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LIBERTY TRIUMPHANT.

MR. ROOT'S SERMON. ,'-V. '1
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The Abolition Cause eventually triumphant.

SERMON,

DELIVERED BEFORE

THE ANTI-SLAVERY SOCIETY

HAVERHILL, MASS

AUG. 1836.

BY REV. DAVID ROOT,
DOVER, N. H.

ANDOVER:
PRINTED BY GOULD AND NEWMAN.
1836.

Haverhill, 10th Sth mo. 1836.
At a special meeting of the Haverhill Anti-Slavery Society, held on
the 2nd inst., after the Address of Rev. David Root, on motion of Hon.
G. Parker, it was "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to request
of Rev. D. Root a copy of his able and eloquent Address for publica
tion ;" and Oilman Parker, John G. Whittier, and E. Hale, Jr. were ap
pointed said committee. J. G. WHITTIER, Secretary.
Rev. D. Root,
In conformity with the above vote, as well as the dictates of our
feelings, the undersigned respectfully request for publication a copy of
your Address delivered in this town on the 2nd inst.
G. PARKER, )
JOHN G. WHITTIER, V Committee.
E. HALE, Jr. )

Dover, N. H. Aug. 24, 1836.
To G. Parker, a^nd others. Committee,
Gentlemen, — In answer to your note requesting a copy of the dis
course recently delivered in Haverhill, for publication, I have only to
say, that to be instrumental, in any degree, of advancing the cause of
human rights, gives me unfeigneil pleasure. If you think the publica
tion ofthe discourse in question calculated to promote the great work
of emancipation, it is at your disposal.
DAVID ROOT.

SERMON.

Jeremiah 50: 33, 34.
"Thus saith the Lord of hosts, the children of Israel and the children
of Judah were oppressed together ; and all that took them captives held
them fast ; they refused to let them go. Their Redeemer is strong ; the
Lord of hosts is his name, he shall thoroughly plead their cause, that
he may give rest to the land."
Malachi 3: 5.
"And I will come near to you to Judgment, and I will be a swift
witness against those that oppress the hireling in his wages, the widow
and the fatherless, and that turn aside the stranger from his right, and
fear not me, saith the Lord." Revel.4.tion 18: 11, etc.
"And the merchants of the earth shall weep and mourn over her;
for no man biiyeth her merchandize any more ; — the merchandize of
beasts and sheep and horses and chariots and slaves a'nd souls of men."
The prominent thought presented in the above passages is,
that with whatever tenacity oppressors may hold the victims of
their oppression, the time is at hand when slavery shall be wholly
and forever abolished.
That they do hold them with great tenacity is manifest. In
the language of the prophet, " They hold their captives fast, and
refuse to let them go." It is wonderful to observe to what
shifts, contradictions, and threats, slaveholders resort to retain
possession of their fellow men. All that the prophets have said
in the foregoing passages touching this point, is now verified in
this land.
Not long since it was pleaded in justification of slavery, that
though an evil, a great evil, it could not be remedied. But since
philanthropists have shown to demonstration, the duty, practica
bility and safety of immediate emancipation, the plea is, that slave-

ry is a "divine institution," justified by the word of God, the glory
of our land, "the corner-stone of our republican edifice."
Atone time, it is a most mild, consistent, and reasonable sys
tem ; and then anon it must not be discussed, lest the public mind
should be shocked with its enormities.
We are told that the slaves are contented and happy, faring a
great deal better than northern laborers, and not wishing to leave
their masters if they could. At the same time we see southern
papers filled with advertisements of runaway slaves, offering great
rewards for their apprehension. How strange it is that they
should make such attempts, and hazard so much, to get away
from contentment and happiness !
At one time, we hear that slave-holders would be glad to get
rid of their slaves — that they are a burden to them. And then
again they are fixed in their purpose never to yield this species
of property. A burden, and yet they will not part with it.
The slaves have great ajffection for their masters, it is said, so
that they would not injure a hair of their heads. And yet these
same masters are often in a state of alarm, and sleep with their
pistols under their heads, for fear of surprise and insurrection.
They have fortified their oppressions and fastened their vic
tims by the most severe and despotic laws ; and yet this very
despotism is attempted to be disguised under the plausible name
of "domestic relations."
They threaten to blow up the union rather than relinquish
their iron grasp upon their fellow men. And yet there is not pro
bably a considerate slave-holder south of Mason and Dixon's line,
who would not feel himself in ten-fold jeopardy, if that union were
dissolved, if he could not depend upon northern protection,
northern arms and northern valor. They know, and we know,
that the dissolution of the union would be a death blow to
slavery. They claim to be accounted chivalrous, but is it chivalrous to
oppress the poor and defenceless > They profess to be candid
and reasonable ; and yet the very mention of slavery sometimes
throws them into the utmost phrenzy ; and they would stop their
ears, and gnash their teeth, and like the bulls of Bashan, rush

