-a::..;.:::^^— -

'T^ILEoWaWIEI^SIIirY-

1892

THE WRITINGS

THOMAS JEFFERSON

VOLUME Vil

1795-1801

Of this Letter-press Edition
750 Copies ha ve been Printed for Sale

No..

iLk.

February, i8g6

THE WRITINGS

THOMAS JEFFERSON

cot t.fcted and edited

PAUL LEICESTER FORD

Volume VII

1795-1801

G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS
NEW YORK LONDON
ay TJTEST TWENTY-THIRD STREET 34 BEDFORD STREET, STRAND
£^t ^itickrrbockM Jrtss
1896

Ubc Iftnlcltcrbochcr press
G. P. Putnam's sons
NEW YORK

,/-.^- (J^-.-J^,

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

PAGE

Itinerary and Chronology, 1795-1801 . . . xxiii
1795-
To James Madison, February 5th .... i
Weather — Walker's election — ^Wilson Nicholas's election and
speculation — Tax on carriages.
To M. D'lvernois, February 6th .... 2 ,
Proposition to remove University of Geneva to Virginia —
Republics — Present governments.
To James Brown, April 18th ..... 6
Debt — Naillery — Tobacco.
To Archibald Stuart, April 1 8th .... 7
Duplicate books — Avoids meeting Patrick Henry.
To James Madison, April 27th ..... ^
Madison for President — Jefferson as a candidate — Agricultural
plans — Meeting with Henry.
To William Branch Giles, April 27th . . . . 11*
French successes — Love of farming.
To Ddmeunier, April 29th . . . . . . 12 ?¦
Knowledge and approval of French republicans — United
States as an asylum — Lack of wealthy class in America — Nail-
making — Work.
To James Monroe, May 26t?i . . . . . 1 5 -
"--J Hamilton an imitator of Pitt — Democratic societies — Western
insurrection — Use of Washington's name — Jay's treaty — Private
affairs — House for Monroe — Booksellers and books — Former
French friends — Agricultural advice — Virginia social news.
To Tench Coxe, June ist . . . . . . 22 *
Bpok of Coxe's — French successes — Extension of liberty —
Destruction of crops.

vi CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

PAGE
• To James Madison, August 3d . . . . . 23
Hamilton supports treaty — Stoned — Richmond against treaty.
I To Mann Page, August 30th  23
Visit declined — Education — Men not rogues — Jay treaty.
" To James Monroe, September 6th .... 25
Monroe's farm — Derieux — Commissions in France — T. M.
Randolph's health — Political changes — Jay's treaty — Hamilton
— Adams — News.
To Tench Coxe, September loth . . . . 29,
Richmond disapproves of treaty — Camillus — Newspapers — /
Letters.
To Henry Tazewell, September 13th . ... 30
Jay treaty — Advisability of treaties at all.
To James Madison, September 21st .... 31
' Volume on Jay treaty— Curtis— Camillus— Hamilton the
Colossus of Federalism — Begs answer from Madison.
To Rev. James Madison, October 28th • ¦ • 33
Fontainebleau — Condition of French laborers — Ownership of
lands — Rights of property — State policy toward property

trees.

To William Branch Giles, December 31st .
Virginia Assembly's vote on treaty— Randolph's view on
treaties and his political character— Political independence-
Washington's answer to Representatives— Rejection of Rut-
ledge — Recall of Monroe.
Notes on Professor Ebeling's Letter of July 30, '95
Character ot authorities— Their knowledge of tlie South—
Newspapers-Tories-Parties in United States-Newspapers-
Books on America.

J

' To James Madison, November 26th .... 36
Proceedings in Virginia Assembly on treaty— Marshall— f
Power of House of Representatives over treaties— Randolph's
vindication.
To Edward Rutledge, November 30th • • . 39
Visit from son— Tour of political duty— Jay treaty— Orange

41

44

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

1796.
PAGE
To Archibald Stuart, January 3d .... 49
Nails.
To George Wythe, January i6th .... 52
Virginia laws — ^Jefferson's collection.
To John Adams, February 28th .... 56
D'lvemois's book— Multiple executive — Former governments
— Accounts as Minister.
To James Monroe, March 2d  58
Jay treaty — Randolph — Rutledge — New appointments —
Public finances — Canals — Monroe's lands — Virginian news.
To James Madison, March 6th  61
United States finances — Gallatin — Pensions — Credit on nail
rod — Spanish treaty — National post-roads.
To William B. Giles, March 19th .... 65
Speech of Lieb — Similarity of Tory measures — Impressments
— Local news,
To James Monroe, March 21st  ^7
Monroe's lands — Jay treaty in House of Representatives —
Treaty power.
To James Madison, March 27th  68
Gallatin's speech — Treaty power — Washington.
To James Madison, April 17th  70
Proceedings in Federal convention — Relation of House of
Representatives to treaties.
To Phillip Mazzei, April 24th  72
Money — Embarrassed Virginians — Aspect of politics — Apos
tates—Virginian social news.
Contract, May 12th  7^
Mortgage of slaves.
To James Monroe, June 12th  79
Derieux— Building — Influence of Washington — Public fi
nances — Prices — Lands.
To George Washington, June 19th .... 81 ,
Publication of Cabinet paper — Madison — H. Lee's slanders
— Opinion on Little Sarah — Farm news.
To Jonathan Williams, July 3d  85
Observations on mountains — Mould-board — Attacks on
Franklin.

viii CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.
PAGE
To James Monroe, July loth  88
Letters — Return of Monroe — Liancourt — Congressional cam
paign — Influence of Washington — News — Patrick Henry —
Pinckney.
To Colonel John Stuart, November loth ... 90
Big bones.
• To James Madison, December 17th .... 91
Presidency — Adams vs. Pinckney — Election — Condition of
United States— Weather.
' To Edward Rutledge, December 27th ... 93
Abuse — Results of election — Dislike of politics — Rutledge's
conduct.
^ To John Adams, December 28th .... 95
Results of election — Hamilton's trickiness — Adams's oppor
tunity.

1797.
To James Madison, January 1st  08
Election— Vice-presidency — Letter to Adams— Callender's
; book — Man as an animal.
To AEchibaLd..Stuart, January 4th . . . . loi
Course of Republican party towards Washington— Adams
detached from Hamilton — Election.
To James Madison, January 8th .... 104
Prospects of war— Washington's good fortune— Crops-
Weather.
To James Madison, January i6th .... 105
Vice-presidency— Vermont elections — People's choice.
To Henry Tazewell, January i6th .... 106
Election — Forms.
To James Madison, January 22d
Journey to Philadelphia— Adams and Jefferson— Part in new
administration— Relations with France— Boundary dispute with
Maryland— Relations with Pennsylvania.
To George Wythe, January 22d 
Parliamentary practice.

107

no

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

To John Langdon, January 22d . . . . iii
Vice-presidency.
To Doctor John Edwards, January 22d . . .112
Defence of Monroe — Conduct toward Great Britain.
To Doctor Benjamin Rush, January 22d . . .113
Eulogium on Rittenhouse — Escape from Presidency — Big
bones.
To James Madison, January 30th . . . .115
Letter to Adams — Opinion of Adams — Oath of oflSce.
To James Sullivan, February 9th . . . .116
Vice-presidency — Political divisions — Influence of Wash
ington — Samuel Adams.
To Elbridge Gerry, May 13th  119
Election to Vice- presidency — Relations with Adams — Foreign
relations — Policy of Federalists — American isolation.
To James Madison, May i8th  124
Pinckney's despatches — President's speech — Removal of
Beckley — Political change in New England— Conduct of
France — Reply of Senate.
To Thomas Pinckney, May 29th . . . .127
Change in politics — Threatening condition — Louisiana —
Commercial wars — Recall of Monroe.
To Horatio Gates, May 30th  130
Erskine's pamphlet — Servile copying of England — Congres
sional replies to President.
To James Madison, June ist .... . 131
Senate reply to President — Navy — Congressional and diplo
matic news.
To Peregrine Fitzhugh, June 4th . , . .134
Address to President — Newspapers — Republican majority —
Taxation — Attack of Luther Martin — Grand juries.
To French Strother, June 8th  138
Prospects of war — Navy — Acts of France.
To James Madison, June 8th  140
Address — Navy and army — Arming of merchantmen —
French victories — Republican majority — West India trade.
To John Moody, June 13th  141
Proceedings of Congress — Depredations of French.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

-Newspapers

To James Madison, June 15th .
European affairs — Army — Calling of Congress-
— N^vy and fortification.
To Aaron Burr, June 17th 
Outline of politics — Adams's speech — Danger from France —
Change in New York politics — Eastern States— Wearied.
To Elbridge Gerry, June 21st .
Nomination of Gerry as Minister — Peace with France — Ac
ceptance of mission.
To James Madison, June 22d . . . . .
Defeat of army bill — Useless convocation of Congress —
Mission to France.
To Edward Rutledge, June 24th . . . .
French spoliations — War preparations — European news —
Arming — Political ill-feeling.
To Edmund Randolph, June 27th . . . .
Foreign news — Gerry's appointment.
To James Madison, June 29th ....
Adjournment — Congressional proceedings — Monroe's arrival
To James Madison, July 24th ....
Visit from Madison — Hamilton vs. Callender.
Petition to Virginia House of Delegates, August
To James Madison, August 3d .
Letter to Mazzei: — Petition in re grand juries.
To St. George Tucker, August 28th .
Slavery— St. Domingo — Taxation.
To Colonel Arthur Campbell, September ist
Federalist policy— Lenity to Tories— The people republi
To John Francis Mercer, September 5th .
Monroe — Grand juries.
To James Monroe, September 7th
Grand juries— Right of citizen— State vs. national government
— Cabell's case.
To Alexander White, September loth
Slanders about Jefl^erson— Removal of government to Wash
ington — New roads.

PAGE
142

145
149
152155
156
157
158
164

V

167
169
171171
174

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

PAGE
To James Monroe, October 25th .... 177
Monroe's book.
To John Wayles Eppes, December 2 1st . . . 179
English victory over Dutch — Taxes — Paris Envoys — French
Admiralty proceedings — Monroe's book — Charcoal.
To John Taylor, December 23d .... 181
Taxes — Navy and armed merchantmen — Blount's impeach
ment — French news — Fauchet's pamphlet — Foreign coins.
To James Monroe, December 27th . . . .182
Monroe's book — Fauchet's pamphlet — Arming of merchant
men — Stamp tax — French view — Foreign coins — Lafayette —
Elections — Removal of Tench Coxe.
1798.
To John Page, January ist . . . . .185
Martin's attack — Logan's speech — Letter from Talleyrand.
To Mann Page, January 2d  186
Martin's attack — Foreign coins.
To James Madison, January 3d  188
Weather — Bankruptcies — Prices — Congressional proceedings
— Election — Impeachment of Blount — Scipio — Foreign news.
To James Madison, January 25th .... 191
Envoys to France — Majority in Congress — Impeachment ,
of Blount — Spanish negotiations — Amendments to Constitution
— Prices.
To Henry Tazewell, January 27th .... 194
Impeachment.
To James Madison, February 8th .... 195
Monroe's book — Scipio — Impeachment of Blount — Arming
of merchantmen.
To James Monroe, February 8th .... 197
Virginia Assembly — Monroe's book — Scipio — Legal practice -'
— Blount's impeachment.
To Hugh Williamson, February nth . . . 200
Navigation act.
To James Madison, February 15th . . . .201
Question of arming — Dayton — Lyons — Impeachment — BaU ^
on Washington's birthday — Commerce.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

V

PAGE
To Horatio Gates, February 2ist .... 203
Kosciusko — Lack of news from France — Duel between
France and England^Commercial measures of Great Britain.
To James Madison, February 22d .... 206
Commercial news — Exclusion of America from ocean — Im- yJ
peachment — Adams's views of Senate.
To Peregrine Fitzhugh, February 23d . . . 208
Attacks on Jefferson in papers — Lack of French news — State
governments.
To James Madison, March 2d . . . . .211
Foreign news^ Washington's birthday — Stamp act.
To James Monroe, March 8th  213
Word from envoys to France— French decree— Foreign
intercourse — Elections — Monroe's plans.
To James Madison, March 15th .... 216
French commercial decree— Cabinet changes— Nomination
of J. Q. Adams.
To James Madison, March 21st  218
Merchants— X. Y. Z. message— Congressional changes— Pro
posed consultation of constituents— Monarchy or separation of ^
Union.
To James Monroe, March 21st .
Insane message— Course of action for Republicans.
To Dr. Samuel Brown, March 25th .
Martin's attack— General Clark.
To James Madison, March 29th  224
Action in Congress— War or peace— Rumor of English
treaty— Navy— Quakers partisans of England— New capital.
To Edmund Pendleton, April 2d ... .
Private accounts with Short-Effect of war on government
secunties-Likelihood of war with France-Change in Eastern
States— Prospect of Republican success.
To James Madison, April 5th .
Secrecy of letters-Appropriation for capital-Pi'nckney
adherents— Marcellus— Publication of X. Y. Z. papers
To James Monroe, April 5th . . . \ 232
Advice as to personal course-Attacks on Monroe-Failure
of Morris-Libel against Jefferson-Probable action as to

221

222

227

230

France.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

PAGE

To James Madison, April 6th ..... 234
Communications from envoys — Analysis of them — No cause
for war.
To James Madison, April 12th ..... 236
Communications from envoys — Public astonishment — Asks
Madison to write analysis — Meeting of merchants — Spriggs
resolution — War measures — Taxes^Adjournment.
To Peter Carr, April 12th  238
X. Y. Z. negotiation — Innocence of French Directory —
Spriggs resolution — Policy of peace party — No reason for war —
Eastern States.
To James Monroe, April 19th ..... 240
Influence of X. Y. Z. despatches — War petitions^Expenses
— Mississippi territory — Monroe's accounts.
To James Madison, April 19th ..... 242
Revolt of pubUc opinion — War measures — Land tax — Innes
• — Congressional power — Madison's election to Virginia legisla
ture.
To James Madison, April 26th  244
Naval bill — Absence of Virginia congressmen — Alien and
sedition bills — Newspapers — Senatorial manoeuvre in New
York^Revolt of public opinion.
To James Madison, May 3d  246
War spirit — Replies of President — Citizen and alien bills —
Provisional army — Departure of French — New York politics —
Writings of Hamilton — Mississippi territory — Adams on sedi
tion biU.
To James Lewis, Jr., May 9th  249
Logan's speech — Martin's attack — War fever.
To James Madison, May loth  251
Alien bill — -Taxes — Burr's information — Cocade riot.
To James Madison, May 17th  252
Vote on aUen biU — Provisional army — Cocade riot — Eastern
poUtics — PubUc deception — PubUc addresses — Congress —
French captures — Prices.
To Aaron Burr, May 20th  254
Currie's claims on Morris — BurweU's ditto.

xiv CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

PAGE
To James Monroe, May 2 Ist  256
Provisional army bill — Alien bill — Land tax — Sedition bill —
Departure of French — Attack on Monroe — Election as a vindi
cation.
To James Madison, May 31st . . . . . 260
Correction — Capture of French vessels — AUen bill — /
Treaties — Land tax — Adjournment — Departure of French — \/
Marshall's poem — Dupont.
To John Taylor, June ist . . . . . . 263
Secession of Virginia and North Carolina — Present condition
— Influences tending to produce change — Secession as a theory
— New England perverse.
To James Madison, June 7th ..... 266
Alien bill- Sedition bill— Other bills— Taxes— American
envoys to France— Resolutions against France.
To Archibald Stuart, June 8th  269
Movements of envoys to France— Gerry — French conduct
— Nails.
To James Madison, June 21st  272
Arrival of Marshall— Gerry— MarshaU's reception— Logan— /
Harper's folly — Libels — Adjournment — Message. ^
To Samuel Smith, August 22d  275
Newspaper squib— Consultation with Bache, Leib, and Rey
nolds — Not a partisan of France — Newspaper writing.
To A. H. Rowan, September 26th .... 280
System of alarm— Influence of England— Virginia not deluded.
To Wilson Cary Nicholas, October 5th . . . 281
Trust in Breckenridge— Kentucky resolutions— Politics of
North Carolina— Consultation of Madison. V
To Stephen Thompson Mason, October nth . . 282
CaUender— X. Y. Z. fever abating— Action of state legis- ^T
latures— Federalist projects— Tenants. ^
Petition on Election of Jurors, October . . . 284 ^
To James Madison, October 26th ..." 287
Petition in re jurors— Kentucky resolutions. " '^
To James Madison, November 17th .... 288
Mechanics— Kentucky resolutions— Nails * ' 1/
Drafts of the Kentucky Resolutions of 1 798, November, 280 V

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII. xv

PAGE
To John Taylor, November 26th .... 309
Farming — Risk of letter writing — Unsoundness of Virginia —
Taxes a cure — Excessive expense the poUcy of the Federalists — '-^
Amendment to prevent borrowing — AUen and sedition laws
— Petition in re juries.
To Wilson Cary Nicholas, November 29th . . 312
Change in Resolutions. 1799.
To James Madison, January 3d . . . . . 313
President's speech — RepubUcan spirit gaining ground — Con-
'^ ciliator)' attitude of France — Navy — Insurance — Elections —
Bankruptcy of Knox — Petition in re Lyon.
To James Monroe, January 3d . . . . • 3^5
Lands — Knox's bankruptcy — Logan — Lyon.
To James Madison, January i6th . . . .316
Harper's forgery — Logan — Gerry's letters — Sincerity of
France — Expenses — Taxes — Treaty commissioners — Bona
parte's movements — Tobacco — Federal Convention debates.
To James Monroe, January 23d . . . . .319
Expenses and income — Gerry's correspondence — X. Y. Z.
delusion disappearing — St. Domingo bill — Elections.
To John Taylor, January 24th ..... 322
Death of Tazewell — Succession by Monroe.
To John Page, January 24th ..... 323
Gerry's correspondence — Irritating measures towards France
— Loans — Income and expenses — InfideUties of post-ofiBce.
To Elbridge Gerry, January 26th .... 325
Friendship — Logan's mission — ^Jefferson's relation thereto —
'T.oyalty to Constitution — Relations with Europe — WeU-wisher
of French revolution — Facts as to Gerry — X. Y. Z. fever —
Abuse — Federalist dislike of Gerry.
To Edmund Pendleton, January 29th . . . 336
Address of Pendleton— X. Y. Z. and Gerry — Urges Pendle
ton to write a recapitulation — Federalist measures restoring
reason — ' ' Logan " biU.
To James Madison, January 30th .... 339
Congressional measures — PoUtical changes in states — Peti- ^
"^ tions against aUen and sedition bOls — Bonaparte — Tobacco.

xvi CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.
PAGE
To James Madison, February 5th .... 342
Army bill — Non-intercourse bill — St. Domingo clause —
Livermore — Political changes — Squib in Bache's paper— Engine
of the press.
To James Monroe, February nth .... 345
Congressional bills — Loans — New diplomatic appointments
— The Retaliation.
To Aaron Burr, February nth  347
Private business — Navy and army bills — St. Domingo and
American slavery — System of alarm flags — German counties of
Pennsylvania.
To James Madison, February 12th .... 349
Bills— French arret — Appointments— Coalition with Russia «/
and Turkey.
To Archibald Stuart, February 13th .... 350
Congressional measures — Excessive taxation — Gerry's in
formation as to France — The Retaliation — Diplomatic appoint- /
ments — British depredations — Petitions against aUen and
sedition bills — Danger of extreme measures — Nails.
To Edmund Pendleton, February 14th . . .355
Former request— Political changes— Danger of force— GaUa-
tin's speech— Article by Nicholas— The Retaliation-~T>\-p\oma.\.\c
appointments— Conduct of France— Reception of ministers-
Army bill- Treaty commission.
To James Madison, February 19th .... 361
Army bill— The Retaliation — Negotiation with Murray.
To Edmund Pendleton, February 19th . . .363
The Retaliation— U-axx&y' 5 nomination— Consul to St. Do
mingo — French conduct.
To James Monroe, February 19th • ... 365
•¦ Murray's nomination— Surprise of Federalists.
To Robert R. Livingston, February 23d . . . 367
Steam engine— Pump— Politics— Tories.
To James Madison, February 26th . . 360
, ^"''^^y's nomination-Superseded by new envoys-Report on /
alien and sedition biUs-IU-treatment of opponents. V
To Bishop James Madison, February 27th . . 372
Nomination of envoys to France— Petitions.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII. xvii

PAGE
To Thomas Lomax, March I2th .... 373
Spirit of 1776 — War party — Political changes — French mis
conduct.
To Edmund Pendleton, April 22d .... 375
Newspaper article — Political changes — Hamilton the real
\/ general — Massachusetts — Commerce.
To Archibald Stuart, May 14th  376
Money affairs — l^ails;— McDowell — Congressional election —
Henry's apostacy.
To Tench Coxe, May 21st  378
New paper — Congressional elections — Fear of Henry.
To Harry Innes, June 20th  381
Logan — Notes on Virginia — Volney.
To Edmund Randolph, August i8th . . . .383
Common law in Federal courts — Encroachments of national V
government — Continuance of laws — Virginia's example.
To James Madison, August 23d  387 »
Nails — Plasterer — United action of Virginia and Kentucky.
To Wilson C. Nicholas, August 26th . . .389
United action of Virginia and Kentucky. V
To Wilson C. Nicholas, September 5th . . . 380.
Proposed answer in re Kentucky resolutions — Common law /
in Federal courts.
To James Thomson Callender, September 6th . . 392
Money — Richmond Association.
To James Thomson Callender, October 6th . . 393
Barbary negotiations — Method of choosing electoral college
— ^Writings of Callender.
To Stephen Thompson Mason, October 27th . . 396
Farming— Election of McKean — Republicanism growing.
To Charles Pinckney, October 29th • , • ¦ • 39^
/ Robbins' case — Pennsylvania election- Common law in Fed
eral courts — French misfortunes — Route of travel.

7

To James Madi.son, November 22d .... 399
Danger of consultation— Distrust ot post-office— Jury system. ^

xviii CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

1800.

PAGE

To James Monroe, January 12th .... 401
Presidential election — Conversation with Burr — PoUtics
— Personal wishes.
To Mary Jefferson Eppes, January 17th . . . 403
Journey — Senate — Adjournment — J. Randolph insulted — Du
pont — Lafayette — Return to MonticeUo — Anxiety of parent.
To Joseph Priestley, January i8th .... 406
Pamphlets — Persecution — Newspapers — Residence — Pro
posed coUege — Courses — Dupont — Visit.
To Harry Innes, January 23d  410
Logan's murder — ^Western judicial district — Mississippi ter- /
ritory — European rumors — New French revolution — Plural V
executive.
To Martha Jefferson Randolph, January 21st . . 410
Birth of gfandchUd — ChUdren.
To Joseph Priestley, January 27th .... 413
Courses of study — Languages — School biU — Temporary
American delirium.
To John Breckenridge, January 29th .... 416
I' Kentucky resolutions— Western judicial district— Viva-voce
testimony— Juries— French revolution— Bonaparte. V
To Bishop James Madison, January 31st
lUuminatism— Barruel — Wishaupt — Freemasons— Morse-
Godwin — New French revolution.
To Thomas Mann Randolph, February 2d
t French revolution-Bonaparte— FederaUst plans— HamUton"
—Taxes— Robbins' case— Disunion of States— Bankruptcies. ^
To James Monroe, February 6th ... _ .34
' Madison's report. '
To Samuel Adams, February 26th .... 425
Revolutionary principles-National debt-French repubU-
cans — Bonaparte.
To George Wythe, February 28th . . 426
mlud^'"'"'^'"'' rules-Congressional proceedings-Proposed

419

421

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

PAGE

To James Madison, March 4th  429
Constitutional amendments — Loans — Bankruptcies — Rob- . /
bins' case — Envoys to France — Tobacco — Misuse of commercial
^ powers — Presidency — Election.
To Benjamin Hawkins, March 14th .... 435
Change of condition from 1775 — Indian languages — Mrs.
Trist — Social news.
To James Madison, March 25th .... 437
Nicholas' amendment to Constitution — Judiciary law —
P Growth of republicanism.
To P. N. Nicholas, April 7th  439
Cooper's pamphlet — Declaratory act — Political changes.
To William Hamilton of Woodlands, April 22d . 440
Apparent neglect — Social discord — Political antipathies —
Botany.
To Edward Livingston, April 30th .... 443
Election — Madness of Federalists — Judiciary bill — Presiden- ,. I
' tial election — Marshall's manoeuvre — Bill incorporating copper "V
mine.
To Robert R. Livingston, April 30th . . . 444
Agricultural transactions — Mould-board — ^Vegetable paper — ^J
V Constitutional construction.
To James Madison, May 12th  44^
Congressional proceedings — Federalist majority — Senate re- ^
gardless of public opinion.
To James Monroe, May 26th  447
Anti-unionists — Athiesm — Calumnies — Chase — Callender —
Movements.
To Pierce Butler, August nth  449
Political changes— Scheme to elect Pinckney— Burr.
To Gideon Granger, August 13th . . . • 45°
I / RepubUcan majority— New England— Common law— True /
'] theory of government— Credulity of people— Letter of M'- '*' ,
Gregory.
To Jeremiah Moor, August 14th .... 453 1
Principles— Scheme of State constitution— Suffrage— Limit J
of election— Exclusion of clergy— Political changes.
To James Madison, September 17th .... 45^
No news of envoys— Truxton— Prospects of election.

CONTENTS OF VOL UME VII.

1801.

PACE

To James Monroe, September 20th .... 457
Lands — Negro insurrection.
To Doctor Benjamin Rush, September 23d . . 458
Yellow-fever — Recognition of merit— Possible aristocracy —
Christianity — Religious freedom — Forgeries — Insurrection of
slaves.
To James Monroe, November 8th .... 461
President's speech — Lands — Negro insurrection.
To Robert R. Livingston, December 14th . . 462
Steam engine — "Big-bones" — ^ Success of Republicans —
Offer of Secretaryship of Navy — Expense of oflSce.
To Aaron Burr, December 15th . . . . . 466
Election news — Hope of Federalists — Regret over Burr not
being available for Cabinet position.
To John Breckenridge, December i8th . . . 468
Letter-writing — Federalist schemes — French convention.
To James Madison, December 19th .... 470
Election news — Asks Madison to join him — French conven- /
t tion — Federalist plans. v
To Caesar Rodney, December 2ist . . . . 472
Election — French treaty — Judiciary bill — Public roads — Prov- /
¦ ince of national government. V
To James Madison, December 26th .... 473
^ Election— Federalist schemes— French convention — Terri- /
torial government — Lyons fine. v
To Tench Coxe, December 31st . . . . 474
Writings of Coxe— EquaUty of votes— Election plans.
Services of Jefferson . . .--
¦'  475;

n/

To Mary Jefferson Eppes, January 4th . . . 477
Letters— Visit to Mount Vernon— Election— Burr— Future
movements.
To Dr. Hugh Williamson, January loth . . .479
Temperature— Origin of turkey— Strickland arms.
To William Dunbar, January 12th . . . . 481
Temperature-Cold-Rainbows-Indian vocabularies.

CONTENTS OF VOLUME VII.

XXI

To Colonel John Hoomes, January 24th .
^' Sedition law — French convention.
To James Madison, February ist ... .
Refusal of Livingston — Samuel Smith — Election — Madison's
health.
To Aaron Burr, February ist .
Sowing tares — Letter to Breckenridge — Slander.
To Thomas M'Kean, February 2d ... .
Election — Free elections — Patronage and removals.
To Tench Coxe, February nth .....
American Museum — Election — Federal desertion of offices —
Defects of Constitution.
To Dr. Benjamin Smith Barton, February 14th .
^ Appointments — Removal from offices — Election — Constitu
tional convention.
To James Monroe, February 15th . . . .
I Election — Federalist schemes — Constitutional convention —
Refusal to make pledges.
To Robert R. Livingston, February i6th .
Regrets at refusal — Election to Philosophical Society — Agri
cultural societies.
To James Madison, February i8th . . . .
Election — Obstinacy of FederaUsts — Federalist support —
Adams' conduct — Nominations.
To Lieutenant Henry Dearborn, February i8th
Offer of Secretary of War — Meeting of new Cabinet.
To Thomas Mann Randolph, February 19th
Election — Federalist phalanx.
To the Secretary of the Treasury, February 20th
Thanks for offer of service.
To the Secretary of the Navy, February 21st .
Thanks for offer of service.
To Robert R. Livingston, February 24th .
Offer of French Mission.
To Thomas Lomax, February 25th .
Federalists yielding — Dangers of dissolution of Union.
Speech to the Senate, February 28th

483 48448s 486487

\^

489

490 492

494 495497 V
498498 499

500,Soi\

ITINERARY AND CHRONOLOGY
OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON
1795-1801.

1795-

July 26?

Dec. ?

1796.

7

Apr. 24.

May 12.
June
Nov. 4.
1797--
-Jan.
I.
25-
Feb. 8.
20.
24.
Mar. 2.
3-
4-
6.
12.
20.
At MonticeUo.
Establishes naillery.
Granddaughter Eleanor dies.
Writes ' ' Notes " for Ebeling.
Invents mould-board for plow.
Writes letter to Mazzei.
Executes mortgage to Van Staphorst & Hub
bard.
Begins remodelling house at MonticeUo.
Visited by Rochefoucauld-Liancourt.
Elected Vice-President.
Elected President of Philosophical Society.
Refuses to serve on Boundary Commission.
Mazzei Letter printed in Florence.
Mazzei Letter printed in Paris.
Electoral Ballot counted by Congress.
Leaves MonticeUo.
At Georgetown.
Arrives at Philadelphia.
Calls on Adams.
Sworn in as Vice-President.
Offered French Mission.
Dines with Washington.
Leaves Philadelphia.
Arrives at MonticeUo.
xxiv ITINERARY AND CHRONOLOGY OF
1797- — May 5. Leaves MonticeUo.
II. Arrives at Philadelphia.
14. Mazzei Letter printed in America.
June Attacked by Luther Martin in newspapers.
July 6. Leaves Philadelphia.
II. Arrives at MonticeUo.
Aug. 1 Drafts petition concerning grand-juries.
Oct. 13. Maria Jefferson marries John Waylies Eppes.
Dec. 4. Leaves MonticeUo.
6. Visits Madison at Montpelier.
12. Arrives at Philadelphia.
1798.- Feb. 15. Dines with Adams.
19- X. Y. Z. Message.
¦'^pr. 3- X. Y. Z. dispatches transmitted to Congress.
June 27. Leaves Philadelphia.
28. At Baltimore.
July I. At Federicksburg.
6. AUen bill passed.
9- At MonticeUo.
14. ¦ 0 Sedition bill passed.
*^'^'- Writes Essay on study of Anglo-Saxon.
Drafts Petition on juries.
Drafts Kentucky Resolutions.
^°^- '4. Kentucky legislature adopts resolutions.
Revises Madison's Virginian Resolutions.
Leaves MonticeUo.
Arrives at Philadelphia.
Leaves Philadelphia.
Arrives at MonticeUo.
At Montblanco.
At Eppington.
At Edgehill.
At MonticeUo.
Orders payment to CaUender of $50.
Leaves MonticeUo.
Arrives at Philadelphia.
Body servant, Jupiter, dies.
Prints " Appendix " to Notes on Virginia.
Plans University of Virginia.
Prepares Parliamentary Manual.
Has conversation with Adams.
Republican caucus nominates Jefferson and
Leaves Philadelphia.
Arrives at MonticeUo.

Dec. 18.

25.

I799--

— Mar. I.

8.

May 21.
26.
29.
June 3.
Sept. 6.
Dec. 22.
28.
1800.
Jan. 18.
Feb.
Mar. II.
May
15.
29.
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

xxv

i8ao.-

1801.

- June

Oct.

22.

Nov.

,24.

29.

Dec.

14.

¦Jan.

22.

Feb.

II.

17.

18.
24.
28.
Capital removed to Washington.
Orders payment to Callender of $50.
Leaves MonticeUo.
Arrives at Washington.
Offers Secretaryship of Navy to Livingston.
Pays visit to Mount Vernon.
Congress begins to ballot for President.
Jefferson elected President.
Offers Secretaryship of War to Dearborn.
Offers French Mission to Livingston.
Farewell speech to Senate.
THE WRITINGS OF
THOMAS JEFFERSON.

CORRESPONDENCE AND MISCELLANEOUS
WRITINGS. 1795-1801.

TO JAMES MADISON.

J. MSS.

MONTICELLO, Feb. 5, 95.
Dear Sir, — * * * We have had about 4. weeks of
winter weather, rather hard for our climate — many lit
tle snows which did not lay 24. hours & one 9. 1, deep
which remained several days. We have had but few
thawing days during the time. — It is generally feared
here that your collegue F. Walker will be in great
danger of losing his election. His competitor is in
defatigable attending courts &c., and wherever he is,
there is a general drunkenness observed, the' we do
not know that it proceeds from his purse. — Wilson
Nicholas is attacked also in his election. The ground
on which the attack is made is that he is a speculator.
The explanations which this has produced, prove it a

VOL VII— I

2 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
serious crime in the eyes of the people. But as far
as I hear he is only investing the profits of a first &
only speculation. — Almost every carriage-owner has
been taken in for a double tax : information through
the newspapers not being actual, tho' legal, in a
country where they are little read. This circumstance
has made almost every man, so taken in, a personal
enemy to the tax. I escaped the penalty only by
sending an express over the country to search out the
officer the day before the forfeiture would have been
incurred. — We presume you will return to Orange
after the close of the session & hope the pleasure of
seeing mrs. Madison & yourself here. I have past
my winter almost alone, mr & mrs Randolph being
at Varina. Present my best respects to mrs Madison,
& accept them affectionately yourself.

TO M. D'lVERNOIS. j. mss.
MoNTiCELLo, IN Virginia, Feb. 6, 1795.
Dear Sir, — Your several favors on the affairs of
Geneva found me here, in the month of December
last. It is now more than a year that I have with
drawn myself from public affairs, which I never liked
in my life, but was drawn into by emergencies which
threatened our country with slavery, but ended in
estabHshing it free. I have returned, with infinite
appetite, to the enjoyment of my farm, my family &
my books, and had determined to meddle in nothing
beyond their limits. Your proposition, however, for
transplanting the college of Geneva to my own coun-

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 3
try, was too analogous to all my attachments to
science, & freedom, the first-born daughter of science,
not to excite a lively interest in my mind, and the
¦essays which were necessary to try it's practicability.
This depended altogether on the opinions & disposi
tions of our State legislature, which was then in
session. I immediately communicated your papers
to a member of the legislature, whose abilities & zeal
pointed him out as proper for it, urging him to sound
as many of the leading members of the legislature as
he could, & if he found their opinions favorable, to
bring forward the proposition ; but if he should find
it desperate, not to hazard it ; because I thought it
best not to commit the honor either of our State or
of your college, by an useless act of eclat. It was
not till within these three days that I have had an
interview with him, and an account of his proceedings.
He communicated the papers to a great number of
the members, and discussed them maturely, but pri
vately, with them. They were generally well-disposed
to the proposition, and some of them warmly ; how
ever, there was no difference of opinion in the con
clusion, that it could not be effected. The reasons
which they thought would with certainty prevail
against it, were i. that our youth, not familiarized
but with their mother tongue, were not prepared to
receive instructions in any other ; 2d. that the ex-
pence of the institution would excite uneasiness in
their constituents, & endanger it's permanence ; & 3.
that it's extent was disproportioned to the narrow
state of the population with us. Whatever might

4 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
be urged on these several subjects, }"et as the
decision rested with others, there remained to us
only to regret that circumstances were such, or
were thought to be such, as to disappoint j'our
& our wishes. I should have seen with peculiar
satisfaction the establishment of such a mass of
science in my countr}^ and should probably have
been tempted to approach myself to it, by procuring
a residence in it's neighborhood, at those seasons of
the year at least when the operations of agriculture
are less active and interesting. I sincerely lament
the circumstances which have suggested this emigra
tion. I had hoped that Geneva was familiarized to
such a degree of libert}-, that they might without
difficulty or danger fill up the measure to its maxi
mum ; a term, which, though in the insulated man,
bounded only by his natural powers, must, in society,
be so far restricted as to protect himself against the
evil passions of his associates, & consequently, them
against him. I suspect that the doctrine, that small
States alone are fitted to be republics, will be e.x-
ploded by experience, with some other brilliant fal
lacies accredited by Montesquieu & other political
writers. Perhaps it will be found, that to obtain a
just republic (and it is to secure our just rights that
we resort to government at all) it must be so exten
sive as that local egoisms may never reach it's greater
part; that on every particular question, a m'ljority
may be found in it's councils free from particular
interests, and giving, therefore, an uniform prevalence'
to the principles of justice. The smaller the societies,

i79S] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 5
the more violent & more convulsive their schisms.
We have chanced to live in an age which will probably
be distinguished in history, for it's experiments in
government on a larger scale than has yet taken
place. But we shall not live to see the result. The
grosser absurdities, such as hereditary magistracies,
we shall see exploded in our day, long experience
having already pronounced condemnation against
them. But what is to be the substitute ? This our
children or grand children will answer. We may be
satisfied with the certain knowledge that none can
ever be tried, so stupid, so unrighteous, so oppressive,
so destructive of every end for which honest men
€nter into government, as that which their forefathers
had established, & their fathers alone venture to
tumble headlong from the stations they have so long
abused. It is unfortunate, that the efforts of man
kind to recover the freedom of which they have been
so long deprived, will be accompanied with violence,
with errors, & even with crimes. But while we weep
over the means, we must pray for the end. — But I
have been insensibly led by the general complexion
of the times, from the particular case of Geneva, to
those to which it bears no similitude. Of that we
hope good things. Its inhabitants must be too much
enlightened, too well experienced in the blessings of
freedom and undisturbed industry, to tolerate long a
contrary state of things. I shall be happy to hear
that their government perfects itself, and leaves room
for the honest, the industrious & wise ; in which case,
your own talents, & those of the persons for whom

6 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
you have interested yourself, will, I am sure, find
welcome & distinction. My good wishes will always
attend you, as a consequence of the esteem & regard
with which I am, Dear Sir, your most obedient &
most humble servant.

TO JAMES BROWN.i MONTICELLO Apl 18. 95.
Dear Sir, — I received a few days ago your kind
favor of Mar 14. The object of my letter had been
not at all a retardation of the paiment I had promised
you during the present & ensuing month, but as my
crop of tob° was much short of what was usual, it was.
merely to see how far my next best article of produce,.
to wit, nails, could take its place with you. I have.
had 9 hammers at work for you for some time past.
We have of nails on hand & credits to go to your
benefit about ^^80. and some time in the next month.
shall have enough for the balance. If I cannot sell
them for cash here, I will send them to Richmond to
be converted into cash there so as to be in time for
my engagement.
1382 In the margin are the weights of my tob° (only
1362 12 hhds) now in Richmond, averaging 1313.
1 138. lbs. I am offered here 4/ above the present
1 196. market price. But you shall certainly have a
1360. preference on equal terms to any other
1426 purchaser. As I shall not go to Richmond.
1240 myself, I must ask you by letter your highest
1294 price. You knoWJiav^^an_establisheA
1 From a copy courteously i^'x^^^^^^^^'^^^:'^:^;^^^ of Augusta, Ga.

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 7
1386 privilege of being considerably above the
1348 market. I must tell you at the same time
1280 that the quality of the last year's crop is
1346 inferior, but still mine preserving its com-
¦  parative superiority, stands on its usual
15.757. ground with respect to others. Let me have
your ultimatum, if you please, by the post after next,
say that which leaves Richmond the 3d of May, till
which time I will reserve myself here.

TO ARCHIBALD STUART.' MONTICELLO Apr. 18. 95
Dear Sir — I did not receive your favor of the 7'?
till the 1 7* inst. consequently you had then passed on
to New London. I could not learn that your brother
was in the neighborhood. I inclose you a copy of an
advertisement I had thought some time ago of
putting in the public papers, but did not do it. You
will see by that the books I have to dispose of. The
last two or three lines of it are not for you, for you
may take such of the books as you chuse, and what
time of paiment you please. If you meet with any
body who will take the whole of the residue I shall be
glad of it. I have stated that at the price I offer
the whole would be at about 6 Doll average a volume.
But if they are separated, being of very unequal
values, their respective prices can be proportioned to
that sum total, by Worral's catalogue. Hargrave's
Coke Littleton for instance cost as much as any 3 or 4
1 From the original in the possession of the Virginia Historical Society.

8 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
of the Other volumes — When I spoke of meeting you
on your way to the Bedford court, I did not know that
our own district court was exactly at the same time at
which I was obliged to attend. This put it out of
my power to be in Bedford this month. — With respect
to the gentleman whom we expected to see there,
satisfy him if you please that there is no remain of
disagreeable sentiment towards him on my part.^ I
was once sincerely affectioned towards him and it
accords with my philosophy to encourage the tran
quillizing passions. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. Mss.
MONTICELLO, Apr 27, 1795.
Dear Sir, — Your letter of Mar 23. came to hand
the 7th of April, and notwithstanding the urgent
reasons for answering a part of it immediately, yet as
it mentioned that you would leave Philadelphia within
a few days, I feared that the answer might pass you
on the road. A letter from Philadelphia by the last
post having announced to me your leaving that place
the day preceding it's date, I am in hopes this will
find you in Orange. In mine, to which yours of Mar
23. was an answer, I expressed my hope of the only
change of position I ever wished to see you make,
and I expressed it with entire sincerity, because there
is not another person in the U S. who being placed
at the helm of our affairs, my mind would be so com-
pletely at rest for the fortune of our political bark.
' Patrick Henry.

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 9
The wish too was pure, & unmixed with anything
respecting myself personally. For as to myself, the
subject had been thoroughly weighed & decided on,
& my retirement from office had been meant from all
office high or low, without exception. I can say, too,
with truth, that the subject had not been presented
to my mind by any vanity of my own. I know my
self & my fellow citizens too well to have ever
thought of it. But the idea was forced upon me by
continual insinuations in the public papers, while I
was in office. As all these came from a hostile quar
ter, I knew that their object was to poison the public
mind as to my motives, when they were not able to
charge me with facts. But the idea being once pre
sented to me, my own quiet required that I should
face it & examine it. I did so thoroughly, & had no
difficulty to see that every reason which had deter
mined me to retire from the office I then held, oper
ated more strongly against that which was insinuated
to be my object. I decided then on those general
grounds which could alone be present to my mind at
the time, that is to say, reputation, tranquillity, labor ;
for as to public duty, it could not be a topic of con
sideration in my case. If these general considera
tions were sufficient to oround a firm resolution never
to permit myself to think of the office, or to be
thought of for it, the special ones which have super
vened on my retirement, still more insuperably bar
the door to it. My health is entirely broken down
within the last eight months ; my age requires that I
should place my affairs in a clear state ; these are

THE WRITINGS OF [i795

sound if taken care of, but capable of considerable
dangers if longer neglected ; and above all things,
the delights I feel in the society of my family, and
the agricultural pursuits in which I am so eagerly
engaged. The little spice of ambition which I had
in my younger days has long since evaporated, and I
set still less store by a posthumous than present
name. In stating to you the heads of reasons which
have produced my determination, I do not mean an
opening for future discussion, or that I may be rea
soned out of it. The question is forever closed with
me ; my sole object is to avail myself of the first
opening ever given me from a friendly quarter (and I
could not with decency do it before), of preventing
any division or loss of votes, which might be fatal to
the Republican interest. If that has any chance of
prevailing, it must be by avoiding the loss of a single
vote, and by concentrating all its strength on one
object. Who this should be, is a question I can
more freely discuss with anybody than yourself. In
this I painfully feel the loss of Monroe. Had he
been here, I should have been at no loss for a chan
nel through which to make myself understood ; if I
have been misunderstood by anybody through the in
strumentality of mr. Fenno & his abettors. — I long to
see you. I am proceeding in my agricultural plans-
with a slow but sure step. To get under full way will.
require 4. or 5. years. But patience & perseverance
will accomplish it. My little essay in red clover, the
last year, has had the most encouraging success. I
sowed then about 40. acres. I have sowed this year

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. ii
about 1 20. which the rain now falling comes very
opportunely on. From 160. to 200. acres, will be my
yearly sowing. The seed-box described in the agri
cultural transactions of New York, reduces the ex
pense of seeding from 6/ to 2/3 the acre, and does the
business better than is possible to be done by the
human hand. May we hope a visit from you ? If
we may, let it be after the middle of May, by which
time I hope to be returned from Bedford. I had had
a proposition to meet mr. Henry there this month, to
confer on the subject of a convention, to the calling
of which he is now become a convert. The session
of our district court furnished me a just excuse for
the time ; but the impropriety of my entering into
consultation on a measure in which I would take no-
part, is a permanent one.
Present my most respectful compliments to mrs.
Madison, & be assured of the warm attachment of,.
Dear Sir, yours affectionately.

TO WILLIAM BRANCH GILES. j. mss.,
MONTICELLO, Apr 27, 1795.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of the i6th came to hand.
by the last post. * * * j sincerely congratulate
you on the great prosperities of our two first allies,
-the French & Dutch. If I could but see them now
at peace with the rest of their continent, I should have
little doubt of dining with Pichegru in London, next
autumn ; for I believe I should be tempted to leave
my clover for awhile, to go and hail the dawn of

12 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
liberty & republicanism in that island. I shall be
rendered very happy by the visit you promise me.
The only thing wanting to make me completely so,
is the more frequent society with my friends. It is
the more wanting, as I am become more firmly fixt
to the glebe. If you visit me as a farmer it must be
as a condisciple : for I am but a learner ; an eager
one indeed, but yet desperate, being too old now to
learn a new art. However, I am as much delighted
& occupied with it, as if I was the greatest adept. I
shall talk with you about It from morning till night,
and put you on very short allowance as to political
aliment. Now and then a pious ejaculation for the
French & Dutch republicans, returning with due
despatch to clover, potatoes, wheat, &c. That I may
not lose the pleasure promised me, let it not be till
the middle of May, by which time I shall be re
turned from a trip I meditate to Bedford. Yours
affectionately.

TO DEMEUNIER.i j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Virginia, Apr. 29, 95.
Dear Sir.— Your favor of Mar. 30. from
Philadelphia came to my hands a few days ago.
That which you mention to have written from
London has never been received ; nor had I
been able to discover what has been your fortune
during the troubles of France after the death of
the King. Being thoroughly persuaded that under
^L^!!;^^i'!^!!^f^^!!j:^^lL^^^^^ entirely
' See Vol. IV, 138.

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 13
innocent & friendly to the freedom of your country,
I had hopes that you had not been obliged to quit
your own country. Being myself a warm zealot for
the attainment & enjoiment by all mankind of as
much liberty, as each may exercise without injury to
the equal liberty of his fellow citizens, I have
lamented that in France the endeavours to obtain
this should have been attended with the effusion of
so much blood. I was intimate with the leading
characters of the year 1 789. So I was with those of
the Brissotine party who succeeded them : & have
always been persuaded that their views were upright.
Those who have followed have been less known to
me : but I have been willing to hope that they also
meant the establishment of a free government in
their country, excepting perhaps the party which has
lately been suppressed. The government of those
now at the head of affairs appears to hold out many
indications of good sense, moderation & virtue ; & I
cannot but presume from their character as well as
your own that you would find a perfect safety in the
bosom of your own country. I think it fortunate for
the United States to have become the asylum for so
many virtuous patriots of different denominations :
but their circumstances, with which you were so well
acquainted before, enabled them to be but a bare
asylum, & to offer nothing for them but an entire
freedom to use their own means & faculties as they
please. There is no such thing in this country as
what would be called wealth in Europe. The richest
are but a little at ease, & obliged to pay the most

14 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
rigorous attention to their affairs to keep them
together. I do not mean to speak here of the Beau-
jons of America. For we have some of these tho'
happily they are but ephemeral. Our public oeconomy
also is such as to offer drudgery and subsistence only
to those entrusted with its administration, a wise &
necessary precaution against the degeneracy of the
public servants. In our private pursuits it is a great
advantage that every honest employment is deemed
honorable. I am myself a nail-maker. On returning
home after an absence of ten years, I found my farms
so much deranged that I saw evidently they would be
a burden to me instead of a support till I could
regenerate them ; & consequently that it was neces
sary for me to find some other resource in the mean
time. I thought for awhile of taking up the
,, manufacture of pot-ash, which requires but small ad-
/ vances of money. I concluded at length however to
begin a manufacture of nails, which needs little or no
capital, & I now employ a dozen little boys from 10.
to 16. years of age, overlooking all the details of their
business myself & drawing from it a profit on which
I can get along till I can put my farms into a course
of yielding profit. My new trade of nail-making is to
me in this country what an additional title of nobility
or the ensigns of a new order are in Europe. In the
commercial line, the grocers business is that which
requires the least capital in this country. The grocer ¦
generally obtains a credit of three months, & sells for
ready money so as to be able to make his paiments
& obtain a new supply. But I think I have observed

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 15
that your countrymen who have been obliged to work
out their own fortunes here, have succeeded best with
a small farm. Labour indeed is dear here, but rents
are low & on the whole a reasonable profit & com
fortable subsistence results. It is at the same time
the most tranquil, healthy, & independent. And
since you have been pleased to ask my opinion as to
the best way of employing yourself till you can draw
funds from France or return there yourself, I do
presume that this is the business which would yield
the most happiness & contentment to one of your
philosophic turn. But at the distance I am from New
York, where you seem disposed to fix yourself, &
little acquainted with the circumstances of that place
I am much less qualified than disposed to suggest to
you emploiments analogous to your turn of mind &
at the same time to the circumstances of your present
situation. Be assured that it will always give me
lively pleasure to learn that your pursuits, whatever
they may be may lead you to contentment & success,
being with very sincere esteem & respect, dear sir,
your most obedient servant.

TO JAMES MONROE. J. mss.
MONTICELLO May 26, 1795.
Dear Sir, — I have received your favor of Sep. 7th
from Paris, which gave us the only news we have had
from you since your arrival there. On my part it
would be difficult to say why this is the first time I
have written to you. Revising the case myself I am
;sensible it has proceeded from that sort of procrasti-

1 6 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
nation which so often takes place when no circum
stance fixes a business to a particular time. I have
never thought it possible through the whole time
that I should be ten days longer without writing to
you & thus more than a year has run off.
I am too much withdrawn from the scene of politics
to give you anything in that line worth your notice.
The servile copyist of Mr. Pitt, thought he too must
have his alarms, his insurrections and plots against
the Constitution. Hence the incredible fact that the
freedom of association, of conversation, & of the press,
should in the 5th year of our government have been
attacked under the form of a denunciation of the
democratic societies, a measure which even England,
as boldly as she is advancing to the establishment of
an absolute monarchy has not yet been bold enough
to attempt. Hence too the example of employing
military force for civil purposes, when it has been
impossible to produce a single fact of insurrection
unless that term be entirely confounded with occa
sional riots, & when the ordinary process of law had
been resisted indeed in a few special cases but by no
means generally, nor had its effect been duly tried.
But it answered the favorite purposes of strengthen
ing government and increasing public debt ; & there
fore an insurrection was announced & proclaimed &
armed against, but could never be found. & all this
under the sanction of a name which has done too much
good not to be sufficient to cover harm also. & what
IS equally astonishing is that by the pomp of reports,
proclamations, armies &c. the mind of the legislature

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 17
itself was so fascinated as never to have asked where,
when, & by whom this insurrection has been pro
duced ? The original of this scene in another country
was calculated to excite the indignation of those whom
it could not impose on : the mimicry of it here is too
humiliating to excite any feeling but shame. Our
comfort is that the public sense is coming right on
the general principles of republicanism & that its
success in France puts it out of danger here. We
are still uninformed what is Mr. Jay's treaty : but we
see that the British piracies have multiplied upon us
lately more than ever. They had at one time been
suspended. We will quit the subject for our own
business. The valuation by Mr. Lewis & Mr. Divers which
had been set on foot before your departure, took
place Sep. 19, 1794. It was £17^- currency & ex
change being then at 40. per cent, it was equivalent
tO;^i23-ii-5 sterling. On the 19th of Nov. I drew
on James Maury for j£37-io sterling in favor of Wm.
B. Giles, & shall now immediately draw for the bal
ance. Mr. Madison & myself examined your different
situations for a house. We did not think it admitted
any sort of question but that that on the east side of
the road, in the wood, was the best. There is a val
ley not far from it to the southwest & on the western
side of the road which would be a fine situation for
an orchard. Mr. Jones having purchased in Loudon
we shall hardly see him here, & indeed have hardly
seen him. If I can get proper orders from him I will
have the ground above mentioned planted in fruit

VOL. VII.— 2

i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
trees from my own nursery, where I have made an
extra provision on your account. Indeed I wish you
would determine to save 500. or 1000^ a year from
your present salary, which you ought to do as a com
pensation for your time, & send us a plan of the
house & let us be building it, drawing on you for a
fixed sum annually till it be done. I would under
take to employ people in the most economical way,
to superintend them & the work & have the place in
a comfortable state for your reception. If you think
proper to authorize me to do this I shall begin imme
diately on receiving your permission. I am so confident
that you ought to do it & will do it that I have ven
tured to send a small claim or two to you as explained
in the two inclosed letters to LaMotte & Froulle,
with an expectation that you will give me an oppor
tunity of replacing it here to those who shall be em
ployed for you. Should you however not conclude
to let us do anything for you here, I would wish you
to suppress both these letters. While speaking of
Froulle, Libraire, au quai des Augustins, I can assure
you that after having run a severe gauntlet under the
Paris book-sellers I rested at last on this old gentle
man, whom I found in a long & intimate course of
after dealings to be one of the most conscientiously
honest men I every had dealings with. I commend
him to you strongly, should you purchase books. I
think LaMotte at Havre a very good & friendly man,
& wish your forming more than an official intimacy
with him. Should you have occasion for wines from
Burgundy, apply to Mons' Parent Connelie a Beaume,

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 19
who will furnish you with the genuine wines you may
call for, & at honest prices. I found him indeed very
faithful in a long course of employment. He can
particularly send you of the best crops of Meursalt &
Cotte d'or. For fine Champagne non mousseux,
apply to Monsr. Dorsai, or to his homme-d'affaires
Monsr. Louis if still in place at his Chateau at Aij
near Epernay in Champagne. While recommending
good subjects to you I must ask you to see for me
the following persons, present my affectionate remem
brance to them and let me hear how they have
weathered the storm. These are L'Abbe Ammon,
place Vendome, chez M Daville, an excellent mentor
and much affectioned to the Americans. Monsr. la
Vieillard of Passy whom Dr. Franklin presented to
me as the honestest man in France, & a very honest
& friendly one I found him. Monsr. & Madame
Grand at Passy vastly good & friendly people also.
Dr. Gem an old English physician in the Faubourg
St. Germains, who practiced only for his friends &
would take nothing, one of the most sensible &
worthy men I have ever known. But I reckon he
has gone to England. Many others I could name of
great worth but they would be too many, & have
perhaps changed their scene. If Mr. Balbatre the
musical preceptor of my daughters of the Faubourg
St. Honore or its neighborhood can be found, be so
good as to deliver him the affectionate compliments
of my family, & if he can send them anything new &
good in the musical line, I will ask you to pay him for
it & let it be packed with the books from Froulle.

20 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
These, if they come at all, must come before the
winter, as a winter passage is inevitable ruin to books.
I have bought for Mr. Short the land between yours &
Blenheim 1334 acres @ 23/6 ready money. Three
out of seven shares (of 50 as each) of Carter's land
over the mountain will be for sale soon. It is not
known where these lands will lie as the partition is
not yet made. Should anyone join you on the moun
tain it would be worth your purchase. Colle is lately
sold for;^375. to a Mr. Catlet, a farmer, whom I do
not know. It is very possible it will be for sale again.
Should you conclude to build a house, you must
decide whether of brick or stone. The latter costs
about one-half of the former, to wit about 8/ a perch
of 25 cubic feet. I hope Mr. Jones will change the
system of corn & wheat alternately on your land till
the fields are entirely worn out, abandoned, & the new
ones treated in the same manner. This is the way
my lands have been ruined. Yours are yet in a save-
able state. But a very little time will put some of
them beyond recovery. The best plan would be to
divide the open grounds into 5. fields, and tend them
in this order, i. wheat. 2. corn & potatoes. 3. rye.
4. clover. 5. clover. And then begin wheat &c. over
again. By this means they would go into corn but
once in five years. It would be still better to have
four or five men for a twelve months to clear the
whole body of your tenable lands at once, that you
may at once come into the use of the whole, &
allow more relief to the old. & an easier service to all
of it in general, instead of wearing out one half while

i79S] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 21
clearing the other by little & little as we have gener
ally done in this neighborhood. I am going to have
Short's all cleared in this way. But of all this there
can be no better judge than Mr. Jones. I have divi
ded my farms into seven fields on this rotation, i.
wheat. 2. peas & potatoes. 3. corn & potatoes. 4.
peas & potatoes till I can get the vetch from Europe.
^. rye. 6. clover. 7. clover. My lands were so
worn that they required this gentle treatment to re
cover them. Some of yours are as far gone. There
are two or three objects which you should endeavour
to enrich our country with, i, the Alpine strawberry.
2. The skylark. 3. The red legged Partridge. I
despair too much of the nightingale to add that. We
should associate Mrs. Monroe to you in these con
cerns. Present to her our most affectionate esteem,
not forgetting Eliza. We are all well except Mr.
Randolph, whose health is very frail indeed. It is the
more discouraging as there seems to have been no
founded conjecture what is the matter with him.
Your brother is well, but Mrs. Monroe rather sickly.
The death of Dr. Walker is the only event of that
kind which has taken place in our neighborhood since
you left us. Dr. Gilmer still lives. His eldest daugh
ter is to be married to a Mr. Wirt the day after to
morrow. Frank Walker has succeeded to the whole
of Dr. Walker's estate, said to be worth ^20,000. Sam
Carr married to a daughter of Overton Carr in Mary
land & probably will remove there. His mother (my
sister) living at his place a little above Dr. Gilmer's.
-My budget is out. Adieu. God Almighty bless you all.

22 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
P. S. If you can send us with Froulle's books a.
supply of 20. or 30 lb. of maccaroni, they will be an
agreeable addition to his bill.

TO TENCH COXE. j j,ss..
MONTICELLO June I, 1795.
Dear Sir, — I received a few days ago only your
favor of Mar. 20. accompanied by the collection of your
papers lately printed, for which I cordially thank you.
It will enable me to turn with more convenience to
pieces which I consult with pleasure & instruction.
I congratulate you on the successes of our two
allies. Those of the Hollanders are new and there
fore pleasing. It proves that there is a god in heaven,
& that he will not slumber without end on the iniqui
ties of tyrants, or their Stadtholder. This ball of lib
erty, I believe most piously, is now so well In motion
that it will roll round the globe. At least the en
lightened part of it, for light & liberty go together.
It is our glory that we first put it into motion, & our
happiness that being foremost we had no bad exam
ples to follow. What a tremendous obstacle to the
future attempts at liberty will be the atrocities of
Robespierre! We are enjoying a most seasonable
sowing after a winter which had greatly injured our
small grain. Nothing can give us a great crop. I
doubt if it can be made even a good one. Our first
hay-cutting (clover) begins to-day. This may mark
to you the difference of your seasons & ours. My
clover in common upland fields which were never

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 23
manured will yield 1500 lb. to the acre at this cutting,
which I consider as an encouraging beginning. I take
the liberty of asking your care of two letters, both of
them of importance. I have not enclosed Monroe's
either to our office of foreign affairs or the Minister
of France, because I thought you might possibly find
a safer channel than either. It requires safety and
secrecy. But adopt either of those channels if you
think them the best. I am with much affection, dear
sir, your friend & servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Aug. 3, 95.
You will perceive by the inclosed that Hamilton
has taken up his pen in support of the treaty (return
it to me). He spoke on it's behalf in the meeting at
New York, and his party carried a decision in favor
of it by a small majority. But the Livlngstonians
appealed to stones & clubs & beat him & his party
off the ground. This from a gentleman just from
Philadelphia. Adieu.
P. S. Richmond has decided against the treaty.
It Is said that not even Carrlngton undertakes to
defend it. TO MANN PAGE. J- ^^s.
MONTICELLO, Aug 30, 1795.
It was not In my power to attend at Fredericksburg
according to the kind invitation in your letter, and in
that of mr. Ogilvie. The heat of the weather, the

24 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
business of the farm, to which I have made myself
necessary, forbade it ; and to give one round reason
for all, mature sanus, I have laid up my Rosinante in
his stall, before his unfitness for the road shall expose
him faultering to the world. But why did not I
answer you in time ? Because, in truth, I am en
couraging myself to grow lazy, and I was sure you
would ascribe the delay to anything sooner than a
want of affection or respect to you, for this was not
among the possible causes. In truth, if anything
could ever Induce me to sleep another night out of
my own house, it would have been your friendly in
vitation and my sollicitude for the subject of it, the
education of our youth. I do most anxiously wish to
see the highest degrees of education given to the
higher degrees of genius, and to all degrees of it, so
much as may enable them to read & understand what
is going on in the world, and to keep their part of it
going on right : for nothing can keep it right but
their own vigilant & distrustful superintendence. I
do not believe with the Rochefoucaults & Montaignes,
that fourteen out of fifteen men are rogues : I believe
a great abatement from that proportion may be made
in favor of general honesty. But I have always found
that rogues would be uppermost, and I do not know
that the proportion is too strong for the higher
orders, and for those who, rising above the swinish
multitude, always contrive to nestle themselves into
the places of power & profit. These rogues set out
with stealing the people's good opinion, and then
steal from them the right of withdrawing it, by con-

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 25
trlving laws and associations against the power of the
people themselves. Our part of the country is in con
siderable fermentation, on what they suspect to be a
recent roguery of this kind. They say that while all
hands were below deck mending sails, splicing ropes,
and every one at his own business, & the captain in
his cabbin attending to his log book & chart, a rogue
of a pilot has run them into an enemy's port. But
metaphor apart, there is much dissatisfaction with mr.
J ay & his treaty. For my part, I consider myself now
but as a passenger, leaving the world, & it's govern
ment to those who are likely to live longer In it.
That you may be among the longest of these, is my
sincere prayer. After begging you to be the bearer
of my compliments & apologies to mr. Ogilvie, I bid
you an affectionate farewell, always wishing to hear
from you. 
TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
MONTICELLO. Sep. 6, 95.
Dear Sir, — I wrote you on the 26th of May last.
Since that Mr. Jones has been here & Mr. Madison,
and have communicated to me some of your letters.
Mr. Jones is taking good measures for saving and Im
proving your land but of all this he will inform you.
I enclose you a letter for Md? Bellanger, which I leave
open for your perusal as its contents may suggest to
you some service to Derieux. I also inclose you a
letter from him, and a draft on his uncle's executors
for 4000* which we must trouble you to remit In some
way or other without loss if possible : and if it can-

26 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
not be received without too sensible a loss, I think it
had better lie. Observe that the money is not to be
remitted to Derieux, as he has conveyed it to Colo.
Gamble & Colo. Bell to satisfy debts. I think it
had better be sent to Colo. Bell, who will pay to
Gamble his part of it. If you receive it, it may be a
convenience and safety to all parties for you to apply
a part of it to answer the little commissions I gave
you for Froulle & La Motte, and to order me to pay
their amount to Colo. Bell which I will do on sight
of your order. But name the sum I am to pay in
dollars to avoid all questions of depreciation. In
this case I would be willing to extend my commission
to the procuring me some wines from Bordeaux to be
purchased & shipped for me by Mr. Fenwick to Rich
mond, consigned to Colo. Gamble. I will note the
wines at the foot of my letter. When you shall have
read the letter to Madame Bellanger, be so good as
seal & send it to her. — I trouble you also with a letter
to Madame de Tess^ whom I suppose to be in
Switzerland : pray find a safe conveyance, and receive
for me any letters she may send for me. She is a
person for whom I have great friendship. Mr. Gau-
tier, banker, successor to Grand, to whom I enclose
another letter can probably inform you how to
address & forward that to Madame de Tesse.—
Nothing has happened in our neighborhood worth
communication to you. Mr. Randolph's health was
at the lowest ebb, & he determined to go to the
Sweet springs where he still is. His last letter in
forms me that his amendment is so great as to o-ive

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 27
him hopes of an entire recovery. — In political matters
there is always something new. Yet at such a dis
tance and with such uncertain conveyances it is best
to say little of them. It may be necessary however
to observe to you that in all countries where parties
are strongly marked, as the monocrats and republicans
here, there will always be desertions from the one side
to the other : and to caution you therefore In your
correspondence with Dawson^ who is now closely
connected In speculations as we are told with Harry
Lee. With 6"^'^^/ become a consummate Tory, and even
Innes, who has changed backwards and forwards two
or three times lately. — Mr. Jay's treaty has at length
been made public. So general a burst of dissatisfac
tion never before appeared against any transaction.
Those who understand the particular articles of it,
condemn these articles. Those who do not under
stand them minutely, condemn it generally as wearing
a hostile face to France. This last is the most nu
merous class, comprehending the whole body of the
people, who have taken a greater Interest in this
transaction than they were ever known to do In any
other. It has in my opinion completely demolished
the monarchial party here. The Chamber of Com
merce in New York, against the body of the town,
the merchants in Philadelphia, against the body of
their town, also, and our town of Alexandria have
come forward in it's support. Some Individual cham
pions also appear. Marshall, Carrlngton, Harvey,

' Italic are cipher numbers in original.

28 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
Bushrod Washington, Doctor Stewart. A more
powerful one is Hamilton, under the signature of
Camillas. Adams holds his tongue with an address
above his character. We do not know whether the
President has signed It or not. If he has it is much
believed the H. of representatives will oppose it as
constitutionally void, and thus bring on an em
barrassing and critical state in our government. —
If you should receive Derieux' money and order
the wines, Mr. Fenwick ought to ship them in the
winter months. Present my affectionate respects to
Mrs. Monroe, and accept them yourself No sig
nature is necessary.'
P.S. The day after writing the preceding letter,
yours of June 23 & 27 came to hand. I open this
therefore to acknowledge the receipt & thank you for
the information given. Soon after that date you will
have received mine of May 26, and perceive by that &
this that I had taken the liberty of asking some services
from you. Yes, the treaty is now known here, by a
bold act of duty in one of our Senators, and what the
sentiments upon it are, our public papers will tell you,
for I take for granted they are forwarded to you from
the Secretary of State's office. The same post which
' "Wines to be procured & shipped by Mr. Fenwick from Bordeaux if it
¦should be found advantageous to remit mr. Derieux' money in that way.
They will come at my risk.
250 botties of the best vin rouge ordinaire used at the good tables of Bor
deaux, such as mr. Fenwick sent me before.
125 bottles of Sauteme, old & ready for use.
60 bottles of Fontignan.
60 botties of white Hermitage of the first quaUty, old & ready for use."

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 29
brought your letter, brought also advice of the death
of Bradford, Atty Genl., the resignation of E. Ran
dolph (retiring perhaps from the storm he saw gather
ing), and of the resolutions of the Chamber of
Commerce of Boston in opposition to those of the
town of Boston in general. P. Marks is dead within
these 24. hours. His wife had died some months
before. I omitted in my letter to mention that J.
Rutledge was appointed Chief Justice in the room of
Mr. Jay, and that he, Gov- Pinckney & others of that
Southern constellation had pronounced themselves
more desperately than any others against the treaty.
— Still deliver the letters to Mad^ Bellanger. A true
state of the case, soothing and altering terms may
perhaps produce the execution of her last promise.

TO TENCH COXE. J. mss.
MONTICELLO Sep. 10, 95.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of
your favor of July 30. The sentiments therein ex
pressed on the subject of the treaty coincide perfectly
with those of this country, which I believe were never
more unanimous. 4. or 5. individuals of Richmond,
distinguished however by their talents as by their
devotion to all the sacred acts of the government, &
the town of Alexandria constitute the whole support
of that instrument here. Camillus may according to
his custom write an Encyclopedia on the subject, but
it is too obstinate to be twisted by all his sophisms

30 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
into a tolerable shape. Having interdicted to myself
the reading of newspapers, & thinking or saying any
thing on public matters beyond what the conversation
of my neighbors draws me into, I leave such delights
to those who, more rational than myself, prefer them
to their tranquility, & to those whose stations keep
them in that vortex, Sr make them better judges of
what is passing around them. My situation putting
it out of my power to find good conveyances for my
foreign letters in these times of obstruction by sea &
by land, I avail myself of your friendship to get them
on : & now take the liberty of enclosing some. Our
foreign ministers being entitled to charge their post
ages, & the risque of separating the 3d. letter, dis
penses with apology on the subject of postage. That
to Van Staphorst covers bills of exchange, the prop
erty of Mr. Mazzei which I am remitting as it is
collected.

TO HENRY TAZEWELL. j. j,sg.

MONTICELLO, Sep 13, 1795.
Dear Sir, — I ought much sooner to have acknol-
eged your obliging attention In sending me a copy of
the treaty. It was the first we received in this part
of the country. Tho I have interdicted myself all
serious attention to political matters, yet a very slight
notice of that in question sufficed to decide my mind
against it. I am not satisfied we should not be bet
ter without treaties with any nation. But I am satis
fied we should be better without such as this. The

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 31
public dissatisfaction too & dissension it is likely to
produce, are serious evils. I am not without hopes
that the operations on the 1 2th article may render a
recurrence to the Senate yet necessary, and so give to
the majority an opportunity of correcting the error in
to which their exclusion of public light has led them.
I hope also that the recent results of the English will
at length awaken in our Executive that sense of pub
lic honor & spirit, which they have not lost sight of in
their proceedings with other nations, and will establish
the eternal truth that acquiescence under insult is not
the way to escape war. / I am with great esteem. Dear
Sir, your most obedient humble servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
MONTICELLO, Sep 21, 1795.
I received about three weeks ago, a box containing
6. doz. volumes, of 283. pages, 12 mo, with a letter
from Lambert, Beckley's clerk, that they came from
mr. Beckley, & were to be divided between yourself,
J. Walker, & myself I have sent 2. doz to J. Walker,
and shall be glad of a conveyance for yours. In the
meantime, I send you by post, the title page, table of
contents, and one of the pieces, Curtius,* lest it should
not have come to you otherwise. It is evidently writ
ten by Hamilton, giving a first & general view of the
subject, that the public mind might be kept a little in
check, till he could resume the subject more at large
' The letters of " Curtius" were written by Noah Webster, except numbers
6-7, which were from the pen of James Kent.

32 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
from the beginning, under his second signature of
Camillus. The piece called " The Features of the
Treaty," I do not send, because you have seen it in
the newspapers. It is said to be written by Coxe, but
I should rather suspect, by Beckley. The antidote Is
certainly not strong enough for the poison of Curtius.
If I had not been informed the present came from
Beckley, I should have suspected It from Jay or
Hamilton, I gave a copy or two, by way of experi
ment, to honest, sound-hearted men of common
understanding, and they were not able to parry the
sophistry of Curtius. I have ceased therefore, to give
them. Hamilton is really a colossus to the anti-
republican party. Without numbers, he is an host
within himself They have got themselves into a de
file, where they might be finished ; but too much
security on the republican part will give time to his
talents & indefatigableness to extricate them. We
have had only middling performances to oppose to
him. In truth, when he comes forward, there is no
body but yourself who can meet him. His adversaries
having begun the attack, he has the advantage of
answering them, & remains unanswered himself A
solid reply might yet completely demolish what was
too feebly attacked, and has gathered strength from
the weakness of the attack. The merchants were cer
tainly (except those of them who are English) as open
mouthed at first against the treaty as any. But the
general expression of indignation has alarmed them
for the strength of the government. They have
feared the shock would be too great, and have chosen

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 33
to tack about & support both treaty & government,
rather than risk the government. Thus it is, that
Hamilton, Jay, &c., in the boldest act they ever ven
tured on to undermine the government, have the ad
dress to screen themselves, & direct the hue & cry
against those who wish to drag them Into light. A
bolder party-stroke was never struck. For it certainly
is an attempt of a party, which finds they have lost
their majority in one branch of the Legislature, to
make a law by the aid of the other branch & of the
executive, under color of a treaty, which shall bind up
the hands of the adverse branch from ever restraining
the commerce of their patron-nation. There appears
a pause at present in the public sentiment, which may
be followed by a revulsion. This is the effect of the
desertion of the merchants, of the President's chiding
answer to Boston & Richmond, of the writings of
Curtius & Camillus, and of the quietism Into which
people naturally fall after first sensations are over.
For god's sake take up your pen, and give a funda
mental reply to Curtius & Camillus.

TO REV. JAMES MADISON."^ "" Fontainbleau Oct. 28. 1795
Dear Sir, — Seven o'clock, and retired to my fire
side, I have determined to enter into conversation
with you. This is a village of about 5000 Inhabitants
' The true date of this letter is ten years previous to this, Jefferson having
written 1795 in place of 1785, and owing to this error, it was not included in
its correct place in the present work. As the letter is of singular interest, the
editor has thought it best to include it, even though out of its proper place.
VOL VII — 3

34 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
when the court is not here & 20,000 when they are,
occupying a valley thro' which runs a brook and on
each side of it a ridge of small mountains most of
which are naked rock. The King comes here, in the
fall always, to hunt. His court attend him, as do
also the foreign diplomatic corps. But as this is not
indispensably required & my finances do not admit
the expense of a continued residence here, I propose
to come occasionally to attend the King's levees,
^ returning again to Paris, distant 40 miles. ^TThis being
the first trip I set out yesterday morning to take a
view of the place, j For this purpose I shaped my
course towards the" highest of the mountains in sight,
to the top of which was about a league, ^s soon as
I had got clear of the town I fell in with a poor
woman walking at the same rate with myself & going
the same course.y Wishing to know the condition of
the laboring poor I entered into conversation with
her, which I began by enquiries for the path which
would lead me into the mountain : & thence proceeded
to enquiries into her vocation, condition & circum
stances. 4 She told me she was a day labourer, at 8.
sous or 4'* sterling the day ; that she had two children
to maintain, & to pay a rent of 30 llvres for her
house, (which would consume the hire of 75 days)
that often she could get no emploiment, and of course
was without bread. As we had walked together near
a mile & she had so far served me as a guide, I gave
her, on parting, 24 sous. She burst into tears of a
gratitude which I could perceive was unfeigned be
cause she was unable to utter a word/ She had

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 35
probably never before received so great an aid. This
little attendrissement, with the solitude of my walk
led me into a train of reflections on that unequal
division of property which occasions the numberless
instances of wretchedness which I had observed in
this country & is to be observed all over Europe.
The property of this country is absolutely concen
trated in a very few hands, having revenues of from
half a million of guineas a year downwards. These
employ the flower of the country as servants, some of
them having as many as 200 domestics, not labouring.
They employ also a great number of manufacturers,
& tradesmen, & lastly the class of labouring husband
men. But after all there comes the most numerous
of all the classes, that is, the poor who cannot find
work. I asked myself what could be the reason that
so many should be permitted to beg who are willing
to work, in a country where there is a very considera
ble proportion of uncultivated lands ? These lands
are undisturbed only for the sake of game. It should
seem then that it must be because of the enormous
wealth of the proprietors which places them above
attention to the encrease of their revenues by permit
ting these lands to be laboured. I am conscious that
an equal division of property is impracticable. But
the consequences of this enormous inequality produ
cing so much misery to the bulk of mankind, legislators
cannot Invent too many devices for subdividing prop
erty, only taking care to let their subdivisions go hand
in hand with the natural affections of the human
mind. The descent of property of every kind there-

36 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
fore to all the children, or to all the brothers & sisters,
or other relations in equal degree is a politic measure,
and a practicable one. Another means of silently
lessening the inequality of property is to exempt all
from taxation below a certain point, & to tax the
higher portions of property in geometrical progres
sion as they rise. Whenever there is in any country,
uncultivated lands and unemployed poor, it Is clear
that the laws of property have been so far extended
ias to violate natural right. The earth is given as a
common stock for man to labour & live on. If for
the encouragement of industry we allow it to be ap
propriated, we must take care that other employment
be provided to those excluded from the appropriation.
If we do not the fundamental right to labour the
earth returns to the unemployed. It is too soon yet
in our country to say that every man who cannot find
employment but who can find uncultivated land shall
be at liberty to cultivate it, paying a moderate rent.
But it is not too soon to provide by every possible
means that as few as possible shall be without a little
portion of land. The small land holders are the
most precious part of a state. * * *

TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
Nov. 26, 95.
Your favor from Fredericksburg came safe to hand,
I enclose you the extract of a letter I received from
Mr R. now in Richmond.' Tho' you will have been
" ' Extract of a Ire. dated RlCHMD. Nov. 22. 1795.
" Mann Page's motion for a resolution approving the conduct of the
minority in the national senate was warmly agitated three whole days, Wednes-

I79S] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 37
informed of the fact before this reaches you, yet you
will see more of the subject by having different views
of it presented to you. Though Marshall will be able
to embarras the republican party In the assembly a
good deal, yet upon the whole, his having gone into
it will be of service. He has been hitherto able to do
more mischief acting under the mask of Republicanism
than he will be able to do after throwing it plainly off.

day Thursd. & Friday. It was much less ably defended than opposed. John
Marshal it was once apprehended would make a great number of converts by
an argument which cannot be considered in any other light than an uncandid
¦artifice. To prevent what would be a virtual censure of the President's con
duct he maintained that the treaty in all its commercial parts was still under the
power of the H. of R. He contended that it was more in the spirit of the con
stitution for it to be rendered nugatory after it received the sanction of the P.
.& S. by the H. of R. refusing it their support, than for its existence to be pre
vented, for it tobe stifled in embryo by their declaring upon application from
the P. to know their sentiment before he had given it his signature, that they
would withhold that support. He compared the relation of the Executive to
the Legislative department to that between the states and the Congress under
the old confederation. The old Congress might have given up the right of
laying discriminating duties in favor of any nation by treaty : it would never
have thought of taking beforehand the assent of each state thereto. Yet no
one would have pretended to deny the power of the states to lay such. This
doctrine, I believe, is all that is original in his argument. The sophisms of
Camillus, & the nice distinctions of the Examiner made up the rest. It is clear
that it was brought fonvard for the purpose of gaining over the unwary & waver
ing. It has never been admitted by the writers in favor of the treaty to the
northward. Its author was disappointed however. Upon a division the vote
stood 100 to 50. After the question Charles Lee brought forward a motion of
compliment to the P. It was of most uncommon length which was undoubtedly
intended to puzzle : & the word ' wisdom ' in expressing the confidence of the
House in the P. was so artfully introduced that if the fraudulent design had not
been detected in time the vote ofthe House, as to its effect upon the P. would
have been entirely done away. A resolution so worded as to acquit the P. of
all evil intention, but at the same time silently censuring his error, was passed
by a majority of 33. 89 to 56.
' ' Some of the warmest of the victorious party talk of bringing forward a mo
tion for a vote of applause to S. T. Mason. But the more moderate say their
^triumph is sufficient, & it is supposed this will be dropped."

