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PROCEEDINGS

ANNUAL MEETING

ipJassartmsms Colonijatfau Society,

PARK STREET CHURCH, FEB. T, 1833.

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PROCEEDINGS

ANNUAL MEETING

MASSACHUSETTS COLONIZATION SOCIETY,

PARK STREET CHURCH, FEB. t, 1833.
TOGETHER WITH
THE SPEECHES DELIVERED ON THAT OCCASION BY
HON. MESSRS. EVERETT,. LADD„ AND CUSHING, AND
REV. MESSRS. STOW AND BLAGDEN.
ALSO THE LETTERS OF
HIS EXCELLENCY GOVERNOR LINCOLN,

THE HON. SAMUEL LATHROP,

COMMUNICATED TO THE MEETING.

BOSTON:
PRINTED BY PEIRCE AND PARKER,
No 9, CornhilL
1833.

PROCEEDINGS.

The Annual Meeting of the Massachusetts Colonization Soci
ety was held in Park Street Church, on Thursday Evening,
Feb. 7, 1833. At half past 6 o'clock, the Hon. Stephen C.
Phillips, of Salem, took the chair. After a voluntary on the
organ, the meeting was opened with prayer by the Rev. Joel H.
Linsley.
The Credentials of Delegates from Auxiliary Societies were
then received, when it appeared that the following gentlemen had
been appointed by their respective Societies.
Worcester Co. Auxiliary. Hon. W. S. Hastings, A. D.
Foster, and C. Allen, Esquires.
Hampshire. Hon. Eliphalet Williams and George
Bancroft, Esq.
Hampden. Hon. William B. Calhoun, Hon. Patrick
Boies, Hon. George Bliss, and George Ashmun, Esq.
Berkshire. Hon. Thomas B. Strong and Hon. Edward
Stevens, of the Senate. Samuel M. Mackay and Henry
Marsh, Esq. of the House.
Franklin. None.

The following Letter to the General Agent of the Parent So
ciety was read to the meeting. Boston, Feb. 7, 1833.
I had the honor to receive, this morning, through your kind communication,
the invitation of the Committee of Arrangements, to attend the Anniversary
Celebration of the Massachusetts Colonization Society, — and I beg to assure
you, that it is with great regret, that I find myself prevented, by previous en
gagements, the gratification of being present on so interesting an occasion.
The objects ofthe Society appear to me, to be in accordance with the dictates
of an enlightened and enlarged philanthropy, seeking to ameliorate the condi
tion of the most oppressed and abused of our fellow men. Its measures have
been pursued with a zeal and perseverance worthy the noble purpose, at the
same time, characterized by that prudence and discretion, and attended with a
success, which cheer the heart with a reasonable hope of their eminently bene
ficial results. I can see nothing in the history of the past operations of the So
ciety which should create distrust of its salutary influences, in any section of

4
our country, much less give cause for hostility to its humane and Christian
charities, directed to enlightening the ignorant, sending a pure religion to the
heathen, restoring the African to his native land, and making that land tlie resi
dence ofthe happy and the free.
With great respect,
I am, Sir,
Most faithfully,
Your obliged and ob't ser'vt, LEVI LINCOLN.
Rev. J. N. Danforth, Agent Am. Colonization Society.

A letter from the Hon. Samuel Lathrop, President of the
Society, was communicated to the Secretary, of which the follow
ing is a copy : West Springfield, Feb. 1, 1833.
Sir— Your favor ofthe 30th of January has been this day received. You will
be pleased to express to the Managers ofthe Massachusetts Colonization Socie
ty, my respectful acknowledgments for this manifestation of their desire, that
I should attend and preside at their next annual meeting, to be holden on the
evening of Feb. 7th. It would be to me a source of high gratification to be
permitted to attend this meeting, and to participate in the consultations of the
evening, in the measures to be proposed for adoption for the purpose of impart
ing new life and vigor into their operations, and in the mutual congratulations
which must result from a view of the past success and future prospects of the
parent society. But I apprehend that the obstacles to my attendance, at that
particular time, will be insurmountable.
While I make my acknowledgments to the gentlemen composing this Socie
ty, for the honor they saw fit to confer upon me, by electing me their first Pres
ident, and for having since repeated this expression of their respect, I may be
permitted to suggest, that, in my opinion, it would be desirable, that the office
should be conferred upon some person who lives not so remote from the place
of holding the meetings and transacting the business of the society, and on
whose presence and active co-operation in all efficient measures, they may be
able to calculate with a greater degree of certainty.
The American Colonization Society has proposed for its object, a great work j
no less than the removal of the whole ofthe colored population within our bor
ders, so far as it can be done by their voluntary consent, and without infringing
upon the rights of property which are sanctioned by the laws of some of the
States. It is a good work — a work of patriotism, humanity, and Christianity —
it opens a door through which the slave may be manumitted with safety to thfe
state, and with reasonable encouragement to a life of industry and virtue —
through which the free colored population may be elevated from the state of
degradation in which they now move, and be admitted to the equal enjoyment
ofthe rights and privileges of citizens and freemen, and by which, the blessings
of civilization and Christianity may be imparted to Africa. — Even if we should
not be able to anticipate the accomplishment ofthe whole compass of our wishes
in relation to our own country, still there are ample motives for perseverance.
Thousands of those who, scattered among a white population, can be free only
in name, may there enjoy the blessings of liberty and of free institutions, and
transmit them to millions of their descendants, through untold generations.
The efforts of civilization and Christianity to exalt and dignify the human cha
racter will be presented to the Africans, both by precept and example, and in a
form the most attractive to them, in its effects upon people of their own country
and color. I view the establishment of the Colonization Society, as one of the
means among the benevolent operations of the day, and the principal one, for
the regeneration of a continent.
Accept my thanks, dear sir, for the kind manner in which you have commu
nicated the request of the Managers, and believe me, yours most respectfully,
SAM'L LATHROP.
Dr. J. V. C. Smith, Sec'ry Mass. Col. Society.

The Report was read by the Secretary, Dr. J. V. C. Smith.
All the important items embraced in it are here given :
The Board of Managers of the Massachusetts Colonization So
ciety, in presenting their Annual Report, congratulate their fellow-
citizens, and would render thanks to the Author of all mercies,
that the cause which they advocate has, during the last year,
been crowned with increasing and brilliant success.
Never, perhaps, since the foundation of the Parent Institution
at the National Capital in the year 1816, have the objects em
braced in its plan excited deeper interest throughout the country
than at this moment. Information,widely diffused, has produc
ed argument : argument has strengthened conviction of the ex
cellence and utility of the system :' and conviction has led to
vigorous action. While the Board of Managers would mention
with gratitude, the fact, that none of their number, during the past
year, have been removed by death, they have the solemn duty of
recording the decease of the venerable President of the Parent
Institution, Charles Carroll, of Carrollton, whose younger
days were devoted to the service of his country — whose later days
were blessed with a green old age — and with whose descent into
the tomb disappeared the last remnant of that immortal band that
gave to our country the charter of its freedom.
The Board take this opportunity to express their high satisfac
tion on learning that the distinguished chair, thus vacated by the
Providence cf God, was, at the late national anniversary, so judi
ciously filled by the appointment of James Madison, the oldest
surviving President of the United States — a constant friend of
the Society.
In reviewing the progress of the cause in our own State, it is
proper to mention that we believe we speak the sentiments of New
England generally, as well as of the great portion of the people of
Massachusetts, when we say, they would not usurp the agitation
of so perilous a question as that of slavery, while they are willing
to co-operate in any wise measures for its extinction — and would
frankly express their earnest wish for the speedy removal of this
evil. The people of the North need not to be remiuded that they
have bound themselves by the terms of the social compact, to re
spect the legal rights of slave holders, — however averse to slavery
as a system.
Under a sense of these obligations, and with the hope that
Providence will lead the way to universal emancipation, they
would repress the spirit and abstain from the language of sweep
ing denunciation. So far as the influence of this Society extends,
it may be considered as pledged to promote those calm and kind
ly feelings which are congenial to the constitution and habits of
thinking of northern citizens ; — to frown upon all attempts to ali
enate the different sections of the republic ; — to promote the pro
gress of reformation by mild and peaceful, rather than by harsh
measures, — and to seek the good of the slave by gaining the con

fidence of the master, rather than insure his interminable bond
age, by exciting distrust, fear, and opposition.
In the month of May last, a pamphlet was issued, under the
direction of the Board, for gratuitous distribution, embracing im
portant facts concerning the Colony of Liberia, and developing
principles connected with the operations of the Society in this
country, which, in connection with the active agency of a num
ber of students of the Theological Seminary at Andovev, who
volunteered their services, we have reason to believe produced a
happy effect in the community. Other means, in different forms,
were also used, adapted to awaken inquiry, and to stimulate to
effort, especially at that season of the year which is distinguished
by the recurrence of the anniversary of National Independence,
and which has, by common consent and usage, been associated
with the national anniversary. The result has been an increase
of the amount of collections, in churches which had been accus
tomed to take up collections — and the commencement of the sys
tem, where there had been no previous contributions.
It is desirable that all the churches, without distinction of de
nomination, should cordially and liberally enter into this plan,
which would add thousands to this useful treasury of benevolence.
We say useful, because, if we mistake not, no funds of the same
amount, belonging to any institution in the world, have been ap
plied with a more remarkably practical success. The whole sum
expended by the Parent Society, up to April, 1832, is but about
155,000 dollars, while the amount of exports from the Colony the
year preceding was about $ 120,000 — and of imports, for that
year, $80,000.
This unprecedented commercial prosperity is but one item in
the catalogue of benefits which have but begun to bless the land
of the African, so long the theatre of a system of cupidity and
cruelty, unparalleled in the annals of the world. It is not merely
that a new spring is given to industry in that quarter of the
globe : — the colored race is gradually but certainly becoming in
vested with a power which will move that spring with an energy
and a style of action unknown in their history for the lapse of
centuries. The spirit of enterprize on the coast of Africa, and the spirit of
emigration in the Southern and Western States, are such, that it
was announced at the late anniversary in Washington, that
$200,000 could now be profitably expended in fitting out expedi
tions for that land of promise. A letter from John McPhail, Esq.
of Norfolk, addressed to a member of the Massachusetts Board,
under date January 1st, 1833, has the following, after acknow
ledging the reception of certain donations : —
" Owing to the ship Lafayette, from Baltimore, being unex
pectedly filled up wholly with emigrants from Maryland, the Colo
nization Society, had to charter another vessel, the brig Roanoke,
which sailed from here on the 4th ult. for Liberia, having on