upon the man who should attempt in person to convince them of
their inconsistency and sin.
Such are some of the inconsistetlcies to which slave-holders
and their abettors are driven, in consequence of their tenacity
in holding fast the iniquitous system. Suffice it to say, there is
not an argument used, nor an apology offered for slavery in this
country, which might not, with equal propriety and force, be ap
plied by Algerines in defence of the abject vassalage to which
they have reduced the Christian dogs whom they have captured ;
not an argument used, nor an apology offered for American slave
ry, which might not have been employed by Pharaoh in defence
of his tyranny ; which might not be employed by the Autocrat
of Russia, in defence of his unjust domination. Do Amer
ican slave-holders plead the constitution or the laws of the land,
or the peculiar policy of the government ? so may the Dey of
Algiers. So might have Pharaoh. So may Nicholas, for his sub
jugation of the Poles. Do American slave-holders talk of their
" domestic relations" to cover up the vilest despotism, and to re
pel interference ? So may Algerine slave-holders.
But the only right by which an American or an Algerine slave
holder retains his victim, is that of brute force ; no other right
than force, brute force. The American slave-holder robs the
colored man, because he has the power to do so, and is disposed
to exercise it. The Algerine slave-holder robs the Christian up
on whom he has seized, because he has the power to do so, and is
disposed lo exercise it. In both these instances, as well as in
that of Pharaoh, the declaration of the Prophet is verified:
" They hold fast their captives ; they refuse to let them go."
And we hazard the declaration, that there is no despot on earth,
and never has been since the world was made, whose right to the
exercise of oppression was not as good and as valid as that by
which the American slave-holder retains the victims of his power.
This declaration we challenge any man to invalidate. And yet
the tenacity and hardihood with which he holds them, seems to
be just in proportion to the injustice and unsoundness of his claim.
" They hold them fast."
It must not, however, be understood by these remarks, that

we cherish any hostile or unkind feelings toward our southern fel
low-citizens ; nor would we arrogate to ourselves any original su
perior excellence of moral character. Placed in their circum
stances, we might in like manner have yielded to the temptation,
and acted a similar part. In point of original moral character,
we claim no superiority. But this fact does not neutralize their
wrong doing, nor exonerate us from the duty of bearing testimo
ny against it.
And certain it is, that however unyielding may be the grasp
of oppressors, " God will be a swift witness against them," " He
will thoroughly plead the cause of the oppressed." We are as
sured indeed, that the time is at hand, when the merchandize of
souls shall cease, " For no man buyeth their merchandize any
more, the merchandize 'of slaves and souls of men.' "
Then will slavery become extinct throughout this nation, and
throughout the world. Then will follow the world's jubilee. O
the delightful anticipations of that auspicious day, when man
shall no longer enslave his fellow man, when the sacred birth
right of liberty, not in name, but in truth and in deed, shall be
enjoyed by men of every race, and every complexion, and
every character.
Our main proposition then, as derived from the sacred pas
sages quoted, is, that the ultimate triumph ofthe Abolition cause
is certain. Let us see what considerations there are to confirm
its truth. And
1. We argue the ultimate triumph ofthe abolition cause from
the fact, that abolition principles are based upon the word of
God. If this cause were of man's device, it might come to nought ;
but it rests upon the eternal principles of God's truth, and cannot
be overthrown. The essential principles of abolitionism are gen
erally known. They hardly need be repeated. If, however, I
were to sum them up in few words, I would say that slaverv is
sin, a heinous violation ofthe law of God, and an outrageous in
fraction of the dictates of natural justice ; because it recognizes
human beings as property, degrading them to the condition of
cattle, robbing them of their just earnings, annihilating the law

of marriage, disrupturing those endearing relations of domestic
and social life which God has established, introducing a state of
universal concubinage, breaking up families, neutralizing the au
thority of the parent over the child, forcibly separating parents
and children, husband and wife, exposing them to be sold to a
returnless distance from each other, and finally, excluding them
from the means of moral and intellectual improvement, dooming
them to perpetual ignorance, thus cutting them off, legally and
systematicalh- cutting them off from the consolations of religion,
and the hope of heaven ; that such being the features and fruits
of slavery, it ought to be immediately abandoned.
Such a system of oppression the Scriptures do not any where
justify. We say it, and say it advisedly, that there is not an in
stance of involuntary servitude justified in the Scriptures, but as
a punishment for sin. But to oppress men, to hold men in in
voluntary servitude, is every where condemned, is to violate ev
ery command contained in the second table of the law.
Moreover, we believe, and the dictates of natural justice con
firm the sentiment, that men possess inalienable rights, such as
"life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness."
Who doubts that these principles are based upon the word
of God and the law of Nature, and therefore must prevail .'' In
deed few men question the correctness of our principles. It
would seem as if none but a Nero or a McDuffie would venture
to impeach principles so obviously true, reasonable and scriptural.
Could I find the Bible, upon a fair interpretation, justifying
and sanctioning slavery as it exists in these United States, with
me, it would be a sufficient reason for its rejection. I could not
admit that to be the word of God which justifies a system of op
pression so abhorrent to all our feehngs of justice, of truth, and
of righteousness. No, I would say, whatever else it may be, it
cannot be the Book of God.
My hearers, there are certain principles so intuitively true,
that all attempts to prove them so, are like attempts to prove the
light of the sun in a clear sky, at noon-day, and only involve
them in obscurity and confusion. If you deny me the right to
use my own bones and muscles for my own benefit, how am I to