38 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
His lax lounging manners have made him popular
with the bulk of the people of Richmond, & a pro
found hypocrisy with many thinking men of our coun
try. But having come forth in the plenitude of his
English principles the latter will see that it Is high
time to make him known. His doctrine that the
whole commercial part of the treaty (& he might have
added the whole unconstitutional part of it) rests in
the power of the H. of R. is certainly the true doctrine -,
& as the articles which stipulate what requires the
consent of the three branches of the legislature, must
be referred to the H. of R. for their concurrence, so
they, being free agents, may approve or reject them,
either by a vote declaring that, or by refusing to pass
acts. I should think the former mode the most safe
& honorable. The people in this part of the country
continue very firmly disposed against the treaty. I
imagine the 50. negative votes comprehend the whole
force of the Alexandrian party & the bigots & passive
obedience men of the whole state who have got them
selves into the legislature. I observe an expression
in Randolph's printed secret intimating that the Presi
dent, tho' an honest man himself, may be circumvented.
by snares & artifices, & is in fact surrounded by men
who wish to clothe the Executive with more than con
stitutional powers. This when public, will make great
impression. It is not only a truth, but a truth levelled
to every capacity & will justify to themselves the
most zealous votaries, for ceasing to repose the un
limited confidence they have done in the measures
which have been pursued. Communicate the enclosed

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 39
paper, if you please, to Mr. Giles. Our autumn is
fine. The weather mild & intermixed with moderate
rains at proper intervals. No ice yet, & not much
frost. Adieu.

TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE.^

MONTICELLO Nov 30. 95.
My Dear Sir, — I received your favor of Oct. 12
by your son, who has been kind enough to visit me
here, and from whose visit I have received all that
pleasure which I do from whatever comes from you,
and especially from a subject so deservedly dear to
you. He found me in a retirement I doat on,
living like an Antediluvian patriarch among my chil
dren & grand children, and tilling my soil. As he
had lately come from Philadelphia, Boston &c he was
able to give me a great deal of information of what
is passing in the world & I pestered him with ques
tions pretty much as our friends Lynch, Nelson &c
will us when we step across the Styx, for they will
wish to hear what has been passing above ground since
they left us. You hope I have not abandoned entirely
the service of our country. After a five & twenty
years continual employment in it, I trust it will be
thought I have fulfilled my tour, like a punctual
soldier, and may claim my discharge. But I am glad
of the sentiment from you my friend, because it gives
a hope you will practice what you preach, and
come forward in aid of the public vessel. I will not
' From the original in the Historical Society of Pennsylvania.

40 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
admit your old excuse, that you are in public service
tho' at home. The campaigns which are fought in a
man's own house are not to be counted. The present
situation of the President, unable to get the offices
filled, really calls with uncommon obligation on those
whom nature has fitted for them. I join with you in
thinking the treaty an execrable thing. But both
negotiators must have understood that as there were
articles in It which could not be carried into execu
tion without the aid of the legislatures on both sides,
that therefore it must be referred to them, and that
these legislatures being free agents would not give it
their support if they disapproved of it. I trust the
popular branch of our legislature will disapprove of
it, and thus rid us of this infamous act, which Is really
nothing more than a treaty of alliance between Eng
land & the Anglomen of this country against the
legislature & people of the United States. — I told
your son I had long had it in contemplation to write
to you for half a dozen sour orange trees, of a proper
size for small boxes, as they abound with you. The
only trouble they would give would be the putting
them Into boxes long enough before sending them
for them to take root, & when rooted to put them
into some vessel coming direct to Richmond to the
care of mr Daniel Hylton there. Your son Is kind
enough to undertake the commission. With constant
& unchanged affections I am my dear friend.

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 41
TO WILLIAM BRANCH GILES.^
MONTICELLO Dec. 31. 95.
Dear Sir, — Your favors of Dec. 15. & 20. came to
hand by the last post. I am well pleased with the
manner in which your house has testified their sense
of the treaty. While their refusal to pass the original
clause of the reported answer proved their condemna
tion of it, the contrivance to let it disappear silently
respected appearances in favor of the President, who
errs as other men do, but errs with integrity.
Randolph seems to have hit upon the true theory of
our constitution, that when a treaty Is made, involv
ing matters confided by the constitution to the three
branches of the legislature conjointly, the representa
tives are as free as the President & Senate were to
consider whether the national interest requires or
forbids their giving the forms & force of law to the
articles over which they have a power. — I thank you
much for the pamphlet — his narrative is so straight
& plain, that even those who did not know him will
acquit him of the charge of bribery ; those who knew
him had done it from the first. Tho' he mistakes his
own political character in the aggregate, yet he gives
it to you in the detail. Thus he supposes himself a
man of no party (page 97,) that his opinions not con
taining any systematic adherence to party, fall some
times on one side and sometimes on the other, (pa.
58.) Yet he gives you these facts, which shew that
they fall generally on both sides, & are complete in
consistencies — I. He never gave an opinion in the
¦ From a copy courteously furnished by Dr. J. S. H. Fogg, of Boston.

42 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
Cabinet against the rights of the people (pa. 97.)
yet he advised the denunciation of the popular
societies. (67.) 2. He would not neglect the over
tures of a commercial treaty with France (79) yet
he always opposed it while atty-general, and never
seems to have proposed it while Secretary of State.
3. He concurs in resorting to the militia to quell the
pretended insurrection in the west (81.) and pro
poses an augmentation from 12.500 to 15.000 to
march against men at their ploughs, (pa. 80.) yet
on the 5* of Aug. he is against their marching (83.
Id.) and on the 25'.'' of Aug. he is for it. (84.) 4.
He concurs In the measure of a mission extraordinary
to London (as inferred from pa. 58.) but objects to
the men, to wit Hamilton & Jay (58.) 5. He was
against granting commercial powers to Mr. Jay
(58.) yet he besieged the doors of the Senate to pro
cure their advice to ratify. — 6. He advises the Presi
dent to a ratification on the merits of the treaty
( — 7-) but to a suspension till the provision order is
repealed. (98.) The fact is that he has generally
given his principles to the one party & his practice to
the other ; the oyster to one, the shell to the other.
Unfortunately the shell was generally the lot of his
friends the French and republicans, & the oyster of
their antagonists. Had he been firm to the principles
he professes in the year 1 793. the President would
have been kept from a habitual concert with the
British & Antlrepublican party, but at that time I do
not know which R. feared most, a British fleet, or
French disorganisers. Whether his conduct is to be

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 43
ascribed to a superior view of things, an adherence to
right without regard to party, as he pretends, or to
an anxiety to trim between both, those who know
his character and capacity will decide. Were parties
here divided merely by a greediness for office, as in
England, to take a part with either would be un
worthy of a reasonable or moral man, but where the
principle of difference is as substantial and as strongly
pronounced as between the republicans & the Mono
crats of our country, I hold it as honorable to take a
firm & decided part, and as immoral to pursue a
middle line, as between the parties of Honest men, &
Rogues, into which every country is divided.
A copy of the pamphlet came by this post to Char
lottesville. I suppose we shall be able to judge soon
what kind of impression it is likely to make. It has
been a great treat to me, as it is a continuation of that
Cabinet history with the former part of which I was
intimate. I remark in the reply of the President a
small travestie of the sentiment contained in the
answer of the Representatives. They acknowlege
that he has contributed a great share to the national
happiness by his services. He thanks them for
ascribing to his agency a great share of those benefits.
The former keeps in view the co-operation of others.
towards the public good, the latter presents to view
his sole agency. At a time when there would have
been less anxiety to publish to the people a strong ap
probation from your house, this strengthening of your
expression would not have been noticed. Our atten
tions have been so absorbed by the first manifesta-

44

THE WRITINGS OF [1796

tions of the sentiments of your house, that we have
lost sight of our own legislature : insomuch that I do
not know whether they are sitting or not.
The rejection of Mr. Rutledge by the Senate is a
bold thing, because they cannot pretend any objec
tion to him but his disapprobation of the treaty. It
is of course a declaration that they will receive none
but tones hereafter Into any department of the gov
ernment. I should not wonder if Monroe were to be
recalled under the idea of his being of the partisans
of France, whom the President cpnslders as the parti
sans of war & confusion in his letter of July 31, and
as disposed to excite them to hostile measures, or at
least to unfriendly sentiments. A most infatuated
blindness to the true character of the sentiments en
tertained In favor of France. The bottom of my page
warns me that it Is time to end my commentaries on
the facts you have furnished me. You would of
course however wish to know the sensations here on
those facts. My friendly re.spects to Mrs. Madison,
to whom the next week's dose will be directed.
Adieu affectionately.

NOTES ON PROFESSOR EBELING'S LETTER OF JULY 30, 95.'
Professor Ebeling mentioning the persons in America from
whom he derives information for his work, it may be useful for
him to knovsr how far he may rely on their authority.
President Stiles, an excellent man, of very great learning, but
remarkable for his credulity.
' Undated, but probably written late in 1795, Cliristoph Daniel Ebeling
was at this time preparing his " Biography and History of North America.''

I79S] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 45
Dr. Willard. 1 All these are men of respectable characters
Dr. Barton '. worthy of confidence as to any facts they
Dr. Ramsay 1' may state, and rendered, by their good sense,
Mr. Barlow J good judges of them.
\ Good authorities for whatever relates to the
Mr. Morse. I Eastern states, & perhaps as far South as the
Mr. Webster. ) Delaware.
But South of that their information is worse than none at all,
except as far as they quote good authorities. They both I believe
took a single journey through the Southern parts, merely to
acquire the right of being considered as eye-witnesses. But to
pass once along a public road thro' a country, & in one direction
only, to put up at it's taverns, and get into conversation with the
idle, drunken individuals who pass their time lounging in these
taverns, is not the way to know a country, it's inhabitants, or
manners. To generalize a whole nation from these specimens is
not the sort of information which Professor Ebeling would wish
to compose his work from.
Fenno's Gazette of the U. S. 1 To form a just judgment of a
Webster's Minerva. \ country from it's newspapers
Columbian centinel. J the character of these papers
should be known, in order that proper allowances & corrections
may be used. This will require a long explanation, without which,
these particular papers would give a foreigner a very false view
of American affairs.
The people of America, before the revolution-war, being at
tached to England, had taken up, without examination, the Eng
lish ideas of the superiority of their constitution over every thing
of the kind which ever had been or ever would be tried. The
revolution forced them to consider the subject for themselves,
and the result was an universal conversion to republicanism.
Those who did not come over to this opinion, either left us, &
were called Refugees, or staid with us under the name of tones ;
& some, preferring profit to principle took side with us and
floated with the general tide. Our first federal constitution, or
confederation as it was called, was framed in the first moments
of our separation from England, in the highest point of our jeal-

46 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
ousies of independance as to her & as to each other. It
formed therefore too weak a bond to produce an union
of action as to foreign nations. This appeared at once on
the establishment of peace, when the pressure of a common
enemy which had hooped us together during the war,
was taken away. Congress was found to be quite unable
to point the action of the several states to a common
object. A general desire therefore took place of amending the
federal constitution. This was opposed by some of those who
wished for monarchy to wit, the Refugees now returned, the old
tories, & the timid whigs who prefer tranquility to freedom,
hoping monarchy might be the remedy if a state of complete
anarchy could be brought on. A Convention however being decided
on, some of the monocrats got elected, with a hope of introducing
an English constitution, when they found that the great body of
the delegates were strongly for adhering to republicanism, & for
giving due strength to their government under that form, they
then directed their efforts to the assimilation of all the parts of
the new government to the English constitution as nearly as was
attainable. In this they were not altogether without success ; in
somuch that the monarchical features of the new constitution pro
duced a violent opposition to it from the most zealous republicans
in the several states. For this reason, & because they also
thought it carried the principle of a consolidation of the states
farther than was requisite for the purpose of producing an union
of action as to foreign powers, it is still doubted by some whether
a majority of the people of the U. S. were not against adopting it.
However it was carried through all the assemblies of the states,
tho' by very small majorities in the largest states. The incon
veniences of an inefficient government, driving the people as is
usual, into the opposite extreme, the elections to the first Congress
run very much in favor of those who were known to favor a very
strong government. Hence the anti-republicans appeared a con
siderable majority in both houses of Congress. They pressed for
ward the plan therefore of strengthening all the features of the
government which gave it resemblance to an English constitution
of adopting the English forms & principles of administration, and
of forming like them a monied interest, by means of a funding

1795] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 47
system, not calculated to pay the public debt, but to render it
perpetual, and to make it an engine in the hands of the executive
I)ranch of government which, added to the great patronage it pos.
sessed in the disposal of public offices, might enable it to assume
by degrees a kingly authority. The biennial period of Congress
being too short to betray to the people, spread over this great
continent, this train of things during the first Congress, little
change was made in the members to the second. But in the
mean time two very distinct parties had formed in Congress ; and
before the third election, the people in general became apprised
of the game which was playing for drawing over them a kind of
government which they never had in contemplation. At the 3d.
election therefore a decided majority of Republicans were sent to
the lower house of Congress ; and as information spread still
farther among the people after the 4th. election the anti-republi
cans have become a weak minority. But the members of the
Senate being changed but once in 6. years, the completion of that
body will be much slower in it's assimilation to that of the people.
This will account for the differences which may appear in the
proceedings & spirit of the two houses. Still however it is inev
itable that the Senate will at length be formed to the republican
model of the people, & the two houses of the legislature, once
brought to act on the true principles of the Constitution, backed
by the people, will be able to defeat the plan of sliding us into
monarchy, & to keep the Executive within Republican bounds,
notwithstanding the immense patronage it possesses in the dis
posal of public offices, notwithstanding it has been able to draw
into this vortex the judiciary branch of the government & by their
expectancy of sharing the other offices in the Executive gift to
make them auxiliary to the Executive in all it's views instead of
forming a balance between that & the legislature as it was orrigi-
nally intended and notwithstanding the funding phalanx which
a respect for public faith must protect, tho it was engaged by
false brethren. Two parties then do exist within the U. S. they
embrace respectively the following descriptions of persons.
The Anti-republicans consist of
I. The old refugees & tories.
2. British merchants residing among us, & composing the main
body of our merchants.

48 THE WRITINGS OF [1795
3. American merchants trading on British capital. Another
great portion.
4. Speculators & Holders in the banks & public funds.
5. Officers of the federal government with some exceptions.
6. Office-hunters, willing to give up principles for places. A
numerous & noisy tribe.
7. Nervous persons, whose languid fibres have more analogy
with a passive than active state of things.
The Republican part of our Union comprehends
I. The entire body of landholders throughout the United
States. 2. The body of labourers, not being landholders, whether in
husbanding or the arts.
The latter is to the aggregate of the former party probably as
500 to one ; but their wealth is not as disproportionate, tho' it is
also greatly superior, and is in truth the foundation of that of
their antagonists. Trifling as are the numbers of the Anti-
republican party, there are circumstances which give them an
appearance of strength & numbers. They all live in cities,
together, & can act in a body readily & at all times ; they give
chief employment to the newspapers, & therefore have most of
them under their command. The Agricultural interest is dis
persed over a great extent of country, have little means of inter
communication with each other, and feeling their own strength &
will, are conscious that a single exertion of these will at any time
crush the machinations against their government. As in the
commerce of human life, there are commodities adapted to every
demand, so there are newspapers adapted to the Antlrepublican
palate, and others to the Republican. Of the former class are
the Columbian Centinel, the Hartford newspaper, Webster's
Minerva, Fenno's Gazette of the U. S., Davies's Richmond paper
&c. Of the latter are Adams's Boston paper, Greenleaf's of New
York, Freneau's of New Jersey, Bache's of Philadelphia, Pleas-
ant's of Virginia &c. Pleasant's paper comes out twice a week,
Greenleaf's & Freneau's once a week, Bache's daily. I do not
know how often Adam's. I shall according to your desire
endeavor to get Pleasant's for you for 1794, & 95. and will have
it forwarded through 96 from time to time to your correspondent
at Baltimore.

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 49
While on the subject of authorities and information, the follow
ing works are recommended to Professor Ebeling.
Minot's history of the insurrection in Massachusetts in 1786. 8™
Mazzei. Recherches historiques et politiques sur les E. U. de
I'Amerique. 4 vol. 8'.° This is to be had from Paris. The
author is an exact man.
The article ' Etats Unis de I'Amerique ' in the Dictionnaire
d'Economie politique et diplomatique, de I'Encyclopedie metho-
dique. This article occupies about 90. pages, is by De Meusnier,
and his materials were worthy of confidence, except so far as
they were taken from the Abb^ Raynal. Against these effusions
of an imagination in delirio it is presumed Professor Ebeling
needs not be put on his guard. The earlier editions of the Abbe
Raynal's work were equally bad as to both South & North
America. A gentleman however of perfect information as to
South America, undertook to reform that part of the work, and
his changes & additions were for the most part adopted by the
Abb6 in his latter editions. But the North-American part remains
in it's original state of worthlessness.

TO ARCHIBALD STUART.^

MONTICELLO, Jan. 3, '96.
Dear Sir, — I troubled you once before on the
subject of my nails, and must trouble you once more,
but hope my present plan will protect you from all
further embarrasment with it. I set out with refus
ing to retail, expecting the merchants of my neigh
borhood and the upper country would have given a
preference to my supplies, because delivered here at
the Richmond wholesale prices, and at hand to be
called for in small parcels, so that they need not to
' From the original in the possession of the Virginia Historical Society.

50 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
keep large sums invested in that article & lying
dead on their hands. The Importing merchants how
ever decline taking them from a principle of suppress
ing every effort towards domestic manufacture, & the
merchants who purchase here being much under the
influence of the importers, take their nails from them
with their other goods. I have determined therefore
to establish deposits of my nails to be retailed at Mil
ton, Charlottesville, Staunton, Worm ester, & War
ren, but first at the three first places, because I
presume my present works, which turn out a ton a
month, will fully furnish them, and two additional
fires which will be at work in a short time, will raise
it to a ton and a half a month, and enable me to ex
tend my supplies to Wormester & Warren. I shall
retail at Richmond wholesale prices, laying on 5 per
cent at Milton & Charlottesville for commission to
the retailers, and 10. percent at the other places for
commission & transportation. My present retailing
prices at Staunton would be
Sixes I2|'5 per lb. equal to 7/3^ per M

EightsTens ii^^
Twelves 11*
Sixteens \q\^
Twenties 10''

equal to 10/
equal to 12/5^
equal to 14/8
equal to 17/6
equal to 20/10

It Is tolerably certain that the moment my deposit
opens there will be an entire stoppage to the sale of
all imported nails, for a body can retail them in the
upper country at the Richmond wholesale prices, ad
vanced only 5 or 10 percent, and as I mean to employ

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 51
only one person in each place to retail, it will be of
some advantage to the merchant who will undertake
it, to have the entire monopoly of the nail business,
& so draw to his store every one who wants nails,
besides the commission of 5 percent, which in an
article to be sold for ready money only, and where he
does not employ a farthing of his own capital, I am
advised is a sufficient allowance for commission. I
should expect them to send me a copy of their sales
once a month, and to hold the proceeds ready for my
draughts at stated periods, say monthly. I trouble
you to engage some person whom you can recom
mend for punctuality, to retail for me. I heard very
favorable accounts of a Mr. Stuart, merch! of Staun
ton, & should not hesitate to prefer him if he will
undertake it. If not, pray do me the favor to find
some other. I have written you the details, not that
you need trouble yourself with explaining them to
any person but that you may put this letter into his
hands. As soon as you will name to me the person
you engage I will send him an assortment of nails
by the first waggons which will take them in. — Will
you be so good as to procure for me a good bearskin,
dressed, with a soft skin & the hair on. Dr. John
son will on your application be so good as to pay for
it, and take credit on his account with me. My re
spectful salutations to Mrs. Stuart, and assurances of
attachment to yourself from yours affectionately.

52 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
TO GEORGE WYTHE. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, January 16, 1796.
In my letter which accompanied the box containing
my collection of Printed laws, I promised to send you
by post a statement of the contents of the box. On
taking up the subject I found it better to take a more
general view of the whole of the laws I possess, as
well Manuscript as printed, as also of those which I
do not possess, and suppose to be no longer extant.
This general view you will have in the enclosed paper,
whereof the articles stated to be printed constitute the
contents of the box I sent you. Those in MS. were
not sent, because not supposed to have been within
your view, and because some of them will not bear
removal, being so rotten, that in turning over a leaf
it sometimes falls into powder. These I preserve by
wrapping & sewing them up in oiled cloth, so that
neither air nor moisture can have access to them.
Very early in the course of my researches into the
laws of Virginia, I observed that many of them were
already lost, and many more on the point of being
lost, as existing only in single copies in the hands of
careful or curious individuals, on whose death they
would probably be used for waste paper. I set my
self therefore to work, to collect all which were then
existing, in order that when the day should come in
which the public should advert to the magnitude of
their loss in these precious monuments of our prop
erty, and our history, a part of their regret might be
spared by information that a portion has been saved
from the wreck, which is worthy of their attention &

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 53
preservation. In searching after these remains, I
spared neither time, trouble, nor expense ; and am
of opinion that scarcely any law escaped me, which
was in being as late as the year 1778 in the middle
or Southern parts of the State. In the Northern
parts, perhaps something might still be found. In the
clerk's office In the antient counties, some of these
MS. copies of the laws may possibly still exist, which
used to be furnished at the public expense to every
county, before the use of the press was introduced ;
and In the same places, and in the hands of antient
magistrates or of their families, some of the fugitive
sheets of the laws of separate sessions, which have
been usually distributed since the practice commenced
of printing them. But recurring to what we actually
possess, the question is, what means will be the most
effectual for preserving these remains from future
loss ? All the care I can take of them, will not pre
serve them from the worm, from the natural decay of
the paper, from the accidents of fire, or those of re
moval when it is necessary for any public purposes,
as in the case of those now sent you. Our experi
ence has proved to us that a single copy, or a few, de
posited in MS. In the public offices, cannot be relied
on for any great length of time. The ravages of fire
and of ferocious enemies have had but too much part
in producing the very loss we are now deploring.
How many of the precious works of antiquity were
lost while they were preserved only in manuscript ?
Has there ever been one lost since the art of printing
has rendered it practicable to multiply & disperse

54 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
copies ? This leads us then to the only means of
preserving those remains of our laws now under con
sideration, that is, a multiplication of printed copies.
I think therefore that there should be printed at pub
lic expense, an edition of all the laws ever passed by
our legislatures which can now be found ; that a copy
should be deposited in every public library in Amer
ica, in the principal public offices within the State,
and some perhaps in the most distinguished public
libraries of Europe, and that the rest should be sold
to individuals, towards reimbursing the expences of
the edition. Nor do I think that this would be a
voluminous work. The MSS. would probably fur
nish matter for one printed volume in folio, would
comprehend all the laws from 1624 to 1701, which
period includes Purvis. My collection of Fugitive
sheets forms, as we know, two volumes, and compre
hends all the extant laws from 1734 to 1783 ; and the
laws which can be gleaned up from the Revisals to
supply the chasm between 1701 & 1734, with those
from 1783 to the close of the present century, (by
which term the work might be compleated,) would
not be more than the matter of another volume. So
that four volumes in folio, would give every law ever
passed which is now extant ; whereas those who wish
to possess as many of them as can be procured, must
now buy the six folio volumes of Revisals, to wit, Pur
vis & those of 1732, 1748, 1768, 1783, & 1794, and in
all of them possess not one half of what they wish.
What would be the expence of the edition I cannot
say, nor how much would be reimbursed by the sales ;

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 55
but I am sure it would be moderate, compared with
the rates which the public have hitherto paid for
printing their laws, provided a sufficient latitude be
given as to printers & places. The first step would
be to make out a single copy for the MSS., which
would employ a clerk about a year or something
more, to which expence about a fourth should be
added for the collation of the MSS., which would
employ 3. persons at a time about half a day, or a day
in every week. As I have already spent more time
in making myself acquainted with the contents &
arrangement of these MSS. than any other person
probably ever will, & their condition does not admit
their removal to a distance, I will chearfully undertake
the direction & superintendence of this work, if it can
be done in the neighboring towns of Charlottesville
or Milton, farther than which I could not undertake
to go from home. For the residue of the work, my
printed volumes might be delivered to the Printer.
I have troubled you with these details, because you
are in the place where they may be used for the pub
lic service, if they admit of such use, & because the
order of assembly, which you mention, shews they are
sensible of the necessity of preserving such of these
laws as relate to our landed property ; and a little
further consideration will perhaps convince them that
it is better to do the whole work once for all, than to
be recurring to it by piece-meal, as particular parts of
it shall be required, & that too perhaps when the
materials shall be lost. You are the best judge of the
weight of these observations, & of the mode of giving
them any effect they may merit. Adieu affectionately.

56 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
TO JOHN ADAMS. j. mss.
MONTICELLO Feb. 28. 96.
I am to thank you my dear Sir for forwarding M.
D'lvernois' book on the French Revolution. I re
ceive everything with respect which comes from him.
But it is on politics, a subject I never loved, & now
hate. I will not promise therefore to read it thor
oughly. I fear the oligarchical executive of the
French will not do. We have always seen a small
council get into cabals & quarrels, the more bitter &
relentless the fewer they are. We saw this in our
committee of the states ; & that they were from their
bad passions, incapable of doing the business of their
country. I think that for the prompt, clear & con
sistent action so necessary in an executive, unity of
person is necessary as with us. I am aware of the
objection to this, that the office becoming more im
portant may bring on serious discord in elections. In
our country I think it will be long first ; not within
our day, & we may safely trust to the wisdom of our
successors the remedies of the evil to arise in theirs.
Both experiments however are not fairly committed
& the result will be seen. Never was a finer canvass
presented to work on than our countrymen. All of
them engaged in agriculture or the pursuits of honest
industry independent in their circumstances, enlight
ened as to their rights & firm in their habits of order
& obedience to the laws. This I hope will be the
age of experiments In government, & that their basis
will be founded in principles of honesty, not of mere
force. We have seen no instance of this since the

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 57
days of the Roman republic, nor do we read of any
before that. Either force or corruption has been the
principle of every modern government, unless the
Dutch perhaps be excepted, & I am not well enough
informed to accept them absolutely. If ever the -
morals of a people could be made the basis of their
own government it is our case ; & who could propose
to govern such a people by the corruption of a legis
lature, before he could have one night of quiet sleep
must convince himself that the human soul as well as
body is mortal. I am glad to see that whatever
grounds of apprehension may have appeared of a
wish to govern us otherwise than on principles of
reason & honesty, we are getting the better of them.
I am sure from the honesty of your heart, you join me
in detestation ofthe corruptions ofthe English govern
ment, & that no man on earth is more incapable than
yourself of seeing that copied among us, willingly. I
have been among those who have feared the design
to introduce it here, & it has been a strong reason
with me for wishing there was an ocean of fire be
tween that island and us. But away politics.
I owe a letter to the Auditor on the subject of my
accounts while a foreign minister, & he informs me
yours hang on the same difficulties with mine. Be
fore the present government there was a usage either
practised on or understood which regulated our
charges. This government has directed the future
by a law. But this is not retrospective, & I cannot
conceive why the treasury cannot settle accounts
under the old Congress on the principles that body

58 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
acted on. I shall very shortly write to Mr. Harrison
on this subject & if we cannot have it settled other
wise I suppose we must apply to the Legislature. In
this I will act in concert with you if you approve of it.
Present my very affectionate respects to Mrs. Adams
& be assured that no one more cordially esteems
your virtues than, dear Sir, your sincere friend &
servant

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
Mar. 2. 96.
Dear Sir, — I wrote you two letters in the
course of the last twelve months to wit May 26. &
Sep. 6. 95. and have received from you those of Sep.
7. 94. & June 23. 95. neither of which were late
enough to inform me if either of mine had got to
hand. In those I gave you all the details public &
private which my situation enabled me to do. In the
last I asked the delivery of a note to Frouille for
some books, particularly the sequel of the Encyclo
pedia, come out since he last furnished me. I hope
these have got to hand.
The most remarkable political occurrence with us
has been the treaty with England, of which no man
in the U S. has had the effrontery to affirm that it
was not a very bad one except A. H. under the sig
nature of Camillus. It's most zealous defenders only
pretended that It was better than war, as if war was
not invited rather than avoided by unfounded de
mands. I have never known the public pulse beat
so full and in such universal union on any subject

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 59
since the declaration of Independance, the House of
representatives of the U. S. has manifested its disap
probation of the treaty. We are yet to learn whether
they will exercise their constitutional right of refusing
the means which depend on them for carrying it into
execution. Should they be induced to lend their
hand to it it will be hard swallowing with their con
stituents, but will be swallowed from the habits of
order & obedience to the laws which so much dis
tinguish our countrymen. The resignation or rather
the removal of R. you will have learnt. His vindica
tion bears hard on the executive in the opinions of
this quarter, and tho' it clears him in their judgment
of the charge of bribery, it does not give them high
ideas of his wisdom or steadiness. The appointment
of J. Rutledge to be C. J. seems to have been intended
merely to establish a precedent against the descent of
that office by seniority, and to keep five mouths al
ways gaping for one sugar plumb : for it was Immedi
ately negatived by the very votes which so implicitly
concur with the will of the executive. I may consign
the appointment of Chase to the bench to your own
knolege of him & reflections. McHenry secty. at
war, Charles Lee Atty Genl, with Pickering & Wol-
cott by their devotion to genuine republicanism will
show to our citizens on what principles alone they
can expect to rise. The office of Secy, of State was
offered to P. H. in order to draw him over & gain
some popularity : but not till there was a moral cer
tainty that he would not accept it. I presume you
receive the newspapers, & will have seen the amend-

6o THE WRITINGS OF [1796
ments to the constitution proposed by the Virginia
Assembly. Their reception by some of the other
assemblies has been such as to call for the sacrifice
of all feeling rather than ruffle the harmony so neces
sary to the common good. The finances are said to
have been left by the late financier in the utmost
derangement, and his tools are urging the fund
ing the new debts they have contracted. Thus pos
terity is to be left to pay the ordinary expenses of
our government in time of peace. As small news
may escape the notice of your other correspondents,
I shall give you what occurs to me. The James river
canal is now conducted into the town of Richmond &
full toll is exacted. 30. Doll, a share more however
are necessary to complete it. The Patowmac &
Norfolk canals are not in such forwardness. Mayo'
bridge, nearly destroyed by a flood, is reestablished
R. is settled again in Richmond in the business of
the law. — Carter's lands on the back of yours & Mr
Short's have got into the hands of one of the sons,
Ned, who is coming to live on them. The price of
wheat is 13/ here the bushel, & corn 20/ the barrel,
and not to be had indeed at any price. I have been
desirous of planting some fruit trees for you that
they may be growing during your absence. But Mr
Jones's visits to the neighborhood have been so rare
& short that I have not had an opportunity of asking
from him the inclosure & allotment of the piece of
ground which seems proper for it. The season is
now passing. Do not fail to send over the Abri-
cot-peche. Bartram would receive & plant it, and

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 6i
then furnish new plants. — Deaths are Zane, & Thos.
Pleasants of 4. Mile Creek. Mr Pendleton is also
said to be all but gone. A remarkable marriage is
that of Capt Alcock with the widow of Dr. Walker.
Your brother and family well. Derieux living in
Goochland under great sufferance, and hoping a
renovation of the aid promised from his aunt. My
sincere affections to Mrs Monroe & to yourself.
Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON. **^°- '"^^•
Mar. 6, 96.
I wrote you Feb 21, since which I have reed yours
of ^;he same day. Indeed, mine of that date related
only to a single article in yours of Jan 31 & Feb 7.
I do not at all wonder at the condition in which the
finances of the U S are found. Ham's object from
the beginning, was to throw them Into forms which
should be utterly undecypherable. I ever said he did
not understand their condition himself, nor was able
to give a clear view of the excess of our debts beyond
our credits, nor whether we were diminishing or in
creasing the debt. My own opinion was, that from the
commencemt of this government to the time I ceased
to attend to the subject, we had been increasing our
debt about a million of D. annually. If mr. Gallatin
would undertake to reduce this chaos to order, pre
sent us with a clear view of our finances, & put them
into a form as simple as they will admit, he will merit
immortal honor. The accounts of the U S ought to
be, and may be made as simple as those of a common

62 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
farmer, and capable of being understood by common
farmers. Disapproving, as I do, of the unjustifiable largess
to the dau'r's of the C de Grasse, I will certainly not
propose to rivet it by a second example on behalf of
M. de Chastellux's son. It will only be done in the
event of such a repetition of the precedent, as will
give every one a right to share in the plunder. It is,
indeed, surprising you have not yet received the
British treaty in form. I presume you would never
receive it were not your co-operation on it neces
sary. But this will oblige the formal notification of
it to you.
I thank you for your information respecting Low-
nes. There is one article still necessary to be known
from mr Howell. Lownes began with credit of 90.
days from the time of the departure of the nailrod
from Philadelphia (not his delivery of it to the vessel ;
for that makes a difference sometimes of many weeks)
but he afterwards reduced it to 60. days. What would
be mr. Howell's credits ? I know that credit in Vir
ginia startle a merchant in Philadelphia ; but I pre
sume that mr Howell could have confidence enough
in me (tho not personally known to him) to make a
trial, & govern himself afterwards according to the
result, & to the punctuality with which he would re
ceive his remittances. I wish to know this, tho I am
not yet decided to drop Lownes, on account of his
being a good man, & I like much to be in the hands
of good men. There is great pleasure in unlimited
confidence. My consumption has now advanced

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 63
from 3. to 4. tons a quarter. I call for a quarter's
supply at once, so that the last quarter's supply is al
ways paid for before the next is called for, or at the
very time. — The Spanish treaty will have some disa
greeable features, seeds of chicanery & eternal broils,
instead of peace & friendship. At a period not long
before that, they had been ready to sign one giving
us vastly more than we had ever contemplated ; par
ticularly in our intercourse with their W. Indies. — I
by no means think of declining the work we have
spoken of On the contrary, I wish with ardor to
begin it, since the change of form into which I pro
pose to put it : the first ideas had always oppressed
me from a consciousness of my want both of talents
& materials to execute it. But it will be impossible
for a year to come : and I am not certain whether,
even after the present year, I shall not be obliged to
put my farms under such direction as that I should
be considered as not here as to them, while I should
be here as to my papers.
My salutations to mrs. Madison, friendly esteem to
mr. Giles, Page, &c.
P. S. Have you considered all the consequences of
your proposition respecting post roads ? I view it as
a source of boundless patronage to the executive,
jobbing to members of Congress & their friends,
and a bottomless abyss of public money. You will
begin by only appropriating the surplus of the post
office revenues ; but the other revenues will soon be
called into their aid, and it will be a scene of eternal
scramble among the members, who can get the most

64 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
money wasted in their State ; and they will always get
most who are meanest. We have thought, hitherto,
that the roads of a State could not be so well admin
istered even by the State legislature as by the magis
tracy of the county, on the spot. What will it be
when a member of N H is to mark out a road for
Georgia ? Does the power to establish post roads,
given you by Congress, mean that you shall make
the roads, or only select from those already made,
those on which there shall be a post ? If the term be
equivocal, (& I really do not think it so,) which is the
safest construction ? That which permits a majority
of Congress to go to cutting down mountains &
bridging of rivers, or the other, which if too re
stricted may refer it to the states for amendment,
securing still due measure & proportion among us,
and providing some means of information to the
members of Congress tantamount to that ocular In
spection, which, even in our county determinations,
the magistrate finds cannot be supplied by any other
evidence ? The fortification of harbors were liable
to great objection. But national circumstances fur
nished some color. In this case there is none. The
roads of America are the best in the world except
those of France & England. But does the state of
our population, the extent of our internal commerce,
the want of sea & river navigation, call for such ex
pense on roads here, or are our means adequate to
it ? Think of all this, and a great deal more which
your good judgment will suggest, and pardon my
freedom.

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 65
TO WILLIAM B. GILES. J- '^==-
MONTICELLO, Mar ig, 96.
I know not when I have received greater satisfac
tion than on reading the speech of Dr. Lieb, in the
Pennsylvania Assembly. He calls himself a new
member. I congratulate honest republicanism on
such an acquisition, and promise myself much from
a career which begins on such elevated ground. We
are in suspense here to see the fate and effect of mr.
Pitt's bill against democratic societies. I wish ex
tremely to get at the true history of this effort to
suppress freedom of meeting, speaking, writing and
printing. Your acquaintance with Sedgwick will en
able you to do it. Pray get from him the outlines of
the bill he intended to have brought in for this pur
pose. This will enable us to judge whether we have
the merit of the invention ; whether we were really
beforehand with the British minister on this subject ;
whether he took his hint from our proposition, or
whether the concurrence in the sentiment is merely
the result of the general truth that great men will
think alike and act alike, tho without intercommuni
cation. I am serious in desiring extremely the out
lines of the bill intended for us. From the debates
on the subject of our seamen, I am afraid as much
harm as good will be done by our endeavors to arm
our seamen against impressments. It Is proposed I
observe to register them & give them certificates of
citizenship to protect them from foreign impressment.
But these certificates will be lost in a thousand ways;
a sailor will neglect to take his certificate ; he is wet

66 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
twenty times in a voyage ; if he goes ashore without,
it, he is impressed ; if with it, he gets drunk, it is lost,
stolen from him, taken from him, and then the want
of it gives authority to impress, which does not exist
now. After ten years' attention to the subject, I
have never been able to devise anything effectual, but
that the circumstance of an American bottom be
made ipso facto, a protection for a number of seamen
porportloned to her tonnage ; to oblige American
captains when called on by foreign officers, to parade
the men on deck, which would show whether they
exceeded their own quota, and allow the foreign offi
cers to send 2. or 3. persons aboard and hunt for any
suspected to be concealed. This, mr. Pinckney was
instructed to Insist upon with Great Britain ; to ac
cept of nothing short of it ; and, most especially, not
to agree that a certificate of citizenship should be re-
quirable from our seamen ; because it would be made
a ground for the authorized impressment of them. I
am still satisfied that such a protection will place
them in a worse situation than they are at present
It is true, the British minister has not shown any dis
position to accede to my proposition : but it was not
totally rejected ; and if he still refuses, lay a duty of
I d. sterling a yard on British oznabrigs, to make a
fund for paying the expenses of the agents you are
obliged to employ to seek out our suffering seamen.
I congratulate you on the arrival of mr. Ames & the
British treaty. The newspapers had said they would
arrive together. We have had a fine winter. Wheat
looks well. Corn is scarce and dear. 22/ here, 30/

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 67
in Amherst. Our blossoms are but just opening. I
have begun the demolition of my house, and hope to
get through its re-edification in the course of the
summer. But do not let this discourage you from
calling on us if you wander this way in the sum
mer. We shall have the eye of a brick-kiln to poke
you into, or an Octagon to air you In. Adieu
affectionately. TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
MONTICELLO Mar. 21. 96.
Dear Sir, — I wrote you on the 2? inst. and now
take the liberty of troubling you in order to have the
inclosed letter to Mr Gautler safely handed to him.
I will thank you for information that it gets safely to
hand, as it is of considerable importance to him, to
the U S. to the state of Virginia, & to myself, by
conveying to him the final arrangement of the
accounts of Grand & Co. with all those parties.
Mr Jones happened fortunately to come Into our
neighborhood a few days after the date of my last,
and ordered the proper ground to be inclosed &
reserved for trees for you. My gardener is this day
gone to plant such as we had, which will serve for a
beginning. We shall engraft more for you this spring
& plant them the next.
The British treaty has been formally at length laid
before Congress. All America is a tip-toe to see
what the H. of Representatives will decide on it.
We conceive the constitutional doctrine to be that
tho' the P. & Senate have the general power of

68 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
making treaties yet whenever they include in a treaty
matters confided by the constitution to the three
branches of legislature, an act of legislation will be
requisite to confirm these articles, and that the H. of
Repr. as one branch of the legislature are perfectly
free to pass the act or to refuse it, governing them
selves by their own judgment whether it is for the
good of their constituents to let the treaty go into
effect or not. On the precedent now to be set will
depend the future construction of our constitution,
and whether the powers of legislation shall be trans
ferred from the P. Senate & H. of R. to the P. Senate
& Piarningo or any other Indian, Algerine or other
chief It is fortunate that the first decision is to
be in a case so palpably atrocious as to have been
predetermined by all America. — The appolntm'"- of
Elsworth C. J. and Chace one of the judges Is doubt
less communicated to you. My friendly respects to
mrs Monroe. Adieu affectionately.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Mar. 27, 96.
Yours of the 13th is received. I am enchanted
with mr. Gallatin's speech In Bache's paper of Mar.
14. It is worthy of being printed at the end of the
Federalist, as the only rational commentary on the
part of the constitution to which it relates. Not that
there may not be objections, and difficult ones, to
it, and which I shall be glad to see his answers to ;
but if they are never answered, they are more easily
to be gulped down than those which lie to the doc-

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 69
trines of his opponents, which do in fact annihilate
the whole of the powers given by the constitution to
the legislature. According to the rule established by
usage & common sense, of construing one part of the
instrument by another, the objects on which the P
& S may exclusively act by treaty are much reduced,
but the field on which they may act with the sanction
of the legislature, is large enough i^and I see no harm
in rendering their sanction necessary, and not much
harm in annihilating the whole treaty-making power,
except as to making peace. If you decide in favor of
your right to refuse co-operation in any case of treaty,
I should wonder on what occasion it is to be used, if
not on one where the rights, the interest, the honor
& faith of our nation are so grossly sacrificed ; where
a faction has entered Into a conspiracy with the ene
mies of their country to chain down the legislature at
the feet of both ; where the whole mass of your con
stituents have condemned this work In the most
unequivocal manner, and are looking to you as their
last hope to save them from the effects of the avarice
& corruption of the first agent, the revolutionary
machinations of others, and the Incomprehensible
acquiescence of the only honest man who has as
sented to It. I wish that his honesty and his political
errors may not furnish a second occasion to exclaim,
"curse on his virtues, the 've undone his country." —
Cold weather, mercury at 26. In the morning. Corn
fallen at Richmond to 20/ — stationary here ; Nicholas
sure of his election ; R. Jouett and Jo. Monroe in
competition for the other vote of the county. Affec
tions to mrs. M. and yourself Adieu.

70 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Apr. 17, 1796.
Dear Sir, — Yours of the 4th came to hand the
day before yesterday. I have turned to the Conven
tional history, and enclose you an exact copy of
what is there on the subject you mentioned. I have
also turned to my own papers, & send you some
things extracted from them, which shew that the
recollection of the P has not been accurate, when he
supposed his own opinion to have been uniformly
that declared in his answer of Mar 30. The records
of the Senate will vouch for this. * * *
Extract, verbatim, from last f age but one &' the last page.
" Mr. King suggested that the journals of the Convention should be either de
stroyed, or deposited in the custody of the President. He thought, if suffered
to be made public, a bad use would be made of them by those who would wish
to prevent the adoption of the constitution.
" Mr. Wilson preferred the 2d expedient. He had at one time liked the first
best ; but as false suggestions may be propagated, it should not be made impos-
possible to contradict them.
" A question was then put on depositing the journals & other papers of the
Convention In the hands of the President, on which N H, ay, M, ay, Ct, ay,
N J, ay, Penna, ay, Del, ay, Md, no, Virga, ay, N C, ay, S C, ay, Georgia, ay.
This negative of Maryland was occasioned by the language of the instructions
to the Deputies of that state, which required them to report to the state the
proceedings of the Convention.
The President having asked what the Convention meant should be done with
the journals, &c., whether copies were tobe allowed to the members, if ap
plied for, it was resolved nem. con, ' that he retain the journals & other papers
subject to the order of the Congress, if ever formed under the Constitution.'
" The members then proceeded to sign the instrument, &c."
" In the Senate, Feb i, 1791.
" The commee, to whom was referred that part of the speech of the Prt of
the U S, at the opening of the session, which relates to the commerce of the
Mediterranean, & also the letter from the Secy of state, dated 20 Jan, 1 791,
with the papers accompanying the same, reported : whereupon,
"Resolved, that the Senate do advise & consent, that the Pr of the U S take

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 71
such measures as he may think necessary for the redemption of the citizens of
the U S, now in captivity at Algiers, provided the expense shall not exceed
40,000. Dolls, & also, that measures be taken to confirm the treaty now existing
between the U S and the Emperor of Morocco."
The above is a copy of a resoln of Senate, referred
to me by the Pt, to prepare an answer to, and I find
immediately following this, among my papers, a press
copy, from an original written fairly in my own hand,
ready for the P's signature, & to be given in to the
Senate, the following answer :
' ' Gent of the Senate, —
" I will proceed to take measures for the ransom of our citizens in captivity
at Algiers, in conformity with your resoln of advice of the ist inst, so soon as
the moneys necessary shall be appropriated by the Legislature, & shall be in
readiness. " The recognition of our treaty vrith the new Emperor of Morocco requires
also previous appropriation & provision. The importance of this last to the
liberty & property of our citizens, induces me to urge it on your earliest
attention." Tho' I have no memm. of the delivery of this to
the Senate, yet I have not the least doubt it was given
in to them, & will be found among their records.
I find among my press copies, the following In my
hand writing :
" The committee to report, that the President does not think that circum
stances will justify, in the present instance, his entering into absolute engage
ments for the ransom of our captives in Algiers, nor calling for money from
the treasury, nor raising it by loan, without previous authority from both branches
of the legislature."
"Apr 9, 1792."
I do not recollect the occasion of the above paper
with certainty ; but I think there was a comme ap
pointed by the Senate to confer with the P on the

72 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
subject of the ransom, and to advise what is there
declined, and that a member of the commee advising
privately with me as to the report they were to make
to the House, I minuted down the above, as the sub
stance of what I conceived to be the proper report,
after what had passed with the Prt, and gave the origi
nal to the member, preserving the press copy. I
think the member was either mr. Izard or mr. Butler,
and have no doubt such a report will be found on the
files of the Senate.
On the 8th of May following, in consequence of
questions proposed by the Prt to the Senate, they came
to a resolution, on which a mission was founded. * * *

TO PHILLIP MAZZEL J. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Apr. 24, 1796.
My Dear Friend, — Your letter of Oct. 26. 1795.
is just received and gives me the first information
that the bills forwarded for you to V. S. & H. of
Amsterdam on V. Anderson for £z^-\7-\o\ & on
George Barclay for ^70-8-6 both of London have
been protested. I immediately write to the drawers
to secure the money if still unpaid. I wonder I have
never had a letter from our friends of Amsterdam on
that subject as well as acknoleging the subsequent
remittances. Of these I have apprised you by tripli
cates, but for fear of miscarriage will just mention
that on Sep. 8. I forwarded them Hodgden's bill on
Robinson Saunderson & Rumney of Whitehaven for
^300. and Jan. 31. that of the same on the same for

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 73
;^ 1 3 7- 1 6-6 both received from mr. Blair for your stock
sold out. I have now the pleasure to inform you that
Dohrman has settled his account with you, has al
lowed the New York damage of 20. per cent for the
protest, & the New York interest of 7. per cent, and
after deducting the partial payments for which he
held receipts the balance was three thousand &
eighty-seven dollars which sum he has paid into mr.
Madison's hands & as he (mr. Madison) is now in
Philadelphia, I have desired him to invest the money
in good bills on Amsterdam & remit them to the V.
Staphorsts & H. whom I consider as possessing your
confidence as they do mine beyond any house In
London. The pyracies of that nation lately ex
tended from the sea to the debts due from them
to other nations renders theirs an unsafe medium
to do business through. I hope these remittances
will place you at your ease & I will endeavor to exe
cute your wishes as to the settlement of the other
small matters you mention : tho' from them I expect
little. E. R.^ is bankrupt, or tantamount to it. Our
friend M. P.^ is embarrassed, having lately sold the
fine lands he lives on, & being superlatively just &
honorable I expect we may get whatever may be in
his hands. Lomax is under greater difficulties with
less means, so that I apprehend you have little more
to expect from this country except the balance which
will remain for Colle after deducting the little matter
due to me, & what will be recovered by Anthony.
This will be decided this summer.
' Edmund Randolph. ^ Mann Page.

74

THE WRITINGS OF [1796

I have written to you by triplicates with every re
mittance I sent to the V. S. & H. & always recapitu
lated in each letter the objects of the preceding ones.
I enclosed in two of them some seeds of the squash
as you desired. Send me in return some seeds of
the winter vetch, I mean that kind which is sewn in
autumn & stands thro the cold of winter, furnishing
a crop of green fodder in March. Put a few seeds In
every letter you may write to me. In England only
the spring vetch can be had. Pray fail not In this.
I have it greatly at heart.^
' From this point begins the extract which is known as the " Mazzei letter."
It originally appeared in a Florentine paper, from the Italian text was trans
lated into French and printed in the Moniteur, and from that was retranslated
into English, first appearing in America in The Minerva of May 14, 1797, as
follows :
' ' Translated for the Minerva, from the Paris Monitor, of January sj.
" Florence, January i, 1797.
" From Mr. Jefferson, late Minister of the United States in France, and
Secretary of the Department of Foreign Affairs, to a Citizen of Virginia.
" This letter literally translated is addressed to M. Mazzei, author of Re
searches, historical and political, upon the United States of America, now resi
dent in Tuscany.
' Our political situation is prodigiously changed since you left us. Instead
of that noble love of liberty, and that republican government, which carried us
triumphantly thro the dangers of the war, an Anglo-Monarchio-Aristocratic
party has arisen. Their avowed object is to impose on us the substance, as
they have already given us the form, of the British government. Neverthe
less, the principal body of our citizens remain faithful to republican principles.
All our proprietors of lands are friendly to those principles, as also the mass of
men of talents. We have against us (republicans) the Executive Power, the
yudiciary Power, (two of the three branches of our government) all the officers
of government, all who are seeking offices, all timid men who prefer the
calm of despotism to the tempestuous sea of liberty, the British merchants and
the Americans who trade on British capitals, the speculators, persons interested
in the bank and the public funds. [Establishments invented with views of cor
ruption, and to assimilate us to the British model in its corrupt parts.]

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 75
The aspect of our politics has wonderfully changed
since you left us. In place of that noble love of
liberty, & republican government which carried us
triumphantly thro' the war, an Anglican monarchical, &
aristocratical party has sprung up, whose avowed ob
ject is to draw over us the substance, as they have
already done the forms, of the British government.
The main body of our citizens, however, remain true
to their republican principles ; the whole landed in
terest is republican, and so is a great mass of talents.
Against us are the Executive, the Judiciary, two out
' I should give you a fever, if I should name the apostates who have embraced
these heresies ; men who were Solomons in council, and Sampsons in combat,
but whose hair has been cut off by the whore England. [In the original, par
la catin Angleterre, probably alluding to the woman's cutting off the hair of
Sampson and his loss of strength thereby.]
' They would wrest from us the liberty which we have obtained by so much
labor and peril ; but we shall preserve it. Our mass of weight and riches is so
powerful, that we have nothing to fear from any attempt against us by force.
It is sufficient that we guard ourselves, and that we break the lilliputian ties by
which they have bound us, in the first slumbers which succeeded our labors. It
suffices that we arrest the progress of that system of ingratitude and injustice
towards France, from which they would alienate us, to bring us under British
influence, &c.'
" Thus far the letter ; to which are subjoined, in the French paper, the fol
lowing remarks :
' This interesting letter from one of the most virtuous and enlightened citi
zens of the United States, explains the conduct of the Americans in regard to
France. It is certain that of all the neutral and friendly powers, there is none
from which France had a right to expect more interest and succours than from
the United States. She is their true mother country, since she has assured to
them their liberty and independence. Ungrateful children, instead of abandon
ing her, they ought to have armed in her defense. But if imperious circumstan
ces had prevented them from openly declaring for the Republic of France,
they ought at least to have made demonstrations and excited apprehensions in
England, that at some moment or other they should declare themselves. This
fear alone would have been sufficient to force the cabinet of London to make
peace. It is clear that a war with the United States would strike a terrible

76 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
of three branches of the legislature, all the officers
of the government, all who want to be officers, all
timid men who prefer the calm of despotism to the
boisterous sea of liberty, British merchants & Ameri
cans trading on British capitals, speculators & holders
in the banks & public funds, a contrivance invented
for the purposes of corruption, & for assimilating us
in all things to the rotten as well as the sound parts
of the British model. It would give you a fever were
I to name to you the apostates who have gone over
to these heresies, men who were Samsons in the field
& Solomons In the council, but who have had their
heads shorn by the harlot England. In short, we are
likely to preserve the liberty we have obtained only
blow at the commerce of the English, would give them uneasiness for the pre
servation of their possessions on the American continent, and deprive them of
the means of conquering the French and Dutch colonies.
' Equally ungrateful and impolitic, the Congress hastens to encourage the
English, that they might pursue in tranquility their war of extermination
against France and to invade the Colonies and the commerce of England.*
They sent to London, a minister, Mr. Jay, known by his attachment to Eng
land, and his personal relations to Lord GrenviUe, and he conducted suddenly
a treaty of Commerce which united them with Great Britain, more than a treaty
of alliance.
' Such a treaty, under all the peculiar circumstances, and by the consequences
which it must produce, is an act of hostility against France, The French gov
ernment in short has testified the resentment of the French nation, by breaking
off communication with an ungrateful and faithless ally, until she shall return
to a more just and benevolent conduct. Justice and sound policy equally approve
this measure of the French government. There is no doubt it will give rise, in
the United States, to discussions which may afford a triumph to the party of
good republicans, the friends of France,
' Some writers in disapprobation of this wise and necessary measure of the
directory, maintain that in the United States, the French have for partizans
only certain demagogues who aim to overthrow the existing government. But
* There seems to be a mistake in the original in this passsge, or we mistalce the construction.
Translator.

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 77
by unremitting labors & perils. But we shall pre
serve them ; and our mass of weight & wealth on the
good side is so great, as to leave no danger that force
will ever be attempted against us. We have only to
awake and snap the Lilliputian cords with which they
have been entangling us during the first sleep which
succeeded our labors. I will forward the testimonial
of the death of mrs. Mazzei, which I can do the more
incontrovertibly as she is burled in my grave yard,
and I pass her grave daily. The formalities of the
proof you require, will occasion delay. John Page
& his son Mann are well. The father remarried to a
lady from N. York. Beverley Randolph e la sua con-
their imprudent falsehoods convince no one, and prove only what is too evident,
that they use the liberty of the press, to serve the enemies of France.'
" [The foregoing letter wears all the external marks of authenticity. And yet
it seems hardly possible an American could be capable of writing such a letter.
As the letter is circulating in Europe, we deem it just, if a forgery, to give Mr.
Jefferson an opportunity to disavow it.] "
Upon this publication in America, and Jefferson's failure to repudiate it, he
was savagely attacked by the Federal press. He attempted no public explana
tion or palliation, but to his friends {seepost,, letter to Madison, June 3, 1797)
he sought to blame the translation for the stronger expressions, and many years
later, in his letter to Van Buren (June 24, 1824) he tried to explain away the
apparent allusions to Washington, even becoming insincere in his endeavors to
prove that his references did not allude to his former chief. So far as this
point is concerned, it is only necessary to note that the criticism on Washing
ton in this letter is far less severe than Jefferson was writing to others in these
years, and that Washington himself took the references so wholly to himself,
that from the publication of this letter he ceased all correspondence and inter
course with his former secretary. Nor is it probable that Jefferson's attempt
to discredit the public version at the time was so much a repudiation of what
he had written, as it was a political desire to avoid the unpopularity of being
known as the critic of one whom he had himself to acknowledge had such
personal popularity " that the people will support him in whatever he will do
or will not do, without appealing to their own reason or to anything but their
feelings toward him."

78 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
sorte living & well. Their only child married to the
2d of T. M. Randolph. The eldest son you know
married my eldest daughter, is an able learned &
worthy character, but kept down by ill health. They
have two children & still live with me. My younger
daughter well. Colo. Innis is well, & a true republi
can still as are all those before named. Colo. Monroe
is our M. P. at Paris a most worthy patriot & honest
man. These are the persons you inquire after. I
begin to feel the effects of age. My health has sud
denly broke down, with symptoms which give me to
believe I shall not have much to encounter of the
tedium, vitcs. While it remains, however, my heart
will be warm in it's friendships, and among these, will
always foster the affection with which I am, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.

CONTRACT. J. MSB.
This indenture made on the 12th day of May, 1796, between
Thomas Jefferson of Virginia of the one part and Nicholas and
Jacob Vanstaphorst and Hubbard of Amsterdam, bankers, of the
other part, witnesseth that whereas the sd Thomas is indebted to
them in the two sums of one thousand and four dollars fifty-four
cents, and eight hundred and eighty-eight dollars sixty seven
cents, making together eighteen hundred ninety three dollars
twenty one cents for so much paid for him by them to the United
States, for the purpose of securing the said whole sum last men
tioned, to them, and in consideration that they will forbear to de
mand by process in law one third of the sd sum & interest till
July 1797, one other third & interest till July 1798. and one other
third & interest till July 1799. And forthe further considn. of five
shillings to him by them paid he the sd Thomas hath given
granted & conveyed to the sd Nicolas and Jacob Van Staphorst

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 79
& Hubbard the following slaves, to wit, Ned and Jenny his wife
& Ned, Fanny, Dick, Gill & Scilla their children, Rachel &
Nancy & Abraham her children, old Betty and Val. residing at
the lands of the sd Thomas in Albermarle called Tufton, and
Bagwell & Minerva his wife and Ursulla, and Mary and Virginia
their children residing on his lands in Albermarle called Lago, in
all seventeen, to have & to hold the sd slaves to the sd Nicholas
& Jacob Van Staphorst & Hubbard their heirs exrs. & admrs
Provided that if the sd Thomas shall pay to the sd. Nicholas &
Jacob Van Staphorst & Hubbard one third of the sd debt &
interest before July, 1797. one other third before July 1798. and
one-third before July 1799. or if they should demand in law
earlier paiment then these presents to be void. In witness
whereof the sd Thomas hath set his hand and seal the day and
year first above written.

TO JAMES MONROE. '*°'^- '^^^•
June 12, 1796.
The dreadful misfortune of poor Derieux, who has
lost his house & all it's contents by fire occasions the
present letter to cover one from him to his aunt. I
send It open for your perusal. Be so good as to seal
& send it. I hope she will, if she has not done it
already, send him some relief.
I received only 3. weeks ago your favor of Nov. 18.
It has been 5. months on it's way to me. The reason
for engaging laborers to prepare for your buildings
was then over. They are to be got only about the
new year's day. To this is added that the plan you
promised to send me is not come. It is perhaps not
unfortunate that nothing was begun this year. Corn
@ 25/ to 30/ a barrel would have rendered building
this year extremely dear. It does so to me who had

8o THE WRITINGS OF [1796
engaged in It before that circumstance was foreseen.
If your plan arrives, I will consult with Mr. Jones,
and according to the result of our Consultation make
preparations in the winter for the next year's work.
Congress has risen. You will have seen by their
proceedings the truth of what I always observed to
you, that one man outweighs them all in influence
over the people who have supported his judgment
against their own & that of their representatives.
Republicanism must lie on it's oars, resign the vessel
to it's pilot, and themselves to the course he thinks
best for them. — I had always conjectured, from such
facts as I could get hold of, that our public debt was
increasing about a million of dollars a year. You
will see by Gallatin's speeches that the thing is proved.
You will see further that we are compleatly saddled
& bridled, & that the bank is so firmly mounted on
us that we must go where they will guide. They
openly publish a resolution that the national property
being increased in value they must by an increase of
circulating medium furnish an adequate representation
of it, and by further additions of active capital pro
mote the enterprises of our merchants. It is sup
posed that the paper in circulation In and around
Philadelphia amounts to 20. millions of Doll, and that
in the whole union to 100. millions. I think the last
too high. All the imported commodities are raised
about 50 per cent, by the depreciation of the money.
Tob? shares the rise because it has no competition
abroad. Wheat has been extravagantly high from
other causes. When these cease, it must fall to it's

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 81
antient nominal price notwithstanding the deprecia
tion of that, because it must contend at market with
foreign wheats. Lands have risen within the notice
of the papers, and as far out as that can influence.
They are not risen at all here. On the contrary they
are lower than they were 20. years ago. Those I had
mentioned to you, to w^it. Carter's & Colle were sold
before your letter came. Colle @ two dollars the
acre. Carter's had been offered me for two French
crowns (13/2). Mechanics here get from a dollar to
a dollar & a half a day, yet are much worse off than
at old prices. — Volney is with me at present. He is
on his way to the Illinois. Some late appointments
judiciary & diplomatic you will have heard and stared
at. The death of R. Jouett Is the only small news in
our neighborhood. Our best affections attend Mrs.
Monroe, Eliza & yourself.

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. J. mss.
MONTICELLO, June 19, 1796.
Dear Sir, — In Bache's Aurora, of the 9th inst
which came here by the last post, a paper appears,
which, having been confided, as I presume, to but few
hands, makes it truly wonderful how it should have
got there. I cannot be satisfied as to my own part,
till I relieve my mind by declaring, and I attest every
thing sacred & honorable to the declaration, that it
has got there neither thro' me nor the paper confided
to me. This has never been from under my own lock
& key, or out of my own hands. No mortal ever

82 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
knew from me, that these questions had been pro.
posed. Perhaps I ought to except one person, who
possesses all my confidence, as he has possessed yours.
I do not remember. Indeed, that I communicated it
even to him. But as I was in the habit of unlimited
trust & council with him. It is possible I may have
read It to him ; no more : for the quire of which it
makes a part was never in any hand but my own, nor
was a word ever copied or taken down from it, by any
body. I take on myself, without fear, any divulgation
on his part. We both know him incapable of it.
From myself, then, or my paper, this publication has
never been derived. I have formerly mentioned to
you, that from a very early period of my life, I had
laid it down as a rule of conduct, never to write a
word for the public papers. From this, I have never
departed in a single Instance ; & on a late occasion,
when all the world seemed to be writing, besides a
rigid adherence to my own rule, I can say with truth,
that not a line for the press was ever communicated
to me, by any other, except a single petition referred
for my correction ; which I did not correct, however,
though the contrary, as I have heard, was said in a
public place, by one person through error, thro' malice
by another. I learn that this last has thought it worth
his while to try to sow tares between you & me, by
representing me as still engaged in the bustle of poli
tics, & in turbulence & intrigue against the govern
ment. I never believed for a moment that this could
make any impression on you, or that your knowledge
of me would not overweigh the slander of an intriguer,

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 83
dirtily employed in sifting the conversations of my
table, where alone he could hear of me ; and seeking
to atone for his sins against you by sins against
another, who had never done him any other injury
than that of declining his confidences. Political con
versations I really dislike, & therefore avoid where I
can without affectation. But when urged by others,
I have never conceived that having been in public life
requires me to belie my sentiments, or even to con
ceal them. When I am led by conversation to express
them, I do it with the same independence here which
I have practiced everywhere, and which is inseparable
from my nature. But enough of this miserable ter-
giversator, who ought indeed either to have been of
more truth, or less trusted by his country.^
While on the subject of papers, permit me to ask
one from you. You remember the difference of
opinion between Hamilton & Knox on the one part,
& myself on the other, on the subject of firing on the
little Sarah, and that we had exchanged opinions &
reasons In writing. On your arrival in Philadelphia
I delivered you a copy of my reasons, in the presence
of Colo. Hamilton. On our withdrawing he told me
he had been so much engaged that he had not been
able to prepare a copy of his & General Knox's for
you, and that if I would send you the one he had
given me, he would replace it In a few days. I im
mediately sent it to you, wishing you should see both
sides of the subject together. I often after applied
' Here, in the margin of the copy, is written, apparently at a later date,
" General H. Lee."

84 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
to both the gentlemen but could never obtain
another copy. I have often thought of asking this
one, or a copy of It, back from you, but have not be
fore written on subjects of this kind to you. Tho I
do not know that it will ever be of the least import
ance to me, yet one loves to possess arms, tho they
hope never to have occasion for them. They possess
my paper in my own handwriting. It is just I should
possess theirs. The only thing amiss is, that they
should have left me to seek a return of the paper, or
a copy of it, from you.
I put away this disgusting dish of old fragments,
& talk to you of my peas & clover. As to the latter
article, I have great encouragement from the friendly
nature of our soil. I think I have had, both the last
& present year, as good clover from common grounds,
which had brought several crops of wheat & corn
without ever having been manured, as I ever saw on
the lots around Philadelphia. I verily believe that a
yield of 34. acres, sowed on wheat April was twelve
month, has given me a ton to the acre at it's first
cutting this spring. The stalks extended, measured
3I feet long very commonly. Another field, a year
older, & which yielded as well the last year, has
sensibly fallen off this year. My exhausted fields
bring a clover not high enough for hay, but I hope
to make seed from It. Such as these, however, I
shall hereafter put into peas In the broadcast, pro
posing that one of my sowings of wheat shall be after
two years of clover, & the other after 2. years of peas.
I am trying the white boiling pea of Europe (the Al-

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 85
bany pea) this year, till I can get the hog pea of
England, which is the most productive of all. But
the true winter vetch is what we want extremely. I
have tried this year the Caroline drill. It is abso
lutely perfect. Nothing can be more simple, nor
perform it's office more perfectly for a single row. I
shall try to make one to sow four rows at a time of
wheat or peas, at 1 2. inches distance. I have one of
the Scotch threshing machines nearly finished. It is
copied exactly from a model mr. Pinckney sent me,
only that I have put the whole works (except the
horse wheel) Into a single frame, movable from one
field to another on the two axles of a wagon. It will
be ready in time for the harvest which is coming on,
which will give it a full trial. Our wheat and rye
are generally fine, and the prices talked of bid fair to
indemnify us for the poor crops of the two last years.
I take the liberty of putting under your cover a
letter to the son of the M. de la Fayette, not exactly,
knowing where to direct to him.
With very affectionate compliments to mrs. Wash
ington, I have the honor to be, with great & sincere
esteem & respect. Dear Sir, your most obedient &
most humble servant.

TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS. J- mss.
MONTICELLO, July 3, 1796.
Dear Sir, — I take shame to myself for having so
long left unanswered your valuable favor on the sub
ject of the mountains. But in truth, I am become

86 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
lazy to everything except agricultiire. The prepara
tions for harvest, and the length of the harvest itself,
which is not yet finished, would have excused the de
lay however, at all times Sz: under all dispositions. I
examined, with great satisfaction, your barometrical
estimate of the heights of our mountains ; and with
the more, as they corroborated conjectures on this
subject which I had made before. My estimates had
made them a little higher than yours (I speak of the
blue ridge). Measuring with a very nice instrument
the angle subtended vertically by the highest moun
tain of the Blue ridge opposite to my own house, a
distance of about 18. miles southwestward, I made
the highest about 2000. f. as well as I remember, for
I can no longer find the notes I made. You make
the south side of the mountain near Rockfish gap,
1722. f. above Woods'. You make the other side of
the mountain 767 f. Mr. Thomas Lewis dec'd, an
accurate man, with a good quadrant, made the north
side of the highest mountain opposite my house
something more (I think) than 1000. f. ; but the
mountain estimated by him & myself is probably
higher than that next Rockfish gap. I do not re
member from what principles I estimated the peaks
of Otter at 4000. f. ; but some late observations of
Judge Tucker's coincided very nearly with my esti
mate. Your measures confirm another opinion of
mine, that the blue ridge, on it's south side, is the
highest ridge in our country compared with it's base.
I think your observations on these mountains well
worthy of being published, and hope you will not

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 87
scruple to let them be communicated to the world. —
You wish me to present to the Philosophical society
the result of my philosophical researches since my
retirement. But, my good Sir, I have made re
searches into nothing but what is connected with
agriculture. In this way, I have a little matter to
communicate, and will do it ere long. It is the form
of a mould-board of least resistance. I had some
years ago conceived the principles of it, and I ex
plained them to mr. Rittenhouse. I have since re
duced the thing to practice, and have reason to
believe the theory fully confirmed. I only wish for
one of those instruments used in England for meas
uring the force exerted in the draughts of different
ploughs, &c., that I might compare the resistance of
my mould-board with that of others. But these in
struments are not to be had here. In a letter of this
date to mr. Rittenhouse, I mention a discovery in
animal history, very signal indeed, of which I shall
lay before the society the best account I can, as soon
as I shall have received some other materials which
are collecting for me.
I have seen, with extreme indignation, the blas
phemies lately vended against the memory of the
father of American philosophy. But his memory will
be preserved and venerated as long as the thunders
of heaven shall be heard or feared.
With good wishes to all of his family, and senti
ments of great respect & esteem for yourself, I am,
dear Sir, your most obedient, and most humble
servant.

88 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
July 10. 96.
Dear Sir, — Your brother received a letter from
you a few days since in which he says you mention
having received but two from me since you left us. I
have not been a very troublesome correspondent to
you, I acknoledge, but have written letters of the
following dates to you, to wit 1794. Mar. 11. Apr. 24.
— 1795. May 26. Sep. 6. — 1796 June 12. In this
last I acknoleged the receipt of yours of Nov. 18. and
mentioned that your plan was not yet come to hand,
which with the difficulty & expence of getting labor
ers at this season would prevent beginning your
works till the new year. I have been in dally
expectation of hearing of the arrival of Mr. Short,
having no news from him since his leaving Madrid
for Paris. I am often asked when you will return.
My answer is when Eliza is 14. years old. Longer
than that you will be too wise to stay. Till then I
presume you will retain a post which the public good
requires to be filled by a republican. I put under
your cover some letters from M. de Liancourt. I
wish the present government would permit his return.
He is an honest man, sincerely attached to his Coun
try, zealous against its enemies, and very desirous of
being permitted to live retired in the bosom of his
family. My sincere affection for his connections at
Rocheguyon, and most especially for Madame D'an-
ville would render it a peculiar felicity to me to be any
ways instrumental in having him restored to them. I
have no means however unless you can interpose

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 89
without giving offence. If you can, I should be much
pleased. The Campaign of Congress is closed, tho'
the Anglomen have In the end got their treaty
through, and so far have triumphed over the cause of
republicanism. Yet it has been to them a dear bought
victory. It has given the most radical shock to their
party which it has ever received : and there is no doubt
they would be glad to be replaced on the ground
they possessed the instant before Jay's nomination
extraordinary. They see that nothing can support
them but the Colossus of the President's merits with
the people, and the moment he retires, that his suc
cessor. If a Monocrat, will be overborne by the
republican sense of his Constitutents, if a republican
he will of course give fair play to that sense, and lead
things into the channel of harmony between the
governors & governed. In the mean time, patience.
— Among your neighbors there is nothing new. Mr.
Rittenhouse is lately dead. Governor Brook has lost
his lady. We have had the finest harvest ever known
in this part of the country. Both the quantity &
quality of our wheat are extraordinary. We got 1 5/
a bushel for the last crop, & hope two thirds of that
at least for the present one — Most assiduous court is
paid to P. H. He has been offered every thing which
they knew he would not accept. Some impression Is
thought to be made, but we do not believe it is radical.
If they thought they could count on him they would
run him for V. P. their first object being to produce
a schism in this state.
As it is they will run Mr. Pinckney, in which they

90 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
regard his southern position rather than his principles.
Mr. J. and his advocate Camillus are compleatly
treaty-foundered. We all join in love to Mrs. Monroe
& Elvie, and accept for yourself assurances of sincere
& affectionate friendship. Adieu.

TO COLONEL JOHN STUART. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Nov. 10, I796.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of your
last favor, together with the bones of the Great-claw,
which accompanied it. My anxiety to obtain a thigh
bone is such, that I defer communicating what we
have to the Philosophical society, in the hope of
adding that bone to the collection. We should then
be able to fix the stature of the animal, without
going into conjecture & calculation, as we should
possess a whole limb, from the haunch bone to the
claw inclusive. Whenever you announce to me that
the recovery of a thigh bone is desperate, I shall make
the communication to the Philosophical society. I
think it happy that this incident will make known to
them a person so worthy as yourself to be taken into
their body, and without whose attention to these
extraordinary remains, the world might have been
deprived of the knowledge of them. I cannot, how
ever, help believing that this animal, as well as the
mammoth, are still existing. The annihilation of any
species of existence, is so unexampled in any parts of
the economy of nature which we see, that we have a
right to conclude, as to the parts we do not see, that

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON.

91

the probabilities against such annihilation are stronger
than those for it. In hopes of hearing from you,
as soon as you can form a conclusion satisfactory
to yourself, that the thigh bone will or will not be
recovered, I remain, with great respect & esteem,
Dear Sir, your most obedient servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 17, 1796.
Your favor of the 5 th came to hand last night. The
first wish of my heart was, that you should have been
proposed for the administration of the government.
On your declining it, I wish any body rather than
myself; and there is nothing I so anxiously hope,
as that my name may come out either second or
third. These would be indifferent to me ; as the last
would leave me at home the whole year, & the other
two-thirds of it. I have no expectation that the
Eastern states will suffer themselves to be so much
outwitted, as to be made the tools for bringing in P.
instead of A. I presume they will throw away their
second vote. In this case, it begins to appear possi
ble, that there may be an equal division where I had
supposed the republican vote would have been con
siderably minor. It seems also possible, that the
Representatives may be divided. This is a difficulty
from which the constitution has provided no issue.
It is both my duty & inclination, therefore, to relieve
the embarrassment, should it happen ; and in that
case, I pray you and authorize you fully, to solicit on

92 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
my behalf that mr. Adams may be preferred. He
has always been my senior, from the commencement
of my public life, and the expression of the public will
being equal, this circumstance ought to give him the
preference. And when so many motives will be
operating to induce some of the members to change
their vote, the addition of my wish may have some
effect to preponderate the scale. I am really anxious
to see the speech. It must exhibit a very different
picture of our foreign affairs from that presented in
the adieu, or it will little correspond with my views of
them. I think they never wore so gloomy an aspect
since the year 83. Let those come to the helm
who think they can steer clear of the difficulties. I
have no confidence in myself for the undertaking.
We have had the severest weather ever known In
November. The thermometer was at 12° here & in
Goochland, & I suppose generally. It arrested my
buildings very suddenly, when eight days more would
have completed my walls, & permitted us to cover in.
The drought is excessive. From the middle of
October to the middle of December, not rain enough
to lay the dust. A few days ago there fell a small
rain, but the succeeding cold has probably prevented
it from sprouting the grain sown during the drought
Present me in friendly terms to Messrs. Giles,
Venable, Page. Adieu affectionately.
P. S. I enclose a letter for Volney because I do
not know where to address to him.
Pray send me Gallatin's view of the finances of the
U. S. and Paine's Ire to the President if within the
compass of a conveyance by post.