board 127 emigrants, many of them possessing more than ordina
ry intelligence. Among them are three regularly licensed Meth
odist and one Baptist preacher, — and you will be pleased to hear
that of the 127 emigrants, 115 were lately liberated on condition
of their going to Africa. Many more of the same description are
offered, but for want of funds to bear the expenses of transporta
tion, it will be some time before the Society can accept of them,
and nothing but funds are wanting to increase the population of
Liberia as fast as it would be prudent to do so.
" I have annexed a list of emigrants to Africa for the last thir
teen months.
" In the ship James Perkins, 343 ; ship Jupiter, first voyage,
177 ; second voyage, 38 ; brig American, 128 ; brig Roanoke,
127 — all from Virginia ; ship Hercules, from Charleston, 150 ;
ship Lafayette, from Baltimore, 150 ; — making in all, 1113, ex
clusive of those shipped from New Orleans and other quarters,
numbers unknown."
The National Society is at the present time turning its atten
tion particularly to the agriculture of the Colony, having offered
premiums to the Colonists, to a considerable amount, for the pro
motion of this object.
The subject of education has received special attention during
the past year. Schools for the instruction of all children in the
Colony are established, or in progress, and the strongest assur
ances given that no pains shall be spared to diffuse a spirit of men
tal and moral improvement throughout this infant empire. Con
templating the enterprise in this light, it appears eminently worthy
of the patronage and prayers of the people of New England. Al
ready has a liberal philanthropist in the city of New York made
a donation of upwards of $2000 for the establishment of a high
school for girls in the Colony.
A recent letter from the Secretary at Washington gives the
following interesting particulars : —
" Valuable additional territory has been purchased, both at
Grand Cape Mount and Grand Bassa — and settlements, it is ex
pected, will soon be commenced at both these places. The chiefs
of Grand Cape have made the grant of lands on the sole condi
tion that settlers shall be placed upon it, and that schools shall be
established for the benefit of native children. The annual ex
ports from Cape Mount, are estimated at from 60 to 70,000 dol
lars. Both the agricultural and commercial interests of the Colo
ny have greatly advanced, during the year. Coffee has become
an article of cultivation, and twenty thousand trees have been
planted by a single individual, at one of the villages of the re
captured Africans. The agent saw one hundred and fifty acres
planted with cassada and other vegetables. During the year,
preceding the first of May last— 59 vessels had visited Monrovia,
— of which 32 were Americans, 25 English, and two French.
Caravans have visited the Colony, from remote parts ofthe interior."

"Three churches have been erected, — one at Monrovia, and two
others at the villages of the re-captured Africans. The Agent of
the Society, Elliot Cresson, has done much for the cause in Eng
land. He has remitted to the Pennsylvania Colonization Socie
ty $1332, and to the Parent Society $2429. One generous in
dividual in England has offered to give £500, if nine others will
consent to do the same, and it is hoped that such a number of
subscriptions may be obtained."
In adverting to the efforts made for our cause in this Common
wealth, it would be unjust, not to take notice of the Auxiliary
Societies, — whose energetic benevolence is an example to the
State. Upwards of $700 have been contributed by the Worces
ter County Society the past season, and $200 a year, for two
years to come, have been pledged — half by the Hampshire Coun
ty Society, besides its other sources of income — and half by an
individual member of that Society.
County Societies have, during the year, through the exertions
of the General Agent of the Society for the Northern States,
been formed in Hampshire, Franklin, and Berkshire Counties,
embracing among their officers, intelligent and leading men in
the several districts. Nothing but a small degree of exertion is
requisite to form such Societies in every County in the State —
public sentiment being strongly in favor of the Colonization Sys
tem. The Massachusetts Colonization Society, Auxiliary to the Na
tional Colonization Society, was organized in Boston, as recently
as 1831. Its operations have been necessarily limited — owing
partly to the distance at which a majority of its members reside
from the city ; but the Board of Managers have never been un
mindful of the high responsibilities resting upon them. They
have forwarded to the treasurer at Washington, from time to
time, all the sums at their disposal — and the aggregate has been
far greater than could reasonably have been anticipated, when
we take into consideration the infancy of the Society. The in-
Come has been gradually increasing, by the exertion and influ
ence of district associations, and the benevolent labors of good
men in various sections of the Commonwealth.
An interesting correspondence has been carried on by a Com
mittee of the Board, on the subject of education in the Colony of
Liberia — which has resulted in the appropriation by this Society,
of $400 a year for the support of a colored male instructor and
$200 for the maintenance of a colored woman, who are compe
tent to discharge the duties of public instructors of the youth of
Liberia — and who will co-operate with others, in raising the
standard of education, morality, and social happiness on that once
degraded coast.
It is unnecessary to enter into a detail of all the minor con
cerns of this association, which have had for their object the in
vestigation of facts — accompanied with a determined resolution,

not to be inattentive nor idle spectators of one of the grandest
schemes of charity and refined benevolence, which true philan
thropy has ever presented to any age, or country.
While the Board of Managers gratefully acknowledge the as
sistance of the friends of African Colonization, who have sustain^
ed them, thus far, in the great plan of enlarging the sphere of
Christianity, civilization, useful knowledge, and human happi
ness, — they humbly and fervently pray that the cause which they
are pleading for the oppressed,, the wretched African, may con
tinue to have the blessing and approving smile of Heaven.

Hon. Alexander H. Everett moved the acceptance of
the Report, and made, in substance, the following remarks.
I rise, Mr. President, to move the acceptance of the Report which has just
been read, and I avail myself of the occasion to make a few observations upon
the objects and character of this Association. I shall confine myself to as har
row limits as possible, as well that I may not exhaust your patience, as that I
may not encroach too much upon the time which will be so much more agree
ably and" profitably occupied by the gentlemen who will follow me. .
The idea, Mr President, which first suggested the establishment of this As
sociation was extremely simple. There are constantly many persons among
the proprietors of slaves iri the Southern States, who are desirous, from various
motives, to give them their liberty, — some Sir the purpose of relieving them
selves from a troublesome- and dangerous neighborhood, others from conscien
tious scruples as to the propriety of retaining them in servitude, and all, proba
bly, from, a wish to promote their happiness. But before the establishment of
this Association,, it was found very, difficult for such persons to realize their be
nevolent/views, in consequence ofthe embarrassing position of the slaves after
their emancipation. In. some of the fetates free blacks are not permitted to re
side ; in others their situation is, for obvious; reasons, uncomfortable; in, none
will they be able, while the present, prejudice against their color remains in full
force, to place themselves on a footing of perfect social and political equality
with the whites. Under these circumstances, the idea naturally occurred to
some benevolent persons, that by planting a Colony of free and civilized blacks
upon the coast of Africa, an asylum might be provided where the manumitted
slave, returning to the home of his fathers, might enjoy with his recovered
liberty the political and social rights and. blessings, without which liberty is hot
worth having.
Such, Sir, if I rightly understand the matter, was the simple object for which
this Association was originally formed, and iff it never had effected, and were
never likely to effect any other good than that of furnishing a convenient refuge
for emancipated slaves, and thus facilitating and encouraging the process of
emancipation, it would be well, entitled to public favor. But, such is the wise
and beautiful economy of Providence, that when we sincerely and honestly at
tempt to accomplish some good purpose, we generally find that we also promote,
at the same time, various others of a kindred character, that are directly or in
directly qonnected with it; — often much more important than the one original
ly intended. The founders of the Colonization' Society contemplated probably ^
the formation of a modest settlement, where an oppressed and suffering class of
our countrymen might rest from their labors. This they are accomplishing, but
they are accomplishing, and will accomplish a, great deal more. Sir, they have
taken the first steps in an enterprise, of which the final results will be the com
plete abolition ofthe slave trade and the regeneration of the great continent of
Africa. It is now about fifteen^ years since the Association was formed, and so
rapidly have its consequences been realized, that it has already become the ob
ject of admiration throughout the wbrld. One ofthe most enlightened and drs:-
tinguished noblemen in- England— Lord Althorp, the Chancellor of the Esche-
,2

10
quel — at a late public meeting, pronounced the foundation of the Colony of
Liberia to be one of the greatest events of modern times. ,
Sir, I cannot help viewing it in that light. It is now apparent, that the great
evil of the slave trade was the means, prepared in the order of Providence, for
planting the germs of improvement among the black race, and ultimately restor
ing them to their ancient rank in tho great human family. The success ofthe
Colony of Liberia will doubtless lead' to the establishment of others on the same
principles in other parts, of the coast, until it is finally covered by a continuous
chain of these settlements. This will effectually out off the accursed traffic in
human flesh, which all the other means that have been adopted for the purpose
have only seemed to aggravate. From the coast, the arts and comforts of life,
education, religion, will gradually extend themselves into the interior, until,
as we may reasonably hope, .they effect a complete revolution in the condi
tion of the inhabitants, and bring them back to the high state of civilization
which, at a former period of tlieir history, a part of them at least appear to have
attained. A variety of circumstances, Mr. President, seem to concur to render the pre
sent moment, and the place where the Colony has been founded, the most pro
pitious that could possibly have been selected fcr such a purpose. At a time
when the failure of innumerable attempts to explore the central regions of Afri
ca, and tho untimely death of the enterprizing travellers who have engaged in
them had nearly induced the friends of humanity and improvement to abandon.
the undertaking, two or three parties, more fortunate than their predecessors,'
have succeeded almost simultaneously in penetrating by different routes, into
the heart ofthe interior of this mysterious continent. All the great geographi
cal problems connected with it, that had so long baffled the curiosity of inquir
ers, are now solved. An obscure and unpretending Frenchman, without edu
cation or advantages ; two English brothers, belonging to the class of domestic
servants, have, to their lasting honor, accomplished what scientific travellers
and powerful associations had so long attempted in vain. The position of Tim-
buctoo has at last been ascertajned,*-the course of the Niger has been explored.
That river has been found to empty itself into the Atlantic Ocean at a point not
very remote from the infant Colony of Liberia. The portion of Africa which it
waters appears, from the accounts of these travellers, to be one of the finest re
gions on the globe — resembling in'its physical characteristics the valley of the
Mississippi — blest with every advantage of soil and climate, covered with towns
and villages, peopled by a race who have made no inconsiderable progress in
the arts of life. Within a very few years, perhaps months, we shall hear of
steam boats navigating this unexplored river, of which, two years ago, the most
learned geographer did not know the direction or outlet. Thus a free and easy
communication with the most populous and cultivated portions of Africa has
happily been opened at the very moment when the first germs of improvement
have been planted on the coast, and every facility is afforded for a rapid diffu
sion of their fruits over the whole continent.
I confess, Mr. President, that I look forward with much satisfaction to the
results of these interesting events. I anticipate with very great pleasure the
period when the whole South-western coast of Africa will be covered with
flourishing settlements of free blacks, and when a constant and free intercouise
will be held between them and the inland nations in their neighborhood. I re
joice at it, not merely because it will open to our enterprizing merchants a new
and lucrative branch of trade — although this of itself is no contemptible advan
tage — but, Sir, I rejoice at it because it will, as I have already remarked, utter- '
ly and forever annihilate that abominable traffic, which, for the last three cen
turies has been the standing disgrace of Christendom : I rejoice at it, because
it will elevate millions of our fellow-men from a rude and semi-barbarous, to" a
civilized condition. Is it not delightful, Sir, to think that the schoolmaster,
who,, we are told, is abroad every where, will shortly be at home in Africa ? that
the light of learning will very soon visit her populous towns and cities ? that
the apostle of the true religion will pitch his tent under the shade of her lofty
palm trees ? that the banks of her broad and noble rivers will resound with the
sweet music of the songs of Zion? Is there any thing visionaiy in these antic
ipations? Sir, they are simple statements of facts which are going on before
our eyes. While I am now speaking, the enterprizkig brothers, who first broke
the spell, which for ages preceding, had shrouded the course, of the Niger in a
cloud of impenetrable mystery, are ascending that river with tlieir steam boats.