^ 8
prove that right ? It is a moral axiom, than which nothing can
be plainer. Argument would only darken counsel.
But there is another thought connected with this subject
which we may venture to suggest. If the proposition that men
possess inahenable rights be denied, or as some affirm, be only a
'•' rhetorical flourish," the consequence is inevitable, that you stul
tify the patriotic fathers of our country, and present those heroic
worthies as toiling, bleeding, and dying for the attainment of a
" rhetorical flourish."
If it be not true that slavery is sin, a flagrant violation of jus
tice, then no principle in morality or religion is true. We are all
afloat upon the broad ocean of scepticism ; and justice, and
truth, and right, are names which have no meaning.
But our principles are true, being based upon the word of
God and the law of nature ; and the more they are examined
and assailed, the more firm and immoveable will they prove, and
must eventually prevail.
2. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause from
the fact that the measures employed for its advancement are
such as God has hitherto owned and blessed, and such as reform
ers in every age have used successfully.
What are the measures of abolitionists ? Their measures
then, allowme to remark, grow out of their principles, are the prac
tical operation of their principles. And their principles, so far
as action on the subject is concerned, are peaceful, not offensive,
not invasive, not belhgerent. Their principles forbid them to
wage war upon oppressors and to spill human blood in defence of
freedom. Their principles forbid the " doing of evil that good
may come," and lead them to reject, and to entreat the oppressed
to reject, the use of all carnal weapons for their dehverance from
bondage, and to rely solely upon those which are spiritual and
mighty through God to the pulhng down of strong holds."
The measures of abolitionists then, to use the expressive lan
guage of their declaration, " are the opposition of moral purity
to moral corruption, the destruction of error by the potency of
truth, the overthrow of prejudice by the power of love, and the
abolition of slavery by the spirit of repentance." In short they

propose to abolish slavery by a kind but efficient moral influence ;
by exhibiting the truth in relation to this subject, and convincing
all men that slavery is a crime most offensive to God and most
destructive of human happiness; and thus to effect a revolution
in public sentiment which shall ensure the denlolition of this
dreadful system of oppression.
They propose to reach the hearts of all Christians, by shew
ing them and convincing them that the God of justice and the
God of the poor is angry with this nation every day and cannot
long tolerate the wrongs endured by our oppressed, afflicted
countrymen ; by convincing them that it is their duty, their solemn
and imperious duty, to remember by prayer and by correspond
ing efforts in their behalf, "those in bonds as bound with them."
They propose to persuade all ministers of the Gospel, of every
denomination, to bring their talents and influence to the aid of
this great enterprise, fearless of the reproaches of mercenary and
ungodly men ; to convince them that they have no right to pass
by this subject with indifference, no right by their inaction or op
position to countenance oppressors and to perpetuate the crying
sin of this nation.
They propose to persuade the whole church universal to
bear a solemn and decided testimony against this abomination ;
and to convince all men, citizens, patriots, philosophers, lovers
of humanity and lovers of God, that our land is disgraced, our
prosperity blighted, the councils ofthe nation disturbed, thwarted,
confounded by slavery, that even slaveholders themselves would
gain much by doing justice and letting the oppressed go free, and
that the severest judgments of heaven are upon us, if we aban
don not this system of oppression.
In fine, our measures are moral, spiritual. Our plan is per
suasion. Our arms are the principles and precepts of the Gos
pel — our munition, the God of Israel.
Are not these the measures which God has hitherto owned
and blessed ? Are not these the measures which reformers in
every age have employed and employed successfully ? You would
not have us resort to arms ; you could not persuade us to adopt
forcible measures. We therefore exhort, entreat, beseech. It
2

10
is our privilege, nay, more, it is our duty to endeavor to persuade
men to abandon that which is wrong and to do that which is right.
What objection have you then to these measures ? What objec
tion to them do you find in the word of God ? Nay, has not God
commanded us to use these very measures, " to cry aloud and
spare not — 'to shew the people their sins."
But you say, perhaps, that abolitionists are severe, harsh, un
charitable, using hard names. Perhaps they have been so in
some instances. I will not say that they have not. Indeed I
think they have. But then, we are bound to consider how wan
tonly they have been provoked. The laws ofthe land have afford
ed them comparatively no protection. And professedly good
men have countenanced and connived at the outrages which they
have suffered. Our own brethren, in the hour of peril, have de
serted and betrayed us.
And then too, may not much of this seeming severity and
harshness be attributed to your want of adequate views of the
enormity of slavery and the cowardice, treachery and guilt of
those who apologize for it. If you had a proper sense of the
crime and guilt of those who trample upon the rights and trafSck
in the blood of their fellow men, you might not think the epithets
used by abolitionists so severe.
We all remember the time when the advocates for temper
ance were accused of great harshness and severity, because they
declared distillers and dealers in strong drink accessary to the
crimes and responsible for the miseries which followed its use.
But it was because men had no adequate sense of the enormity
of the spirit trade. It is not so now. The business of making
and vending ardent spirits is regarded as the business of destroy
ing the souls and bodies of men ; and the distiller and retailer are
viewed by sober men, as enemies to the State and to the best in
terests of society, no better than swindlers, mercenary, unprinci
pled men, living upon the very vitals of the community.
I remember, some ten years since, I knew a Deacon who
was wont to sell rum and distribute bibles. He was thought to
be a very good man, and it would have seemed severe and harsh
to have called him a coadjutor of Satan. But he was, and men

