innocent's carefully guarded license in the
Rule of 1 201 was the result of the disregard of the first set of
humble brethren for the unqualified prohibition of his prede
cessor. It had been proved that denial of the right to preach
turned into heretics raen who were disposed in all things else to
serve the Church faithfully, and Innocent enlisted champions
wherever he could.
There is further evidence that both branches of the Huraih-
ati sprang frora the same trunk. The Council of Verona issued
in I i8i " a decree against various heretics. Among thera were
named " those who falsely pretend to be Huraihati, or Poor
Men of Lyons." " The execution of this decree was evidently
found to be difficult, so far as the Humiliati were concerned ;
for, in 1 197, Innocent wrote to the Bishop of Verona: "We
understand that on the authority of our letters sent to our be
loved sons the clergy of your Church against the Zazari, the
Poor Men of Lyons, and the Humiliati who have not yet fol
lowed the papal command, one of the aforesaid clergy has
issued sentence of excommunication against the Humiliati and
all heretics, without the distinction we established in our letters.
Acting on the precedent of this sentence, sorae have shunned
certain men ^who are called by the people Hurailiati, perhaps
against their will, and who savour not of heresy, but of ortho
dox faith, and who in all humility of heart and body are
' Bull " Ad abolendam," Mansi, vol. xxii, c. 476. D'Argentrfe, op. cit,, vol, i, p, 71 ,
gives 1 183 as the date. Cf Mansi, ibid,, c. 477, for repetition of the edict in 1184.
' " In primis ergo Catharos, et Patarinos, et eos qui se Humiliatos, vel Pauperes de
Lugduno, falso nomine mentiuntur. Josepinos, Passaginos, Arnoldistas, perpetuo
decernimus anathemati subjacere."
'No such letter appears in the "Regesta" of Innocent III, nor is any such cited
by Tiraboschi or by Spondanus. What his qualifications were, it is therefore im-
sible to determine.

THE HUMILIATI 6 1
anxious to be servants of God, and who raay even have sworn
to you that they reraain faithful to the rule of the Church . , -
Since it is truly not our intention to condemn the innocent with
the guilty, we command that you call such men to your pres
ence and inquire of them and of others about their life and
conversation and anything else which you think should be in
vestigated," "
Two years later Innocent made overtures and gave a Rule to
men who styled theraselves Hurailiati, May it not be true that
in the letter just quoted he distinguished between these raen,
who did not wish to be nurabered araong the heretical Humi
liati, and those obdurate people who had persisted, in the face
of the papal prohibition, in obeying Christ's comraand as they
interpreted it, and preached the gospel? The obedience of the
Hurailiati whom he conciliated " had been questioned on pre
cisely the points which constituted the contumacy of the " false
Hurailiati." The whole body had not disobeyed to an equal
degree ; but the tendencies which had made heretics of some of
its raerabers were at work in the rest. Innocent had then
written to the Hurailiati to suggest that they, in order to put an
end to certain scandals which had been circulated regarding
them, draw up for his approval a Rule. It was in accordance
with this coraraand that the representatives of the order went to
Rorae in 1 201, and the Rule approved by the Pope was a modi
fied version of that which they themselves prepared.3 The
' Ep. Innocentii III Veronensi Episcopo., Lib. ii, no. 228, Migne, vol. 214, cc.
788-789. ' See study of the Rules, below.
' Ad scandalum extinguendum, quod contra vos fuerat obortum, vobis dedimus in
mandatis . . . ut proposita vestra conformaretis in unum propositum regulare; "
Literse ad prspositos primi Ordinis; Tiraboschi, op. cit., vol. ii, p. 140. "Cum ad
sopiendum vel sepehendum potius scandalum, quod contra vos fuerat suscitatum non
paucis credentibus, vos constitutiones Ecclesiasticas non servare, ad nostram pre-
sentiam certos nuntios misissetis, mandatis vos apostolicis exponentes, nos proposita
vestra de consilio venerabilis fratris nostris Vercellensis Episcopi, et dilecti filii Leco-
diensis et bone memorie de Cerreto Abbatum, mandavimus in unum regulare pro
positum conformari. Cumque ipsi presentatam sibi a vobis vite vestre formulam et
regulam, quam proponitis profiteri, examinassent diligentius, et in aliquibus correxis-
nt nos earn tandem per dilectos filios. . . . examinari fecimus, et tandem correxi-