11
While I am now speaking, preparations are making in this very city, to take
advantage of the first opening afforded by the discoveries that they may make,
for the purpose of establishing missionary stations in the heart of Africa. No,
Sir, there is nothing visionary in all this. 1 have stated merely facts, but they
are facts more strange, more interesting, mere delightful than the fairest dreams
of the most poetical fancy.
In all this movement, Mr. President, the Colony at Liberia, and the others
that will probably be established on the same plan, will be among the most ef
fective and useful instruments. But, Sir, we are sometimes told that all these
efforts will be unavailing — that the African is a degraded member of the human
family — that a man with a dark skin and curbed hair is necessarily,, as such, in
capable of improvement and civilization, and condemned by tne vice of his
physical conformation to vegetate forever in a state of hopeless barbarism. Mr.
President, I reject with contempt and indignation this miserable heresy. In re
plying to it, the friends of truth and humanity have not hitherto done justice to
the argument. In order to prove that the blacks were capable of intellectual
efforts, they have painfully collected a few imperfect specimens of what some
of them have done in this way, even in the degraded condition which they oc
cupy at present in Christendom. Sir, this is not the way to treat the subject.
Go back to an earlier period in the history of our race. See what the blacks
were, and what they did, three thousand years ago, in the period of their great
ness and glory,' when they occupied the fore front in the march of civilization
— when they constituted, in fact, the whole civilized world of their time. Trace
this very civilization, of which we are so proud, to its origin, and see where you
will find it. We received it from our European ancestors : — they had it from
the Greeks and Romans, and the Jews. But, Sir, where did the Greeks, the
Romans, and the Jews get it? They derived it from Ethiopia and Egypt, — in
one Word — from Africa. Moses, we are told, was instructed in all the learning
of the Egyptians. The founders of the principal Grecian cities — such as
Athens, Thebes, and Delphi — came from Egypt, and for centuries afterwards,
their descendants returned to that country, as the source and centre of civiliza
tion. There it was that the generous and stirring spirits of the time— ^Herodo
tus, Homer, Plato, Pythagoras, and the rest, made their noble voyages of intellec
tual and moral discovery, as ours now make them in England, France, Germany,
and Italy. Sir, the Egyptians were the masters cf the Greeks and Jews, and
consequently of all the modern nations in civilization, and they had carried it
very nearly as far — in some respects, perhaps, a good deal further than any sub
sequent people. The ruins of the Egyptian temples laugh to scorn the archi
tectural monuments of any other part of the world They will be, what they
are now, the delight and admiration of travellers from all quarters, when the
fcass is growing on the sites of St. Peter's and St. Pauls, — the present pride of
.ome and London.
Well, Sir, who were the Egyptians? They were Africans: — and of what
race ? — It is sometimes pretended, that, though Africans, and of Ethiopian ex
traction, they were not black. But what says the father of history — who had
travelled among them, and knew their appearance as well as we know that of
our neighbois in Canada? Sir, Herodotus tells you that the Egyptians were
blacks, with curled hair. Some writers have undertaken to dispute his author
ity, but I cannot bring myself to believe, that the father of history did not know
black from white. It seems, therefore, that for this very civilization of which
we are so proud, and which is the only ground of our present claim of superior
ity , we are indebted to the ancestors of these very blacks, whom we are pleased
to consider as naturally incapable of civilization.
So much for the supposed inferiority ofthe colored race, and their incapacity
to make any progress in civilization and improvement. And it is worth while,
Mr. President, to remark, that the prejudice which is commonly entertained in
this country, but which does not exist to any thing like the same extent in Eu
rope, against the color of the blacks, seems to have grown out of the unnatural
position which they occupy among us. At the period to which I just alluded,
when the blacks took precedence of the whites in civilization, science, and po
litical power, no such prejudice appears to have existed. ' The early Greek
writers speak of the Ethiopians and Egyptians as a superior variety of the spe
cies : — superior, not merely in intellectual and moral qualities, but what may
seem to be much more remarkable, in outward appearance. The Ethiopians,
says Herodotus, excel all other nations in longevity, stature, and personal beau-

12
ty. The black prince, Memnon, who served among the Trojan auxiliaries at
the siege of Troy, (probably an Egyptian prince,) is constantly spoken of by the
Greek and Latin writers, as a person'of extraordinary beauty, and is qualified
as the son of Aurora, or the Morning There are, in short, no traces of any
prejudice whatever against the color of the blacks, like that which has grown
up in modern times, and which is obviously the result of the relative condition
of" the two races. This prejudice forms at present, as was correctly observed
by .resident Madison in one of his speeches in the late Virginia Convention,
the chief obstacle to the practical improvement of the condition of that portion
of them who reside in this country. If they were of the same race with our
selves, the process of emancipation would be rapid, and almost imperceptible,
as happened in Europe, when the mass of the population passed, in the course
of two or three centuries, from a state of villenage to that of personal indepen
dence, with so little trouble or commotion, that there are scarcely traces enough
left in the history of the times to inform us of the means by which the change
was immediately accomplished.
I have enlarged a little, Mr, President, upon the effect which the operations
of this Association, in connexion with other causes, is likely to produce upon
the civilization of Africa, because it is to me the most interesting aspect, under
which the Association can be considered. Other gentlemen may prefer to view
it under others, hut this is the result which seems to be likely to prove the most
important and salutary. I was not, Mr. President — if so humble an individual
may be permitted to allude to his own private sentiments, upon a subject of so
much interest — I was not, in the first instance, very favorably impressed in re
gard to the character of this institution. Looking at it as it has been sometimes
represented, as intended chiefly to remove from this country the colored por
tion of the population, I was inclined to consider it as an inadequate instrument
for effecting an object in itself impracticable, and which, if it could be. effected,
would be, after all, of doubtful utility. The pecuniary means at the disposal of
the Association never have been, and probably never will be, sufficient to pay
the expenses of the transportation to Africa of a tenth part of the annual in
crease ofthe colored people. It is quite clear, therefore, that there could be no
prospect of ever making any approach, in this way, to a removal of the whole
mass. And, Sir, if this could be effected, why should we desire it? Is there
not ample room and verge enough in our vast territory for the whole popula
tion of all colors, classes, and descriptions ? Is it not our true policy rather, as
far as possible, to induce emigration from abroad, than to endeavor to remove
two or three millions of our present inhabitants ? Whatever may be the case
in the crowded countries of the Old World, here at least, thank God, there is
no pressure of population upon the means of subsistence. Sir, it is literally
true in this country, that the harvest is many and the laborers few. And this
being the case, shall the little accident of the different color which it has pleas- '
ed Providence to give to their complexion, render an entire variety of our fel
low-men so odious to us, that we cannot abide them in the same continent ?
Suppose., Sir, that you or I, or any individual, had it in his power, by a mere
act of the will, to change the color of the whole black race to white, would it
be a proof of good sense and good feeling to exercise the power ? Suppose that
an individual had it in his power by an act of the will, to change all the black
eyes in this assembly to blue, or all the white and yellow roses in our gardens
to red ? Would he think it worth while to exercise it ? Sir, one of these ope
rations would be just as judicious as the other. The attempt to break down the
beautiful variety that pervades all the works of] Providence into a tame and
monotonous sameness, is every way objectionable. To desire the removal
of two millions of our population, merely because tlieir complexion is different
from that ofthe rest, would be inconsistent with any correct principles of taste,
morals, or political economy. No Sir, I am quite willing that the colored peo
ple should remain with us. What we really ought to desire is, that their pres
ent political situation should be improved, that they should be, in the language
of Curran, redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled — that they should be plac
ed, in short, on an equal footing in point of civil and political rights, with all
the other inhabitants of our favored country. This, Sir, is a change which
ought to be effected — which must, at some time or other, be effected — which, I
have no hesitation in saying, will at. no very distant period be effected. By
what means it is to be brought about, I shall not undertake to anticipate. The
selection of these must be left to the intelligence and liberality of the States