II
now see it, and understand it. And it is not thought uncharita
ble to call distillers and dealers in the poisonous beverage copart
ners with the devil in the trade of death.
So, my hearers, some years hence, you may not think the
epithets employed by abolitionists so severe and uncharitable, nor
their measures so violent. We certainly disclaim every measure
which is not kind and concihatory. We have no fellowship with
any thing which savours of malice, revenge or retaliation. But
while we would be kind and conciliatory, we must be faithful and
call things by their right names. This is our kindness, that we
speak " the truth in love." We cannot separate sin from the
sinner for the sake of sheltering his conscience. We believe
that slave-holders are designated in the Scriptures by the term,
" men-stealers," and we call them so. We believe that those
who rob their fellow-men of their liberty, are robbers in the worst
sense, and we say so. We believe that those who apologize for
slaveiy and countenance the oppressor, partake of his guilt, and
we say so.
Now these plain, honest, straight-forward measures, we be
lieve God will own and bless. We believe he will make his truth
effectual, to the subversion of this iniquitous system. God's truth
was mighty in the hands of the Apostles ; it was mighty in the
hands of the great Reformers ; and it will be no less so, we trust,
when wielded by faithful men in these times. Let the subject
be agitated and agitated, argument added to argument, and illus
trations multipUed upon illustrations, the whole field of discussion
traversed again and again, and the strong points reiterated and
urged, until the public mind and the public conscience shall be
thoroughly enlightened and rectified, and the work of abolition is
done. Nothing but light and love are wanting to abolitionize the
whole North. And how long think you, before " the South would
give up, if the North kept not back .?" What candid mind will
object to these measures ?
3. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause
from the admitted fact, that the American churches are to exert
an important instrumentahty in the conversion of the world.
No one contemplating intelligently the state of the world, and

12
the signs of the times, can doubt, that the favored churches of
America are to bear a very signal part in the work of introducing
the millennium. But this they cannot do while they countenance,
and cherish, and uphold this most unrighteous system of heathen
ism. God will not bless their instrumentality ; God will not crown
their efforts with final success ; God will not permit a slave-holding
church to convert the world. It is arrant mockery, it is sheer
hypocrisy for the Christians of America to talk of converting the
world, while they supinely allow two millions oftheir own country
men to remain in legalized heathenism.
The Synod of South Carolina and Georgia, in their annual
report on the state of religion in 1834, say, that the colored pop
ulation of the South are the heathen of America, and in point of
ignorance and moral degradation, will bear comparison with the
heathen in any other country on the face of the globe.
We rejoice that this fact has come out, that it has come from
such good and unquestionable authority. Let tliis fact ring
through our churches, — it ought to ring through our churches,
until the cheek of every professing Christian is mantled with
shame, who will not come to the work of dehvering these
our captive and heathenized countrymen. O, talk no more
of your commiseration for the Hindoo, and Hottentot, and
South Sea Islander. Your charities for men on the other side
of the globe will hardly be regarded a pure offering in the
sight of God, while you neglect your poor brother who stands
pleading at your door. " He cannot away" with such charities ;
they are an offence unto Him, while with Priest and Levite in
difference and hardheartedness, you turn away from him whom
your own avarice has helped to bind, and rob, and heathenize.
Such charities savor too much of deceit, and insincerity, and gross
inconsistency to be accounted pure philanthropy, and heavenly
benevolence. Your religion is a partial, one-sided religion. It
freely distributes bibles to white men, but has no bibles for
colored men. It sends the word of life to white men all
over the world, but there are hundreds, and thousands, and tens
of thousands of colored men in this Christian land who live, and
labor, and die, and never hear of the plan of salvation by Jesus

13
Christ. But is God the God of the white man, and is he not
also the God of the colored man ?
I say your religion is a partial, one-sided, person-respecting
religion, and so it will shortly be viewed by the heathen abroad,
and thus the instrumentality of the American churches will even
tually be neutralized. Christ will say to them in tones of rebuke,
as he is indeed now saying to them : " These things ye ought to
have done and not to leave the other undone."
This abomination, my hearers, must be removed out ofthe way,
or the chariot wheels ofthe gospel can never roll on to the conver
sion ofthe world. O, I wish I could make you sensible, that your
heart is not right with God, whatever you may profess, while you
have no proper sympathy for your poor brother who is shut out from
all the charities of life. You need not think that your offerings
are worth any thing, nor console yourself with the notion that
you are doing very well. Though your contributions for other
objects be ever so abundant, if you do not remember your
brother in bonds, God knows that you are not doing well ;
and there is a palpable discrepancy in your character and con
duct. You are charitable toward objects abroad ; why are you
not charitable toward objects at home ? Is it because it would
cost you the sacrifice of interest, and of reputation ? Is it be
cause you would be reproached as belonging to a miserable set of
fanatics? Remember, that "he that is guilty of the least, is
guilty of the whole," for the least deliberate transgression is a
test of moral character.
Now the question is, my hearers, will your charity go through
all the prejudice which hedges up your way, and all the reproach,
and persecution which you may suffer, and reach the poor slave
through the uncomely and repulsive covering in vvhich he is in
vested, and there labor to break his chains, to unfetter his spirit,
to allay his anguish, to improve and elevate his character, and
make him happy ? This is the touch-stone. This is the test act.
If your charity will not do this, it may justly be pronounced de
fective, utterly defective.
We say again, the American churches cannot labor advan
tageously for the conversion of the world, while they continue to