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON 93
TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Dec. 27, 1796.
My Dear Sir, — * * * You have seen my name
lately tacked to so much of eulogy & of abuse, that I
dare say you hardly thought it meant your old
acquaintance of '76. In truth, I did not know myself
under the pens either of my friends or foes. It is
unfortunate for our peace, that unmerited abuse
wounds, while unmerited praise has not the power to
heal. These are hard wages for the services of all
the active & healthy years of one's life. I had retired
after five & twenty years of constant occupation in
public affairs, and total abandonment of my own. I
retired much poorer than when I entered the public
service, and desired nothing but rest & oblivion. My
name, however, was again brought forward, without
concert or expectation on my part ; (on my salvation
I declare it.) I do not as yet know the result, as a
matter of fact ; for in my retired canton we have
nothing later from Philadelphia than of the 2d
week of this month. Yet I have never one moment
doubted the result. I knew it was impossible mr.
Adams should lose a vote North of the Delaware, and
that the free and moral agency of the South would
furnish him an abundant supplement. On principles
of public respect I should not have refused ; but I
protest before my god, that I shall, from the bottom
of my heart, rejoice at escaping. I know well that
no man will ever bring out of that office the reputation
which carries him into it. The honey moon would
be as short in that case as in any other, & Its moments
of extasy would be ransomed by years of torment &

94 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
hatred. I shall highly value, indeed, the share which
I may have had in the late vote, as an evidence of the
share I hold In the esteem of my countrymen. But
in this point of view, a few votes more or less will be
little sensible, and in every other, the minor will be
preferred by me to the major vote. I have no am
bition to govern men ; no passion which would lead
me to delight to ride in a storm. Flumina amo, syl-
vasque, inglorius. My attachment to my home has
enabled me to make the calculation with rigor, per
haps with partiality, to the issue which keeps me
there. The newspapers will permit me to plant my
corn, peas, &c., in hills or drills as I please (and my
oranges, by-the-bye, when you send them), while our
Eastern friend will be struggling with the storm which
is gathering over us ; perhaps be shipwrecked in it.
This is certainly not a moment to covet the helm.
I have often doubted whether most to praise or to
blame your line of conduct. If you had lent to your
country the excellent talents you possess, on you
would have fallen those torrents of abuse which have
lately been poured forth on me. So far, I praise
the wisdom which has descried & steered clear of
a water-spout ahead. But now for the blame. There
is a debt of service due from every man to his country,
proportioned to the bounties which nature & fortune
have measured to him. Counters will pay this from
the poor of spirit ; but from you, my friend, coin was
due. There is no bankrupt law in heaven, by which
you may get off with shillings in the pound ; with
rendering to a single State what you owed to the whole

1796] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 95
confederacy. I think it was by the Roman law that
a father was denied sepulture, unless his son would
pay his debts. Happy for you & us, that you have a
son whom genius & education have qualified to pay
yours. But as you have been a good father in
everything else, be so in this also. Come forward &
pay your own debts. Your friends, the mr. Pinckneys,
have at length undertaken their tour. My joy at this
would be complete if you were in gear with them. I
love to see honest and honorable men at the helm,
men who will not bend their politics to their purses,
nor pursue measures by which they may profit, &
then profit by their measures. Au diable les Bougres !
I am at the end of my curse and bottom of my page,
so God bless you and yours. Adieu affectionately.

TO JOHN ADAMS."-
MONTICELLO, Dec. 28, 1796.
Dear Sir, — The public & the papers have been
much occupied lately in placing us in a point of
opposition to each other. I trust with confidence
that less of it has been felt by ourselves personally.
In the retired canton where I am, I learn little of
what is passing : pamphlets I see never : papers but a
few ; and the fewer the happier. Our latest intelli
gence from Philadelphia at present Is of the i6th
inst. but tho' at that date your election to the first
magistracy seems not to have been known as a fact,
1 From the original in the possession of Dr. Thomas Addis Emmet, of New
York.

96 THE WRITINGS OF [1796
yet with me It has never been doubted. I knew It
impossible you should lose a vote north of the Dela
ware, and even if that of Pennsylvania should be
against you In the mass, yet that you would get
enough South of that to place your succession out of
danger. I have never one single moment expected
a different issue ; Sz; tho' I know I shall not be be
lieved, yet It is not the less true that I have never
wished it. My neighbors as my compurgators could
aver that fact, because they see my occupations & my
attachment to them. Indeed it is Impossible that
you may be cheated of your succession by a trick
worthy thei subtlety of your arch-friend of New York
who has been able to make of your real friends tools
to defeat their and your just wishes. Most probably
he will be disappointed as to you ; and my inclinations
place me out of his reach. I leave to others the sub
lime delights of riding in the storm, better pleased
with sound sleep and a warm birth below, with the
society of neighbors, friends & fellow-laborers of the
earth, than of spies & sycophants. No one then will
congratulate you with purer disinterestedness than
myself. The share indeed which I may have had in
the late vote, I shall still value highly, as an evidence
of the share I have in the esteem of my fellow
citizens. But while in this point of view, a few votes
less would be Httle sensible, the difference in the
effect of a few more would be very sensible and
oppressive to me. I have no ambition to govern
men. It is a painful and thankless office. Since the
day too on which you signed the treaty of Paris our

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON.

97

horizon was never so overcast. I devoutly wish you
may be able to shun for us this war by which our
agriculture, commerce & credit will be destroyed. If
you are, the glory will be all your own ; and that
your administration may be filled with glory, and
happiness to yourself and advantage to us is the sin
cere wish of one who tho' in the course of our own
voyage thro' life, various little incidents have hap
pened or been contrived to separate us, retains still
for you the solid esteem of the moments when we
were working for our independence, and sentiments
of respect & affectionate attachment.*
' statement by memory, of a letter I wrote to John Adams ; copy omitted to
be retained. MONTICELLO, Dec. 28, 1796.
Dear Sir, — The public, & the public papers, have been much occupied
lately in placing us in a point of opposition to each other. I confidently trust
we have felt less of it ourselves. In the retired canton where I live, we know
little of what is passing. Pamphlets I see none : papers very few, & the fewer
the happier. Our last information from Philada is of the i6th inst. At that date
the issue of the late election seems not to have been known as a matter of fact.
With me, however, its issue was never doubted. I knew the impossibility of
your losing a single vote North of the Delaware ; and even if you should lose
that of Pennsylva in the mass, you would get enough South of that to make
your election sure. I never for a single moment expected any other issue ; &
tho' I shall not be believed, yet it is not the less true, that I never wished any
other. My neighbors, as my compurgators, could aver this fact, as seeing my
occupations & my attachment to them. It is possible, indeed, that even you
may be cheated of your succession by a trick worthy the subtlety of your arch
friend of New York, who has been able to make of your real friends tools for
defeating their & your just wishes. Probably, however, he will be disappointed
as to you ; and my inclinations put me out of his reach. I leave to others the
sublime delights of riding in the storm, better pleased with sound sleep &
a warmer berth below it, encircled with the society of my neighbors, friends,
& fellow laborers of the earth, rather than with spies & ^cophants. Still, I
shall value highly the share I may have had in the late vote, as a measure of
the share I hold in the esteem of my fellow cirizens. In this point of view, a
few votes less are but litUe sensible, while a few more would have been in their
VOL VII — 7

98 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Jan. I. 97.
Yours of Dec. 19. has come safely. The event of
the election has never been a matter of doubt In my
mind. I knew that the Eastern states were disci
plined in the schools of their town meetings to sacrifice
differences of opinion to the great object of operating
in phalanx, & that the more free & moral agency
practiced in the other states would always make up
the supplement of their weight. Indeed the vote
comes much nearer an equality than I had expected.
I know the difficulty of obtaining belief to one's
declarations of a disinclination to honors, & that it Is
greatest with those who still remain in the world.
But no arguments were wanting to reconcile me to a
relinquishment of the first office or acquiescence under
the second. As to the first it was impossible that a
more solid unwillingness settled on full calculation,
could have existed in any man's mind, short of the
degree of absolute refusal. The only view on which
I would have gone into It for awhile was to put our
vessel on her republican tack before she should be
thrown too much to leeward of her true principles.
As to the second, it Is the only office in the world
about which I am unable to decide in my own mind
effect very sensible & oppressive to me. I have no ambition to govern men.
It is a painful and thankless office. And never since the day you signed the
treaty of Paris, has our horizon been so overcast. I devoutly wish you may be
able to shun for us this war, which will destroy our agriculture, commerce, &
credit. If you do, the glory will be all your own. And that your administra
tion may be filled with glory & happiness to yourself, & advantage to us, is the
sincere prayer of one, who, tho' in the course of our voyage, various little in
cidents have happened or been contrived to separate us, yet retains for you the
solid esteem of the times when we were working for our independence, and
sentiments of sincere respect & attachment.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 99
whether I had rather have it or not have it. Pride
does not enter into the estimate ; for I think with the
Romans that the general of today should be a soldier
tomorrow if necessary. I can particularly have no
feelings which would revolt at a secondary position
to mr. Adams. I am his junior In life, was his junior
in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic line, his
junior lately in the civil government. Before the re
ceipt of your letter I had written the enclosed one to
him. I had intended it some time, but had deferred
it from time to time under the discouragement of a
despair of making him believe I could be sincere in
it. The papers by the last post not rendering it
necessary to change anything in the letter I enclose
it open for your perusal, not only that you may
possess the actual state of dispositions between us,
but that if anything should render the delivery of it
ineligible In your opinion, you may return it to me.
If mr. Adams can be induced to administer the gov
ernment on it's true principles, & to relinquish his
bias to an English constitution, it is to be considered
whether It would not be on the whole for the public
good to come to a good understanding with him as
to his future elections. He is perhaps the only sure
barrier against Hamilton's getting in.
Since my last I have received a packet of books &
pamphlets, the choiceness of which testifies that they
come from you. The incidents of Hamilton's insur
rection is a curious work indeed. The hero of it
exhibits himself in all the attitudes of a dexterous
balance master.
The Political progress is a work of value & of a

loo THE WRITINGS OF [1797
singular complexion. The eye of the author seems
to be a natural achromatic, which divests every object
of the glare of colour. The preceding work under
the same title had the same merit. One is disgusted
indeed with the ulcerated state which it presents of
the human mind : but to cure an ulcer we must go to
its bottom : & no writer has ever done this more
radically than this one. The reflections into which
he leads one are not flattering to our species. In truth
I do not recollect in all the animal kingdom a single
species but man which is eternally & systematically
engaged in the destruction of its own species. What is
called civilization seems to have no other effect on him
than to teach him to pursue the principle of bellum
omnium in omnia on a larger scale, & in place of the
little contests of tribe against tribe, to engage all the
quarters of the earth in the same work of destruction.
When we add to this that as to the other species of
animals, the lions & tigers are mere lambs compared
with man as a destroyer, we must conclude that it is
in man alone that nature has been able to find a
sufficient barrier against the too great multiplication
of other animals & of man himself, an equilibriating
power against the fecundity of generation. My situa
tion points my views chiefly to his wars in the physi
cal world : yours perhaps exhibit him as equally
warring in the moral one. We both, I believe, join
in wishing to see him softened. Adieu,*
' Statement from memory, of a letter I wrote to James Madison : copy omit
ted to be retained. MONTICELLO, Jan. I, 97.
Yours of Dec. 19 is safely received. I never entertained a doubt of the event
of the election. I knew that the eastern troops were trained in the schools of

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. loi
TO ARCHIBALD STUART.* MONTICELLO, Jan 4, 1797.
Dear Sir, — In answer to your favor of Dec. 31.
& to the question whether adviseable to address the
President on the subject of war against France, I
shall speak explicitly, because I know I may do it
safely to you. Such is the popularity of the Presi
dent that the people will support him in whatever he
will do or will not do, without appealing to their own
reason or to anything but their feelings toward him.
His mind has been so long used to unlimited ap
plause that it could not brook contradiction, or even
their town meetings to sacrifice little differences of opinion to the solid advan
tages of operating in phalanx, and that the more free and moral agency of the
other States would fully supply their deficiency. I had no expectation, indeed,
that the vote would have approached so near an equality. It is difficult to ob
tain full credit to declarations of disinclination to honors, and most so with
those who still remain in the world. But never was there a more solid unwil
lingness, founded on rigorous calculation, formed in the mind of any man, short
of peremptory refusal. No arguments, therefore, were necessary to reconcile
me to a relinquishment of the first office, or acceptance of the second. No
motive could have induced me to undertake the first, but that of pitting our
vessel upon her republican tack, and preventing her being driven too far to
leeward of her true principles. And the second is the only office in the world
about which I cannot decide in my own mind, whether I had rather have it or
not have it. Pride does not enter into the estimate. For I think with the
Romans of old, that the General of to-day should be a common soldier to
morrow, if necessary. But as to Mr. Adams, particularly, I could have no
feelings which would revolt at being placed in a secondary station to him. I
am his junior in life, I was his junior in Congress, his junior in the diplomatic
line, and lately his junior in our civil government. I had written him the en
closed letter before the receipt of yours. I had intended it for some time, but
had put it off, from time to time, from the discouragement of despair to make
him believe me sincere. As the information by the last post does not make
it necessary to change anything in the letter, I enclose it open for your perusal,
as well that you may be possessed of the true state of dispositions between us,
as that if there be any circumstance which might render its delivery ineligible,
' From the original in the possession of the Virginia Historical Society.

102 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
advice offered unasked. To advice, when asked, he
is very open. I have long thought therefore it was
best for the republican interest to soothe him by
flattering where they could approve his measures, &
to be silent where they disapprove, that they may not
render him desperate as to their affections, & entirely
indifferent to their wishes, in short to lie on their oars
while he remains at the helm, and let the bark drift
as his will and a superintending providence shall
direct. By his answer to the House of Representa
tives on the subject of the French war, & also by
private information, it seems he is earnest that the
war should be avoided, & to have the credit of leav
ing us in full peace. I think then it is best to leave
you may return it to me. If Mr. Adams could be induced to administer the
government on its true principles, quitting his bias for an English constitution,
it would be worthy consideration whether it would not be for the public good, to
come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is the
only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting in. . . ,
The Political Progress is a work of value and of a singular complexion. The
author's eye seems to be a natural achromatic, divesting every object of the
glare of color. The former work of the same title possessed the same kind of
merit. They disgust one, indeed, by opening to his view the ulcerated state of
the human mind. But to cure an ulcer you must go to the bottom of it, which
no author does more radically than this. The reflections into which it leads us
are not very flattering to the human species. In the whole animal kingdom I
recollect no family but man, steadily and systematically employed in the de
struction of itself. Nor does what is called civilization produce any other
effect, than to teach him to pursue the principle of the bellum omnium in omnia
on a greater scale, and instead of the little contest between tribe and tribe, to
comprehend all the quarters of the earth in the same work of destruction. If
to this we add, that as to other animals, the lions and tigers are mere lambs
compared with man as a destroyer, we must conclude that nature has been able
to find in man alone a sufficient barrier against the too great multiplication of
other animals and of man himself, an equilibrating power against the fecundity
of generation. While in making these observations, my situation points my
attention to the warfare of man in the physical world, yours may perhaps
present him as equally warring in the moral one. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 103
him to his own movements, & not to risk the ruffling
them by what he might deem an improper interference
with the constituted authorities. The rather too be
cause we do not hear of any movement in any other
quarter concurrent with what you suggest, & because
it would scarcely reach him before his departure from
office. As to the President elect, there is reason to
believe that he (Mr. Adams I mean) is detached from
Hamilton, & there is a possibility he may swerve from
his politics in a greater or less degree. Should the
British faction attempt to urge him to the war by ad
dresses of support with life & fortune, as may happen,
it would then be adviseable to counteract their endeav
ors by dissuasive addresses. At this moment therefore,
at our distance from the scene of information & in
fluence, I should think it most adviseable to be silent
till we see what turn the new administration will take.
At the same time I mix so little with the world, that
my opinion merits less attention than anybody's else,
and ought not to be weighed against your own good
judgment. If therefore I have given it freely, it is
because you have desired it, & not because I think it
worth your notice.
My information from Philadelphia confirms the
opinion I gave you as to the event of the election.
Mr. Adams will have a majority of three votes with
respect to myself, & whether Mr. Pinckney will have
a few more or less than him seems uncertain. The
votes of N. H. R. I. and Vermont had not come in,
nor those of Georgia & the two Western states. You
shall receive a gong by the first conveyance. It is

I04 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
but fair reciprocity to give me an opportunity of
gratifying you sometimes, and to prove by accepting
this, that my repeated intrusions on you have not been
too troublesome. It is a great satisfaction to know
that the object will be acceptable to you. With every
wish for your happiness I am Dear Sir your affec
tionate friend & servt.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Jan. 8 97.
Yours of Dec. 25 is safely received. I much fear
the issue of the present dispositions of France &
Spain. Whether it be in war or in the suppression
of our commerce it will be very distressing and our
commerce seems to be already sufficiently distressed
through the wrongs of the belligerent nations and our
own follies. It was impossible the bank and paper-
mania should not produce great & extensive ruin.
The President is fortunate to get off just as the bub
ble is bursting, leaving others to hold the bag. Yet,
as his departure will mark the moment when the dif
ficulties begin to work, you will see, that they will be
ascribed to the new administration, and that he will
have his usual good fortune of reaping credit from the
good acts of others, and leaving to them that of his
errors. — We apprehend our wheat is almost entirely
killed : and many people are expecting to put some
thing else in the ground. I have so little expectations
from mine, that as much as I am an enemy to tobacco,
I shall endeavor to make some for taxes and clothes.
In the morning of the 23d of Dec. my thermometer

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 105
was 5° below o, & the 24th it was at o. The last day
of Dec. we had a snow i^ I. deep & the 4th of this
month one of 3. I. deep which is still on the ground.
Adieu affectionately.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
MONTICELLO Jan. 16. 97.
Dear Sir, — The usual accidents of the winter, ice,
floods, rains, have prevented the Orange post from
coming to Charlottesville the last post-day, so that we
have nothing from Philadelphia the last week. I see
however by the Richmond papers a probability that
the choice of V. P. has fallen on me. I have written
the enclosed letter therefore to Mr. Tazewell as a
private friend, & have left it open for your perusal.
It will explain its own object & I pray you & Mr.
Tazewell to decide in your own discretion how it may
best be used for its object, so as to avoid the imputa
tion of an indecent forwardness in me.
I observe doubts are still expressed as to the
validity of the Vermont election. Surely in so great
a case, substance & not form should prevail. I can
not suppose that the Vermont constitution has been
strict in requiring particular forms of expressing the
legislative will. As far as my disclaimer may have
any effect, I pray you to declare it on every occasion
foreseen or not foreseen by me, in favor of the choice
of the people substantially expressed, & to prevent
the phaenomenon of a Pseudo-president at so early a
day. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

io6 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
TO HENRY TAZEWELL. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Jan 16, 1797.
Dear Sir, — As far as the public papers are to be
credited, I may suppose that the choice of Vice-presi
dent has fallen on me. On this hypothesis I trouble
you, and only pray, if it be wrong, that you will con
sider this letter as not written. I believe It belongs
to the Senate to notify the V P of his election. I
recollect to have heard, that on the first election of
President & Vice President, gentlemen of consider
able office were sent to notify the parties chosen. But
this was the inauguration of our new government, &
ought not to be drawn into example. At the 2d
election, both gentlemen were on the spot and needed
no messengers. On the present occasion, the Presi
dent will be on the spot, so that what is now to be
done respects myself alone ; and considering that the
season of notification will always present one difficulty,
that the distance in the present case adds a second,
not inconsiderable, and may in future happen to be
sometimes much more considerable, I hope the Senate
will adopt that method of notification, which will
always be least troublesome and most certain. The
channel of the post is certainly the least troublesome,
is the most rapid, &, considering also that it may be
sent by duplicates & triplicates, is unquestionably the
most certain. Inclosed to the postmaster at Char
lottesville, with an order to send it by express, no
hazard can endanger the notification. Apprehending,
that should there be a difference of opinion on this
subject in the Senate, my ideas of self-respect might

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 107
be supposed by some to require something more
formal & inconvenient, I beg leave to avail myself of
your friendship to declare, if a different proposition
should make it necessary, that I consider the channel
of the post-office as the most eligible in every respect,
& that it is to me the most desirable ; which I take
the liberty of expressing, not with a view of encroach
ing on the respect due to that discretion which the
Senate have a right to exercise on the occasion, but
to render them the more free in the exercise of it, by
taking off whatsoever weight the supposition of a
contrary desire in me might have in the mind of any
member.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Jan. 22, 97.
Yours of the 8th came to hand yesterday. I was
not aware of any necessity of going on to Philadel
phia immediately, yet I had determined to do it, as a
mark of respect to the public, and to do away the
doubts which have spread, that I should consider the
second office as beneath my acceptance. The jour
ney, indeed, for the month of February, is a tremen
dous undertaking for me, who have not been seven
miles from home since my re-settlement. I will see
you about the rising of Congress ; and presume I
need not stay there a week. Your letters written be
fore the 7th of Feb will still find me here. My letters
inform me that mr. A speaks of me with great friend
ship, and with satisfaction in the prospect of adminis-

io8 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
tering the government in concurrence with me.* I
am glad of the first information, because tho I saw
that our antient friendship was affected by a little
leaven, produced partly by his constitution, partly by
the contrivance of others, yet I never felt a diminu
tion of confidence in his integrity, and retained a solid
affection for him. His principles of government I
knew to be changed, but conscientiously changed. As
to my participating in the administration, if by that
he meant the executive cabinet, both duty & inclina
tion will shut that door to me. I cannot have a wish
to see the scenes of 93. revived as to myself, & to
descend daily into the arena like a gladiator, to suffer
martyrdom in every conflict. As to duty, the consti
tution will know me only as the member of a legisla
tive body ; and it's principle is, that of a separation
of legislative, executive & judiciary functions, except
in cases specified. If this principle be not expressed
in direct terms, yet it is clearly the spirit of the con
stitution, & it ought to be so commented & acted on
by every friend of free government.
I sincerely deplore the situation of our affairs with
1 Adams wrote to Tristam Dalton on Jan. 19, 1797 :
"P. S. Mr. Jefferson's Letters and Declarations are no surprise to me. We
laboured together in high friendship in Congress in 1776 and have lived and
acted together very frequently since that time. His Talent and Information I
know very well, and have ever believed in his honour. Integrity, his love of
Country, and his friends. I may say to you that his Patronage of Paine and
Freneau, and his entanglements with Characters and Politicks which have been
pernicious, are and have long been a Source of Inquietude and anxiety to me,
as they have been to you. But I hope and believe that his advancement and
his Situation in the Senate, an excellent School, will correct him. He will have
too many French friends about him to flatter him : but I hope we can keep him
steady. This is entre nous. J. A."

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 109
France. War with them, and consequent alliance
with Great Britain, will completely compass the object
of the Executive council, from the commencement of
the war between France & England ; taken up by
some of them from that moment, by others more lat
terly. I still, however, hope it will be avoided. I do
not believe mr. A wishes war with France ; nor do I
believe he will truckle to England as servilely as has
been done. If he assumes this front at once, and
shews that he means to attend to self-respect & na
tional dignity with both the nations, perhaps the dep
redations of both on our commerce may be amicably
arrested. I think we should begin first with those
who first begin with us, and, by an example on them,
acquire a right to re-demand the respect from which
the other party has departed. — I suppose you are in
formed of the proceeding commenced by the legislature
of Maryland, to claim the South branch of the Poto
mac as their boundary, and thus of Albemarle, now
the central county of the state, to make a frontier.
As it is impossible, upon any consistent principles, &
after such a length of undisturbed possession, that
they can expect to establish their claim. It can be
ascribed to no other than an intention to irritate &
divide ; and there can be no doubt from what bow the
shaft is shot. However, let us cultivate Pennsylvania,
& we need not fear the universe. The Assembly
have named me among those who are to manage this
controversy. But I am so averse to motion & con
test, and the other members are so fully equal to the
business, that I cannot undertake to act in it. I wish

no THE WRITINGS OF [1797
you were added to them. Indeed, I wish & hope you
may consent to be added to our Assembly itself.
There Is no post where you can render greater ser
vices, without going out of your State. Let but
this block stand firm on It's basis, & Pennsylvania do
the same, our Union will be perpetual, & our General
Government kept within the bounds & form of the
constitution. Adieu affectionately.

TO GEORGE WYTHE. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 22. 97.
It seems probable that I will be called on to pre
side in a legislative chamber. It is now so long since
I have acted in the legislative line, that I am entirely
rusty in the Parliamentary rules of procedure. I
know they have been more studied and are better
known by you than by any man In America, perhaps
by any man living, I am in hopes that while inquir
ing into the subject you made notes on it. If any
such remain In your hands, however informal, in books
or in scraps of paper, and you will be so good as to
trust me with them for a little while, they shall be
most faithfully returned. If they lie in small compass
they might come by post, without regard to expense.
If voluminous, mr. Randolph will be passing through
Richmond on his way from Varina to this place about
the I oth of Feb, and could give them a safe convey
ance. Did the Assembly do anything for the preser
vation by publication of the laws? With great
affection, adieu.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. in
TO JOHN LANGDON. J. mss.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 22, 179?.
Dear Sir, — Your friendly letter of the 2d inst,
never came to hand till yesterday, & I feel myself
indebted for the solicitude you therein express for my
undertaking the office to which you inform me I am
called. I know not from what source an idea has
spread itself, which I have found to be generally
spread, that I would accept the office of President of
the U S, but not of Vice President. When I retired
from the office I last held, no man in the Union less
expected than I did, ever to have come forward again ;
and, whatever has been insinuated to the contrary, to
no man in the Union was the share which my name
bore in the late contest, more unexpected than it was
to me. If I had contemplated the thing beforehand,
& suffered my will to enter into action at all on it. It
would have been in a direction exactly the reverse of
what has been imputed to me ; but I had no right to
a will on the subject, much less to controul that of the
people of the U S In arranging us according to our
capacities. Least of all could I have any feelings
which would revolt at taking a station secondary to
mr. Adams. I have been secondary to him in every
situation in which we ever acted together In public
life for twenty years past. A contrary position would
have been the novelty, & his the right of revolting at
It. Be assured then, my dear Sir, that if I had had
a fibre in my composition still looking after public
office, it would have been gratified precisely by the
very call you are pleased to announce to me, and no

112 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
Other. But in truth I wish for neither honors nor
offices. I am happier at home than I can be else
where. Since, however, I am called out, an object of
great anxiety to me is that those with whom I am to
act, shutting their minds to the unfounded abuse of
which I have been the subject, will view me with the
same candor with which I shall certainly act. An
acquaintance of many long years ensures to me your
just support, as it does to you the sentiments of sin
cere respect and attachment with which I am, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.

TO DOCTOR JOHN EDWARDS. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Jan. 22, 97.
Dear Sir, — I was yesterday gratified with the re
ceipt of your favor of December 1 5th, which gave me
the first information of your return from Europe.
On the 28th of Oct I received a letter of July
30. from Colo Monroe, but did not know through
what channel it came. I should be glad to see the
Defence of his conduct which you possess, tho no
paper of that title is necessary for me. He was ap
pointed to an office during pleasure merely to get him
out of the Senate, & with an intention to seize the
first pretext for exercising the pleasure of recalling
him. As I shall be at Philadelphia the first week in
March, perhaps I may have an opportunity of seeing
the paper there in mr. Madison's hands. I think with
you it will be best to publish nothing concerning
Colo Monroe till his return, that he may accommo-

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 113
date the complexion of his publication to times & cir
cumstances. When you left America you had not
a good opinion of the train of our affairs. I dare say
you do not find that they have got into better train.
It will never be easy to convince me that by a firm
yet just conduct in 1 793, we might not have obtained
such a respect for our neutral rights from Great Brit
ain, as that her violations of them & use of our
means to wage her wars, would not have furnished
any pretence to the other party to do the same.
War with both would have been avoided, commerce
& navigation protected & enlarged. We shall now
either be forced into a war, or have our commerce &
navigation at least totally annihilated, and the produce
of our farms for some years left to rot on our hands.
A little time will unfold these things, and shew which
class of opinions would have been most friendly to the
firmness of our government, & to the interests of
those for whom it was made. I am, with great respect,
dear Sir, your most obedient servant.

TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. J. mss.
MONTICELLO, Jan 22, 97.
Dear Sir, — I received yesterday your kind favor of
the 4th instant, and the eulogium it covered on the
subject of our late invaluable friend Rittenhouse, & I
perused it with the avidity & approbation which the
matter & manner of everything from your pen has
long taught me to feel. I thank you too for your
congratulations on the public call on me to undertake

VOL. VII. — 8

114 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
the 2d office in the U S, but still more for the justice
you do me in viewing as I do the escape from the
first. I have no wish to meddle again in public af
fairs, being happier at home than I can be anywhere
else. Still less do I wish to engage in an office where
it would be impossible to satisfy either friends or foes,
and least of all at a moment when the storm Is about
to burst, which has been conjuring up for four years
past. If I am to act however, a more tranquil & un
offending station could not have been found for me,
nor one so analogous to the dispositions of my mind.
It will give me philosophical evenings in the winter,
& rural days in summer. I am indebted to the
Philosophical society a communication of some bones
of an animal of the lion kind, but of most exaggerated
size. What are we to think of a creature whose
claws were 8 Inches long, when those of the lion are
not I 1-2 I ; whose thigh-bone was 6 1-4 I. diameter;
when that of the lion is not i 1-2 I ? Were not these
things within the jurisdiction of the rule & compass,
and of ocular inspection, credit to them could not
be obtained. I have been disappointed in getting
the femur as yet, but shall bring on the bones I have,
if I can, for the Society, & have the pleasure of
seeing you for a few days in the first week of March.
I wish the usual delays of the publications of the so
ciety may admit the addition to our new volume, of
this Interesting article, which it would be best to have
first announced under the sanction of their authority.
I am, with sincere esteem, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 115
TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Jan. 30, 97.
Yours of the 15th came to hand yesterday. I am
very thankful for the discretion you have exercised
over the letter. That has happened to be the case,
which I knew to be possible, that the honest expres
sion of my feelings towards mr. A might be rendered
mal-apropos from circumstances existing, & known
at the seat of government, but not seen by me in my
retired situation. Mr. A & myself were cordial friends
from the beginning of the revolution. Since our re
turn from Europe, some little incidents have hap
pened, which were capable of affecting a jealous mind
like his. The deviation from that line of politics on
which we had been united, has not made me less sen
sible of the rectitude of his heart ; and I wished him
to know this, & also another truth, that I am sincerely
pleased at having escaped the late draught for the
helm, and have not a wish which he stands In the
way of. That he should be convinced of these truths,
is important to our mutual satisfaction, & perhaps to
the harmony & good of the public service. But there
was a difficulty In conveying them to him, & a possi
bility that the attempt might do mischief there or
somewhere else ; & I would not have hazarded the
attempt, if you had not been in place to decide upon
it's expediency. It is now become unnecessary to
repeat It by a letter. I have had occasion to write to
Langdon, in answer to one from him, in which I have
said exactly the things which will be grateful to mr.
A. & no more. This I imagine will be shewn to
him. * * *

ii6 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
I have turned to the constitution & laws, and find
nothing to warrant the opinion that I might not have
been qualified here, or wherever else I could meet
with a Senator ; every member of that body being
authorized to administer the oath, without being con
fined to time or place, & consequently to make a
record of it, and to deposit it with the records of the
Senate. However, I shall come on, on the principle
which had first determined me, — respect to the pub
lic. I hope I shall be made a part of no ceremony
whatever. I shall escape into the city as covertly as
possible. If Gov Mifflin should show any symptoms
of ceremony, pray contrive to parry them. We have
now fine mild weather here. The thermometer is
above the point which renders fires necessary. Adieu
affectionately. TO JAMES SULLIVAN. MONTICELLO, Feb 9, 1797.
Dear Sir, — I have many acknolegements to make
for the friendly anxiety you are pleased to express in
your letter of Jan 1 2, for my undertaking the office
to which I have been elected. The idea that I would
accept the office of President, but not that of Vice
President of the U S, had not its origin with me. I
never thought of questioning the free exercise of the
right of my fellow citizens, to marshal those whom
they call Into their service according to their fitness,
nor ever presumed that they were not the best judges
of these. Had I indulged a wish in what manner
they should dispose of me, it would precisely have

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 117
coincided with what they have done. Neither the
splendor, nor the power, nor the difficulties, nor the
fame or defamation, as may happen, attached to the
first magistracy, have any attractions for me. The
helm of a free government is always arduous, & never
was ours more so, than at a moment when two friendly
people are like to be committed in war by the ill tem
per of their administrations. I am so much attached
to my domestic situation, that I would not have wished
to leave it at all. However, if I am to be called from
it, the shortest absences & most tranquil station suit
me best. I value highly, indeed, the part my fellow
citizens gave me in their late vote, as an evidence of
their esteem, & I am happy in the information you
are so kind as to give, that many in the Eastern
quarter entertain the same sentiment.
Where a constitution, like ours, wears a mixed
aspect of monarchy & republicanism, its citizens will
naturally divide into two classes of sentiment, accord
ing as their tone of body or mind, their habits, con
nections & callings. Induce them to wish to strengthen
either the monarchial or the republican features of
the constitution. Some will consider it as an elective
monarchy, which had better be made hereditary, &
therefore endeavor to lead towards that all the forms
and principles of its administration. Others will view
it as an energetic republic, turning in all its points on
the pivot of free and frequent elections. ' The great
body of our native citizens are unquestionably of the
republican sentiment. Foreign education, & foreign
connections of interest, have produced some excep-

ii8 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
tions in every part of the Union, North and South,
& perhaps other circumstances in your quarter, better
known to you, may have thrown into the scale of ex
ceptions a greater number of the rich. Still there, I
believe, and here, I am sure, the great mass is repub
lican. Nor do any of the forms in which the public
disposition has been pronounced in the last half
dozen years, evince the contrary. All of them, when
traced to their true source, have only been evidences
of the preponderant popularity of a particularly great
character. That influence once withdrawn, & our
countrymen left to the operation of their own un
biassed good sense, I have no doubt we shall see a
pretty rapid return of general harmony, & our citi
zens moving in phalanx in the paths of regular
liberty, order, and a sacrosanct adherence to the con
stitution. / Thus I think it will be, if war with France
can be avoided. But if that untoward event comes
athwart us in our present point of deviation, nobody,
I believe, can foresee into what port it will drive us.
I am always glad of an opportunity of inquiring
after my most antient & respected friend mr. Samuel
Adams. His principles, founded on the immovable
basis of equal right & reason, have continued pure &
unchanged. Permit me to place here my sincere
veneration for him, & wishes for his health & happi
ness ; & to assure yourself of the sentiments of esteem
& respect with which I am. Dear Sir, your most obedi
ent & most humble servant.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 119
TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. j. mss.
Philadelphia, May 13, 97.
My Dear Friend, — Your favor of the 4th instt
came to hand yesterday. That of the 4th of Apr,
with the one for Monroe, has never been received.
The first, of Mar 27, did not reach me till Apr 21,
when I was within a few days of setting out for this
place, & I put off acknoleging it till I should come
here. I entirely commend your dispositions towards
mr. Adams ; knowing his worth as intimately and
esteeming it as much as any one, and acknoleging
the preference of his claims, if any I could have had,
to the high office conferred on him. But In truth, I
had neither claims nor wishes on the subject, tho I
know it will be difficult to obtain belief of this. When
I retired from this place & the office of Secy of state,
it was in the firmest contemplation of never more
returning here. There had indeed been suggestions
in the public papers, that I was looking towards a
succession to the President's chair, but feeling a con
sciousness of their falsehood, and observing that the
suggestions came from hostile quarters, I considered
them as intended merely to excite public odium against
me. I never in my life exchanged a word with any per
son, on the subject, till I found my name brought for
ward generally, in competition with that of mr. Adams.
Those with whom I then communicated, could say, If
it were necessary, whether I met the call with desire,
or even with a ready acquiescence, and whether from
the moment of my first acquiescence, I did not de
voutly pray that the very thing might happen which

I20 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
has happened. The second office of this government
is honorable & easy, the first is but a splendid misery.
You express apprehensions that stratagems will be
used, to produce a misunderstanding between the
President and myself. Tho not a word having this
tendency has ever been hazarded to me by any one,
yet I consider as a certainty that nothing will be left
untried to alienate him from me. These machina
tions will proceed from the Hamiltons by whom he is
surrounded, and who are only a little less hostile to
him than to me. It cannot but damp the pleasure of
cordiality, when we suspect that It is suspected. I
cannot help fearing, that it is impossible for mr.
Adams to believe that the state of my mind is what
it really is ; that he may think I view him as an
obstacle in my way. I have no supernatural power
to Impress truth on the mind of another, nor he any
to discover that the estimate which he may form, on
a just view of the human mind as generally con
stituted, may not be just in its application to a special
constitution. This may be a source of private un
easiness to us ; I honestly confess that it is so to me
at this time. But neither of us are capable of letting
it have effect on our public duties. Those who may
endeavor to separate us, are probably excited by the
fear that I might have influence on the executive
councils ; but when they shall know that I consider
my office as constitutionally confined to legislative
functions, and that I could not take any part whatever
in executive consultations, even were it proposed,
their fears may perhaps subside, & their object be
found not worth a machination.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 121
I do sincerely wish with you, that we could take
our stand on a ground perfectly neutral & indepen
dent towards all nations. It has been my constant
object thro public life ; and with respect to the English
& French, particularly, I have too often expressed to
the former my wishes, & made to them propositions
verbally & in writing, officially & privately, to official
& private characters, for them to doubt of my views,
if they would be content with equality. Of this they
are in possession of several written & formal proofs,
in my own hand writing. But they have wished a
monopoly of commerce & influence with us ; and they
have in fact obtained it. When we take notice that
theirs is the workshop to which we go for all we
want ; that with them centre either immediately or
ultimately all the labors of our hands and lands ; that
to them belongs either openly or secretly the great
mass of our navigation ; that even the factorage of
their affairs here, is kept to themselves by factitious
citizenships ; that these foreign & false citizens now
constitute the great body of what are called our mer
chants, fill our sea ports, are planted In every little
town & district of the interior country, sway every
thing in the former places by their own votes, & those
of their dependants, in the latter, by their insinuations
& the influence of their ledgers ; that they are advan
cing fast to a monopoly of our banks & public funds,
and thereby placing our public finances under their
control; that they have in their alliance the most
influential characters in & out of office ; when they
have shewn that by all these bearings on the different
branches of the government, they can force it to

122 THE WRITINGS OF [1797.
proceed in whatever direction they dictate, and bend
the interests of this country entirely to the will of
another ; when all this, I say, is attended to, it is im
possible for us to say we stand on independent
ground, impossible for a free mind not to see & to
groan under the bondage in which it is bound. If
anything after this could excite surprise. It would be
that they have been able so far to throw dust in the
eyes of our own citizens, as to fix on those who wish
merely to recover self-government the charge of sub
serving one foreign influence, because they resist sub
mission to another. But they possess our printing
presses, a powerful engine in their government of us.
At this very moment, they would have drawn us into
a war on the side of England, had it not been for the
failure of her bank. Such was their open & loud cry,
& that of their gazettes till this event. After plun
ging us in all the broils of the European nations, there
would remain but one act to close our tragedy, that
is, to break up our Union ; and even this they have
ventured seriously & solemnly to propose & maintain
by arguments in a Connecticut paper. I have been
happy, however, in believing, from the stifling of this
effort, that that dose was found too strong, & excited
as much repugnance there as it did horror in other
parts of our country, Se that whatever follies we may
be led into as to foreign nations, we shall never give
up our Union, the last anchor of our hope, & that
alone which is to prevent this heavenly country from
becoming an arena of gladiators. Much as I abhor
war, and view it as the greatest scourge of mankind,

t797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 123

and anxiously as I wish to keep out of the broils of
Europe, I would yet go with my brethren Into these,
rather than separate from them. But I hope we may
still keep clear of them, notwithstanding our present
thraldom, & that time may be given us to reflect on the
awful crisis we have passed through, and to find some
means of shielding ourselves in future from foreign
influence, political, commercial, or in whatever other
form it may be attempted. I can scarcely withhold
myself from joining in the wish of Silas Deane, that
there were an ocean of fire between us & the old
world.* A perfect confidence that you are as much attached
to peace & union as myself, that you equally prize
independence of all nations, and the blessings of self-
government, has induced me freely to unbosom my
self to you, and let you see the light in which I have
viewed what has been passing among us from the
beginning of the war. And I shall be happy, at all
times, in an intercommunication of sentiments with
you, believing that the dispositions of the different
parts of our country have been considerably mlsrepre-
' The following is the last paragraph in the draft of this letter, afterwards
stricken out and changed as in the print :
" I shall never forget the prediction of the count de Vergennes that we shall
exhibit the singular phaenomenon of a fruit rotten before it is ripe, nor cease to
join in the wish of Silas Deane that there were an ocean of fire between us &
the old world. Indeed my dear friend I am so disgusted with this entire sub
jection to a foreign power that if it were in the end to appear to be the wish of
the body of my countrymen to remain in that vassalege I should feel my unfit
ness to be an agent in their affairs, and seek in retirement that personal inde
pendence without which this world has nothing I value. I am confident you
set the same store by it which I do : but perhaps your situation may not give
you the same conviction of its existence."

124 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
sented & misunderstood in each part, as to the other,
and that nothing but good can result from an
exchange of information & opinions between those
whose circumstances & morals admit no doubt of the
integrity of their views.
I remain, with constant and sincere esteem. Dear
Sir, your affectionate friend and servant. )

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, May 18. 97.
I was informed on my arrival here that Gov'
Pinckney's dispatches had on their first receipt excited
in the administration a great deal of passion, that
councils were held from day to day, and their ill tem
per fixed at length in war ; that under this impression
Congress was called : that the tone of the party in
general became high, and so continued till the news
of the failure of the bank of England. This first gave
it a check, & a great one & they have been cooling
down ever since, the most intemperate only still ask
ing permission to arm the vessels for their own de
fence, while the more prudent disapprove of putting
it in the power of their brethren & leaving to their
discretion to begin the war for us. The impression
was too that the executive had for some time been
repenting that they had called us, & wished the meas
ure undone. All the members from North as well as
South concurred in attesting that negociation or any
thing rather than war was the wish of their constitu
ents. What was our surprise then at receiving the

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 125
speech which will come to you by this post. I need
make no observation to you on it. I believe there
was not a member of either house, out of the secret,
who was not much disappointed. However some had
been prepared. The spirit of supporting the Execu
tive was immediately given out in the lower house &
is working there. The Senate admits of no fermenta
tion. Tracy, Laurence & Livermore were appointed to
draw an answer for them, Venable, Freeman, Rutledge,
Griswold & for the representatives the former
will be reported to day, & will be in time to be in
closed : the other not till tomorrow when the post will
be gone. We hope this last will be in general terms,
but this is not certain, a majority as is believed (of the
commitee) being for arming the merchantmen, finish
ing the frigates, fortifying harbors, & making all other
military preparations as an aid to negociation. How
the majority of the house will be is very doubtful. If
all were here, it is thought it would be decidedly
pacific, but all are not here & will not be here. The
division on the choice of a clerk was 41. for Condy,
40 for Beckley. Besides the loss of the ablest clerk
in the US. & the outrage committed on the absent
members, prevented by the suddenness of the call &
their distance from being here on the ist day of the
session, it excites a fear that the republican interest
has lost by the new changes. It is said that three
from Virginia separate from their brethren. The
hope however is that as the anti-Republicans take
the high ground of war, and their opponents are
for everything moderate that the most moderate

126 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
of those who came under contrary dispositions
will join them. Langdon tells me there is a con
siderable change working in the minds of the peo
ple to the Eastward : that the Idea that they have
been deceived begins to gain ground, and that were
the elections to be now made their result would be
considerably different. This however is doubted &
denied by others. France has asked of Holland to
send away our Minister from them & to treat our
Commerce on the plan of their late decree. The
Batavian government answered after due considera
tion that their commerce with us was now their chief
commerce, that their money was in our funds, that if
they broke off correspondence with us they should be
without resources for themselves, for their own public
& for France, & therefore declined doing it. France
acquiesced. I have this from the President who had
it from his son still at Hague. I presume that France
has made the same application to Spain. For I know
that Spain has memorialized our Executive against
the effect of the British treaty, as to the articles con
cerning neutral bottoms, contraband, and the Missi-
sipl, has been pressing for an answer & has not yet
been able to obtain one. It does not seem candid to
have kept out of sight In the speech this discontent of
Spain which is strongly and seriously pronounced &
to have thereby left it to be imagined that France is
the only power of whom we are In danger. — The fail
ure of the bank of England, & the fear of having a
paper tender there, has stopped buying bills of ex
change. Specie is raked up from all quarters, & re-

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 127
mitted for paiments at a disadvantage from risks &c.
of 20. per cent. The bankruptcies here have been
immense. I heard a sensible man well acquainted
with them conjecture that the aggregate of the clear
losses on all these added together in all the states
would be not less than 10. millions of Dollars, a
heavy tax indeed, to which are to be added the Mari
time spoliations, and this tax falling on only a par
ticular description of Citizens. — Bills of lading are
arrived to a merchant for goods shipped from Bor
deaux for this place in a vessel in which Monroe is
coming passenger. We hope hourly therefore to re
ceive him. — Innes is arrived & that board going to
work. May 19. the answer of the Senate is reported by
the Commitee. It is perfectly an echo and full as
high toned as the speech. Amendments may & will
be attempted but cannot be carried. — Note to me the
day you receive this that I may know whether I con
jecture rightly what is our true post day here.

TO THOMAS pinckney. j.mss.
Philadelphia, May 29, 1797.
Dear Sir, — I received from you, before I left
England, a letter enclosing one from the Prince of
Parma. As I learnt soon after that you were shortly
to return to America, I concluded to join my acknoleg-
ments of it to my con^tulations on your arrival ; &
both have been delayed by a blaraeable spirit of pro
crastination, forever suggesting to our Indolence that
we need not do to-day what may be done to-morrow.

128 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
Accept these now in all the sincerity of my heart. It
is but lately I have answered the Prince's letter. It
required some time to establish arrangements which
might effect his purpose, & I wished also to forward
a particular article or two of curiosity. You have
found on your return a higher style of political differ
ence than you had left here. I fear this is inseparable
from the different constitutions of the human mind,
& that degree of freedom which permits unrestrained
-expression. Political dissension is doubtless a less
evil than the lethargy of despotism, but still it Is a
great evil, and it would be as worthy the efforts of
the patriot as of the philosopher, to exclude it's influ
ence, if possible, from social life. The good are rare
enough at best. There is no reason to subdivide
them by artificial lines. But whether we shall ever
be able so far to perfect the principles of society, as
that political opinions shall, in it's intercourse, be as
inoffensive as those of philosophy, mechanics, or any
other, may well be doubted. Foreign influence is the
present & just object of public hue and cry, &, as often
happens, the most guilty are foremost & loudest in
the cry. If those who are truly independent, can so
trim our vessels as to beat through the waves now
agitating us, they will merit a glory the greater as it
seems less possible. When I contemplate the spirit
which is driving us on here, & that beyond the water
which will view us as but a mouthful the more, I have
little hope of peace. I anticipate the burning of our
sea ports, havoc of our frontiers, household insurgency,
with a long train of et ceteras, which is enough for a

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 129
man to have met once in his life. The exchange,
which is to give us new neighbors in Louisiana
(probably the present French armies when disbanded)
has opened us to combinations of enemies on that
side where we are most vulnerable. War is not the
best engine for us to resort to, nature has given us
one in our commerce, which, if properly managed, will
be a better instrument for obliging the interested
nations of Europe to treat us with justice. If the
commercial regulations had been adopted which our
legislature were at one time proposing, we should
at this moment have been standing on such an emi
nence of safety & respect as ages can never recover.
But having wandered from that, our object should
now be to get back, with as little loss as possible, &
when peace shall be restored to the world, endeavor
so to form our commercial regulations as that justice
from other nations shall be their mechanical result. I
am happy to assure you that the conduct of Genl
Pinckney has met universal approbation. It was
marked with that coolness, dignity, & good sense
which we expected from him. I am told that the
French government had taken up an unhappy idea,
that Monroe was recalled for the candor of his con
duct in what related to the British treaty, & Gen!
Pinckney was sent as having other dispositions
towards them. I learn further, that some of their
well-informed citizens here are setting them right as
to Gen! Pinckney's dispositions, so well known to have
been just towards them ; & I sincerely hope, not
only that he may be employed as envoy extraordinary
VOL. vil.—g

130 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
to them, but that their minds will be better prepared
to receive him. I candidly acknolege, however, that
I do not think the speech & addresses of Congress as
conciliatory as the preceding irritations on both sides
would have rendered wise. I shall be happy to hear
from you at all times, to make myself useful to you
whenever opportunity offers, and to give every proof
of the sincerity of the sentiments of esteem & respect
with which I am. Dear Sir, your most obedient and
most humble servant.

TO HORATIO GATES. j.mss.
Philadelphia, May 30, 1797.
Dear General, — I thank you for the pamphlet of
Erskine enclosed in your favor of the 9th inst, and
still more for the evidence which your letter affords
me of the health of your mind, and I hope of your
body also. Erskine has been reprinted here, & has
done good. It has refreshed the memory of those
who had been willing to forget how the war between
France and England has been produced ; and who,
apeing St. James', called it a defensive war on the
part of England. I wish any events could induce us
to cease to copy such a model, & to assume the dig
nity of being original. They had their paper system,
stockjobbing, speculations, public debt, moneyed In
terest, &c., and all this was contrived for us. They
raised their cry against jacobinism and revolutionists,
we against democratic societies & anti-federalists ; their
alarmists sounded insurrection, ours marched an army
to look for one, but they could not find it. I wish the

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 131
parallel may stop here, and that we may avoid, instead
of Imitating, a general bankruptcy and disastrous
war. Congress, or rather the representatives, have been
a fortnight debating a more or less irritating answer
to the President's speech. The latter was lost yester
day, by 48. against 51. or 52. It is believed, however,
that when they come to propose measures leading
directly to war, they will lose some of their numbers.
Those who have no wish but for the peace of their
country, & its independence of all foreign influence,
have a hard struggle indeed, overwhelmed by a cry
as loud & imposing as if it were true, of being
under French influence, & this raised by a faction
composed of English subjects residing among us,
or such as are English in all their relations
& sentiments. However, patience will bring all to
rights, and we shall both live to see the mask taken
from their faces, and our citizens sensible on which
side true liberty & independence are sought. Should
any circumstance draw me further from home, I shall
with great cordiality pay my respects to you at Rose
Hill, & am not without hope of meeting you here
some time.
Here, there, & everywhere else, I am with great &
sincere attachment & respect, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. J- mss.
Philadelphia, June i, [i797-]
Dear Sir,— I wrote you on the i8th of May. The
address of the Senate was soon after that. The first
draught was responsive to the speech, & higher toned.

132 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
Mr. Henry arrived the day it was reported ; the
addressers had not yet their strength around them.
They listened therefore to his objections, recommitted
the papers, added him and Tazewell to the committee,
and It was reported with considerable alterations ;
but one great attack was made on it, which was to strike
out the clause approving everything heretofore done
by the Executive. This clause was retained by a ma
jority of four. They received a new accession of mem
bers, held a caucus, took up all the points recommended
in the speech, except the raising money, agreed the
lists of every committee, and on Monday passed the
resolutions & appointed the committees, by an uniform
vote of 1 7 to 1 1. (Mr. Henry was accidentally absent ;
Ross not then come.) Yesterday they put up the
nomination of J. Q. Adams to Berlin, which hadbeen
objected to as extending our diplomatic establish
ment. It was approved by 18 to 14. (Mr. Tatnall
accidentally absent.) From the proceedings we were
able to see, that 18 on the one side & 10 on the other,
with two wavering votes, will decide every question.
Schuyler is too ill to come this session, & Gunn has
not yet come. Pinckney (the Genl), John Mar
shall & Dana are nominated envoys extraordinary to
France. Charles Lee consulted a member from
Virginia to know whether Marshall would be agree
able. He named you, as more likely to give satisfac
tion. The answer was, ' Nobody of mr. Madison's
way of thinking will be appointed.'
The representatives have not yet got through their
address. An amendment of mr. Nicholas', which you

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON,

133

will have seen in the papers, was lost by a division of
46 to 52. A clause by mr. Dayton, expressing a wish
that France might be put on an equal footing with
other nations, was inserted by 52. against 47. This
vote is most worthy of notice, because the moderation
& justice of the proposition being unquestionable. It
shews that there are 47. decided to go all lengths to
\illegiblel^ They have received a new orator from the
district of mr. Ames. He is the son of the Secretary
of the Senate. They have an accession from S C
also, that State being exactly divided. In the H of
Repr. I learned the following facts, which give me
real concern. When the British treaty arrived at
Charleston, a meeting, as you know, was called, and
a committee of seventeen appointed, of whom General
Pinckney was one. He did not attend. They waited
for him, sent for him ; he treated the mission with
great hauteur, and disapproved of their meddling.
In the course of the subsequent altercations, he
declared that his brother, T. Pinckney, approved of
every article in the treaty, under the existing circum
stances, and since that time, the politics of Charleston
have been assuming a different hue. Young Rutledge
joining Smith and Harper, Is an ominous fact as to
that whole interest.
Tobacco is at 9. dollars, and flour very dull of
sale. A great stagnation in commerce generally.
During the present bankruptcy in England, the mer
chants seem disposed to lie on their oars. It is
impossible to conjecture the rising of Congress, as it
will depend on the system they decide on ; whether

134 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
of preparation for war, or inaction. In the vote of 46.
to 52. Morgan, Macher& Evans were of the majority,
and Clay kept his seat, refusing to vote with either.
In that of 47 to 52, Evans was the only one of our
delegation who voted against putting France on an
equal footing with other nations,
P. M. So far, I had written in the morning. I now
take up my pen to add, that the addresses having
been reported to the House, it was moved to disagree
to so much of the amendment as went to the putting
France on an equal footing with other nations, &
Morgan and Macher turning tail, (in consequence, as
is said, of having been closeted last night by Charles
Lee,) the vote was 49. to 50. So the principle was
saved by a single vote. They then proposed that
compensations for spoliations shall be a sine qua non,
and this will be decided on to-morrow. Yours affec
tionately.

TO PEREGRINE FITZHUGH. j.mss.
Philadelphia, June 4, 1797.
Dear Sir, — I am favoured with yours of May 19,
& thank you for your intentions as to the corn & the
large white clover which if forwarded to mr. Archibald
Stuart at Staunton will find daily means of conveyance
from thence to me. That indeed is the nearest post
road between you & myself by 60. or 70. miles, the
one by Georgetown being very circuitous.
The representatives have at length got through
their address. As you doubtless receive the news
papers regularly from hence you will have seen in

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 135
them the address, & all the amendments made or pro
posed (while mentioning newspapers it is doing a good
office to as distant places as yours Sz mine to observe
that Bache has begun to publish his Aurora for his
country customers on 3. sheets a week instead of six.
You observe that the ist & 4th pages are only of
advertisement. The 2d & 3d contain all the essays
& laws. He prints therefore his 2d & 3d. pages of
Monday's & Tuesday's papers on opposite sides of the
same sheet, omitting the ist & 4th, so that we have
the news pages of 2. papers on one. This costs but
5. instead of 8. dollars & saves half the postage.
Smith begins in July to publish a weekly paper with
out advertisements which will probably be a good one.
Gary's paper is an excellent one & Bradford's com
piled by Lloyd perhaps the best in the city ; but both
of these are daily papers. Thinking this episode on
newspapers might not be unacceptable in a position
as distant as yours, I return to Congress & to poli
tics.) You will perceive by the votes that the Re
publican majority of the last congress has been much
affected by the changes of the late election. Still
however if all were here the majority would be on
the same side, though a small one. They will now pro
ceed to consider what is to be done. It is not easy
nor safe to prophecy, but I think the expectation is
that they will not permit the merchant vessels to arm,
that they will leave the militia as it stands for the
present season, vote further sums for going on with
the fortifications & frigates & prefer borrowing the
money of the bank to the taking up the subject of

136 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
taxation generally at this inconvenient season. In
fact I consider the calling of Congress so out of sea
son an experiment of the new administration to see
how far & on what lines they could count on its sup
port. Nothing new had intervened between the late
separation & the summons, for Pinckney's non-recep
tion was then known. It is possible from the com
plexion of the President's speech that he was disposed
or perhaps advised to proceed on a line which would
endanger the peace of our country : & though the
address is nearly responsive yet it would be too bold
to proceed on so small a majority. The first unfav
orable event, & even the necessary taxes, would
restore preponderance to the side of peace. The
nomination of the envoys for France does not prove
a thorough conversion to the pacific system. Our
greatest security perhaps Is in the impossibility of
either borrowing or raising the money which would
be necessary. I am suggesting an idea on the subject
of taxation which might perhaps facilitate much that
business & reconcile all parties. That is to say, to
lay a land tax leviable in 1 798 &c. But If by the last
day of 1 798 any state bring It's whole quota into the
federal Treasury, the tax shall be suspended one year
for that state. If by the end of the next year they
bring another year's tax, It shall be suspended a 2d
year as to them & so toties quoties forever. If they
fall, the federal collectors will go on of course to make
their collection. In this way those who prefer excises
may raise their quota by excises, & those who prefer
land taxes may raise by land taxes, either on the fed-

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 137
eral plan, or on any other of their own which they
like better. This would tend, I think, to make the
general government popular & to render the state
legislatures useful allies & associates instead of
rivals, & to mollify the harsh tone of government
which has been asserted. I find the idea pleasing to
most of those to whom I have suggested it. It will
be objected to by those who are for a consolidation.
You mention the retirement of mr. Ames. You will
observe that he has sent us a successor Mr. H. G. Otis
as rhetorical as himself. You have perhaps seen an
attack made by a Mr. Luther Martin on the facts
stated In the Notes on Virginia relative to Logan,
his speech, the fate of his family & the share Col.
Cresap had In their extermination. I do not desire
to enter the field in the newspapers with Mr. Mar
tin, but if any injury has been done Col. Cresap in
the statement I have given it shall certainly be cor
rected whenever another edition of that work shall be
published. I have given it as I have received it. I
think you told me Cresap had lived in your neighbor
hood hence I have imagined you could in the ordinary
course of conversations in the societies there find the
real truth of the whole transaction & the genuine
character and conduct of Cresap. If you will be so
good as to keep this subject in your mind, to avail
yourself of the opportunities of enquiry & evidence
which may occur, & communicate the result to me you
will singulariy oblige me. The proceedings in the
federal court of Virginia to overawe the communica
tions between the people & their representatives ex-

138 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
cite great indignation. Probably a great fermentation
will be produced by it in that state. Indeed it is the
common cause of the confederacy as it is one of their
courts which has taken the step. The charges of the
federal judges have for a considerable time been
inviting the grand juries to become inquisitors on the
freedom of speech, of writing & of principle of their
fellow-citizens. Perhaps the grand juries In the other
states as well as in that of Virginia may think it in
cumbent in their next presentment to enter protesta
tions against this perversion of their institution from
a legal to a political engine, & even to present those
concerned in it. The hostile use which is made of
whatever can be laid hold of of mine, obliges me to
caution the friends to whom I write, never to let my
letters go out of their own hands lest they should get
into the newspapers. I pray you to present my most
friendly respects to your father, & wishes for the con
tinuance of his health & good faculties, to accept
yourself assurances of the esteem with which I am
dear sir your most obedt & most humble servt.

TO FRENCH STROTHER. j. Mss.
Philadelphia, June 8, 1797.
Dear Sir, — In compliance with the desire you ex
pressed in the few short moments I had the pleasure
of being with you at Fredericksburg, I shall give you
some account of what is passing here. The Presi
dent's speech you will have seen ; and how far its
aspect was turned towards war. Our opinion here
is that the Executive had that in contemplation, and

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 139
were not without expectation that the legislature
might catch the flame. A powerful part of that has
shown a disposition to go all lengths with the Execu
tive ; and they have been able to persuade some of
more moderate principles to go so far with them as to
join them in a very sturdy address. They have voted
the compleating & manning the three frigates, & going
on with the fortifications. The Senate have gone
much further, they have brought in bills for buying
more armed vessels, sending them & the frigates out
as convoys to our trade, raising more cavalry, more
artillerists, and providing a great army, to come into
actual service only, if necessary. They have not de
cided whether they will permit the merchants to arm.
The hope & belief is that the Representatives will
concur in none of these measures, though their divi
sions hitherto have been so equal as to leave us under
doubt & apprehension. The usual majorities have
been from i. to 6. votes, & these sometimes one
way, sometimes the other. Three of the Virginia
members dividing from their colleagues occasion the
whole difficulty. If they decline these measures, we
shall rise about the 17th inst. It appears that the
dispositions of the French government towards us
wear a very angry cast indeed, and this before Pick
ering's letter to Pinckney was known to them. We
do not know what effect that may produce. We ex
pect Paine every day in a vessel from Havre, & Colo
Monroe In one from Bordeaux. Tobacco keeps up
to a high price & will still rise ; flour is dull at 7\
Dollars. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.

I40 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
TO JAMES MADISON.' j. mss.
Philad. June 8, 97.
Amdmt of address puttg France on equal footing
clogged with demand for spoliation, which tho' right
in principle, may enable Exve to make it sine qua non,
to indulge their own disposns to rupture.
Repr. have voted complete & man frigates, go on
with fortfycns. Will prob pass bill from Senate pro-
hibg exportn arms & ammunition & preventg our
citizens from engaging in armed vessels.
Bills for cavalry — artillery — 9 vessels — provnal
army. Will pass Senate by 18 to 12.
Permittg merchts to arm negativd. in commee Sen
ate 3 to 2. Bingham's informa that merchts did not
wish It. Some of the Senate for it.
Smith & Harper proposed permit merchts to arm
yesterday. Buonaparte's late victory & panic of Brit govmt pro
duced sensible effect here. Before that the party
partly from Inclinn partly devotn to Exve. willing to
meet hostilities from France. Now will not force that
nail but doing so much of most innocent things as
may veil the folly or boldness of convening Congress,
leave more offensive measures to Issue of negocn or
their own next meeting.
Difficult to say if Republicans have majority. Votes
carrd both ways by from i. to 6. Our 3 renegadoes
make the difference. Clay firm. Never separated
but on the vote mentd in former Ire.
Paine expected. — Nothing of Monroe.
' Endorsed : " No copy retained. The above is the sum."

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 141
P. M. Represent, have decided 46 to 34. yt W.
India trade shall not arm. Hence augur well of other
resolns. Senate have voted on 2d. reading the 9.
vessels. Cost 60 M. D. each these bills originating
in Senate & going under their sanction to H. Repr
in so vibratory a state, have mischievous effect. Ex
pect to rise Saturday 1 7th. I shall probably be with
you 26th or 27th.

TO JOHN MOODY. J. Mss.
Philadelphia, June 13. 97.
Sir, — I might sooner have acknoleged the receipt
of your favor of May 15. but I could not sooner have
done it with anything satisfactory on the subject it
concerned. The first opening of the session of Con
gress was rather inauspicious to those who consider
war as among the greatest calamities to our country.
Private conversation, public discussion, & thorough
calculation, aided by the events of Europe, have
nearly brought everyone to the same sentiment, not
only to wish for a continuance of peace, but to let no
false sense of honor lead us to take a threatening
attitude, which to a nation prompt in its passions &
flushed with victory might produce a blow from them.
I rather believe that Congress will think it best to do
little or nothing for the present to give fair play to
the negotiation proposed, & in the meantime lie on
their oars till their next meeting in November. Still
however both English & French spoliations continue
in a high degree. Perhaps the prospects In Europe

142 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
may deaden the activity of the former, & call home
all their resources, but I see nothing to check the
depredations of the French but the natural effect they
begin to produce of starving themselves by deterring
us from venturing to sea with provisions. This is the
best general view I am able to give you of the prob
able course of things for the summer so far as they
may be interesting to commerce. The liberties which
the presses take in mutilating whatever they can get
hold of, obliges me to request every gentleman to
whom I write to take care that nothing from me may
be put within their power.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, June 15, 97. — a.m.
My last was of the 8th inst. I had enclosed you
separately a paper giving you an account of Buona
parte's last great victory. Since that, we receive
information that the preliminaries of peace were
signed between France 8: Austria. Mr. Hammond
will have arrived at Vienna too late to influence the
terms. The victories lately obtained by the French
on the Rhine, were as splendid as Buonaparte's.
The mutiny on board the English fleet, tho' allayed
for the present, has Impressed that country with ter
ror. King has written letters to his friends recom
mending a pacific conduct towards France, * notwith
standing the continuance of her injustices.' Volney
is convinced France will not make peace with Eng
land, because it is such an opportunity for sinking

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 143
her as she never had & may not have again. Buona
parte's army would have to march 700. miles to
Calais. Therefore, it is imagined the armies of the
Rhine will be destined for England. The Senate
yesterday rejected on it's 2d reading their own bill
for raising 4. more companies of light dragoons, by a
vote of 15 to 13. Their cost would have been about
120,000 D a year. To-day the bill for manning the
frigates & buying 9 vessels @ about 60,000 D each,
comes to it's 3d reading. Some flatter us we may
throw it out. The trial will be in time to mention
the issue herein. The bills for preventing our citi
zens from engaging in armed vessels of either party,
& for prohibitg exportation of arms & ammunition,
have passed both houses. The fortification bill is
before the Representatives still. It is thought by
many that with all the mollifying clauses they can
give It, it may perhaps be thrown out. They have a
separate bill for manning the 3. frigates, but its fate
is uncertain. These are probably the ultimate meas
ures which will be adopted, if even these be adopted.
The folly of the convocation of Congress at so incon
venient a season & an expense of 60,000 D, is now
palpable to everybody ; or rather it is palpable that
war was the object, since, that being out of the
question, it is evident there is nothing else. How
ever, nothing less than the miraculous string of events
which have taken place, to wit, the victories of the
Rhine & Italy, peace with Austria, bankruptcy of
England, mutiny in her fleet, and King's writing let
ters recommending peace, could have cooled the fury

144 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
of the British faction. Even all that will not prevent
considerable efforts still in both houses to shew our
teeth to France. We had hoped to have risen this
week. It is now talked of for the 24th, but it is Im
possible yet to affix a time. I think I cannot omit
being at our court (July 3,) whether Congress rises
or not. If so, I shall be with you on the Friday or
Saturday preceding. I have a couple of pamphlets
for you, (Utrum Horum, & Paine's Agrarian Justice,)
being the only things since Erskine which have ap
peared worth notice. Besides Bache's paper there
are 2. others now accommodated to country circula
tion. Gale's (successor of Oswald) twice a week
without advertisements at 4. dollars. His debates in
Congress are the same with Claypole's. Also Smith
proposes to Issue a paper once a week, of news only,
and an additional sheet while Congress shall be in
session, price 4. dollars. The best daily papers now
are Bradford's compiled by Lloyd, and Markland &
Gary's. Claypole's you know. Have you remarked
the pieces signed Fabius ? they are written by John
Dickinson. P. M. The bill before the Senate for equipping
the 3 frigates, & buying 9. vessels of not more than
20. guns, has this day passed on it's 3d reading by 16.
against 1 3. The fortification bill before the represen
tatives as amended in commee of the whole, passed
to it's 3d reading by 48. against 41. Adieu affection
ately, with my best respects to Mrs. Madison.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 145
TO AARON BURR. J. mss-
Philadelphia, June 17, 1797.
Dear Sir, — The newspapers give so minutely what
is passing in Congress, that nothing of detail can be
wanting for your information. Perhaps, however,
some general view of our situation & prospects, since
you left us, may not be unacceptable. At any rate,
it will give me an opportunity of recalling myself to
your memory, & of evidencing my esteem for you.
You well know how strong a character of division had
been impressed on the Senate by the British treaty.
Common error, common censure, & common efforts
of defence had formed the treaty majority into a
common band, which feared to separate even on other
subjects. Towards the close of the last Congress,
however. It had been hoped that their ties began to
loosen, & their phalanx to separate a little. This
hope was blasted at the very opening of the present
session, by the nature of the appeal which the Presi
dent made to the nation ; the occasion for which had
confessedly sprung from the fatal British treaty.
This circumstance rallied them again to their standard,
and hitherto we have had pretty regular treaty votes
on all questions of principle. And indeed I fear, that
as long as the same individuals remain, so long we
shall see traces of the same division. In the H of
Representatives the republican body has also lost
strength. The non-attendance of 5. or 6. of that de
scription, has left the majority very equivocal indeed.
A few individuals of no fixed system at all, governed
by the panic or the prowess of the moment, flap as
VOL. VII. — 10

146 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
the breeze blows against the republican or the aristo
cratic bodies, and give to the one or the other a pre
ponderance entirely accidental. Hence the dissimilar
aspect of the address, & of the proceedings subse
quent to that. The inflammatory composition of the
speech excited sensations of resentment which had
slept under British injuries, threw the wavering into
the war scale, and produced the war address. Buona
parte's victories & those on the Rhine, the Austrian
peace, British bankruptcy, mutiny of the seamen, and
mr. King's exhortations to pacific measures, have
cooled them down again, & the scale of peace pre
ponderates. The threatening propositions therefore,
founded in the address, are abandoned one by one, &
the cry begins now to be, that we have been called
together to do nothing. The truth is, there is nothing
to do, the idea of war being scouted by the events of
Europe ; but this only proves that war was the object
for which we were called. It proves that the executive
temper was for war ; & that the convocation of the
Representatives was an experiment on the temper of
the nation, to see If it was in unison. Efforts at
negociation indeed were promised ; but such a promise
was as difficult to withhold, as easy to render nugatory.
If negociation alone had been meant, that might have
been pursued without so much delay, and without
calling the Representatives ; and if strong & earnest
negotiation had been meant, the additional nomina
tion would have been of persons strongly & earnestly
attached to the alliance of 1778. War then was in
tended. Whether abandoned or not, we must judge

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 147
from future indications & events ; for the same secrecy
& mystery Is affected to be observed by the present,
which marked the former administration. I had
always hoped, that the popularity of the late president
being once withdrawn from active effect, the natural
feelings of the people towards liberty would restore
the equilibrium between the Executive & Legislative
departments, which had been destroyed by the superior
weight & effect of that popularity ; & that their
natural feelings of moral obligation would discounte
nance the ungrateful predilection of the executive in
favor of Great Britain. But unfortunately, the pre
ceding measures had already alienated the nation who
was the object of them, had excited reaction from
them, & this reaction has on the minds of our citizens
an effect which supplies that of the Washington pop
ularity. This effect was sensible on some of the late
congressional elections, & this it is which has lessened
the republican majority in Congress. When it will
be reinforced, must depend on events, & these are so
incalculable, that I consider the future character of
our republic as in the air ; indeed its future fortune
will be in the air, if war Is made on us by France, &
if Louisiana becomes a Gallo-Amerlcan colony.
I have been much pleased to see a dawn of change
in the spirit of your State. The late elections have
indicated something, which, at a distance, we do not
understand. However, what with the English influ
ence in the lower, and the Patroon influence in the
upper part of your State, I presume little is to be
hoped. If a prospect could be once opened upon us

148 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
of the penetration of truth into the eastern States ; if
the people there, who are unquestionably republicans,
could discover that they have been duped into the
support of measures calculated to sap the very foun
dations of republicanism, we might still hope for sal
vation, and that it would come, as of old, from the
east. But will that region ever awake to the true
state of things ? Can the middle. Southern & Wes
tern states hold on till they awake ? These are pain
ful & doubtful questions ; and if, in assuring me of
your health, you can give me a comfortable solution
of them, it will relieve a mind devoted to the preserva
tion of our republican government in the true form
& spirit in which it was established, but almost op
pressed with apprehensions that fraud will at length
effect what force could not, & that what with currents
& counter-currents, we shall, in the end, be driven
back to the land from which we launched 20. years
ago. Indeed, my dear Sir, we have been but a sturdy
fish on the hook of a dexterous angler, who, letting
us flounce till we have spent our force, brings us up
at last.
I am tired of the scene, & this day sen'night shall
change it for one, where, to tranquillity of mind may
be added pursuits of private utility, since none public
are admitted by the state of things.
I am, with great & sincere esteem, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.
P. S. Since writing the above, we have received a
report that the French Directory has proposed a
declaration of war against the U. S. to the Council

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 149
of Antients, who have rejected it. Thus we see two
nations who love one another affectionately, brought
by the ill temper of their executive administrations,
to the very brink of a necessity to imbrue their hands
in the blood of each other.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. J- mss.
Philadelphia, June 21, 1797.
My dear friend, — It was with infinite joy to me,
that you were yesterday announced to the Senate,
as envoy extraordinary, jointly with Genl. Pinckney
& mr. Marshall, to the French republic. It gave me
certain assurance that there would be a preponder
ance in the mission, sincerely disposed to be at peace
with the French government & nation. [Peace is un
doubtedly at present the first object of our nation.
Interest & honor are also national considerations.
But interest, duly weighed, is In favor of peace even
at the expence of spoliations past & future ; & honor
cannot now be an object^ The insults & injuries
committed on us by both the belligerent parties, from
the beginning of 1793 to this day, & still continuing,
cannot now be wiped off by engaging in war with one
of them. As there is great reason to expect this is
the last campaign in Europe, it would certainly be
better for us to rub thro this year, as we have done
through the four preceding ones, and hope that on
the restoration of peace, we may be able to establish
some plan for our foreign connections more likely to
secure our peace, interest & honor, in future. Our

150 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
countrymen have divided themselves by such strong
affections, to the French & the English, that nothing
will secure us internally but a divorce from both na
tions ; and this must be the object of every real
American, and it's attainment is practicable without
much self-denial. But for this, peace is necessary.
Be assured of this, my dear Sir, that if we engage in
a war during our present passions, & our present
weakness in some quarters, that our Union runs the
greatest risk of not coming out of that war in the
shape in which it enters it. My reliance for our
preservation is in your acceptance of this mission. I
know the tender circumstances which will oppose
themselves to it. But it's duration will be short, and
it's reward long. You have it in your power, by
accepting and determining the character of the mis
sion, to secure the present peace & eternal union of
your country. If you decline, on motives of private
pain, a substitute may be named who has enlisted his
passions in the present contest, & by the preponder
ance of his vote in the mission may entail on us
calamities, your share in which, & your feelings, will
outweigh whatever pain a temporary absence from
your family could give you. The sacrifice will be
short, the remorse would be never ending. Let me,
then, my dear Sir, conjure your acceptance, and that
you will, by this act, seal the mission with the con
fidence of all parties. Your nomination has given a
spring to hope, which was dead before. I leave this
place in three days, and therefore shall not here have
the pleasure of learning your determination. But it

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 151
will reach me in my retirement, and enrich the tran
quillity of that scene. It will add to the proofs which
have convinced me that the man who loves his country
on it's own account, and not merely for it's trappings
of interest or power, can never be divorced from it,
can never refuse to come forward when he finds that
she is engaged in dangers which he has the means
of warding off. Make then an effort, my friend, to
renounce your domestic comforts for a few months,
and reflect that to be a good husband and good father
at this moment, you must be also a good citizen.
With sincere wishes for your acceptance & success, I
am, with unalterable esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate
friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. J- mss.
Philadelphia, June 22, 97.
The Senate have this day rejected their own bill for
raising a provisional army of 15,000 men. I think
they will reject that for permitting private vessels to
arm. The Representatives have thrown out the bill
of the Senate for raising artillery. They (Wednes
day) put off one forbidding our citizens to serve in
foreign vessels of war till Nov, by a vote of 52. to 44.
This day they came to a resolution proposing to the
Senate to adjourn on Wednesday, the 28th, by a
majority of 4. Thus it is now perfectly understood
that the convocation of Congress is substantially con
demned by their several decisions that nothing is to
be done. I may be with you somewhat later than I

152 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
expected, say from the ist to the 4th. Prelimina
ries of peace between Austria & France are signed.
Dana has declined the mission to France. Gerry is
appointed In his room, being supported in Senate by
the republican vote ; 6 nays of the opposite descrip
tion. No news of Monroe or Payne. Adieu.