13
which are now the immediate sufferers tinder this great evit Tteoperatiim of
curing it is too delicate to be advantageously undertaken by any foreign hand.
That it will pretty soon be undertaken and carried through" 6y the States most
immediately interested, may be looked upon as a matter of absolute certainty.
Independently ofthe higher motives of humanity, justice, generosity, and love
of freedom, so congenial to the noble character of our Southern* brethren, we
have a strong assurance of this in the fact, that their own immediate interest is
deeply engaged in taking this measure. The conviction is every day. more and
more strongly and generally felt at the South, that this is the real- plague spot,
which corrupts the secret sources of their prosperity. Other causes may, to a
certain extent, have co-operated in checking the progress of this part- of the
country, but it is now pretty generally acknowledged, that the real and- only
effective evil is Slavery. It is this, Sir, and not- the Tariff, that throws a blight
over the fair face of one of the most favored regions of the globe, and exhibits
it in respect to wealth and comfort, under so unpleasant a contrast with other
much less fertile portions ofthe Union. The conviction of this truth has alrea
dy taken deep root at the South, particularly in the distinguished and leading
state of Virginia. Its final result will be the complete emancipation of all the
slaves. Without co-operating directly in effecting this object, which is not within
their sphere of action, the Colonization Society gives, indirectly, a very impor--
tant and effectual aid in bringing it about. By cutting up the infamous traffio^
in human flesh at the roots, it prevents the increase of the evil, which would
otherwise be occasioned by clandestine importations. By establishing Colonies'
of free and civilized blacks in Africa, and raising the general standard of civili
zation on that continent, it will gradually remove the prejudice against the col
ored race, and place them in public opinion where they ought to stand — upon
a footing of perfect equality with their brethren ofthe great human family. In
proportion as these objects are accomplished, the task of final emancipation will
be comparatively easy, and maybe ultimately effected almost without effort.
By looking at the Association under this point of view, I have been led, Sir, to
correct the impression which I had originally formed of it, and to consider it —
as it is generally, considered by the enlightened citizens of our country — as one
ofthe most valuable and important of our benevolent Associations.
I am aware, Sir, that some objections have lately been raised against the ob
jects and modes of proceeding of this Association , especially in this part of the
country. It is not my purpose to enter at length into an examination and refu
tation of those objections. The length of time during which I have already
trespassed upon your patience, would render it improper, and I must leave this
part of the subject to be treated in detail by some cf the gentlemen who may
follow me,, and who will doubtless do it justice. I will merely remark, that
giving full credit to, the members of other Associations for the goodness of their
intentions, and without inquiring too minutely whether their language and pro
ceedings have, on every occasion, been marked by the perfect discretion so es
sential to any effectual step in this delicate business, it is difficult to see why
they should think it necessary to impeach the motives and attack the proceed
ings of an Institution, which is pursuing with zeal, steadiness, and thus far,
with signal succes, a kindred object, that not-.' only in no way interferes with,
but greatly promotes and facilitates, the one at which they profess to aim. Do
the gentlemen, who are so anxious for the immediate abolition of slavery, sup
pose that this most desirable consummation will be retarded by completely
eradicating the slave trade, and proving the capacity ofthe colored people for
civilization and freedom, by that best of all possible tests — example ? Sir, the
operations of the Colonization Society will do more than any other cause to
give encouragement to all the efforts that may be made with discretion and
judgment for the improvement of the condition of the slaves. I cannot but
hope, that reflection and experience will gradually satisfy such of our fellow-
citizens in this neighborhood as are now disposed to doubt the expediency of
our efforts. In the mean time, Sir, the opposition which we have to encounler
here, has at least this good effect, that it affords to our Southern brethren the
best evidence they could possibly have, that this Institution is managed with
the necessary discretion and moderation. When they find it attacked, as too
favorable to the interests of the proprietors of slaves, by men whom we may
perhaps, without offence, denominate the indiscreet friends of freedom and hu
manity, they will naturally conclude that we have observed, in our proceed,

11
fings, the -caution which the nature of the object so imperiously dictates, and
tint our«rrors, if we have committed any, are on the safe side.
Permit me, sir, before 1 close, to congratulate you and the Association upon
the manner in which the vacancy, occasioned in the Presidency of the Associ
ation by the lamented decease of the last Signer of the Declaration of inde
pendence, has been recently filled. The venerable sage of Montpelier, Mr.
.Madison, has consented, by accepting this place, to lend the sanction of .his
great name to this good cause, it would be quite superfluous, Sir, to attempt
*o enlarge on the value of this sanction, or to recapitulate the numerous titles
rwhich this eminent statesman and patriot has acquired to the esteem and confi-
'dence of his country. This last labor will close, in a truly consistent and hon
orable manner, the serene, and, I trust, long to be protracted evening of his
glorious life. The concerns of the Association, Mr. President, as we have just
learned from the able Report of the Agent, are in every respect in a very flour
ishing condition. The Colony his surmounted the difficulties incident to every
new establishment of this description, and has reached a point from which its
future progress may be regarded as comparatively easy and sure. The order
and comfort prevailing among its inhabitants have already excited the admira
tion of the neighboring Africans, and created a strong impression in favor of
• civilizition, improvement, and Christianity. The liberality of some of the
.states has furnished an abundant supply of additional resources, and every ap
pearance seems to prognosticate, for the Association, a career of constantly aug
menting activity and usefulness. Let me hope, Mr. President, that no inaus
picious event may occur to blast these fair prospects, and that we may witness,
within our own time, some ofthe great results which this Association is destin
ed to produce abroad and at home.

Rev. J. N. Danforth. on rising to second the resolution offer
ed by Mr. Everett, remarked that he had expected to have the
pleasure of seeing this clone by Dr. J. C. Warren, who had sent
a note to the Meeting, which he held in his hand, and which he
would ask permission to read.
[This note apologized for unavoidable absence, and expressed
a lively interest in the objects of the Society.]
Mr. D. proceeded to explain an item in the Report, which
seemed not to be understood by some of the assembly. It refer
red to the appropriation by the Massachusetts Board, during the
past week, of six hundred dollars, for purposes of education in
Liberia, and the reservation of four hundred more to be placed in
charge of the Committee of Correspondence, Rev. Messrs. Mal-
com and Gannett, and to be applied at their discretion to the
advancement of education in the Colony. Such benefactions,
Mr. D. said, were worthy the City op Boston, which had
ever been first in cultivating the intellect, and thereby giving it
power over the world. He hoped such appropriations would be
multiplied by the generosity of the inhabitants of this city.

On motion of William Ladd Esq. of Maine, seconded by
Charles Tappan, Esq. of this city,
Resolved, That the American Colonization Society merits the
confidence and patronage of all who are opposed, on principle, to
slavery. ,
Mr. President,
I have been prevailed upon to address the Society this year, chiefly by a desire
to correct a very erroneous statement of opinions which I uttered last year on

15
a similar occasion. I do not accuse any one of wilfully misstating my senti
ments, the reason ofthe error was perhaps, the confused manner ot my deliv
ering my sentiments, occasioned by the trepidation, which one from the- coun
try naturally feels when addressing a refined Boston audience. In a report of
that speech, I was made to approve ofthe withholding of knowledge-, from' the
slaves of the south, for fear that, in learning to read the Bible, they would learn to
read the encomiums on liberty, and then the inflammatory writings ofthe north.
I was barely stating the excuses ofthe slave holders, but for myself, Sir, I ab
hor such sentiments, and were T again a slave holder, I would give my slaves
the Bible at all hazards, even if I did not give them their liberty. 1 like better,
Sir, the conduct of some ladies in Charleston who had taught a colored Sab
bath school.' The state passed a law, making the penalty of any person who
taught a coloured person to read and wiite, thirty nine stripes en the naked
bacls, " well laid on." Sir, I believe the ladies in Charleston nullified the. act of
the state, and well they might; for it was contrary to the constitution of nature.
The law was of itself a nullity; for where in the wide world can that miscriant
be found, who could inflict such a punishment on a woman. I mean a white
woman, Sir, for, alas, every black woman in our southern states is liable to have
her back lashed to the bone, and many actually suffer it ; and how little dees it
move the sympathies of their fairer sisters ofthe north ! But, Sir, it is not my
intention to excite symy athy by tales of cruelty inflicted on our black brethren ;
ibr were an eye witness to state the facts he has seen with his own eyes, they
would appear almost incredible, and when they had gone through the hands of
a. repetition they would appear quite so.
It is my intention, this evening, to vindicate the society against certain
charges brought against it by men whose motives I will not question, and for
that purpose offer the following resolution.
Resolved, That the American Colonization Society deserves
the patronage of all who are, from principle, opposed to slavery.
The time,, Sir, is so far spent, that I can not take i-p these objections individ
ually, and must, in a manner, take them in the aggregate. Most ofthe objec
tions brought against the Colonization Society, aie fuunded on the opinions,
speeches, and expressions of some of its professed followers and supporters.
Sir, the christian religion itself would be condemned by the same superficial
judgment, for the same reasons.
Two objections, of a nature contrary to one another, are also brought against
the Society . One is, that it is drawing off all the most inteligent of the colored
population from the country, and thereby retarding the emancipation of the
slaves. The other is, that the Society is guilty ofthe folly of attempting, with
the igaorant and vicious freed slaves of the south, to civilize and evangelize
Africa. They charge us with sending only the intelligent free blacks, and they
accuse us of sending the ignorant liberated; slaves — but the first objection is
most j_sisted on. >
In order to understand this subject, a discrimination must be made between
these two classes of our black population. Those who are bom and educated
free, and those who are liberated slaves, and this can be dene better by example
than description.
Many years ago, I loaded a ship in Savannah and had for my stevedore cne
Joe Blog. He was one of the smartest and most faithful men I ever employed.
I gave his master a dollar a day for him, and gave Joe privately half a dollar a day
beside. Joe was active, sleek, well dressed, and sprightly. Jue was a slave.
Some years after I returned to the same port, and sought out my old friend Joe,
and employed him. He was idle, restless, ragged, and lazy, and I soon dis
missed him. Joe was free. And as far as my observation has extended, and I
have lived long in slave countries, this is a fair sample of the liberated slaves,
though there are noble exceDtions. But I consider it more- their misfortune
than their fault. With no other incentive to labor than the fear of the lash,.
uneducated and ignorant, what better can we expect?
But the colored man, born and educated free, is a very different character. I
sailed to Europe in the ship Alpha, commanded, and part owned, by Captain Paul
Cuffee, and was the only white person on beard. Cuffee was aii able shipmas
ter an honest, virtuous and philanthropic man, and was esteemed in Europe as
much, at least, as the supercargo.. Soon after that time, Cuffee conceived the
idea of colonizing the free colored people in Africa, and made two or three