14
participate in this abomination of this land, and until indeed it
be rolled out of the way. It imposes a load of guilt upon them,
which must essentially embarrass their operations. Slavery must
hang as a mill-stone about their necks, to sink them to the lowest
state of apostasy and ruin. Their hands will wax weak and
their hearts faint, and they will labor under all the disadvantage
of conscious inconsistency and hypocrisy.
But the American churches, we beheve, are to exert a prom
inent instrumentality in the conversion of the world. We feel
assured therefore, that they will ere long wash their hands of
this iniquity, and that deliverance will consequently come to the
long neglected captives of America ; for it is the churches who
uphold slavery in this land. Let the churches, let the good
men of our country, the seventeen thousand ministers of the gos
pel, and the one million of Christians, cease to give their coun
tenance and influence to sustain slavery ; let them bear a faithful
testimony against it, and this horrid system would soon be abol
ished. 4. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause from
the character of the men who are engaged in it.
There are always, indeed, exceptions. We speak hkewise
only of their general character. We mean merely to say, that
they are men who will not go back. Their course is onward.
They have enlisted during the war. Their principles have taken
deep root in their hearts. They have set down and counted the
cost. They expect a severe and perhaps a protracted struggle ;
but they have made up their minds never to give up the ship,
sink or swim, live or die. Hence you may mark it well, that
neither reproach, nor revilings, nor the sacrifice of property, nor
the loss of reputation, nor the violence of mobs, have been able
to drive them, neither from their principles, nor from their position.
There was indeed, one abolitionist down East somewhere,
(we know nothing ofthe character ofthe man,) who travelled in
Virginia, and who, either overcome by the hospitality which he
received, or awed by the threats which he heard, published a
kind of recantation of his sentiments.
We have heard of some few others, supposed to be abolition-

15
ists, one of whom built a vessel and sent it to the Southern States,
and it was said that his abolitionism floated off in that vessel.
Now the interpretation in such instances of defection, are found
in the following language addressed to an abolitionist by an indi
vidual who said, (and doubtless with him it was a great argument)
" Sir, if you continue to agitate that subject, they will not freight
our ships, they will not send us cotton." As if the freighting of
ships, and the sending of cotton, were paramount to the claims of
justice, and truth, and righteousness. Alas ! how has interest,
sordid interest eaten out of the hearts of such men every princi
ple of rectitude, every humane sentiment. You see, my hearers,
that it is not difficult to divine how these things come to pass.
In general, however, they are men steadfast in their princi
ples, who do not trim to the popular breeze. Let the wind blow
high or blow low, you know where to find them, steadfastly adher
ing to their principles. Their principles they will not give up, be
the consequences what they may. They are not expediency
men, sacrificing principle to accommodation, and thus neutrahzing
every command of God, and every dictate of justice.
In short, in one point of view especially, in their steadfast
integrity of character, they resemble the patriots of the revolu
tion, and the Pilgrim Fathers of our own New-England. It was
principle for which those former worthies stood. It was not the
pecuniary consideration connected with the tea tax, but the prin
ciple involved, which roused them. They said, give us princi
ple, — give us principle, — give us principle. We care not for the
threepenny assessment, but we will not be taxed without our con
sent ; we will not be taxed without representation.
So abolitionists hold it " to be self-evident, that all men are
created equal, possessing certain inalienable rights, as Ufe, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness ;" " that we ought to do unto others
as we would that others shoidd do unto us," that no man has a
right to hold his fellow-man as property, and that he who does it,
ought to cease from doing it, immediately.
These are our principles. These principles we cannot aban
don. No power on earth can cause us to abandon them. " Nei
ther death, nor life, nor angels, nor principalities, nor powers, nor

16
things present, nor things to come, nor height nor depth, nor any
other creature shall be able to separate us from them."
Now we aver, that these principles will carry the abolition
cause onward to success. And while we are aware that nothing
but principle will do it, we are equally aware that principle will
do it. Yes, my hearers, principle, christian principle will do it.
Men cherishing steadfastly these christian principles which we
have named are not easily put to flight. " They may be per
plexed, but never will they despair," may be defeated, but never
conquered. Indeed, my hearers, in this cause we do not want time-serv
ing weathercock adherents. We do not want men who will shift
their ground for the sake of popular favor. We do not want men
who are afraid to act lest it should prejudice their interest. In
short, we do not want men who would sell their principles for a
piece of bread. We have no use for such men. Our cause is
to be carried by men who will hazard all for principle, and whose
spirits are indomitable. No others are worthy to be the defen
ders ofthe sacred birthright of liberty.
5. Again, we argue the ultimate triumph of the abohtion cause
from the reckless spirit and measures of its opponents.
Of course, we do not mean moderate men whose minds are
yet balancing on this subject ; but we mean those ultra anti-abo
litionists, those pro-slavery men who are trampling in the dust the
dearest rights of American citizens in their puny and unavailing
attempts to arrest the progress of free discussion and free prin
ciples. Their spirit and measures have been wanton, reckless,
fanatical. Misrepresentation and violence have been the weapons
of their warfare. When misrepresentation would not answer
they have gathered and instigated the mob.
It is lamentable to think, how egregiously the public mind
has been abused in regard to abolitionists, their principles and
measures, their objects and means of accomphshing them. No
class of men were ever more vilely slandered, none more unjust
ly exposed to violence. Unprincipled politicians, crouching edi
tors, and consequential demagogues have shamefully blinded the
mass of the community in regard to the merits of this whole sub-