TO EDWARD RUTLEDGE. j. mss.
Philadelphia, June 24, 97.
My Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege your two
favors of May 4 & 19, and to thank you for your
attentions to the commissions for the peas & oranges,
which I learn are arrived in Virginia. Your draft I
hope will soon follow on Mr. John Barnes, merchant,
here ; who, as I before advised you, is directed to
answer It.
When Congress first met, the assemblage of facts
presented in the President's speech, with the multi
plied accounts of spoliations by the French West
Indians, appeared by sundry votes on the address, to
incline a majority to put themselves in a posture of
war. Under this influence the address was formed,
& its spirit would probably have been pursued by
corresponding measures, had the events of Europe
been of an ordinary train. But this has been so
extraordinary, that numbers have gone over to those,
who, from the first, feeling with sensibility the French
insults, as they had felt those of England before,
thought now as they thought then, that war measures
should be avoided, & those of peace pursued. Their

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 153
favorite engine, on the former occasion, was coTn-
mercial regulations, in preference to negociations, to
war preparations & increase of debt. On the latter,
as we have no commerce with France, the restriction
of which could press on them, they wished for nego
ciation. Those of the opposite sentiment had, on
the former occasion, preferred negociation, but at the
same time voted for great war preparations, and
increase of debt ; now also they- were for negociation,
war preparations & debt. The parties have in debate
mutually charged each other with inconsistency, &
with being governed by an attachment to this or that
of the belligerent nations, rather than the dictates of
reason & pure Americanism. But, in truth, both
have been consistent ; the same men having voted
for war measures who did before, & the same against
them now who did before. The events of Europe
coming to us in astonishing & rapid succession, to
wit, the public bankruptcy of England, Buonaparte's
successes, the successes on the Rhine, the Austrian
peace, mutiny of the British fleet, Irish insurrection,
a demand of 43. millions for the current services of
the year, and, above all, the warning voice, as is said,
of Mr. King, to abandon all thought of connection
with Great Britain, that she is going down Irrecovera
bly, & will sink us also, if we do not clear ourselves,
have brought over several to the pacific party, so as,
at present, to give majorities against all threatening
measures. They go on with frigates and fortifications,
because they were going on with them before. They
direct 80,000 of their militia to hold themselves in

154 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
readiness for service. But they reject the proposi
tions to raise cavalry, artillery, & a provisional army,
& to trust private ships with arms in the present
combustible state of things. They believe the present
is the last campaign of Europe, & wish to rub
through this fragment of a year as they have through
the four preceding ones, opposing patience to insult,
& interest to honor. They will, therefore, immedi
ately adjourn. This is, indeed, a most humiliating
state of things, but it commenced in 93. Causes
have been adding to causes, & effects accumulating
on effects, from that time to this. We had, in 93,
the most respectable character in the universe.
What the neutral nations think of us now, I know
not ; but we are low indeed with the belligerents.
Their kicks & cuffs prove their contempt. If we
weather the present storm, I hope we shall avail our
selves of the calm of peace, to place our foreign con
nections under a new & different arrangement. \ We
must make the interest of every nation stand surety
for it's justice, & their own loss to follow injury to
us, as effect follows its cause. As to everything
except commerce, we ought to divorce ourselves from
them all.j But this system would require time,
temper, wisdom, & occasional sacrifice of interest ; &
how far all of these will be ours, our children may
see, but we shall not. The passions are too high at
present, to be cooled in our day. You & I have
formerly seen warm debates and high political
passions. But gentlemen of different politics would
then speak to each other, & separate the business of

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 155
the Senate from that of society. It is not so now.
Men who have been intimate all their lives, cross the
streets to avoid meeting, & turn their heads another
way, lest they should be obliged to touch their hats.
This may do for young men with whom passion is
enjoyment. But it is afflicting to peaceable minds.
Tranquillity is the old man's milk. I go to enjoy it
in a few days, & to exchange the roar & tumult of
bulls & bears, for the prattle of my grand-children &
senile rest. Be these yours, my dear friend, through
long years, with every other blessing, & the attach
ment of friends as warm & sincere, as yours affec
tionately. 
TO EDMUND RANDOLPH. J. mss.
Philadelphia, June 27, 97.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of your
two favors of may 26. & 29, which came to hand in
due time, and relieved my mind considerably, tho it
was not finally done. During the vacation we may
perhaps be able to hunt up the letters which are want
ing, and get this tornado which has been threatening
us, dissipated.
You have seen the speech & the address, so nothing
need be said on them. The spirit of both has been
so whittled down by Buonaparte's victories, the vic
tories on the Rhine, the Austrian peace, Irish insur
gency, English bankruptcy, insubordination of the
fleet, &c., that Congress is rejecting one by one the
measures brought in on the principles of their own
address. But nothing less than such miraculous
events as have been pouring in on us from the first of

156 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
our convening could have assuaged the fermentation
produced in men's minds. In consequence of these
events, what was the majority at first, is by degrees
become the minority, so that we may say that in the
Representatives moderation will govern. But noth
ing can establish firmly the republican principles of
our government but an establishment of them in Eng
land. France will be the apostle for this. We very
much fear that Gerry will not accept the mission to
Paris. The delays which have attended this measure
have left a dangerous void in our endeavors to pre
serve peace, which can scarcely be reconciled to a
wish to preserve it. I imagine we shall rise from
the ist to the 3d of July. I am, Dear Sir, your friend
and servant.
P. S. The interruption of letters is becoming so
notorious, that I am forming a resolution of declining
correspondence with my friends through the channels
of the post altogether.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, June 29. 97.
The day of adjournment walks before us like our
shadow. We shall rise on the 3d or 4th of July.
Consequently I shall be with you about the 8th or
9th. The two houses have jointly given up the 9.
small vessels. The Senate have rejected at the 3d
reading their own bill authorizing the President to
lay embargoes. They will probably reject a very un
equal tax passed by the Repr. on the venders of
wines & spirituous liquors (not in retail). They have

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 157
passed a bill for postponing their next meeting to the
constitutional day ; but whether the Repr. will con
cur is uncertain. The Repr. are cooking up a stamp
tax which it is thought themselves will reject. The
fate of the bill for private armaments is yet undecided
in the Senate. The expenses of the session are es
timated at 80.000 Doll. — Monroe & family arrived
here the day before yesterday, well. They will make
a short visit to N. York & then set their faces home
wards. My affectionate respects to Mrs. Madison,
and salutations to yourself. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, July 24. 97.
In hopes that Mrs. Madison & yourself & Miss
Madison will favor us with a visit when Colo Monroe
calls on you, I write this to inform you that I have
had the Shadwell & Secretary's ford both well cleaned.
If you come the lower road, the Shadwell ford is the
proper one. It is a little deepened but clear of stone
& perfectly safe. If you come the upper road you
will cross at the Secretary's ford, turning in at the gate
on the road soon after you enter the 3. notched road.
The draught up the mountain that way is steady but
uniform. I see Hamilton has put a short piece into
the papers in answer to Callender's publication, &
promises shortly something more elaborate. I am
anxious to see you here soon, because In about three
weeks we shall begin to unroof our house, when the
family will be obliged to go elsewhere for shelter.
My affectionate respects to the family. Adieu.

158 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
PETITION TO VIRGINIA HOUSE OF DELEGATES.* j. mss.
[Aug. 1797]
To the Speaker and House of Delegates of the Commonwealth of
Virginia, being a Protest against interference of Judiciary
between Representative and Constituent.
The petition of the subscribers, inhabitants of the counties of
Amherst, Albemarle, Fluvanna, and Goochland, shevi^eth :
That by the constitution of this State, established from its
earliest settlement, the people thereof have professed the right of
being governed by laws to which they have consented by repre
sentatives chosen by themselves immediately : that in order to
give to the will of the people the influence it ought to have, and
the information which may enable them to exercise it usefully, it
was a part of the common law, adopted as the law of this land,
that their representatives, in the discharge of their functions,
should be free from the cognizance or coercion of the co-ordinate
branches. Judiciary and Executive ; and that their communica
tions with their constituents should of right, as of duty also, be
free, full, and unawed by any : that so necessary has this inter
course been deemed in the country from which they derive prin
cipally their descent and laws, that the correspondence between
the representative and constituent is privileged there to pass free
of expense through the channel of the public post, and that the
proceedings of the legislature have been known to be arrested and
suspended at times until the Representatives could go home to
their several counties and confer with their constituents.
That when, at the epoch of Independence, the constitution was
formed under which we are now governed as a commonwealth, so
high were the principles of representative government esteemed,
that the legislature was made to consist of two branches, both of
them chosen immediately by the citizens ; and that general system
of laws was continued which protected the relations between the
representative and constituent, and guarded the functions of
the former from the control of the Judiciary and Executive
branches. ' See letters to Madison, Mercer, and Monroe, vii, pp. 166 and 171.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 159
That when circumstances required that the ancient confedera
tion of this with the sister States, for the government of their
common concerns, should be improved into a more regular and
effective form of general government, the same representative
principle was preserved in the new legislature, one branch of
which was to be chosen directly by the citizens of each State, and
the laws and principles remained unaltered which privileged the
representative functions, whether to be exercised in the State or
General Government, against the cognizance and notice of the
co-ordinate branches. Executive and Judiciary ; and for its safe
and convenient exercise, the inter-communication of the repre
sentative and constituent has been sanctioned and provided for
through the channel of the public post, at the public expense.
That at the general partition of this commonwealth into dis
tricts, each of which was to choose a representative to Congress,
the counties of Amherst, Albemarle, Fluvanna, and Goochland,
were laid off into one district : that at the elections held for the
said district, in the month of April, in the years 1795 and 1797,
the electors thereof made choice of Samuel Jordan Cabell, of the
county of Amherst, to be their representative in the legislature of
the general government ; that the said Samuel Jordan Cabell ac
cepted the office, repaired at the due periods to the legislature of
the General Government, exercised his functions there as became
a worthy member, and as a good and dutiful representative was
in the habit of corresponding with many of his constituents, and
communicating to us, by way of letter, information of the public
proceedings, of asking and receiving our opinions and advice, and
of contributing, as far as might be with right, to preserve the
transactions of the general government in unison with the princi
ples and sentiments of his constituents : that while the said
Samuel J. Cabell was in the exercise of his functions as a repre
sentative from this district, and was in the course of that corre
spondence which his duty and the will of his constituents imposed
on him, the right of thus communicating with them, deemed
sacred under all the forms in which our government has hitherto
existed, never questioned or infringed even by Royal judges or
governors, was openly and directly violated at a Circuit court of
the General Government, held at the citj- of Richmond, for the

i6o THE WRITINGS OF [1797
district of Virginia, in the month of May of this present year,
1797 : that at the said court. A, B, &c., some of whom were
foreigners, having been called upon to serve in the office of grand
jurors before the said court, were sworn to the duties of said
office in the usual forms of the law, the known limits of which
duties are to make presentment of those acts of individuals which
the laws have declared to be crimes or misdemeanors : that de
parting out of the legal limits of their said office, and availing
themselves of the sanction of its cover, wickedly and contrary to
their fidelity to destroy the rights of the people of this common
wealth, and the fundamental principles of representative govern
ment, they made a presentment of the act of the said Samuel J.
Cabell, in writing letters to his constituents in the following
words, to wit : " We, of the grand jury of the United States, for
the district of Virginia, present as a real evil, the circular letters
of several members of the late Congress, and particularly letters
with the signature of Samuel J. Cabell, endeavoring, at a time of
real public danger, to disseminate unfounded calumnies against
the happy government of the United States, and thereby to sepa
rate the people therefrom ; and to increase or produce a foreign
influence, ruinous to the peace, happiness, and independence of
these United States."
That the grand jury is a part of the Judiciary, not permanent
indeed, but in office, /r(? hac vice and responsible as other judges
are for their actings and doings while in office : that for the
Judiciary to interpose in the legislative department between the
constituent and his representative, to control them in the exercise
of their functions or duties towards each other, to overawe the
free correspondence which exists and ought to exist between
them, to dictate what communications may pass between them,
and to punish all others, to put the representative into jeopardy
of criminal prosecution, of vexation, expense, and punishment
before the Judiciary, if his communications, public or private, do
not exactly square with their ideas of fact or right, or with their
designs of wrong, is to put the legislative department under the
feet of the Judiciary, is to leave us, indeed, the shadow, but to
take away the substance of representation, which requires essen
tially that the representative be as free as his constituents would

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON i6i
be, that the same interchange of sentiment be lawful between him
and them as would be lawful among themselves were they in the
personal transaction of their own business ; is to do away the in
fluence of the people over the proceedings of their representatives
by excluding from their knowledge, by the terror of punishment,
all but such information or misinformation as may suit their own
views ; and is the more vitally dangerous when it is considered
that grand jurors are selected by officers nominated and holding
their places at the will of the Executive : that they are exposed
to influence from the judges who are nominated immediately by
the Executive, and who, although holding permanently their com
missions as judges, yet from the career of additional office and
emolument actually opened to them of late, whether constitution
ally or not, are under all those motives which interest or ambition
inspire, of courting the favor of that branch from which appoint
ments flow : that grand juries are frequently composed in part of
by-standers, often foreigners, of foreign attachments and inter
ests, and little knowledge of the laws they are most improperly
called to decide on ; and finally, is to give to the Judiciary, and
through them to the Executive, a complete preponderance over
the legislature, rendering ineffectual that wise and cautious distri
bution of powers made by the constitution between the three
branches, and subordinating to the other two that branch which
most immediately depends on the people themselves, and is re
sponsible to them at short periods.
That independently of these considerations of a constitutional
nature, the right of free correspondence between citizen and citi
zen on their joint interests, public or private, and under what
soever laws these interests arise, is a natural right of every
individual citizen, not the gift of municipal law, but among the
objects for the protection of which municipal laws are instituted :
that so far as the attempt to take away this natural right of free
correspondence is an offence against the privileges of the legisla
tive house, of which the said Samuel J. Cabell is a member, it is
left to that house, entrusted with the preservation of its own priv
ileges, to vindicate its immunities against the encroachments and
usurpations of a co-ordinate branch ; but so far as it is an infrac
tion of our individual rights as citizens by other citizens of our
VOL. vn. — II

i62 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
own State, the judicature of this commonwealth is solely compe
tent to its cognizance, no other possessing any powers of redress :
that the commonwealth retains all its judiciary cognisances not
expressly alienated in the grant of powers to the United States as
expressed in their constitution : that that constitution alienates
only those enumerated in itself, or arising under laws or treaties
of the United States made in conformity with its own tenor : but
the right of free correspondence is not claimed under that consti
tution nor the laws or treaties derived from it, but as a natural
right, placed originally under the protection of our municipal laws,
and retained under the cognizance of our own courts.
Your petitioners further observe that though this crime may
not be specifically defined and denominated by any particular
statute, yet it is a crime, and of the highest and most alarming
nature ; that the constitution of this commonwealth, aware it
would sometimes happen that deep and dangerous crimes, pro
nounced as such in the heart of every friend to his country and
its free constitution, would often escape the definitions of the
law, and yet ought not to escape its punishments, fearing at the
same time to entrust such undescribed offences to the discretion
of ordinary juries and judges, has reserved the same to the cog
nizance of the body of the commonwealth acting by their repre
sentatives in general assembly, for which purpose provision is
made by the constitution in the following words, to wit : " The
Governor, when he is out of office, and others offending against
the State, either by mal-administration, corruption, or other means
by which the safety of the State may be endangered, shall be im
peachable by the House of Delegates. Such impeachment to be
prosecuted by the Attorney General or such other person or per
sons as the house may appoint in the general court, according to
the laws of the land. If found guilty, he or they shall be either
forever disabled to hold any office under government, or removed
from such offices pro tempore, or subjected to such pains or
penalties as the law shall direct."
Considering then the House of Delegates as the standing
inquest of the whole commonwealth so established by the consti
tution, that its jurisdiction as such extends over all persons with
in its limits, and that no pale, no sanctuary has been erected

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 16

a

against their jurisdiction to protect offenders who have commit
ted crimes against the laws of the commonwealth and rights of
its citizens : that the crime committed by the said grand jurors
is of that high and extraordinary character for which the constitu
tion has provided extraordinary procedure : that though the
-violation of right falls in the first instance on us, your petitioners
and the representative chosen immediately by us, yet in principle
and consequence it extends to all our fellow-citizens, whose
safety is passed away whenever their representatives are placed,
in the exercise of their functions, under the direction and coer
cion of either of the other departments of government, and one
of their most interesting rights is lost when that of a free commu
nication of sentiment by speaking or writing is suppressed : We,
your petitioners, therefore pray that you will be pleased to take
your constitutional cognizance of the premises, and institute
such proceedings for impeaching and punishing the said A, B,
&c., as may secure to the citizens of this commonwealth their
constitutional right : that their representatives shall in the exercise
of their functions be free and independent of the other depart
ments of government, may guard that full intercourse between
them and their constituents which the nature of their relations
and the laws of the land establish, may save to them the natural
right of communicating their sentiments to one another by speak
ing and writing, and may serve as a terror to others attempting
hereafter to subvert those rights and the fundamental principles
of our constitution, to exclude the people from all direct influence
over the government they have established by reducing that
branch of the legislature which they choose directly, to a sub
ordination under those over whom they have but an indirect,
distant, and feeble control.
And your petitioners further submit to the wisdom of the two
houses of assembly whether the safety of the citizens of this
commonwealth in their persons, their property, their laws, and
government, does not require that the capacity to act in the im
portant office of a juror, grand or petty, civil or criminal, should
be restrained in future to native citizens of the United States, or
such as were citizens at the date of the treaty of peace which
closed our revolutionary war, and whether the ignorance of our

i64 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
laws and natural partiality to the countries of their birth are not
reasonable causes for declaring this to be one of the rights in
communicable in future to adoptive citizens.
We, therefore, your petitioners, relying with entire confidence
on the wisdom and patriotism of our representatives in General
assembly, clothed preeminently with all the powers of the people
which have not been reserved to themselves, or enumerated in the
grant to the General Government delegated to maintain all their
rights and relations not expressly and exclusively transferred to
other jurisdictions, and stationed as sentinels to observe with
watchfulness and oppose with firmness all movements tending to
destroy the equilibrium of our excellent but complicated machine
of government, invoke from you that redress of our violated
rights which the freedom and safety of our common country calls
for. We denounce to you a great crime, wicked in its purpose,
and mortal in its consequences unless prevented, committed by
citizens of this commonwealth against the body of their country.
If we have erred in conceiving the redress provided by the law,
we commit the subject to the superior wisdom of this house
to devise and pursue such proceedings as they shall think best ;
and we, as in duty bound, shall every pray, &c.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
MONTICELLO, Aug 3, 97.
I scribbled you a line on the 24th ult ; it missed
of the post, and so went by a private hand. I per
ceive from yours by mr. Bringhurst, that you had
not received It. In fact, it was only an earnest ex
hortation to come here with Monroe, which I still
hope you will do. In the meantime, I enclose you a
letter from him, and wish your opinion on its principal
subject. The variety of other topics the day I was
with you, kept out of sight the letter to Mazzei im
puted to me in the papers, the general substance of

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 165
which is mine, tho' the diction has been considerably
varied in the course of it's translations from English
into Italian, from Italian into French, & from French
into English. I first met with it at Bladensburg, and
for a moment conceived I must take the field of the
public papers. I could not disavow It wholly, because
the greatest part was mine, in substance tho' not in
form. I could not avow it as It stood, because the
form was not mine, and, in one place, the substance
very materially falsified. This, then, would render
explanations necessary ; nay, it would render proofs
of the whole necessary, & draw me at length Into a
pubUcation of all (even the secret) transactions of the
administration while I was of it ; and embroil me per
sonally with every member of the Executive, with the
Judiciary, and with others still, I soon decided in
my own mind, to be entirely silent. I consulted with
several friends at Philadelphia, who, every one of
them, were clearly against my avowing or disavowing,
& some of them conjured me most earnestly to let
nothing provoke me to it. I corrected, in conversa
tion with them, a substantial misrepresentation in the
copy published. The original has a sentiment like
this (for I have it not before me), " they are endeav
oring to submit us to the substance, as they already
have to the forms of the British government ; " mean
ing by forms, the birth-days, levees, processions to
parliament, inauguration pomposities, &c. But the
copy published says, " as they have already submitted
us to the for^n of the British," &c., making me ex
press hostility to the form of our government, that Is

i66 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
to say, to the constitution itself. For this is really
the difference of the word form, used in the singular
or plural, in that phrase, in the English language.
Now it would be impossible for me to explain this
publicly, without bringing on a personal difference
between Genl Washington & myself, which nothing
before the publication of this letter has ever done. It
would embroil me also with all those with whom his
character is still popular, that is to say, nine tenths of
the people of the U S ; and what good would be ob
tained by my avowing the letter with the necessary
explanations ? Very little indeed, in my opinion, to
counterbalance a good deal of harm. From my silence
in this instance, it can never be inferred that I am
afraid to own the general sentiments of the letter. If
I am subject to either imputation, it is to that of
avowing such sentiments too frankly both in private
& public, often when there is no necessity for it,
merely because I disdain everything like duplicity.
Still, however, I am open to conviction. Think for
me on the occasion, and advise me what to do, and
confer with Colo Monroe on the subject.
Let me entreat you again to come with him ; there
are other important things to consult on. One will
be his affair. Another is the subject of the petition
now enclosed you, to be proposed to our district, on
the late presentment of our representative by the
grand jury : the idea it' brings forward is still confined
to my own breast. It has never been mentioned to
any mortal, because I first wish your opinion on the
expediency of the measure. If you approve it, I shall

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 167
propose to P. Carr or some other, to father it, and to
present it to the counties at their general muster.
This will be in time for our Assembly. The present
ment going in the public papers just at the moment
when Congress was together, produced a great effect
both on it's friends & foes in that body, very much to
the disheartening & mortification of the latter. I
wish this petition, if approved, to arrive there under
the same circumstance, to produce the counter-effect
so wanting for their gratification. I could have
wished to receive it from you again at our court on
Monday, because P. Carr & Wilson Nicholas will be
there, and might also be consulted, and commence
measures for putting It into motion. If you can re
turn it then, with your opinion and corrections, it will
be of importance. Present me affectionately to mrs.
Madison, & convey to her my entreaties to interpose
her good offices & persuasives with you to bring her
here, and before we uncover our house, which will
yet be some weeks.
Salutations & Adieu.

TO ST. GEORGE TUCKER. J. mss.
MONTICELLO, Aug 28, 97.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of your
two favors of the 2d & 2 2d inst. and to thank you for
the pamphlet covered by the former.^ You know my
subscription to it's doctrines ; and to the mode of
emancipation, I am satisfied that that must be a
matter of compromise between the passions, the
' " Dissertation on Slavery."

i68 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
prejudices, & the real difficulties which will each have
their weight in that operation. Perhaps the first
chapter of this history, which has begun in St.
Domingo, & the next succeeding ones, which will re
count how all the whites were driven from all the
other islands, may prepare our minds for a peaceable
accommodation between justice, policy & necessity ;
& furnish an answer to the difficult question, whither
shall the colored emigrants go ? and the sooner we
put some plan underway, the greater hope there is
that It may be permitted to proceed peaceably to it's
ultimate effect. But if something is not done, & soon
done, we shall be the murderers of our own children.
The ' murmura venturos nautis prodentia ventos ' has
already reached us ; the revolutionary storm, now
sweeping the globe, will be upon us, and happy if we
make timely provision to give It an easy passage over
our land. From the present state of things In Europe
& America, the day which begins our combustion
must be near at hand ; and only a single spark is
wanting to make that day to-morrow. If we had
begun sooner, we might probably have been allowed
a lengthier operation to clear ourselves, but every
day's delay lessens the time we may take for emanci
pation. Some people derive hope from the aid of
the confederated States. But this is a delusion. There
is but one state in the Union which will aid us sin
cerely, if an insurrection begins, and that one may,
perhaps, have it's own fire to quench at the same
time. The facts stated in yours of the 2 2d, were not
identically known to me, but others like them were.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 169
From the general government no interference need
be expected. Even the merchant and navigator, the
immediate sufferers, are prevented by various motives
from wishing to be redressed. I see nothing but a
State procedure which can vindicate us from the
insult. It is in the power of any single magistrate, or
of the Attorney for the Commonwealth, to lay hold
of the commanding officer, whenever he comes ashore,
for the breach of the peace, and to proceed against
him by indictment. This is so plain an operation,
that no power can prevent it's being carried through
with effect, but the want of will in the officers of the
State. I think that the matter of finances, which has
set the people of Europe to thinking, is now advanced
to that point with us, that the next step, & it is an
unavoidable one, a land tax, will awaken our con
stituents, and call for inspection into past proceedings.
I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.

TO COLONEL ARTHUR CAMPBELL. J. mss.
MONTICELLO, Sepr I, 97.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of
your favor of July 4. and to recognize in it the senti
ments you have ever held, & worthy of the day on
which it is dated. It is true that a party has risen up
among us, or rather has come among us, which Is
endeavoring to separate us from all friendly connec
tion with France, to unite our destinies with those of
Great Britain, & to assimilate our government to
theirs. Our lenity in permitting the return of the

I70 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
old tories, gave the first body to this party ; they have
been increased by large importations of British mer
chants and factors, by American merchants dealing
on British capital, and by stock dealers & banking
companies, who, by the aid of a paper system, are en
riching themselves to the ruin of our country, and
swaying the government by their possession of the
printing presses, which their wealth commands, and
by other means, not always honorable to the character
of our countrymen. Hitherto, their influence & their
system has been irresistible, and they have raised up
an Executive power which is too strong for the legis
lature. But I flatter myself they have passed their
zenith. The people, while these things were doing,
were lulled into rest and security from a cause which
no longer exists. No prepossessions now will shut
their ears to truth. They begin to see to what port
their leaders were steering during their slumbers, and
there is yet time to haul in, if we can avoid a war with
France. All can be done peaceably, by the people
confiding their choice of Representatives & Senators
to persons attached to republican government & the
principles of 1776, not office-hunters, but farmers,
whose interests are entirely agricultural. Such men
are the true representatives of the great American in
terest, and are alone to be relied on for expressing
the proper American sentiments. We owe gratitude
to France, justice to England, good will to all, and
subservience to none. All this must be brought about
by the people, using their elective rights with pru
dence & self-possession, and not suffering themselves
to be duped by treacherous emissaries. It was by

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 171
the sober sense of our citizens that we were safely and
steadily conducted from monarchy to republicanism,
and it is by the same agency alone we can be kept
from falling back. I am happy in this occasion of
reviving the memory of old things, and of assuring
you of the continuance of the esteem & respect of,
dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JOHN FRANCIS MERCER. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, September 5, 1797.
* * * We have now with us our friend Monroe.
He is engaged in stating his conduct for the informa
tion of the public. As yet, however, he has done
little, being too much occupied with re-arranging his
household. His preliminary skirmish with the Secre
tary of state has, of course, bespoke a suspension of
the public mind, till he can lay his statement before
them. Our Congressional district is fermenting under
the presentment of their representative by the Grand
jury : and the question of a Convention for forming
a State Constitution will probably be attended to In
these parts. These are the news of our canton.
Those of a more public nature you know before we
do. My best respects to mrs. Mercer, and assurances
to yourself of the affectionate esteem of, dear Sir,
your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MONROE. J. mss.
MONTICELLO, Sep 7, 97.
The doubt which you suggest as to our jurisdiction
over the case of the grand jury vs. Cabell, had occurred
to me, & naturally occurs on first view of the ques-

172 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
tion. But I knew, that to send the petition to the
Ho of Represent, in Congress, would make bad
worse ; that a majority of that House would pass a
vote of approbation. On examination of the ques
tion, too. It appeared to me that we could maintain
the authority of our own government over it.
A right of free correspondence between citizen &
citizen, on their joint interests, whether public or
private, & under whatsoever laws these interests arise,
(to wit, of the state, of Congress, of France, Spain, or
Turkey), is- a natural right ; it is not the gift of any
municipal law, either of England, or of Virginia, or
of Congress ; but In common with all our other
natural rights, is one of the objects for the protection
of which society is formed, & municipal laws estab
lished. The courts of this commonwealth (and among them
the General court, as a court of impeachment) are
originally competent to the cognizance of all infrac
tions of the rights of one citizen by another citizen ;
and they still retain all their judiciary cognizances not
expressly alienated by the federal constitution.
The federal constitution alienates from them all
cases arising, ist, under that constitution ; 2dly, under
the laws of Congress ; 3dly, under treaties, &c. But
this right of free correspondence, whether with a
public representative in General assembly, in Con
gress, in France, in Spain, or with a private one
charged with a pecuniary trust, or with a private
friend the object of our esteem, or any other, has not
been given to us under, ist, the federal constitution ;

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 173
2dly, any law of Congress ; or 3dly, any treaty ; but
as before observed, by nature. It is therefore not
alienated, but remains under the protection of our
courts. Were the question even doubtful, it is no reason
for abandoning it. The system of the General
government, is to seize all doubtful ground. We
must join in the scramble, or get nothing. Where
first occupancy is to give a right, he who lies still
loses all. Besides, it is not right for those who are
only to act in a preliminary form, to let their own
doubts preclude the judgment of the court of ultimate
decision. We ought to let it go to the Ho of delegates
for their consideration, & they, unless the contrary be
palpable, ought to let it to go to the General court,
who are ultimately to decide on it.
It is of immense consequence that the States retain
as complete authority as possible over their own
citizens. The withdrawing themselves under the
shelter of a foreign jurisdiction, is so subversive of
order and so pregnant of abuse, that it may not be
amiss to consider how far a law oi prcemunire should
be revived & modified, against all citizens who attempt
to carry their causes before any other than the State
courts, in cases where those other courts have no
right to their cognizance. A plea to the jurisdiction
of the courts of their State, or a reclamation of a
foreign jurisdiction, if adjudged valid, would be safe ;
but if adjudged invalid, would be followed by the
punishment of pmmunire for the attempt.
Think further of the preceding part of this letter,
and we will have further conference on it. Adieu.

174 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
P. S. Observe, that it is not the breach of mr.
Cabell's privilege which we mean to punish : that
might lie with Congress. It is the wrong done to
the citizens of our district. Congress has no authority
to punish that wrong. They can only take cognizance
of it in vindication of their member.

TO ALEXANDER WHITE. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Sept. 10, 97.
Dear Sir,— So many persons have of late found an
interest or a passion gratified by imputing to me say
ings and writings which I never said or wrote, or by
endeavoring to draw me into newspapers to harass
me personally, that I have found it necessary for my
quiet & my other pursuits to leave them in full pos
session of the field, and not to take the trouble of
contradicting them in private conversation. If I do
it now. It Is out of respect to your application, made
by private letter & not thro' the newspapers, & under
the perfect assurance that what I write to you will
not be permitted to get into a newspaper, while you
are at full liberty to assert it in conversation under
my authority.
I never gave an opinion that the Government
would not remove to the federal city. I never enter
tained that opinion ; but on the contrary, whenever
asked the question, I have expressed my full confi
dence that they would remove there. Having had
frequent occasion to declare this sentiment, I have
endeavored to conjecture on what a contrary one

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 175
could have been ascribed to me. I remember that In
Georgetown, where I passed a day in February in
conversation with several gentlemen on the prepara
tions there for receiving the government, an opinion
was expressed by some, & not privately, that there
would be few or no private buildings erected in
Washington this summer, and that the prospect of
their being a sufficient number in time, was not flat
tering. This they grounded on the fact that the
persons holding lots, from a view to increase their
means of building, had converted their money at low
prices, into Morris & Nicholson's notes, then pos
sessing a good degree of credit, & that having lost
these by the failure of these gentlemen, they were
much less able to build than they would have been.
I then observed, and I did it with a view to excite
exertion, that if there should not be private houses in
readiness sufficient for the accommodation of Con
gress & the persons annexed to the Government, It
could not be expected that men should come there to
lodge, like cattle, in the fields, and that It highly be
hooved those interested in the removal to use every
exertion to provide accommodations. In this opinion,
I presume I shall be joined by yourself & every other.
But delivered, as it was, only on the hypothesis of a
fact stated by others, it could not authorize the asser
tion of an absolute opinion, separated from the state
ment of fact on which it was hypothetlcally grounded.
I have seen no reason to believe that Congress have
changed their purpose with respect to the removal.
Every public indication from them, & every sentiment

176 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
I have heard privately expressed by the members,
convinces me they are steady in the purpose. Being
on this subject, I will suggest to you, what I did pri
vately at Georgetown to a particular person, in con
fidence that it should be suggested to the managers,
if In event it should happen that there should not be
a sufficiency of private buildings erected within the
proper time, would it not be better for the commis
sioners to apply for a suspension of the removal for
one year, than to leave it to the hazard which a con
trary interest might otherwise bring on it ? Of this
however you have yet two summers to consider, and
you have the best knolege of the circumstances on
which a judgment may be formed whether private
accommodations will be provided. As to the public
buildings, every one seems to agree that they will be
in readiness.
I have for five or six years been encouraging the
opening a direct road from the Southern part of this
State, leading through this county to Georgetown.
The route proposed is from Georgetown by Colol.
Alexander's, Elk-run Church, Norman's Ford,
Stevensburg, the Racoon Ford, the Marquis's Road,
Martin Key's Ford on the Rivanna, the mouth of
Slate River, the high bridge on Appomattox, Prince
Edward C. H., Charlotte C. H., Cole's ferry on
Stanton, Dix's ferry on Dan, Guilford C. H., Salis
bury, Croswell's ferry on Saluda, Ninety-six, Augusta.
It is believed this road will shorten the distance along
the continent 100. miles. It will be to open anew
only from Georgetown to Prince Edward courthouse.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 177
An actual survey has been made from Stevensburg
to Georgetown, by which that much of the road will
be shortened 20. miles, & be all a dead level. The
difficulty is to get it first through Fairfax & Prince
William. The counties after that will very readily
carry it on. We consider it as opening to us a direct
road to the market of the federal city, for all the beef
& mutton we could raise, for which we have no
market at present. I am in possession of the survey,
& had thought of getting the Bridge co at George
town to undertake to get the road carried through
Fairfax & Prince William, either by those counties or
by themselves. But I have some apprehension that
by pointing our road to the bridge, it might get out
of the level country, and be carried over the hills,
which will be but a little above it. This would be
inadmissible. Perhaps you could suggest some
means of our getting over the obstacle of those two
counties. I shall be very happy to concur in any
measure which can effect all our purposes. I am with
esteem, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.

TO JAMES MONROE. J- '^^^•
MONTICELLO Oct. 25. 97.
I like your second title better than the first because
it is shorter. I should like the following better than
either : " The Foreign affairs of the U. S. during the
years 1794.5.6. laid before his fellow citizens by J. M.
their late M. P. to the Republic of France." The
reason of my preference is that it implies no inculpa-

VOL. vn.— II

178 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
tion of the Executive. Such an implication will de
termine prejudiced men against buying or reading the
book. The following title would be better but for
one reason : " An account of the foreign affairs of
the U. S. during the years 1794.5.6 rendered to his
fellow citizens by J. M. their late M. P. to the Re
public of France," but that it would raise the old hue
and cry against the attempt to separate the people
from their government. For this reason it might be
questionable whether the words " laid before his fel
low citizens " In the first title I propose, had not
better be omitted. In that case the words " a view
of " should be premised, so as to make it " a view of
the Foreign affairs of the U. S. during &c. — by J.
M. &c. Decide among them.
I should not be for publishing the long letters from
the Secy of State to Fauchet, & Hammond, because
they were no part of your business & because they
are already printed by the Executive. Perhaps It
would be well to refer in a note to E. R.'s letter to
you that it enclosed such and such letters which may
be seen in such a publication, quoting the pages. I
rather think that to you relative to Fenwick ought to
be published i. because it is to you. 2. because it
will show how vigorous they were when the English
interests were affected. 3. because it was a malversa
tion in Fenwick if true, & ought to be published for
the honor of the U. S. Sz; warning to other consuls.
Sklpwith's report might be referred to as already
printed. As to the question whether a Minister is
that of his country or of G. W. or J. A. I do not

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 179
think will need a very formal discussion. A bare
statement of it with a few such strong observations as
will occur currente calamo, will suffice. Still It is
necessary to be stated, to bring indolent readers to
reflection. Appearances might otherwise lead them
astray. Adieu.

TO JOHN WAYLES EPPES. J. mss.
Philadelphia Dec. 21. 97.
Presuming that you get the newspapers I shall not
repeat the public news which they detail. The great
victory obtained by the English over the Dutch fleet
is placed beyond doubt. They have taken 9. out of
16. As to the proceedings of Congress, they have
passed a bill putting off the commencement of the
Stamp act till July next. The land tax will not be
taken up this session. It is suspected that the ap
proaching elections have had as much influence in
both these measures, as the condition of the Treasury,
which is said to be better than was expected. Con
gress therefore have absolutely nothing to do, but to
wait for news from our Parisian envoys. If that is of
a peaceable aspect I know nothing which ought to
keep us long from home. And thai; it will be of
peaceable aspect there is solid reason to expect, not
withstanding the newspaper paragraphs of a contrary
import, fabricated to give a hostile impulse to Con
gress. We learn from Norfolk that Barry is made
Judge of Admiralty in the French West Indies, &
has forbidden the capture of any American vessels
except going to rebel ports. This looks as If they

i8o THE WRITINGS OF [1797
wish to distinguish between real American vessels, &
English ones under American papers. They suppose
& probably that Barry will be able to distinguish
them. I send according to your desire Paine's letter. In
my next I will enclose another pamphlet on the same
subject. Monroe's book appears this day. It is of
near 500. pages, consequently too large to go by
post. Bache will send on 2. or 300 copies to Rich
mond. I have put on board Stratton's schooner an
anvil, vice & beek-iron for George, proposing as soon
as he receives them, that Isaac shall take those he has.
We had hoped 2. or 3. days ago that the vessels here
would have got out. But the weather has now set in
so as to render it doubtful whether they are not shut
for the winter. If so, it will be February before these
things get on. You would do well to employ Isaac in
the meantime in preparing coal for his year's work.
He should have about 2000. bushels laid in. Nor
will it be amiss to cord his wood in order to excite him
to an emulation in burning it well. I am in hopes you
or mr. Randolph will prepare for the road contract.
It is very interesting to us all. Tell my dear Maria
I received her letter of the 8th from Chestnut Grove
this day. I will write to her next. In the meantime
convey to her the warmest expressions of my love.
Present me affectionately to mr. & mrs. Eppes & to
all the younger ones. Adieu with sincere affection.
P. S. I am entirely at a loss to what post office to
direct your letters. I have conjectured you have most
intercourse with Petersburg.

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON. i8i
TO JOHN TAYLOR J. mss.
Philadelphia Dec. 23. 97.
Dear Sir — * * * Our stamp act Is put off till July
next. The land tax will also be put off. The approach
of the elections may have had its weight in both these
measures. The affluence of the Treasury has rendered
it possible to go on a year longer without a land tax.
The questions about beginning a Navy & permitting
our merchants (alias the English merchants) to arm
& begin the war for us, must of course be discussed,
because the speech has recommended these measures.
But I see no reason to apprehend any change in the
opinion of Congress on these points since the sum
mer session. These therefore & Blount's impeach
ment will serve to give us an appearance of business
for sometime. For an honest truth I believe every
man here acknoleges we have nothing to do : that
there is literally nothing which the public good re
quires us to act upon. As we are together, I think
myself we ought not to separate till we hear from our
envoys at Paris & I think we may expect by the last
of January not only to hear from them, but to see
what is likely to be the aspect of our affairs with
France. If peaceable, I know no reason why we
should not go home Immediately, & economise some
thing on the daily expenses of our session, which in
truth are enormous. The French envoy here tells
me he has a letter from his government mentioning
that they expect our envoys & that they will be well
received. A pamphlet written by Fauchet is come
here. I have not read it but I understand that the

i82 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
sum of it is that our Executive are the enemies of
France, our citizens generally friendly, but that the
mutual Interests of both countries require a continu
ance of friendly Intercourse between the two republics.
A bill extending for three years the law respecting
foreign coins has passed the representatives with
some difficulty & may possibly fail in the Senate.
Whether \illegible\ fears for the mint or whether
ground \illegible'\ I know not. But if it fails we are
left almost without a coin for legal tenders. As you
are in session it behooves you to see that your laws
fixing the value of foreign coin & making them a ten
der are in [illegible'] footing. By the constitution
Congress may regulate the value of foreign coin, but
if they do not do it, the old power revives to the
state, the Constitution only forbidding them to make
anything but gold & silver coin a tender in payment
of debts. This construction is admitted here by per
sons not disposed to give to the states more powers
than they are entitled to. Adieu. Affectionately.

TO JAMES MONROE. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Dec. 27, 97.
Dear Sir, — I communicated to Mr. M. the even
ing I was with him the papers you sent by me for Mr.
D. He was clearly of opinion nothing further ought to
be done. D. was decisively of the same opinion.
This being the case then there was no ground for
consulting L. or B. & accordingly nothing has been

1797] THOMAS JEFFERSON 183
said to them. Your book was later coming than was
to have been wished : however It works irresistably.
It would be very gratifying to you to hear the un
qualified eulogies both on the matter & manner by
all who are not hostile to it from principle. A
pamphlet written by Fauchet (and now reprinting
here) reinforced the views you have presented of the
duplicity of the administration here. The Republi
can party in the H. of Representatives is stronger
than its antagonistic party in all strong questions.
Today on a question to put off a bill for permitting
private vessels to arm, it was put off to the ist Mon
day of Feb. by 40. to 37. & on a motion to reconsider
was confirmed by 44. to 38. We have half a dozen
members absent, who If here would give decisive pre
ponderance. Two of these are of our state, Giles &
Cabell. The stamp act is put off to July, & the Land
tax will not be touched this session. Before the next
the elections will be over. We have therefore liter
ally nothing to do, but to await intelligence from our
envoys at Paris, & as soon as we learn that our affairs
there will be of peaceable aspect (as there is reason
to expect) I see nothing which ought to keep us
here. The question about building a navy, to be sure
must be discussed out of respect to the speech : but
it will only be to reject them. A bill has passed the
representatives giving three years longer currency to
foreign coins. It is in danger in the Senate. The
effect of stopping the currency of gold & silver is to
force bank paper through all the states. However I
presume the state legislatures will exercise their ac-

i84 THE WRITINGS OF [1797
knoleged right of regulating the value of foreign coins,
when not regulated by Congress, & their exclusive
right of declaring them a tender. The Marquis Fay
ette was expected in the ship John from Hamburg.
She is cast away in this river. 70 passengers were
said to be got ashore & the rest still remaining on the
wreck, but we do not know that he was actually a
passenger. Some late elections have been remarka
ble. Lloyd of Maryland in the place of Henry by a
majority of i. against Winder the Republican candi
date. Chipman, Senator of Vermont, by a majority
of I. against J. Smith the Republican candidate.
Tichenor chosen governor of Vermont by a small
majority against the Republican candidate. Gov
ernor Robertson of that state writes that the people
there are fast coming over to a sound understanding
of the state of our affairs. The same is said of some
other of the N. England states. In this state that
spirit rises very steadily. The Republicans have a
firm majority of about 6. in the H. of Representatives
here, a circumstance which has not been seen for
some years. Even their Senate is purifying. The
contest for the government will be between McKean
& Ross, & will probably be an extreme hard one. In
N. York it will be the same between Livingston &
Jay, who is becoming unpopular with his own party.
We are anxious to see how the N. York representa
tives are. The dismission of Tench Coxe from office
without any reason assigned is considered as one of
the bold acts of the President. Tant mieux. As soon
as Fauchet's pamphlet appears I will send you a copy.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 185
Your book so far has sold rapidly. I received from
mr. Madison paper for 500 D. for you, which will be
paid in the course of a few weeks. I shall desire
Barnes to receive and hold it subject to your order.
Present me respectfully to mrs. Monroe & accept
assurances of my sincere friendship. Adieu.

TO JOHN PAGE. j. mss.
Philadelphia Jan. i. 1798.
My dear Page, — You have probably seen or heard
of some very abusive letters addressed to me In the
publick papers by a mr. Martin of Baltimore on the
subject of Logan's speech cited in the notes on Vir
ginia. I do not mean to notice mr. Martin or to go
into the newspapers on the subject, but I am still
anxious to inquire into the foundation of that story,
and If I find anything wrong in it it shall be corrected,
& what is right supported either in some new edition
of that work or in an Appendix to it. You & I were
so much together about the year 1774, that I take
for granted that whatsoever I heard you heard also,
& therefore that your memory can assist mine In rec
ollecting the substance of the story, how it came to
us, & who could now be applied to to give informa
tion relative to it. You were more in Ld Dunmore's
& Foy's company than I was, & probably heard more
of it from that family than I did. I must pray you
to rub up your recollection & communicate to me as
fully as you can what you can recall to your mind
relative to it. & if you can procure me the evidence,

i86 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
or the recollections of any other persons on it, it will
much oblige me. We have now been met 7. weeks
& have done nothing except put off the stamp act to
July next. Nor does it seem as if there would be
anything to do. We are waiting for news from
France. A letter from Talleyrand (French Minister
of Foreign Affairs) to mr. Le Tombe consul here,
dated the day after the arrival of our ministers at
Paris, says they will be well received, & that every
disposition exists on the side of France to accommo
date their differences with us. I imagine you will
have seen Monroe's work, as many copies were sent
to Richmond by Bache. We hourly expect Fauchet's
pamphlet from the same press. I will send you a
copy. Present me respectfully to mrs. Page & accept
assurances of the constant friendship of my Dear Sir,
Yours affectionately.

TO MANN PAGE. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Jan. 2, 1798.
Dear Sir, — I do not know whether you have seen
some very furious abuse of me in the Baltimore papers
by a mr. Luther Martin, on account of Logan's speech,
published in the " Notes on Virginia." He supposes
both the speech & story made by me to support an
argument against Buffon. I mean not to enter into a
newspaper contest with mr. Martin ; but I wish to
collect, as well as the lapse of time will permit, the
evidence on which we received that story. It was
brought to us I remember by Ld Dunmore & his offi-

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 187
cers on their return from the expedition of 1774. I
am sure it was from them that I got it. As you were
very much in the same circle of society in Wmsburg
with myself, I am in hopes your memory will be able
to help out mine, and recall some facts which have
escaped me. I ask it as a great favor of you to en
deavor to recollect, & to communicate to me all
the circumstances you possibly can relative to this
matter, particularly the authority on which we re
ceived it, & the names of any persons who you think
can give me information. I mean to fix the fact with
all possible care and truth, and either to establish or
correct the former statement in an Appendix to the
" Notes on Virginia," or in the first republication of
the work.
Congress have done nothing interesting except
postponing the Stamp Act. An act continuing the
currency of the foreign coins 3. years longer has
passed the Representatives, but was lost in the
Senate. We have hopes that our envoys will be re
ceived decently at Paris, and some compromise agreed
on. There seems to be little appearance of peace In
Europe. Those among us who were so timid when
they apprehended war with England, are now bold in
propositions to arm. I do not think however that
the Representatives will change the policy pursued
by them at their summer session. The land tax will
not be brought forward this year. Congress of course
have no real busines to be employed on. We may
expect in a month or six weeks to hear so far from
our commissioners at Paris as to judge what will be

i88 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
the aspect of our situation with France. If peace
able, as we hope, I know of nothing which should
keep us together. In my late journey to this place,
I came through Culpeper & Prince William to
Georgetown. When I return, it will be through the
eastern shore (a country I have never seen), by Nor
folk & Petersburg ; so that I shall fail then also of
the pleasure of seeing you. Present my respectful
compliments to mrs. Page, and accept assurances
of the sincere esteem of, dear Sir, your friend and
servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
P. Jan, 3, 1798.
Dear Sir, — * * * Our weather has been here,
as with you, cold & dry. The thermometer has been at
8°. The river closed here the first week of December,
which has caught a vast number of vessels destined for
departure. It deadens also the demand for wheat. The
price at New York is 1.75 & of flour 8.50 to 9. ; to
bacco II. to 12. D. ; there need be no doubt of greater
prices. The bankruptcies here continue : the prison
is full of the most reputable merchants, & it is under
stood that the scene has not yet got to its height.
Prices have fallen greatly. The market is cheaper
than it has been for 4. years. Labor & house rent
much reduced. Dry goods somewhat. It is expected
they will fall till they get nearly to old prices. Money
scarce beyond all example.
The Representatives have rejected the President's
proposition for enabling him to prorogue them. A

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 189
law is passed putting off the stamp act till July next.
The land tax will not be brought on. The Secretary
of the Treasury says he has money enough. No
doubt these two measures may be taken up more
boldly at the next session, when most of the elections
will be over. It is imagined the stamp act will be ex
tended or attempted on every possible object. A
bill has passed the Rep to suspend for 3. years the
law arresting the currency of foreign coins. The
Senate propose an amendment, continuing the cur
rency of the foreign gold only. Very possibly the
bill may be lost. The object of opposing the bill is
to make the French crowns a subject of speculation
(for it seems they fell on the President's proclamation
to a Dollar in most of the states), and to force bank
paper (for want of other medium) through all the
states generally. Tench Coxe is displaced & no rea
son ever spoken of. It is therefore understood to be
for his activity during the late election. It is said,
that the people from hence quite to the Eastern ex
tremity are beginning to be sensible that their govern
ment has been playing a foul game. In Vermont,
Chipman was elected Senator by a majority of one,
against the republican candidate. In Maryland, Lloyd
by a majority of one, against Winder the republican
candidate. Tichenor chosen Governor of Vermont
by a very small majority. The house of Representa
tives of this state has become republican by a firm
majority of 6. Two counties, it is said, have come
over generally to the republican side. It is thought
the republicans have also a majority in the N York

190 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
H of representatives. Hard elections are expected
there between Jay & Livingston, & here between
Ross & McKean. In the H of Representatives of
Congress, the republican interest has at present, on
strong questions, a majority of about half a dozen, as
is conjectured, & there are as many of their firmest
men absent ; not one of the anti-republicans is from
his post. The bill for permitting private vessels to
arm, was put off to the ist Monday in February by a
sudden vote, & a majority of five. It was considered
as an index of their dispositions on that subject, tho
some voted both ways on other ground. It is most
evident, that the anti-republicans wish to get rid of
Blount's impeachment. Many metaphysical niceties
are handing about in conversation, to shew that it
cannot be sustained. To show the contrary, It is evi
dent must be the task of the republicans, or of no
body. Monroe's book is considered as masterly by
all those who are not opposed in principle, and It is
deemed unanswerable. An answer, however, is com
menced In Fenno's paper of yesterday, under the sig
nature of Scipio. The real author not yet conjec
tured. ' As I take these papers merely to preserve
them, I will forward them to you, as you can easily
return them to me on my arrival at home ; for I shall
not see you on my way, as I mean to go by the East
ern Shore & Petersburg. Perhaps the paragraphs in
some of these abominable papers may draw from you
now & then a squib. A pamphlet of Fauchet's ap
peared yesterday. I send you a copy under another
' Scipio was Uriah Tracy, and the letters were afterwards collected in book
form.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 191
cover. A handbill is just arrived here from N Y,
where they learn from a vessel which left Havre about
the 9th of Nov, that the emperor had signed the de
finitive articles, given up Mantua, evacuated Mentz,
agreed to give passage to the French troops Into
Hanover, and that the Portuguese ambassador had
been ordered to quit Paris, on account of the seizure
of fort St. Julian's by the English, supposed with the
connivance of Portugal. Tho this is ordinary mer
cantile news, it looks like truth. The latest official
intelligence from Paris, is from Talleyrand Perlgord
to the French consul here, (Letombe,) dated Sep 28,
saying that our Envoys were arrived, & would find
every disposition on the part of his government to
accommodate with us.

TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
Philadelphia, January 25, 1798.
Dear Sir, — I wrote you last on the 2d inst, on
which day I received yours of Deer 25. I have not
resumed my pen, because there has really been
nothing worth writing about, but what you would see
In the newspapers. There is, as yet, no certainty
what will be the aspect of our affairs with France.
Either the Envoys have not written to the govern
ment, or their communications are hushed up. This
last is suspected, because so many arrivals have hap
pened from Bordeaux & Havre. The letters from
American correspondents in France have been always
to Boston ; & the experience we had last summer of

192 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
their adroitness In counterfeiting this kind of Intelli
gence, inspires doubts as to their late paragraphs. A
letter is certainly received here by an individual from
Talleyrand, which says our Envoys have been heard,
that their pretensions are high, that possibly no ar
rangement may take place, but that there will be no
declaration of war by France. It is said that Bour-
nonville has written that he has hopes of an accom
modation (3. audiences having then, Nov, been had),
and to be himself a member of a new diplomatic mis
sion to this country. On the whole, I am entirely
suspended as to what is to be expected. The repre
sentatives have been several days In debate on the
bill for foreign intercourse. A motion has been made
to reduce it to what it was before the extension of
1 796. The debate will probably have good effects,
in several ways, on the public mind, but the advocates
for the reformation expect to lose the question. They
find themselves deceived in the expectation enter
tained in the beginning of the session, that they had
a majority. They now think the majority Is on the
other side by 2. or 3., and there are moreover 2. or
3. of them absent. Blount's affair is to come on next.
In the mean time the Senate have before them a bill
for regulating proceedings in impeachment. This
will be made the occasion of offering a clause for the
introduction of juries into these trials. (Compare the
paragraph in the constitution which says, that the trial
of all crimes, except in cases of impeachment, shall be
by jury, with the viiith amendment, which says, that
in all criminal prosecutions the trial shall be by jury.)

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON.

193

There is no expectation of carrying this ; because the
division in the Senate is of 2. to i., but it will draw
forth the principles of the parties, and concur in
accumulating proofs on which side all the sound
principles are to be found.
Very acrimonious altercations are going on between
the Spanish minister & the Executive, and at the
Natchez something worse than mere altercation. If
hostilities have not begun there, it has not been for
want of endeavors to bring them on by our agents.
Marshall, of Kentucky, this day proposed in Senate
some amendments to the constitution. They were
barely read just as we were adjourning, & not a word
of explanation given. As far as I caught them in my
ear, they went only to modifications of the elections
of President & V President, by authorizing voters to
add the office for which they name each, & giving to
the Senate the decision of a disputed election of
President, & to the Representatives that of Vice
President. But I am apprehensive I caught the
thing imperfectly, & probably incorrectly. Perhaps
this occasion may be taken of proposing again the
Virginia amendments, as also to condemn elections
by the legislatures, themselves to transfer the power
of trying impeachments from the Senate to some
better constituted court, &c., &c.
Good tobo here is 13. doll., flour 8.50, wheat 1.50,
but dull, because only the millers buy. The river,
however, is nearly open, & the merchants will now
come to market & give a spur to the price. But their
competition will not be what it has been. Bankrupt-
VOL. VII.— 13

194 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
cies thicken, & the height of them has by no means
yet come on. It is thought this winter will be very
trying. Friendly salutations to mrs. Madison. Adieu affec
tionately. January 28. I enclose Marshall's propositions.
They have been this day postponed to the ist of
June, chiefly by the vote of the anti-republicans, under
the acknoleged fear that other amendments would be
also proposed, and that this is not the time for agitat
ing the public mind.

TO HENRY TAZEWELL. j.mss.
Jan. 27. 98.
As you mentioned that some of your Commee ad
mitted that the introduction of juries into trials by
impeachment under the Vlllth amendment depended
on the question Whether an impeachment for a mis
demeanor be a criminal prosecution ? I devoted
yesterday evening to the extracting passages from
Law authors showing that in Law-language the term
crime is in common use applied to misdemeanors,
& that impeachments, even when for misdemeanors
only are criminal prosecutions. These proofs were
so numerous that my patience could go no further
than two authors, Blackstone & Wooddeson. They
shew that you may meet that question without the
danger of being contradicted. The constitution
closes the proofs by explaining its own meaning when
speaking of impeachments, crimes, misdemeanors.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 195
The object in supporting this engraftment into im
peachments is to lessen the dangers of the court of
impeachment under its present form & to induce dis
positions in all parties in favor of a better constituted
court of impeachment, which I own I consider as an
useful thing, if so composed as to be clear of the
spirit of faction. Do not let the enclosed paper be
seen in my handwriting.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb. 8, 98.
I wrote you last on the 25th Ult; since which
yours of the 21st has been received. Bache had put
500. copies of Monroe's book on board a vessel,
which was stopped by the early & unexpected freezing
of the river. He then tried in vain to get them
carried by fifties at a time, by the stage. The river
is now open here, the vessels have fallen down, and
if they can get through the ice below, the one with
Bache's packet will soon be at Richmond. It is sur
mised here that Scipio is written by C. Lee. Articles
of impeachment were yesterday given in against
Blount. But many knotty preliminary questions will
arise. Must not a formal law settle the oath of the
Senators, forms of pleadings, process against person
& goods, &c. ? May he not appear by attorney ?
Must he not be tried by jury? Is a Senator im
peachable? Is an ex-Senator impeachable? You
will readily conceive that these questions, to be

196 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
settled by 29. lawyers, are not likely to come to
speedy issue. A very disagreeable question of privi
lege has suspended all other proceedings for several
days. You will see this in the newspapers. The
question of arming was to have come on, on Monday
last ; that morning, the President sent in an inflam
matory message about a vessel taken & burnt by a
French privateer, near Charleston. Of this he had
been possessed some time, and it had run through all
the newspapers. It seemed to come in very apropos
for spurring on the disposition to arm. However,
the question is not come on. In the meantime, the
general spirit, even of the merchants, is becoming
adverse to it. New Hampshire & Rhode island are
unanimously against arming ; so is Baltimore. This
place becoming more so. Boston divided & despond
ing. I know nothing of New York ; but I think there
is no danger of the question being carried, unless
something favorable to it is received from our Envoys.
From them we hear nothing. Yet it seems reasona
bly believed that the Executive has heard, & that it
is something which would not promote their views of
arming. For every action of theirs shews they are
panting to come to blows. Walker's bill will be ap
plied to answer a draught of Colo. Monroe's on
Barnes. I have not heard yet from Bailey. I wrote
to you about procuring a rider for the Fredsbg post.
The proposition should be here by the 14th inst, but
I can get it kept open a little longer There is no
bidder yet but Green, the printer. ^^100 Virga. will
be given. Giles has arrived.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 197
TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
[Post marked, Feby 8, 1798]
I received yesterday by mr. Giles yours of Jan. 27,
and am well pleased with the Indications of republican
ism in our assembly. Their law respecting the
printer is a good one. I only wish they would give the
printing of the laws to one & journals to another.
This would secure two, as each portion of the business
would be object enough to the printer, and two places
in their gift would keep within bounds the other
printers also who would be in expectancy of catching
something in case of either vacancy. Bache was pre
vented sending 500 copies of your book to Richmond
by the freezing of this river after they were aboard the
vessel. He tried in vain to get boxes of fifties
carried on by the stages. However, the river is now
open here, the vessels have fallen down, and if they
find it open below, that with Bache's packets will
soon be in Richmond. It has been said here that C.
Lee was the author of Scipio, but I know of no
authority for it. I had expected Hamilton would
have taken the field, and that in that case you might
have come forward yourself very shortly merely to
strengthen and present in a compact view those points
which you expected yourself they would lay hold of,
particularly the disposition expressed to acquiesce
under their spoiliatory decree. Scipio's attack is so
weak as to make no impression. I understand that
the opposite party admit that there Is nothing in your
conduct which can be blamed, except the divulging
secrets : & this I think might be answered by a few

198 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
sentences, discussing the question whether an Ambas
sador is the representative of his coun.try or of the
President. Barnes has accepted your bill. As to the
question of your practising the law in Richmond, I
have been too long out of the way in Virginia to give
an opinion on it worth attention. I have understood
the business is very profitable, much more so than in
my time : and an opening of great importance must
be made by the retirement of Marshall & Washington,
which will be filled by somebody. I do expect
that your farm will not sufficiently employ your time
to shield you from ennui. Your mind is active, &
would suffer if unemployed. Perhaps it's energies
could not be more justifiably employed than for your
own comfort. I should doubt very much however,
whether you should combine with this the idea of
living in Richmond, at least till you see farther before
you. I have always seen that tho' a residence at the
seat of government gave some advantages yet it
increased expences also so seriously as to overbalance
the advantages. I have always seen too that a good
stand in the country intercepted more business than
was shared by the residents of the city. Yours is a
good stand. You need only visit Staunton Cts. some
times to put yourself in the way of seeing clients. — The
articles of impeachment against Blount were yesterday
received by the Senate. Some great questions will
immediately arise, i. Can they prescribe their own
oath, the forms of pleadings, issue process against
person or goods by their own orders, without the
formality of a law authorizing it ? Has not the

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 199
8th amendment of the constitution rendered trial
by jury necessary ? Is a Senator impeachable ?
These and other questions promise no very short
issue. The Representatives have a dirty business
now before them on a question of privilege. This
you will see in the public papers. — The ques
tion of arming our vessels was to have come on on
Monday last. Accordingly the President that morn
ing sent in an inflammatory message about a vessel
taken near Charleston & burned by a French priva
teer, of which fact he had been sometime possessed,
& it had been in all the newspapers. It seemed
thrown in on that day precisely to give a spur to the
question. However it did not come on. In the
mean time the spirit of the merchants is going fast
over to the safe side of the question. In New Hamp
shire and Rhode Island they are unanimous ; in Bal
timore also. In this place becoming more so. In
Boston divided & desponding. Of New York I have
no information. But I think the Proposition will not
be carried, unless something befriending it should
come from our envoys. Nothing transpires yet of
their mission. Yet it cannot be well doubted but
that the Executive must have received information.
Perhaps it is of a nature to damp the spirit for arm
ing. — Pray tell Colo. Bell (to whom I wrote about
getting a rider for the Fredsbg. post) that the 14th.
inst. is the day by which the proposition should come
in. I can get it kept open a little longer. ;^ioo. our
money will be given. My friendly salutations to mrs.
Monroe. Adieu affectionately.

200 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
TO HUGH WILLIAMSON. j. mss.
Philadelphia Feb. n. 98.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of
your favor of the 2d. inst. I will with great pleasure
sound opinions on the subject you mention & see
whether it can be brought forward with any degree
of strength. I doubt it however & for this reason.
You may recollect that a report which I gave into
Congress in 93. & mr. Madison's propositions of Jan.
94. went directly to establish a navigation act on the
British principle. On the last vote given on this
(which was In Feb. 94.) from the three states of Mas
sachusetts, Connecticut & Rhode island there were 2,
votes for It & 20. against it ; & from the 3. states of
Virginia, Kentuckey, & N. Carolina, wherein not a
single top mast vessel is, I believe owned by a native
citizen, there were 25. votes for & 4. against the
measure. I very much suspect that were the same
proposition now brought forward, the northern vote
would be nearly the same, while the southern one I
am afraid, would be radically varied. The suggestion
of their disinterested endeavors for placing our navi
gation on an independent footing & forcing on them
the British treaty have not had a tendency to invite
new offers of sacrifice & especially under the prospect
of a new rejection. You observe that the rejection
would change the politics of New England. But it
would afford no evidence which they have not already
in the records of Jan. & Feb. 94. However as I be
fore mentioned I will with pleasure, sound the dispo
sitions on that subject. If the proposition should be

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 201
likely to obtain a reputable vote it may do good. As
to myself I sincerely wish that the whole Union may
accommodate their interests to each other, & play
into their hands mutually as members of the same
family, that the wealth & strength of any one part
should be viewed as the wealth & strength of the
whole. The countervailing act of G. Britain lately
laid before us by the President, offers a just occasion
of looking to our navigation. For the merchants
here say that the effect of it will be that they them
selves shall never think of employing an American
vessel to carry produce to Gr. Britain after a peace.
Not having as yet any conversation on this subject I
cannot say whether it has excited sensibility either in
the north or south. It shall be tried however. Accept
assurances of the sincere esteem of Dear Sir your
friend & servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 15. 98.
I wrote you last on the 8th. We have still not a
word from our Envoys. This long silence (if they
have been silent) proves things are not going on very
roughly. If they have not been silent, it proves
their information, if made public, would check the
disposition to arm. I had flattered myself, from the
progress of the public sentiment against arming, that
the same progress had taken place in the legislature.
But I am assured by those who have better oppor
tunities of forming a good judgment, that if the ques
tion against arming is carried at all, it will not be by

202 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
more than a majority of two ; & particularly, that
there will not be more than 4. votes against it from
the 5. eastern states, or 5. votes at the utmost. You
will have perceived that Dayton is gone over com
pleatly. He expects to be appointed Secretary of
war, in the room of M'Henry, who, it is said, will re
tire. He has been told, as report goes, that they
would not have confidence enough in him to appoint
him. The desire of inspiring them with more, seems
the only way to account for the eclat which he chuseS
to give to his conversion. You will have seen the
disgusting proceedings in the case of Lyon : if they
would have accepted even of a commitment to the
serjeant, it might have been had. But to get rid of
his vote was the most material object. These pro
ceedings must degrade the General Government, and
lead the people to lean more on their state govern
ments, which have been sunk under the early popu
larity of the former. This day, the question of the
jury in cases of impeachment comes on. There is no
doubt how it will go. The general division in the
Senate is 22. and 10. ; and under the probable
prospect of what it will forever be, I see nothing m
the mode of proceeding by impeachment but the
most formidable weapon for the purposes of a domi
nant faction that ever was contrived. It would be
the most effectual one for getting rid of any man
whom they consider as dangerous to their views, and
I do not know that we could count on one-third on
an emergency. It depends then on the H. of Repre
sentatives, who are the impeachers ; & there the

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 203
majorities are of i., 2., or 3 only ; & these sometimes
one way & sometimes another : in a question of pure
party they have the majority, and we do not know
what circumstances may turn up to increase that ma
jority temporarily, if not permanently. I know of no
solid purpose of punishment which the courts of law
are not equal to, and history shows, that in England,
impeachment has been an engine more of passion
than justice. A great ball is to be given here on the
22d, and in other great towns of the Union. This is,
at least, very indelicate, & probably excites uneasy
sensations in some. I see in it, however, this useful
deduction, that the birth days which have been kept,
have been, not those of the President, but of the
General. I enclose with the newspapers, the two acts
of parliament passed on the subject of our commerce,
which are interesting. The merchants here say, that
the effect of the countervailing tonnage on American
vessels, will throw them completely out of employ as
soon as there is peace. The eastern members say
nothing but among themselves. But it is said that
it is working like gravel in their stomachs. Our
only comfort is, that they have brought it on them
selves. My respectful salutation to mrs. Madison ;
& to yourself, friendship and adieu.

TO HORATIO GATES. J- mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 21, 98.
Dear General, — I received duly your welcome
favor of the 1 5th, and had an opportunity of immedi
ately delivering the one it enclosed to General Kos-

204 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
ciusko. I see him often, and with great pleasure
mixed with commiseration. He is as pure a son of
liberty as I have ever known, and of that liberty
which is to go to all, and not to the few or the rich
alone. We are here under great anxiety to hear
from our Envoys. But I think this is one of the
cases where no news is good news. If the disposi
tions at Paris threatened war, it is impossible that
our envoys should not find some means of putting us
on our guard, of warning us to begin our prepara
tions : especially too when so many vessels have come
from ports of France. And if writing were danger
ous (which cannot be) there are so many of our coun
trymen at Paris who would bring us their viva voce
communications. Peace then must be probable. I
agree with you, that some of our merchants have been
milking the cow : yet the great mass of them have
become deranged ; they are daily falling down by
bankruptcies, and on the whole, the condition of our
commerce far less firm & really prosperous, than it
would have been by the regular operations and steady
advances which a state of peace would have occa
sioned. Were a war to take place, and throw our
agriculture into equal convulsions with our commerce,
our business would be done at both ends. But this
I hope will not be. The good news from the Nat
chez has cut off the fear of a breach in that quarter,
where a crisis was brought on which has astonished
every one. How this mighty duel is to end between
Gr Britain and France, is a momentous question.
The sea which divides them makes it a game of

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 205
chance ; but it is narrow, and all the chances are not
on one side. Should they make peace, still our fate
is problematical. The countervailing acts of Gr Brit, now laid before
Congress, threaten, in the opinion of merchants, the
entire loss of our navigation to England. It makes
a difference, from the present state of things, of 500.
guineas on a vessel of 350 tons. If, as the newspapers
have told us, France has renewed her Arret of 1 789,
laying a duty of 7. livres a hundred on all tobo brought
in foreign bottoms (even our own), and should extend
it to rice & other commodities, we are done, as navi
gators, to that country also. In fact, I apprehend
that those two great nations will think it their Interest
not to permit us to be navigators. France had thought
otherwise, and had shown an equal desire to encourage
our navigation as her own, while she hoped It's weight
would at least not be thrown into the scale of her ene
mies. She sees now that that is not to be relied on,
and will probably use her own means, and those of
the nations under her influence, to exclude us from
the ocean. How far it may lessen our happiness to
be rendered merely agricultural, how far that state is
more friendly to principles of virtue & liberty, are
questions yet to be solved. Kosciusko has been dis
appointed by the sudden peace between France &
Austria. A ray of hope seemed to gleam on his mind
for a moment, that the extension of the revolutionary
spirit through Italy and Germany, might so have
occupied the remnants of monarchy there, as that his
country might have risen again. I sincerely rejoice to

2o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
find that you preserve your health so well. That you
may so go on to the end of the chapter, & that it may
be a long one I sincerely pray. Make my friendly
salutations acceptable to mrs. Gates, & accept your
self assurances of the great & constant esteem &
respect of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, February 22, gS.
Yours of the 12th is received. I wrote you last on
the 1 5th, but the letter getting misplaced, will only
go by this post. We still hear nothing from our en
voys. Whether the Executive hear, we know not.
But if war were to be apprehended, it is impossible
our envoys should not find means of putting us on
our guard, or that the Executive should hold back
their information. No news, therefore, is good news.
The countervailing act, which I sent you by the last
post, will, confessedly, put American bottoms out of
employ in our trade with Gr Britain. So say well-
informed merchants. I ndeed, it seems probable, when
we consider that hitherto, with the advantage of our
foreign tonnage, our vessels could only share with the
British, and the countervailing duties will, it is said,
make a difference of 500. guineas to our prejudice on
a ship of 350. tons. Still the Eastern men say nothing.
Every appearance & consideration render it prob
able, that on the restoration of peace, both France &
Britain will consider it their interest to exclude us
from the ocean, by such peaceable means as are in

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 207
their power. Should this take place, perhaps it may
be thought just & politic to give to our native capital
ists the monopoly of our internal commerce. This
may at once relieve us from the danger of wars abroad
and British thraldom at home. The news from the
Natchez, of the delivery of the posts, which you will
see in the papers, is to be relied on. We have es
caped a dangerous crisis there. The great contest
between Israel & Morgan, of which you will see the
papers full, is to be decided this day. It is snowing
fast at this time, and the most sloppy walking I ever
saw. This will be to the disadvantage of the party
which has the most invalids. Whether the event will
be known this evening, I am uncertain. I rather pre
sume not, & therefore, that you will not learn it till
next post.
You will see in the papers, the ground on which the
introduction of the jury into the trial by impeachment
was advocated by mr. Tazewell, & the fate of the
question. Reade's motion, which I enclosed you, will
probably be amended & established, so as to declare
a Senator unimpeachable, absolutely ; and yesterday
an opinion was declared, that not only officers of the
State governments, but every private citizen of the
U S, is impeachable. Whether they will think this
the time to make the declaration, I know not ; but if
they bring it on, I think there will be not more than
two votes north of the Patowmac against the univer
sality of the impeaching power The system of the
Senate may be inferred from their transactions here
tofore, and from the following declaration made to me

2o8 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
personally by their oracle.^ No republic can ever be
of any duration, without a Senate, & a Senate deeply
and strongly rooted, strong enough to bear up against
all popular storms & passions. The only fault in the
constitution of our Senate is, that their term of office
is not durable enough. Hitherto they have done well,
but probably they will be forced to give way in time.
I suppose their having done well hitherto, alluded to
the stand they made on the British treaty. This
declaration may be considered as their text ; that they
consider themselves as the bulwarks of the govern
ment, and will be rendering that the more secure, in
proportion as they can assume greater powers. The
foreign Intercourse bill is set for to-day ; but the
parties are so equal on that in the H Repr that they
seem mutually to fear the encounter. * * *

TO peregrine FITZHUGH. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 23, 1798.
Dear Sir, — I have yet to acknolege your last favor
which I received at MonticeUo, and therefore cannot
now recur to the date. The perversion of the ex
pressions of a former letter to you which you men
tion to have been made in the newspapers, I had not
till then heard of. Yet the spirit of it was not new.
I have been for some time used as the property of
the newspapers, a fair mark for every man's dirt.
Some, too, have indulged themselves in this exercise
' On the margin of the press copy Jefferson has noted in pencil " Mr.
Adams. "

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 209
who would not have done it, had they known me
otherwise than thro these impure and injurious chan
nels. It is hard treatment, and for a singular kind of
offence, that of having obtained by the labors of a life
the indulgent opinions of a part of one's fellow citi
zens. However, these moral evils must be submitted
to, like the physical scourges of tempest, fire, &c.
We are waiting with great anxiety to hear from our
envoys at Paris. But the very circumstance of silence
speaks, I think, plain enough. If there were danger
of war we should certainly hear from them. It is
impossible, if that were the aspect of their negocia
tions, that they should not find or make occasion of
putting us on our guard, & of warning us to prepare.
I consider therefore their silence as a proof of peace.
Indeed I had before Imagined that when France had
thrown down the gauntlet to England, and was point
ing all her energies to that object, her regard for the
subsistence of her islands would keep her from cutting
off our resources from them. I hope, therefore, we
shall rub through the war, without engaging in it our
selves, and that when In a state of peace our legisla
ture & executive will endeavor to provide peaceable
means of obliging foreign nations to be just to us,
and of making their injustice recoil on themselves.
The advantages of our commerce to them may be
made the engine for this purpose, provided we shall
be willing to submit to occasional sacrifices, which
will be nothing in comparison with the calamities of
war Congress has nothing of any importance before
them, except the bill on foreign intercourse, & the propo-
voL. vn.— 14

210 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
sitlon to arm our merchant vessels. These will be soon
decided, and if we then get peaceable news from our
envoys, I know of nothing which ought to prevent our
immediate separation. It had been expected that we
must have laid a land tax this session. However, it
is thought we can get along another year without it.
Some very disagreeable differences have taken place
in Congress. They cannot fail to lessen the respect
of the public for the general government, and to re
place their State governments in a greater degree of
comparative respectability. I do not think it for the
interest of the general government Itself, & still less
of the Union at large, that the State governments
should be so little respected as they have been.
However, I dare say that in time all these as well as
their central government, like the planets revolving
round their common sun, acting & acted upon accord
ing to their respective weights & distances, will
produce that beautiful equilibrium on which our Con
stitution is founded, and which I believe it will exhibit
to the world in a degree of perfection, unexampled
but in the planetary system itself. The enlightened
statesman, therefore, will endeavor to preserve the
weight and Influence of every part, as too much given
to any member of it would destroy the general equilib
rium. The ensuing month will probably be the most
eventful ever yet seen in Modern Europe. It may
probably be the season preferred for the projected
invasion of England. It Is indeed a game of chances.
The sea which divides the combatants gives to for
tune as well as to valor it's share of influence on the

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 211
enterprise. But all the chances are not on one side.
The subjugation of England would indeed be a general
calamity. But happily it is impossible. Should it
end in her being only republicanized, I know not on
what principle a true republican of our country could
lament it, whether he considers it as extending the
blessings of a purer government to other portions of
mankind, or strengthening the cause of liberty In our
own country by the influence of that example. I do
not indeed wish to see any nation have a form of
government forced on them ; but if it is to be done,
I should rejoice at it's being a freer one. Permit me
to place here the tribute of my regrets for the affect
ing loss lately sustained within your walls, and to add
that of the esteem & respect with which I am, dear
Sir, your friend and servant.'