62 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
Rule, then, is based on the, principles and the manner of life
which the Hurailiati had adopted. The modifications made by
Innocent, and his arguments in support of those modifications,
are evidence bearing on the attitude of the Curia toward the
Apostolic raoveraent after the " false Humiliati " and the fol
lowers of Waldo had proved how strong a hold that movement
had over the people.
There are really three separate Rules: for the First, the
Second, and the Third Orders respectively." The first two
show most clearly the circumstances under which they were
adopted ; the third throws raost light on the character of the
whole raoveraent. The Biblical extracts cited as authority for
the regulations are, it is raost probable, those by which the
Humiliati theraselves had been influenced to their convictions.
" You propose," runs the Rule, " to seek huraility of heart and
gentleness in life by God's aid. As the Lord says in the Gospel :
' Learn of me, for I am meek and lowly in heart, and ye shall
find rest unto your souls,' " " Then, doubtless having in raind
the stiff-necked behavior of those other Humiliati, as well as the
doubtful position of those to whora the Church's sanction was
to be given, the writer of the araended Rule proceeds : " You
propose to render obedience to the Church's prelates, as the
Apostle says, ' Obey thera that have the rule over you and sub-
rait yourselves ; for they watch for your souls as they that raust
give account,' 3 for that is not true humility which lacks obed
ience as a yoke-fellow."
The disobedient Hurailiati " abstained frora law suits." The
Order authorized by Innocent were told: "patience is also
necessary, especially in adversity, to bear evils inflicted upon
you by others. As the Lord saith in the Gospel : ' It hath
been said, an eye for an eye and a tooth for a tooth ; but I say
mus per nos ipsos, et correctam curavimus approbare," Literce ad dilectis filiis de
Braida, Tiraboschi, op. cit., pp. 135-136. Cf. Litem ad Alinistros tertii ordinis,
op. cit,, p, 128.
' Tiraboschi, op. cit., vol. ii, pp. 128 seq., 135 seq., 139 seq. The Bull was issued
June 7, 1 201,
'Matt. 11:29. 'Heb. 13:17.

THE HUMILIATI 63
unto you that ye resist not evil ; but whosoever shall smite thee
on the right cheek turn to hira the other also ; and whosoever
shall compel thee to go with him a raile, go with him twain,
and if any man will sue thee at law and take thy coat, let him
have thy cloke also,'" Again, the Apostle: 'Dearly beloved,
avenge not yourselves, but rather give place unto wrath ; for it
is written, vengeance is mine, I will repay, saith the Lord.' "
Again he saith also : ' Now therefore there is utteriy a fault
araong you, because ye go to law one with another. Why do
ye not rather take wrong? why do ye not rather suffer your
selves to be defrauded ? ' ' And again the Lord in the Gospel :
' In your patience possess ye your souls.' * Again, ' Forgive,
and ye shall be forgiven.' s Imbue yourselves also with fervent
charity which is summed up in two precepts, that is to say in
the love toward your God and your neighbor, as it is written:
¦¦ Thou shalt love the Lord thy God with all thy heart and with
all thy soul and with all thy raind, and thy neighbor as thy
self.' ' Charity should be shown even to thy enemies, for the
Lord said : ' Do good to them that hate you, and pray for thera
which despitefully use you and persecute you, that ye may be
the children of your father which is in Heaven ; for He raaketh
His sun to rise on the evil and the good, and sendeth rain on
the just and on the unjust.'' Also the Apostle: 'If thine
enemy hunger, feed him, and if he thirst, give hira drink.' " *
One of the reproaches cast upon the Church by Apostolic re-
forraers was that, contrary to the coramands of Christ and the
Apostles, her prelates engaged in law suits and contentions.
For this. Arnold attacked the Clergy; so did the Apostolics of
Cologne, and Waldo.' So did earnest Churchraen who re
mained sons of the Church whose faults they saw and lamented,""
'Matt, 5:38-41. 'Rom, 12:19,
» I Cor, 6: 7, *Luke2i:l9.
'Luke 6: 37- ' Matt, 22 : 37-39-
' Matt. 5:44-45- 'Rom, 12: 20,
' See above, pp, 22 seq,
'» See reproach by Alexander II to the clergy of Lucca, in Memorie di Matilda,
vol, ii, p. 133- Also Pet, Damiani, ep, i, 15, Opera, ed. cit,, vol, i, p, 25.