17
ject. But for their misrepresentations and falsehoods, with hon
est men and Christians there would probably have been but one
opinion in regard to the abolition of slavery in these United States.
Must not that be a despicable cause which has recourse to
such unjust and dishonorable modes of warfare ? Wretched in
deed must be the enterprize of those who resort to misrepresen
tation and violence, whose principal weapons are not arguments,
but falsehood and brute force. It does not require the spirit of
prophecy to perceive that opposition which depends on such base
measures must be without foundation in truth and righteousness,
and of course unavailing.
And then too, observe the recklessness of their proceedings.
They have trodden the laws of the land under foot for the purpose
of wreaking their malice upon citizens who had violated no law,
but whose plain dealing with slavery they could not endure. Trial
by jury in many instances they have abolished, and like Robes
pierre, Marat, Danton and other French Revolutionists of bloody
memory, assumed the prerogative of administering justice in their
own summary way. As a consequence, unoffending citizens,
not a few, have been abused, condemned, scourged, and in some
instances hung up at noon-day. Even men of God in the prose
cution of their appropriate work of expounding and applying His
word, have been arrested and rudely dragged before magistrates,
not unHke the Man of Nazareth before Pilate.
A lawless '}[id^e, in the plenitude of his wisdom, or rather fol
ly and fanaticism, gravely decides, that if" the many" undertake
in a given instance, lawlessly to plunder and rob and burn men
alive, they are to be tolerated. And a Rev. judge sits the pre
siding genius, the master spirit of an organized mob to destroy the
property and abuse the person of a man of the most peaceful spi
rit and of unimpeachable character, and whose only offence was,
that he dared to assert his constitutional right to liberty of speech
and of the press.* 
* In illustration of what the author has said above, look at the reck
less conduct of the aristocracy of Cincinnati, at a recent mob-meeting
held in that city to crush James Birney. Resolutions were passed of
the most incendiary character, and a committee were appointed, not to
3

18
A chief magistrate of one of the States pronounces slavery
a blessing, the corner stone of liberty, and craves the wretched
inheritance for his children ; and lest his sincerity should be sus
pected in making an assertion so preposterous and perverse, con
firms it with a solemn asseveration. Yes, my hearers. Southern
statesmen have suggested, that the slave system should be intro
duced at the North and our laboring men and women be reduced
to bondage ; that our prosperity will not be complete, nor the
state of society perfect until we adopt the slave policy. Let the
descendants of the pilgrims, let our laboring men, our mechanics,
the operatives in our factories, the free yeomanry of New England
think of that, and ponder it in their hearts.
A prominent editor proclaims the Declaration of Indepen-
f'iscuss the subject of difference fairly with Mr. Birney, but to ask him,
if he would consent to be muzzled, and if he would not, why, they
would not harm him, and should be sorry, if he was harmed, but in the
mean time, they would "cry havoc, and let slip the dogs of violence."
What base cowardice and treachery to the cause of liberty ! ! Why did
they not go and e.\postidate with the men of violence, the real movers
of sedition? They knew who were the wire-pullers; perhaps them
selves among the numlier. Indeed there can be little doubt from all
the circumstances of the affair, that Jacob Burnet, Josiah Lawrence
Oliver M. Spencer and others ofthe committee who acted, and William
Burke, and even the Mayor, were, all the while, secretly conniving at
the intended outrage ; else why did they not refuse to act in behalf of
that lawless assemblage, and decidedly protest against their violent pro
ceedings, instead of becoming their executors to do a business from
which every honorable and law-abiding man would instinctively shrink.
No doubt, these men have acquired a notoriety not unlike that of the
wretch who burned the temple of Diana, infamous. To be recognized
by posterity as a tory of the Revolution will be honorable, conipared
with the infamy of him who shall be known to have taken part in re-
ducingan upright and law-abiding man to the alternative of choosing be
tween the surrender of constitutional freedom on tho one hand aud
mob-violence on the other.
Whatever complacency these men may now feel in the popularity
of their proceedings, if God don't forget them in the day of retribution,
they will find it no light matter to answer for the countenance vvhich
they have thu.s given to riotous and bloody men. Only to neglect to pro
tect Mr. Birney in his constitutional right vvas enough, under those cir
cumstances, to establish their guilt. They ought to have hazarded much
to defend him. That would have been as chivalrous and praiseworthy
as what they did do was cowardly and base.
 Edit.