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
P, March 2, 98.
I wrote you last on the 22 ; since which I have
received yours without date, but probably of about
the 1 8th or 19th. An arrival to the Eastward brings
us some news, which you see detailed in the papers.
The new partition of Europe is sketched, but how far
authentic we know not. It has some probability in
it's favor The French appear busy in their prepara
tions for the invasion of England ; nor Is there any
appearance of movements on the part of Russia &
Prussia which might divert them from It.
The late birth-night has certainly sown tares among

212 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
the exclusive federals. It has winnowed the grain
from the chaff. The sincerely Adamites did not go.
The Washingtonians went religiously, & took the
secession of the others in high dudgeon. The one sect
threaten to desert the levees, the other the evening
parties. The whlgs went in number, to encourage the
idea that the birth-nights hitherto kept had been for
the General & not the President, and of course that
time would bring an end to them. Goodhue, Tracy,
Sedgwick, &c., did not attend ; but the three Secre
taries & Attorney General did.
We were surprised, the last week, with a symptom
of a disposition to repeal the stamp act. Petitions for
that purpose had come from Rhode island & Virginia,
& had been committed to rest with the Ways &
Means. Mr Harper, their chairman, in order to
enter on the law for amending it, observed it would
be necessary first to put the petitions for repeal out
of the way, and moved an immediate decision on them.
The Rhode islanders begged & prayed for a post
ponement ; that not expecting that that question was
to be called up, they were not at all prepared; but
Harper would shew no mercy ; not a moment's delay
should be allowed. It was taken up, and, on a ques
tion without debate, determined in favor of the peti
tions by a majority of 10. Astonished & confounded,
when an order to bring in a bill for repeal was moved,
they began in turn to beg for time ; 3. weeks, one
week, 3. days, i. day ; not a moment would be yielded.
They made three attempts for adjournment. But the
majorities appeared to grow. It was decided, by a

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 213
majority of 16., that the bill should be brought in.
It was brought in the next day, & on the day after
passed, sent up to the Senate, who instantly sent it
back rejected by a silent vote of 15. to 12. R I &
N Hampshire voted for the repeal in Senate. /The ¦
act will therefore go into operation July i, but prob
ably without amendments. However, I am persuaded
it will be short-lived. It has already excited great
commotion in Vermont, and grumblings in Connecti
cut. But they are so priest-ridden, that nothing is
expected from them, but the most bigoted passive
obedience./ No news yet from our commissioners ; but their
silence is admitted to augur peace. There Is no talk
yet of the time of adjourning, tho' admitted we have
nothing to do, but what could be done in a fortnight
or three weeks. When the spring opens, and we
hear from our commissioners, we shall probably draw
pretty rapidly to conclusion. A friend of mine here
wishes to get a copy of Mazzel's Recherches his
toriques et politiques. Where are they ? Salutations
& adieu.
Wheat 1.50. flour 8.50 tobo 13.50.

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
Philadelphia Mar. 8. 98.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of
yours of Feb. 12. 19. & 25. At length the charm is
broke, and letters have been received from our envoys
at Paris. One only of them has been communicated,

214 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
of which I enclose you a copy with the documents
accompanying it. The decree therein proposed to be
passed has struck the greatest alarm through the
merchants I have ever yet witnessed. As it has not
been known more than two or three days, it's par
ticular operations are not yet developed. It will
probably drive our vessels out of the British trade,
because as they will not have the benefit of convoy
they cannot bring a return cargo from Great Britain,
but on much higher insurance than the British vessels
who will have convoy : nor can they carry out pro
duce but on much higher freight because they will be
to return empty, in which case the British will under
work them. It seems then as if one effect would be
to increase the British navigation. Unless indeed
our vessels instead of laying themselves up In port,
should go to other markets with their produce & for
return cargoes. However it is not probable this state
of things will last long enough to have any great
effect. The month of April I think will see the ex
periment of the invasion, and that will be a short one.
You will see in Bache's paper of this morning the 5th.
number of some pieces written by T. Coxe, in which
this proposed decree is well viewed. How it will
operate on our question about arming, we do not
yet know. Some talk of letters of marque & reprisal,
yet on the whole I rather believe it will not add to
the number of voters for arming. This measure with
the decrees of the British courts that British subjects
adopted here since the peace and carrying on com
merce from hence, are still British subjects, & their

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 215
cargoes British property, has shaken these quasi-
citlzens in their condition. The French adopt the
same principle as to their cargoes when captured. ^
privateer lately took near our coast an E. Indiaman
worth 250.000 D. belonging to one of these lately
emigrated houses. Is it worth our while to go to
war to support the contrary doctrine ? The British
principle is clearly against the law of nations, but
which way our interest lies is also worthy considera-
tloi^y The influence of this description of merchants
on our government & on the public opinion is not
merely innocent, it's absence would not weaken our
union — the issue of the question on foreign Inter
course has enabled us to count the strength of the
two parties in the H. of representatives. It is 51. &
55 If all the members were present. The whlgs being
a minority of 4. but In this computation all wavering
characters are given to the other side. Jersey has
laid itself off into districts, which instead of an uniform
delegation, will give one chequered as the state is. They
will at their next election send whlgs from two districts.
Pennsylvania, at her next election (in October) will
add two more to the whig list. Let us hope that
Morgan & Macher will give place to whig successors.
I do not know that this can be hoped for from our
Eastern shore. This much I think tolerably certain,
besides the natural progress of public sentiment In
other quarters, & the effect of the events of the time.
We do not think then that the partizans of Republican
government should despair. — They do not yet talk of
the time of adjournment though confessedly they

2i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
have nothing to do. Yet I trust it will be early in
the ensueing month. — How far it may be eligible for
you to engage in the practice of the law I know not.
On the question of your removal to Richmond, I may
doubtless be under bias, when I suppose it's expe
diency questionable. The expence to be incurred in
the first moments will certainly be great. Could it be
only deferred for a while it would enable you to judge
whether the prospect opened will be worth that dislo
cation of your affairs, or whether some other career
may not open on you. Of these things nobody but
yourself can judge. It is a question too for yourself
whether a seat among the judges of the state would
be an object for you. On all these points your friends
can only offer motives for consideration : on which
none but yourself can decide avec connoissance de
cause. I really believe that some employment, more
than your farms will furnish, will be necessary to your
happiness. You are young, your mind active, and
your health vigorous. The languor of ennui would,
in such a condition of things, be intolerable. Make
my most respectful salutations to mrs. Monroe, &
accept friendly adieux to yourself.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Mar 15, 98.
I wrote you last on the 2d instt. Your's of the 4th
is now at hand. The public papers will give you the
news of Europe. The French decree making the
vessel friendly or enemy, according to the hands by
which the cargo was manufactured, has produced a

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 217
great sensation among the merchants here. Its opera
tion is not yet perhaps well understood ; but probably
it will put our shipping out of competition, because
British bottoms, which can come under convoy, will
alone be trusted with return cargoes. Ours, losing
this benefit, would need a higher freight out, in which,
therefore, they will be underbid by the British. They
must then retire from the competition. Some no
doubt will try other channels of commerce, and return
cargoes from other countries. This effect would be
salutary. A very well-informed merchant, too, (a
Scotsman, entirely in the English trade,) told me, he
thought it would have another good effect, by check
ing & withdrawing our over-extensive commerce &
navign (the fruit of our neutral position) within those
bounds to which peace must necessarily bring them.
That this being done by degrees, will probably pre
vent those numerous failures produced generally by a
peace coming on suddenly. Notwithstanding this de
cree, the sentiments of the merchants become more &
more cooled & settled down against arming. Yet it
is believed the Representatives do not cool ; and tho'
we think the question against arming will be carried,
yet probably by a majority of only 4. or 5. Their
plan is, to have convoys furnished for our vessels go
ing to Europe, & smaller vessels for the coasting
defence. On this condition, they will agree to fortify
Southern harbors, and build some galleys. It has
been concluded among them, that if war takes place,
Wolcott is to be retained in office, that the Pt must
give up M'Henry, & as to Pickering they are divided.

2i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
the Eastern men being determined to retain him, their
middle & Southern brethren wishing to get rid of him.
They have talked of Genl. Pinckney as successor to
M'Henry. This information Is certain. However, I
hope that we shall avoid war, & save them the trouble
of a change of ministry. The P has nominated J Q
Adams Commissioner Plenipoty to renew the treaty
with Sweden. Tazewell made a great stand against
it, on the general ground that we should let our treat
ies drop, & remain without any. He could only get
8. votes against 20. A trial will be made to-day in
another form, which he thinks will give 10. or 11,
against 16. or 17. declaring the renewal inexpedient.
In this case, notwithstanding the nomination has been
confirmed, it Is supposed the P would perhaps not act
under it, on the probability that more than a third
would be against the ratification. I believe, however,
that he would act, & that a third could not be got to
oppose the ratification. It is acknoleged we have
nothing to do but to decide the question about arm
ing. Yet not a word is said about adjourning ; and
some even talk of continuing the session permanently ;
others talk of July & August. An effort, however,
will soon be made for an early adjournment.
My friendly salutations to mrs. Madison ; to your
self affectionate adieux.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Mar 21, 98.
I wrote you last on the 15th ; since that, yours of
the 1 2th is received. Since that, too, a great change
has taken place in the appearance of our political at-

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 219
mosphere. The merchants, as before, continue, a
respectable part of them, to wish to avoid arming.
The French decree op'erated on them as a sedative,
producing more alarm than resentment ; on the Rep
resentatives, differently. It excited indignation highly
in the war party, tho' I do not know that it had added
any new friends to that side of the question. We
still hoped a majority of about 4. ; but the insane
message which you will see in the public papers has
had great effect. Exultation on the one side, & a
certainty of victory ; while the other is petrified with
astonishment. Our Evans, tho' his soul Is wrapt up
in the sentiments of this message, yet afraid to give a
vote openly for it. Is going off to-morrow, as is said.
Those who count, say there are still 2. members of
the other side who will come over to that of peace.
If so, the numbers will be for war measures, 52.,
against them 53. ; if all are present except Evans.
The question is, what is to be attempted, supposing
we have a majority? I suggest two things: i. As
the President declares he has withdrawn the Execu
tive prohibition to arm, that Congress should pass
a Legislative one. If that should fail In the Senate,
it would heap coals of fire on their head. 2. As to
do nothing & to gain time is everything with us, I
propose that they shall come to a resolution of ad
journment, ' in order to go home & consult their con
stituents on the great crisis of American affairs now
existing.' Besides gaining time enough by this, to
allow the descent on England to have it's effect here
as well as there, it will be a means of exciting the
whole body of the people from the state of inatten-

220 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
tion in which they are ; it will require every member
to call for the sense of his district by petition or in
struction ; it will shew the people with which side of
the House their safety as well as their rights rest, by
shewing them which is for war & which for peace ; &
their representatives will return here Invigorated by
the avowed support of the American people. I do
not know, however, whether this will be approved, as
there has been little consultation on the subject. We
see a new Instance of the inefficiency of Constitu
tional guards. We had relied with great security on
that provision, which requires two-thirds of the Legis
lature to declare war. But this is completely eluded
by a majority's taking such measures as will be sure
to produce war. I wrote you in my last, that an at
tempt was to be made on that day In Senate, to de
clare an inexpediency to renew our treaties. But the
measure Is put off under a hope of It's being attempted
under better auspices. To return to the subject of
war. It Is quite impossible, when we consider all it's
existing circumstances, to find any reason in it's favor
resulting from views either of interest or honor, &
plausible enough to impose even on the weakest
mind ; and especially, when it would be undertaken
by a majority of one or two only. Whatever then
be our stock of charity or liberality, we must resort to
other views. And those so well known to have been
entertained at Annapolis, & afterwards at the grand
convention, by a particular set of men, present them
selves as those alone which can account for so extraor
dinary a degree of impetuosity. Perhaps, instead of

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 221
what was then in contemplation, a separation of the
union, which has been so much the topic to the East
ward of late, may be the thing aimed at. I have writ
ten so far, two days before the departure of the post.
Should anything more occur to-day or to-morrow, it
shall be added.
22'? At night. Nothing more.

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
Philadelphia Mar. 21. 98.
The public papers will present to you the almost
insane message sent to both houses of Congress 2. or
3. days ago. This has added to the alarm of the
sounder and most respectable part of our merchants.
I mean those who are natives, are solid in their cir
cumstances & do not need the lottery of war to get
themselves to rights. The effect of the French de
cree on the representatives had been to render the
war party inveterate & more firm in their purpose
without adding to their numbers. In that state of
things we had hoped to avert war measures by a
majority of 4. At this time, those who court talk of
it's being reduced to a majority of i. or 2. If a Majority
be with us at all. This is produced by the weight of
the Executive opinion. The first thing proposed by
the whigs will be a call for papers. For if Congress
are to act on the question of war, they have a right
to information. The 2d. to pass a Legislative pro
hibition to arm vessels instead of the Executive one
which the President informs them he has withdrawn.

22 2 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
These questions will try the whig strength, on the
ground of war. The 3d. to adjourn to consult our
constituents on the great crisis of American affairs
now existing. This measure appears to me under a
very favorable aspect. It gives time for the French
operations on England to have their effect here as
well as there. It awakens the people from the slum- '
ber over public proceedings in which they are involved.
It obliges every member to consult his district on the
simple question of war or peace : It shews the people
on which side of the house are the friends of their
peace as well as their rights, & brings back those
friends to the next session supported by the whole
American people. I do not know however whether
this last measure will be proposed. The late ma-
neuvres have added another proof to the inefficiency
of constitutional barriers. We had reposed great
confidence in that provision of the Constitution which
requires | of the Legislature to declare wan Yet It
can be entirely eluded by a majority's taking such
measures as will bring on war. — My last to you was
of the 8th Inst. The last reed from you was of
Feb. 25.

TO DR. SAMUEL BROWN. j. mss.
Philadelphia Mar. 25. 98.
Dear Sir, — You were a witness, before you left
our side of the continent, to the endeavours of the
tory part among us, to write me down as far as they
could find or make materials. " O ! that mine enemy
would write a book ! " has been a well known prayer

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 223
against an enemy. I had written a book, & it has
furnished matter for abuse for want of something
better. Mr. Martin's polite attack on the subject of
Cresap & Logan, as stated in the Notes on Virginia,
had begun before you left us, it has continued & still
continues ; though after the perusal of the first letter
had shown me what was to be the style of those sub
sequent, I have avoided reading a single one. A
friend of mine having wished for a general explana
tion of the foundation of the case of Logan, I wrote
him a letter of which I had a few copies printed, to
give to particular friends for their satisfaction, & on
whom I could rely against the danger of Its being
published. I enclose you a copy as well for these
purposes, as that I think It may be in your power to
obtain some information for me. Indeed I suppose it
probable that General Clarke may know something
of the facts relative to Logan or Cresap. I shall be
much obliged to you for any Information you can pro
cure on this subject. You will see by the enclosed in
what way I mean to make use of it. I am told you
are preparing to give us an account of the General,
which for its matter I know, & for its manner I doubt
not, win be highly interesting. I am in hopes In con
necting with It some account of Kentuckey that your
information & his together will be able to correct &
supply what I had collected relative to It In a very
early day. Indeed It was to Genl. Clarke I was In
debted for what degree of accuracy there was in most
of my statements. I wish you to attend particularly
to the overflowage of the Mississippi, on which I have

224 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
been accused of error. Present me affectionately to
the General & assure him of my constant remembrance
& esteem : & accept yourself salutations & sentiments
of sincere attachment from. Dear Sir, your friend &
servant

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Mar 29, 98.
I wrote you last on the 21st. Your's of the 12th,
therein acknoleged, is the last reed. The measure I
suggested In mine, of adjourning for consultation with
their constituents, was not brought forward ; but on
Tuesday 3. resolutions were moved, which you will
see in the public papers. They were offered In com
mittee, to prevent their being suppressed by the pre
vious question, & in the commee on the state of the
Union, to put it out of their power, by the rising of
the commee & not sitting again, to get rid of them.
They were taken by surprise, not expecting to be
called to vote on such a proposition as ' that it is in
expedient to resort to war against the French repub
lic' After spending the first day In seeking on every
side some hole to get out at, like an animal first put
into a cage, they gave up that resource. Yesterday
they came forward boldly, and openly combated the
proposition. Mr. Harper & Mr Pinckney pro
nounced bitter philippics against France, selecting
such circumstances & aggravations as to give the
worst picture they could present. The latter, on this,
as In the affair of Lyon & Griswold, went far beyond
that moderation he has on other occasions recom-

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 225
mended. We know not how it will go. Some think
the resolution will be lost, some, that it will be carried ;
but neither way, by a majority of more than i. or 2.
The decision of the Executive, of two-thirds of the
Senate, & half the house of representatives, is too
much for the other half of that house. We therefore
fear it will be borne down, and are under the most
gloomy apprehensions. In fact, the question of war
& peace depends now on a toss of cross & pile. If
we could but gain this season, we should be saved.
The affairs of Europe would of themselves relieve us.
Besides this, there can be no doubt that a revolution
of opinion in Massachusetts & Connecticut Is work
ing. Two whig presses have been set up in each of
those States. There has been for some days a rumor,
that a treaty of alliance, offensive & defensive with
G Britain, is arrived. Some circumstances have oc
casioned it to be listened to ; to wit, the arrival of
mr. King's Secretary, which is affirmed, the departure
of mr. Liston's secretary, which I know is to take
place on Wednesday next, the high tone of the execu
tive measures at the last & present session, calculated
to raise things to the unison of such a compact, and
supported so desperately in both houses in opposition
to the pacific wishes of the people, & at the risque of
their approbation at the ensuing election. Langdon
yesterday, in debate, mentioned this current report.
Tracy, in reply, declared he knew of no such thing,
did not believe it, nor would be it's advocate. The
Senate are proceeding on the plan communicated in
mine of Mar. 15. They are now passing a bill tO'
VOL. vn.— 15

226 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
purchase 12. vessels of from 14. to 22. guns, which
with our frigates are to be employed as convoys &
guarda costas. They are estimated, when manned &
fitted for sea, at 2. millions. They have past a bill
for buying one or more founderies. They are about
bringing in a bill for regulating private arming, and
the defensive works in our harbors have been pro
ceeded on some time since.
An attempt has been made to get the Quakers to
come forward with a petition, to aid with the weight
of their body the feeble band of peace. They have,
with some effort, got a petition signed by a few of
their society ; the main body of their society refuse it.
Mc' Lay's peace motion in the assembly of Pennsyl
vania was rejected with an unanimity of the Quaker
vote, and it seems to be well understood, that their
attachment to England is stronger than to their prin
ciples or their country. The revolution war was a
first proof of this. Mr. White, from the federal city,
is here, soliciting money for the buildings at Wash
ington. A bill for 200.000 D has passed the H R, &
is before the Senate, where it's fate is entirely uncer
tain. He is become perfectly satisfied that mr A is
radically against the government's being there. Good
hue (his oracle) openly said in commee, in presence
of White, that he knew the government was obliged
to go there, but they would not be obliged to stay
there. Mr. A said to White, that it would be better
that the President should rent a common house there,
to live in ; that no President would live in the one
now building. This harmonizes with Goodhue's idea

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 227
of a short residence. I write this in the morning, but
need not part with it till night. If anything occurs in
the day it shall be added.
P. M. Nothing material has occurred. Adieu.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Apr 2, 98.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of your
favor of Jany 29. and as the rising of Congress seems
now to be contemplated for about the last of this
month, and It is necessary that I settle mr. Short's
matter with the Treasury before my departure, I take
the liberty of saying a word on that subject. The
sum you are to pay is to go to the credit of a
demand which mr. Short has on the treasury of the
U S and for which they consider mr. Randolph as
liable to them, so that the sum he pays to Short
directly lessens so much the balance to be other
wise settled. Mr. Short, by a letter received a few
days ago, has directed an immediate employment
of the whole sum in a particular way. I wish your
sum settled, therefore, that I may call on the Treas
ury for the exact balance. I should have thought
your best market for stock would have been here, and
I am convinced, the quicker sold the better ; for,
should the war measures recommended by the Execu
tive, & taken up by the legislature, be carried through,
the fall of stock will be very sudden, war being then
more than probable. Mr. Short holds some stock
here, and, should the first of Mr. Spriggs resolutions.

228 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
now under debate in the lower house be rejected, I
shall, within 24. hours from the rejection, sell out the
whole of mr. Short's stock. How that resolution will
be disposed of (to wit, that against the expediency of
war with the French republic). Is very doubtful.
Those who count votes vary the issue from a majority
of 4. against the resolution to 2. or 3. majority in it's
favor. So that the scales of peace & war are very
nearly in equlllbrlo. Should the debate hold many
days, we shall derive aid from the delay. Letters re
ceived from France by a vessel just arrived, concur in
assuring us, that, as all the French measures bear
equally on the Swedes & Danes as on us, so they
have no more purpose of declaring war against us
than against them. Besides this, a wonderful stir
is commencing In the Eastern states. The dirty
business of Lyon & Griswold was of a nature to fly
through the newspapers, both whig & tory, & to ex
cite the attention of all classes. It, of course, carried
to their attention, at the same time, the debates out
of which that affair sprung. The subject of these
debates was, whether the representatives of the people
were to have no check on the expenditure of the pub
lic money, & the executive to squander it at their
will, leaving to the Legislature only the drudgery of
furnishing the money. They begin to open their
eyes on this to the Eastward & to suspect they have
been hoodwinked. Two or three whig presses have
set up in Massachusetts, & as many more In Con
necticut. The late war message of the president has
added new alarm. Town meetings have begun in

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 229
Massachusetts, and are sending on their petitions &
remonstrances by great majorities, against war-meas
ures, and these meetings are likely to spread. The
present debate, as it gets abroad, will further show
them, that it Is their members who are for war meas
ures. It happens, fortunately, that these gentlemen
are obliged to bring themselves forward exactly In
time for the Eastern elections to Congress, which
come on in the course of the ensuing summer. We
have, therefore, great reason to expect some favorable
changes in the representatives from that quarter. The
same is counted on with confidence from Jersey
Pennsylvania, & Maryland ; perhaps one or two also
in Virginia ; so that, after the next election, the whigs
think themselves certain of a very strong majority in
the H of Representatives ; and tho' against the other
branches they can do nothing good, yet they can
hinder them from doing ill. The only source of
anxiety, therefore, is to avoid war for the present
moment. If we can defeat the measures leading to
that during this session, so as to gain this summer,
time will be given, as well for the public mind to make
itself felt, as for the operations of France to have their
effect in England as well as here. If, on the contrary
war is forced on, the tory interest continues dominant,
and to them alone must be left, as they alone desire
to ride on the whirlwind, & direct the storm. The
present period, therefore, of two or three weeks, is
the most eventful ever known since that of i775- ^""^
will decide whether the principles established by that
contest are to prevail, or give way to those they sub-

230 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
verted. Accept the friendly salutations & prayers for
your health & happiness, of, dear Sir, your sincere
and affectionate friend.
P. S. Compliments to Mr. Taylor. I shall write
to him in a few days.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, April 5, 98.
I wrote you last on the 29th ult ; since which I
have no letter from you. These acknolegments regu
larly made and attended to, will shew whether any of
my letters are intercepted, and the impression of ray
seal on wax (which shall be constant hereafter) will
discover whether they are opened by the way. The
nature of some of my communications furnishes
ground of inquietude for their safe conveyance. The
bill for the federal buildings labors hard in Senate,
tho', to lessen opposition, the Maryland Senator him
self proposed to reduce the 200.000 D to one-third of
that sum. Sedgwick & Hlllhouse violently opposed
it. I conjecture that the votes will be either 13. for &
15. against it, or 14. & 14. Every member declares
he means to go there, but tho' charged with an inten
tion to come away again, not one of them disavowed
it. This will engender incurable distrust. -The de-'
bate on mr. Sprlgg's resolutions has been interrupted
by a motion to call for papers. This was carried by
a great majority. In this case, there appeared a sepa
rate squad, to wit, the Pinckney interest, which is a
distinct thing, and will be seen sometimes to lurch
the President. It is in truth the Hamilton party.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 231
whereof P is only made the stalking horse. The
papers have been sent in & read, & it is now under
debate in both houses, whether they shall be pub
lished. I write In the morning, & if determined in
the course of the day in favor of publication, I will
add in the evening a general idea of their character.
Private letters from France, by a late vessel which
sailed from Havre, Feb 5, assure us that France,
classing us in her measures with the Swedes & Danes,
has no more notion of declaring war against us than
them. You will see a letter in Bache's paper of yes
terday, which came addressed to me. Still the fate
of Sprlgg's resolutions seems in perfect equlllbrlo.
You will see in Fenno two numbers of a paper signed
Marcellus. They promise much mischief, and are
ascribed, without any difference of opinion, to Ham
ilton. You must, my dear Sir, take up your pen
against this champion. You know the ingenuity of
his talents ; & there is not a person but yourself who
can foil him. For heaven's sake, then take up your
pen, and do not desert the public cause altogether
Thursday evening. The Senate have, to-day, voted
the publication of the communications from our
envoys. The House of Repr decided against the
publication by a majority of 75 to 24. The Senate
adjourned, over to-morrow (good Friday), to Satur
day morning ; but as the papers cannot be printed
within that time, perhaps the vote of the H of R
may induce the Senate to reconsider theirs. For this
reason, I think it my duty to be silent on them.
Adieu.

232 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
Philadelphia, Apr. 5, 98.
I wrote you last on the 21st. of Mar. Since which
yours of the 26th. of March is received. Yesterday
I had a consultation with mr. Dawson on the matter
respecting Sklpwith. We have neither of us the
least hesitation, on a view of the ground, to pro
nounce against your coming forward In it at all.
Your name would be the watchword of party at this
moment, and the question would give opportunities
of slander, personal hatred, and Injustice, the effect of
which on the justice of the case cannot be calculated.
Let It therefore come forward In Sklpwith's name,
without your appearing even to know of it. But Is
it not a case which the auditor can decide ? If it is,
that tribunal must be first resorted to. I do not
think Scipio worth your notice. He has not been
noticed here but by those who were already deter
mined. Your narrative and letters wherever they are
read produce Irresistable conviction, and cannot be
attacked but by a contradiction of facts, on which
they do not venture. Finding you unassailable in
that quarter, I have reason to believe they are pre
paring a batch of small stuff, such as refusing to
drink Genl. Washington's health, speaking ill of him,
& the government, withdrawing civilities from those
attached to him, countenancing Paine to which they
add connivance at the equipment of privateers by
Americans. I am told some sort of an attack is pre
paring, founded on the depositions of 2. or 3. Ameri
cans. We are therefore of opinion here that Dr.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 233
Edward's certificate (which he will give very fully)
should not be published, but reserved to repel these
slanders, adding to it such others as the nature of
them may call for. Mr. Dawson thinks he can easily
settle the disagreeable business with M. The diffi
culty & delicacy will be with G. He is to open the
matter to them to day and will write to you this
evening. It is really a most afflicting consideration
that it is impossible for a man to act In any office
for the public without encountering a persecution
which even his retirement will not withdraw him
from. At this moment my name is running through
all the city as detected in a criminal correspondence
with the French directory, & fixed upon me by the
documents from our envoys now before the two
houses. The detection of this by the publication of
the papers, should they be published, will not relieve
all the effects of the lie, and should they not be pub
lished, they may keep it up as long and as success
fully as they did and do that of my being involved in
Blount's conspiracy. The question for the publica
tion of the communications from our envoys Is now
under consideration in both houses. But If pub
lished, you cannot get them till another post. The
event of mn Sprlgg's resolutions is extremely doubt
ful. The first one now under consideration (to wit
that it is not expedient to resort to war) will perhaps
be carried or rejected by a majority of 1. or 2. only.
Consequently it is impossible previously to say how
it will be. All war-measures, debtors of our country
will follow the fortunes of that resolution. Meas-

234 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
ures for internal defence will be agreed to. Letters
from France by a vessel which left Havre Feb. 5.
express the greatest certainty that the French gov
ernment, classing us in all her measures with Den
mark & Sweden, has no more idea of declaring war
against us than against them. Consequently it rests
with ourselves. Present my best respects to mrs.
Monroe & accept yourself friendly salutations &
adieux. P. S. I will hereafter seal my letters with wax, &
the same seal. Pay attention if you please to the
state of the impression.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Apr. 6, 98.
So much of the communications from our envoys
has got abroad, & so partially, that there can now be
no ground for reconsideration with the Senate. I
may therefore, consistently with duty, do what every
member of the body is doing. Still, I would rather
you would use the communication with reserve till
you see the whole papers. The first Impressions from
them are very disagreeable & confused. Reflection,
however, & analysis resolves them into this. Mr A's
speech to Congress in May is deemed such a national
affront, that no explanation on other topics can be en
tered on till that, as a preliminary, is wiped away by
humiliating disavowals or acknolegments. This work
ing hard with our envoys, & indeed seeming imprac
ticable for want of that sort of authority, submission

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 235
to a heavy amercement (upwards of a million sterl.)
was, at an after meeting, suggested as an alternative,
which might be admitted if proposed by us. These
overtures had been through informal agents ; and both
the alternatives bringing the envoys to their ne plus,
they resolve to have no more communication through
inofficial characters, but to address a letter directly to
the government, to bring forward their pretensions.
This letter had not yet, however, been prepared.
There were, interwoven with these overtures some
base propositions on the part of Taleyrand, through
one of his agents, to sell his interest & influence with
the Directory towards smoothing difficulties with
them. In consideration of a large sum (50.000 £
sterl) ; and the arguments to which his agent resorted
to induce compliance with this demand, were very
unworthy of a great nation, (could they be imputed
to them,) and calculated to excite disgust & indigna
tion in Americans generally, and alienation In the
republicans particularly, whom they so far mistake, as
to presume an attachment to France and hatred to
the Federal party, & not the love of their country, ta
be their first passion. No difficulty was expressed
towards an adjustment of all differences & misunder
standings, or even ultimately a paiment for spolia
tions, if the insult from our Executive should be first
wiped away. Observe, that I state all this from only
a single hearing of the papers, & therefore it may not
be rigorously correct. The little slanderous Imputa
tion before mentioned, has been the bait which hur
ried the opposite party into this publication. The
first impressions with the people will be disagree-

236 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
able, but the last & permanent one will be, that the
speech In May is now the only obstacle to accommo
dation, and the real cause of war, if war takes place.
And how much will be added to this by the speech of
November, is yet to be learnt. It Is evident, how
ever, on reflection, that these papers do not offer one
motive the more for our going to war. Yet such is
their effect on the minds of wavering characters, that
I fear, that to wipe off the imputation of being
French partisans, they will go over to the war meas
ures so furiously pushed by the other party. It seems
indeed, as If they were afraid they should not be able
to get into war till Great Britain will be blown up,
and the prudence of our countrymen from that cir
cumstance, have influence enough to prevent it. The
most artful misrepresentations of the contents of these
papers were published yesterday, & produced such a
shock on the republican mind, as has never been seen
since our Independence. We are to dread the effects
of this dismay till their fuller information. Adieu.
P. M. Evening papers have come out since writing
the above. I therefore inclose them. Be so good as
to return Brown's by post, as I keep his set here.
The representatives are still unfaithful.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Apr. 12, 98.
I wrote you two letters on the 5th inst; since
which I have reed yours of the 2d. I send you, in a
separate package, the instructions to our envoys &

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 237
their communications. You will find that my repre
sentation of their contents from memory, was sub
stantially just. The public mind appears still In a
state of astonishment. There never was a moment
in which the aid of an able pen was so Important
to place things in their just attitude. On this de
pend the inchoate movement in the Eastern mind,
and the fate of the elections in that quarter, now be
ginning & to continue through the summer. I would
not propose to you such a task on any ordinary
occasion. But be assured that a well-digested analy
sis of these papers would now decide the future turn
of things, which are at this moment on the creen.
The merchants here are meeting under the auspices
of Fitzsimmons, to address the President & approve
his propositions. Nothing will be spared on that
side. Sprlgg's first resolution against the expediency
of war, proper at the time it was moved, is now post
poned as improper, because to declare that, after we
have understood it has been proposed to us to buy
peace, would imply an acquiescence under that propo
sition. All, therefore, which the advocates of peace
can now attempt, is to prevent war measures exter
nally, consenting to every rational measure of internal
defence & preparation. Great expences will be in
curred ; & It will be left to those whose measures
render them necessary, to provide to meet them.
They already talk of stopping all paiments of inter
est, & of a land tax. These will probably not be
opposed. The only question will be, how to modify
the land tax. On this there may be great diversity

238 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
of sentiment. One party will want to make it a new
source of patronage & expence. If this business is
taken up, it will lengthen our session. We had
pretty generally, till now, fixed on the beginning of
May for adjournment. I shall return by my usual
routes, & not by the Eastern shore, on account of
the advance of the season. Friendly salutations to
mrs. Madison & yourself. Adieu.

TO PETER CARR. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Apr. 12, 98.
As the Instructions to our envoys & their commu
nications have excited a great deal of curiosity, I en
close you a copy. You will perceive that they have
been assailed by swindlers, whether with or without
the participation of Taleyrand is not very apparent.
The known corruption of his character renders it
very possible he may have intended to share largely
in the 50,000;^ demanded. But that the Directory
knew anything of it is neither proved nor probable.
On the contrary, when the Portuguese ambassador
yielded to like attempts of swindlers, the conduct of
the Directory in imprisoning him for an attempt at
corruption, as well as their general conduct really
magnanimous, places them above suspicion. It is
pretty evident that mr A.'s speech is in truth the
only obstacle to negociation. That humihating dis
avowals of that are demanded as a preliminary, or as
a commutation for that a heavy sum of money.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 239
about a million sterling. This obstacle removed,
they seem not to object to an arrangement of all dif
ferences, and even to settle & acknolege themselves
debtors for spoliations. Nor does it seem that nego
ciation is at an end, as the P's message says, but that
it is in it's commencement only. The instructions
comply with the wishes expressed in debate in the
May session to place France on as good footing as
England, & not to make a sine qua non of the indem
nification for spoliation ; but they declare the war in
which France is engaged is not a defensive one, they
reject the naturalization of French ships, that is to
say the exchange of naturalization which France had
formerly proposed to us, & which would lay open to
us the unrestrained trade of her West Indies & all
her other possessions ; they declare the loth article
of the British treaty, against sequestering debts,
money in the funds, bank stock, &c., to be founded
in morality, & therefore of perpetual obligation, &
some other heterodoxes.
You will have seen in the newspapers some resolu
tions proposed by mr. Sprigg, the first of which was,
that it is inexpedient under existing circumstances to
resort to war with France. Whether this could have
been carried before is doubtful, but since it is known
that a sum of money has been demanded, it is thought
this resolution, were it now to be passed, would Imply
a willingness to avoid war even by purchasing peace.
It is therefore postponed. The peace party will
agree to all reasonable measures of internal defence,
but oppose all external preparations. Tho' it is evi-

240 THE WRITINGS OF [1798.
dent that these communications do not present one
motive the more for going to war, yet it may be
doubted whether we are now strong enough to keep
within the defensive line. It is thought the expences
contemplated will render a land tax necessary before
we separate. If so. It will lengthen the session.
The first impressions from these communications
are disagreeable ; but their ultimate effect on
the public mind will not be favorable to the war
party. They may have some effect in the first mo
ment in stopping the movement in the Eastern
states, which were on the creen, & were running
into town meetings, yet it Is believed this will be
momentary only, and will be over before their elec
tions. Considerable expectations were formed of
changes in the Eastern delegations favorable to the
whig interest. Present my best respects to mrs.
Carr, & accept yourself assurance of affectionate
esteem.

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss..
April 19. 98.
I wrote you on the 5th. inst. and on the 12th. I
enclosed you a copy of the instructions & communi
cations from our envoys. In that of the 5th I ac
knoleged the receipt of your last at hand of Mar
26. The impressions first made by those communi
cations continue strong & prejudicial here. They
have enabled the merchants to get a war-petition very
extensively signed. They have also carried over to-

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 241
the war-party most of the waverers in the H. of R.
This circumstance with the departure of 4. Southern
members, & others going, have given a strong ma
jority to the other party. The expences will proba
bly bring them up : but in the mean time great &
dangerous follies will have been committed. A salt-
tax, land-tax, & stoppage of interest on the public
debt are the resources spoken of for procuring from
3. to 7. millions of Dollars of preparatory expence.
I think it probable that France, instead of declaring
war, will worry us with decrees. A new one is pro
posed making neutral armed ships good prize. Such
measures, and the bottom of our purse which we shall
get to even by the expences of preparation, will still
prevent serious war. Bankruptcy is a terrible founda
tion to begin a war on, against the conquerors of the
universe. A governor, secretary & 3. judges are-
named for the missisipi territory. Of these, two are
agents for the land companies, 2. are bankrupt spec
ulators, & the other unknown. Your matter with
Morris is well settled. With respect to your ac
counts mr. Dawson will inclose you the difficulties
objected by the Department of State. Considering
how much better items of an account can be explained
viva voce, how much more impressive personal re
monstrance is than written, we have imagined you
will think it adviseable to come on yourself, and have
these matters settled, or at least to narrow them
down to a few articles as to which you may take
measures from hence to procure vouchers from
Europe if necessary. But of this you alone are the
VOL. VII.— 16

242 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
competent judge. Present my affectionate salutations
to mrs. Monroe. Friendly adieux to yourself.
P. S. Wheat & flour not saleable at this moment.
Tobacco (old) 0^13.50 & likely to rise.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Apr. 19. 98.
I wrote you last on the 12* & then acknoleged
your last at hand of the 2? inst. The sensations
first occasioned by the late publications have been
kept up and increased at this place. A petition from
the merchants & traders & others was so industriously
pushed as to have obtained a very extensive signa
ture. The same measure is pursuing in New York.
As the election of their governor comes on next
Tuesday, these impressions will just be in time to
affect that. We have no information yet of their
effect to the Eastward. In the meantime petitions
to Congress against arming from the towns of Massa
chusetts were multiplying. They will no doubt have
been immediately checked. The P.'s answer to the
address of the merchants here you will see in Fenno
of yesterday. It is a pretty strong declaration that
a neutral & pacific conduct on our part is no longer
the existing state of things. The vibraters in the H.
of R. have chiefly gone over to the war party. Still
if our members were all here, it is believed the Naval-
bill would be thrown out. Giles, Clopton, & Cabell
are gone. The debate began yesterday, & tho' the
question will be lost, the effect on the public mind

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 243
will be victory. For certainly there is nothing new
which may render war more palatable to the people.
On the contrary the war-members themselves are
becoming alarmed at the expences, & whittling down
the estimates to the lowest sums. You will see by
a report of the Secretary at War which I inclose you
that he estimates the expences of preparation at seven
millions of Dollars ; which it is proposed to lower to
about 3. millions. If it can be reduced to this, a
stoppage of public interest will suffice & is the pro
ject of some. This idea has already knocked down
the public paper, which can no longer be sold at all.
If the expences should exceed 3. m. they will under
take a land tax. Indeed a land tax is the decided
resource of many, perhaps of a majority. There is
an idea of some of the Connecticut members to raise
the whole money wanted by a tax on salt ; so much
do they dread a land tax. The middle or last of
May is still counted on for adjournment.
Col° Innes is just arrived here, heavily laden with
gout & dropsy. It is scarcely thought he can ever
get home again. The principles likely to be adopted
by that board have thrown the administration into
deep alarm. It is admitted they will be worse than
the English, French, & Algerine depredations added
together It is even suggested that, if persevered in,
their proceedings will be stopped. These things are
not public. — Your letter, by occasioning my recur
rence to the constitution, has corrected an error under
which a former one of mine had been written. I had
erroneously conceived that the declaration of war

244 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
was among the things confided by the Constitution
to two thirds of the legislature. We are told here
that you are probably elected to the state legislature.
It has given great joy, as we know your presence
will be felt any where, and the times do not admit of
the inactivity of such talents as yours. I hope there
fore it is true. As much good may be done by a
proper direction of the local force. Present my
friendly salutations to Mrs. Madison & to yourself
affectionately adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, April 26, 1798.
Dear Sir, — * * * The bill for the naval arma
ment (12 vessels) passed by a majority of about 4 to
3 in the H of R ; all restrictions on the objects for
which the vessels should be used were struck out.
The bill for establishing a department of Secretary of
the navy was tried yesterday, on its passage to the
3d reading, & prevailed by 47 against 41. It will
be read the 3d time to-day. The Provisional army
of 20,000. men will meet some difficulty. It would
surely be rejected if our members were all here.
Giles, Clopton, Cabell & Nicholas are gone, &
Clay goes to-morrow. He received here news of the
death of his wife. Parker is completely gone over
to the war party. In this state of things they will
carry what they please. One of the war party, in a
fit of unguarded passion, declared some time ago they

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 245
would pass a citizen bill, an alien bill, & a sedition
bill ; accordingly, some days ago, Colt laid a motion
on the table of the H of R for modifying the citizen
law. Their threats point at Gallatin, & it is believed
they will endeavor to reach him by this bill. Yester
day mr. Hlllhouse laid on the table of the Senate a
motion for giving power to send away suspected
aliens. This is understood to be meant for Volney &
Collot. But it will not stop there when it gets into
a course of execution. There Is now only wanting,
to accomplish the whole declaration before mentioned,
a sedition bill, which we shall certainly soon see pro
posed. The object of that, is the suppression of the
whig presses. Bache's has been particularly named.
That paper & also Gary's totter for want of subscrip
tions. We should really exert ourselves to procure
them, for if these papers fall, republicanism will be
entirely brow beaten. Gary's paper comes out 3
times a week, @ 5 D. The meeting of the people
which was called at New York, did nothing. It was
found that the majority would be against the Address.
They therefore chose to circulate it individually. The
committee of ways & means have voted a land tax.
An additional tax on salt will certainly be proposed in
the House, and probably prevail to some degree.
The stoppage of Interest on the public debt will also,
perhaps, be proposed, but not with effect. In the
meantime, that paper cannot be sold. Hamilton is
coming on as Senator from N. Y. There has been
so much contrivance & combination in that, as to shew
there is some great object in hand. Troup, the dis-

246 THE WRITINGS OF [179^
trict judge of N Y, resigns towards the close of the
session of their Assembly. The appointment of mr.
Hobart, then Senator, to succeed Troup, Is not made
by the President till after the Assembly had risen.
Otherwise, they would have chosen the Senator in
place of Hobart. Jay then names Hamilton, Senator,
but not till a day or two before his own election as
Governor was to come on, lest the unpopularity of
the nomination should be in time to affect his own
election. We shall see in what all this Is to end ; but
surely in something. The popular movement in the
eastern states is checked, as we expected, and war
addresses are showering in from New Jersey & the
great trading towns. However, we still trust that a
nearer view of war & a land tax will oblige the great
mass of the people to attend. At present, the war
hawks talk of septembrlzing. Deportation, and the ex
amples for quelling sedition set by the French Execu
tive. All the firmness of the human mind is now in a
state of requisition. Salutations to mrs. Madison ;
& to yourself, friendship & adieu.
P.M. The bill for the naval department is passed.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, May 3, 98.
I wrote you last on the 26th ; since which yours of
the 2 2d of April is received, acknoleging mine of the
1 2th ; so that all appear to have been received to
that date. The spirit kindled up In the towns is
wonderful. These and N Jersey are pouring In their

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 247
addresses, offering life & fortune. Even these ad
dresses are not the worst things. For indiscreet
declarations and expressions of passion may be par
doned to a multitude acting from the impulse of the
moment. But we cannot expect a foreign nation to
shew that apathy to the answers of the President,
which are more thrasonic than the addresses. What
ever chance for peace might have been left us after
the publication of the despatches, is compleatly lost
by these answers. Nor Is it France alone, but his
own fellow citizens, against whom his threats are
uttered. In Fenno, of yesterday, you will see one,
wherein he says to the address from Newark, " the
delusions & misrepresentations which have misled so
many citizens, must be discountenanced by authority
as well as by the citizens at large ; " evidently allud
ing to those letters from the representatives to their
constituents, which they have been in the habit of
seeking after & publishing ; while those sent by the
Tory part of the house to their constituents, are ten
times more numerous, & replete with the most atro
cious falsehoods & calumnies. What new law they
will propose on this subject, has not yet leaked out.
The citizen bill sleeps. The alien bill, proposed by
the Senate, has not yet been brought in. That pro
posed by the H of R has been so moderated, that it
will not answer the passionate purposes of the war
gentlemen. Whether, therefore, the Senate will push
their bolder plan, I know not. The provisional army
does not go down so smoothly in the R. as it did in
the Senate. They are whittling away some of it's

248 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
choice ingredients ; particularly that of transferring
their own constitutional discretion over the raising of
armies to the President. A commtee of the R have
struck out his discretion, and hang the raising of the
men on the contingencies of invasion, insurrection, or
declaration of war Were all our members here, the
bill would not pass. But it will, probably, as the
House now is. It's expence is differently estimated,
from 5. to 8. millions of dollars a year Their pur
poses before voted, require 2. millions above all the
other taxes, which, therefore, are voted to be raised
on lands, houses & slaves. The provisional army
will be additional to this. The threatening appear
ances from the Alien bills have so alarmed the French
who are among us, that they are going off. A ship,
chartered by themselves for this purpose, will sail
within about a fortnight for France, with as many as
she can carry. Among these I believe will be Volney,
who has in truth been the principal ' object aimed at
by the law. Notwithstanding the unfavorableness of
the late impressions, it is believed the New York
elections, which are over, will give us two or three
republicans more than we now have. But it is sup
posed Jay is re-elected. It is said Hamilton declines
coming to the Senate. He very soon stopped his
Marcellus. It was rather the sequel that was feared
than what actually appeared. He comes out on a
different plan in his Titus Manllus, if that be really
his. The appointments to the Missisipi territory
were so abominable that the Senate could not swallow
them. They referred them to a commte to inquire

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 249
into characters, and the P withdrew the nomination
& has now named Winthrop Sergeant Governor,
Steele of Augusta in Virginia, Secretary, Tilton
&  two of the Judges, the other not yet
named. * * * As there is nothing material now
to be proposed, we generally expect to rise in about
three weeks. However, I do not yet venture to
order my horses.
My respectful salutations to mrs. Madison. To
yourself affectionate friendship, & adieu.
Perhaps the Pr's expression before quoted, may
look to the Sedition bill which has been spoken of,
and which may be meant to put the Printing presses
under the Imprimatur of the executive. Bache is
thought a main object of it. Cabot, of Massachusetts,
is appointed Secretary of the Navy. It is said Ham
ilton declines coming to the Senate.

TO JAMES LEWIS, JUNIOR. J. mss.
Philadelphia, May 9, 1798.
Dear Sir, — I am much obliged by your friendly
letter of the 4th inst. As soon as I saw the first of
mr Martin's letters, I turned to the newspapers of
the day, & found Logan's speech, as translated by a
common Indian interpreter The version I had used,
had been made by Genl Gibson. Finding from mr
Martin's style, that his object was not merely truth,
but to gratify party passions, I never read another of
his letters. I determined to do my duty by searching

250 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
into the truth, & publishing it to the world, whatever
it should be. This I shall do at a proper season. I
am much indebted to many persons, who, without
any acquaintance with me, have voluntarily sent me
information on the subject. Party passions are in
deed high. Nobody has more reason to know it than
myself. I receive daily bitter proofs of it from people
who never saw me, nor know anything of me but
through Porcupine & Fenno. At this moment all
the passions are boiling over, and one who keeps
himself cool and clear of the contagion, is so far below
the point of ordinary conversation, that he finds him
self Insulated in every society. However, the fever
will not last. War, land tax & stamp tax, are seda
tives which must calm its ardor. They will bring on
reflection, and that, with information, is all which our
countrymen need, to bring themselves and their
affairs to rights. They are essentially republican.
They retain unadulterated the principles of '75, and
those who are conscious of no change in themselves
have nothing to fear in the long run. It is our duty
still to endeavor to avoid war ; but if it shall actually
take place, no matter by whom brought on, we must
defend ourselves. If our house be on fire, without
inquiring whether it was fired from within or without,
we must try to extinguish it. In that, I have no
doubt, we shall act as one man. But if we can ward
off actual war till the crisis of England is over, I shall
hope we may escape It altogether.
I am, with much esteem, dear Sir, your most
obedient humble servant.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 251
TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
May 10. 98.
* * * No bill has passed since my last. The
alien bill now before the Senate you will see in Bache.
I shall make no comment on it. The first clause was
debated through the whole of Tuesday. To judge
from that we cannot expect above 5. or 6. votes-
against it. We suppose the lower house will throw it
out & proceed on that which they have prepared.
The bill for the provision of army is under debate.
It will probably pass or be rejected by a very minute
majority. If our members were here It would be re
jected with ease. The tax on lands, slaves & houses
is proceeding. The questions on that will only be of
modification. The event of the N. York elections is
not yet absolutely known, but It is still believed we
have gained 2. more republicans to Congress. Burr
was here a day or two ago. He says they have got a
decided majority of Whigs in their state H. of R.
He thinks that Connecticut has chosen one Whig, a
mr. Granger, & calculates much on the effect of his-
election. An election here of town officers for South
wark, where it was said the people had entirely gone
over to the tory side, showed them unmoved. The
Whig ticket was carried by ten to one. The Informa
tions are so different as to the effect of the late dis
patches on the people here that one does not know
what to conclude : but I am of opinion they are little
moved. Some of the young men who addressed the
President on Monday mounted the Black (or English)
cockade. The next day numbers of the people ap
peared with the tricolored (or French) cockade. Yes-

.252 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
terday being the fast day the black cockade again
appeared, on which the tricolour also showed itself.
A fray ensued, the light horse were called in, & the
city was so filled with confusion from about 6. to 10.
o'clock last night that it was dangerous going out. I
write in the morning & therefore know nothing of the
particulars as yet, but as I do not send my letter to
the post office till night, I shall probably be able by
that time to add some details. It is also possible
some question may be taken which may indicate the
fate of the provisional army. There is a report,
which comes from Baltimore, of peace between France
¦& England on terms entirely dictated by the former
But we do not hear how it comes, nor pay the least
attention to it.
P. M. By the proceedings In Senate today I con
clude the alien bill will pass 1 7 to . The provisional
army has been under debate in the lower house. A
motion was made to strike out the first section con
fessedly for the purpose of trying the fate of the bill.
The motion was lost by 44. to 1 7. Had all the mem
bers In town been present, & the question in the house
instead of the committee, the vote would have been
45. against the bill & 46. for it. No further particu
lars about the riot appear. * * •»

TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
May 17. 98
My last to you was of the loth. Since that I have
received yours of the 5th. I immediately sent a note
to Carey to forward his paper to your brother as you
desired. The first vote of any importance on the

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 253,
alien bill was taken yesterday. It was one agreeing
on the 1st section, which was carried by 12. to 7. If
all the Senators in town had been present it would
have been 1 7. to 7. The Provisional army gets along..
The Rep. have reduced the 28. to 10. M. They have
struck out the clauses for calling out & exercising 20,-
000 militia at a time. The ist Volunteer clause has.
been carried by a great majority. But endeavours will
be made to render it less destructive & less injurious
to the militia. I shall enclose you a copy of the land-
tax bill. In the first moments of the tumult here,
mentioned in my last, the cockade assumed by one
party was mistaken to be the tricolor. It was the old.
blue & red adopted in some places in an early part of
the revolution war. However it is laid aside. But
the black is still frequent. I am a little apprehensive
Burr will have miscalculated on Granger's election in
Connecticut. However it is not yet known here.
It was expected Hlllhouse would have been elected.
their Lt. Govr. but Treadwell is chosen. We know
nothing more certain yet of the New York elections.
Hamilton declined his appointment as Senator, &
Jay has named North, a quondam aid of Steuben.
All sorts of artifices have been descended to, to
agitate the popular mind. The President received 3.
anonymous letters (written probably by some of the
war men) announcing plots to burn the city on
the fast-day. He thought them worth being known,
& great preparations were proposed by the way of
caution, & some were yielded to by the governor
Many weak people packed their most valuable mova
bles to be ready for transportation. However the

:254 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
•day passed without justifying the alarms. Other idle
stories have been since circulated, & the popular mind
has not been proof against them. The addresses &
answers go on. Some parts of Maryland & of this
state are following the example of N. Jersey. The
addresses are probably written here ; those which
come purely from the country are merely against the
French, those written here are pointed with acrimony
to party. You will observe one answer in which a
most unjustifiable mention has been made of Monroe,
without the least occasion leading to it from the ad
dress. It is now openly avowed by some of the
eastern men that Congress ought not to separate.
And their reasons are drawn from circumstances
which will exist through the year. I was in hopes
that all efforts to render the sessions of Congress
permanent were abandoned. But a clear profit of 3.
¦or 4. Dollars a day is sufficient to reconcile some to
their absence from home. A French privateer has
lately taken 3. American vessels from York & Phila.
bound to England. We do not know their loading,
but it has alarmed the merchants much. Wheat &
ilour are scarcely bought at all. Tobacco, old, of the
best quality, has long been 14. D. My respects to
Mrs. Madison & to the family. Affectionate adieus
to yourself.

TO AARON burr. j. mss.
Philadelphia, May 20. 98.
Dear Sir, — When I had the pleasure of seeing you
here, I spoke to you on the case of a friend of mine,
Dr James Currie, of Richmond, and asked the favor of

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 255
you to proceed, in the way then spoken of, to recover
against Robert Morris, Dr. Currie's demand, the
papers establishing which you had received. I have
just received a letter from him wishing this matter
to be pressed. I take the liberty therefore of repeat
ing my request, & that you will be so good as to send
to mr. John Barnes, merchant south 3d street, who is
my agent here a note of your own fee & of any costs
which it may be necessary to advance & he will answer
them now & from time to time on my account, whether
I am here or not. I have not heard from mr. Burwell :
but I know it to be his wish to have the same pro
ceedings as shall be pursued for Dr. Currie. Mr.
Barnes is his agent for his money matters at this
place, so that his costs you will be so good as to note
separately to him. His name is Lewis Burwell. He
is also of Richmond.
This being merely a letter of business I shall only
add assurances of the esteem & respect with which
I am dear sir your most obedient & most humble
servant.^
' Other letters to Burr on this subject are as follows :
Philadelphia May 26th. 98.
Dear Sir, — I received yesterday your favor of the 24th. The other notes
delivered by Mr. Burwell to Mr. Ludlow belonged three of them to Dr
Currie, & the rest to himself. To wit
Dr. Currie's Doll.
John Nicholson's note to Rob. Morris dated Nov. i8. 94 for 3500 payable in 3 years
do to do Nov. 18. 94 3500 do
do to do Nov. iS. 94 4000 do
11.000
Mr. BurweU's
John Nicholson's note to Rob. Morris dated Nov. 20. 94 for 4000 payable in 3 years
do to do Nov. 20. 94 4000 do
do to do Jan. 15, 95 2500 do
do to do Mar. i. 95 4000 do
14,500

2s6 THE WRITINGS OF [179S
TO JAMES MONROE. j.mss.
Philadelphia, May 21, 1798.
Yours of Apr 8 14, & May 4 & 14, have been
received in due time. I have not written to you
since the 19th ult., because I knew you would be out
on a circuit, and would receive the letters only when
they would be as old almanacs. The bill for the
Provisional army has got through the lower house,
the regulars reduced to 10,000, and the volunteers
unlimited. It was carried by a majority of 1 1. The
land-tax Is now on the carpet to raise 2. millions of
dollars ; yet I think they must at least double It, as
the expenses of the provisional army were not pro
vided for in it, and will require of itself 4. millions a
year. I presume, therefore, the tax on lands, houses,
Sz; negroes, will be a dollar a head on the population
of each state. There are alien bills, sedition bills,
This last one of Mr. BurweU's was not delivered to mr. Ludlow, but will
be handed to him by mr. Barnes by this day's post. You will therefore
be pleased to proceed in the name of Dr. James Currie for the three first
notes, amounting to 11,000 Dollars. You mention that discretionary powers
must be given some person in N. York in order that you may be able to asso
ciate these gentlemen in a general compromise with some others for whom you
will obtain judgment in July. Dr. Currie has given me full powers to act for
him, & I hereby give you full & discretionary powers to do for him whatever
you may think for his interest. I enclose you one of his letters to me sufficiently
evidencing his committing the matter to me. Mr. Barnes is authorized by mr,
Burwell to take the same steps for him which I do for Dr. Currie. He will
therefore write to you this day. Dr. Currie has another claim by judgment re
covered here against Griffin & Morris which may be the subject of a future
letter to you. Perhaps, after I shall have seen Mr. IngersoU his attorney (now
absent from town).
If Congress mean to adjourn at all (which I doubt) I shall stay here till they
adjourn. If they do not, after passing the land tax, I shall consider it as evi
dence they mean to make their sessions permanent, & shall then go home for
the season. I am with great & sincere esteem. Dear Sir, your friend &
servant.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 257
&c., also before both houses. The severity of their
aspect determines a great number of French to go
off. A ship-load sails on Monday next ; among them
Volney. If no new business Is brought on, I think
they may get through the tax bill in 3 weeks. You
will have seen, among numerous addresses & answers,
one from Lancaster in this State, and it's answer. The
latter travelling out of the topics of the address alto
gether, to mention you in a most injurious manner.
Your feelings have no doubt been much irritated by
it, as in truth it had all the characters necessary to
produce irritation. What notice you should take of
it is difficult to say. But there is one step in which
two or three with whom I have spoken concur with
me, that feeble as the hand is from which this shaft is
thrown, yet with a great mass of our citizens, strangers
to the leading traits of the character from which it
Philadelphia, June 16. 98.
Dear Sir, — In my letter of May 26. I mentioned to you that Dr. Currie had
another demand by judgment against John Tayloe Griffin as principal, & Robert
Morris garnishee, which should be the subject of a future letter to you. I now
enclose you a transcript by the record of the Supreme Court of this state. It
seems by this (I have not examined the record with minute attention) that the
court have considered Robert Morris as holding property of Griffin's to the
amount of ;^4305 Pensva currency = 11480 Dolls not due, as stated on inter
rogatory, till Dec. 3. 1800. But that interest at 5 per cent must have been
payable annually, as he confesses judgment for £ 959-8-8 interest on that sum
to Dec. 3, 95. which was paid to mr. Ingersoll, & a scire facias issued for the
interest of the year 1796 being ;^2i5-5 has been issued since. On this last,
nothing has been done, as no effects here can be got at. This interest there
fore for the year 1796. & now also for the year 1797, is due & immediately re
coverable as to the principal. I know not how the laws may be with you : but
in Virginia, where we have courts of Chancery on the principles of that
of England, tho' in a court of law the principal could not be demanded
before due, yet the Chancery, in consideration of the hazard in which it is
placed by the change of circumstances of Rob. Morris would either oblige him
VOL. VII.— J7

258 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
came, it will have considerable effect ; & that in order
to replace yourself on the high ground you are en
titled to, it is absolutely necessary you should reap
pear on the public theatre, and take an independent
stand, from which you can be seen & known to your
fellow citizens. The He of Repr appears the only
place which can answer this end, as the proceedings
of the other house are too obscure. Cabell has said
he would give way to you, whenever you should
chuse to come in, and I really think It would be
expedient for yourself as well as the public, that you
should not wait until another election, but come to
the next session. No Interval should be admitted
between this last attack of enmity and your re-appear
ance with the approving voice of your constituents,
& your taking a commanding attitude. I have not
before been anxious for your return to public life, lest
it should interfere with a proper pursuit of your
private Interests, but the next session will not at all
interfere with your courts, because it must end Mar
to give security or sequester any property of his which the plaintiff would
point out. If it be so with you, then we may hope that the principal may be
secured so as to be received in 1800, & the interest for 96. & 97. immediately
recovered. I will pray you however to have done for Dr. Currie both as to
principal & interest whatever your laws will anthorize for the best. I enclose
you a letter from him referring you to me, & I hereby give you as full powers
to act herein as he has given to me. I leave this place in the morning of the
20th. & would thank you to be informed what prospect you think there is of
these several matters. If I am gone, the letter will follow & find me at home.
I am with great esteem dear sir your friend & servant. MONTICELLO, Nov. 12. I798.
Dear Sir, — Dr. Currie, on whose behalf I troubled you last summer, being
anxious to learn something of the prospect he may have of recovering from
Robert Morris, I take the liberty of a.sking a line directed to me at this place

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 259
4, and I verily believe the next election will give us
such a majority in the He of R as to enable the
republican party to shorten the alternate unlimited
session, as it is evident that to shorten the sessions is
to lessen the evils & burthens of the government on
our country. The present session has already cost
200,000 D, besides the wounds it has inflicted on the
prosperity of the Union. I have no doubt Cabell
can be induced to retire immediately, & that a writ
may be issued at once. The very idea of this will
strike the public mind, & raise its confidence in you.
If this be done, I should think it best you should take
no notice at all of the answer to Lancaster. Because,
were you to shew a personal hostility against the
answer, it would deaden the effect of everything you
should say or do in your public place hereafter. All
would be ascribed to an enmity to Mr. A., and you
know with what facility such insinuations enter the
minds of men. I have not seen Dawson since this
answer has appeared, & therefore have not yet learnt
where I shall still be long enough to receive it. I should not have troubled
you but that you expected early in the summer to be able to judge what could
be done. I am aware at the same time that the fever at New York may have
disturbed all legal proceedings.
I did not mean to say a word on politics, but it occurs that I have seen in the
New York papers a calumny which I suppose will run through the union, that
I had written by Doctr. Logan letters to Merlin & Taleyrand. On retiring
from the Secretary of state's office, I determined to drop all correspondence
with France, knowing the base calumnies which would be built on the most
innocent correspondence. I have not therefore written a single letter to that
country, within that period except to Mr. Short on his own affairs merely which
are under my direction, and once or twice to Colo. Monroe. By Logan I did
not write even a letter to Mr. Short, nor to any other person whatever. I
thought this notice of the matter due to my friends, though I do not go into
the newspapers with a formal declaration of it. I am &c.

26o THE WRITINGS OF [1798
his sentiments on it. My respectful salutations to
Mrs. Monroe ; & to yourself, affectionately adieu.
P. S. Always examine the seal before you open
my letters.^ 
TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, May 31, 98.
I wrote to you last on the 24th, since which yours
of the 20th Is received. I must begin by correcting
two errors in my last. It was false arithmetic to say,
that two measures therein mentioned to be carried by
majorities of 1 1., would have failed if the 14. absentees
(wherein a majority of 6 was ours) had been present.
Six coming over from the other side would have
turned the scale, and this was the idea floating in my
mind, which produced the mistake. The 2d error
was in the version of mr. A's expression, which I
stated to you. His real expression was 'that he
would not unbrace a single nerve for any treaty
France could offer ; such was their entire want of
faith, morality,' &c.
The bill from the Senate for capturing French
armed vessels found hovering on our coast was
passed in two days by the lower house, without a
single alteration ; and the Ganges, a 20-gun sloop,
fell down the river instantly to go on a cruise. She
has since been ordered to New York, to convoy a
vessel from that to this port. The Alien bill will be
ready to day, probably, for it's 3d reading in the Sen
ate. It has been considerably mollified, particularly
' On outside of letter.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 261
by a proviso saving the rights of treaties. Still, it is
a most detestable thing. I was glad, in yesterday's
discussion, to hear it admitted on all hands, that laws
of the U S, subsequent to a treaty, controul it's oper
ation, and that the legislature is the only power
which can controul a treaty. Both points are sound
beyond doubt. This bill will unquestionably pass
the He of R, the majority there being decisive, con
solidated, and bold enough to do anything. I have
no doubt from the hints dropped, they will pass a bill
to declare the French treaty void. I question if they
will think a declaration of war prudent, as it might
alarm, and all it's effects are answered by the act
authorizing captures. A bill is brought in for sus
pending all communication with the dominions of
France, which will no doubt pass. It is suspected
they mean to borrow money of individuals in Lon
don, on the credit of our land tax, & perhaps the
guarantee of Gt Britain. The land tax was yesterday
debated, and a majority of 6. struck out the 13th.
section of the classification of houses, and taxing
them by a different scale from the lands. Instead of
this. Is to be proposed a valuation of the houses &
lands together. Macon yesterday laid a motion on
the table for adjourning on the 14th. Some think
they do not mean to adjourn ; others, that they wait
first the return of the envoys, for whom it is now
avowed the brig Sophia was sent. It is expected
she would bring them off about the middle of this
month. They may, therefore, be expected here about
the 2d week of July. Whatever be their decision as

262 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
to adjournment, I think it probable my next letter
will convey orders for my horses, and that I shall
leave this place from the 20th to the 25th of June ;
for I have no expectation they will actually adjourn
sooner. Volney & a ship-load of others sail on Sun
day next. Another ship-load will go off in about 3
weeks. It is natural to expect they go under irrita
tions calculated to fan the flame. Not so Volney.
He is most thoroughly impressed with the importance
of preventing war, whether considered with reference
to the interests of the two countries, of the cause of
republicanism, or of man on the broad scale. But an
eagerness to render this prevention impossible, leaves
me without any hope. Some of those who have
insisted that it was long since war on the part of
France, are candid enough to admit that it is now
begun on our part also. I enclose for your perusal a
poem on the alien bill, written by mr. Marshall. I
do this, as well for your amusement, as to get you to
take care of this copy for me till I return ; for it will
be lost by lending. If I retain It here, as the publica
tion was suppressed after the sale of a few copies, of
which I was fortunate enough to get one. Your
locks, hinges, &c., shall be immediately attended to.
My respectful salutations & friendship to mrs.
Madison, to the family, & to yourself Adieu.
P. S. The President, It is said, has refused an Ex
equatur to the Consul General of France, Dupont.
P. P. S. This fact is true. I have it this moment
from Dupont, and he goes off with Volney to France
in two or three days.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 263
TO JOHN TAYLOR. ed. of 1829.
Philadelphia, June i, 1798.
* * * Mr. New showed me your letter on the
subject of the patent, which gave me an opportunity
of observing what you said as to the effect, with you,
of public proceedings, and that it was not unwise
now to estimate the separate mass of Virginia and
North Carolina, with a view to their separate exist
ence. It is true that we are completely under the
saddle of Massachusetts and Connecticut, and that
they ride us very hard, cruelly insulting our feelings,
as well as exhausting our strength and subsistence.
Their natural friends, the three other eastern States,
join them from a sort of family pride, and they have
the art to divide certain other parts of the Union, so
as to make use of them to govern the whole. This
is not new, it is the old practice of despots ; to use a
part of the people to keep the rest In order And
those who have once got an ascendancy, and pos
sessed themselves of all the resources of the nation,
their revenues and offices, have immense means for
retaining their advantage. But our present situation
is not a natural one. The republicans, through every
part of the Union, say, that It was the irresistible In
fluence and popularity of General Washington played
off by the cunning of .Hamilton, which turned the
government over to anti-republican hands, or turned
the republicans chosen by the people into anti-repub
licans. He delivered It over to his successor in this
state, and very untoward events since, improved with
great artifice, have produced on the public mind the

264 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
impressions we see. But still I repeat it, this is not
the natural state. Time alone would bring round an
order of things more correspondent to the sentiments
of our constituents. But are there no events impend
ing, which will do it within a few months ? The crisis
with England, the public and authentic avowal of
sentiments hostile to the leading principles of our
Constitution, the prospect of a war, in which we
shall stand alone, land tax, stamp tax, increase of
public debt, &c. Be this as it may, in every free
and deliberating society, there must, from the nature
of man, be opposite parties, and violent dissensions
and discords ; and one of these, for the most part,
must prevail over the other for a longer or shorter
time. Perhaps this party division is necessary to in
duce each to watch and delate to the people the
proceedings of the other But if on a temporary
superiority of the one party, the other is to resort to
a scission of the Union, no federal government can
ever exist. If to rid ourselves of the present rule
of Massachusetts and Connecticut, we break the
Union, will the evil stop there ? Suppose the New
England States alone cut off, will our nature be
changed? Are we not men still to the south of
that, and with all the passions of men ? Immedi
ately, we shall see a Pennsylvania and a Virginia
party arise in the residuary confederacy, and the
public mind will be distracted with the same party
spirit. What a game too will the one party have
in their hands, by eternally threatening the other
that unless they do so and so, they will join their

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 265
northern neighbors. If we reduce our Union to
Virginia and North Carolina, immediately the con
flict will be established between the representatives
of these two States, and they will end by breaking
into their simple units. Seeing, therefore, that an
association of men who will not quarrel with one
another is a thing which never yet existed, from the
greatest confederacy of nations down to a town
meeting or a vestry ; seeing that we must have
somebody to quarrel with, I had rather keep our
New England associates for that purpose, than to
see our bickerings transferred to others. They are
circumscribed within such narrow limits, and their
population so full, that their numbers will ever be the
minority, and they are marked, like the Jews, with
such a perversity of character, as to constitute, from
that circumstance, the natural division of our parties.
A little patience, and we shall see the reign of witches
pass over, their spells dissolved, and the people re
covering their true sight, restoring their government
to its true principles. It is true, that in the mean
time, we are suffering deeply in spirit, and incurring
the horrors of a war, and long oppressions of enor
mous public debt. But who can say what would be
the evils of a scission, and when and where they
would end? Better keep together as we are, haul
off from Europe as soon as we can, and from all at
tachments to any portions of it ; and if they show
their power just sufficiently to hoop us together, it
will be the happiest situation in which we can exist.
If the game runs sometimes against us at home, we

266 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
must have patience till luck turns, and then we shall
have an opportunity of winning back the principles
we have lost. For this is a game where principles
are the stake. Better luck, therefore, to us all, and
health, happiness and friendly salutations to yourself.
Adieu. P. S. It is hardly necessary to caution you to let
nothing of mine get before the public ; a single sen
tence got hold of by the Porcupines, will suffice to
abuse and persecute me in their papers for months.

TO J.\MES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphla June 7. 98.
I wrote you last on the 31st since which yours of
the 27th of May is received. The alien bill when we
had nearly got through it, on the 2d reading (on a
report from the committee of the whole) was referred
to a special committee, by a vote of it's friends (12)
against 11. who thought it could be rejected on the
question for the 3d reading. It is reported again
very much softened, and if the proviso can be added
to It, saving treaties, it will be less objectionable than
I thought It possible to have obtained. Still It would
place aliens not protected by treaties [illegible] abso
lute government. They have brought into the lower-
house a sedition bill, which among other enormities,
undertakes to make printing certain matters criminal,
tho' one of the amendments to the Constitution has
so expressly taken religion, printing presses &c. out

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 267
of their coercion. Indeed this bill & the alien bill
both are so palpably in the teeth of the Constitution
as to shew they mean to pay no respect to it. The
citizen bill passed by the lower house sleeps in a
Committee of the Senate. In the mean time
Callendar, a principal object of it, has eluded it,
by getting himself made a citizen. Volney is gone.
So is Dupont, the rejected consul. The bill suspend
ing intercourse with the French dominions will pass
the Senate today with a small amendment. The
real object of this bill is to evade the counter-irrita
tions of the English who under the late orders for
taking all vessels from French ports, are now taking
as many of our vessels as the French. By forbid
ding our vessels to go to or from French ports we
remove the pabulum for these violations of our
rights by the English, undertaking to do the work
for them ourselves in another way. The tax on lands,
houses, & slaves is still before the H. of R. They
have determined to have the houses & lands valued
separately though to pay the same tax ad valorem,
but they avow that when they shall have got at the
number & value of houses, they shall be free here
after to tax houses separately, as by an indirect tax.
This is to avoid the quotaing of which they cannot
bear the idea. Requeries under a quotaing law can
only shift the burthen from one part to another of the
same state ; but relieve them from the bridle of the
quota & all requeries go to the relief of the states.
So odious Is the quota to the N. E. members that
many think they will not pass the bill at all. The

268 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
question of adjournment was lost by two votes. Had
our members been here it would have been carried
& much mischief prevented. I think now they will
make their session permanent. I have therefore in
my letters of today ordered my horses to be at
Fredsbg on the 24. & shall probably be with you on
the 25th or 26th. I send you further communications
from our envoys. To these I believe I may add
on good grounds that Pinckney is gone with his
family into the south of France for the health of
his daughter. Marshal to Amsterdam (but whether
coming here for instructions or not is a secret not
entrusted to us) & Gerry remains at Paris. It is
rumored & I believe with probability that there is a
schism between Gerry & his colleagues. Perhaps
the directory may make a treaty with Gerry, if they
can get through it before the brig Sophia takes him
off. She sailed the ist of April. It is evident from
these communications that our envoys had not the
least idea of a war between the two countries ; much
less that their dispatches are the cause of it. I men
tioned to you in my last that I expected they would
bring in a bill to declare the treaty with France void.
Dwight Foster yesterday brought in resolutions for
that purpose, & for authorizing general reprisals on
the French armed vessels : & such is their prepon
derance by the number & t'alents of our absentees
withdrawing from us that they will carry it. Never
was any event so important to this country since it's
revolution, as the issue of the invasion of England.
With that we shall stand or fall. Colo. Jones's situ-

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 269
ation is desperate. Every day is now expected to
be his last. The petition for the reform of the
British parliament enclosed in your last shall be dis
posed of as you desire. And the first vessel for
Fredericksburg will carry your locks, hinges, pulleys
& glass. My respectful salutations to Mrs. Madison
& the family. Friendship & adieus to yourself

TO ARCHIBALD STUART.' Philadelphia. June 8. 98.
Dear Sir, — I inclose you some further communi
cations from our envoys at Paris. To the informa
tion contained in these I can add that by the latest
accounts Mr. Pinckney was gone into the south of
France for the health of his family, Mr. Marshall to
Amsterdam, and Mr. Gerry remained at Paris. It
appears that neither themselves nor the French gov
ernment dreamt of war between the two countries.
It seems also fairly presumable that the douceur of
50,000 Guineas mentioned in the former dispatches
was merely from X. and Y. as not a word is ever said
by Taleyrand to our envoys, nor by them to him on
the subject. It is now thought possible that Gerry
may be pursuing the treaty for he was always viewed
with more favor by the French government than his
collegues whom they considered as personally hos
tile to them. It seems they offered to pay in time
for unjustifiable spoliations, and insist on a present
' From the original in the possession of the Virginia Historical Society.