64 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
It may well be, then, that the Hurailiati who defied the Church
had decided on the basis of these very texts cited in Innocent's
Rule that Christ had intended His disciples to " abstain from
law suits."
The disobedient Humiliati " abstained from oaths." Ap
parently the Hurailiati of the Rule had wished Innocent to allow
thera also to refrain frpm oaths. This the Pope could not do
without sorae qualification ; for taking an oath was a necessary
part of many business transactions, and jurisdiction over all
cases in which an oath was involved belonged to the Church. "
Here, then, the great statesman was on difficult ground. The
Humiliati, in the Rule which he had told them to prepare, had
incorporated a principle held by all raerabers of their brother
hood, the disobedient and the wavering alike, which he could
not sanction their retaining. They believed that this tenet
rested on an incontrovertible comraand of Christ. Innocent
had then to bring thera to a different interpretation of Christ's
coramand, or lose their loyalty and drive thera into the ranks of
the too nuraerous apostolic heretics, araong whora were already
counted many of their brethren. He began his araended ver
sion of this section of the Rule with the clear, unqualified state-
raent which had doubtless forraed a part of the Rule as they
had submitted it to him — the apostolic mandate on which other
Christians have based a belief in the sinfulness of all oaths.
"'But above all things, ray brethren, swear not at all, neither
by Heaven, neither by earth, neither by any other oath ; but
let your yea be yea, and your nay, nay ; lest ye fall into con-
demriation,' as saith the blessed Apostle Jaraes." " Having laid
down for the order as a law for their guidance a precept they
had adopted, the Pope proceeded to "interpret" it. "For,"
he says, " the indiscreet and impulsive taking of oaths is for
bidden, not only by Jaraes in his Epistle but by Christ Himself,
who said : " It hath been said by them of old tirae, Thou shalt
not forswear thyself but shalt perforra unto the Lord thine
oaths ; but I say unto you. Swear not at all, neither by Heaven,
' Corpus Juris Canonici, c. xxii, qu. 5, c, 7; and X bk. ii, tit. i, c. 13.
James 5 : 12.

THE HUMILIATI 65
for it is God's throne ; nor by the earth, for it is His footstool ;
neither by Jerusalem, for it is the city of the great King,
Neither shalt thou swear by thy head, because thou canst not
make one hair white or black,' " "
There follows the explanation by which Innocent tried to pre
vent these Hurailiati frora interpreting these comraands in the
painfully literal way which the Church had reason to dread, be
cause of her experience with other Apostolic Christians,
" When Christ says, ' Swear not at all,' it is impulsive swearing
that He prohibits. And, indeed, should we take oaths not from
impulse, but from necessity. When He adds, ' neither by earth
nor by heaven,' He forbids indiscreet swearing, because we
should not swear by the creature, but rather by the Creator.
' But let your communication be yea, yea ; and nay, nay," that is,
whatever you utter in affirmation or denial, should be the thought
of your heart. For not only affirmation or denial is involved,
but rather truth itself, as Christ according to John frequently
says in the Gospel, ' I say unto you Amen, Amen.' All that
goes further than this leans to the side of evil ; its nature, how
ever, is not so rauch that of culpa as of poena. Furthermore,
the burden of the oath rests less on him who takes it than on
him who requires it, because it proceeds from that weakness
which is ever a matter rather of poena than of culpa"
Innocent would have the Hurailiati understand, moreover,
that Christ and the Apostles did not, as they had supposed, pro
hibit the taking of oaths, but on the contrary sanctioned the
practice. " It is permitted," proceeds the Rule, " to swear
under the compulsion of necessity. This is taught by the
Apostle when he says, ' For men verily swear by the greater;
and an oath for confirmation is to thera an end of all strife's
The angel also, whom John saw in the apocalypse, who stood
' upon the sea and upon the earth, and lifted up his hands to
Heaven, sware by Hira that liveth for ever and ever,* And
thou shalt swear, the Lord liveth in truth, in judgment, and in
righteousness,' saith Jeremiah the Prophet." '
•Matt. 5: 33-36- 'Matt, 5 = 37, 'Heb. 6: 16,
* Rev, 10:5, » Jer, 4:2,