19
dence, as to its fundamental principle, a rhetorical flourish, and
scores of men may be found even in New England who from con
siderations of a miserable time-serving policy, attempt to justify
this horrid system of oppression and robbery. And sons, aye,
how shall I utter it, sons, degenerate sons of the very fathers who
toiled and bled in defence of freedom, are now seen shamelessly
joining hands with the oppressor. O, was there ever such treach
ery to the cause of liberty, such an abandonment of huinan rights,
such fearful infatuation.
My hearers, it is not difficult to perceive on which side of this
contest the devil has taken his stand. Nor is it difficult to per
ceive who are they that must be vanquished ; for whom God de
signs to destroy, he infatuates.
They say, that we are fanatical and infatuated, but if any
thing vvas wanting to show that the fanaticism and infatuation are
on the other side, it would be this wicked, reckless determination
to close their eyes and hearts upon this subject. They refuse to
to read, they refuse to hear. They have waged a war of exter
mination upon every press in the land which dares to publish the
truth on the subject of slavery. What more certain characteris
tic of infatuation ?
And it is mortifj'ing to be compelled to say, that otherwise de
cent, respectable, and apparently benevolent men seem to have
strangely hardened their hearts on this subject. They are unwil
ling to come to the light lest they should find themselves reprov
ed, lest they should be constrained to sympathize with the oppress
ed. They will not open their eyes lest the light of truth should
flash conviction upon their hearts. They do not wish to hear any
thing on this subject, lest they should be converted.
How appropriately are such men described by the Saviour.
" He that doeth evil hateth the light, neither eometh to light, lest
his deeds should be reproved." And by the prophet when he
says, " their eves have they closed ; lest at any time they should
see with their eyes and hear with their ears and understand with
their hearts and be converted." Against those who thus closed
their eyes and ears, our Saviour uttered the most fearful denun
ciations. The crime is the same in every age. If this be not in
fatuation, we know not what is infatuation.

20
6. We argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition cause from
the spirit of the age and the progress of free principles in other
countries. ,
The spirit of the age is against slavery. The spirit of im
provement is against slavery. The spirit of benevolent enter
prise is against slavery. The spirit of literature is against sla
very. It is disreputable every where. American slave-holders
are fast becoming the gazing stock of the civilized world. The
whole amount of British literature will soon be brought to bear
down upon American despotism. O'Connel's voice will be heard ;
and Thompson's voice too will be heard. And we may calcu
late upon all that is praiseworthy in the spirit of missions, all that
is truly philanthropic in the benevolence of the age, for that will
soon come to our aid.
And then too, look at the progress of free principles in other
countries. England is free. The British West India Islands are
free. France is moving on the subject of slavery, and will soon
abolish it in her colonies. South America is free with one excep
tion, and even there overtures are making for the entire abolition of
slavery. Mexico is free and contending against the Texians, who,
countenanced and encouraged by American slave-holders and
their abettors are treacherously attempting to reestablish the slave
code. Will slavery, think you, endure against all these influences?
No, my hearers, slavery must be abolished. The spirit of
the age has decreed its destruction. The spirit of benevolent
enterprise has decreed its destruction. The spirit of the civihzed
world has decreed its destruction. The spirit of Christianity has
decreed its destruction. God has decreed its destruction.
7. We argue the ultimate triumph ofthe abolition cause from
the fact that the subject is fairly up.
The spirit of liberty is abroad, and there is no power in the
land that can arrest it. Neither Southern despotism, nor North
ern aristocracy, nor the policy of grave and calculating Professors
who talk wisely against fanaticism, nor the false prudence of pan
ic-struck clergymen who combine to keep the key of knowledge
from the people and to shut out the claims of the poor and needy,
shall be able to put down the rising spirit of liberty. The subject
is fairly before the American people and they cannot suppress it

21
without bringing ten-fold infamy upon the American name, and
the most fearful judgments of heaven upon this guilty land.
The subject is before the American churches. If it had not
come up in the providence of God, and light in every direction
been poured upon it with almost unutterable brightness, flashing
conviction upon all hearts, they had been comparatively innocent
in refusing to act. But now they cannot put it by without action.
If they do, they must answer it to God. If they do, God will curse
their prosperity. If they do shut up their bowels of compassion
toward the outcast captives of this land and refuse to hsten
to their tale of woe, " how dwelleth the love of God in them ?"
In so doing, they incur the signal displeasure and the righteous
retribution of heaven ; " for he that stoppeth his ears at the cry
ofthe poor and needy shall himself cry and not be heard." Let
the churches of these United States refuse to remember these
Christ's poor, physically, mentally and morally incarcerated ; let
them apologize for this system of oppression and robbery ; let
them refuse to bear testimony against this enormity ; if they dare
do so, God will blast them with mildew and pining and death.
8. Finally, we argue the ultimate triumph of the abolition
cause from its past success.
Who would have thought that a cause which has had to con
tend with prejudice, interest, civil authority and popular fury,
would have gathered around it, in so short a time, such an amount
of character, talent, and moral influence? No enterprise ever
brought before the American people was more unpopular. It has
gathered opposition from all quarters both civil and ecclesiastical.
The Roman powers hardly made greater efforts to crush the
infant cause of Christ, than have the civil authorities of this land
to annihilate abolitionism. And surely, the Jewish sanhedrim
scarcely played a more wily game, nor pursued a more time-serv
ing policy to arrest the heresy of the Son of Joseph, than have
some ecclesiastical bodies, in this country, to stifle in christian
hearts, the rising spirit of sympathy for the oppressed. And yet,
this cause has steadily advanced, waxing stronger and stronger,
and perpetually gathering new accessions of numbers and strength,
of character, talent, and moral influence.