113
¦voyages hvEiorra Leone for that purpose, but the war and his subsequent death
put an end-to his benevolent schemes ; had it not been for this, he would proba
bly have commenced a colony near to Sierra Leone under the British flag. He
spent a groat part of his fortune in these enterprises. I was also acquainted
-with J. B- jtusswurrn in his youth, and was once called on an arbitration or
(-council, te -settle difficulties which had arisen between the scholars at an acade
my in Maine, and the town's people. The scholars chose Russwurm for their
spokesman, and he managed their cause like an orator. I was present whence
took hia degree at Bowdoin. college, andamore able part was not performed on
the stage that day, whether we consider matter or manner. I advised him to go
to Hayti, but he took a better course and went to Liberia, where he is now one
of the most prominent characters.
Now, Sir, our opponents both in England and America, allow that the scheme
of colonizing Africa is beautiful and philanthropic, and it is desirable that Africa
should be evangelized and civilized. — Whom shall we send there ? such men as
.Joe Blog ? or suchmenas Cuffee and Russwurm ?'If the convicts had been sent
-to this country before the pilgrims, what would now have been our charac
ter ? ¦ ,
But our opponents tell us that we should send white missionaries to Africa.
. Sir, it is well known, by sad experience, that white men cannot live for any
:¦ length of time in Africa ; and I verily believe that the Holy Spirit has forbid
den the white man to preach the Gospel in the sultry clirnes of Africa, and re
served that honor for the black man ; whose residence even for centuries, in a
; northern climate, has not so changed his constitution, but that the mortality
;among the black settlers would not be one tenth so great as among the
whites. But our opponents taunt us with the reproach, that the Colonization Sooiety
'has not yet stopped the slave trade. Sir, it is with grief that I am compelled to
allow it. But whose fault is that ? Does it belong to those who have done all
they can. toward it, and are still making progress ? or to those who have done all
they could to prevent it? Suppose, Sir, a farmer has a fifty acre field to enclose
with a fence, and he goes to work, and in two days builds two rods of stone
wall, but still the cattle get in and Out. His lazy neighbor might taunt him by
saying, " Ah, my friend, you see it is of no use to build stone wall ; your two rods
offence have not secured your field." Which ofthe two should we call a wise
man ? It is true, the settlements of Sierra Leone and Liberia have not yet stop
ped the slave trade beyond the extent of their settlements and influence , and it
is, to the disgrace of human nature, carried on to -almost as great an extent, and
with greater barbarity, than when it was licensed; but they have stopped it on
this portion of the coast which they occupy; and when they shall have extend
ed all along the coast, they will effectually ¦ fence in Africa, against the man-
stealer, and in no other way will the slave trade ever be stopped.
Our anti-slavery friends warn us against the use of the products of slavery,
and in this I commend them. But to what country can we look for a substitute
for such products with so much hope as to. Africa. Already the exports -from
the colony are considerable, [125,000 during the lasj; year,] and I hope, Sir, to
see the day when the exuberant fertility of liberated civilized Africa . will fur
nish us with all the tropical products which we shall need, and thus, while it
cuts off the sources of slavery on the one hand, will lessen the demand for the
produce of slave; labor on the other— when a mighty empire shall arise on the
shores of Africa, and such men as Cuffee and Russwurm become the Brad-
fords, the Cabots and the Winthrops of the new empire. Sir, the scene is
bright with anticipations of future glory and happiness which must warm the
heart of every philanthropist, and could that arm be found which would rend
this scene and tear up by the roots the little settlements of Liberia and Sierra
Leone, and the black night of superstition, barbarity and the slave trade, again
sweep over unhapppy Africa, should we call it the arm of an angel, or a demon ?
He might rejoice at the desolations he had caused, but humanity and religion
would weep over t-hem, But, Sir, we have.no such fears, we believe that the
Colonization Societies of this country, and of our friends in Great Britain, will
throw a belt of light and beauty around poor Africa, which will forever banish
the slave trade and barbarism -from, that oppressed country, and of itself form,
also a bond of union between us and our British friends ; and the colonies,
favored and protected by two of the most powerful nations in the world,
will extend and flourish, until our most sanguine expectations shall be realiz
ed.

17
Resolved, That the objects of the American Colonization So
ciety commend themselves with peculiar urgency to the approba
tion and aid of every Christian in the land.
Mr. Stow, in offering the above resolution, remarked, in sub
stance, as follows :
The patrons of this enterprise doubtless contemplate its character through
different mediums,.and yield it their friendliness under the influence of differ
ent motives. So various are the objects which it is adapted and intended to
accomplish, that one may regard it with favor for one reason, and another for a
different reason, while each may feel that the aspect in which he views it,
and the particular consideration which appeals effectively to his generous sym
pathy, are of sufficient importance to justify his unreserved co-operation.
Hence, among the variety of reasons that secure the concurrence of its numer
ous friends, we find the foreign reason and the domestic — the Southern reason
and the Northern — the political, the commercial and the religious reason.
But, Sir, there is one patron of this enterprise, whose discerning eye contem
plates it in every aspect, and whose candor appreciates all its designs and ten
dencies, and in whose bosom all these reasons are blended into one, and whose
kindness hesitates not to express the cordial wish, and extend the liberal hand,
and offer the fervent prayer for its enlarged success. Her name is Christianity.
She is the friend of Africa, and over her multiplied sufferings she has often
poured the tears of sympathy. Fifteen centuries ago she had a home in that
dark land, and many of her sable sons were among the most gifted of the age,
and the communities over which her primeval spirit held holy sway, were large
and flourishing. _But the spirit of error subsequently usurped her throne, and
she was driven Northwaid to seek an asylum in rougher regions and sterner
climes. To this succeeded a long and dreary night, and the land of Ham was
enveloped in its thickest shades, and Christianity, imprisoned among the fast
nesses of the Alps, thought in vain of piercing the gloom with her radiance, or
of shedding upon that benighted population the beams of her day-star. From
the ruins of Carthage to the southernmost Cape, and from the Isthmus of Suez
to the pillars of Hercules, over the entire peninsula, every habitable spot
swarmed with human beings ; but every intellect of those millions was dark
with ignorance, and every heart dark with idolatry and crime. At length this
midnight silence was interrupted, though by no friendly voice. The "fierce
spoiler" commenced his deadly vvork^ofdispeopling this land, and tearing away
its, untutored tribes to work his mines, and cultivate his cane-fields, iii the isles
of the West. A scene ensued to which no barbarian annals, no savage tradition
furnish a parallel : —
" Loud and perpetual o'er the Atlantic waves,
For guilty ages, rolled the tide of slaves ;
A tide that knew no fall, no turn, no rest,
Constant as day and night, from east to west;
Still widening, deepening, swelling in its course,
With boundless ruin, and resistless force."
This was a spectacle at which Christianity wept blood, and her anguish was
the keener, as she saw that these ruffian wretches wore her livery, and claimed
to be her fast friends. Africa, thus rifled of her noblest progeny, she pitied, and
she pitied that progeny, too, doomed to bondage, service, stripes, and perhaps
death. She ever has been, and still is, the best friend of 4he slave ; and she
has proved her friendship by devising and executing the wisest schemes, either
to secure his release from inglorious thraldom, or the softening of the rigors of
his unrighteous servitude.
Intent upon delivering Africa from her cruel exactors, she prompted a Sharpe,
a Clarkson, and a Wilberforce to expose the character of the slave-trade, and
to persevere in holding up its horrors to the execration of the world — and she
presided in England's councils when the stern voice of truth and conscience
prevailed, and the traffic was abolished and condemned as abhorrent to human
ity and to God.
And I have said that Christianity is the patron of the Society whose claims
we are to-night considering. It was indeed under the promptings of her be
nevolence that the enterprise had its origin. The sainted spirits of such men
as Finley, and Caldwell, and Boudinot, could tell you that the corner stons
o

18
was laid in prayer, and with devout reliance on the blessing of Him whose are
the gold and the silver of the earthy and in whose hand are the hearts of men.
There is, Sir, but a few yards from the gorgeous edifice in which our National
Legislature holds its deliberations, a humble dwelling, where a few of the
friends ofthe Negro, and the Negro's God, were accustomed to assemble, and
solicit Divine guidance touching their own and their country's duty upon this
momentous subject. And their petition was heard, and a plan was matured,
and the time arrived for its execution.
And though at the organization of- the Society men gave it their countenance,
whose piety, and whose philanthropy even, are very questionable — and though
it still reckons many among its friends whose motives are immensely remote
from the religious, yet the presiding spirit, the life and soul of the Institution
has ever been, and ever must be, Christian principle. The patriot and the
statesman are deeply concerned in its success, and they cannot withhold their
influence and co-operation — but it commends itself especially to the Chris
tian heart, for there it finds a chord that vibrates in unison with its noble de
sign. The most active and efficient friends of the scheme have been those
whom Christianity claims as her own. Men of her own spirit and training
have been the most ready to engage as agents at home and abroad. She super
intended the location and the establishment of the Colony. She has induced hun
dreds of her colorod disciples to go out as pioneers of the enterprise, and she
has there rewarded them with freedom, quietude and plenty — and she now
stands upon the shore of that happy home ofthe emigrant, and stretches her in
viting hand over the Atlantic, and with a voice peculiarly her own, says to more
than=2,000,000 of our population, "Come, for all things are now ready." And
who does not know, that from the first movement, Christian beneficence has
furnished a large proportion of the means for the sustentation and enlargement
ofthe Colony.
Sir, it is because the objects of this Society are good, that she approves them
— and because they are both great and good that she fosters them with her pat
ronage. Contemplating the final removal from our country's escutcheon of a
stain which is hourly growing deeper and broader and darker — and designing
to alleviate the wretchedness of the free colored population, and place them in
circumstances favorable to their physical and moral improvement — and aiming
at the elevation of the black to a platform parallel with the white man, she de
lights in its high purposes, for they are kindred to her own — and she would be
recreant to her professions, did she not extend to it her cordial encouragement,
and sanction it with her choicest benedictions.
But one ofthe strongest reasons why this scheme is her favorite, is the bear
ing it seems destined to have upon the welfare of Africa — insulted, bleeding
Africa. True, Spain and Portugal, France and Holland, Denmark and Britain,
owe that land of sorrows the first and heaviest debt, for they were the plunder
ers of her slaves — "Christian brokers in the trade of blood" —
But Christian philanthropy waits not for others — and she is now waking up a
spirit in the length and breadth of our Republic, that is determined to indem
nify Africa for all the wrongs she has suffered at our hands, and to repay her
with favors an hundred fold greater than she has ever enjoyed. Aiming to
bring all the world into obedience under her mild and gentle reign, she is by
this enterprise designing to accomplish her object in respect to that quarter of
the globe. Having opened a way for the restoration of exiles to the land of
their fakhers, she intends to communicate, by their return, the blessings of civ
ilization," and the tidings of a Saviour's mercy.
Facts make it evident enough that the Colony has already begun to exert
an influence of this holy tendency — and such an influence as foretokens im
portant results. Many a slave factory has been broken up, and the trafficers
in human flesh have been compelled to remove the scenes of their nefarious op
erations. The children of the natives have been brought into the schools of the
Colony, and soon will be sent forth into the surrounding region to teach the
tribes rudiments of learning, and the knowledge ofthe true God. The elevated
religious character of the colonists, their serious observance of the Sabbath,
their strict integrity in commercial intercourse, and their habitual propriety of
conduct, have secured the respect ofthe natives, and placed matters in such an
attitude, that any efforts to promote their temporal and eternal welfare would be
kindly received and abundantly successful.

19
Viewed in this light, the indications are such as cheer the hopes of every
one who desires the prosperity of that kingdom which is not of this world-ana
lor this reason, if for no other, does the scheme in question deserve the acquies
cence and the support of every good man in the nation. It aims not only to alle
viate physical wo and improve physical condition— it aims at elevating a mass
or degraded mind, and pouring upon it not only the light of science', but the
ngiit ol lite. Hence Christianity makes it her agent in accomplishing her
purposes of love— and if her friends would have their sympathies and efforts
run parallel with hers, they must bring to the promotion of this obiect, warm
hearts and full hands. ,
Sir, I am not ignorant, that the anticipation of redeeming Africa, by such
means, has been ridiculed— and if it were not ridiculed, I should thi.;k it hard
ly worth indulging ;— but, candidly investigated, what is there in this fond
hope, but the result of sober calculation ? From instrumentality far feebler
than this, the world has witnessed stupendous effects — and we are not ashamed
to anticipate for this enterprise such consequences as shall gladden coming gen
erations. Only let the friends of the cause adhere to original principles, and
prosecute their object in full confidence that God from his high and holy place
smiles upon it with approbation, and they will yet see results that shall com
pensate for every sacrifice, and fill the heart with gladness and gratitude. They
will yet see a belt of flourishing colonies encircling the coast fiorn Tangiers to
Babelmandel — the slave-trade utterly discontinued — the rich soil cultivated by
its industrious proprietors — all the arts of civilized life introduced and flourish
ing — the Bible read in every language — kraals converted into cleanly and thrif
ty hamlets — and the incense of praise ascending to Jehovah from a thousand
churches. This, Sir, is the vision, bright and beautiful, which the believer in revelation
delights to contemplate in the train of this enterprise. Here Christianity pre
sides as the guardian genius, and we understand not how any man who desires
her triumphs, can withhold his approbation or his aid from this beneficent ob
ject. He who befriends it, co-operates with her designs— he who opposes it, is
so far her antagonist.