66 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST, FRANCIS OF ASSISI
This portion of the Rule has been quoted somewhat at length
because it shows the great anxiety of Innocent to retain these
Humiliati within the Church." Starting with an apparent agree
ment that they may keep a tenet and a practice, itself a funda
mental belief of all the Humiliati and of other Apostolic
Christians, whose influence the Church had reason to dread ;
which would, unqualified, inevitably lead to conflict with the
civil and ecclesiastical authorities, the Pope "diligently cor
rected " and qualified the original, unequivocal statement
" Swear not at all," until the Rule no longer threatens any con
troversy or difficulty. That they accepted the Papal interpre
tation of their own doctrine seems unquestionable ; there is no
record of disobedience,"
Preaching was one of the characteristic practices of the
Humiliati, and persistence in preaching in the face of the un
qualified, uncoraproraising prohibition of the Pope had been the
form of disobedience which brought about the condemnation of
the " false Humiliati," This obligation, believed by so raany
Apostolic Christians to have been laid by Christ upon His ser
vants, was incorporated in the Rule for the governraent of their
life submitted to Innocent by the Hurailiati in 1201, Innocent
treated the subject with caution. The Rule runs: "It shall
further be your custora to come together in a suitable place
every Lord's Day; and then shall one or more of the brethren
of proved faith and tried religion, powerful in deed and word,
with the permission of the Bishop of the diocese, utter the word
of exhortation, warning his hearers and leading thera to honest
habits of life, in such a way that no word shall be said about
the articles of belief and the sacraraents of the Church,"
' In Tiraboschi's edition, this portion of the Rule occupies more than two pages
out of a total of eight,
' This part of the Rule admits of another interpretation, less plausible than the one
adopted above. It is possible that the prohibition of oaths had been found by the
Humiliati themselves, already wavering from their first intention to follow literally,
at no matter what cost, the Gospel commands, to be inconvenient. They were not
ready to cast aside altogether the tenet regarding oaths. They were glad to explain
away its rigor. But even if this interpretation be the true one, it does not disprove
their connection with the heretical Humiliati, who also held this tenet.

THE HUMILIATI 67
The license to preach could not be altogether withheld in the
face of the insistence of the Humiliati and the risk of antago
nizing them. It was therefore given, and carefully qualified.
On the other hand. Innocent provided against trouble which
might be caused by over-zealous bishops. " Beyond the limits
heretofore stated," says the Rule, " we forbid any bishop to
hinder brethren of this sort from uttering the word of exhorta
tion ; since, according to the Apostle, the Spirit ought not to
be quenched."
The Third Order, from whose Rule the preceding quotations
have been raade, were, it must be remerabered, like the legen
dary founders of the moveraent, layraen living not apart from
the world, but at horae with their farailies. According to the
Chronicle of Laon, the heretical Humiliati resembled them,"
Whatever can be learned concerning the manner of life of the
Third Order bears directly on the " false Humiliati." Involved
as they must be in secular affairs, they were, nevertheless, so
runs the Rule," to obey the laws of Christ. " ' All things what
soever ye would that men should do to you, do ye even so to
thera.' 3 ' Strive to enter in at the strait gate ; for wide is the
gate, and broad is the way, that leadeth to destruction and raany
there be that go in thereat; because strait is the gate and narrow
is the way, which leadeth unto life, and few there be that find
it.' * Further, keep peace with all men ; and return all money
taken in usury and all ill-gotten gains."
All the three orders of the authorized Humiliati held prop
erty. The members of the Second order were communists,'
Apparently the brethren of the Third held possessions as indi
viduals ; for the Rule provided that they were to supply the
needs of brethren who were in need, and disabled by illness.^
If property were held in comraon, all would have shared alike
I See above, pp, 59 ^eq. 'Tiraboschi, op. cit., p, 131,
"Matt, 2:12. 'Matt. 7:13,
^Tiraboschi, op. cit., pp. 136-137.
• Sciatis autem, quod vestri moris existit, si quis de vestra societate rebus tempor-
alibus indiguerit, aut forte infirmitate detentus fuerit, tam in rebus temporalibus quam
in custodia necessaria ei subvenire. Ibid., p. 133.