22
It gives us pleasure, when we survey the ground, to observe
so many strong men becoming the decided advocates for the op
pressed. In my own Granite State, and iu this the Old Bay
State which so forcibly reminds us of other times which tried men's
souls, we see a host of the most venerable servants of God com
ing up to this work of delivering the long neglected captives of
America. And even old Connecticut, memorable for her blue
laws and signally shameful for her black act, we trust will not be
far behind. Even there, are visible the glorious first fruits of a
future harvest to this cause.
Allow me to state a fact. During the six months following
the breaking open of the mail in Charleston, S. C, we have
been told, there were calls upon the Executive committee at New
York, for ten thousand additional publications. Indeed the
whole population of the land is beginning to read and hear, to be
moved and roused on the subject of slavery. Societies are mul
tiplying, and acquiring respect and influence. In some places
where there was great opposition, there has been a signal and
successful reaction in favor of human rights. Look atUtica and
Rochester for examples.
The discussions in Congress during the past year, have ren
dered incalculable service to this enterprise. Many of the mem
bers, no doubt, meant it unto evil, but God meant it unto good.
These discussions like the first preachers of the Gospel, went
every where, telling much truth, exposing the abominations of
slavery, and disclosing the deep and damning corruptions that are
cherished at the very head and heart of this nation.
In short, time would fail me to tell of all our prosperity, as
well as of our adversity, our trials, our persecutions. Nay,
I mean not so, we have no adversity, no trials. We count it all
joy, when we suffer for Christ's oppressed poor. We regard it
as an occasion of gratitude to God, when we are recognized as
worthy to endure reproach and trial for so good a cause.
I will only say, that our past success gives us assurance of
ultimate triumph. And we have little doubt, but more funds
might now be raised for this, than for most other benevolent en-
terprizes before the christian public.

23
REMARKS.
1. How palpable is the inconsistency of those who say, we
admit your principles, but we don't like your measures.
Our measures are but the practical operation of our princi
ples ; just the influence of our faith going out into practice. Our
measures are the measures of prophets, of apostles, of Jesus
Christ. Our method is persuasion. Our armour is truth. So
it was theirs. We use no harder terms than did they. We
have their example for our sanction.
2. We remark, that every peace man, to be consistent, should
be an abolitionist.
We must cease our oppression, and do justice before we can
expect peace. Peace and robbery cannot co-exist. With what
face can you, can I, talk of peace, or expect peace, while I have
my brother by the throat. There is a manifest inconsistency, a
palpable discrepancy in such a character.
3. We must patiently bear with the unbelief, the slowness,
the hardheartedness of those our brethren and friends who come
not to our aid, who are unwilling to lend their influence to this
cause. It is indeed the most grievous part of our trials, and our
hearts are pained when we think of it. While we know and feel
that we are engaged in an enterprise of which God approves,
having all the powers of the world and of the devil against us, that
they should not only leave us to contend alone, but throw out
their objections, and endeavor to obstruct the wheels of this be
nevolent enterprise, is indeed grievous to be borne. But have
patience, brethren, have patience, and it shall all be well in the
issue. It will indeed be thought strange in a few years, that any
man who professed to love his God, or his country, should have
refused his heart or his hand to this good work.
4. How greatly do they err, who think that abolitionists are
to be put down by threats and violence.
It seems indeed strange, that amidst an enlightened and pro
fessedly christian community, resort should ever have been
had to such vile and detestable mea.sures. Indeed the rab
ble never would have attempted violence upon us, nor thought

24
of such a thing, had they not been instigated and led on by mer
cenary men, and base politicians, and time-serving, truckling
christian editors, who have chimed in with them.
But all such villainous attempts have only worked for the ad
vancement of this enterprise. God has caused, and will cause
the wrath of men to praise Him.
5. Let the friends of this cause be firm, and persevering.
Let there be no flinching. Though we have the fullest assurance
of final success, yet beloved hearers, great and increasing efforts
are to be made — a desperate struggle raay yet be witnessed.
The church is to be sifted, and our land may be the theatre of
mortal strife, of scenes, the recital of which shall " make the ears
of him that heareth it to tingle," of tragic scenes which shall make
your hearts faint, and your hands weak; for 3,3 a nation, we are
so deeply involved in guilt, that we can hardly believe that God
will allow us to escape without his severest judgments. But He
who " rides upon the wings ofthe wind, and maketh the storm a
calm" shall be the strength of your hearts, and your unfaihng
Helper. " And the South shall finally give up, and the North
keep not back, and our friends shall come from afar," and all
unite in delivering this oppressed people, and this guilty land.
In the mean time, let us bear in mind, that abolitionists are
the only true friends of the South, and of the free institutions of
our country, and that if they succeed not, our nation is ruined,
our country is gone, lost, inevitably, and irretrievably lost.
Stand fast, then, in your integrity. Come life, or come death,
hold fast your principles. Your principles are the principles of
truth. Hold fast your cause ; your cause is the cause of God.
May the blessing of the Almighty, and the blessing of him who is
ready to perish, come upon you. And let every individual be
fore me, if he would be a friend of the poor and needy, and pro
perly remember those in bonds, if he would be a friend to his
country, or to his God, come to your aid, join your society, and
identifyhimself with this glorious enterprise. That this cause of
humanity and of God may soon be triumphant, is the earnest
prayer of him who is permitted to address you on this occasion.
Amen.

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