On motion of the Rev. G. W. Blagden, of this city, seconded
oy the Hon. J. W. Lincoln of Worcester,
Resolved, That the aspect of Divine Providence is highly
favorable to the operations of the American Colonization Society.
Mr. Chairman — It is at once a pleasing and a profitable reflection, in view of
what has been said by my Rev. brother who has preceded me, with refer
ence to the claims which this Society has upon the exertions of every follower
ofthe Redeemer, that the dispensations of Jehovah's providence, and the pre
cepts of Jehovah's word, are perfectly harmonious with each other. So that if
any Christian, or body of Christians shall, with reference to any duty, act faith
fully in accordance with the principles of his Word, it will be found, before
long, that they will be encouraged and assisted in their work, by the wonder
ful dispensations of his Providence,— bringing forth good out of evil, light out
of darkness, and motives for hope out of the apparent grounds for despondency.
This principle, if I mistake not, is strikingly illustrated in the history of this
Society. In accordance with it, the resolution has been expressed, —and in en
deavoring to enforce it, it shall be my single design to present, briefly, a few ot
the point! in which the aspect of Providence affords this encouragement.
The course of Divine Providence, Sir, clearly evinces that the progress of
truth has ever been modified by the circumstances with which it was surround
ed. It has not been the way with Jehovah to advance moral principles through
the world by main force. This is contrary to the nature of moral truth which
addresses itself to the faculties of voluntary agents Men are to be treated
agreeably to their nature, and things are not to be pushed but by moral influ-
efce, adapted to the circumstances in which men are placed. This consequent
ly, has been a striking characteristic in all moral reformations. The Almighty
has led the way to them, not suddenly and at once, but gradually, and m pro
portion as men were capable of learning the lessons which . he d^edo^,te^
them " I have many things to tell you of, but ye cannot bear them now has
been as truly and as emphatically a 'declaration of his Providence, as it is of his

20
Word. The reformation itself was a crisis, not produced in a moment;
and the causes which led Luther with such devoted zeal, and noble moral cour
age to assume and to maintain the stand which he did, were causes gradually
developed, and guidually influencing his mind. At the commencement of the
struggle, he had no idea cf the work which he was about to accomplish. The
departure ofthe Puritans from England and Germany, their consequent settle
ment here, and our own revolution and successful struggle for liberty, growing
out of that settlement, were the result of causes gradually developing them
selves, and gradually influencing the human mind, to be traced in their opera
tion throughout the protectorate of Cromwell, and the reigns of the first and
second Charles. I might allude to other historical facts, illustrative of the
same principle, but these are sufficient to exhibit its operation.
Sir, the analogy of Divine Providence in this respect, affords the highest en
couragement to the American Colonization Society. This association proceeds
upon the same principles. It does not uproot, , at once, the foundations of hu
man society. It feels, and it acts as if it felt, the deep conviction/that moral
influence, — benevolent and judicious moral influence, is to be used with master
and slave. These were the convictions in which it originated. They who
formed it, were fully convinced, as they investigated the condition ofthe south
ern population of our beloved country, that the cloud which overshadowed it
was not to be dispersed in a moment. They felt, in view of the whole case,
that in touching the subject of Slavery, they were treading as on a volcano of
human passions. They might, by one rash act, have uncapped the crater, and
let the lava of desolation spread far and wide over the beautiful section of our
land, for the good of which they labored. They chose rather to follow the anal
ogy of Providence, and to act differently. They chose rather to give those pas
sions gradual vent, that they might as gradually expend themselves, and the
coolness of right reason be eventually restored. Even with all their care, in this
respect, I well remember the excitement which was created in many minds by
the rumor of what they were doing, as it spread around the city of my habita
tion when a boy, — the city in which the Society was formed, in the manner to
which the speaker who preceded me has so interestingly alluded. What has
been the result of this their conduct? Has not Providence, in harmony with
the principles we have just laid down, wonderfully assisted and encouraged
them ? To what are we indebted for the far spread, and widely spreading pub
lic sentiment in favor of doing something for the slave, if it be not to the per
severing exertions of this Society ? Nay, Sir, to what are those very men, who
now oppose its operations with such virulence, so much indebted for the degree •
of public interest on this subject which enables them to act, as they are to the
efforts of this Association ? — although, like the viper in the fai.le, they sting
the hand, which has warmed them into existence. '
But there are objections urged against the efforts of the Sooiety, and with ref
erence to one ofthe most specious of them, permit me to say farther : — The
aspect of Providence is peculiarly favorable to the Society, because, it
evinces that one ofthe most plausible objections which is urged against its pro
ceedings, might be brought, with equal reason, against the government of
God. It is alleged, Sir, that the effect of this Association is, in. fact, to. rivet the
bonds ofthe slave, because slaveholders avail themselves of the facilities which
it affords to drain off the excess ofthe free blacks, that they may oppress, with
the greater safety, those who are still in bondage. The objection proceeds upon
the principle, that if the designs of benevolence are perverted by. selfish men
forthe advancement of their own ends, such designs are to be abandoned, as
unworthy of out countenance and support. But, Sir, is this principle a correct
one ? Permit me to say that, if adopted and carried outfit would. overthrew
the government of God himself. It is the remark of Bishop Butler, in his im
mortal work, that the Word and Providence of God being harmonious with
each other, it would be natural to suppose that the same objections might weio-h
against the latter, which are brought by infidels against the former ; and he ac
cordingly proceeds, in the most forcible manner, to show, that the man who ob
jects against the great'doctrines/of revelation, and becomes a Deist, must, upon
the same principles, object against the course of the Providence of God and
become an Atheist.
Now, this same mode of reasoning applies to particular, acts, for the good
of men, which are produced by the practical effect ofthe principles ofthe Word
of G6d upon the hearts and lives of those who are conformed to its precepts.

21
The same objections might be urged against the acts of Jehovah himself, in his
Providence, which are urged against these. And this is emphatically true in
the instance which is befoie us Who does not know, that Jehovah has made
it true, in the nature of things, that even selfish men must find it for their great
interest to act upon the principles of benevolence ? There is not an avaricious,
all-grasping miser in the world, who is not necessitated, more or less, to act be
nevolently to some circle of his fellow-beings, however small, in order that he
may advance his own selfish purposes. And thus hath God most wonderfully
made the wrath of man to praise him, while the remainder of that wrath he
doth restrain, by making it true, in the nature of things, that selfishness itself
is obliged, to a great extent, to adopt and proceed upon the principles of benev
olence, and be the means of accomplishing good of which it never thought. Now
will any man throw off the providential government of a holy God, on this ac
count ? Will he presumptuously say, that there are many wicked men, who
avail themselves of it, to promote their ends, and therefore we will not have
God to reign over us ? There is not a mind, I trust, in this assembly, which
does not respond to such interrogations, — " God forbid !" — And yet, the objec
tion brought against the Colonization Society, that slaveholders avail themselves
of it, that they may with the more safety retain their slaves, proceeds upon this
principle. Admitting the fact, in some instances to be so, it proves noth
ing in favor of the objector, unless he shows that the principles ofthe Society
are anti-scriptural, and of course anti-benevolent, — and that this is the reason
why slaveholders, in some cases, are induced to favor it. Does he take such a
position ? Does he say that the principles of the Society are anti-scriptural and
anti-benevolent? If so, we deny the fact, and are fairly at issue with him on
this point. We appeal to the effects already produced by the Society, — the pub
lic sentiment it has gradually formed, and is still forming in favor of the aboli
tion of slavery, — a public sentiment of which, as we have seen, its very ene
mies experience the benefit, in their efforts to overthrow the Institution. We
appeal to the names most prominent in its formation, — the names of Finley, and
Samuel J. Mills, men whose influence was not generally found on the side of
anti-scriptural sentiments or actions. We appeal to tho majority of its present
friends, — men anxious to remove from our land, and its fair fame, the evils and
the stain of slavery, in the most benevolent and firm manner. We appeal to
the instances of the emancipation of slaves themselves, already produced by
the influence ofthe Society. Are these the effects, and are these the support
ers of an anti-scriptural and anti-benevolent Association ? No," Sir, they are
not. The objector cannot make good the charge on which alone his objection
can have a valid foundation. He cannot, without closing his eyes against the
clearest facts, affirm that the Society is opposed to the benevolence ofthe Gos
pel. And if so, he cannot urge the objection, that some slaveholders may favor
its advancement for the purpose of promoting their own selfish interests, with
out also admitting a principle, which, in its legitimate operation, would over
throw the moral government of God
There is yet another aspect of Divine Providence, Mr. Chairman, which af
fords encouragement to this Society ; — I allude to the fact that opposition
to truth hastens its final triumph. Among other ways, it does it strikingly
in this, — it causes truth to be more thoroughly investigated by its friends. The
foundations of our faith, even in the religion of Christ, are sometimes made to
tremble by sudden and unexpected objections. The believer/ce/sthat his faith is
true, and to him such evidence is satisfactory and delightful, — but he is called
sometimes to give an answer to those who ask a reason of the hope which is in
him and he is not prepared for the summons, because he has relied too exclu
sively upon feeling. It is well thus to lay him under a necessity of examin
ing the intellectuafgrounds of his faith. Providence has already shown, in in
stances almost innumerable, how well it is for truth to be occasionally assailed.
It calls forth the investigations of its friends, — it requires them to examine well
the grounds on which they stand, and to know better what they say, and
whereof they affirm. And thus" some of the noblest works on the evidences of
Christianity, as well as in support of its peculiar and fundamental doctrines,
have been drawn forth by the attacks of its enemies ; and truth has come out
from the furnace of trial seven times purified; and far more beautiful in the
eyes of all who love it.
Sir this will be the case with the principles of Colonization. I confess that
when' the cry was first raised against the Society, owing to its alleged tendency
to rivet the bonds upon the slave, I was one who trembled. I had felt, but