68 SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
as a matter of course, and no such provision in the Rule would
have been necessary. The Rule lays certain restrictions on the
use of all property possessed by the Second and Third orders,
as communities or as individuals. The First order was to pay
no tithes — quite naturally, as the brethren were priests." The-
Second order paid tithes on property, but not on products.^"-
The Third or secular order was laid under strict obligations as
to the duties of its members to contribute in this way to the
support of the Church, They were to pay tithes and first-
fruits. They were on no account themselves to possess tithes.
Nor was their property really their own after the tithes were
paid, "Of the fruits that remain to you, you ought to give
alms. Give to the poor all that is left after your just and neces
sary expenses are paid. ' Give alras of such things as ye have p
and behold, all things are clean unto you.' 3 Again, ' Lay not
up for yourselves treasures upon earth, where raoth and rust
doth currupt, and where thieves break through and steal; but
lay up for yourselves treasures in heaven, where neither moth
nor rust doth corrupt, and where thieves do not break through
nor steal.' " *
Between the " false Humiliati " and the Hurailiati who form
ulated the Rule which, with certain amendments, was issued
with the Papal sanction and has been in part analyzed, there
existed a resemblance so close that they must have been orig
inally one body. The Biblical commands cited in the Rule as
authority for the tenets and practices of the brethren were
probably the original sources of their conviction that those
customs and practices were enjoined by Christ upon His fol
lowers and maintained during the Apostolic Age, The Humil
iati whose reconciliation with the Church was assured by Inno
cent's careful policy, departed from the spirit of the movement,.
which was essentially an apostolic one. Their fate is a matter
of history, and of history which has no part in an essay on
'Tiraboschi, op. eit., p. 142. Cf. document giving thera the right to redeem.
tithes (1186), Tiraboschi, vol, ii, p, 119,
'Iiid., p. 137,
* Luke 1 1 : 41, * Matt, 6 : 19-20,

THE HUMILIATI 69
primitive Christianity," The other Humiliati, false according^
to Innocent III, true to their convictions at great cost, were lost
to sight among the Apostolic heretics who abounded in Lom
bardy, They had much in common with Arnold of Brescia,
and may easily have coalesced with his disciples. Like him,
they believed in a life of poverty, not destitution. With him,
they agreed that tithes and first-fruits should be given to the
clergy. On the other hand, like the followers of Arnold, they
were naturally swept along with the Waldensian portion of the
apostolic moveraent.
The Humiliati and the Arnoldists lost their separate identity
in their fusion with the Waldenses, to whose rapid progress in
Lombardy both largely contributed. They are referred to by
name as late as 1 2 1 3 ; " but they are coupled with the Poor
Men of Lyons, The heresies ascribed to both sects are : that /
they preach in secret, and assail the priesthood and the Church i
of God,3 Stephen of Bourbon, when he names the sect exist
ing in Lombardy, on the authority of a man who for eighteen
years had studied in the sect of the Waldenses in Milan, does
not mention the Humiliati, Perhaps, however, they are to be
recognized in the " Poor Men of Lombardy, who receive pos
sessions,"* For, if the practice of the heretical Humiliati is
revealed by the Rule, they owned property, but yet were poor,
since they reserved for themselves only enough to supply actual
needs, and gave all that remained as alms. To their influence
and that of the Arnoldists may be in part ascribed the peculiar
character, different in some features from their French brethren,
' The order fell into disrepute. In 1560 it was abolished, except for the listerhood
of the Second Order, called Blassonist Nuni after Clara Blasso of Milan, Real En-
xyclopaedie, vol, viii, p, 447-
'Burchardi et Cuonradi Urspergensium Chronicon, M, G, H, SS,, vol, xxiii,
p. 376,
» The Papal approval of the Franciscans and Dominicans is here definitely as
cribed to the existence of the Humiliati and the Poor Men of Lyons, whose influ
ence it was hoped might be counteracted by the Mendicant Orders.
•"In occultis quoque predicationibus, quas faciebant plerumque in latibulil,
ecclesiae Dei et sacerdotibus derogabatur," L. e. Steph, Borb, Tractatus, etc, pt, 4,
tit, 7, par- 330. ed. cit,, p, 280.