270 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
loan (and it would be much more than an equivalent).
There seems nothing to prevent a conclusion, unless
indeed the brig Sophia should arrive too soon &
bring him away. She sailed from hence the ist of
April with positive orders to the envoys to come
away. In the meantime, besides accumulating irrita
tions we are proceeding to actual hostilities. You
will have seen in the papers the bills already passed,
and the measures now proposed. Every thing will
be carried which is proposed. Nobody denies but
that France has given just cause of war, but so has
Gr. Britain & she is now capturing our vessels as
much as France, but the question was one merely of
prudence, whether seeing that both powers in order
to injure one another, bear down every thing in their
way, without regard to the rights of others, spoliat
ing equally Danes, Swedes & Americans, it would
not be more prudent in us to bear with it as the
Danes & Swedes do, curtailing our commerce, and
waiting for the moment of peace, when it is probable
both nations would for their own interest & honour
retribute for their wrongs. However the public
mind has been artfully inflamed by publications well
calculated to deceive them & them only and espe
cially in the towns, and irritations have been multi
plied so as to shut the door of accomodation, and war
is now inevitable. I imagine that France will do lit
tle with us till she has made her peace with England,
which, whether her invasion succeeds or fails, must
be made this summer and autumn. The game on
both sides is too heavy to be continued. When she

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. ztl
shall turn her arms on us, I imagine it will be chiefly
against our commerce and fisheries. If any thing is
attempted by land it will probably be to the west
ward. Our great expence will be in equipping a navy
to be lost as fast as equipped, or to be maintained at
an expence which will sink us with itself, as the like
course is sinking Great Britain. Of the two millions
of Dollars now to be raised by a tax on lands, houses
& slaves, Virginia is to furnish between 3 & 400,000
but this is not more than half of the actual expence
if the provisional army be raised, nor one tenth of
what must be the annual expences. I see no way in
which we can Injure France so as to advance to ne
gociation (as we must do in the end) on better ground
than at present and I believe it will thus appear to
our citizens generally as soon as the present fervor
cools down and there will be many sedatives to effect
this. For the present however, nothing can be done.
Silence and patience are necessary for a while ; and I
must pray you, as to what I now write, to take care
it does not get out of your own hand, nor a breath
of it in a newspaper. I wrote to Mr. Clarke some
time ago mentioning that I had been here for six
months advancing for all the nail rods for my nailery
without the possibility of receiving any thing from it
till my return. That this will render it necessary to
receive immediately on my return whatever sums my
customers may have in hand for me. I yesterday
received a letter from him informing me he had left
Staunton, & with our approbation had turned over
my matters to a Mr. John McDowell. As I am not

272 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
acquainted with him, nor as yet in correspondence
with him, will you be so good as to mention to him
that I shall have great need of whatever sum he may
have on hand for me, as soon as I return, and should
be very glad if he could lodge it with Col° Bell by
our July court, at which I shall be, or if no convey
ance occurs he can send me a line by post to Char
lottesville informing me what sum I can count on.
His future orders for nails I shall be able to attend
to in person. I leave this for MonticeUo on the 2d^.
inst. The adjournment of Congress is not yet fixed.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphla, June 21, 98.
Yours of the loth inst is received. I expected
mine of the 14th would have been my last from
hence, as I had proposed to have set out on the 20th ;
but on the morning of the 1 9th, we heard of the ar
rival of Marshall at New York and I concluded to
stay & see whether that circumstance would produce
any new projects. No doubt he there received more
than hints from Hamilton as to the tone required to
be assumed. Yet I apprehend he is not hot enough
for his friends. Livingston came with him from
New York. M told him they had no idea in France
of a war with us. That Taleyrand sent passports to
him & Pinckney, but none for Gerry. Upon this,
Gerry staid, without explaining to them the reason.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 273
He wrote, however, to the President by Marshall,
who knew nothing of the contents of the letter. So
that there must have been a previous understanding
between Taleyrand & Gerry. M was received here
with the utmost eclat. The Secretary of state &
many carriages, with all the city cavalry, went to
Frankfort to meet him, and on his arrival here in the
evening, the bells rung till late in the night, & im
mense crowds were collected to see & make part of
the shew, which was circuitously paraded through
the streets before he was set down at the city tavern.
All this was to secure him to their views, that he
might say nothing which would expose the game they
have been playing. Since his arrival I can hear of
nothing directly from him, while they are disseminat
ing through the town things, as from him, diametrically
opposite to what he said to Livingston. Dr Logan,
about a fortnight ago, sailed for Hamburg. Tho for
a twelvemonth past he had been intending to go to
Europe as soon as he could get money enough to
carry him there, yet when he had accomplished this,
and fixed a time for going, he very unwisely made a
mystery of it : so that his disappearance without
notice excited conversation. This was seized by the
war hawks, and given put as a secret mission from
the Jacobins here to solicit an army from France, in
struct them as to their landing, &c. This extrava
gance produced a real panic among the citizens ; &
happening just when Bache published Taleyrand's
letter. Harper, on the i8th, gravely announced to the
He of R, that there existed a traitorous correspond-
VOL, VII.— 18

274 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
ence between the Jacobins here and the French Di
rectory ; that he had got hold of some threads &
clues of it, and would soon be able to develop the
whole. This increased the alarm ; their libelists im
mediately set to work, directly & indirectly to impli
cate whom they pleased. Porcupine gave me a
principal share in it, as I am told, for I never read
his papers. This state of things added to my reasons
for not departing at the time I intended. These fol
lies seem to have died away in some degree already.
Perhaps I may renew my purpose by the 25th. Their
system is, professedly, to keep up an alarm. Tracy,
at the meeting of the joint committee for adjourn
ment, declared it necessary for Congress to stay to
gether to keep up the inflammation of the public
mind ; and Otis expressed a similar sentiment since.
However, they will adjourn. The opposers of ad
journment in Senate, yesterday agreed to adjourn on
the loth of July. But I think the ist of July will be
carried. That is one of the objects which detains
myself, as well as one or two more of the Senate,
who had got leave of absence. I imagine it will be
decided to-morrow or next day. To separate Con
gress now, will be withdrawing the fire from under a
boiling pot.
Your commissioners here are all In readiness, but
no vessel for Fredericksburg has yet occurred.
My respectful salutations to mrs. Madison, & the
family, & cordial friendship to yourself
P. M. A message to both houses this day from
the Prt, with the following communications.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 275
Mar 23. Pickering's letter to the envoys, directing them, if they are not
actually eng^ed in negociation with authorized persons, or not conducted bona
fide, & not merely for procrastination, to break up & come home, and at any
rate to consent to no loan.
Apr 3. Talleyrand to Gerry. He supposes the other two gentlemen, per
ceiving that their known principles are an obstacle to negociation, will leave
the republic, and proposing to renew the negociations with Gerry immediately.
Apr 4. Gerry to Taleyrand. Disclaims a power to conclude anything sepa
rately, can only confer informally & as an unaccredited individual, reserving to
lay everything before the government of the U S for approbation.
Apr 14. Gerry to the President. He communicates the preceding, and
hopes the President will send other persons instead of his collegues & himself,
if it shall appear that anything can be done.
The President's message says, that as the instruc
tions were not to consent to any loan, he considers
the negociation as at an end, and that he will never
send another minister to France, until he shall be
assured that he will be received and treated with the
respect due to a great, powerful, free & independent
nation. A bill is brought into the Senate this day, to de
clare the treaties with France void, prefaced by a list
of grievances in the style of a manifesto. It passed
to the 2d. reading by 14 to 5.
A bill for punishing forgeries of bank paper, passed
to the 3d. reading by 14 to 6. Three of the 14.
(Laurence, Bingham & Read) bank directors.

TO SAMUEL SMITH. J- mss.

MONTICELLO, Aug. 22, 98.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of Aug 4 came to hand by
our last post, together with the " extract of a letter
from a gentleman of Philadelphia, dated July 10," cut

276 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
from a newspaper stating some facts which respect
me. I shall notice these facts. The writer says that
"the day after the last despatches were communi
cated to Congress, Bache, Leib, &c., and a Dr. Rey
nolds were closeted sffith. me." If the receipt of visits
in my public room, the door continuing free to every
one who should call at the same time, may be called
closeting, then it is true that I was closeted with every
person who visited me ; in no other sense is it true as
to any person. I sometimes received visits from Mr.
Bache & Dr. Leib. I received them always with
pleasure, because they are men of abilities, and of
principles the most friendly to liberty & our present
form of government. Mr. Bache has another claim
on my respect, as being the grandson of Dr. Franklin,
the greatest man & ornament of the age and country
in which he lived. Whether I was visited by Mr.
Bache or Dr Leib the day after the communication
referred to, I do not remember. I know that all my
motions at Philadelphia, here, and everywhere, are
watched & recorded. Some of these spies, therefore,
may remember better than I do, the dates of these
visits. If they say these two gentlemen visited me
on the day after the communications, as their trade
proves their accuracy, I shall not contradict them,
tho' I affirm that I do not recollect it. However, as
to Dr. Reynolds I can be more particular, because I
never saw him but once, which was on an introduc
tory visit he was so kind as to pay me. This, I well
remember, was before the communication alluded to,
& that during the short conversation I had with him.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 277
not one word was said on the subject of any of the
communications. Not that I should not have spoken
freely on their subject to Dr. Reynolds, as I should
also have done to the letter writer, or to any other
person who should have introduced the subject. I
know my own principles to be pure, & therefore am
not ashamed of them. On the contrary, I wish them
known, & therefore willingly express them to every
one. They are the same I have acted on from the
year 1775 to this day, and are the same, I am sure,
with those of the great body of the American people.
I only wish the real principles of those who censure
mine were also known. But warring against those
of the people, the delusion of the people is necessary
to the dominant party. I see the extent to which
that delusion has been already carried, and I see
there is no length to which it may not be pushed by
a party in possession of the revenues & the legal
authorities of the U S, for a short time indeed, but
yet long enough to admit much particular mischief
There is no event, therefore, however atrocious,
which may not be expected. I have contemplated
every event which the Maratists of the day can per
petrate, and am prepared to meet ever)' one in such
a way, as shall not be derogatory either to the pub
lic liberty or my own personal honor. The letter
writer says, I am "for peace; but It is only with
France." He has told half the truth. He would
have told the whole, if he had added England. I
am for peace with both countries. I know that both
of them have given, & are daily giving, sufficient

278 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
cause of war ; that in defiance of the laws of nation.s,
they are every day trampling on the rights of all the
neutral powers, whenever they can thereby do the
least Injury, either to the other But, as I view a
peace between France & England the ensuing winter
to be certain, I have thought It would have been bet
ter for us to continue to bear from France through
the present summer, what we have been bearing both
from her & England these four years, and still con
tinue to bear from England, and to have required
indemnification in the hour of peace, when I verily
believe it would have been yielded by both. This
seems to be the plan of the other neutral nations ;
and whether this, or the commencing war on one of
them, as we have done, would have been wisest, time
& events must decide. But I am quite at a loss
on what ground the letter writer can question the
opinion, that France had no Intention of making war
on us, & was willing to treat with Mr Gerry, when
we have this from Taleyrand's letter, and from the
written and verbal information of our envoys. It is
true then, that, as with England, we might of right
have chosen either peace or war, & have chosen
peace, and prudently In my opinion, so with France,
we might also of right have chosen either peace or
war, & we have chosen war Whether the choice
may be a popular one in the other States, I know
not. Here it certainly is not ; & I have no doubt
the whole American people will rally ere long to the
same sentiment, & rejudge those who, at present,
think they have all judgment in their own hands.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 279
These observations will show you, how far the im
putations in the paragraph sent me approach the
truth. Yet they are not intended for a newspaper.
At a very early period of my life, I determined never
to put a sentence into any newspaper. I have re
ligiously adhered to the resolution through my life,
and have great reason to be contented with it. Were
I to undertake to answer the calumnies of the news
papers, it would be more than all my own time, & that
of 20. aids could effect. For while I should be answer
ing one, twenty new ones would be Invented. I have
thought it better to trust to the justice of my country
men, that they would judge me by what they see of
my conduct on the stage where they have placed me,
& what they knew of me before the epoch since which
a particular party has supposed it might answer some
view of theirs to vilify me in the public eye. Some,
I know, will not reflect how apocryphal is the testi
mony of enemies so palpably betraying the views
with which they give it. But this is an Injury to
which duty requires every one to submit whom the
pubhc think proper to call into it's councils. I thank
you, my dear Sir, for the interest you have taken for
me on this occasion. Though I have made up my
mind not to suffer calumny to disturb my tranquillity,
yet I retain all my sensibilities for the approbation of
the good & just. That is, indeed, the chief consola
tion for the hatred of so many, who, without the least
personal knowledge, & on the sacred evidence of
Porcupine & Fenno alone, cover me with their im
placable hatred. The only return I will ever make

28o THE WRITINGS OF [1798
them, will be to do them all the good I can, in spite
of their teeth.
I have the pleasure to Inform you that all your
friends in this quarter are well, and to assure you of
the sentiments of sincere esteem & respect with which
I am, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

TO ARCHIB.'VLD HAMILTON ROWAN. j. MSS.
MONTICELLO, Sep. 26, 98.
Sir, — To avoid the suspicions & curiosity of the
post office, which would have been excited by seeing
your name and mine on the back of a letter, I have
delayed acknoleging the receipt of your favor of July
last, till an occasion to write to an inhabitant of Wil
mington gives me an opportunity of putting my
letter under cover to him. The system of alarm &
jealousy which has been so powerfully played off In
England, has been mimicked here, not entirely with
out success. The most long-sighted politician could
not, seven years ago, have imagined that the people
of this wide-extended country could have been envel
oped in such delusion, and made so much afraid of
themselves and their own power, as to surr'ender it
spontaneously to those who are manoeuvring them
into a form of government, the principal branches of
which may be beyond their control. The commerce
of England, however, has spread its roots over the
whole face of our country. This is a real source of
all the obliquities of the public mind ; and I should
have had doubts of the ultimate term they might

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 281
attain ; but happily, the game, to be worth the playing
of those engaged in it, must flush them with money.
The authorized expenses of this year are beyond
those of any year in the late war for independence,
& they are of a nature to beget great & constant ex
penses. The purse of the people is the real seat of
sensibility. It is to be drawn upon largely, and they
will then listen to truths which could not excite them
through any other organ. In this State, however,
the delusion has not prevailed. They are sufficiently
on their guard to have justified the assurance, that
should you chuse it for your asylum, the laws of the
land, administered by upright judges, would protect
you from any exercise of power unauthorized by the
Constitution of the United States. The Habeas
corpus secures every man here, alien or citizen, against
everything which Is not law, whatever shape it may
assume. Should this, or any other circumstance,
draw your footsteps this way, I shall be happy to be
among those who may have an opportunity of testi
fying, by every attention in our power, the sentiments
of esteem & respect which the circumstances of your
history have inspired, and which are peculiarly felt by.
Sir, your most obedient, and most humble servant.
TO WILSON CARY NICHOLAS.^ j. mss.
MONTICELLO Oct. 5. 98.
Dr. Sir, — I enUrely approve of the confidence you
have reposed in mr Bracken ridge, as he possesses
'"See his letter of Oct. 4. 98. to which this is an answer. Copy of a letter
time not permitting a press copy this was immediately written from recollec
tion & is nearly verbal." — T. y.

282 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
mine entirely. I had Imagined it better those reso
lutions should have originated with N. Carolina.
But perhaps the late changes in their representation
may indicate some doubt whether they could have
passed. In that case it Is better they should come
from Kentucky. I understand you intend soon to go
as far as mr Madison's. You know of course I have
no secrets for him. I wish him therefore to be con
sulted as to these resolutions. The post boy waiting
at the door obliges me to finish here with assurances
of the esteem of Dr Sir your friend & servt.

TO STEPHENS THOMPSON MASON. J. mss.
MONTICELLO, Oct II, 98.
Dear Sir, — I received lately a letter from mr Cal
lendar to which the inclosed is an answer After
perusing it, be so good to stick a wafer in it and
(after it is dry) deliver it. You will perceive that I
propose to you the trouble of drawing for 50. D. for
mr Callendar on my correspondent in Richmond,
George Jefferson, merchant. This is to keep his
name out of sight. Make your draught if you please
in some such form as this ' Pay to  or order,
(or ' Send me in bank bills by post) 50. Dollars on
account of Thom.as Jefferson according to advice re
ceived from him &c.' I shall immediately direct him
to pay such a draught from you, without mentioning
to him the purpose. I have to thank you for your
favor of July 6. from Philadelphia. I did not Imme
diately acknolege it, because I knew you would be

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 283
come away. The X. Y. Z. fever has considerably
abated through the country, as I am informed, and
the alien & sedition laws are working hard. I fancy
that some of the State legislatures will take strong
ground on this occasion. For my own part, I con
sider those laws as merely an experiment on the
American mind, to see how far it will bear an avowed
violation of the constitution. If this goes down we
shall immediately see attempted another act of Con
gress, declaring that the President shall continue in
office during life, reserving to another occasion the
transfer of the succession to his heirs, and the estab
lishment of the Senate for life. At least, this may
be the aim of the Oliverians, while Monk & the
Cavaliers (who are perhaps the strongest) may be
playing their game for the restoration of his most
gracious Majesty George the Third. That these
things are in contemplation, I have no doubt ; nor
can I be confident of their failure, after the dupery
of which our countrymen have shewn themselves
susceptible. You promised to endeavor to send me some tenants.
I am waiting for them, having broken up two excel
lent farms with 12. fields in them of 40. acres each,
some of which I have sowed with small grain,
Tenants of any size may be accommodated with the
number of fields suited to their force. Only send
me good people, and write me what they are. Adieu.
Yours affectionately.

284 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
PETITION ON ELECTION OF JURORS.' [October 1798.]
To the General Assembly of the Commonwealth of Virginia
The Petition of Sundry persons inhabitants of the county of
Albermarle and citizens of the said Commonwealth respectfully
sheweth. That though civil govmt. duly framed and administered be one
of the greatest blessings and most powerful instruments for pro
curing safety and happiness to men collected in large societies,
yet such is the proneness of those to whom its powers are neces
sarily deputed to pervert them to the attainment of personal
wealth and dominion & to the utter oppression of their fellow-
men, that it has become questionable whether the condition of
our aboriginal neighbors who live without laws or magistracies be
not preferable to that of the great mass of the nations of the
earth who feel their laws and magistrates but in the weight of
their burthens. That the citizens of these U. S. impressed with
this mortifying truth when they deposed the abusive govmt under
which they have lived, founded their new forms, as well particu
lar as general in that fact and principle, that the people them
selves are the safest deposit of power, and that none therefore
should be trusted to others which they can competently exercise
themselves, that their own experience having proved that the
people are competent to the appointment or election of their
agents, that of their chief executive magistrates was reserved to
be made by themselves or by others chosen by themselves : as
Tvas also the choice of their legislatures whether composed of one
or more branches : that in the judiciary department, sensible that
they were inadequate to questions of law, these we're in ordinary
cases confided to permanent judges, reserving to juries only ex
traordinary cases where a bias in the permanent judge might be
suspected, and where honest ignorance would be safer than per
verted science : and reserving to themselves also the whole de
partment of fact which constitutes indeed the great mass of
judiciary litigations : that the wisdom of these reservations will
' See letters to Madison of October 26, 1798, and to John Taylor of Novem
ber 26, 1798.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 285
be apparent on a recurrence to the history of that country from
which we chiefly emigrated, where the faint glimmerings of
liberty and safety now remaining to the nation are kept in feeble
hfe by the reserved powers of the people only. That in the
establishment of the trial by jury, however, a great inconsistence
has been overlooked in this and some others of the states, or
rather has been copied from their original without due attention :
for while the competence of the people to the appointmt even of
the highest executive and the legislative agents is admitted &
established, and their competence to be themselves the triers of
judiciary facts, the appointment of the special individuals from
among themselves who shall be such triers of fact has not beea
left in their hands, but has been placed by law in officers depen
dent on the executive or judiciary bodies : that triers of fact are
therefore habitually taken in this state from among accidental
bystanders and too often composed of foreigners attending on
matters of business and of idle persons collected for purposes of
dissipation, and in cases interesting to the powers of the public
functionaries may be specially selected from descriptions of per
sons to be found in every country, whose ignorance or depend-
ance renders them pliable to the will and designs of power. That
in others of these states, [and particularly in those to the east
ward of the union,'] this germ of rottedness in the constitution
of juries has been carefully excluded, and their laws have pro
vided with laudable foresight for the appointment of jurors by
selectmen chosen by the people themselves : and to a like restitu
tion of principle and salutary precaution against the abuse of
power by the public functionaries, who never did yet in any
country fail to betray and oppress those for the care of whose
affairs they were appointed, by force if they possessed it, or by
fraud and delusion if they did not, your petitioners pray the
timely attention of their legislature, while that legislature (and
with a heartfelt satisfaction the petitioners pronounce it) are still
honest enough to wish the preservation of the rights of the peo
ple, and wise enough to circumscribe in time the spread of that
gangrene which sooner than many are aware may reach the vitals
of our political existence. ' This clause is struck out in MS.

286 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
And lest it should be supposed that the popular appointmt of
jurors may scarcely be practicable in a state so exclusive and cir
cumstanced as ours, your petitioners will undertake to suggest
one mode, not presumg to propose it for the adoption of the legis
lature, but firmly relying that their wisdom will devise a better :
they observe then that by a law already passed for the establish
ment of schools provision has been made for laying off every
county into districts or precincts ; that this division which offers
so many valuable resources for the purposes of information, of
justice, of order and police, may be recurred to for the object
now in contemplation, and may be completed for this purpose
where it has not been done for the other, and the inhabitants of
every precinct may meet at a given time and place in their pre
cinct and in the presence of the constable or other head officer of
the precinct, elect from among themselves some one to be a juror,
that from among those so chosen in every county some one may
be designated by lot, who shall attend the ensuing session of the
federal court within the state to act as grand and petty jurors,
one of those from every senatorial district being designated by
lot for a grand juror, and the residue attending to serve as petty
jurors to be in like manner designated by lot in every particular
case : that of the others so chosen in every county composing a
district for the itinerant courts of this Commonwealth so many
may be taken by lot as shall suffice for grand and petty juries for
the district court next ensuing their election ; and the residue so
chosen in each county may attend their own county courts for
the same purposes till another election, or if too numerous the
supernumeraries may be discharged by lot : and that such com
pensation may be allowed for these services as without rendering
the office an object worth canvassing may yet protect the juror
from actual loss. That an institution on this outline, or such
better as the wisdom of the Gen. ass. will devise, so modified as
to guard it against the intrigue of parties, the influence of power,
or irregularities of conduct, and further matured from time to
time as experience shall develop its imperfections, may long pre
serve the trial by jury, in its pure and original spirit, as the true
tribunal of the people, for a mitigation in the execution of hard
laws when the power of preventing their passage is lost, and may

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 287
afford some protection to persecuted man, whether alien or
citizen, which the aspect of the times warns we may want.
And your petitioners, waiving the expression of many important
considerations which will offer themselves readily to the reflec
tion of the general assembly, pray them to take the premises into
deep and serious consideration and to do therein for their coun
try what their wisdom shall deem best, and they as in duty bound
shall ever pray &c.

TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
Oct. 26th. 98.
The day after you left us, I sat down and wrote
the petition I mentioned to you. It is not yet correct
enough, & I enclose you a copy to which I pray your
corrections, and to return it by the next post, that it
may be set in motion. On turning to the judiciary
law of the U. S. I find they established the designa
tion of jurors by lot or otherwise as NOW practised
in the several states ; should this prevent, in the first
moment the execution of so much of the proposed
law, as respects the federal courts, the people will be
in possession of the right of electing jurors as to the
state courts, & either Congress will agree to con
form their courts to the same rule, or they will be
loaded with an odium in the eyes of the people gen
erally which will force the matter through. I will
send you a copy of the other paper by Richardson,
Do not send for him till Monday sennight, because
that gives us another post-day to warn you of any
unexpected delays in winding up his work here for
the season, which, tho' I do not foresee, may yet
happen. Adieu affectionately.

288 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, November 17, 1798.
Mr. Richardson has been detained by several jobs
indespensible to .the progress of the carpenters, & to
the securing what is done against winter. When will
Whitten be done with you ? or could you by any
means dispense with his services till I set out for
Philadelphia ? My floors can only be laid while I am
at home, and I can not get a workman here. Per
haps you have some other with you or near you who
could go on with your work till his return to you. I
only mention these things that if you have any other
person who could enable you to spare him a few
weeks, I could employ him to much accommodation
till my departure in laying my floors. But in this
consult your own convenience only.
I enclose you a copy of the draught of the Ken
tucky resolves. I think we should distinctly affirm
all the Important principles they contain, so as to hold
to that ground in future, and leave the matter in such
a train as that we may not be committed absolutely
to push the matter to extremities, & yet may be free
to push as far as events will render prudent. I think
to set out so as to arrive in Philadelphia the Saturday
before Christmas. My friendly respects to mrs.
Madison, to your father & family ; health, happiness
& adieu to yourself
40. lbs. of [ ] nails @ \\\di per lb. were sent this
morning, being all we had. They contained (accord
ing to the count of a single pound) 314 X 40 =
12.560.

KENTUCKY LEGISLATURE.

In the Houfe of Reprefentatives,
NOVEiilBER loi/;, 1798.
THE HOUSE acMrimg to the (landing Order of the
Day, refolvcd itfelf into a Committee of the Whole
on the Aate of the Commonwealth,
Mr. CALDWELL in the Chair,
And after fometime fpent therein the Speaker refumed
the Chair, and Mr. Caldwell reported, that the Com
mittee liad according to order had under confideration
the Governor's Addrefs, and had come to die follow
ing Resolutions thereupon, which lie delivered in
at the Cleric's table, where they were twice read and
agreed to i)y the Houle.
I. T> ESOLVED, that the feveralftates
J^ compoflng the United States of
America, are not united on the ptinciple
of unlimited fabniiffion to their General
Government ; but that by compadt under
the ftyle aad title of a Conflitution. for
the United States and of amendments
thereto, they conllitnted a General Go
vernment for fpecial purpofes, delegated
to that Government certain definite pow.
ers, referving each ftate to itfelf, the re-
fiduary mafs of right to their own felf
Government; and that whenfoever the
General Government affnmes undelegated
powers, itsafts are unauthoritative, void,
and of no force: That to tliis compaA
each ftate acceded as a 'ftate, and i? an
integral party,, its co-ftates forming as to
itfolf, the other party ; That the Govern
ment created by this compaft vi'as not
raade the excUifive or final judge of the
extent ofthe powers delegated to itfelf;
fince that virould have made its dtfcretion,
aad not the conftitution, the meafure of
its powers ; bnt that as in all other cafes
of compaft anaongpartieshaviug no com
mon Jaige, each party has an equal right
to judge for itfelf, as well of infraftions
as of the mode and.mcafure ©f redrefs.
_ n. Refolved. that the Conftitution of
th* United States haviiii? delegated to
Cocgreft a power to punifli crcafor, ooun-

tetfeiting the fecuritlea andjiciirnent coin
ofthe United States, piraciaslhndifelonies
committed cn the High SeajyiiSnd offen
ces againft the laws of nation3-,^and no o-
ther crimes whatever, and it being trne
as a general .principle, and one of the
amendments to the Conftitution having
alfo declared, " that the powers not de
legated to the United States by the Con
ftitution, nor prohibited by it to theftates,
are referved to the ftates refpe&ively, or
to the people," therefore alfo the fame
aft of Congref? paffed on the 14th day of
July, 1798, and entitled " An aft in ad
dition to the aft entitled an aft for the
punifhment of certain crimes againft the
United States;" as alfo the aft paffed by
them on the 27th day of June, 1798, enti
tled " An aft to punifli frauds committed
on the Banic of the United States" (and
all olhsr their afts which affume to cre
ate, define, or pnnlfti crimes other than
tbofe enumerated in the conftitution) are
altogether void and of no force, and that
the power to create, defint-, and punilh
Aich other crimes is referved, and of right
appertains folely aud exclufively to the
refpeftive ftates, each within its own
Territory. III. Refolved, that it is true as a gene
ral principle, and is alfo exprefsly declar-
ed by one of the amendments to the Con
ftitution that " the powers not delegated
to the United States by the Conftitutioo,
nor proliibited by it to the ftates, are re
ferved to the ftates refpeftively or to the
people;" and that no power over the
freedom of religion, freedom of fpeech,
or freedom of the prefs he\a<i delegated
to the United States by the Conftitution,
nor prohibited by it to ths ftates, all law
fnl powers refpcfting the fame did of
right remain, and were referved. to the
(fates, or to the people: That thus wa»
manifefted their determination to retaiii
to themfeWes the right of judging how-
far the licentioufnefs of fpeech and of the
prefs mav be abridged without lefTening"
their ufefiil freedom, and how far thofa
abiifes which cannot be /cparated from,

'lielr ufe, (ho'.ild'be tolerated rather than
the ufe be deftroyed ; and thivi alfo they
guarded againft all abridgement by the
United States of the freedom- of religious
opinions and exercifes, and retained to
tliemfel'veb the right of protefling ihe
fame, as this flate by a Law palTed on the
general demand of its Citizens, had alrea
dy protefted them from all human ref-
irainc or interference : And that in ad
dition to this general principle and ex-
prefs declaration, another and more
fpecial provilion has been made by one of
the amendments to tile Conftitution which
e.^prefsly declares, that •' Congrefs (Hall
make no law refpefting an EftabliQiment
of religion, or prohibiting the free exer-
cife thereof, or abridging the freedom of
fpeech, or of the prefs,^' thereby guarding
in the fame fentence, ancl under the fame
'syords, the freedom of religion, *f fpeech,
and of the prefs, infomuch, that whatever
violate! either, throws down the fanftu-
ary which covers the others, and that li
bels, falfehoods., and defamation, equally
witli hercfy and falfe religion, are with
held from the cognizance of federal tri
bunals. Tbat. therefore the aft of the
Congrefs of the United States paffcti on
the 14th -day of July T798, entitled " An
aft iu addition tothe aft foe the punifli-
ment of certain crimes againft the United
States," which does abridge the freedom
^)f the prefs, is not law, but is altogether
void and of no effeft.
IV. Refofved, that all?n friends are
iiuder the jurifdiftion and proteftion of
tho laws ofthe ftate wherein they are;
that no power over them has been dele-
g-ited to tho United State?, noi prohibit
ed to the individual ftates diftinft from
their power over citizens; and it being
true as a general principle, and one of the
iimendm.ents to the Conftitution having
alfo declarred, that " the.powers not de-
Jcsated to the United States by xhe Con
ftitution nor prohibited by it to the ftatcS
are refsrved to the ftates refpeftively or
lotne people," the aft ofthe Congrcftof
the United States pafTed on the 2Jd day
of June, 1798, entitled" .'^naft concern
ing allejis,"' which alTrnies power -over
Jlien friends.not de!eg>itcd by the Confti

tution, )S not laWj but is a'ltogclhetvow!
and of no force.
V, Refolved, that in additio.i to the
general principle as well 'as the exprelti
declaration, that powers not delegated
are referved, another and. more fpecial
provilion inferted intlie Conftitutioiiirotu.
abundant caution has declared," "' that
the migration or importation of fuch per-
fons as any of the ftates now exift'ng (liail
think proper to admit, Ihall not be pro
hibited by the Gqngrefs prior to the.year
1808." That this Common-wealth does
admit the migration of alien friends def-
cribed as the fubjeft ofthe faiil aft con
cerning aliens; that a provifion againft
prohibiting their migration, is a provifion
againft all afts equivalent thereto, or it
would be nugatory.; that to remove them
wheivmigrated is eauivalejit .to a proiii.
bitioii of their migration, and is there
fore contrary to the faid provifion of the
Conftitution, and void.
VI. Refolved, that the Imprifonment
of a pcrfon under the proteftion of the
Laws^)f this Commonwealih on hisfailure
to obey the fim pie ortfer of tlie Prefident
to depart otit of the United States, as is
undertaken by the faid aft entitled "An
aft concerning Aliens,'' is contrary to the
Conftitution, one ainendmeitt to which has
provided, tliar " no perfon (hall be de
prived of liberty without due procefs of
law " and that another having provided
" that in all criminal profecutions, tha
accufed lliall enjoy the right to fl public
.trial by an impartial inry, to be informed
of the nature and caufeof thffacctifation,
(tobe confronted wiibthewitncffes ajainft
him, to have compulfory procefs for ob
taining witnelTes inhisfavour, and tohave
the afliftance of counfel for' his defence,"
the fame aft undertaking- to "authorize
the Prefident to remove a perfou out of
the United States who it under the pro
teftion of the Law, on his~own ftifpicioH;
without accufstion, witlioiit jury', with-
01. public trial, without confrontation
ofthe witneffes againft him, without Iiav.
ing witnciTei in hi# fa.vour, -Witnou: lie-
fence, wiiliout counfel," is contrary to
thefe provifious alfo of the ConftitutiOif*

Is thereiore- not la-w hut lUterlwoiil and
of no force.
That transferring the power of judging
any perfon who is under the proteftion of
rhelaws. from the Courts to the Prefident
of the United Statfes, as is undertaken by
the fame aft concerning Aliens, is againft
the article of the Conftituiion which pro'.
vldes, that " the judicial power of the
United States Ihall be vefted in Courts,
the Judges of which /hall hold their offices
daring good, behaviour," and thatthe faid
aft Is void for that reafon alfo ; and it is
further to be noted, th«t this transfer of
Judiciary power is to that magiflrate of
the General Government who already
pofleffes all'the Executive, and a qualified
negmlve in all the Lcgiflative powers,
VII, Refolved, that the conftruftion.
upplied by the General Government (as is
evinced by .fundry of their proceedings)
to thofe pans of the Conftitution of. the
United States which delegate to Congrefs
a power to lay-and coUeft taxes, duties,
impofts, and excifes; to pay the debts,
und provide for the common defence, and
general welfare ofthe United States, aud
to make all laws which ihall be necelfary
andpropcrfor carrying into executiontlie
powers vefted, by the Conftitution iu. the
Go Jcrnment of the United States, or any^.
department thereof, goes to the - deftrur-
tioo of all ihe limits prcfcribed to their
power by the Conftitution — Tliat words
meant by thatinftrumcnt to bc-fubfiduary
•Milyto the execution of -the limited pow
ers, ought not to be fo conftrued.as.thctar.
feives to give unlimited i-owers,nor a part
fo tobe taken, as tn deftroy the whole re-
fidue cf the inftruj^tnt .• That the pro-
ceeding.i ot the General Govcrnnicnt nn-
dep colour nf thefe articles, will be 3 fit
andJiec«ff«ry fobjcft for rcvifal ajid cor-
«i5ion aC a time of greater tranquility,-
while thofe Ipccfficd in the precedin.j'. re-
-Tolutiflni call.forjmmediatc redrefs.
VIU; Refotvea, that the precedtng'Re-i
folntions be trinfiitilttifft t-j the Senators
ond Reprefentativei in CeKgrefs fr<>m this
f'ommonwealth. Who are hereby enjr>!ned
to prefeut the (amc-to theit refpectivc
Wonfesj and to ufe - tijpir be!*! endeavours

to procure at the next feffion of Congrefs,
a repeal of the aforefiiid unconftitutional
and. obnoxious acts,
IX. Refolved laftly, tliatlhe Governor
of this Commonwealth be;iiand is hereby
authorifed «nd rcqiiefted to communicate
the preceding Refblutions to the Legifla-
tures of the feveral States, to .-ilTure thenj
that this Commonwealth confiders Union
for fpecified National purpofes, and par
ticularly for thofe fpecified in their late
Federal Compaft, to be friendly to the
peace, happinefs,and profperity ofall tlie
ftates : that faithful to that coiiipaft, ac
cording to the plain intent and meaning
in which it was underltood and ac
ceded to by the feveral parties, it is fin-
cerely anxious for its prefervation : that,
it does alfo believe, chat to take from the
ftates all the powers of felf government,
and transfer them to a gener.^il and confo-
lidatcd Goverument, without regard to
the fpecial delegations and refervations
folemnly agreed to in that compaft, i.-: not
for the peace, bappinefSj or profperity of
thefe ftates: And that therefore, this Com-
mt nwealth is determined,- as it doubts not
its Co-ftates are, tamely-to .'iibrait to unde
legated & conff quently unlim'itcd powers
in no man or body of men cn earth: that if
the aftsbefore fpecified llinuld ftandjtJiefs
conclufions would flow from thcci ; tiat
the General Government may place any
aftthcy think proper on the lift of crimes &
punifli it thcmfelves, whether enumerated
or; not ehiimer.-itedby the Cocltitntioil ii*
cognizable by them; thatthey may transfer
its cognisance tothc-l'refirieiitor any otlicr
perfou. who E^a^ himfclf be the nccufer,
counfel, judgic, ;indjury. vj'hoSn fufpicici'n
jnay be the. evidence^ hit order the Cw.-
tencCy his oficcrthe executioner^ ftnd his
breaft the fole record of the tranfaftion :
thataverynumerous.aud valuable defcrip"
tioo oi the inhabitants e-t thefe ftates. bo-
.Ing by thij precedent reduced as outlawj
'to the abfolute' donini^n efone man .ind
theijaritr ofthe Conftitution thDt.rwept:
awayfrcm us »U,.no rimpartnow rcmsins
againft the paiiions 2nd the power of am.i-
jority of Con.j;;reis, to protedt from ^ like-
exportation orotherniore .grievous punifli^
Uiiui. thf nuiio.'fry.clthf fiin-c body, the

"i.eglllatnres, judges, Governors, & Conn-
ifelloi-sof (he ftates,nor their other Ijeacea-
blcinhahuantSwhomay venture to reclaim
the conftii'utional rights ficjibertiesof the
'ilates & people, or who fpr oiher caufcs,
good or bad,inay be obnoxious to the views
¦jfrnarUedbylhefurpicionsof the Prefident,
ot be thought dangerous to his or their
eleftions or other interells public, or per-
fonal: that the fri^udlefs alien hasindecJ
been feleftcd as the fafeft fubjeft of a
firft experiment: but the citizen will-
foon follow, or rather has already follow-
td ; for, already has a Sedition Aft marked
hiuiias (ts prey : tJiat thefe and fueceflive
;ifts ofthe fame charafter, unlefs arrefted
on Che threfliold, may tend to drive thefe
ftates into revolution and blood, and will
furnifli ne\v calumnies againft Republican
Governments, and new pretexts for tbofe
who wifii it to be believed, that man can
not he governed but by a rod of iron i
tha tit would be a dangerous delufion were
n confidence in the men of our choice to'
(ilence our fears for the fafety of our
rights : that confidence is every' where the
parent of defpotifm : free government is
lounded in jealoufy and not in confidence ;
it is jealoufy- and not confidence which
jirefcribes limited Conftitutions to bind
down thofe wiiom we are obliged to truft
with power : that our Conftitution has
accortlingly fixed the limits to which and
110 furlher our confidence may go ; and
Jet the houeft advocate of confidence read
the Alien and Sedition Afts, and fay if the
Conftitution has tiot been wife in fixing
limitsto the Government it created, and
whether we fliould be wife in deltroylng
\hofo limits? Let him fay what the Gov
ernment is if it be not a tyranny, which
the men of our fhoice have conferred on
the Prefident, and the Prefident of our
tiiuice has afiented to and accepted over
the friendly ftrangers, to "Whom the liiild
fpirit of our Cotintvy and Its iaws had
jilcdged holpicality and proteftion : that
the men of our choice have raore refpeft.
ed tlie bare fufpicions of the Prefident
than tile folid ' rights of innocence, the
claims of juftificalinn, the facred, force of
truth, and the forms 5c ihb.ftaiicc of law and
juilice. lu qdcftionsof p/irt'er then let no
•lierebe heard of confidence In maa, blU

bind him down from mifchief by/ihsc haini
of the Conftitution. That this Common
wealth does therefore call on its Co-ftates
for an cxprelfiou of their fentinier.ts on.
the aft^ concerning Aliens, and for the
liunifl'inient of certain crimes herein be
fore foecified, plainly declaring whether
thefe afts are or are not authorifed by the
federal Compaft? And it doubts not that
their fenfe will be fo announced asto provft
their attacnment uualtered to limited Go
vernment, whether general or panicular,
and that the-rights and liberties of their
Co-ftates will be, cxpofed to no dangers^
by remaiuing embaiked on a common
bottom with their own: That they will
concur with this Commonwfcaltb in con-
fidering the faid afts a^ fo palpably againft
the Conftitution as to amount to an un-
difguifed declaration, that the Compaft
is not meant to bi the nieafure of the
powers of the General Government, bat
fhat it will proceed in the exercife over
thefe ftates ofall powers vi'hatfoever : That
they will, view this as feizing the rights
of the ftates and confolidating them in the
hands of the General Government with a
power a-fiiimed to bind the ftates (not
merely in cafes made federal) but in ail
cafes whatfoever, b? laws made, not with
their conlent, but by others agaiuft their
confcnt: That tbis would he tofurrender
the torm of Government we have chofen,
and to live under one deriving ,tt powers
from its own will, and not from our au
thority ; and that the Co-ftates iNjcnrring
to their natural right in cafes not raade
federal, wili concur in declaring thefe
afts void and-of no'fotce, and will each
unite with this Commonwealthin requeft-
ing their repcnl at the next foflinn of
Congrefs. EDMUND BULLOCK, S. H.'R-
JOHN CAMPBELL, S. S. P. T.
Paired th.e Houfe of RcprefentaUves, Not. loth, 1798.
Aiceft, THOMAS TODD, C. H. R.
IN SENATE, November 13th, 1798, onanimoufly
concurred in,
Atteft, B. THR.USTON, Glk. Sen
Appisvcd NoTenotor l6th, 1798.
JAMES GARRARD, G. K.
SY THE COVI.XNOR, HARRY TOULMlfl, Sccretaij of-5tain

ijigS] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 289
DRAFTS OF THE KENTUCKY RESOLUTIONS OF I 798. - j. mss.
[Nov. 1798]
ROUGH DRAFT. FAIR COPY.
I. Resolved that the several i. Resolved, That the several
states composing the U. S. of States composing the United
America did are not united on States of America, are not unit-
the principle of unlimited sub- ed on the principle of unlimit^
mission to their general govern- ed submission to their general
ment ; but that by a compact government ; but that, by a
' The text in the first column is from the rough draft, and that in the second
from a fair copy. The facsimile is the text actually moved by Breckenridge,
adopted by the Kentucky legislature, and sent to the other state legislatures.
As early as April 26, 1798 (see ante. p. 244) Jefferson was predicting and
disapproving of possible Alien and Sedition bills, and from that time hi?
letters express the strongest dislike to those acts. Thoroughly opposed
to disunion (see letter to John Taylor, vn, p. 263) yet believing these
Federalist measures only initial steps towards a dictatorship or monarchy,
Jefferson cast about him for some means of checking the project, and finally
hit upon the now famous doctrine of nullification of Federal statutes by means
of resolutions of state legislatures. No one better realized the hazard of such
a doctrine than its inventor, as is indicated not merely by the guarded phrasing,
(done with purpose as is shown by his letters to Madison, Taylor, and Nicholas,
post,) but quite as much by the absolute secrecy with which his share in the whole
Sittempt was kept for many years.
The resolutions were originally prepared for North Carolina, and their des
tination changed for reasons given in the letter to Nicholas, ante, p. 281.
Jefferson wrote to Madison : "MONTICELLO, November 17, 1798.
" I enclose you a copy of the draught of the Kentucky resolves. I thinlf
we should distinctly affirm all the important principles they contain, so as to hol<J
to that ground in future, and leave the matter in such a train as th^t we may
not be committed to push matters to extremities, & yet may be free to pusfi
as far as events will render prudent. "
To Taylor he wrote : " MONTICELLO, Nov. 26, 179S.
" For the present I should be for resolviijg the alieii & sedition laws .to
be against the constitution & merely void, and for addressing the other
States to obtain similar declaratiops ; and I \vould pot do anything at this
VOL. VII.— 19

290

THE WRITINGS OF [1798

under the style & title of a Con- compact under the style and
stitution for the U. S. and of title of a Constitution for the
Amendments thereto, they con- United States, and of amend-
stituted a General government ments thereto, they constituted
for special purposes ; delegated a general government for spe-
to that government certain defi- cial purposes, — delegated to
nite po-wers, reserving, each that government certain defi-
state to itself, the residuary nite povrers, reserving, each
mass of right to their own self- State to itself, the residuary
government ; and that whenso- mass of right to their o^wn self-
moment which should commit us further, but reserve ourselves to shape our
future measures or no measures, by the events which may happen."
The history of the resolutions Jefferson stated in a letter to John Cabel
Breckenridge : " MONTICELLO, December 11, 1821.
"Dear Sir, — Your letter of December 19th places me under a dilemma
which I cannot solve but by an exposition of the naked truth. I would have
wished this rather to have remained as hitherto, without inquiry, but your
inquiries have a right to be answered. I will do it as exactly as the great lapse
of time and a waning memory will enable me. I may misremember indifferent
circumstances, but can be right in substance. At the time when the Republi
cans of our country were so much alarmed at the proceedings of the Federal
ascendancy in Congress, in the Executive and the Judiciary departments, it
became a matter of serious consideration how head could be made against their
enterprises on the Constitution. The leading republicans in Congress found
themselves of no use there, browbeaten as they were by a bold and over
whelming majority. They concluded to retire from that field, take a stand in
their state legislatures, and endeavor there to arrest their progress.. The Alien
and Sedition laws furnished the particular occasion. The sympathy between
¦Virginia and Kentucky was more cordial and more intimately confidential than
between any other two States of republican policy. Mr. Madison came into
the Virginia legislature. I was then in the Vice-Presidency, and could not
leave my station ; but your father, Colonel W. C. Nicholas, and myself, hap
pening to be together, the engaging the co-operation of Kentucky in an en
ergetic protestation against the constitutionality of those laws became a subject
of consultation. Those gentlemen pressed me strongly to sketch resolutions
for that purpose, your father undertaking to introduce them to that legislature,
with a solemn assurance, which I strictly required, that it should not be known
from what quarter they came. I drew and delivered them to him, and in
keeping their origin secret he fulfilled his pledge of honor. Some years after

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 291
ever the General government government ; and that whenso-
assumes undelegated po^wers, ever the general government
it's acts are unauthoritatur^ assumes undelegated po-wers,
void & of no force. ' its acts are unauthoritative.
That to this compact each void, and of no force : that to
state acceded as a state, and is thiscompact each State acceded
an integral party, it's co-states as a State, and is an integral
forming, as to itself, the other party, its co-States forming, as
party. to itself, the other party : that
That the constitutional form the government created by this
this, Colonel Nicholas asked me if I had any objection to it being known that
I had drawn them. I pointedly enjoined that it should not. Whether he had
unguardedly intimated before to any one I know not, but I afterwards observed
in the papers repeated imputations of them to me, on which, as has been my
practice on all occasions of imputation, I have observed entire silence. The
question, indeed, has never before been put to me, nor should I answer it to
any other than yourself, seeing no good end to be proposed by it, and the
desire of tranquility inducing with me a wish to be withdrawn from public
notice. Your father's zeal and talents were too well known to desire any
additional distinction from the penning these resolutions. That circumstance
surely was of far less merit than the proposing and carrying them through the
legislature of his state. The only fact in this statement on which my memory
is not distinct, is the time and occasion of the consultation with your father
and Mr. Nicholas. It look place here I know, but whether any other person
was present or communicated with is my doubt. I think Mr. Madison was
either with us or consulted, but my memory is uncertain as to minor details. I
fear, dear sir, we are now in such another crisis, with this difference only, that
the judiciary branch is alone and singlehanded in the present assaults on the
Constitution ; but its assaults are more sure and deadly, as from an agent seem
ingly passive and unassuming. May you and your contemporaries meet them
with the same determination and effect as your father and his did the ' alien
and sedition ' laws and preserve in-violate a constitution which, cherished in
all its chastity and purity, will prove in the end a blessing to all the nations of
the earth. With these prayers, accept those for your own happiness and
prosperity.'' The resolutions, with those of Virginia of 1798 and 1799, produced an exten-
sive pamphlet literature at the time, a bibliography of which is a distinct
desideratum, and has since then been the cause of many publications. The
most interesting arguments on the questions involved are those of Story, Cal
houn, Van Hoist, and Johnston, and minute histories of the Kentucky resolu
tions have been written by R. T. Durrett {Southern Bivouac, I, 577, 658, 760),
and by E. D. Warfield (New York : 1887).

29,2

THE WRITINGS OF

[1798

action, for this commoii
weaitfi^-asa party with,,sefpect
to, any otheI||^;j!arty is by it's
organized''p6wers oT-aQt by it's
citizens in a body. ^^^^
That the government created
by this compact was not made
the exclusive or final judge of
the extent of the powers dele-
ga/ted to itself, since that would
have made it's discretion, & not
the constitution, the measure
of it's powers : but that, as. in
all other cases of compact
among powers having no com
mon judge, each party has an
equal right to judge for itself,
as well of infractions, as of the
mode & measure of redress.
2. Resolved that, one of thj
Amendments to the Constit
tioii>having declared that " Oon-
griessXshall make no, la;«v re-
specting.^ an. establishnaent of
religion, or prohibitinjg the free
exercise tftereof, oi/ abridging
the freedom\)f speech, or of the
press, the actVi|' the Congress
of- the- U. S. passed on the ist
day of July i/98,\ntituled ' An
act in addition to the act intit
uled an Xct for tnte punish
ment of/certain crimes, against
the U/S.' which does abridge
the weedom. of speech, & of the
press, is not law, but is al^o-
ather void and of no force.
2. Resolved that, the Consti-

compact was not made the ex
clusive or final judge of the ex
tent of the powers delegated to
itself ; since that would have
made its discretion, and not the
Constitution, the measure of
its powers ; but that, as in alli
other cases of compact among
powers having no common
judge, each party has an equal
right to judge for itself, as well
of infractions as of the mode
and measure of redress.

2. Resolved, That the Consti-

1798]

THOMAS JEFFERSON,

293

tution of the U. S. having dele
gated to Congress a power to
punish treason, conterfeitingthe
securities & current coin of the
U. S. and piracies & felonies
committed on the high seas and
offences against the law of
nations, and no other crimes
whatsover, and it being true as
a general principle, and one of
the Amendments to the Consti
tution having also declared,
that ' the powers not delegated
to the U. S. by the constitution,
nor prohibited by it to the
states, are reserved to the states
respectively, or to the people,'
therefore also, the same act of
Congress passed by Congress
on the 14th day of July 1798,
and intituled ' an Act in addi
tion to the act intituled an Act
for the punishment of certain
crimes against the U. S.' as also
the act passed by them on the
day of June 1798, intituled
' an Act to punish frauds com
mitted on the bank of the U. S.,'
{and all their other acts which
assume to create, define, or
punish crimes, other than those
so enumerated in the Constitu
tion) aire altogether void and of
no force and that the power to
create, define, & punish such
-other crimes is reserved, and of
right appurtains solely and
lexclusively to the respective

tution of the United States
having delegated to Congress a
power to punish treason, coun
terfeiting the securities and cur
rent coin of the United States,
piracies, and felonies committed
on the high seas, and offences
against the law of nations, aind
no other crimes whatsoever ;
and it being true as a general
principle, and one of the amend
ments to the Constitution hav
ing also declared, that " the
powers not delegated to the
United States by the Consti
tution, nor prohibited by it to
the States, are reserved to the
States respectively, or to the
people," therefore the act of
Congress, passed on the 14th
day of July, 1798, and intituled
" An Act in addition to the
act intituled An Act for the
punishment of certain crimes
against the United States," as
also the act passed by them on
the — day of June, 1798, intit
uled " An Act to punish frauds
committed on the bank of the
United States," (and all their
other acts which assumeto cre
ate, define, or punish crimes,
other than those so enumerated
in the Constitution,) are alto
gether void, and of no force ;
and that the power to create,
define, and punish such Other
crimes is reserved, and, of right,

294

THE WRITINGS OF

[1798

states, each within it's own ter
ritory. 3. Resolved that it is true as
a general principle and is also
expressly declared by one of
the amendments to the consti
tution that ' the powers not
delegated to the U. S. by the
constitution nor prohibited by it
to the states, are reserved to
the states respectively or to the
people : ' and that no power
over the freedom of religion,
freedom of speech, or freedom
of the press being delegated to
the U.S. by the constitution,nor
prohibited by it to the states,
all lawful powers respecting the
same did of right remain, &
were reserved to the states or
the people : that thus was mani
fested their determination to
retain to themselves the right
of judging how far the licen
tiousness of speech and of the
press may be abridged without
lessening their useful freedom,
and how far these abuses which
cannot be separated from their
use should be tolerated rather
than the use be destroyed ; and
thus also they guarded against
all abridgment by the U. S. of
the freedom of religious opin
ions and exercises, & retained
to themselves the right of pro
tecting the same, as this state

appertains solely and exclusive
ly to the respective States, each
within its own territory.
3. Resolved, That it is true as
a general principle, and is also
expressly declared by one of
the amendments to the Consti
tution, that " the powers not
delegated to the United States
by the Constitution, nor pro
hibited by it to the States, are
reserved to the States respec
tively, or to the people " ; and
that no power over the freedom
of religion, freedom of speech,
or freedom of the press being
delegated to the United States
by the Constitution, nor prohib
ited by it to the States, all law
ful powers respecting the same
did of right remain, and were
reserved to the States or the
people : that thus was mani
fested their determination to
retain to themselves the right
of judging how far the licen
tiousness of speech and of the
press may be abridged without
lessening their useful freedom,.
and how far those abuses which
cannot be separated from their
use should be tolerated, rather
than the use be destroyed. And
thus also they guarded against
all abridgment by the United
States of the freedom of reli
gious opinions and exercises,
and retained to themselves the

1798]

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

29s

by a law passed on the general
demand of it's citizens had
already protected them from all
human restraint and interfer
ence. And that in addition to
this general principle & the ex
press declaration, another &
more special provision has been
made by one of the amend
ments to the constitution which
expressly declares that ' Con
gress shall make no law respect
ing an establishment of religion
or prohibiting the free exercise
thereof or abridging the free
dom of speech of the press'
thereby guarding in the same
sentence and under the same
words the freedom of religion,
of speech & of the press, inso
much that whatever violates one
either throws down the sanctu
ary which covers the others,
and that putting withnlding
libels, falsehood and defama
tion equally with heresy & false
religion are witheld from fed
eral the cognisance of the fed
eral tribunals, that therefore the
act of the Congress of the U. S.
passed on the 14th day of July
1798 intituled ' an act in addi
tion to the act intituled an Act
for the punishment of certain
crimes against the U. S.' which
does abridge the freedom of the
press is not law, but is alto
gether void and of no force.

right of protecting the same, as
this State, by a law passed on
the general demand of its citi
zens, had already protected
them from all human restraint
or interference. And that in
addition to this general princi
ple and express declaration,
another and more special pro
vision has been made by one of
the amendments to the Consti
tution, which expressly declares,
that " Congress shall make no
law respecting an establishment
of religion, or prohibiting the
free exercise thereof, or abridg
ing the freedom of speech or of
the press " : thereby guarding
in the same sentence, and un
der the same words, the free
dom of religion, of speech, and
of the press : insomuch, that
whatever violates either, throws
down the sanctuary which
covers the others, and that li
bels, falsehood, and defamation,
equally with heresy and false
religion, are withheld from the
cognizance of federal tribunals.
That, therefore, the act of Con
gress of the United States,
passed on the 14th day of July,
1798, intituled " An Act in ad
dition to the act intituled An
Act for the punishment of cer
tain crimes against the United
States," which does abridge the
freedom of the press, is not

296

THE WRITINGS OF

[1798

4. Resolved that Alien-friends
are under the jurisdiction and
¦protection of the laws of the
state wherein they are, that no
power over them has been dele
gated to the U. S. nor prohib
ited to the individual states
distinct from their power over
citizens : and it being true as a
general principle, and one of
the Amendments to the co&sti-
tution having also declared,
that ' the powers not delegated
to the U. S. by the constitution,
taor prohibited by it to the States
are reserved to the states re
spectively, or to the people,' the
act of the Congress of the U. S.
passed on the day of July
1798 intituled ' an Act concern
ing Aliens ' which assumes pow
ers over alien friends not dele
gated by the constitution is not
law, but is altogether void & of
no force.
5. Resolved that in addition
to the general principle, as well
as the express declaration, that
powers not delegated are re
served, another and more spe
cial provision, inserted in the
constitution from abundant
caution, has declared that ' the
migration or importation of
such persons as any of the

law, but is altogether void, and
of no force.
4. Resolved, That alien friends
are under the jurisdiction and
protection of the laws of the
State wherein they are : that
no power over them has been
delegated to the United States,
nor prohibited to the individual
States, distinct from their power
over citizens. And it being
true as a general principle, and
one of the amendments to the
Constitution having also de
clared, that " the powers not
delegated to the United States
by the Constitution, nor pro
hibited by it to the States, are
reserved to the States respec
tively, or to the people," the act
of the Congress of the United
States, passed on the — day of
July, 1798, intituled "An Act
concerning aliens," which as
sumes powers over alien friends,
not delegated by the Constitu
tion, is not law, but is altogether
void, and of no force.
5. Resolved, That in addition
to the general principle, as well
as the express declaration, that
powers not delegated are re
served, another and more
special provision, inserted in
the Constitution from abundant
caution, has declared that " the
migration or importation of
such persons as any of the

1798]

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

297

states now existing shall think
proper to admit, shall not be
prohibited by the Congress
prior to the year 1 808,' that this
commonwealth does admit the
migration of Alien friends de
scribed as the subject of the
said act concerning aliens ; that
a provision against prohibiting
their migration, is a provision
against all acts equivalent
thereto, or it would be nuga
tory ; that to remove them
when migrated is equivalent to
a prohibition of their migration,
and is therefore contrary to the
said provision of the constitu
tion, and void.
6. Resolved that the impris
onment of a person under the
protection of the laws of this
commonwealth on his failure
to obey the simple order of
the President to depart out of
the U. S. as is undertaken by
the said act intituled ' an act
concerning Aliens ' is contrary
to the constitution, one amend
ment to which has provided
that 'no person shall be de
prived of libert)', without due
process of law ' ; and that an
other having provided that ' in
all criminal cases prosecutions
the accused shall enjoy the
right to a public trial, by an
impartial jury, to be informed
of the nature & cause of the

States now existing shall think
proper to admit, shall not be
prohibited by the Congress
prior to the year 1808 " : that
this commonwealth does admit
the migration of alien friends,
described as the subject of the
said act concerning aliens : that
a provision against prohibiting
their migration, is a provision
against all acts equivalent
thereto, or it would be nuga
tory : that to remove them
when migrated, is equivalent to
a prohibition of their migration,
and is, therefore, contrary to
the said provision of the Con
stitution, and void.
6. Resolved, That the impris
onment of a person under the
protection of the laws of this
commonwealth, on his failure
to obey the simple order of the
President to depart out of the
United States, as is undertaken
by said act intituled " .\n Act
concerning aliens," is contrary
to the Constitution, one amend
ment to which has provided
that " no person shall be de
prived of liberty without due
process of law " ; and that
another having provided that
" in all criminal prosecutions
the accused shall enjoy the
right to public trial by an im
partial jury, to be informed of
the nature and cause of the

298

THE WRITINGS OF

[1798

accusation to be confronted
with the witnesses against him,
to have compulsory process for
obtaining witnesses in his favor
and to have the assistance of
counsel for his defence ' the
same act undertaking to au
thorise the President to re
move a person out of the U.
S. who is under the protection
of the law, on his own sus
picion without accusation, with
out jury, without public trial,
without confrontation of the
witnesses against him, without
hearing witnesses in his favor,
without defence, without coun
sel, is contrary to these pro
visions also of the constitution,
is therefore not law, but utterly
void and of no force. That
transferring the power of judg
ing any person who is under
the protection of the laws from
the courts to the President of
the U. S. as is undertaken by
the same act concerning aliens,
is against the article of the con
stitution which provides that
'the judicial power of the U.
S. shall be vested in courts the
judges of which shall hold their
offices during good behavior,'
and that the s'd act is void for
that reason also. And it is
further to be noted that this
transfer of judiciary power is
to that magistrate of the general

accusation, to be confronted
with the witnesses against him,
to have compulsory process for
obtaining witnesses in his favor,
and to have the assistance of
counsel for his defence," the
same act, undertaking to au
thorize the President to remove
a person out of the United
States, who is under the protec
tion of the law, on his own
suspicion, without accusation,
without jury, without public
trial, without confrontation of
the witnesses against him, with
out hearing witnesses in his
favor, without defence, without
counsel, is contrary to the pro
vision also of the Constitution,
is therefore not law, but utterly
void, and of no force : that
transferring the power of judg
ing any person, who is under
the protection of the laws, from
the courts to the President of
the United States, as is under
taken by the same act concern
ing aliens, is against the article
of the Constitution which pro
vides that "the judicial power
of the United States shall be
vested in courts, the judges of
which shall hold their offices
during good behavior " ; and
that the said act is void for that
reason also. And it is further
to be noted, that this transfer
of judiciary power is to that

1798]

THOMAS JEFFERSON.

299

government who already pos
sesses all the Executive and a
negative on all the Legislative
proceed. 7. Resolved that the con
struction applied by the general
government, (as is evidenced
by sundry of their proceedings)
to those parts of the constitu
tion of the U. S. which delegate
to Congress a power ' to lay &
collect taxes, duties, imposts,
& excises, to pay the debt
and provide for the common
defence and welfare of the U.
S.' and ' to make all laws which
shall be necessary & proper for
carrying into execution the
powers vested by the constitu
tion in the government of the
U. S. or in any department or
officers thereof,' goes to the
destruction of all the limits
prescribed to their power by
the constitution ; that words
meant by that instrument to be
subsidiary only to the execu
tion of limited powers, ought
not to be so construed as them
selves to give unlimited powers
nor a part to be so taken as to
destroy the whole residue of
the instrument. That the pro
ceedings of the general govern
ment under colour of these
articles, will be a fit and neces
sary subject of revisal & correc
tion at a time of greater tran-

magistrate of the general gov
ernment who already possesses
all the Executive, and a nega
tive on all Legislative powers.
7. Resolved, That the con-
.struction applied by the Gen
eral Government (as is evi
denced by sundry of their
proceedings) to those parts of
the Constitution of the United
States which delegate to Con
gress a power " to lay and col
lect taxes, duties, imposts, and
excises, to pay the debts, and
provide for the common de
fence and general welfare of the
United States," and "to make
all laws which shall be neces
sary and proper for carrying
into execution the powers
vested by the Constitution in
the government of the United
States, or in any department or
officer thereof," goes to the
destruction of all limits pre
scribed to their power by the
Constitution : that words meant
by the instrument to be sub
sidiary only to the execution of
limited powers, ought not to be
so construed as themselves to
give unlimited powers, nor a
part to be so taken as to destroy
the whole residue of that in
strument : that the proceedings
of the General Government un
der color of these articles, will
be a fit and necessary subject

300

THE WRITINGS. OF

[1798

quillity, while those specified,
in , the preceding resolutions,
call for immediate redress.

8. Resolved that a committee
of conference & correspond
ence be appointed who shall
have in charge to communicate
the preceding resolutions to
the legislatures of the several
states, to assure them that this
commonwealth continues in the
same esteem for their friendship
and union which it has mani
fested from that moment at
which a common danger first
suggested a common union :
that it considers union, for
specified national purposes, and
particularly for those specified
in their late federal compact,
to be friendly to the peace,
happiness and prosperity of all
the states : that faithful to that
compact, according to the plain
intent & meaning in which it
was understood & acceded to
by the several parties, it is
sincerely anxious for it's pres
ervation. That it does also
believe that to take from the
states all the powers of self-
government, & transfer them
to a general & consolidated
government, without regard to
the special delegations and re
servations solemnly agreed to

of revisal and correction, at a
time of greater tranquillity,
while those specified in the pre
ceding resolutions call for im
mediate redress.
8th. .ffi?i'(7/w^. That a commit
tee of conference and corre
spondence be appointed, who
shall have in charge to commu
nicate the preceding resolutions
to the Legislatures of the several
States ; to assure them that this
commonwealth continues in the
same esteem of their friendship
and union which it has mani
fested from that moment at
which a common danger first,
suggested a common union :
that it considers union, for
specified national purposes, and
particularly to those specified
in the late federal compact,
to be friendly to the peace,
happiness, and posperity of
all the States : that faithful
to that compact, according to
the plain intent and meaning
in which it was understood
and acceded to by the sev
eral parties, it is sincerely
anxious for its preservation :
that it does also believe,
that to take from the States
all the powers of self-govern
ment and transfer them to a
general and consolidated gov
ernment, without regard to the
special delegations and reser-

1798]

THOMAS JEFFERSON,

301,

in that compact, is not for the
peace, happiness or prosperity
of these states : and that there
fore this commonwealth is de
termined, as it doubts not it's
co-states are, to submit to
undelegated & consequently
unlimited powers in no man,
or body of men on earth : tliat
it.ought not that in cases of an
abuse of the delegated powers,
the members of the general
government being chosen by
the people, a change by the
people would be the consti
tutional remedy ; but where
powers are assumed; which have
not been delegated, a nullifica
tion of the act is the rightful
remedy : that every state has a
natural right in cases not within
the compact (casus ntin foederis)
to nullify of their own author
ity, all assumptions of power
by others within their limits,
that without this right they
would be under the dominion,
absolute and unlimited, of
whosoever might exercise this
right of judgment for them :
that nevertheless this common
wealth from motives of regard
& respect for it's co-states has
wished to communicate with
them on the subject ; that with
them alone it is proper to com
municate, they alone being par
ties to the compact, & solely

vations solemnly agreed to in
that compact, is not for the
peace, happiness, or prosperity
of these States ; and that there
fore this commonwealth is de
termined, as it doubts not its
co-States are, to submit to un
delegated, and consequently
unlimited powers in no man,
or body of men on earth : that
in cases of an abuse of the
delegated powers, the mem
bers of the general govern
ment, being chosen by the
people, a change by the people
would be the constitutional
remedy ; but, where powers are
assumed which have not been
delegated, a nullification of the
act is the rightful remedy :
that every State has a natural
right in cases not within the
compact, (casus non foederis,)
to nullify of their own authority
all assumptions of power by
others within their limits : that
without this right they would
be under the dominion, abso
lute and unlimited, of whoso
ever might exercise this right
of judgment for them : that
nevertheless, this common
wealth, from motives of regard
and respect for its co-States,
has wished to communicate
with them on the subject : that
with them alone it is proper to
communicate, they alone being

302

THE WRITINGS OF

[1798

authorised to judge in the last
resort of the powers exercised
under it ; Congress being not a
party, but merely the creature
of the compact & subject as to
it's assumptions of power to
the final judgment of those by
whom & for whose use itself
and it's powers were all created
and modified, that if those acts
before specified should stand,
these conclusions would flow
from them ; that the General
government may place any act
they think proper on the list of
crimes and punish it themselves
whether enumerated or not enu
merated by the constitution as
cognizable by them, that they
may transfer its cognisance to
the President or any other per
son, who may himself be the ac
cuser, counsel, judge & jury,
whose suspicions may be the
evidence, his order the sen
tence, his officer the execu
tioner, & his breast the sole
record of the transaction : that
a very numerous & valuable
description of the inhabitants
of these states being, by this
precedent reduced as Outlaws
to the absolute dominion of
one man, and the barrier of
the constitution thus swept
away for us all, no rampart now
remains against the will and
the passions and the power

parties to the compact, and
solely authorized to judge in
the last resort of the powers
exercised under it. Congress
being not a party, but merely
the creature of the compact,
and subject as to its assump
tions of power to the final judg
ment of those by whom, and
for whose use itself and its
powers were all created and
modified : that if the acts be
fore specified should stand,
these conclusions would flow
from them ; that the general
government may place any act
they think proper on the list
of crimes, and punish it them
selves whether enumerated or
not enumerated by the consti
tution as cognizable by them :
that they may transfer its
cognizance to the President,
or any other person, who may
himself be the accuser, counsel,
judge and jury, whose sus
picions may be the evidence,
his order the sentence, his
officer the executioner, and his
breast the sole record of the
transaction : that a very numer
ous and valuable description
of the inhabitants of these
States being, by this prece
dent, reduced, as outlaws, to
the absolute dominion of one
man, and the barrier of the
Constitution thus swept away

1798]

THOMAS JEFFERSON,

303

of a majority in Congress, to
protect from a like exportation
or other more grievous punish
ment, the minority of the same
body, the legislatures, judges, &
governors, & counsellors of the
states nor their other peaceable
inhabitants who may venture to
reclaim the constitutional rights
and liberties of the states and
the people, or who for other
causes good or bad, may be
obnoxious to the views, or
marked bythe suspicions of the
President, or be thought danger
ous to his or their elections or
other interests public or per
sonal : that the friendless alien
has indeed been selected as the
safest subject of a first experi
ment : but the citizen will soon
follow, or rather has already
followed ; for already has a
Sedition act marked him as it's
prey : that these and successive
acts of the same character unless
arrested at the threshold neces
sarily drive these states into
revolution and blood and will
furnish new calumnies against
republican government and new
pretexts for those who wish it
to be believed that man cannot
be governed but by a rod of
iron that it would be a danger
ous delusion were a confidence
in the men of our choice to
silence our fears for the safety

from us all, no rampart now
remains against the passions
and the powers of a majority
in Congress to protect from a
like exportation, or other more
grievous punishment the mi
nority of the same body, the
legislatures, judges, governors
and counsellors of the States,
nor their other peaceable in
habitants, who may venture to
reclaim the constitutional rights
and liberties of the States and
people, or who for other causes,
good or bad, may be obnoxious
to the views, or marked by the
suspicions of the President, or
be thought dangerous to his or
their election, or other interests
public or personal : that the
friendless alien has indeed
been selected as the safest
subject of a first experiment ;
but the citizen will soon follow,
or rather, has already followed,
for already has a sedition act
marked him as its prey : that
these and successive acts of the
same character, unless arrested
at the threshold, necessarily
drive these States into revolu
tion and blood, and will furnish
new calumnies against repub
lican government, and new pre
texts for those who wish it to
be believed that man cannot be
governed but by a rod of iron :
that it would be a dangerous

304:

THE WRITINGS OF

[1798.

of our rights : that confidence
is every where the parent of
despotism, free government is
founded in jealousy and not
in confidence, it is jealousy and
not confidence which prescribes
limited constitutions, to bind
down, those whom we are
obliged to trust with power
that our constitution has ac
cordingly so fixed the limits to
which and no further our con
fidence may go : and let the
honest advocate of confidence
read the Alien and Sedition
Acts, and say if the constitu
tion has not been wise in fixing
limits to the government it
created and whether we should
be wise in destroying those
limits ? Let him say what the
government is, if it be not a
tyranny which the men of our
choice have conferred on the
President and the President of
our choice has assented to and
accepted over the friendly
strangers to whom the mild
spirit of our country & it's laws
had pledged hospitality & pro
tection : that the men of our
choice have more respected the
bare suspicions of the President
than, the solid rights of inno
cence, the claims of justification,
the sacred force of truth and
the forms and substance of law,
& justice : in questions of power

delusion were a confidence in,
the men of our choice to, si
lence our fears for the safety
of our rights : that confidence
is everywhere the parent of
despotism — free government
is founded in jealousy, and not
in confidence ; it is jealousy
and not confidence which pre
scribes limited constitutions, to
bind down those whom we are
obliged to trust with power :
that our Constitution has ac
cordingly fixed the limits to
which, and no further, our
confidence may go ;/ and let
the honest advocate,/ of confi
dence read the Alien and Sedi
tion acts, and say if the Con
stitution has not been wise in
fixing limits to the government
it created, aud whether we
should be wise in destroying
those limits. Let him say what
the government is, if it be not a
tyranny, which the men of our
choice have conferred on our
President, and the President ot
our choice has assented to, and;
accepted over the friendly
strangers to whom the mild:
spirit of our country and its
laws have pledged hospitality/
and protection : that the men.
of our choice have more re
spected the bare- suspicions of
the President, than the solid-
right of innocence, the claims

1798]

THOMAS JEFFERSON,

305

then, let no more be heard of
confidence in man, but bind
him down from mischief by the
chains of the constitution. That
this commonwealth does there
fore call on it's co- states for an
expression of their sentiments
on the acts concerning aliens
and for the punishment of cer
tain crimes, herein before speci
fied, plainly declaring whether
these acts are, or are not,
authorised by the federal com
pact ? And it doubts not that
their sense will be so enounced
as to prove their attachment
unaltered to limited govern
ment whether general or par
ticular ; & that the rights &
liberties of their co-states will
be exposed to no dangers by
remaining embarked in a com
mon bottom with their own :
But that however confident at
dt|ier times this commonweaUft
woidd have been in the /de
liberate judgment of the co-
states a^ that but on^/opinion
would be Xentertainea on the
unjustiable character of the acts
herein specified/yet it cannot
be insensible that circum
stances do/exist, &, that pas
sions arier at this time afloat
which/may give a biasxto the
judgment to be pronounce^ on
this subject, that times of passion
are peculiarly those when pre-
VOL. VII.— 20

of justification, the sacred
force of truth and the forms
and substance of law and jus
tice. In questions of power,
then, let no more be heard of
confidence in man, but bind
him down from mischief by the
chains of the Constitution.
That this commonwealth does
therefore call on its co-States
for an expression of their senti
ments on the acts concerning
aliens, and for the punishment
of certain crimes herein be
fore specified, plainly declaring
whether these acts are or are
not authorized by the federal
compact. And it doubts not
that their sense will be so
announced as to prove their
attachment unaltered to limited
government, whether general or
particular. And that the rights
and liberties of their co-States
will be exposed to no dangers
by remaining embarked in a
common bottom with their own.
That they will concur with this
commonwealth in considering
the said acts as so palpably
against the Constitution as to-
amount to an undisguised dec
laration that that compact is
not meant to be the measure of
the powers of the General
Government, but that it will
proceed in the exercise over
these States, of all powers what-

3o6

THE WRITINGS OF

[1798

ceoentgot wrong are yieldeato
with thelasr-eauiig<when en-
croachmen^.«fpowers"af«4Iiost ^lade & principles ar,
: watched. That whether the
^incidence of the occasion/&
I encroachment in the present
ca^ has been from accident or
design, the right of the conwnon-
wealth to the government of
itself \in cases not [illegible]
partedWith, is too vitally im-
portantVo be yielded from tem
porary 01 secondary considera
tions : tha\ a fixed determination
therefore to retain it/ requires us
in candor and without reserve
to declare & to warn our co-
states that considering the said
acts to be so palpably against
the constitution ks to amount to
an undisguised declaration that
that compact/is not meant to be
the measure of the powers of the
general go'vernment). but that it
is to proceed in the exercise
over these states of any & all
powers jwhatever, considering
this as seizing the rights of the
states & consolidating them in
the haiids of the general gtovern-
ment/ with power to bind the
statefe (not merely in the cases
made federal casus federis but)
in /all cases whatsoever by laws
not made with their consent,
out by other states against ther
consent ; considering all the

soever : that they will view this
as seizing the rights of the
States, and consolidating them
in the hands of the General
Government, with a power as
sumed to bind the States, (not
merely in the cases made fed
eral, (casus foederis,) but) in
all cases whatsoever, by laws
made, not with their consent,
but by others against their con
sent ; that this would be to
surrender the form of govern
ment we have chosen, and live
under one deriving its powers
from its own will, and not from
our authority ; and that the co-
States, recurring to their natural
right in cases not made federal,
will concur in declaring these
acts void, and of no force, and
will each take measures of its
own for providing that neither
these acts, nor any others of
the General Government not
plainly and intentionally author
ized by the Constitution, shall
be exercised within their re
spective territories.

J 798] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 307
consequences as nothing
comparison with that of yield
ing the form of government we
havWhosen & of living xinder
one \struck out] deriving it's
powers^ by from it's c/wn will
and noMrom our authority, this
commonwealth, as &n integral
party, doe\ in that/case protest
against sucTi opinions and exer
cises of undelegated & un
authorised power, and does
declare that/recurring to it's
natural righ/of juiiging & acting
for itself, it will bevconstrained
to take cstre of itself^ & to pro
vide by measures oK it's own
that 110 power not plainly &
intentionally delegated W the
constitution to the generaKgov-
eniment, shall be exercised
/ithin the territory of tn^s
mmonwcalth. that they will
concur with this comm. in con
sidering the said acts so pal
pably against the const, as to
amount to an undisguised de-
clarn. that that compact is not
meant to be the measure of
the powers of the genl. govmt,
but that it will proceed in the
exercise over these states of all
powers whatsoever, that they
will view this as seizing the
right of the states & consoli
dating them in the hands of
the genl govt with power as
sumed to bind the states (not

3o8

THE WRITINGS OF

[1798

merely in the cases made fed
eral) but in all cases whatsoever,
by laws made not with their
consent but by others against
their consent, that this would
be to surrender the form of
govmt we have chosen & to live
under one deriving it's powers
from it's own will and not from
our authority that the co-states
recurring to their natural right
in cases not .made federal will
concur in declaring these acts
void and of no force & will
each take measures of it's own
providing that neither these acts
nor any others of the govern
ment not plainly & intentionally
authorized by the country to the
genl govmt shall be exercised
within their respective terri
tories. 9. That the said committee
be authorised to communicate
by writing or personal confer
ence, at any times or place what
ever, with any person or persons
who may be appointed by any
one or more of the co-states to
correspond or confer with them :
& that they lay their proceed
ings before the next session of
assembly : that the members of
the said committee, while acting
within the state, have the same
allowance as the members of the
General assembly, and while
acting without the common-

9th. Resolved, That the said
committee be authorized to
communicate by writing or per
sonal conferences, at any times
or places whatever, with any
person or persons who may be
appointed by any one or more
co-States to correspond or con
fer with them ; and that they
lay their proceedings before the
next session of Assembly.

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 309
wealth, the same as members of
Congress : and that the Treas
urer be authorized, on warrants
from the Governor, to advance
them monies on account for the
said services. 