22
not reasoned much upon the subject of slavery, and had hailed the colonization
scheme as one which opened at least one door for universal emancipation.
When it was declared, that instead of opening such a door, its only tendency
was to exert an influence which would the more effectually close and bolt it, —
the fear that the accusation might be true, was the more distressing, because
the knowledge requisite to rebut it was not at command. As in religions faith
— so it is in the confidence which we may place in the rectitude of a society like
this, — the very fact that arguments in its favor are not immediately at hand,
— will sometimes cause us to tremble and become sceptical under a sudden attack,
when a more minute investigation restores confidence, and inspires new courage
in the advancement ofthe truth.
Let any, then, who may be in this state of surprise, examine the circumstan
ces of our country, and look into the principles of this Society, and they
will find that it contains the elements of truth. We do not claim for it perfec
tion. We do not say that it is all which we wish, and all that we hope it may
become. We believe, as we observe the analogy of Providence, that opposition
to its advancement will contribute to its greater perfection, and will not over
throw it, because truth lies at its foundation. It will lead its friends to inves
tigate its principles the more thoroughly, and become able to defend them the
more successfully and triumphantly. It will teach them where they are
vulnerable, and induce them cheerfully to rectify whatever may be, to any
extent, wrong. Above all, it will inspire them with new zeal in the wo k
they have undertaken for the welfare of the free black, and the freedom of the
slave. But one remark more, Sir, and I have done ; — Providence is rapidly develop
ing the fact, that the best interests of slaveholders themselves, demand the abo
lition of slavery. In this respect its aspect is peculiarly encouraging.
It is an interesting and important truth, Mr Chairman, that whenever men
depart, with reference to any subject, from the principles of the law and gospel
of God, they begin, sooner or later, to find, that in sinning against him, they
have alike wronged their own souls, and proceeded contrary to their own tem
poral interests. The course of Providence, harmonious with eternal justice,
is found to be against them, and godliness only is found to have the promise
of the life which now is, as well as of that which is to come. This is becoming
remarkably the case with slavery in our own land. Slaveholders are begin
ning to be convicted of the fact, that slavery, after all, is a losing system.
They begin to feel and acknowledge that voluntary labor is doubly valuable,
when compared with that which is coerced. They begin to contrast the green
fields and well cultivated farms where there are no slaves, with the compara
tively barren prospects and ill improved lands where slaves exist. They begin
to notice the comparatively unimproved state ofthe intellect, and the influence
of unrestrained passions, and the prevalence of idle and dissipated habits, in
places where slavery pampers the body and mind of man, — and the opposite
subjection of passion to reason, and rapid acquisitions of intellect, and the in
dustrious, unvitiated state of things produced by a system, where men
are necessitated more generally to labor for themselves, or to reward those
who voluntarily labor for them. So strong is this conviction becoming
amid some classes ofthe community, that not long since, upon the floor of Con
gress, a member of that body, from a large slave-holding State, declared his be
lief, (as nearly as I can recollect the sentiment) that the system of slavery, like
the feudal system of Europe, would gradually be done away, from the deep
¦conviction on the part of slaveholders themselves, that it would be far better for
themselves, were it entirely abolished.
Our attention has already been called, by the gentleman who first addressed
1 you this evening, to the state ofthe public mind in Virginia, on this interesting
subject; — and he might, with equal propriety, have referred to Maryland,
her sister State, in whose Legislature a resolution has, but a few weeks since,
been introduced, with what prospects of success I am unable to say, proposing
the emancipation of slaves after a given period. In these, Sir, and in other
signs ofthe times, we hail the commencement of better days to this Society,
than any, which, though highly favored, it has ever seen. There can be no
doubt that it has already done more than any thing else, towards awakening
the public mind to an increased attention to the important subject of slavery.
There can be no doubt, as the conviction increases that slavery is an evil, the
eyes of the southern section of our land will be turned towards its proceedings
with an interest still more intense. It has done much, and deserves our com-

23
mendation, even were it to do no more. But, it aims at still higher things. It
is ready not only to excite a correct public sentiment, by every means in its
power, but it rises as that sentiment increases and spreads, to yet higher effort.
We confidently hope, that what it has accomplished is but as tbe°shadow of
good things to come. And that if firmly and perseveringly supported, it will
be ready, as time moves on, and new ciicumstances of encouragement are de
veloped in the providence of God,— to embark in other projects, and put forth
yetnobler efforts for the emancipation ofthe slave, — until the light, and the joy
of liberty shall be seen and felt, by every being, in every portion of our beloved
land.

On motion of the Hon. Caleb Gushing, of Newburyport, sec
onded by the Rev. E. S. Gannet, of this city,
Resolved, That every patriotic and peaceful citizen of the
United States, while he seeks by suitable means .to better the con
dition of our colored population, should anxiously abstain from
acts inconsistent with the text or spirit of the Federal Constitu
tion ; ani which have a tendency therefore to introduce into the
country general evils of incalculable magnitude, and at the same
time defeat all benevolent designs in behalf of the blacks by sub
verting the union of the States.
Mr. Cushing felt a delicacy in rising to address the Society at so late an
hour, [it was near nine o'clock,] but it seemed due to those who had honored
him with a request to that effect, that he should venture to add the very little
it mio-ht be in his power to add, to the remarks of the gentleman who had pre
ceded him. He was aware.that his views might be dry, jejune and uninterest
ing, in regard to the topics which he should endeavor to present to the attention
ofthe Society, but they seemed to him to be of sufficient importance to warrant
the suggestions he proposed to make, with reference to the duties of the citi
zens of one portion of the States, affecting the rights of those of another.
In the opinions he was about to utter, he wished to be understood as impeach
ing no motives, and condemning no man or set of men ; and while he freely
conceded this to others with whom he differed, in regard to the means of ac
complishing the object of improving the condition of an oppressed and degraded
race of our fellow men, he claimed for himself the same candid construction of
his motives. He avowed distinctly that he was no friend to slavery. From
principle, and upon every consideration which had any influence upon opinion,
he viewed with regret and disapprobation, the existence of personal slavery in
any form. He viewed it as an evil of great magnitude, not merely in regard to-
the slave, but as an evil of still gieater magnitude in regard to the master who,
holds the slave. He deprecated every measure which divested man of his nat
ural and unalienable rights, and bound down to servitude and ignorance the
eternal spirit ofthe chainless mind. Such were his views of slavery in theory
and practice. We all concur in the belief that it is an evil of great magnitude,.
which we should rejoice to see forever removed from among us. What means-
shall we use to accomplish this great object ?
Here there was a difference of opinion, and he had no doubt an honest differ
ence of opinion. What then were our duties in this respect, as citizens oflhis-
State and ofthe United States, in reference to the existence of slavery, and the
rights ofthe Southern States ? The first duty of a good citizen was to confine
himself within the limits ofthe law and the Constitution. It was obvious that
this Society had been formed and conducted upon that principle. Its operations
were circumscribed by the Constitution and the laws of the land. The objec
tion urged against the Society is, that it does not meet the evil which it pro
poses to remedy. That the natural increase ofthe slave population exceeds the
removals which are made, or ever can be made, through the agency ofthe Col
onization Society ; and that by the removal ofthe free blacks, it enhances the-
value ofthe slaves left behind, and encourages the slave holder in retaining this.
species of property. But, admitting that the means and purposes of the Coloni
zation Society are inadequate to produce any great impression upon the slave-
population by removals of the free blacks, it nevertheless has a definite object

24
of great good, in looking to the improvement of the condition of the African
race, in free communities, where they can enjoy advantages deflied to them in
this country.
The object ofthe Society, it is insisted, should be immediate abolition. Noflr
it is obvious that the abolition of slavery, unless by the universal consent of the
slave holders, cannot be effected but by the alteration of the Constitution pro
tecting that species of property. A convention of the States must be called to
amend the Constitution, and if called, and the, alterations of the provisions
guarding slave property, were to be insisted on by any ofthe States, can it be
doubted for a moment that eleven of the States would dissolve the Union on
the point of interference with their slaves ! No one who has observed the ex
treme sensitiveness of the South, in this particular, can doubt that such would
be the result. Those who aim at immediate abolition, and insist that should be
the .first object of this Society, are met in the threshold with this objection.
Shall we have an Union of the States, or shall we shipwreck the whole on this
point? Shall we not rather do as our patriotic forefathers did in their determi
nation on this same question ? Dearly as they loved liberty, and as ardently as
they condemned personal slavery, they had no other alternative but to admit
it, as they found if then existing at the 'South, or to surrender all hopes of an
union of the States.
The entire abolition of slavery was a favorite object with the pati^tic men of
that day, but that or the Union must be surrendered. A compromise was ef
fected. The South conceded that in twenty years the slave trade should be abol
ished ; and the North conceded that the Constitution should secure to the South
a representation in Congress of three fifths of their slave population, and that each
State should be bound to surrender to the citizens of other States such fugitive
slaves as should be found within their limits. In addition to which it is provided
that the United States shall interpose, on requisition of either ofthe States, to pro
tect its citizens against domestic violence. These principles were fully recognized
in the Constitution, and bo long as they remain there, we are bound, as good
citizens, to respect them. In the amendments to the Constitution, the effect of
these provisions is confirmed, by the declaration that all powers not conceded to
the United States, nor prohibited to either of the States, by the Constitution,
remain in the separate States. Hence, as the Constitution gives no control on
that subject, the regulation of domestic slavery, which was the exclusive right
of the Southern States, before the Constitution, remains" with them, as one of
the powers not transferred to the United States. The legal construction is,
that the South who hold slaves, retain the right of exclusive regulation over
them. The United States cannot touch it. ff we insist on abolition, we must
amend the Constitution, which, as it now stands, renders it as improper and un
availing for us to attempt to interfere with the regulations of the Southern
Stales touching their slaves, as it would be for us to attempt to regulate the
arrangements of the British House of Commons, or the appointment of the
French Ministers. And if the United States cannot, under the Constitution,
interfere with the domestic regulations of slavery at the South, still less can any
single State do so. The State of Massachusetts has no more right to interfere
with the legislation of other States in this particular, than the King of Great
Britain has to levy a stamp tax or a tea duty in the city of Boston.
If, then, we are bound to support .the Constitution, and to respect the rights
which it secures to _ portion of our fellow citizens composing a part of the
Union, are we not also bound by the spirit of that Constitution, to abstain from
, all inflammatory publications which tend to excite insurrection, and to deprive
the holder ofthe slave of his rights of property secured to him under the Con
stitution ? An opposite course may justly be regarded as injurious to the slave,
whose condition we are seeking to improve. - By inflammatory publications,
tending to excite insurrection, we drive the masters of slaves to shut them out
from the light, and to withhold from them the ordinary means of education..
It is a consideration which assuredly ought not to be disregarded by the friends
of immediate abolition ; that if we approach this object by means of inflamma
tory publications, or if we were to attempt its accomplishment by an amend
ment of the Constitution in this respect, that must result in a separation ofthe
States ? in either event, we deprive ourselves of all means of reaching the
evil we propose to remedy, or of improving the condition of the blacks. In
the event of a separation, the slave States become to us a foreign government,
and we could have no means of influencing them in regard to their slave popu
lation, no more than we now have in influencing legislature upon this subjeqt