yo SOME FORERUNNERS OF ST. FRANCIS OF ASSISI
of the Lombard Waldenses and the German converts won by
their missionaries."

The foregoing chapters form part of a larger work which the
writer hopes some day to complete. This will deal with the
Waldenses, and also with sundry Forerunners of St, Francis of
Assisi who, like him, remained loyal sons of the Church,
* In support of the theory that the rapid growth of the Waldensian move
ment in Lombardy was due to the presence of the Humiliati, see, among other
authorities, Comba, Valde ed i J'aldest, pp. 99 seq. Real EncycUpadie, \ol. viii,
p, 477, Lea, Inquisition, vol, i, p, 76, Breyer, Arnoldisten, p, 405, For the mis
sions of the Lombard Waldenses in Germany, see Miiller, op. cit., pp, ico-ioi;
H, Haupt, ep. cit., Waldemerthum und Inquisition im SildSstlicien Deutschland, ia
Deutsche Zeitschrift fiir Geschichtswissenschaft, vol, i, pp, 285-286 (1889),

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General.
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Potthast Regesta Pontificum Romanorum. Cited Potthast, Regesta.
71

72 BIBLIOGRAPHY CHAPTER I.
I. Secondary Authorities.
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Delarc, S. Gregoire et la reforme de tiglise.
De Wette, Geschichte der christlichen Sittenlehre.
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icum (1883), p. 439 et seq.

BIBLIOGRAPHY 73
Seheri, Primordia Calmosiacensis, M. G. H. SS., vol. xii, p. 324 et seq.
Suger, Gesta Ludovici regis cognomento grossi, cc. 2, 23, ed. Molinier,
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CHAPTER IL
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74 BIBLIOGRAPHY CHAPTER III.
1. Secondary Authorities.
Breyer, Robert, Die Arnoldisten. In Zeitschrift fUr Kirchengeschichte^
vol. xii, p. 387 et seq.
Breyer, Arnold von Brescia. In Maurenbreoher, Historisches Taschen-
buch, 1889, p. 123 et seq.
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For Abelard:
Deutsoh, S. M., Peter Abelard.
Hausrath, Petrus Abdlard.
McCabe, Joseph, Peter Abelard.
For the Pataria :
Pach, Die Pataria in Mailand, 1056- 1077.
Pellegrini, / santi Arialdo ed Erlembaldo.
Rotondi, Pataria di Milano. In Archivio storico Italico (1807).
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Annales Brixienses, M. G. H. SS., vol. xviii, p. 812 et seq.
S. Bernardi Epistolae, 189, 195, 196, 243, 244, 330, ed. cited, vol. i, p.
182 et seq.
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BIBLIOGRAPHY 75
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CHAPTER IV.
I. Secondary Authorities.
Breyer, Die Arnoldisten,
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2. Sources.
Burchardi (1226) et Cuonradi (-I-1229) Urspergensium Chronicon, M.
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unknown.) AA. SS. Boll. VII Sept., p. 346 et seq.
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about 1419. Tiraboschi, vol. iii, p. 230 et seq.
Stephen of Bourbon, Tractatus, Sue., pt. 4, tit. 7, par. 330, ed. cited,
p. 280.

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