TO JOHN TAYLOR. j. MSS.
November 26, 98.
Dear Sir, — We formerly had a debtor & creditor
account of letters on farming ; but the high price of
tobo, which is likely to continue for some short time,
has tempted me to go entirely into that culture, and
in the meantime, my farming schemes are in abey
ance, and my farming fields at nurse against the time
of my resuming them. But I owe you a political
letter. Yet the infidelities of the post office and the
circumstances of the times are against my writing
fully & freely, whilst my own dispositions are as
much against mysteries, innuendos & half-confidences.
I know not which mortifies me most, that I should
fear to write what I think, or my country bear such
a state of things. Yet Lyon's judges, and a jury
of all nations, are objects of rational fear. We agree
in all the essential ideas of your letter. We agree
particularly in the necessity of some reform, and of
some better security for civil liberty. But perhaps
we do not see the existing circumstances in the
same point of view. There are many consideration
dehors of the State, which will occur to you with
out enumeration. I should not apprehend them, if
all was sound within. But there is a most respect-

3IO THE WRITINGS OF [1798
able part of our State who have been enveloped in
the X. Y. Z. delusion, and who destroy our unanimity
for the present moment This disease of the imagi
nation will pass over, because the patients are essen
tially republican. Indeed, the Doctor is now on his
way to cure it, in the guise of a tax gatherer. But
give time for the medicine to work, & for the repeti
tion of stronger doses, which must be administered.
The principle of the present majority is excessive
expense, money enough to fill all their maws, or it
will not be worth the risk of their supporting. They
cannot borrow a dollar in Europe, or above 2. or 3,
millions in America. This is not the fourth of the
expences of this year, unprovided for. Paper money
would be perillous even to the paper men. Nothing
then but excessive taxation can get us along ; and
this will carry reason & reflection to ever)' man's
door, and particularly in the hour of election. I wish
it were possible to obtain a single amendment to our
constitution. I would be willing to depend on that
alone for the reduction of the administration of our
government to the genuine principles of it's con
stitution ; I mean an additional article, taking from
the federal government the power of borrowing.
I now deny their power of making paper money
or anything else a legal tender. I know that to
pay all proper expences within the year, would, in
case of war, be hard on us. But not so hard as ten
wars instead of one. For wars would be reduced in
that proportion ; besides that the State governments
would be free to lend tJieir credit in borrowing quo-

1798] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 311
tas. For the present, I should be for resolving the
alien & sedition laws to be against the constitution
& merely void, and for addressing the other States to
obtain similar declarations ; and I would not do any
thing at this moment which should commit us further,
but reserve ourselves to shape our future measures
or no measures, by the events which may happen.
It is a singular phenomenon, that while our State
governments are the very best in the world, without
exception or comparison, our general government
has, in the rapid course of 9. or 10. years, become
more arbitrary, and has swallowed more of the public
liberty than even that of England. I enclose you a
column, cut out of a London paper, to show you that
the English, though charmed with our making their
enemies our enemies, yet blush and weep over our
sedition law. But I enclose you something more im
portant. It is a petition for a reformation in the
manner of appointing our juries, and a remedy against
the jury of all nations, which is handing about here
for signature, and will be presented to your house.
I know it will require but little ingenuity to make
objections to the details of its execution ; but do not
be discouraged by small difficulties ; make it as per
fect as you can at a first essay, and depend on
amending its defects as they develop themselves in
practice. I hope it will meet with your approbation
& patronage. It is the only thing which can yield
us a little present protection against the dominion of
a faction, while circumstances are maturing for bring
ing & keeping the government in real unison with

312 THE WRITINGS OF [1798
the spirit of their constituents. I am aware that the
act of Congress has directed that juries shall be
appointed by lot or otherwise, as the laws now (at
the date of the act) in force in the several States
provide. The New England States have always had
them elected by their select men, who are elected by
the people. Several or most of the other States
have a large number appointed (I do not know how)
to attend, out of whom 1 2. for each cause are taken
by lot. This provision of Congress will render it
necessary for our Senators or Delegates to apply for
an amendatory law, accommodated to that prayed for
in the petition. In the meantime, I would pass the
law as if the amendatory one existed, in reliance, that
our select jurors attending, the federal judge will,
under a sense of right, direct the juries to be taken
from among them. If he does not, or if Congress
refuses to pass the amendatory law, it will serve as
eyewater for their constituents. Health, happiness,
safety & esteem to yourself and my ever-honored &
antient friend, mr. Pendleton. Adieu.

TO WILSON CARY NICHOLAS. J. mss.
Nov. 29. 98.
The more I have reflected on the phrase in the
paper you shewed me, the more strongly I think it
should be altered. Suppose you were instead of the
invitation to cooperate in the annulment of the acts,
to make it an invitation ' to concur with this com
monwealth in declaring, as it does hereby declare,

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 313
that the said acts are, and were ab initio, null, void
and of no force, or effect.' I should like it better.
Health, happiness and Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia. Jan. 3, 99.
I have suffered the post hour to come so nearly on
me, that I must huddle over what I have more than
appears in the public papers. I arrived here on
Christmas day, not a single bill or other article of
business having yet been brought into Senate. The
P's speech, so unlike himself in point of moderation,
is supposed to have been written by the military con
clave, & particularly Hamilton. When the Senate
gratuitously hint Logan to him, you see him in his
reply come out in his genuine colors. The debates
on that subject & Logan's declaration you will see in
the papers. The republican spirit is supposed to be
gaining ground in this State & Massachusetts. The
tax gatherer has already excited discontent. Ger
ry's correspondence with Taleyrand, promised by the
Presidt at the opening of the session, is still kept
back. It is known to shew France in a very concilia
tory attitude, and to contradict some executive asser
tions. Therefore, it is supposed they will get their
war measures well taken before they will produce this
damper. Vans Murray writes them, that the French
government is sincere in their overtures for recon
ciliation, & have agreed, if these fail, to admit the
mediation offered by the Dutch govnt. In the mean

314 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
time the raising the army is to go on, & it is said they
propose to build twelve 74's, Insurance is no'vv
higher in all the commercial towns against British
than French capture. The impressment of seamen
from one of our armed vessels by a British man of
war has occasioned mr. Pickering to bristle up it is
said. But this cannot proceed to any effect. The
capture by the French of the Retaliation (an armed
vessel we had taken from them) will probably be
played off to the best advantage. Lyon is re-elected.
His majority is great. Reports vary fron 600. to 900.
Logan was elected into the Pensylva. legislature
against F. A. Muhlenburg by 1256 to 769. Liv
ermore has been re-elected in N. Hampshire by
a majority of i. in the lower & 2. in the upper
house. Genl Knox has become bankrupt for 400,000 D, &
has resigned his military commission. He took in
Genl Lincoln for 150,000 D, which breaks him.
Colo Jackson also sunk with him. It seems gener
ally admitted, that several cases of the yellow fever
still exist in the city, and the apprehension is, that it
will re-appear early in the spring. You promised me
a copy of McGee's bill of prices. Be so good as to
send it on to me here. Tell mrs. Madison her friend
Made d'Yrujo, is as well as one can be so near to a
formidable crisis. Present my friendly respects to
her, and accept yourself my sincere & affectionate
salutations. Adieu.
I omitted to mention that a petition has been pre
sented to the President, signed by several thousand

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 315
persons in Vermont, praying a remitment of Lyon's
fine. He asked the bearer of the petition if Lyon
himself had petitioned, and being answered in the
negative, said, 'penitence must precede pardon.'

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
Philadelphia Jan. 3. 99.
Dear Sir, — Dr. Bache having determined to
remove to our neighborhood, informs me he has
written to you to purchase lands for him. A day or
two before I left home mrs. Key sent me a message
that the lands on which she lives & her son Walter's
were for sale. I therefore inclose you a letter to her,
informg. her that I have communicated it to the
gentleman here whom I had under contemplation
when I spoke to her & that he has authorized me to
act for him. The object of this is to prevent her
supposing that your application will be in competi
tion with mine. You know that Carter's land adjoin
ing Moore's Creek is for sale. As it is not probable
any body will sell & deliver instant possession, so as
to enable Dr. Bache at once to seat himself on his
own farm, I imagine the first object will be the pro
curing a house for him. The one in Charlotteville
which Chiles is building is the only one which has
occurred to me : & as Dr. Bache proposes moving
next month, it may be well to leave the ultimate
purchase of a farm to be fixed on by himself. If
you could get Carter, Catlett & Key to fix each their
lowest terms, they might offer in Competition against

3i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
one another. I wish you could also provide for
Baynham. Genl. Knox is broke for 400.000 D. and
has resigned his military commission. He has broke
also Genl. Lincoln and his friend Colo. Jackson.
What has passed on the subject of Logan you see in
the newspapers. The county of Philadelphia has
chosen him their representative in assembly by 1256.
against 769. in favor of Muhlenburg. Lyon is rechosen
in Vermont by a vast majority. It seems agreed that
the republican sentiment is gaining ground fast in
this state & in Massachusetts. My respects to mrs.
Monroe. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Jan. 16, 99.
The forgery lately attempted to be plaid off by mr.
H. on the house of representatives, of a pretended
memorial presented by Logan to the French govern
ment, has been so palpably exposed, as to have
thrown ridicule on the whole of the clamors they
endeavored to raise as to that transaction. Still, how
ever, their majority will pass the bill. The real views
in the importance they have given to Logan's enter
prise are mistaken by nobody. Mr. Gerry's com
munications relative to his transactions after the
departure of his colleagues, tho' he has now been
returned 5. months, & they have been promised to
the house 6. or 7. weeks, are still kept back. In the
meantime, the paper of this morning promises them
from the Paris papers. It is said, they leave not a
possibility to doubt the sincerity & the anxiety of the

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 317
French government to avoid the spectacle of a war
with us. Notwithstanding this is well understood,
the army & a great addition to our navy, are steadily
intended. A loan of 5. millions is opened at 8. per
cent, interest ! In a rough way we may state future
expences thus annually. Navy 5-|^ millions (exclusive
of it's outfit) army (14,000 men) 6|- miUions, interest
of national debt (I believe) about 4. millions, interest
of the new loan 400,000. Which with the expences
of government will make an aggregate of about
18,000,000. All our taxes this year have brought in
about \o\ millions, to which the direct tax will add 2.
millions, leaving a deficit of between 5 & 6. millions.
Still no addition to the taxes will be ventured on at
this session. It is pretty evident from the proceed
ings to get at the measure & number of windows in
our houses that a tax on air & light is meditated, but
I suppose not till the next session. The bankrupt
bill was yesterday rejected by a majority of three.
The determinations ofthe British commissioners under
the treaty (who are 3. against 2. of ours) are so ex
travagant, that about 3. days ago ours protested &
seceded. It was said yesterday they had come together
again. The demands which will be allowed on the
principles of the British majority will amount to from
15. to 20. millions of Dollars. It is not believed that
our government will submit to it, & consequently
that this must again become a subject for negocia
tion, It is very evident the British are using that
part of the treaty merely as a political engine. Not
withstanding the pretensions of the papers of the
d^ger & destruction of Buonaparte, nothing of

3i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
that is believed. It seems probable that he will
establish himself in Egypt, & that that is, at present
at least, his ultimate object. Ireland also is consid
ered as more organized in her insurrection and
stronger than she has been hitherto. As yet no
tobacco has come to this market. At New York the
new tobo is at 1 3. D, Georgia has sent on a greater
quantity than had been imagined, & so improved in
quality as to take the place of that of Maryland &
the Carolines. It is at 11, D. while they are about
10. Immense sums of money now go to Virginia,
Every stage is loaded. This is partly to pay for last
year's purchases, & partly for the new.
In a society of members, between whom & your
self is great mutual esteem & respect, a most
anxious desire is expressed that you would publish
your debates of the Convention. That these meas
ures of the army, navy & direct tax will bring about
a revulsion of public sentiment is thought certain, &
that the constitution will then receive a different
explanation. Could those debates be ready to appear
critically, their effect would be decisive. I beg of
you to turn this subject in your mind. The argu
ments against it will be personal ; those in favor of it
moral ; and something is required from you as a set
off against the sin of your retirement. Your favor of
Dec 29 came to hand Jan 5 ; seal sound, I pray you
always to examine the seals of mine to you, & the
strength of the impression. The suspicions against
the government on this subject are strong. I wrote
you Jan 5. Accept for yourself & mrs. Madison my
affectionate salutations, & Adieu,

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 319
TO JAMES MONROE. j. mss.
Jan 23, 99.
Dear Sir, — The newspapers furnish you with the
articles of common news as well as the Congressional.
You observe the addition proposed to be made to
our navy, and the loan of 5. millions, opened at 8.
percent., to equip it. The papers say that our
agents abroad are purchasing vessels for this pur
pose. The following is as accurate a statement of
our income & expence annual, as I can form, after
divesting the treasury reports of such articles as are
incidental & properly annual : D. C.
1798 — Imposts  7,405,42086.
Excise.Auctions, Licences, Carriages 585,879 67.
Postage  57,000
Patents  1,050
Coinage  10, 242
dividends of bank stock  79,920
fines  8
8,139,520 53.
1799 — Direct Tax, ) „, ,
''' _ ' !• Clear of expense. . 2,000,000
Stamp Tax, ) 10,139,520 53
Int & reimbursmt of domestic debt  2,987,145 48
Int on domestic loans  238,637 50
Dutch debt  586,82958 3,812,61256
Civil list   524,206 83
loan offices  13,000
Mint  13,300
light-houses  44,281 08
annuities and Grants  1,603 33
military Pensions  93,400
miscellaneous expences  j 9,000
Contingent expences of Govnt  20,000
amt of civil government properly  728,791 24
Indians  110,000
Foreign intercourse  93,000
Treaties with Gr Br, Spain & Meditern  187,500 280,500
annual expense of existing navy  2,434,261 10
Do. of Army (5,038 offic &priv) . . 1,461,175
Do. of Officers of additl Army (ac-)j^ 3^5 4.112,81110
tually commed) ) 9,044,714 90

320 THE WRITINGS OF [1799

Do. of privates of do. (about gooo) 2,523,455
Do. of additional Navy (exclus.
outfit)  2,949,27896 5.472,73396
8 pr ct. int on 5. millions new loan  400,000

14,917,448 86
By this you will perceive that our income for 1 799,
being 10. millions, and expences 9. millions, we have a
surplus of I. million, which, with the 5. millions to be
borrowed, it is expected, will build the navy & raise
the army. When they are complete, we shall have to
raise by new taxes about 5. millions more, making in
the whole 15. millions, which if our population be 5.
millions, will be 3. dollars a head. But these addi
tional taxes will not be wanting, till the session after
next. The majority in Congress being as in the last ses
sion matters will go on now as then. I shall send you
Gerry's correspondence and Pickering's report on it,
by which you will perceive the unwillingness of
France to break with us, and our determination not
to believe it, & therefore to go to war with them.
For in this light must be viewed our surrounding
their islands with our armed vessels instead of their
cruising on our coasts as the law directs.
According to information, there is real reason to
believe that the X. Y. Z. delusion is wearing off, and
the public mind beginning to take the same direction
it was getting into before that maneuvre. Gerry's
dispatches will tend strongly to open the eyes of
the people. Besides this several other impressive
circumstances will all be bearing on the public mind.
The alien & sedition laws as before, the direct tax,
the additional army & navy, an usurious loan to set

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 321
those follies on foot, a prospect of heavy additional
taxes as soon as they are completed, still heavier
taxes if the government forces on the war, recruiting
officers lounging at every court-house and decoying
the laborer from his plough. A clause in a bill now
under debate for opening commerce with Toussaint
& his black subjects now in open rebellion against
France, will be a circumstance of high aggravation to
that country, and in addition to our cruising round
their islands will put their patience to a great proof.
One fortunate circumstance is that, annihilated as
they are on the ocean, they cannot get at us for
some time, and this will give room for the popu
lar sentiment to correct the imprudence. Nothing
is believed of the stories about Buonaparte. Those
about Ireland have a more serious aspect. I deliv
ered the letter from you of which I was the bearer.
No use was made of the paper, because that poor
creature had already fallen too low even for contempt.
It seems that the representative of our district is
attached to his seat. Mr. Beckley tells me you have
the collection of a sum of money for him, which is
destined for me. What is the prospect of getting it,
& how much ? I do not know whether I have before
informed you that mr. Madison paid to mr. Barnes
240. or 250. D in your name to be placed to your
credit with mr. Short, I consequently squared that
account, & debited you to myself for the balance.
This with another article or two of account between
us, stands therefore against the books for which I am
indebted to you, & of which I know not the cost. A
VOL VII — 21

322 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
very important measure is under contemplation here,
which, if adopted, will require a considerable sum of
money on loan. The thing being beyond the abili
ties of those present, they will possibly be obliged to
assess their friends also. I may perhaps be forced to
score you for 50. or 100. D, to be paid at convenience,
but as yet it is only talked of. I shall rest my justi
fication on the importance of the measure, and the
sentiments I know you to entertain on such subjects.
We consider the elections on the whole as rather in
our favor, & particularly believe those of N Caroline
will immediately come right. J. Nicholas & Brent,
both offer again. My friendly respects to mrs, Mon
roe, & to yourself affectionate salutations & adieu.
P. S. I shall seldom write to you, on account of
the strong suspicions of infidelity in the post offices.
Always examine the seal before you open my letters,
& note whether the impression is distinct.

TO JOHN TAYLOR. j. mss.
Philadelphia Jan. 24. 99.
Dear Sir, — Mr. Tazewell died about noon this
day after an illness of about 36. hours. On this
event, so melancholy for his family and friends, the
loss to the public of so faithful and able a servant no
reflections can be adequate.
The object of this letter (and which I beseech you
to mention as from me to no mortal) is the replace
ment of him by the legislature. Many points in
Monro's character would render him the most valu-

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 323
able acquisition the republican interest in this legis
lature could make. There is no chance of bringing
him into the other house as some had wished, be
cause the present representative of his district will
not retire. I salute you affectionately.

TO JOHN PAGE. j. mss,
Philadelphia Jan. 24. 99.
My dear FRIEND, — I enclose you a copy of
Gerry's correspondence after his companions left
him, and of Mr. Pickering's commentary on it. You
will see reason to suspect (especially after what the
papers say of a British alliance) that the Executive
has taken some step on the presumption that France
would declare war. To support which it is necessary
to have it believed she will still make war. Yester
day they voted in the H. of R. by a majority of 20.
to retain a clause in a bill opening commerce with
Toussaint, now in rebellion against France. This
circumstance with the stationing our armed vessels
round the French islands will probably be more than
the Directory will bear. In the meantime you
observe that the raising the additional army, and
building a great additional navy are steadily pro
posed ; and as these will require a great immediate
supply of money, a loan of 5. millions is opened at
the usurious interest of 8, per cent for fear that an
immediate addition of that to our taxes should blow
up the whole object. The following is a statement
(in round numbers) of our annual income & expen-

324 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
diture divested of those articles of the Treasury
report which are accidentals.
1798 Income
Impost  •j\ millions
Excises, carriages &c  f of a million
1799 8^
Stamp & direct tax clear  2
loj
Expenses Civil list  I million
foreign intercourse  ^
int. on public debt  4.
existing navy  2j
existing army (5,000) . .  1^ 4.
¦ 9i
addnl army (9,000)  2^
addnl navy (exclus. outfit)  3
int. of new loan  ^jj. 5^^^^
It is said however that the deficit of 5. millions,
need not be added to our annual taxes for a year or
two. These subjects compared with Gerry's explicit
assurance that France is sincere in wishing to avoid
war with us, that she does not desire a breach of the
British treaty but only to be put on an equal foot,
and that a liberal treaty might have been had, I
leave to your own reflections. I am told that if you
will exert yourself you may be elected to the next
Congress. Pray my dear Sir, leave nothing undone
to effect it. We gain on the whole by the new elec
tions, & if those of Virginia are uniform we shall
have a majority. Two years more of such measures
as we have had lately will ruin us beyond recovery.

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 325
Never did so important a public duty rest on you
before. For even a single vote will decide the
majority. It is truly a case of moral duty, and I
know your conscience will not be insensible to it, if
you will indulge its suggestions. I write my friends
seldom because of the suspected infidelity of the post
office. Present me respectfully to mrs. Page & ac
cept assurances of great and unaltered affection from
dear Sir Yours sincerely.

TO ELBRIDGE GERRY. jf. mss.
Philadelphia, Jan 26, 1799.
My Dear Sir, — Your favor of Nov. 12 -was safely
delivered to me by mr. Binney, but not till Dec. 28,
as I arrived here only three days before that date.
It was received with great satisfaction. Our very
long intimacy as fellow-laborers in the same cause,
the recent expressions of mutual confidence which
had preceded your mission, the interesting course
which that had taken, & particularly & personally as
it regarded yourself, made me anxious to hear from
you on your return. I was the more so too, as I had
myself during the whole of your absence, as well as
since your return, been a constant butt for every shaft
of calumny which malice & falsehood could form, &
the presses, public speakers, or private letters dissemi
nate. One of these, too, was of a nature to touch
yourself ; as if, wanting confidence in your efforts, I
had been capable of usurping powers committed to

326 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
you, & authorizing negociations private & collateral
to yours. The real truth is, that though Dr Logan,
the pretended missionary, about 4. or 5. days before
he sailed for Hamburgh, told me he was going there,
& thence to Paris, & asked & received from me a
certificate of his citizenship, character, & circum
stances of life, merely as a protection, should he
be molested on his journey, in the present turbu
lent & suspicious state of Europe, yet I had been led
to consider his object as relative to his private affairs ;
and tho', from an intimacy of some standing, he knew
well my wishes for peace and my political sentiments
in general, he nevertheless received then no particular
declaration of them, no authority to communicate
them to any mortal, nor to speak to any one in my
name, or in anybody's name, on that, or on any other
subject whatever ; nor did I write by him a scrip of a
pen to any person whatever. This he has himself
honestly & publicly declared since his return ; & from
his well-known character & every other circumstance,
every candid man must perceive that his enterprise
was dictated by his own enthusiasm, without consul
tation or communication with any one ; that he acted
in Paris on his own ground, & made his own way.
Yet to give some color to his proceedings, which
might implicate the republicans in general, & my
self particularly, they have not been ashamed to
bring forward a suppositious paper, drawn by one of
their own party in the name of Logan, and falsely
pretended to have been presented by him to the gov
ernment of France ; counting that the bare mention

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 327
of my name therein, would connect that in the eye
of the public with this transaction. In confutation
of these and all future calumnies, by way of anticipa
tion, I shall make to you a profession of my political
faith ; in confidence that you will consider every
future imputation on me of a contrary complexion,
as bearing on its front the mark of falsehood &
calumny.
/I do then, with sincere zeal, wish an inviolable
preservation of our present federal constitution, ac
cording to the true sense in which it was adopted by
the States, that in which it was advocated by it's
friends, & not that which it's enemies apprehended,
who therefore became it's enemies ; and I am op
posed to the monarchising it's features by the forms
of it's administration, with a view to conciliate a first
transition to a President & Senate for life, & from
that to a hereditary tenure of these offices, & thus to
worm out the elective principle. I am for preserving
to the States the powers not yielded by them to the
Union, & to the legislature of the Union it's consti
tutional share in the division of powers ; and I am
not for transferring all the powers of the States
to the general government, & all those of that
government to the Executive branch. I am for a
government rigorously frugal & simple, applying all
the possible savings of the public revenue to the dis
charge of the national debt ; and not for a multipli
cation of officers & salaries merely to make partisans,
& for increasing, by every device, the public debt,
on the principle of it's being a public blessing, l I

328 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
' am for relying, for internal defence, on our militia
solely, till actual invasion, and for such a naval force
only as may protect our coasts and harbors from such
depredations as we have experienced ; and not for a
standing army in time of peace, which may overawe
the public sentiment ; nor for a navy, which, by it's
own expenses and the eternal wars in which it will
implicate us, will grind__us with public burthens, &
sink us under them. ( I am for free commerce with
all nations ; political connection with none ; & little
or no diplomatic establishment. And I am not for
linking ourselves by new treaties with the quarrels of
Europe ; entering that field of slaughter to preserve
their balance, or joining in the confederacy of kings
to war against the principles of libertyj I am for
freedom of religion, & against all maneuvres to bring
about a legal ascendancy of one sect over another :
for freedom of the press, & against all violations of
the constitution to silence by force & not by reason
the complaints or criticisms, just or unjust, of our
citizens against the conduct of their agents. And I
am for encouraging the progress of science in all it's
branches ; and not for raising a hue and cry against
the sacred name of philosophy ; for awing the human
mind by stories of raw-head & bloody bones to a dis
trust of its own vision, & to repose implicitly on that
of others ; to go backwards instead of forwards to
look for improvement ; to believe that government,
religion, morality, & every other science were iq the
highest perfection in ages of the darkest ignorance,
and that nothing can ever be devised more perfect

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 329
than what was established by our forefathers. To
thfese I will add, that I was a sincere well-wisher to
the success of the French revolution, and still wish
it may end in the establishment of a free & well-
ordered republic ; but I have not been insensible
under the atrocious depredations they have commit
ted on our commerce. (The first object of my heart is
my own country.J^ In that is embarked my family, my
fortune, & my own existence, /ihave not one far
thing of intere.st, nor one fibre of attachment out of
it, nor a single motive of preference of any one nation
to another, but in proportion as they are more or less
friendly to usj [But though deeply feeling the in
juries of France, I did not think war the surest means
of redressing them. I did believe, that a mission
sincerely disposed to preserve peace, would obtain
for us a peaceable & honorable settlement & retri
bution ;j'and I appeal to you to say, whether this
might not have been obtained, if either of your col
leagues had been of the same sentiment with your
self. These, my friend, are my principles ; they are
unquestionably the principles of the great body of
our fellow citizens, and I know there is not one of
them which is not yours also. In truth, we never
differed but on one ground, the funding system ; and
as, from the moment of it's being adopted by the con
stituted authorities, I became religiously principled
in the sacred discharge of it to the uttermost far
thing, we are united now even on that single ground
of difference.

33°

THE WRITINGS OF

[1799

I turn now to your inquiries. The enclosed paper'
will answer one of them. But you also ask for such
political information as may be possessed by me, &
interesting to yourself in regard to your embassy.
As a proof of my entire confidence in you, I shall
give it fully & candidly. When Pinckney, Marshall,
and Dana, were nominated to settle our differences
with France, it was suspected by many, from what
was understood of their dispositions, that their mis
sion would not result in a settlement of differences,
but would produce circumstances tending to widen
the breach, and to provoke our citizens to consent to
a war with that nation, & union with England.
Dana's resignation & your appointment gave the

' The paper was as follows :

" Yeas

Nays

Langdon

Livermore
Goodhue
N. H.
Sedgwick
Mas
Bradford
Foster
R. L
Hlllhouse
Tracy
Con.
Paine
Tichenor
.
Verm.
Laurence
N. Y.
Rutherford
N.J.
Bingham
Ross
Pens.
Latimer
Del.
Howard
Mar.
Tazewell
Mason
Va.
Bloodworth
Martin
N. C.
Hunter
Reade
S. C.
Tatnell
G.
Blount
Cocke
Ten.
Brown
Marshall
Ken tuck."
/
1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 331
first gleam of hope of a peaceable issue to the mis
sion. For it was believed that you were sincerely
disposed to accommodation ; & it was not long after
your arrival there, before symptoms were observed of
that difference of views which had been suspected to
exist. In the meantime, however, the aspect of our
government towards the French republic had become
so ardent, that the people of America generally took
the alarm. To the southward, their apprehensions
were early excited. In the Eastern States also, they
at length began to break out. Meetings were held
in many of your towns, & addresses to the govern
ment agreed on in opposition to war. The example
was spreading like a wildfire. Other meetings were
called in other places, & a general concurrence of
sentiment against the apparent inclinations of the
government was imminent ; when, most critically for
the government, the despatches of Octr 22, prepared
by your colleague Marshall, with a view to their being
made public, dropped into their laps. . It was truly a
God-send to them, & they made the most of it.
Many thousands of copies were printed & dispersed
gratis, at the public expence ; & the zealots for war
co-operated so heartily, that there were instances of
single individuals who printed & dispersed 10. or
12,000 copies at their own expence. The odiousness
of the corruption supposed in those papers excited a
general & high indignation among the people. Un
experienced in such maneuvres, they did not permit
themselves even to suspect that the turpitude of
private swindlers might mingle itself unobserved, &

332 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
give it's own hue to the communications of the
French government, of whose participation there was
neither proof nor probability. It served, however,
for a time, the purpose intended. The people, in
many places, gave a loose to the expressions of their
warm indignation, & of their honest preference of
war to dishonor. The fever was long & successfully
kept up, and in the meantime, war measures as
ardently crowded. Still, however, as it was known
that your colleagues were coming away, and yourself
to stay, though disclaiming a separate power to con
clude a treaty, it was hoped by the lovers of peace,
that a project of treaty would have been prepared, ad
referendum, on principles which would have satisfied
our citizens, & overawed any bias of the government
towards a different policy. But the expedition of the
Sophia, and, as was supposed, the suggestions of the
person charged with your despatches, & his probable
misrepresentations of the real wishes of the American
people, prevented these hopes. They had then only
to look forward to your return for such information,
either through the Executive, or from yourself, as
might present to our view the other side of the
medal. The despatches of Oct 22, 97, had presented
one face. That information, to a certain degree, is
now received, & the public will see from your cor
respondence with Taleyrand, that France, as you
testify, " was sincere and anxious to obtain a recon
ciliation, not wishing us to break the British treaty,
but only to give her equivalent stipulations ; and in
general was disposed to a liberal treaty." And they

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 333
will judge whether mr. Pickering's report shews an
inflexible determination to believe no declarations the
French government can make, nor any opinion which
you, judging on the spot & from actual view, can give
of their sincerity, and to meet their designs of peace
with operations of war. The alien & sedition acts
have already operated in the South as powerful seda
tives of the X. Y. Z. inflammation. In your quarter,
where violations of principle are either less regarded
or more concealed, the direct tax is likely to have the
same effect, & to excite inquiries into the object of
the enormous expences & taxes we are bringing on.
And your information supervening, that we might
have a liberal accommodation if we would, there can
be little doubt of the reproduction of that general
movement, by the despatches of Oct. 22. And tho'
small checks & stops, like Logan's pretended em
bassy, may be thrown in the way from time to time,
& may a little retard it's motion, yet the tide is already
turned, and will sweep before it all the feeble obstacles
of art. The unquestionable republicanism of the
American mind will break through the mist under
which it has been clouded, and will oblige it's agents
to reform the principles & practices of their adminis
tration. You suppose that you have been abused by both
parties. As far as has come to my knowledge, you
are misinformed. I have never seen or heard a sen
tence of blame uttered against you by the republicans ;
unless we were so to construe their wishes that you
had more boldly co-operated in a project of a treaty.

334 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
and would more explicitly state, whether there was in
your colleages that flexibility, which persons earnest
after peace would have practised .? Whether, on the
contrary, their demeanor was not cold, reserved, and
distant, at least, if not backward ? And whether, if
they had yielded to those informal conferences which
Taleyrand seems to have courted, the liberal accom
modation you suppose might not have been effected,
even with their agency ? Your fellow-citizens think
they have a right to full information, in a case of such
great concern to them. It is their sweat which is to
earn all the expences of the war, and their blood
which is to flow in expiation of the causes of it. It
may be in your power to save them from these mis
eries by full communications and unrestrained details,
postponing motives of delicacy to those of duty. It
rests for you to come forward independently ; to take
your stand on the high ground of your own charac
ter ; to disregard calumny, and to be borne above it
on the shoulders of your grateful fellow citizens ; or
to sink into the humble oblivion, to which the Feder
alists (self-called) have secretly condemned you ; and
even to be happy if they will indulge you with obliv
ion, while they have beamed on your colleagues
meridian splendor. Pardon me, my dear Sir, if my
expressions are strong. My feelings are so much
more so, that it is with difficulty I reduce them even
to the tone I use. If you doubt the dispositions
towards you, look into the papers, on both sides, for
the toasts which were given throughout the States on
the 4th of July, You will there see whose hearts

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 335
were with you, and whose were ulcerated against you.
Indeed, as soon as it was known that you had consented
to stay in Paris, there was no measure observed in
the execrations of the war party. They openly wished
you might be guillotined, or sent to Cayenne, or
anything else. And these expressions were finally
stifled from a principle of policy only, & to prevent
you from being urged to a justification of yourself.
From this principle alone proceed the silence and cold
respect they observe towards you. Still, they cannot
prevent at times the flames bursting from under the
embers, as mr. Pickering's letters, report, & conver
sations testify, as well as the indecent expressions
respecting you, indulged by some of them in the
debate on these despatches. These sufficiently show
that you are never more to be honored or trusted by
them, and that they await to crush you for ever, only
till they can do it without danger to themselves.
When I sat down to answer your letter, but two
courses presented themselves, either to say nothing
or everything ; for half confidences are not in my
character. I could not hesitate which was due to
you. I have unbosomed myself fully ; & it will cer
tainly be highly gratifying if I receive like confidence
from you. For even if we differ in principle more
than I believe we do, you & I know too well the
texture of the human mind, & the slipperiness of
human reason, to consider differences of opinion
otherwise than differences of form or feature. Integ
rity of views more than their soundness, is the basis
of esteem, I shall follow your direction in conveying

336 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
this by a private hand ; tho' I know not as j'et when
one worth)- of confidence will occur. And my trust
in you leaves me without a fear that this letter, meant
as a confidential communication of my impressions,
will ever go out of )-our hand, or be suffered in any
wise to commit my name. Indeed, besides the acci
dents which might happen to it even under your care,
considering the accident of death to which you are
liable, I think it safest to pra)^ you, after reading it as
often as you please, to destroy at least the 2d & 3d
leaves. The ist contains principles onlv, which I
fear not to avow ; but the 2d & 3d contain facts
stated for your information, and which, though
sacredly conformable to m)- firm belief, )-et would be
galling to some, & expose me to illiberal attacks. I
therefore repeat my prayer to burn the 2d & 3d
leaves. And did we ever expect to see the day, when,
breathing nothing but sentiments of love to our coun
try & it's freedom & happiness, our correspondence
must be as secret as if we were hatching- it's destruc-
tion ! Adieu, my friend, and accept my sincere &
affectionate salutations. I need not add my signa
ture.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON. j. mss.
Philadelphla, Jan. 29, 99.
Dear Sir, — Your patriarchal address to your
county is running through all the republican papers,
and has a very great effect on the people. It is
short, simple, and presents things in a view they
readily comprehend. The character & circumstances

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 337
too of the writer leave them without doubts of his
motives. If, like the patriarch of old, you had but
one blessing to give us, I should have wished it
directed to a particular object. But I hope you
have one for this also. You know what a wicked
use has been made of the French negociation ; and
particularly the X. Y. Z. dish cooked up by Marshall,
where the swindlers are made to appear as the
French government. Art and industry combined,
have certainly wrought out of this business a won
derful effect on the people. Yet they have been
astonished more than they have understood it, and
now that Gerry's comes out, clearing the French
government of that turpitude, & shewing them " sin
cere in their dispositions for peace, not wishing us to
break the British treaty, and willing to arrange a
liberal one with us," the people will be disposed to
suspect they have been duped. But these communi
cations are too voluminous for them, and beyond their
reach. A recapitulation is now wanting of the whole
story, stating every thing according to what we may
now suppose to have been the truth, short, simple &
levelled to every capacity. Nobody in America can
do it so well as yourself, in the same character of the
father of your county, or any form you like better,
and so concise, as omitting nothing material, may
yet be printed in hand bills, of which we could print
& disperse 10. or 20,000. copies under letter covers,
through all the U. S, by the members of Congress
when they return home. If the understanding of the
people could be rallied to the truth on this subject,
VOL VII— 22

338 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
by exposing the duper)- practised on them, there are
so many other things about to bear on them favor
ably for the resurrection of their republican spirit,
that a reduction of the administration to constitu
tional principles cannot fail to be the effect. These
are the Alien & Sedition laws, the vexations of the
stamp act, the disgusting particularities of the direct
tax, the additional army without an enemy, & recruit
ing officers lounging at every court house, a na^vy of
50. ships, 5. millions to be raised to build it, on the
usurious interest of 8. per cent., the perseverance in
war on our part, when the French government shows
such an anxious desire to keep at peace with us, taxes
of 10. millions now paid by 4. millions of people, and
yet a necessity, in a year or two, of raising 5. millions
more for annual expences. These things will im
mediately be bearing on the public mind, and if it
remain not still blinded by a supposed necessity, for
the purpose of maintaining our independence & de
fending our country, they will set things to rights, I
hope you will undertake this statement. If anybody
else had possessed your happy talent for this kind of
recapitulation, I would have been the last to disturb
you with the application ; but it will really be render
ing our country a service greater than it is in the
power of any other individual to render. To save
you the trouble of hunting the several documents
from which this statement is to be taken, I have col
lected them here compleatly, and enclose them to you,
Logan's bill has passed. On this subject, it is
hardly necessary for me to declare to you, on every-

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 339
thing sacred, that the part they ascribed to me was
entirely a calumny. Logan called on me 4. or 5.
days before his departure, & asked & received a cer
tificate (in my private capacity) of his citizenship &
circumstances of life, merely as a protection, should
he be molested in the present turbulent state of
Europe. I have given such to an hundred others, &
they have been much more frequently asked & ob
tained by tories than whigs. I did not write a scrip
of a pen by him to any person. From long acquaint
ance he knew my wishes for peace & my political
sentiments generally, but he received no particular
declaration of them then nor one word of authority to
speak in my name, or anybody's name on that or any
other subject. It was an enterprise founded in the
enthusiasm of his own character. He went on his
own ground & made his own way. His object was
virtuous, and the effect meritorious.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Jan 30, gg.
My last to you was of the i6th, since which yours
of the 1 2th is received, and it's contents disposed of
properly. These met such approbation as to have
occasioned an extraordinary impression of that day's
paper. Logan's bill is passed. The lower house, by
a majority of 20. passed yesterday a bill continuing
the suspension of intercourse with France, with a
new clause enabling the President to admit inter
course with the rebellious negroes under Toussaint,

340 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
who has an agent here, and has thrown off depend
ence on France. The H of R have also voted 6,
74's & 6. i8's, in part of the additional navy, say
552 guns, which in England would cost 5,000 D,
& here 10,000, consequently more than the whole 5.
millions for which a loan is now opened at 8. per
cent. The maintenance is estimated at ^1,000 (law
ful) a gun annually. A bill has been this day
brought into the Senate for authorizing the Pt in case
of a declaration of war or danger of invasion by any
European power to raise an eventual army of 30. regi
ments, infantry, cavalry, & artillery in addition to
the additional army, the provisional army, & the
corps of volunteers, which last he is authorized to
brigade, officer, exercise, & pay during the time of
exercise. And all this notwithstanding Gerry's cor
respondence recently received, & demonstrating the
aversion of France to consider us as enemies. All
depends on her patiently standing the measures of
the present session, and the surrounding her islands
with our cruisers, & capturing their armed vessels on
her own coasts. If this is borne awhile, the public
opinion is most manifestly wavering in the middle
States, & was even before the publication of Gerry's
correspondence. In New York, Jersey, & Pennsyl
vania, every one attests them, and Genl Sumpter,
just arrived, assures me that the republicans in S C
have gained 50. per cent, in numbers since the elec
tion, which was in the moment of the X. Y. Z. fever.
I believe there is no doubt the republican governor
would be elected here now, & still less for next Octo-

3799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 341
ber. The gentlemen of N C seem to be satisfied
that their new delegation will furnish but 3. perhaps
only 2. anti-republicans ; if so, we shall be gainers on
the whole. But it is on the progress of public opinion
we are to depend for rectifying the proceedings of
the next Congress. The only question is whether
this will not carr)- things beyond the reach of rectifi
cation. Petitions & remonstrances against the alien
& sedition laws are coming from various parts of N
Y, Jersey, & Pensyva : some of them very well
drawn. I am in hopes Virginia will stand so coun
tenanced by those States as to repress the wishes of
the government to coerce her, which they might ven
ture on if they supposed she would be left alone.
Firmness on our part, but a passive firmness, is the
true course. Anything rash or threatening might
check the favorable dispositions of these middle
States, & rally them again around the measures which
are ruining us. Buonaparte appears to have settled
Egypt peacefully, & with the consent of those in
habitants, & seems to be looking towards the E.
Indies, where a most formidable co-operation has
been prepared for demolishing the British power. I
wish the affairs of Ireland were as hopeful, and the
peace with the north of Europe. Nothing new here
as to the price of tobo, the river not having yet ad
mitted the bringing any to this market. Spain being
entirely open to ours, & depending on it for her
supplies during the cutting off of her intercourse
with her own colonies by the superiority of the
British at sea, is much in our favor. I forgot to add

342 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
that the bill for the eventual army, authorizes the
President to borrow 2. millions more. Present my
best respects to mrs. Madison, health & affectionate
salutations to yourself. Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 5, 99.
I wrote you last on the 30th of Jan ; since which
yours of the 25th is received.
At the date of my letter I had only heard the bill
for the eventual army read once. I conceived it
additional to the Provisional army &c. I must cor
rect the error. The bill for the provisional army
(about 10,000 men) expires this session without hav
ing been carried into execution. The eventual army
(about 30,000) is a substitute. I say about 30,000
because some calculate the new establishment of a
regiment we are now passing to a little over, &
some a little under 1,000 officers & privates. The
whole land army contemplated is the existing army
5000. The additional army 9000. The eventual
army 30,000. And the volunteer army, the amount
of which is not known. But besides that it is 44,000
men, and nobody pretends to say that there is from
any quarter the least real danger of invasion. These
may surely be set down at 500 dollars per annum a
man though they pretend that the existing army
costs but 300. The reason of that is that there are
not actually above 3000 of them, the 5,000 being
merely on paper.

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 343
The bill for continuing the suspension of inter
course with France & her dependencies, is still before
the Senate, but will pass by a very great vote. An
attack is made on what is called Toussaint's clause,
the object of which, as is charged by the one party
and admitted by the other, is to facilitate the separa
tion of the island from France. The clause will pass
however, by about 19. to 8., or perhaps 18. to 9.
Rigaud, at the head of the people of color, maintains
his allegiance. But they are only 25,000 souls,
against 500,000, the number of the blacks. The
treaty made with them by Maitland is (if they are to
be separated from France) the best thing for us. They
must get their provisions from us. It will indeed be
in English bottoms, so that we shall lose the car
riage. But the English will probably forbid them
the ocean, confine them to their island, & thus pre
vent their becoming an American Algiers. It must
be admitted too, that they may play them off on us
when they please. Against this there is no remedy
but timely measures on our part, to clear ourselves,
by degrees, of the matter on which that lever can
work. The opposition to Livermore was not republican. I
have however seen letters from New Hampshire from
which it appears that the public sentiment there is no
longer progressive in any direction, but that at present
it is dead water. That during the whole of their late
session not a word has been heard of Jacobinism, disor
ganization &c. No reproach of any kind cast on the
republicans, that there has been a general complaint

344 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
among the members that they could hear but one
side of the question, and the great anxiety to obtain
a paper or papers which would put them in possession
of both sides. From Massachusetts & R. I. I have
no information. Connecticut remains riveted in her
political & religious bigotry. Baldwin is elected by
the legislature of Georgia a Senator for 6. Years in
the room of Tatnal, whose want of firmness had pro
duced the effect of a change of sides. We have had
no report of Yard's being dead. He is certainly
living. A piece published in Bache's paper on foreign influ
ence, has had the greatest currency & effect. To an
extraordinary first impression, they have been obliged
to make a second, & of an extraordinary number. It
is such things as these the public want. They say so
from all quarters, and that they wish to hear reason
instead of disgusting blackguardism. The public
sentiment being now on the creen, and many heavy
circumstances about to fall into the republican scale,
we are sensible that this summer is the season for sys
tematic energies & sacrifices. The engine is the press.
Every man must lay his purse & his pen under con
tribution. As to the former, it is possible I may be
obliged to assume something for you. As to the lat
ter, let me pray & beseech you to set apart a certain
portion of every post day to write what may be proper
for the public. Send it to me while here, & when I
go away I will let you know to whom you may send,
so that your name shall be sacredly secret. You can
render such incalculable services in this way, as to

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 345
lessen the effect of our loss of your presence here. I
shall see you on the 5th or 6th of March. Affection
ate salutations to mrs. Madison & yourself. Adieu.

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb. 11, 99.
I wrote you last on the 23d of Jan, since which
yours of Jan 26 is received. A bill will pass the
Senate to day for enabling the President to retaliate
rigorously on any French citizens who now are or
hereafter may be in our power, should they put to
death any sailors of ours forced on board British
vessels & taken by the French. This is founded
expressly on their arret of Oct 29, 98, communicated
by the President by message. It is known (from the
Secretary of state himself) that he received, immedi
ately after, a letter from Rufus King informing him
the arret was suspended, and tho' it has been known
a week that we were passing a retaliating act founded
expressly on that arret, yet the President has not com
municated it, and the supporters of the bill, who
themselves told the secret of the suspension in de
bate, (for it was otherwise unknown,) will yet pass
the bill. We have already an existing army of 5,000
men, & the additional army of 9,000 now going into
execution. We have a bill on its progress through
Senate for authorizing the presdt to raise 30. regiments
(30,000 men) called an eventual army, in case of war
with any European power, or of imminent danger of
invasion from them in his opinion. And also to call

346 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
out & exercise at times the volunteer army, the num
ber of which we know not. 6. 74's & 6. i8's, mak
ing up 550. guns (in part of the fleet of 12. 74's, 12,
frigates, and 20. or 30. smaller vessels proposed to be
built or bought as soon as we can), are now to be
begun. One million of dollars is voted. The gov
ernment estimate of their cost is about 4,500. D
(^1000 sterl) a gun. But there cannot be a doubt
they will cost 10,000 D. a gun, & consequently the
550. guns will be 5 1 millions. A loan is now opened
for 5. millions at 8. percent., & the eventual army bill
authorizes another of 2. millions. King is appointed
to negociate a treaty of commerce with Russia, in
London. Phocion Smith is proposed to go to Con
stantinople to make a treaty with the Turks. Under
two other covers you will receive a copy of the French
originals of Gerry's communicns for yourself, and a
doz. of G. N's pamphlets on the laws of the last ses
sion. I wish you to give these to the most influen
tial characters among our country-men, who are only
misled, are candid enough to be open to conviction, &
who may have most effect on their neighbors. It would
be useless to give them to persons already sound. Do
not let my name be connected with the business. It is
agreed on all hands that the British depredations have
greatly exceeded the French during the last 6. months.
The insurance companies at Boston, this place & Balti
more, prove this from their books. I have not heard
how it is at N. Y. The Senate struck out the bill con
tinuing the suspension of intercourse with France, the
clauses which authorized the P to do it with certain

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 347
other countries (say Spanish & Dutch), which clauses
had passed the H of R by a majority of, I believe, 20.
They agreed, however, to the amendment of the
Senate. But Toussaint's clause was retained by both
Houses. Adieu affectionately.
Feb. 1 2th. The vessel called the Retaliation, for
merly French property taken by us, armed & sent to
cruise on them, retaken by them & carried into Guada-
loupe, arrived here this morning with her own capt
crew, &c. They say that new commissioners from
France arrived at Guadaloupe, sent Victor Hughes
home in irons, liberated this crew, said to the captn
that they found him to be an officer bearing a regular
commission from the U S, possessed of a vessel called
the Retaliation, then in their port ; that they should
inquire into no preceding fact, and that he was free
with his vessel & crew to depart ; that as to differ
ences with the U S, commrs were coming out from
France to settle them ; in the meantime, no injury
should be done to us or our citizens. This was known
to every Senator when we met. The Retaliation bill
came on, on it's passage, & was passed with only 2.
dissenting voices, 2. or 3. who would have dissented
happening to be absent.

TO AARON BURR. J- mss,
Philadelphia, Feb. 11. 99.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of Feb. 3. came to hand
two days ago. I am sorry to observe my friend
Perr)''s claim to be so unpromising. However I

348 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
shall still hope for something under the wing of your
judgment, which you say will be decided Mar. 14. &
if that shall fail, that he may come in for his share
under the general attachment. I have no conception
how Morris's conveyances to his sons & family can
be good against the statutes on fraudulent convey
ances, if those statutes be in force with you, as in
their British form. Everybody must know that his
sons could have no means of making such purchases
on valuable considerations. However of all this you
are a much better judge. I pray you to let no
chance escape of effectuating Dr. Currie's claim.
The public papers inform you of everything pass
ing here. Of the proposed navy of 18. 74'.s, 12.
frigates & 20 or 30 smaller vessels, of which 6. 74's &
6. i8's are now to be begun ; of our existing army of
5,000 men, additional army of 9,000, eventual army of
30,000 (now under manufacture) & volunteer army of
we know not how many. As it is acknowledged at
the same time that it is impossible the French should
invade us since the annihilation of their power on the
sea, our constituents will see in these preparations
the utmost anxiety to guard them against even im
possibilities. The southern states do not discover
the same care however in the bill authorizing the
President to admit Toussaint's subjects to a free
commerce with them, & free ingress & intercourse
with their black brethren in these states. However
if they are guarded against the cannibals of the ter
rible republic, they ought not to object to being
eaten by a more civilized enemy. Shall we see you

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 349
here this session ? It would give me great pleasure,
I am with sincere esteem dear sir, your friend &
servant. P. S. The system of alarm manifestly flags ; &
the supplementary event of ambassador Logan has
not had the expected effect. The public opinion in
this state is rapidly coming round. Even the Ger
man counties of York & Lancaster are changing
sides.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Feb. 12. 99.
I wrote you last on the 5th. which acknoleged
yours of Jan. 25. the last at hand. Yesterday the
bill for 6. 74's and 6. i8's passed the H. of R. by 54.
against 42. And the bill for a new organization of
the army (into regiments of about 1,000.) passed the
Senate. The bill continuing the suspension of inter
course with France & her dependencies has passed
both houses, but the Senate struck out the clauses
permitting the President to extend it to other powers.
Toussaint's clause however was retained. Even South
Carolinians in the H. of R. voted for it. We may
expect therefore black crews, & supercargoes & mis
sionaries thence into the southern states ; & when
that leven begins to work, I would gladly compound
with a great part of our northern country, if they
would honestly stand neuter. If this combustion can
be introduced among us under any veil whatever, we
have to fear it. We shall this day press the retalia
tion bill. It reaches & is expressly founded on the

35° THE WRITINGS OF [1799
French arret of Oct. 29. 98, communicated to us by
the President. It came out from Sedgwick and
Stockton in debate that they had had it from the
Secy, of state that he had received a letter from mr.
King informing him of the suspension of that arret.
Yet tho' they knew we were legislating on it, the P.
has not communicated it ; & the retaliators insist on
passing the bill. It is now acknoleged on all hands,
denied on none, & declared by the insurance compa
nies that during the last 6. months the British depre-
dns. have far exceeded the French. King has been
appointed to enter into a treaty with Russia at Lon
don & Phocion Smith was yesterday confirmed by
the Senate as Envoy extray & M. P. to Constanti
nople to make a like treaty with the Turks. To
change the moment of a coalition between the Turks,
Russians & English against France to unite us by
treaty with that body as openly as they intend to
propose, cannot be misconstrued. I send you under
a separate cover the French originals of Gerry's com-
muncns, one of G : N.'s pamphlets & the Treasury
statements of exports & imports of the last year.
Adieu. P. S. No letter you could write after your receipt
of this will find me here.

TO ARCHIBALD STUART.' Philadelphia, Feb 13, 99.
Dear Sir, — I avoid writing to my friends because
the fidelity of the post office is very much doubted,
I will give you briefly a statement of what we have
¦ From the original in the possession of the Virginia Historical Society.

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 351
done and are doing. The following is a view of our
finances in round numbers. The impost brings in
the last year 7\ millions of dollars, the excise, car
riages, auctions, & licenses, \ a million, the residuary
small articles -^ of a million. It is expected that the
stamp act may pay the expense of the direct tax, so
that the two may be counted at 2. millions, making in
the whole 10^ millions. Our expenses for the civil
list f of a million, foreign intercourse \ a million (this
includes Indian & Algerine expenses, the Spanish &
British treaties), interest of the public debt 4. millions,
the existing navy 2\ millions, the existing army, 5,000
men, \\. millions, making 9-^. millions, so that we have
a surplus of near a million. But the additional army,
9,000 men, now raising, will add 2\. millions annually,
the additional navy proposed 3. millions, and the
interest of the new loans \ a million, making 6 millions
more, so that as soon as the army and navy shall be
ready, our whole expenses will be 15. millions ; con
sequently, there will be 5. millions annually more to
be raised by taxes. Our present taxes of 10. M. are 2.
dollars a head on our present population, and the future
5. M. will make it 3. D. Our whole exports (native)
this year are 28 M., so that our taxes are now \ &
will soon be \ of our whole exports ; & when you add
the expenses of the State Governments we shall be
found to have got to the plenum of taxation in 10.
short years of peace. Great Britain, after centuries
of wars & revolutions, had at the commencement of
the present war taxed only to the amount of \ of her
exports. We have opened a loan for 5 M., @. 8. per
cent, interest, & another is proposed of 2. M. These

352 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
are to build 6. 74's & 6. i8's, in part of additional
navy, for which a bill passed the H of R 2 days ago,
by 54. against 42. Beside the existing army of 5,000
& additional army of 9,000, an eventual army of 30,-
000 is proposed to be raised by the President, in case
of invasion by any European power, or danger of in
vasion, in his opinion, and the volunteer army, the
amount of which we know not, is to be immediately
called out & exercised at the public expense. For
these purposes a bill has been twice read and com
mitted in the Senate. You have seen by Gerry's
communication that France is sincerely anxious for
reconciliation, willing to give us a liberal treaty, and
does not wish us to break the British treaty, but only
to put her on an equal footing. A further proof of
her sincerity turned up yesterday. We had taken an
armed vessel from her, had refitted and sent her to
cruise against them, under the name of the Retalia
tion, and they re-captured & sent her into Guada
loupe. The new commissioners arriving there from
France, sent Victor Hughes off in irons, and said to
our captain, that as they found him bearing a regular
commission as an officer of the Ud S, with his vessel
in their port, & his crew, they would inquire into
no fact respecting the vessel preceding their arrival,
but that he, his vessel & crew, were free to depart.
They arrived here yesterday. The federal papers
call her a cartel. It is whispered that the Executive
mean to return an equal number of the French
prisoners, and this may give a color to call her a
cartel, but she was liberated freely & without condi-

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 353
tion. The commissioners further said to the captain
that, as to the differences with the Ud S, new com
missioners were coming out from France to settle
them, & in the meantime they should do us no injury.
The President has appointed Rufus King to make a
commercial treaty with the Russians in London, and
Wm Smith, (of S C,) to go to Constantinople to
make one with the Turks. Both appointments are
confirmed by the Senate. A little dissatisfaction was
expressed by some that we should never have treated
with them till the moment when they had formed a
coalition with the English against the French. You
have seen that the Directory had published an arret
declaring they would treat as pirates any neutrals they
should take in the ships of their enemies. The Presi
dent communicated this to Congress as soon as he re
ceived it. A bill was brought into Senate reciting
that arret, and authorizing retaliation. Tho' the P
received information almost in the same instant that
the Directory had suspended the arret (which fact
was privately declared by the Secretary of state to
two of the Senate), and, tho' it was known we were
passing an act founded on that arret, yet the P has
never communicated the suspension. However the
Senate, informed indirectly of the fact, still passed the
act yesterday, an hour after we had heard of the re
turn of our vessel & crew before mentioned. It is ac
knoleged on all hands, & declared by the insurance
companies that the British depredations during the
last 6. months have greatly exceeded the French, yet
not a word is said about it officially. However, all
VOL. VII.— 23

354 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
these things are working on the public mind. They
are getting back to the point where they were when
the X. Y. Z. story was played off on them. A wonder
ful & rapid change is taking place in Pennsylvania,
Jersey, & N York. Congress is daily plied with
petitions against the alien & sedition laws & standing
armies. Several parts of this State are so violent
that we fear an insurrection. This will be brought
about by some if they can. It is the only thing we
halve to fear. The appearance of an attack of force
against the government would check the present
current of the middle States, and rally them around
the government ; whereas, if suffered to go on, it will
pass on to a reformation of abuses. The materials
now bearing on the public mind will infallibly restore
it to it's republican soundness in the course of the
present summer, if the knolege of facts can only be
disseminated among the people. Under separate
cover you will receive some pamphlets written by
George Nicholas on the acts of the last session.
These I wish you to distribute, not to sound men who
have no occasion for them, but to such as have been
misled, are candid & will be open to the conviction
of truth, and are of influence among their neighbors.
It is the sick who need medicine, & not the well. Do
not let my name appear in the matter. Perhaps I
shall forward you some other things to be distributed
in the same way. Let me now trouble you with a
small private matter, Mr, Clarke was tolerably
punctual in his remittances as long as he continued
in business. But when he quitted he had near ;^ioo.

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 355
of mine for nails actually sold, in his hands. For so
I had a right to consider it as I charged only ready
money prices, & such was the condition settled be
tween us. This money has now been a twelvemonth
in his hands, and the intermediate applications in
effectual. In truth I am not able to carry on my
manufactory but on ready sales. I have no money
capital to enable me to make great advances & long
winded debts. If you could mention the matter to
mr. Clarke in any way that would best suit the footing
on which you stand with him, & be the means of my
receiving it immediately on my return home (about
the I oth of March) it would be a very sensible relief
to me. And indeed if he does not pay it soon I must
use effectual means to obtain it, such delays being in
compatible with the course or the necessities of my
manufactory. Present me respectfully to mrs. Stuart,
and accept assurances of the sincere esteem of, dear
Sir, your affectionate friend and servant.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON. J. mss,
Philadelphia, Feb. 14, 99.
Dear Sir, — I wrote you a petition on the 29th of
Jan, I know the extent of this trespass on your
tranquillity, and how indiscreet it would have been
under any other circumstances. But the fate of this
country, whether it shall be irretrievably plunged into
a form of government rejected by the makers of the
constitution, or shall get back to the true principles
of that instrument, depends on the turn which things

356 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
may take within a short period of time ensuing the
present moment. The violations of the constitution,
propensities to war, to expense, & to a particular for
eign connection, which we have lately seen, are be
coming evident to the people, and are dispelling that
mist which X. Y. Z. had spread before their eyes.
This State is coming forward with a boldness not yet
seen. Even the German counties of York & Lan
caster, hitherto the most devoted, have come about,
and by petitions with 4,000 signers remonstrate
against the Alien Si Sedition laws, standing armies,
& discretionary powers in the President. New York
& Jersey are also getting into great agitation. In
this State, we fear that the ill designing may produce
insurrection. Nothing could be so fatal. Anything
like force would check the progress of the public
opinion & rally them round the government. This
is not the kind of opposition the American people
will permit. But keep away all show of force, and
they will bear down the evil propensities of the gov
ernment, by the constitutional means of election &
petition. If we can keep quiet, therefore, the tide
now turning will take a steady & proper direction.
Even in N Hampshire there are strong symptoms of
a rising inquietude. In this state of things, my dear
Sir, it is more in your power than any other man's in
the U S, to give the coup de grace to the ruinous
principles and practices we have seen. In hopes you
have consented to it, I shall furnish to you some ad
ditional matter which has arisen since my last.
I enclose you a part of a speech of mr. Gallatin on

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 357
the naval bill. The views he takes of our finances,
& of the policy of our undertaking to establish a
great navy, may furnish some hints. I am told
something on the same subject from mr. J. Nicho
las will appear in the Richmond & Fredksbg papers.
I mention the real author, that you may respect it
duly, for I presume it will be anonymous. The resi
due of Gallatin's speech shall follow when published.
A recent fact, proving the anxiety of France for a
reconciliation with us, is the following. You know
that one of the armed vessels which we took from her
was refitted by us, sent to cruise on them, recaptured,
& carried into Guadaloupe under the name of the
Retaliation. On the arrival there of Desfourneaux,
the new commissioner, he sent Victor Hughes home
in irons ; called up our captn : told him that he found
he had a regular commission as an officer of the U
S ; that his vessel was then lying in harbor ; that he
should inquire into no fact preceding his own arrival
(by this he avoided noticing that the vessel was really
French property) and that therefore, himself & crew
were free to depart with their vessel ; that as to the
differences between France & the U S, commissioners
were coming out to settle them, & in the meantime,
no injury should be done on their part. The captain
insisted on being a prisoner ; the other disclaimed ;
& so he arrived here with vessel & crew the day be
fore yesterday. Within an hour after this was known
to the Senate, they passed a retaliation bill, of which
I enclose you a copy. This was the more remarka
ble, as the bill was founded expressly on the Arret of

358 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
Oct 29, which had been communicated by the Presi
dent as soon as received, and he remarked, " that it
could not be too soon communicated to the two
Houses & the public." Yet he almost in the same
instant received, through the same channel, mr. King,
information that the Arret was suspended, & tho' he
knew we were making it the foundation of a retalia
tion bill, he has never yet communicated it. But the
Senate knew the fact informally from the Secy of
state, & knowing it, passed the bill.
The President has appointed, & the Senate ap
proved Rufus King, to enter into a treaty of commerce
with the Russians, at London, & Wm Smith, (Pho
cion) Envoy Extray & M. P., to go to Constantinople
to make one with the Turks. So that as soon as
there is a coalition of Turks, Russians & English,
against France, we seize that moment to countenance
it as openly as we dare, by treaties, which we never
had with them before. All this helps to fill up the
measure of provocation towards France, and to get
from them a declaration of war, which we are afraid
to be the first in making. It is certain the French
have behaved atrociously towards neutral nations, &
us particularly ; and tho' we might be disposed not
to charge them with all the enormities committed in
their name in the West Indies, yet they are to be
blamed for not doing more to prevent them. A just
and rational censure ought to be expressed on them,
while we disapprove the constant billingsgate poured
on them officially. It is at the same time true, that
their enemies set the first example of violating neu-

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 359
tral rights, & continue them to this day ; insomuch
that it is declared on all hands, & particularly by the
insurance companies & denied by none, that the Brit
ish spoliations have considerably exceeded the French
during the last 6. months. Yet not a word of these
things is said officially to the legislature.
Still further, to give the devil his due, (the French)
it should be observed that it has been said without
contradiction, and the people made to believe, that
their refusal to receive our Envoys was contrary to
the L. of Nations, and a sufficient cause of war ;
whereas, every one who ever read a book on the law
of nations knows, that it is an unquestionable right
in every power to refuse to receive any minister who
is personally disagreeable. Martens, the latest and a
very respected writer, has laid this down so clearly &
shortly in his " summary of the law of nations," B. 7.
ch. 2. sec. 9, that I will transcribe the passage verba
tim. " Section 9. Of choice in the person of the
minister. The choice of the person to be sent as
minister depends of right on the sovereign who sends
him, leaving the right, however, of him to whom he
sent, of refusing to acknolege any one, to whom he
has a personal dislike, or who is inadmissible by the
laws & usages of the country." And he adds notes
proving by instances, &c. This is the whole section.
Notwithstanding all these appearances of peace
from France, we are, besides our existing army of
5.000 men, & additional army of 9.000 (now officered
and levying), passing a bill for an eventual army of
30 regiments (30,000) and for regimenting, brigad-

36o THE WRITINGS OF [1799
ing, officering & exercising at the public expense our
volunteer army, the amount of which we know not, I
enclose you a copy of the bill, which has been twice
read & committed in Senate. To meet this expence,
& that of the 6. 72's & 6. i8's part of the proposed
fleet, we have opened a loan of 5. millions at 8 per
cent, & authorize another of 2 millions ; and at the
same time, every man voting for these measures
acknoleges there is no probability of an invasion by
France. While speaking of the restoration of our
vessel, I omitted to add, that it is said that our gov
ernment contemplate restoring the Frenchmen taken
originally in the same vessel, and kept at Lancaster
as prisoners. This has furnished the idea of calling
her a cartel vessel, and pretending that she came as
such for an exchange of prisoners, which is false.
She was delivered free & without condition, but it
does not suit to let any new evidence appear of the
desire of conciliation in France. I believe it is now
certain that the Commissioners on the British debts
can proceed together no longer. I am told that our
two have prepared a long report, which will perhaps
be made public. The result will be, that we must
recur again to negociation, to settle the principles of
the British claims. You know that Congress rises on
the 3d of March, and that if you have acceded to my
prayers, I should hear from you at least a week before
our rising. Accept my affectionate salutations &
assurances of the sincere esteem with which I am,
dear Sir, your friend and servant.

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 361
TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Feb 19, 99.
I wrote to you last on the i ith ; yesterday the bill
for the eventual army of 30 regiments (30.000) &
75.000 volunteers, passed the Senate. By an amend
ment, the P was authorized to use the volunteers for
every purpose for which he can use militia, so that
the militia are rendered compleatly useless. The
friends of the bill acknoleged that the volunteers are
a militia, & agreed that they might properly be called
the Presidential militia. They are not to go out of their
state without their own consent. Consequently, all
service out of the state is thrown on the constitutional
militia, the Presidential militia being exempted from
doing duty with them. Leblanc, an agent from Des
fourneaux -of Guadaloupe, came in the Retaliation.
You will see in the papers Desfourneaux's letter to
the President, which will correct some immaterial
circumstances of the statement in my last. You will
see the truth of the main fact, that the vessel & crew
were liberated without condition. Notwithstanding
this, they have obliged Leblanc to receive the French
prisoners, & to admit, in the papers, the terms, ' in
exchange for prisoners taken from us,' he denying at
the same time that they consider them as prisoners,
or had any idea of exchange. The object of his mis
sion was not at all relative to that ; but they chuse to
keep up the idea of a cartel, to prevent the transac
tion from being used as evidence of the sincerity of
the French govent towards a reconciliation. He
came to assure us of a discontinuance of all irregular-

362 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
ities in French privateers from Guadaloupe. He has
been received very cavalierly. In the meantime, a
consul general is named to St. Domingo ; who may
be considered as our minister to Toussaint.
But the event of events was announced to the
Senate yesterday. It is this : it seems that soon after
Gerry's departure, overtures must have been made
by Pichon, French charge d'affaires at the Hague, to
Murray. They were so soon matured, that on the
28th of Sep, 98, Taleyrand writes to Pichon, approv
ing what had been done, & particularly of his having
assured Murray that whatever Plenipotentiary the
govent of the U S should send to France to end our
differences would undoubtedly be received with the
respect due to the representative of a free, indepndt
& powerful nation ; declaring that the President's
instructions to his envoys at Paris, if they contain
the whole of the American government's intentions,
announce dispositions which have been always enter
tained by the Directory ; & desiring him to com
municate these expressions to Murray, in order to
convince him of the sincerity of the French govern
ment, & to prevail on him to transmit them to his
government. This is dated Sep 28. & may have been
received by Pichon Oct i ; and nearly 5. months elapse
before it is communicated. Yesterday, the P nomi
nated to the Senate W V Murray Mr PI to the
French republic, & adds, that he shall be instructed
not to go to France, without direct & unequivocal
assurances from the Fr government that he shall be
received in character, enjoy the due privileges, and a

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 363
minister of equal rank, title & power, be appointed to
discuss & conclude our controversies by a new treaty.
This had evidently been kept secret from the Feds
of both Houses, as appeared by their dismay. The
Senate have passed over this day without taking it
up. It is said they are graveled & divided ; some
are for opposing, others do not know what to do.
But in the meantime, they have been permitted to go
on with all the measures of war & patronage, & when
the close of the session is at hand it is made known.
However, it silences all arguments against the sin
cerity of France, and renders desperate every further
effort towards war. I enclose you a paper with more
particulars. Be so good as to keep it till you see me,
& then return it, as it is the copy of one I sent to
another person, & is the only copy I have. Since I
began my letter I have received yours of Feb 7 and
8, with it's enclosures ; that referred to my discretion
is precious, and shall be used accordingly.
Affectionate salutations to mrs. M & yourself, &
adieu P. S. I have committed you & your friends for
100 D, I will justify it when I see you.

TO EDMUND PENDLETON. J- mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 19, 99.
Dear Sir, — Since my last, which was of the 14th,
a Monsr Leblanc, agent from Desfourneaux, has come
to town. He came in the Retaliation, and a letter of

364 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
Desfourneaux, of which he was the bearer, now en
closed, will correct some circumstances in my state
ment relative to that vessel which were not verj'
material It shews, at the same time, that she was
liberated without condition ; still it is saidhwt I have
no particular authorit)- for it, that hehas been obliged
to receive French prisoners here, and to admit in the
paper that the terms ' in exchange for prisotiers taken
from us,' should be used, he declaring, at the same
time, that they had never considered ours as prison
ers, nor had an idea of cxchangt. The object of his
mission was to assure the government against any
future irregularities by privateers from Guadaloupe,
and to open a friendly intercourse. He has been
treated ver)- cavalierly. I enclose you the President's
message to the H of R relative to the suspension of
the Arret, on which our retaliation bill is founded.
A great event was presented yesterday. The P
communicated a letter from Taleyrand to Pichon,
French charge des affaires at the Hague, approving
of some overtures which had passed betT\-een him &
mr. Murray, and particularly of his having undertaken
to assure Murray that whatc-jcr Plenipotentiary we
might send to France to negotiate differences, should
be received with the respect due to the representative
of a 'free, independt & powerficl nation,' and directing
him to prevail on Murray to transmit these assurances
to his govcj-nment. In consequence of this, a nomina
tion of mr. Murray, u\I. P. to the French republic,
was yesterday sent to the Senate. This renders their
efforts for war desperate, & silences all further denials

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 365
of the sincerity of the French government. I send
you extracts from these proceedings for your more
special information. I shall leave this the 2d day of
March. Accept my affectionate salutations. Adieu.
P. S. I should have mentioned that a nomination
is before the Senate of a consul general to St. Do
mingo. It is understood that he will present himself
to Toussaint, and is, in fact, our minister to him.
The face they will put on this business is, that they
have frightened France into a respectful treatment.
Whereas, in truth, France has been sensible that her
measures to prevent the scandalous spectacle of war
between the two republics, from the known impossi
bility of our injuring her, would not be imputed to
her as a humiliation.^

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
Philadelphia Feb. 19. 99.
I am so hard pressed for time that I can only an
nounce to you a single event : but that is a great
one. It seems that soon after Gerry's departure
from France, overtures must have been made by
Pichon, French Charge d'affaires at the Hague to
Murray. These were so soon matured that on the
28th. of Sep. 98. Taleyrand writes to Pichon approv
ing what had been done & particularly of his having
assured Murray that whatever Plenipot. the Govmt.
of the U. S. should send to France to end our differ
ences, would undoubtedly be received with the re-
' On margin.

366 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
spect due to the representative of 2Lfree, independent
& powerful nation: declaring that the President's
instructions to his envoys at Paris, if they contain
the whole of the American govmt's intentions,
announce dispositions which have been always en
tertained by the Directory, & desiring him to com
municate these expressions to Murray in order to
convince him of the sincerity of the French govern
ment, & to prevail on him to transmit them to his
govmt. This is dated Sep. 28. & may have been
received by Pichon Oct. i. and near 5. months are
elapsed before it is communicated. Yesterday the
President nominated to the Senate W. V. Murray
M. P. to the French republic, & adds that he shall
be instructed not to go to France without direct &
unequivocal assurances from the French govmt that
he shall be received in character, enjoy the due privi
leges, & a minister of equal rank, title, & powers be
appointed to discuss & conclude our Controversies
by a new treaty. You will perceive that this meas
ure has been taken as grudgingly as tardily, just as
the close of the session is approaching, and the
French are to go through the ceremony of a second
submission. This had evidently been kept secret
from the Feds of both houses, as appeared by their
dismay. The Senate have passed over this day
without taking it up. It is said they are gravelled
& divided. Some are for opposing ; others do not
know what to do. But in the meantime they have
been permitted to go on with all the measures of war
& patronage. This silences all arguments against

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 367
the sincerity of France, & renders desperate every
further effort towards war. Communicate the gen
eral fact of this appointment & of it's being the Con
sequence of overtures from France to whom you
please ; but the particulars of my statement only to
our most discreet friends. — I have been obliged to
lay you & your friends under contribution for a loan
of 100. D. which I will justify when I see you. My
most friendly salutations to mrs. Monroe & yourself.
Adieu.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. J. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 23, 99.
Dear Sir, — I have received with great pleasure
your favor on the subject of the Steam engine. Tho'
deterred by the complexity of that hitherto known,
from making myself minutely acquainted with it, yet
I am sufficiently acquainted with it to be sensible of
the superior simplicity of yours, and it's superior
economy, I particularly thank you for the permis
sion to communicate it to the Philosophical society ;
and though there will not be another session before I
leave town, yet I have taken care, by putting it into
the hands of one of the Vice-presidents to-day, to
have it presented at the next meeting. I lament the
not receiving it a fortnight sooner, that it might have
been inserted in a volume now closed, and to be pub
lished in a few days, before it would be possible for
this engraving to be ready. There is one object to
which I have often wished a steam engine could be

368 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
adapted. You know how desirable it is both in town
& country to be able to have large reservoirs of
water on the top of our houses, not only for use (by
pipes) in the apartments, but as a resource against
fire. This last is most especially a desideratum in
the country. We might indeed have water carried
from time to time in buckets to cisterns on the top
of the house, but this is troublesome, & therefore we
never do it, — consequently are without resource when
a fire happens. Could any agent be employed which
would be little or no additional expence or trouble
except the first purchase, it would be done. Every
family has such an agent, it's kitchen fire. It is small
indeed, but if it's small but constant action could be
accumulated so as to give a stroke from time to time
which might throw ever so small a quantity of water
from the bottom of a well to the top of the house
(say 100. feet), it would furnish more than would
waste by evaporation, or be used by the family. I
know nobody who must better know the value of
such a machine than yourself, nor more equal to the
invention of it, and especially with your familiarity
with the subject. I have imagined that the iron
back of the chimney might be a cistern for holding
the water, which should supply steam & would be
constantly kept in a boiling state by the ordinary
fire. I wish the subject may appear as interesting
to you as it does to me, it would then engage your
attention, and we might hope this desideratum would
be supplied.
A want of confidence in the post office deters me

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 369
from writing to my friends on the subject of politics.
Indeed I am tired of writing Jeremiades on that sub
ject. What person, who remembers the times and
tempers we have seen, would have believed that
within so short a period, not only the jealous spirit
of liberty which shaped every operation of our revo
lution, but even the common principles of English
whiggism would be scouted, and the tory principle of
passive obedience under the new-fangled names of
confidence & responsibility, become entirely trium
phant ? That the tories, whom in mercy we did not
' crumble to dust & ashes,' could so have entwined
us in their scorpion tails, that we cannot now move
hand or foot. But the spell is dissolving. The pub
lic mind is recovering from the delirium into which
it had been thrown, and we may still believe with
security that the great body of the American people
must for ages yet be substantially republican. You
have heard of the nomination of mr. Murray. Not
being in the secret of this juggle, I am not yet able
to say how it is to be played off. Respectful & affec
tionate salutations from, dear Sir, your sincere friend
& servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. mad. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 26, 99.
My last to you was of the 19th ; it acknoleged
yours of the 8th. In mine, I informed you of the
nomination of Murray. There is evidence that the
letter of Taleyrand was known to one of the Secre-

VOL. VII.— 24

370 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
taries, therefore probably to all ; the nomination,
however, is declared by one of them to have been
kept secret from them all. He added, that he was
glad of it, as, had they been consulted, the advice
would have been against making the nomination.
To the rest of the party, however, the whole was a
secret till the nomination was announced. Never
did a party shew a stronger mortification, & conse
quently, that war had been their object. Dana de
clared in debate (as I have from those who were
present,) that we had done everything which might
provoke France to war ; that we had given her in
sults which no nation ought to have borne ; & yet
she would not declare war. The conjecture as to the
Executive is, that they received Taleyrand's letter
before or about the meeting of Congress ; that not
meaning to meet the overture effectually, they kept
it secret, & let all the war measures go on ; but
that just before the separation of the Senate, the P,
not thinking he could justify the concealing such an
overture, nor indeed that it could be concealed, made
a nomination, hoping that his friends in the Senate
would take on their own shoulders the odium of re
jecting it ; but they did not chuse it. The Hamil-
tonians would not, & the others could not, alone.
The whole artillery of the phalanx, therefore, was
plaid secretly on the Pt, and he was obliged himself
to take a step which should parry the overture while
it wears the face of acceding to it. (Mark that I
state this as conjecture ; but founded on workings &
indications which have been under our eyes.) Yes-

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 371
terday, therefore, he sent in a nomination of Oliver
Elsworth, Patrick Henry & W Vans Murray, Envoys
Ext & M P to the French Republic, but declaring
the two former should not leave this country till they
should receive from the French Directory assurances
that they should be received with the respect due
by the law of nations to their character, &c. This,
if not impossible, must at least keep off the day
so hateful & so fatal to them, of reconciliation, &
leave more time for new projects of provocation.
Yesterday witnessed a scandalous scene in the H of
R. It was the day for taking up the report of their
commee against the Alien & Sedition laws, &c.
They held a Caucus and determined that not a word
should be spoken on their side, in answer to any
thing which should be said on the other. Gallatin
took up the Alien, & Nicholas the Sedition law ; but
after a little while of common silence, they began to
enter into loud conversations, laugh, cough, &c., so
that for the last hour of these gentlemen's speaking,
they must have had the lungs of a vendue master to
have been heard. Livingston, however, attempted
to speak. But after a few sentences, the Speaker
called him to order, & told him what he was saying
was not to the question. It was impossible to pro
ceed. The question was taken & carried in favor of
the report, 52 to 48. ; the real strength of the two
parties is 56. to 50. But two of the latter have not
attended this session. 1 send you the report of their
committee. I still expect to leave this on the ist, &
be with you on the 7th of March. But it is possible

372 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
I may not set out till the 4th, and then shall not be
with you till the loth. Affectionately adieu.