25
in the island of Cuba. Slavery in the South would become hermetrically sealed
against our benevolence.
He" would not go into the consequences that must result from such a course.
Wherever we can aid in improving the condition of the blacks, let us do so
constitutionally. But let us not, by inflammatory publications, by appeals
tending to produce insurrection, and if not, tending to excite the asperity ofthe
South, so as to compel her to shut the door upon us — let us not prevent all ap
proaches toward improving the condition of her slave population, and finally
accomplish the great work of emancipation, through their co-operation.
While we were exerting our sympathies for the slave, we should not alto
gether lose sight of the master. In seeking to remove one evil, we should be
cautious that we do not introduce a greater evil.
He would suggest a single fact, as an admonition to those who were seek
ing the immediate abolition of slavery, without regard to the consequences. It
was 'a fact in the history of America, doubtless familiar to many who heard him,
but which appeared to him to be strikingly applicable to the view he had taken
of this subject. The discovery of America, and the subjection ofthe Moors,
who had held possession in Spain since 711, were contemporaneous events in
the year 1492. The Spanish Moors had acquired from the Mohametans ofthe
North of Africa, the practice of holding slaves, and they introduced it into
Europe. The Christians, living side by side with those who held slaves, ac
quired the same practice, and in the year 1500 permission was granted by the
Court of Spain, to carry to the Colonies of South America, negro slaves, na
tives of Spain ; and thus slavery was introduced into America. The excessive
burdens imposed upon the Indians of South America, by their Spanish con
querors, at an early period arrested the attention of the philanthropists of that
time. Among these, the Ecclesiastics were most conspicuous ; and it is due to
say ofthe ministers of religion, that they were then, as they are now, fore
most in works of benevolence.
Bartholemew de Las Casas devoted his life to bettering the condition of the
Indians. He crossed the Atlantic again and again— he braved all dangers — he
shrunk from no fatigue in their behalf— he unceasingly urged the claims of
that oppressed race at -the Spanish Court. In his sympathies for one class of
his fellow men, he disregarded the rights of another class, "and from mistaken
motives of humanity, proposed to the Emperor Charles V. a project to import
negro slaves directly from Africa, into that warm climate which was congenial
to them, in order to relieve the labors ofthe Indians. Unfortunately this proj
ect was adopted, and this was the foundation of slavery in America. This fact
should serve as an admonition. Men of ardent and philanthropic minds, im
pressed with the importance of an object which enlists the best feelings of hu
man nature, are prone to fall into the error of taking too limited and partial
views of the subject, losing sight of incidental consequences in their devoted
attention to the single object which absorbs their immediate sympathies.
Such was the error ofthe amiable Las Casas. It is a lesson well adapted to
the times, to teach us to beware, lest we be guilty of a similar error, and in at
tempting to better the condition ofthe blacks, bring down upon them and upon
our country greater evils than those we are striving to avert.
It was for these reasons he had presented on this occasion the suggestions
that had occurred to him touching the constitutional duties, involved in the
means that were to be used to improve the condition of the slave population in
the United States. This was the period above all others, to abstain from call
ing up the exciting question of the relation between the master and the slave,
in the southern portion of our country. It was not a time to go beyond the pale
ofthe Constitution to seek for causes of disaffection and disunion. There was
enough within the Constitution on which jealousies were already aroused, and
parties formed, that endanger the permanency ofthe Union.
The storm lowers over our heads. The fountains ofthe great deep are bro
ken up around us, and shall vve rashly cut loose from the sheet anchor of our
hope, the Constitution, which can alone enable us to retain our station among
the nations. My voice is for the Constitution ; I am for the Union, betide
what may ; and as a citizen of these United States, I feel hound so to act in re-
rard to this question, as well as all others, that while we of the North claim
rom the South the uttermost scruple of our just rights, and contend for them
manfully and independently, we shall evince that we entertain a due respect
for the vested rights ofthe South.
4

I

20

The following gentlemen were elected officers of the Society
for the ensuing year ; viz :
Hon. SAMUEL LATHROP, President.
Rt. Rev. ALEXANDER V. GRISWOLD,
Hon. H. A. S. DEARBORN,
Hon. WM. B. CALHOUN,
Hon. ISAAC C. BATES,
Hon. ALEXANDER H. EVERETT,
HEMAN HUMPHREY, D. D., . „ Prcsidents
THEODORE SEDGWICK, Esq.,
His Honor SAMUEL T. ARMSTRONG,
THOMAS NAPIER, Esq.,
Hon. STEPHEN C. PHILLIPS,
Hon. JAMES FOWLER,
Hon. DANIEL WALDO,

Doct. J. V. C. SMITH, Secretary.
ISAAC MANSFIELD, Esq.., Treasurer.
Rev. EBENEZER BURGESS, Dedham,
Hon. JOSIAH ROBBINS, Plymouth,
Hon. JOHN W. LINCOLN, Worcester,
Rev. HOWARD MALCOM, Boston,
Rev. E. S. GANNET, Boston,
Hon. ELIPHALET WILLIAMS, Northampton,
CHARLES TAPPAN, Esq., Boston,
Prof. S. M. WORCESTER, Amherst College,
GEORGE A. TUFTS, Esq. , Dudley,
Doer. JOHN S. BUTLER, Worcester,
THOMAS A. GREENE, Esq.., New Bedford,
Hon. WILLIAM S. HASTINGS, Mendon,
Hon. IRA BARTON, Oxford,
Rev. B. B. EDWARDS, Boston,
CHARLES STODDARD, Eso., Boston,
Rev. WILLIAM HAGUE, Boston,
Rev. JOHN PIERPONT, Boston,
SAMUEL M. McKAT, Pittsfield,
WILLIAM J. HUBBARD, Boston,
B. B. THATCHER, Esq.., Boston,

'Managers.

FACTS.

Assertions are better than conjectures, arguments better than asser
tions, but facts better than arguments. An argument may contain a
flaw which only a very microscopic mental eye can detect. A fact
may be seen and understood by the most stupid.
It is a fact, then, that some of the best and most devoted men in the
land were early engaged in the Colonization enterprize, such as Fin-
ley, Thornton, Mills, Caldwell, . Ashmun, Bacon, Lot Carey, Ses
sions, Skinner, Holton, &c. " These all died in faith" of the ultimate
success of the enterprise,

27
It is a fact, that the territory for the Colony was purchased by fair
treaty, and that any amount of additional territory can now be pur
chased for future settlements.
It is a fact, that the Colony at Liberia has not, since its founda-
dation in 1822, suffered so much in point of sickness and other ad
versities, as the Colony at Plymouth did in six months — no, not so
much by ten times.
It is a fact, that Monrovia is now as healthy as any city on the,
Atlantic seaboard.
It is a fact, that the slave trade was once carried on, to the shame
of man, and the indignation of Heaven, at the very spot where the
Colony is now situated, two thousand slaves having been annually
exported from the rendezvous ; but now the black banner of the pi
ratical slave-trader cowers at the sight of the American Eagle on the
summit of Cape Mpntserado, and disappears in confusion.
It is a fact, that one hundred and fifty thousand Europe
ans in a single year dissolved the tender ties of home and country,
and upon their own private resources emigrated to this land of the
free to lay their bones among us. What difficulty, then, but that
which is created by a weak, an unbelieving, or a hostile mind, can
there be in one hundred and twenty thousand Africans
(double the annual increase) returning to their father land, even on
their own private resources 1
It is a fact, that fifteen millions of unoffending Africans have
been torn away from their native country by avarice and cruelty.
Cannot the generosity and kindness of a Christian nation carry back
two millions, the whole number of the slaves 1
It is a fact, that the Colonization Society tends to gradual eman
cipation. 1. By making the whole nation talk more about slavery
than it ever did before, and if such an "accursed thing" is the topic
of conversation, it must be reprobated, and public sentiment will
daily gather strength against the evil, until it is overthrown. 2. Lib
erty is on the march all over the world. The friends of Coloniza
tion use this fact against slavery. 3. The spectacle of a republic of
free blacks on the coast of Africa, making their own laws, and ad
ministering justice among themselves, the sovereigns of the soil, and
the regulators of their own commerce, must react with irresistible
force upon the country from which they originally emigrated. 4.
Those States, Virginia and Kentucky, for example, which are now
struggling for universal emancipation, are Colonization States, i. e.
ardent supporters of the scheme. 5. Those States, South Carolina,
for example, which, as a matter of principle advocate the perpetuity
of slavery, are opposed to the Colonization Society. 6. Those indi
viduals at the South, who dislike slavery, and are contending for

IIIIIIIIHIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIIII i»
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emancipation, support the Society. 7. By removing the free colored
population from the presence of the slaves, the former, while they
themselves are furnished with employment, are prevented from
tempting the latter to idleness, insubordination, and insurrection, and
the slaves are thus saved the distress of a more rigorous bondage con
sequent on rebellion. 8. By appealing to the will of the master, in
stead of appealing to the passions of the slaves themselves, the Col
onization Society seeks to incline it to universal emancipation. The
Constitution and the jLaws would then no longer protect slavery.
It is a fact, that the Colonists are actively engaged in trade; (in-
such articles as dyewoods, ivory, hides, gold, palm oil, rice, &c. ) and
that the net profits on wood and ivory- in 1826 were $30,786 — that
in 1831 forty-six vessels visited the Colony, and the exports for the
year ending April, 1832, were $120,000, while the imports were
$80,000. Yet the Society had expended, from its organization up
to that time, only about $150,000.
It is a fact, that upwards of seven hundred emancipated slaves are
now enjoying the sweets of liberty and the protection of law in the
Colony, while there is a distinct flourishing village of some hundreds
of recaptured Africans, called New Georgia.
It is a fact, that schools are established competent to instruct all
the children in the Colony, — that Divine service is attended three
•times on the Sabbath, and on Thursday and Friday evenings, and
that decorum and order universally prevail.
It is a fact, that the Legislatures of fourteen States, and nearly all
the ecclesiastical bodies in the United States, have passed resolutions
approving the objects of the Society.
It is a Tact, that the "people of New England owe an incalculable
debt to the African race, and that an opportunity is now offered to
repay that debt.
It is aTfact, that the Parent Society has numerous applications
from various quarters for assistance in emigrating to Liberia, and
that it could now advantageously spend two hundred thousand
dollars in fitting out expeditions to the Colony, while its Treasury
is exhausted. Will not the friends of humanity and religion lend us
a helping hand ?
£_J= Communications, donations, &c. may be sent to JOSHUA
N. DANFORTH, No. 4, Bowdoin Street, Boston.