TO BISHOP JAMES MADISON. J. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 27, 99.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of Feb 10 came safely to
hand. We were for a moment flattered with the
hope of a friendly accommodation of our differences
with France, by the President's nomination of mr.
Murray our minister at the Hague to proceed to
Paris for that purpose. But our hopes have been
entirely dashed by his revoking that and naming mr.
Elsworth, mr. Patrick Henry & Murray ; the two
former not to embark from America till they shall
receive assurances from the French Government,
that they will be received with the respect due to
their character by the Law of nations ; and this too
after the French Government had already given as
surances that whatever Minister the President should
send should be received with the respect due to the
representative of a great, free & independent nation.
The effect of the new nomination is compleatly to
parry the advances made by France towards a recon
ciliation. A great change is taking place in the pub
lic mind in these middle states, and they are rapidly
resuming the Republican ground which they had for
a moment relinquished. The tables of Congress are
loaded with petitions proving this. 13. of the 22.
counties of this state have already petitioned against
the proceedings of the late Congress. Many also

J799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 373
from New York & New Jersey, and before the sum
mer is over, these three states will be in unison with
the Southern & Western. I take the liberty of put
ting under your cover a letter for a young gentleman
known to you, & to whom I know not how otherwise
to direct it. I am, with great esteem, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.

TO THOMAS LOMAX. J. mss.
MONTICELLO, Mar 12, 99.
Dear Sir, — Your welcome favor of last month
came to my hands in Philadelphia. So long a time
has elapsed since we have been separated by events,
that it was like a letter from the dead, and recalled
to my memory very dear recollections. My subse
quent journey through life has offered nothing which,
in comparison with those, is not cheerless & dreary.
It is a rich comfort sometimes to look back on them.
I take the liberty of enclosing a letter to mr. Bay
lor, open, because I solicit your perusal of it. It
will, at the same time, furnish the apology for my
not answering you from Philadelphia. You ask for
any communication I may be able to make, which
may administer comfort to you. I can give that
which is solid. The spirit of 1776 is not dead. It
has only been slumbering. The body of the Ameri
can people is substantially republican. But their
virtuous feelings have been played on by some fact
with more fiction ; they have been the dupes of art
ful manoeuvres, & made for a moment to be willing

374 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
instruments in forging chains for themselves. But
time & truth have dissipated the delusion, & opened
their eyes. They see now that France has sincerely
wished peace, & their seducers have wished war, as
well for the loaves & fishes which arise out of war
expences, as for the chance of changing the consti
tution, while the people should have time to contem
plate nothing but the levies of men and money.
Pennsylvania, Jersey & N York are coming majes
tically round to the true principles. In Pensylva,
13. out of 22. counties had already petitioned on the
alien & sedition laws. Jersey & N Y had begun the
same movement, and tho' the rising of Congress
stops that channel for the expression of their senti
ment, the sentiment is going on rapidly, & before
their next meeting those three States will be solidly
embodied in sentiment with the six Southern &
Western ongs. The atrocious proceedings of France
towards this country, had well nigh destroyed its
liberties. The Anglomen and monocrats had so art
fully confounded the cause of France with that of
freedom, that both went down in the same scale. I
sincerely join you in abjuring all political connection
with every foreign power ; and tho I cordially wish
well to the progress of liberty in all nations, and
would forever give it the weight of our countenance,
yet they are not to be touched without contamination
from their other bad principles. Commerce with all
nations, alliance with none, should be our motto.
Accept assurances of the constant & unaltered
affection of, dear Sir, your sincere friend and servant.

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 375
TO EDMUND PENDLETON. J. mss.
MONTICELLO Apr. 22. 99.
My RESPECTED Friend, — Your letter of Feb. 24,
which was intended to have reached me at Philadel
phia, did not arrive there till I had left that place &
then had to follow me to this, which must apologize
for the delay in acknoleging it. In the meantime I
had seen in our papers the one with your signature,
& seen it with great satisfaction. Omitting one
paragraph of it I may be permitted to give to the
residue unqualified praise. The simplicity & candor
with which it is written will procure it a candid read
ing with all, & nothing more is necessary to give
their full effect to its statements & reasoning. I
lament it had not got to Philadelphia a few days
sooner that we might have sent it out in handbills by
the members. I observe however that it is running
through all the republican papers & with very great
effect. The moment too is favourable, as the tide
is evidently turning & the public men [faded] from
Marshall's [faded] romance. It is unfortunate that
we have yet two years of mr. Adams to go through
in the hands of a legislature [faded] under the im
pressions of that romance [faded] Presidential army
or Presidential militia, it will leave me without a
doubt that force on the Constitution is intended.
It is already plain enough from the Secretary of
War's letter that Hamilton is to be the real gen
eral, the other to be used only by his name. Can
such an army under Hamilton be disbanded ? Even
if a H. of Repr. can be got willing & wishing to dis-

376 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
band them ? I doubt it, & therefore rest my princi
pal hope on their inability to raise anything but
officers. I observe in the election of governor for
Massachusetts that the vote for Heath (out of Bos
ton) is much strengthened. Could the people of that
state emerge from the deceptions under which they
are kept by their clergy, lawyers & English presses,
our salvation would be sure & easy. Without that,
I believe it will be effected ; but it will be uphill
work. Nor can we expect ever their cordial coopera
tion, because they will not be satisfied longer than
while we are sacrificing everything to navigation & a
navy. What a glorious exchange would it be could
we persuade our navigating fellow citizens to embark
their capital in the internal commerce of our country,
exclude foreigners from that & let them take the
carrying trade in exchange : abolish the diplomatic
establishments & never suffer an armed vessel of
any nation to enter our ports, [faded] things can be
thought of only in times of wisdom, not of party &
Folly. May heaven still spare you to us for years to
come & render them years of health, happiness, &
the full enjoiment of your faculties. Affectionate
salutations to yourself & mr. Taylor. Adieu.

TO ARCHIBALD STUART.^ MONTICELLO May 14. 99
Dear Sir, — I received by the hands of Mr Coalter
;^i3 from Mr Alexander. He is mistaken in sup
posing I had received _^ 3- 1 0-3 on his account from
' From the original in the possession of the Virginia Historical Society.

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 377
Gamble & Grattar, his letter now inclosed by you
being the first and only mention to me that such a
paiment had been expected. However this balance
is not worth troubling you further with. I am sorry
still to be troublesome with my nailery. Mr. McDowell
writes me he cannot continue the sale of my nails. If
he would have disposed of those remaining on his
hands it would have been desireable ; because they
are hardly worth offering alone to another, and a long
illness of my foreman, occasions our work to go on so
poorly that I am able to do little more than supply
this part of the country. He has for sometime past
had symptoms of a dropsy supervening a decline of
near a twelve month. He seems now to be getting
better ; but till he gets well, or till, that becoming
desperate, I engage another manager, I hardly ex
pect to be able to resume my supplies to Staunton.
However if Mr McDowell will not consent to sell
off what remains on his hands, I must ask the favor
of you to engage some other to do it, as well as
to dispose of future supplies as soon as I shall be
able to furnish them. I am sensible of the diffi
culty of a person who sells other goods on credit, de
manding ready money for nails ; and therefore have
found it necessary here to place them in the hands of
grocers, or others dealing for ready money. The
congressional elections, as far as I have heard them,
are extremely to be regretted. I did expect Bowel's
election ; but that Lee should have been elected, &
Nicholas hard run marks a taint in that part of the
state which I had not expected. I have not yet

378 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
heard the issue of the contest between Trigg &
Hancock. Our federal candidate here cut a very
poor figure. The state elections have generally gone
well. Mr. Henry will have the mortification of en
countering such a mass of talents as he has never met
before ; for from every thing I can learn, we never
had an abler nor a sounder legislature. His apostacy
must be unaccountable to those who do not know all
the recesses of his heart. The cause of republican
ism, triumphing in Europe, can never fail to do so
here in the long run. Our citizens may be deceived
for a while & have been deceived ; but as long as the
presses can be protected, we may trust to them for
light ; still more perhaps to the taxgatherers ; for it
is not worth the while of our antirepublicans to risk
themselves on any change of government, but a very
expensive one. Reduce every department to econ
omy, & there will be no temptation to them to betray
their constituents. Affectionate salutations & adieu.

TO TENCH COXE. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, May 21, 99.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of Apr. 29. came to hand
by our last post. I have for some time been anxious
to write to you on the subject mentioned therein,
but a want of confidence in the post office, & a certain
prospect of conveyance by Dr. Bache who has been
with us for some time, & was to return to Philadel
phia, induced me to await that occasion which now
accordingly takes place. Immediately on my parting

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 379
with you the evening before I left Philadelphia I
went to Mr. Venable's lodgings. He was not at
home. I waited for him & at length he returned. I
explained the subject to him & we went together to
mr. Livingston's. He was gone to the theatre ; so
no hope of an early return. On returning to my
lodgings mr. Nicholas joined us, & it was there set
tled that mr. Venable should devote the next day to
the reducing to a certainty (in black & white) what
could be done, & as it was then a late hour & I had
still much to prepare for my departure the next
morning, instead of calling on you again mr. Venable
promised to do it & to communicate to you the effect
of his exertions. He promised moreover to write to
me specially of his success. I had been at home a
considerable time when I saw mr. Foreman's pro
posals in some newspaper for the publication of a
new gazette. I immediately wrote to Venable to in
form me if that was the paper we had expected in
order that I might prepare for the fulfillment of my
engagements. I inclose you his answer, which will
explain to you why you heard nothing further after I
parted with you. The sum there, with the addition
of two others, of 500 D. each, of which you were
apprized (I believe there was a third also) fell far
short of expectations. I sincerely regret the failure,
& am thoroughly sensible of the importance of the
undertaking, tho' much has been lost by its not
having taken place this summer. My situation ex
poses me to so much calumny that I am obliged to
be cautious of appearing in any matter however

38o THE WRITINGS OF [1799
justifiable & especially if it be of a nature to admit
readily of misconception. A very short text will for
a long time furnish matter for newspaper stricture. I
am satisfied from what I have seen since my return
that there would be scarcely any limits to the sub
scription for such a paper. I shall still hope that it
will not be abandoned.
The Virginia congressional elections have aston
ished everyone. They gave five certain federalists.
Three others however on whom also they count,
Page, Gray, & [faded] are moderate men, & I
am assured will not go with them on questions of
importance. This result has proceeded from acci
dental combinations of circumstances, & not from an
unfavorable change of sentiment. The change has
unquestionably been the other way. The valley be
tween the Blueridge & North Mountain, which had
for sometime been much tainted, (and which had
given me more serious uneasiness than any other ap
pearance in this state) has come solidly round. They
were represented by Homes & the two Triggs, who
the last summer would have been left out by great
majorities, but have now been re-elected by great
majorities. The progress of the republican cause
here is proved by the state elections made on the
same day with those for Congress. They are more
republican than those of last year ; & particulariy
from all the upper country. How long we can hold
our ground I do not know./ We are not incorruprible ; <
on the contrary, corruption is making sensible tho'
silent progress. Offices are as acceptable here as

—  \  •
1799] \ THOMAS JEFFERSON. 381
elsewhere, &|/ whenever a man has cast a longing eye
on them, a rottenness begins in his conduct. ]Mr.
Henr)' has talaen the field openly ; but our legislature
is filled with Xpo great a mass of talents & principle
to be now sw^ayed by him. He will experience mor
tifications to TVhich he has been hitherto a stranger.
Still I fear something from his intriguing and cajoling-
talents, for w-hich he is still more remarkable than
for his eloquence. As to the effect of his name
among the people, I have found it crumble like a
dried leaf, the moment they become satisfied of his
apostacy. With ever)- wish for your health & hap
piness & sentiments of sincere esteem I am &c.

TO HARRY IXXES. J. mss.
MONTICELLO June 20. 99.
I have to acknolege the receipt of your favor of
March the 2d. & to return you many thanks for it.
I am very desirous to collect all the information I can
relative to the murder of Logan's family, who were
the perpetrators, & how far Cresap had counselled or
ordered it ; for tho' there exists a very general belief
that he was present, yet the information I have
received seems rather that he ordered Greathouse &
his party on that business & took another upon him
self. Of the authenticity of Logan's speech I have
the evidence of General Gibson who received it from
Logan's hand, delivered it to Lord Dunmore & trans
lated it. The speech proves that Logan considered
Colo. Cresap as the murderer; and nothing can

382 THE WRITINGS OF , [1799
prove it more authentically than the copy of the note
you have been so kind as to send me. My statement
therefore, which has been attacked is nothing more
than the universally received account of that transac
tion. If mankind have generally impu;ted that mur
der to Cresap, it was because his character led them
to it, numerous murders of the Indians having drawn
them to fix this on him. His character becomes an
object of enquiry on this account. After letting this
matter remain uncontradicted for upwards of twenty
years it has now been raked up from party hatred, as
furnishing some with the design of writing me down,
I have left their calumnies unanswered ; but in the
meantime have asked the favor of gentlemen who
have it in their power to procure me what informa
tion they can as I mean to prepare a correct statement
of the facts respecting the murder of Logan's family,
to be inserted by way of amendment into the text of
the Notes on Virginia. This I hope to be able to
publish next winter when in Philadelphia, so I have
asked from my friends to furnish me whatever they
shall have collected by the month of December next.
Material from the evidence will probably be published
in support of the text as it will be amended. The
information will mention [illegible] affidavits where
convenient, or of certificate or letter where not so.
Minute details will be most desirable. Any assist
ance you can give me in procuring this or any other
material information on the subject will be very
thankfully received. My distance from the evidence
of persons acquainted with the transaction render-

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 383
ing it impracticable for me to obtain it otherwise
than by the aid of my friends. I would also ask to
receive it by or before the month of December. I
should not have taken the liberty of troubling you,
but as you have been so kind as to offer your aid.
Mr. Volney on his return spoke with great acknolege
ments of your kind civilities, for which accept my
thanks also. I am sure you found him entirely wor
thy of them. I receive with great sensibility the
assurances of your esteem. These sentiments from
men of worth, of reflection & of pure attachment to
republican government are my consolation against
the calumnies of which it has suited certain writers to
make me the object. Under these I hope I shall
never bend ; & that man may at length find favor
with heaven & his present struggles issue in the
recovery & establishment of his moral & political
rights will be the prayer of my latest breath. Accept
assurances of the sincere esteem & respect of dear
Sir of your most obedient & most humble servant.

TO EDMUND RANDOLPH, J- '^^^¦
MONTICELLO, Aug. 18, 99.
Dear Sir, — I received only two days ago your
favor of the 12th, and as it was on the eve of the
return of our post, it was not possible to make so
prompt a despatch of the answer. Of all the doc
trines which have ever been broached by the federal
government, the novel one, of the common law being
in force & cognizable as an existing law in their

384 THE WRITINGS OF [1795^
courts, is to me the most formidable. All their
other assumptions of un-given powers have been in
the detail. The bank law, the treaty doctrine, the
sedition act, alien act, the undertaking to change the
state laws of evidence in the state courts by certain
parts of the stamp act, &c., &c., have been solitary,
unconsequential, timid things, in comparison with the
audacious, barefaced and sweeping pretension to a.
system of law for the U S, without the adoption of
their legislature, and so infinitively beyond their
power to adopt. If this assumption be yielded to, the
state courts may be shut up, as there will then be
nothing to hinder citizens of the same state suing
each other in the federal courts in every case, as on a
bond for instance, because the common law obliges.
payment of it, & the common law they say is their
law. I am happy you have taken up the subject ; &
I have carefully perused & considered the notes you
enclosed, and find but a single paragraph which I do
not approve. It is that wherein (page 2.) you say,
that laws being emanations from the legislative de
partment, &, when once enacted, continuing in force
from a presumption that their will so continues, that
that presumption fails & the laws of course fall, on
the destruction of that legislative department. I do
not think this is the true bottom on which laws & the
administering them rest. The whole body of the
nation is the sovereign legislative, judiciary and
executive power for itself. The inconvenience of
meeting to exercise these powers in person, and their
inaptitude to exercise them, induce them to appoint

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 385
Special organs to declare their legislative will, to
judge & to execute it. It is the will of the nation
which makes the law obligatory ; it is their will which
creates or annihilates the organ which is to declare
& announce it. They may do it by a single person,
as an Emperor of Russia, (constituting his declara
tions evidence of their will,) or by a few persons, as
the Aristocracy of Venice, or by a complication of
councils, as in our former regal government, or our
present republican one. The law being law because
it is the will of the nation, is not changed by their
changing the organ through which they chuse to an-
unce their future will ; no more than the acts I have
dene by one attorney lose their obligation by my
changing or discontinuing that attorney. This doc-
£¦¦ i,e has been, in a certain degree sanctioned by the
federal executive. For it is precisely that on which
the continuance of obligation from our treaty with
France was established, and the doctrine was particu
larly developed in a letter to Gouverneur Morris,
written with the approbation of President Washington
and his cabinet. Mercer once prevailed on the Vir
ginia Assembly to declare a different doctrine in some
resolutions. These met universal disapprobation in
this, as well as the other States, and if I mistake not,
a subsequent Assembly did something to do away the
authority of their former unguarded resolutions. In
this case, as in all others, the true principle will be
quite as effectual to establish the just deductions, for
before the revolution, the nation of Virginia had, by
the organs they then thought proper to constitute,
VOL. VII. — 25

386 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
established a system of laws, which they divided into
three denominations of i, common law ; 2, statute
law ; 3, Chancery : or if you please, into two only, of
I, common law ; 2, Chancery. When, by the declara
tion of Independence, they chose to abolish their for
mer organs of declaring their will, the acts of will
already formally & constitutionally declared, remained
untouched. For the nation was not dissolved, was
not annihilated ; it's will, therefore, remained in full
vigor ; and on the establishing the new organs, first of
a convention, & afterwards a more complicated legis
lature, the old acts of national will continued in force,
until the nation should, by its new organs, declare it's
will changed. The common law, therefore, which was
not in force when we landed here, nor till we had
formed ourselves into a nation, and had manifested by
the organs we constituted that the common law was
to be our law, continued to be our law, because the
nation continued in being, & because though it
changed the organs for the future declarations of
its will, yet it did not change its former declarations
that the common law was it's law. Apply these prin
ciples to the present case. Before the revolution
there existed no such nation as the U S ; they then
first associated as a nation, but for special purposes
only. They had all their laws to make, as Virginia
had on her first establishment as a nation. But they
did not, as Virginia had done, proceed to adopt a
whole system of laws ready made to their hand. As
their association as a nation was only for special pur
poses, to wit, for the management of their concerns

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 387
with one another & with foreign nations, and the
states composing the association chose to give it pow
ers for those purposes & no others, they could not
adopt any general system, because it would have em
braced objects on which this association had no right
to form or declare a will. It was not the organ for
declaring a national will in these cases. In the cases
confided to them, they were free to declare the will of
the nation, the law ; but till it was declared there
could be no law. So that the common law did not
become, ipso facto, law on the new association ; it
could only become so by a positive adoption, & so far
only as they were authorized to adopt.
I think it will be of great importance, when you
come to the proper part, to portray at full length the
consequences of this new doctrine, that the common
law is the law of the U S, & that their courts have, of
course, jurisdiction co-extensive with that law, that is
to say, general over all cases & persons. But, great
heavens ! Who could have conceived in 1 789 that
within ten years we should have to combat such wind
mills. Adieu. Yours affectionately.

TO JAMES MADISON. J- '^^^•
MONTICELLO Aug. 23, 99,
With this you will receive the IV"^ nails desired in
your memorandum, that is to say 25. lb weighing about
to the lb. Probably they yield something more
than a thousand to that weight, not being so uniform
as they ought to be. We are now working up some

388 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
remnants of hoops of different breadths till the arri
val of a supply of proper size from Philadelphia.
They are 1/3 per pound consequently come cheap.
The error in the nails sent before was as I
entered the memorandum in my book from his dicta
tion and he saw them weighed out according to that.
Mrs. Madison will see that Lumsden your plasterer,
lives about 10. or 15. miles from you & that an oppor
tunity may perhaps be found of conveying him a let
ter, I trouble you with one, open, which when read
be so good as to seal & forward by any opportunity
you approve.
I inclose you a letter I received from Colo. Nicho
las three days ago. It is so advantageous that Vir
ginia & Kentucky should pursue the same track on
this occasion & a difference of plan would give such
advantage to the Consolidationers that I would imme
diately see you at your own house, but that we have
a stranger [illegible] whose state has been very critical
& who would suffer in spirits at least very substantially
by my absence. I shall not answer [illegible] but the
opportunity is certainly a valuable one for producing
a concert of action. I will in the mean time give you
my ideas on reflection. That the principles already
advanced by Virginia & Kentucky are not to be
yielded in silence I presume we all agree. I would
propose a declaration or resolution by their legisla
tures on the plan. ist. answer this reasoning : if such
of the states as have ventured into the field of reason,
& that of the comm [illegible]}
' See page 390, post, for the evident text lacking here.

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 389
TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. MONTICELLO, Aug. 26, gg.
Dear Sir, — I am deeply impressed with the im
portance of Virginia & Kentucky pursuing the same
track at the ensuing sessions of their legislatures.
Your going thither furnishes a valuable opportunity
of effecting it, and as mr. Madison will be at our as
sembly as well as yourself, I thought it important to
procure a meeting between you. I therefore wrote you
to propose to him to ride to this place on Saturday or
Sunday next ; supposing that both he and yourself
might perhaps have some matter of business at our
court, which might render it less inconvenient for you
to be here together on Sunday. I took for granted
that you would not set off to Kentuckey pointedly at
the time you first proposed, and hope and strongly
urge your favoring us with a visit at the time pro
posed. Mrs. Madison, who was the bearer of my
letter, assured me I might count on mr. M.'s being
here. Not that I mentioned to her the object of my
request, or that I should propose the same to you,
because, I presume, the less said of such a meeting
the better. I shall take care that Monroe shall dine
with us. In hopes of seeing you, I bid you affection
ately adieu.

TO WILSON C. NICHOLAS. MONTICELLO, Sep. 5, 99.
Dear Sir, — Yours of Aug. 30th 99 came duly to
hand. It was with great regret we gave up the hope
of seeing you here, but could not but consider the

390 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
obstacle as legitimate. I had written to mr. M. as I
had before informed you, and had stated to him some
general ideas for consideration %!. consultation when
we should meet. I thought something essentially
necessary to be said, in order to avoid the inference
of acquiescence ; that a resolution or declaration
should be passed, i, answering the reasonings of such
of the states as have ventured into the field of reason,
& that of the Committee of Congress, taking some
notice too of those states who have either not
answered at all, or answered without reasoning. 2,
making firm protestation against the precedent &
principle, & reserving the right to make this palpable
violation of the federal compact the ground of doing
in future whatever we might now rightfully do, should
repetitions of these and other violations of the com
pact render it expedient. 3, expressing in affection
ate & conciliatory language our warm attachment to
union with our sister states, & to the instrument &
principles by which we are united ; that we are willing
to sacrifice to this everything but the rights of self-
government in those important points which we have
never yielded, & in which alone we see liberty, safety,
& happiness ; that not at all disposed to make every
measure of error or of wrong, a cause of scission, we
are willing to look on with indulgence, & to wait with
patience till those passions & delusions shall have
passed over, which the federal government have art
fully excited to cover its own abuses & conceal it's
designs, fully confident that the good sense of the
American people, and their attachment to those very

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 391
rights which we are now vindicating, will, before it
shall be too late, rally with us round the true princi
ples of our federal compact. This was only meant to
give a general idea of the complexion & topics of such
an instrument. Mr. M. who came, as had been pro
posed, does not concur in the reservation proposed
above ; and from this I recede readily, not only in
deference to his judgment, but because as we should
never think of separation but for repeated and enor
mous violations, so these, when they occur, will be
cause enough of themselves.
To these topics, however, should be added animad
versions on the new pretensions to a common law of
the U. S. I proposed to mr. M. to write to you, but
he observed that you knew his sentiments so perfectly
from a former conference, that it was unnecessary.
As to the preparing anything, I must decline it, to
avoid suspicions (which were pretty strong in some
quarters on the last occasion), and because there
remains still (after their late loss) a mass of talents in
Kentucky sufficient for every purpose. The only
object of the present communication is to procure a
concert in the general plan of action, [as it is extremely
desirable that Virginia and Kentucky should pursue
the same track on this occasion.] ' Besides, how could
you better while away the road from hence to Ken
tucky, than in meditating this very subject, and pre
paring something yourself, than whom nobody will
do it better. The loss of your brother, and the visit
of the apostle Marshal to Kentucky, excite anxiety,
' Part in brackets not in letter press copy.

392 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
However, we doubt not that his poisons will be effec
tually counterworked. Wishing you a pleasant jour
ney & happy return, I am with great and sincere
esteem, dear Sir, your affectionate friend & servant.

TO JAMES THOMSON CALLENDER,'
MONTICELLO, Sept. 6, '99.
Sir, — By a want of arrangement in a neighbouring
post-office during the absence of the postmaster, my
letters and papers for two posts back were detained.
I suppose it was owing to this that your letter tho'
dated Aug. 10. did not get to my hand till the last
day of the month, since which this is the first day I
can through the post office acknowledge the receipt
of it. Mr. Jefferson happens to be here and directs
his agent to call on you with this and pay you 50 dol
lars, on account of the book you are about to publish.
When it shall be out be so good as to send me 2. or
3. copies, and the rest only when I shall ask for them.
The violence which was meditated against you
lately has excited a very general indignation in this
part of the country. Our state from it's first planta
tion has been remarkable for it's order and submission
to the laws. But three instances are recollected in
it's history of an organized opposition to the laws.
The first was Bacon's Rebellion ; the 2d. our revolu
tion ; the 3d. the Richmond association who, by their
committee, have in the public papers avowed their
purpose of taking out of the hands of the law the
' From the AVto York Evening Post, Oct. 11, 1802.

1799] \ THOMAS JEFFERSON. 393

function pf declaring who may or may not have free
residence^' among us. But these gentlemen miscalcu
late the temper and force of this country extremely if
they supposed there would have been a want of either
to supf(ort the authority of the laws : and equally mis
take their own interests in setting the example of
club-law. Whether their self-organized election of
a committee, and publication of their manifesto, be
such overt acts as bring them within the pale of law ;
the law I presume is to decide : and there it is our
duty to leave it. The delivery of Robbins to the
British excites much feeling and enquiry here. With
every wish for your welfare I am with great regard sir
Your most obedient servt.

TO JAMES THOMSON CALLENDER.' MONTICELLO, Oct. 6, 99.
Sir, — On receiving your favor of Sept. 29, I did
believe it would be in my power to answer you satis
factorily on both the points on which you asked infor
mation. I knew indeed that I had not made any
particular memorandum of the sum which the C de
Vergennes supposed a treaty with the Porte would
cost ; but I expect that I had mentioned it either in
my letter on the subject to Mr. Jay, or in that to Mr.
Adams my colleague in the Barbary negociations.
After a very long search yesterday I found both let
ters, but in neither have I stated any particular sum.
They are of May 1 786, and only say generally that in
' From the New York Evening Post, Oct. 11, 1802.

394 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
' 'i
a conversation with the Ct. de Vergennes o'p the sub
ject, he said that a treaty with the Porte w\ould cost
us a great deal of money, as great presents are ex
pected at that court, and a great many claim them ;
and that we should not buy a peace one penny the
cheaper at Algiers ; that the Algerines did indeed ac
knowledge a certain dependence on the Porte, and
availed themselves of it whenever any thing was to be
gained by it, but disregarded it when it subjected
them to any demand : and that at Algiers there were
but too [sic] agents, money and fear. This is the
statement in those letters, and my memory does not
enable me to fix any particular sum having been
named by him ; but only generally that it was very far
beyond any thing then at our command.— All who
were members of Congress in 1 786. may be supposed
to remember this information, and if it could be
understood to come to you through some such chan
nel, it would save the public from reading all the
blackguardism which would be vented on me were I
quoted ; not that this would weigh an atom with me,
on any occasion where my avowal of either facts or
opinions would be of public use ; but whenever it will
not, I then think it useful to keep myself out of the
way of calumny.
On the other point I can be more certain. Georgia,
N. Carolina, Tennessee, Kentucky, Virginia, Maryland
and Pennsylvania choose their electors by the people
directly. In Massachusetts the choice is, first by the
people in districts: But if a candidate had not a
majority of all the qualified voters of the district ; it

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 395
devolves on the legislature to appoint the elector for
that district, besides, as they have but 14. districts
(laid off for some state purpose) and are entitled to
16. electors, the legislature name the two extra ones
in the first instance. Again, if any of those elected
either by the people or legislature die, or decline to
act, the residue of the electors fill up the vacancies
themselves. In this way the people of Massachus,
chose 7. electors on the last occasion, and the legisla
ture 9. In New Hamp. Rho. Isld. Connec. Vermont,
New- York, Jersey, Delaware and South Carolina, the
legislature name electors. My information is good as
to all these particulars except N. Hampshire and
Connecticut : and as to them I think I am right ; but
speaking only from memory it should be further
ascertained before asserted. I thank you for the
proof sheets you inclosed me. Such papers cannot
fail to produce the best effect. They inform the
thinking part of the nation ; and these again, sup
ported by the taxgatherers as their vouchers, set the
people to rights. You will know from whom this
comes without a signature : the omission of which has
rendered almost habitual with me by the curiosity of
the post offices. Indeed a period is now approaching
during which I shall discontinue writing letters as
much as possible, knowing that every snare will be
used to get hold of what may be perverted in the
eyes of the public.

396 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
TO STEPHEN THOMPSON MASON. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Oct. 27, 1799.
Dear Sir, — Your favor by Mr. Craven has been
duly received, and I am very thankful for your atten
tion to the subject of my former letter. It is one I
have very much at heart, for I find I am not fit to be
a farmer with the kind of labour we have, & also
subject to such long avocation. Mr. Craven had
thought too much of the raspberry plains to be
satisfied with our mountainous country; however,
although we have not come to an absolute engage
ment, yet he departs under an expectation of deciding
to return, & to decide others to come. I have shewn
him 800. acres of enclosed & cultivated lands, which
I release in such parcels as the tenants desire. Before
he arrived, I had leased i6o. acres to a very good
man, being afraid to lose the offer under the uncer
tainty whether I might get others,
I sincerely congratulate you on the success of
McKean's election & I hope the Pennsylvania repub
licans have been as successful in the election of the
members of their legislature. Such a state as that
harmonizing by its public authorities with those to
the south, would command respect to the Federal
constitution. Still we must place at the distance of
at least two years that reformation in the public pro
ceedings which depends on the character of Congress,
That now coming into the exercise of authority affords
no hope. The misfortune of the French would prob
ably produce at the next session still greater intoler
ance than we have hitherto experienced, did not the

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 397
insolences of the English keep their votaries here in
check for us. The public mind in the middle states,
from every information I receive, has very much
regenerated in principles of Whiggism. In this part
of our state some symptoms of waivering which had
appeared in certain places, have again become firm,
or are fast returning to that state : always excepting
however that gangrene which spreads from the public
functionaries great & small, proceeding from the
canker of interest. I am with great & sincere affec
tion Dear Sir, your friend & servant.

TO CHARLES PINCKNEY. J- "SS.
MONTICELLO, Oct. 29. gg.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of Sept. 12. came to hand
on the 3d inst. I have delayed acknoledging it in
hopes of receiving the longer one you mentioned to
have written, but that has not yet reached me. I was
both pleased & edified by the piece on Robbins case.
It ought to be a very serious case to the judge. I
think no one circumstance since the e.stablishment of
our government has affected the popular mind more,
I learn that in Pennsylvania it had a great effect. I
have no doubt the piece you enclosed will run through
all the republican papers, & carry the question home
to every man's mind. The success of McKean's
election is a subject of real congratulation & hope.
The majority by which he carried it is not yet known
here, but it must have been very great. We have
also to expect that the same spirit which prevailed &

398 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
shewed itself so strongly on that vote, has been
equally efficacious in the election of their legislature.
Could a republican legislature in Pennsylvania be
once added to those south of the Potomac, it would
command more respect to our constitution. I consider
all the encroachments made on that heretofore as
nothing, as mere retail stuff compared with the whole
sale doctrine, that there is a common law in force
in the U. S. of which & of all the cases within
its provisions their courts have cognizance. It is
complete consolidation. Ellsworth & Iredell have
openly recognized it. Washington has squinted at it,
& I have no doubt it has been decided to cram it
down our throats. In short it would seem that
changes in the principles of our government are to be
pushed till they accomplish a monarchy peaceably, or
force a resistance which with the aid of an army may
end in monarchy. Still I hope that this will be
peaceably prevented by the eyes of the people being
opened & the consequent effect of the elective prin
ciple. This is certainly taken place in the middle
states. The late misfortunes of France would prob
ably render the consolidationers more enterprising &
more intolerant than ever at the next session of Con
gress, were they not held in check by the British ag
gressions. You flatter us with the possibility of
coming on by land & taking this in your route.
Nothing could be more pleasing to me as it will be to
Colo. Monroe & mr. Madison. Our legislature meets
on the same day with Congress consequently mr,
Madison's motions will be affected accordingly, I

1799] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 399
wish I knew enough of the roads to recommend the
best route to you, but I am unacquainted with them,
except so far as to observe that if you come by Hali
fax the direct line thence would be Brunswick,
Amelia, Lile's ford Appomatox & Columbia |^at the
fork of James river, from whence the road hither is
good, except the last 8. or 10. miles. Our friend
Mason, from whom I lately reed a letter, is well.
Wilson C. Nicholas will be his collegue Taze
well, & Monroe will probably be the governor. Not
withstanding the unaccountable event of some of the
Congressional elections in April last those for the
state legislature will have made that body still more
republican than it was. I hope So. Carolina is recov
ering from the delusion which affected their last elec
tion. Accept assurances of the sincere esteem of
dear sir, &c.
P. S. I shall not frank my letter lest it should
awake the curiosity of the post offices.

TO JAMES MADISON. ^D. of i82g.
MONTICELLO, November 22, I7gg.
Dear Sir, — I have never answered your letter by
Mr. Polk, because I expected to have paid you a visit.
This has been prevented by various causes, till yes
terday. That being the day fixed for the departure
of my daughter Eppes, my horses were ready for me
to have set out to see you : an accident postponed
her departure to this day, and my visit also. But
Colonel Monroe dined with me yesterday, and on my

400 THE WRITINGS OF [1799
asking his commands for you, he entered into the
subject of the visit and dissuaded it entirely, founding
the motives on the espionage of the little * * *
jj^ * * * * ^j^Q would make it a subject of some
political slander, and perhaps of some political injury.
I have yielded to his representations, and therefore
shall not have the pleasure of seeing you till my re
turn from Philadelphia. I regret it sincerely, not only
on motives of attention but of affairs. Some late
circumstances changing considerably the aspect of
our situation, must affect the line of conduct to be
observed, I regret it the more too, because from the
commencement of the ensuing session, I shall trust
the post offices with nothing confidential, persuaded
that during the ensuing twelve months they will lend
their inquisitorial aid to furnish matter for newspa
pers. I shall send you as usual printed communica
tions, without saying anything confidential on them.
You will of course understand the cause.
In your new station ' let me recommend to you the
jury system : as also the restoration of juries in the
court of chancery, which a law not long since re
pealed, because " the trial by jury is troublesome and
expensive." If the reason be good, they should abol
ish it at common law also. If Peter Carr is elected in
the room of * * * he will undertake the propos
ing this business, and only need your support. If he
is not elected, I hope you will get it done otherwise.
My best respects to Mrs. Madison, and affectionate
salutations to yourself.
^ The Legislature of Virginia.

iSoo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 401
TO JAMES MONROE. J- ^ss.
Philadelphia, January 12, 1800.
Yours of Jan. 4, was received last night. I had
then no expectation of any opportunity of communi
cating to you confidentially information of the state
of opinions here ; but I learn to-night that two mr,
Randolphs will set out to-morrow morning for Rich
mond. If I can get this into their hands I shall send
it, otherwise it may wait long. On the subject of an
election by a general ticket, or by districts, most per
sons here seem to have made up their minds. All
agree that an election by districts would be best, if it
could be general ; but while 10 states chuse either by
their legislatures or by a general ticket, it is folly &
worse than folly for the other 6. not to do it. In these
10. states the minority is entirely unrepresented ; &
their majorities not only have the weight of their whole
state in their scale, but have the benefit of so much of
our minorities as can succeed at a district election.
This is, in fact, ensuring to our minorities the ap
pointment of the government. To state it in an
other form ; it is merely a question whether we will
divide the U S into 16. or 137. districts. The latter
being more chequered, & representing the people
in smaller sections, would be more likely to be an
exact representation of their diversified sentiments.
But a representation of a part by great, & a part by
small sections, would give a result very different from
what would be the sentiment of the whole people of
the U S, were they assembled together. I have to
day had a conversation with 113.' who has taken a
' Burr.

402 THE WRITINGS OF [iSoo
flying trip here from NY. He says, they have really
now a majority in the H of R, but for want of some
skilful person to rally round, they are disjointed, &
will lose every question. In the Senate there is a
majority of 8. or 9. against us. But in the new elec
tion which is to come on in April, three or 4. in the
Senate will be changed in our favor ; & in the H of
R the county elections will still be better than the last ;
but still all will depend on the city election, which
is of 12. members. At present there would be no
doubt of our carrying our ticket there ; nor does there
seem to be time for any events arising to change that
disposition. There is therefore the best prospect pos
sible of a great & decided majority on a joint vote of
the two houses. They are so confident of this, that
the republican party there will not consent to elect
either by districts or a general ticket. They chuse to
do it by their legislature. I am told the republicans
of N J are equally confident, & equally anxious against
an election either by districts or a general ticket. The
contest in this State will end in a separation of the pres
ent legislature without passing any election law, (&
their former one is expired), and in depending on the
new one, which will be elected Oct 14. in which the
republican majority will be more decided in the Rep
resentatives, & instead of a majority of 5. against us
in the Senate, will be of i, for us. They will, from
the necessity of the case, chuse the electors them
selves. Perhaps it will be thought I ought in delicacy
to be silent on this subject. But you, who know me,
know that my private gratifications would be most

iSoo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 403
indulged by that issue, which should leave me most
at home. If anything supersedes this propensity, it
is merely the desire to see this government brought
back to it's republican principles. Consider this as
written to mr. Madison as much as yourself ; & com
municate it, if you think it will do any good, to those
possessing our joint confidence, or any others where
it may be useful & safe. Health & affectionate salu
tations.

TO MARY JEFFERSON EPPES.'
Philadelphia, Jan. 17th, 1800.
My dear Maria, — I received at MonticeUo two
letters from you, and meant to have answered them
a little before my departure for this place ; but busi
ness so crowded upon me at that moment that it was
not in my power. I left home on the 21st, and ar
rived here on the 28th of December, after a pleasant
journey of fine weather and good roads, and without
having experienced any inconvenience. The Senate
had not yet entered into business, and I may say they
have not yet entered into it ; for we have not occupa
tion for half an hour a day. Indeed, it is so apparent
that we have nothing to do but to raise money to fill
the deficit of five millions of dollars, that it is pro
posed we shall rise about the middle of March ; and
as the proposition comes from the Eastern members,
who have always been for sitting permanently, while
the Southern are constant for early adjournment, I
' From S. N. Randolph's Domestic Life of Jefferson.

404 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
presume we shall rise then. In the meanwhile, they
are about to renew the bill suspending intercourse
with France, which is in fact a bill to prohibit the ex
portation of tobacco, and to reduce the tobacco States
to passive obedience by poverty.
J. Randolph has entered into debate with great
splendor and approbation. He used an unguarded
word in his first speech, applying the word " ragmuf-
fin " to the common soldiery. He took it back of his
own accord, and very handsomely, the next day, when
he had occasion to reply. Still, in the evening of
the second day, he was jostled, and his coat pulled at
the theatre by two officers of the Navy, who repeated
the word " ragmuffin." His friends present supported
him spiritedly, so that nothing further followed. Con
ceiving, and, as I think, justly, that the House of
Representatives (not having passed a law on the sub
ject) could not punish the offenders, he wrote a letter
to the President, who laid it before the House, where
it is still depending. He has conducted himseff with
great propriety, and I have no doubt will come out
with increase of reputation, being determined himself
to oppose the interposition of the House when they
have no law for it.
M. du Pont, his wife and family, are arrived at
New York, after a voyage of three months and five
days. I suppose after he is a little recruited from his
voyage we shall see him here. His son is with him,
as is also his son-in-law Bureau Pusy, the companion
and fellow sufferer of Lafayette. I have a letter
from Lafayette of April ; he then expected to sail

iSoo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 405
for America in July, but I suspect he awaits the effect
of the mission of our ministers. I presume that
Madame de Lafayette is to come with them, and that
they mean to settle in America.
The prospect of returning early to MonticeUo is to
me a most charming one. I hope the fishery will not
prevent your joining us early in the spring. How
ever, on this subject we can speak together, as I will
endeavor, if possible, to take Mont Blanco and Ep
pington in my way.
A letter from Dr. Carr, of December 27, informed
me he has just left you well. I become daily more
anxious to hear from you, and to know that you con
tinue well, your present state being one which is most
interesting to a parent ; and its issue, I hope, will be
such as to give you experience what a parent's anxiety
may be. I employ my leisure moments in repassing
often in my mind our happy domestic society when
together at MonticeUo, and looking forward to the
renewal of it. No other society gives me now any
satisfaction, as no other is founded in sincere affec
tion. Take care of yourself, my dear Maria, for my
sake, and cherish your affections for me, as my happi
ness rests solely on yours, and on that of your sister's
and your dear connections. Present me affectionately
to Mr. Eppes, to whom I enclosed some pamphlets
some time ago without any letter ; as I shall write no
letters the ensuing year for political reasons which I
explained to him. Present my affections also to
Mrs. and Mr. Eppes, Senior, and all the family, for
whom I feel every interest that I do for my own. Be

4o6 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
assured yourself, my dear, of my most tender and
constant love. Adieu. Yours affectionately and
forever.

TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Jan. 18, 1800.
Dear Sir, — I have to thank you for the pamphlets
you were so kind as to send me. You will know what
I thought of them by my having before sent a dozen
sets to Virginia to distribute among my friends. Yet
I thank you not the less for these, which I value the
more as they came from yourself. The stock of them
which Campbell had was, I believe, exhausted the first
or second day of advertising them. The Papers of
political arithmetic, both in your & Mr, Cooper's
pamphlets, are the most precious gifts that can be
made to us ; for we are running navigation mad, &
commerce mad, & navy mad, which is worst of all.
How desirable is it that you could pursue that subject
for us. From the Porcupines of our country you will
receive no thanks ; but the great mass of our nation
will edify & thank you. How deeply have I been
chagrined & mortified at the persecutions which
fanaticism & monarchy have excited against you, even
here ! At first I believed it was merely a continuance
of the English persecution. But I observe that on
the demise of Porcupine & division of his inheritance
between Fenno & Brown, the latter (tho' succeeding
only to the federal portion of Porcupinism, not the
Anglican, which is Fenno's part) serves up for the
palate of his sect, dishes of abuse against you as high

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 407
seasoned as Porcupine's were. You have sinned
against church & king, Si can therefore never be for
given. How sincerely have I regretted that your
friend, before he fixed his choice of a position, did not
visit the vallies on each side of the blue ridge in Vir
ginia, as Mr. Madison & myself so much wished.
You would have found there equal soil, the finest
climate & most healthy one on the earth, the homage
of universal reverence & love, & the power of the
country spread over you as a shield. But since you
would not make it your country by adoption, you
must now do it by your good offices. I have one to
propose to you which will produce their good, &
gratitude to you for ages, and in the way to which
you have devoted a long life, that of spreading light
among men.
We have in that state a college (Wm. & Mary) just
well enough endowed to draw out the miserable exis
tence to which a miserable constitution has doomed it.
It is moreover eccentric in it's position, exposed to
bilious diseases as all the lower country is, & there
fore abandoned by the public care, as that part of the
country itself is in a considerable degree by it's
inhabitants. We wish to establish in the upper &
healthier country, & more centrally for the state, an
University on a plan so broad & liberal & modern, as
to be worth patronizing with the public support, and
be a temptation to the youth of other states to come
and drink of the cup of knowledge & fraternize with
us. The first step is to obtain a good plan ; that is,
a judicious selection of the sciences, & a practicable

4o8 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
grouping of some of them together, & ramifying of
others, so as to adapt the professorships to our uses
& our means. In an institution meant chiefly for use,
some branches of science, formerly esteemed, may be
now omitted ; so may others now valued in Europe,
but useless to us for ages to come. As an example
of the former, the oriental learning, and of the latter,
almost the whole of the institution proposed to Con
gress by the Secretary of war's report of the 5 th inst.
Now there is no one to whom this subject is so
familiar as yourself. There is no one in the world
who, equally with yourself, unites this full possession
of the subject with such a knowledge of the state of
our existence, as enables you to fit the garment to
him who is to pay for it & to wear it. To you there
fore we address our solicitations, and to lessen to you
as much as possible the ambiguities of our object, I
will venture even to sketch the sciences which seem
useful & practicable for us, as they occur to me while
holding my pen. Botany, Chemistry, Zoology,
Anatomy, Surgery, Medicine, Natl Philosophy, Agri
culture, Mathematics, Astronomy, Geology, Geogra
phy, Politics, Commerce, History, Ethics, Law, Arts,
Finearts. This list is imperfect because I make it
hastily, and because I am unequal to the subject. It
is evident that some of these articles are too much for
one professor & must therefore be ramified ; others
may be ascribed in groups to a single professor.
This is the difficult part of the work, & requires a
head perfectly knowing the extent of each branch, &
the limits within which it may be circumscribed, so as

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 409
to bring the whole within the powers of the fewest
professors possible, & consequently within the degree
of expence practicable for us. We should propose
that the professors follow no other calling, so that
their whole time may be given to their academical
functions ; and we should propose to draw from
Europe the first characters in science, by considerable
temptations, which would not need to be repeated
after the first set should have prepared fit successors
& given reputation to the institution. From some
splendid characters I have received offers most per
fectly reasonable & practicable.
I do not propose to give you all this trouble merely
of my own head, that would be arrogance. It has
been the subject of consultation among the ablest and
highest characters of our State, who only wait for a
plan to make a joint & I hope successful effort to get
the thing carried into effect. They will receive your
ideas with the greatest deference & thankfulness.
We shall be here certainly for two months to come ;
but should you not have leisure to think of it before
Congress adjourns, it will come safely to me after
wards by post, the nearest post office being Milton.
Will not the arrival of Dupont tempt you to make
a visit to this quarter ? I have no doubt the alarmists
are already whetting their shafts for him also, but
their glass is nearly run out, and the day I believe is
approaching when we shall be as free to pursue what
is true wisdom as the effects of their follies will permit ;
for some of them we shall be forced to wade through
because we are emerged in them.

4IO THE WRITINGS OF [1800
Wishing you that pure happiness which your pur
suits and circumstances offer, and which I am sure
you are too wise to suffer a diminution of by the
pigmy assaults made on you, and with every senti
ment of affectionate esteem & respect, I am, dear Sir,
your most humble, and most obedient servant.

TO MARTHA JEFFERSON RANDOLPH.'
Philadelphia, Jan. 21st, 1800.
I am made happy by a letter from Mr. Eppes, in
forming me that Maria was become a mother, and
was well. It was written the day after the event.
These circumstances are balm to the painful sensa
tions of this place. I look forward with hope to the
moment when we are all to be reunited again, I
inclose a little tale for Annie. To Ellen you must
make big promises, which I know a bit of ginger
bread will pay off. Kiss them all for me. My affec
tionate salutations to Mr. Randolph, and tender and
increasing love to yourself. Adieu, my dear Martha.
Affectionately yours, etc.

TO HARRY INNES. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Jan 23, 1800.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of Dec 6 I received here
on the 30th of same month, and have to thank you
for the papers it contained. They serve to prove
that if Cressap was not of the party of Logan's mur-
' From S. N. Randolph's Domestic Life of Jefferson.

iSoo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 411
derers, yet no injury was done his character by believ
ing it. I shall, while here this winter, publish such
material testimony on the subject as I have received ;
which by the kindness of my friends will be amply
sufficient. It will appear that the deed was generally
imputed to Cressap by both whites & Indians, that
his character was justly stained with their blood, per
haps that he ordered this transaction, but that he was
not himself present at the time. I shall consequently
make a proper change in the text of the Notes on
Virginia, to be adopted, if any future edition of that
work should be printed.
With respect to the judiciary district to be estab
lished for the Western states, nothing can be wilder
than to annex to them any state on the Eastern
waters. I do not know what may be the dispositions
of the House of Representatives on that subject, but
I should hope from what I recollect of those mani
fested by the Senate on the same subject at the
former session, that they may be induced to set off
the Western country in a distinct district. And I ex
pect that the reason of the thing must bring both
houses into the measure.
The Mississippi territory has petitioned to be
placed at once in what is called the second stage of
government. Surely, such a government as the first
form prescribed for the territories is a despotic
oligarchy without one rational object.
I had addressed the enclosed letters to the care
of the postmaster at Louisville ; but not knowing
him, I have concluded it better to ask the favor of

412 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
you to avail them of any passage which may offer
down the river. I presume the boats stop of course
at those places.
We have wonderful rumors here at this time. One
that the king of England is dead. As this would en
sure a general peace, I do not know that it would be
any misfortune to humanity. The other is that
Buonaparte, Sieyes & Ducos have usurped the French
government. This is West-India news, and shews
that after killing Buonaparte a thousand times, they
have still a variety of parts to be acted by him. Were
it really true  . While I was writing the last word
a gentleman enters my room and brings a confirmation
that something has happened at Paris. This is arrived
at New York by a ship from Corke. The particulars
differ from the West India account. We are there
fore only to believe that a revolution of some kind
has taken place, & that Buonaparte is at the head of
it, but what are the particulars & what the object, we
must wait with patience to learn. In the meantime
we may speak hypothetlcally. If Buonaparte declares
for royalty, either in his own person, or of Louis
XVIII., he has but a few days to live. In a nation
of so much enthusiasm, there must be a million of
Brutuses who will devote themselves to death to
destroy him. But, without much faith in Buonaparte's
heart, I have so much in his head, as to indulge
another train of reflection. The republican worid has
been long looking with anxiety on the two experi
ments going on of a single elective Executive here, &
a plurality there. Opinions have been considerably

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 413
divided on the event in both countries. The greater
opinion there has seemed to be heretofore in favor of
a plurality, here it has been very generally, tho not
universally, in favor of a single elective Executive.
After 8. or 9. years' experience of perpetual broils &
factions in their Directory, a standing division (under
all changes) of 3. against 2., which results in a govern
ment by a single opinion, it is possible they may
think the experiment decided in favor of our form,
& that Buonaparte may be for a single executive,
limited in time & power, & flatter himself with the
election to that office ; & that to this change the
nation may rally itself ; perhaps it is the only one to
which all parties could be rallied. In every case it is
to be feared & deplored that that nation has yet to
wade through half a century of disorder & convul
sions. These, however, are conjectures only, which
you will take as such, and accept assurances of the
great esteem & attachment of, dear Sir, your friend
and servant.

TO JOSEPH PRIESTLEY. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Jan 27, 1800.
Dear Sir,— In my letter of the i8th, I omitted to
say any thing of the languages as part of our pro
posed university. It was not that I think, as some
do, that they are useless. I am of a very different
opinion. I do not think them essential to the obtain
ing eminent degrees of science ; but I think them
very useful towards it. I suppose there is a portion
of life during which our faculties are ripe enough for

414 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
this, & for nothing more useful. I think the Greeks
& Romans have left us the present models which ex
ist of fine composition, whether we examine them as
works of reason, or of style & fancy ; and to them we
probably owe these characteristics of modern compo
sition. I know of no composition of any other antient
people, which merits the least regard as a model for
it's matter or style. To all this I add, that to read
the Latin & Greek authors in their original, is a
sublime luxury ; and I deem luxury in science to be
at least as justifiable as in architecture, painting, gar
dening, or the other arts. I enjoy Homer in his own
language infinitely beyond Pope's translation of him,
& both beyond the dull narrative of the same events
by Dares Phrygius ; & it is an innocent enjoyment.
I thank on my knees, him who directed my early edu
cation, for having put into my possession this rich
source of delight ; and I would not exchange it for
anything which I could then have acquired, & have
not since acquired. With this regard for those lan
guages, you will acquit me of meaning to omit them.
About 20. years ago, I drew a bill for our legislature,
which proposed to lay off every county into hundreds
or townships of 5. or 6. miles square, in the centre of
each of which was to be a free English school ; the
whole state was further laid off into 10. districts, in
each of which was to be a college for teaching the
languages, geography,, surveying, and other useful
things of that grade ; and then a single University
for the sciences. It was received with enthusiasm ;
but as I had proposed that Wm & Mary, under an

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 415
improved form, should be the University, & that was
at that time pretty highly Episcopal, the dissenters
after a while began to apprehend some secret design
of a preference to that sect and nothing could then be
done. About 3. years ago they enacted that part of
my bill which related to English schools, except that
instead of obliging, they left it optional in the court
of every county to carry it into execution or not. I
think it probable the part of the plan for the middle
grade of education, may also be brought forward in
due time. In the meanwhile, we are not without a
sufficient number of good country schools, where the
languages, geography, & the first elements of Mathe
matics, are taught. Having omitted this information
in my former letter, I thought it necessary now to
supply it, that you might know on what base your
superstructure was to be reared. I have a letter from
M. Dupont, since his arrival at N. York, dated the
20th, in which he says he will be in Philadelphia with
in about a fortnight from that time ; but only on a
visit. How much would it delight me if a visit from
you at the same time, were to shew us two such illus
trious foreigners embracing each other in my country,
as the asylum for whatever is great & good. Pardon,
I pray you, the temporary delirium which has been
excited here, but which is fast passing away. The
Gothic idea that we are to look backwards instead of
forwards for the improvement of the human mind, and
to recur to the annals of our ancestors for what is
most perfect in government, in religion & in learning,
is worthy of those bigots in religion & government.

4i6 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
by whom it has been recommended, & whose pur
poses it would answer. But it is not an idea which
this country will endure ; and the moment of their
showing it is fast ripening ; and the signs of it will be
their respect for you, & growing detestation of those
who have dishonored our country by endeavors to dis
turb our tranquility in it. No one has felt this with
more sensibility than, my dear Sir, your respectful &
affectionate friend & servant.

TO JOHN BRECKENRIDGE, j. mss.
Philadelphia, Jan 2g, 1800.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 13th has been duly
received, as had been that containing the resolutions
of your legislature on the subject of the former reso
lutions. I was glad to see the subject taken up, and
done with so much temper, firmness and propriety.
From the reason of the thing I cannot but hope that
the Western country will be laid off into a separate
Judiciary district. From what I recollect of the dis
positions on the same subject at the last session, I
should expect that the partiality to a general & uni
form system would yield to geographical & physical
impracticabilities. I was once a great advocate for
introducing into chancery viva voce testimony, & trial
by jury. I am still so as to the latter, but have
retired from the former opinion on the information
received from both your state & ours, that it worked
inconveniently. I introduced it into the Virginia law,
but did not return to the bar, so as to see how it an-

417

I Soo] THOMAS JEFFERSON.
swered. But I do not understand how the vivi voce
examination comes to be practiced in the Federal
court with you, & not in your own courts ; the Fed
eral courts being decided by law to proceed & decide
by the laws of the states.
A great revolution has taken place at Paris. The
people of that country having never been in the habit
of self-government, are not yet in the habit of acknol
eging that fundamental law of nature, by which alone
self government can be exercised by a society, I mean
the lex majoris partis. Of the sacredness of this law,
our countrymen are impressed from their cradle, so
that with them it is almost innate. This singrle cir-
cumstance may possibly decide the fate of the two
nations. One party appears to have been prevalent
in the Directory & council of 500. the other in the
council of antients. Sieyes & Ducos, the minority in
the' Directory, not being able to earn,- their points
there seem to have gained over Buonaparte, & asso
ciating themselves with the majority of the Council of
antients, have expelled' 120. odd members the most
obnoxious of the minority of the Elders, & of the
majority of the council of 500. so as to give them
selves a majority in the latter council also. They
have established Buonaparte, Sieyes & Ducos into an
executive, or rather Dictatorial consulate, given them
a committee of between 20. & 30. from each council, &
have adjourned to the 20th of Feb. Thus the Consti-
' 60. were expelled from the 500, so as to change the majority there to the
other side. It seems doubtful whether any were e.\pelled from the Antients.
The majority there was already with the Consular party. T. J.
VOL. VII. — 37

41 8 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
tution of the 3d year which was getting consistency &
firmness from time is demolished in an instant, and
nothing is said about a new one. How the nation
will bear it is yet unknown. Had the Consuls been
put to death in the first tumult & before the nation
had time to take sides, the Directory & councils
might have reestablished themselves on the spot. But
that not being done, perhaps it is now to be wished
that Buonaparte may be spared, as, according to his
protestations, he is for liberty, equality & representa
tive government, and he is more able to keep the
nation together, & to ride out the storm than any
other. Perhaps it may end in their establishing a
single representative & that in his person. I hope it
will not be for life, for fear of the influence of the
example on our countrymen. It is very material for
the latter to be made sensible that their own character
& situation are materially different from the French ;
& that whatever may be the fate of republicanism
there, we are able to preserve it inviolate here : we are
sensible of the duty & expediency of submitting our
opinions to the will of the majority and can wait with
patience till they get right if they happen to be at any
time wrong. Our vessel is moored at such a distance,
that should theirs blow up, ours is still safe, if we will
but think so.
I had recommended the enclosed letter to the care
of the postmaster at Louisville; but have been ad
vised it is better to get a friend to forward it by some
of the boats. I will ask that favor of you. It is the
duplicate of one with the same address which I in-

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON, ^^^

closed last week to mr. Innes & should therefore y'o
by a different conveyance. I am with great esteem
dear sir your friend & servant.

TO BISHOP JAMES MADISON. J. MSS.
Philadelphia, Jan. 31, 1800.
Dear Sir, — -* •» * I have lately by accident got
a sight of a single volume (the 3d.) of the Abbe Bar-
ruel's 'Antisocial conspiracy,' which gives me the first
idea I have ever had of what is meant by the lUuminat
ism against which ' illuminate Morse ' as he is now
called, & his ecclesiastical & monarchical associates
have been making such a hue and cry. Barruel's own
parts of the book are perfectly the ravings of a Bed
lamite. But he quotes largely from Wishaupt whom
he considers as the founder of what he calls the order.
As you may not have had an opportunity of forming
a judgment of this cry of ' mad dog ' which has been
raised against his doctrines, I will give you the idea I
have formed from only an hour's reading of Barruel's
quotations from him, which you may be sure are
not the most favorable. Wishaupt seems to be an en
thusiastic Philanthropist. He is among those (as you
know the excellent Price and Priestley also are) who
believe in the indefinite perfectibility of man. He
thinks he may in time be rendered so perfect that he
will be able to govern himself in every circumstance
so as to injure none, to do all the good he can, to
leave cfovernment no occasion to exercise their powers
over him, & of course to render political government
useless. This you know is Godwin's doctrine, and

4i8 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
thTs is what Robinson, Barruel & Morse had called a
conspiracy against all government. Wishaupt believes
that to promote this perfection of the human character
was the object of Jesus Christ. That his intention
was simply to reinstate natural religion, & by diffus
ing the light of his morality, to teach us to govern
ourselves. His precepts are the love of god & love of
our neighbor. And by teaching innocence of conduct,
he expected to place men in their natural state of
liberty & equality. He says, no one ever laid a
surer foundation for liberty than our grand master,
Jesus of Nazareth. He believes the Free masons
were originally possessed of the true principles &
objects of Christianity, & have still preserved some of
them by tradition, but much disfigured. The means
he proposes to effect this improvement of human
nature are ' to enlighten men, to correct their morals
& inspire them with benevolence. Secure of our suc
cess, sais he, we abstain from violent commotions.
To have foreseen the happiness of posterity & to have
prepared it by irreproachable means, suffices for our
felicity. The tranquility of our consciences is not
troubled by the reproach of aiming at the ruin or
overthrow of states or thrones.' As Wishaupt lived
under the tyranny of a despot & priests, he knew that
caution was necessary even in spreading information,
& the principles of pure morality. , He proposed there
fore to lead^the Free mason^s to adopt this object &
to make the objects of thei.r institution the diffusion
of science & virtue. He proposed to initiate new mem
bers into his body by gradations proportioned to his
fears of the thunderbolts of tyranny. This has given

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 423

an air of mystery to his views, was the foundai-cirms
his banishment, the subversion of the masonic oi^ciy,
& is the colour for the ravings against him of Robiii
son, Barruel & Morse, whose real fears are that the
craft would be endangered by the spreading of informa
tion, reason, & natural morality among men. This
subject being new to me, I have imagined that if it be
so to you also, you may receive the same satisfaction
in seeing, which I have had in forming the analysis of
it : & I believe you will think with me that if Wis
haupt had written here, where no secrecy is necessary
in our endeavors to render men wise & virtuous, he
would not have thought of any secret machinery for
that purpose. As Godwin, if he had written in Ger
many, might probably also have thought secrecy &
mysticism prudent. I will say nothing to you on the
late revolution of France, which is painfully interest
ing. Perhaps when we know more of the circum
stances which gave rise to it, & the direction it will
take, Buonaparte, its chief organ, may stand in a bet
ter light than at present. I am with great esteem,
dear sir, your affectionate friend.

TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb 2, 1800.
My letters to yourself and my dear Martha have
been of Jan. 13, 21, & 28. I now enclose a letter
lately received for her. You will see in the news
papers all the details we have of the proceedings of
Paris. I observe that Lafayette is gone there. When

4^^ THE WRITINGS OF [1800
th'is ise him, Volney, Sieyes, Taleyrand, gathering
cotmd the new powers, we may conjecture from thence
their views and principles. Should it be really true
that Buonaparte has usurped the government with an
intention of making it a free one, whatever his talents
may be for war, we have no proofs that he is skilled
in forming governments friendly to the people.
Wherever he has meddled we have seen nothing but
fragments of the old Roman government stuck into
materials with which they can form no cohesion : we
see the bigotry of an Italian to the antient splendour
of his country, but nothing which bespeaks a luminous
view of the organization of rational government.
Perhaps however this may end better than we augur ;
and it certainly will if his head is equal to true &
solid calculations of glory. It is generally hoped
here that peace may take place. There was before
no union of views between Austria & the members of
the triple coalition ; and the defeats of Suwarrow ap
pear to have completely destroyed the confidence of
Russia in that power, & the failure of the Dutch ex
pedition to have weaned him from the plans of Eng
land. The withdrawing his armies we hope is the
signal for the entire dissolution of the coalition, and
for every one seeking his separate peace. We have
great need of this event, that foreign affairs may no
longer bear so heavily on ours. We have great need
for the ensuing twelve months to be left to ourselves.
The enemies of our constitution are preparing a fear
ful operation, and the dissensions in this state are too
likely to bring things to the situation they wish, when

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 423
our Buonaparte, surrounded .by his comrades in arms,
may step in to give us political salvation in his way.
It behoves our citizens to be on their guard, to be
firm in their prihciples, and full of confidence in them
selves. We are able to preserve our self-government
if we will but think so. I think the return of Lafay
ette to Paris ensures a reconciliation between them &
us. He will so entwist himself with the envoys that
they will not be able to draw off. Mr. C. Pinckney
has brought into the Senate a bill for the uniform
appointment of juries. A tax on public stock, bank-
stock. &c., is to be proposed. This would bring 150,
millions into contribution with the lands, and levy a
sensible proportion of the expences of a war on those
who are so anxious to engage us in it. Robbins' affair
is perhaps to be inquired into. However, the ma
jority against these things leave no hope of success.
It is most unfortunate that while Virginia & N
Carolina were steady, the middle states drew back :
now that these are laying their shoulders to the
draught, Virginia and N Carolina baulk ; so that
never drawing together, the Eastern states, steady &
unbroken, draw all to themselves. I was mistaken
last week in saying no more failures had happened.
New ones have been declaring every day in Baltimore,
others here and at New York, The last here have
been Nottnagil, Montmollin & Co., & Peter Blight,
These sums are enormous. I do not know the firms
of the bankrupt houses in Baltimore, but the crush
will be incalculable. In the present stagnation of
commerce, & particularly that in tobo, it is difficult to

424 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
transfer money from hence to Richmond. Govern
ment bills on their custom house at Bermuda can
from time to time be had. I think it will be best for
mr. Barnes always to keep them bespoke, and to re
mit in that way your instalments as fast as they are
either due or within the discountable period. The
1st is due the middle of March, & so from 2. months
to 2. months in 5. equal instalments. I am looking
out to see whether such a difference of price here may
be had as will warrant our bringing our tobo from N
York here, rather than take 8. D. there. We have
been very unfortunate in this whole business. First
in our own miscalculation of the effect of the non-
intercourse law ; & when we had corrected our opin
ions, that our instructions were from good, but
mistaken views, not executed. My constant love to
my dear Martha, kisses to her young ones, and affec
tionate esteem to yourself.

TO JAMES MONROE. j. mss.
Philada. Feb. 6. 1800.
Nobody here has received mn Madison's report as
it passed the house. The members of the different
states are waiting to receive & forward a single copy
to their states to be reprinted there. This would
require half a dozen copies But if you will send me
one, we can have it reprinted here & sent out. Pray
do it by the first post. If it was not printed there as
amended in a separate pamphlet then send me those
sheets of the journal in which it is contained, I expect
Dupont the father at Philada every hour. Adieu
affectionately.

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 425
TO SAMUEL ADAMS. J. MSS.
Philadelphia, February 26, [1800.]
Dear Sir, — Mr. Erving delivered me your favor of
Jany. 31, and I thank you for making me acquainted
with him. You will always do me a favor in giving
me an opportunity of knowing gentlemen as esti
mable in their principles & talents as I find mr. Er
ving to be. I have not yet seen mr. Winthrop. A
letter from you, my respectable friend, after three &
twenty years of separation, has give me a pleasure I
cannot express. It recalls to my mind the anxious
days we then passed in struggling for the cause of
mankind. Your principles have been tested in the
crucible of time, & have come out pure. You have
proved that it was monarchy, & not merely British
monarchy, you opposed. A government by repre
sentatives, elected by the people at short periods, was
our object ; and our maxim at that day was, ' where
annual election ends, tyranny begins ; ' nor have our
departures from it been sanctioned by the happiness
of their effects. A debt of an hundred millions grow
ing by usurious interest, and an artificial paper
phalanx overruling the agricultural mass of our
country, with other &c. &c. &c., have a portentous
aspect. — I fear our friends on the other side of the
water, laboring in the same cause, have yet a great
deal of crime & misery to wade through. My confi
dence has been placed in the head, not in the heart
of Buonaparte. I hoped he would calculate truly the
difference between the fame of a Washington & a
Cromwell. Whatever his views may be, he has at

426 THE WRITINGS OF [iSoo
least transferred the destinies of the republic from
the civil to the military arm. Some will use this as
a lesson against the practicability of republican
government. I read it as a lesson against the danger
of standing armies. Adieu, my ever respected &
venerable friend. May that kind & overruling provi
dence which has so long spared you to our wishes,
still foster your remaining years with whatever may
make them comfortable to yourself & soothing to
your friends. Accept the cordial salutations of )-our
affectionate friend.

TO GEORGE WYTHE. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Feb. 28. iSoo.
My dear Sir, — I know how precious your time is
& how exclusively you devote it to the duties of your
office. Yet I venture to ask a few hours or minutes
of it on motives of public service, as well as private
friendship. I will explain the occasion of the applica
tion. You recollect enough of the old Congress to
remember that their mode of managfinof the business
of the House was not only unparliamentary, but that
the forms were so awkward & inconvenient that
it was impossible sometimes to get at the true sense
of the majority. The House of Repr. of the U. S.
are now pretty much in the same situation. In the
Senate it is in our power to get into a better way.
Our ground is this. The Senate have established a
few rules for their government, & have subjected the
decisions on these &on all other points of 07'der with-

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 427
out debate, & without appeal, to the judgment of their
President. He, for his own use, as well as theirs must
prefer recurring to some system of rules, ready formed,
& there can be no question that the Parliamentary
rules are the best known to us for managing the de
bates, & obtaining the sense of a deliberative body.
I have therefore made them my rule of decision, re
jecting those of the old Congress altogether ; & it
gives entire satisfaction to the Senate ; In so much
that we shall not only have a good system there, but
probably, by the example of it's effects, produce a
conformity in the other branch. But in the course of
this business I find perplexities, having for twenty
years been out of deliberative bodies & become rusty
as to many points of proceeding. And so little has
the Parliamentary branch of the law been attended
to, that I not only find no person here, but not even
a book to aid me. I had, at an early period of life,
read a good deal on the subject, & commonplaced
what I read. This commonplace has been my pillow,
but there are many questions of practice on which
that is silent. Some of them are so minute indeed &
belong so much to every day's practice that they have
never been thought worthy of being written down.
Yet from desuetude they have slipped my memory.
You will see by the inclosed paper what they are. I
know with what pain you write. Therefore I have
left a margin in which you can write a simple negative
or affirmative opposite every position, or perhaps with
as little trouble correct the text by striking out cr
interlining. This is what I have earnestly to solicit

428 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
from you : & I would not have given you the trouble
if I had had any other resource. But you are in fact
the only spark of parliamentary science now remain
ing to us. I am the more anxious, because I have
been forming a manual of Parliamentary law, which I
mean to deposit with the Senate as the standard by
which I judge & am willing to be judged. Though I
should be opposed to it's being printed, yet it may be
done perhaps without my consent ; & in that case I
should be sorry indeed should it go out with errors
that a Tyro should not have committed. And yet it
is precisely those to which I am most exposed. I am
less afraid as to important matters, because for them
I have printed authorities. But it is those small
matters of daily practice, which 20. years ago were
familiar to me, but have in that time escaped my
memory. I hope under these circumstances you will
pardon the trouble I propose to you in the inclosed
paper. I am not pressed in time, so that your leisure
will be sufficient for me. Accept the salutations of
grateful & sincere friendship & attachment & many
prayers for your health & happiness from Dear Sir
yours affectionately.'
^ In pursuance of this subject Jefferson wrote Wythe :
Philadelphia, Apr. 7. 1800.
I received in due time your favor of Feb. 22. & shall with pleasure assist mr.
Marshall in the negotiation with mr. Lowndes, whenever desired either by Mr.
Marshall or our executive.
I wrote you a troublesome letter sometime ago, & now propose some additi-
menta to it. It is with vast reluctance I do it, & would not do it, if books
could furnish the information I want. But there are minutiae of practice,
which are hardly to be met with in the books, & therefore can only be learned
from practical men ; &: you know how destitute we are of such in Parliamentary
reading at present. That science is so lost, & yet so important, that I am

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 429
TO JAMES MADISOX. j. Mss.
Philadelphia, Mar. 4, 1800.
I have never written to you since my arrival here,
for reasons which were explained. Your's of Dec.
29, Jan. 4, 9, 12, 18, & Feb. 14, have therefore re
mained unacknoleged. I have at different times
enclosed to you such papers as seemed interesting.
To-day I forward Bingham's amendment to the elec
tion bill formerly enclosed to -you, mr. Pinckney's
proposed amendmnt to the const'n, & the report of
the Ways & ^Nleans. B[ingham's] amendmt was lost
by the usual majority of 2. to i. A very different
taking considerable pains, & shall pursue it through the ensuing summer to form
a Parliamentary Manual, which I shall deposit with the Senate of the U. S. &
may thence possibly get into the public possession. To this I shall not object,
if I can be satisfied that what I shall prepare will be correct. On the contrary
it may do good by presenting to the different legislative bodies a chaste Praxis
to which they may by degrees conform their several inconsistent & embarras
sing modes of proceeding. But there is but one person in America whose
information & judgment I have sufficient confidence in, to be satisfied that
what I may put together, would be rigorously correct : & he is so absorbed in
other useful duties, more peculiarly his own, that I have no right to trouble
him with helping me through mine. I can ask it only on the score of charity
for which we are aU bound to find time. — We shall probably rise the ist or 2d
week of May, after which I shall be at MonticeUo, where and everywhere it
will give me the greatest pleasure to hear of the continuance of your health.
May you enjoy it with many long years of life for the solace of your friends &
service of your country. Adieu. Most affectionately.
Jefferson also wrote to Edmund Pendleton as follows :
Philadelphia, Apr. 19. 1800.
Dear Sir, — My duties here require me to possess exact knolege of Par
liamentary proceedings. While a student I read a good deal, & commonplaced
what 1 read, on this subject. But it is now 20. years since I was a member of
a parliamentary body, so that I am grown rusty. So far indeed as books go,
my commonplace has enabled me to retrieve. But there are many minute
practices, which being in daily use in Parliament & therefore supposed known
to everyone, were never noticed in their books. These practices were, I dare

430 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
one will be proposed, containing the true sense of the
Minority, viz. that the two houses, voting by heads,
shall decide such questions as the constitution
authorizes to be raised. This may probably be
taken up in the other house under better auspices,
for tho' the federalists have a great majority there,
yet they are of a more moderate temper than for
some time past. The Senate, however, seem deter
mined to yield to nothing which shall give the other
house greater weight in the decision on elections
than they have. Mr. Pinckney's motion has been
supported, and is likely to have some votes which
say, the same we used to follow in Virginia : but I have forgot even our prac
tices. Besides these there are minute questions arising frequently as to the
mode of amending, putting questions &c. which the books do not inform us
of. I have from time to time noted these queries, &, keeping them in view,
have been able to get some of them satisfied & struck them off my list. But I
have a number of them still remaining unsatisfied. However unwilling to dis
turb your repose I am so anxious to perform the functions of my office with
exact regularity that I have determined to throw myself on your friendship &
to ask your aid in solving as many of my doubts as you can. I have written
them down, leaving a broad margin in which I only ask the favor of you to
write yea, or nay opposite to the proposition, which will satisfy me. Those
which you do not recollect, do not give yourself any trouble about. Do it only
at your leisure. If this should be before the gth of May, your return of the papers
may find me here till the i6th. If after that, be so good as to direct them to
me at MonticeUo.
I have no foreign news but what you see in the papers. Duane's and
Cooper's trials come on to-day. Such a selection of jurors has been made by
the marshal as insures the event. The same may be said as to Fries &c. and
also as to the sheriff & justices who in endeavoring to arrest Sweeny, the horse
thief, got possession of his papers & sent them to the chief justice & governor,
among which papers were mr. Liston's letters to the Governor of Canada,
printed we know not by whom. We have not yet heard the fate of Holt, editor
of the Bee in Connecticut. A printer in Vermont is prosecuted for reprinting
mr. McHenry's letter to Genl. Darke. Be so good as to present my respects
to mrs. Pendleton & friendly salutations to Mr. Taylor & accept yourself as
surances of constant & affectionate esteem.

iSoo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 431
were not expected. I rather believe he will withdraw
it, and propose the same thing in the form of a bill ;
it being the opinion of some that such a regulation is
not against the present constitution. In this form it
will stand a better chance to pass, as a majority only
in both houses will be necessary. By putting off the
building of the 74's & stopping enlistments, the loan
will be reduced to 3^ millions. But I think it cannot
be obtained. For though no new bankruptcies have
happened here for some weeks, or in New York, yet
they continue to happen in Baltimore, & the whole
commercial race are lying on their oars, and gather
ing in their affairs, not knowing what new failures
may put their resources to the proof. In this state
of things they cannot lend money. Some foreigners
have taken asylum among us, with a good deal of
money, who may perhaps chuse that deposit. Rob-
bins's affair has been under agitation for some days.
Livingston made an able speech of 2\ hours yester
day. The advocates of the measure feel it's pressure
heavily ; & tho' they may be able to repel L[ivings-
ton's] motion of censure, I do not believe they can
carry Bayard's of approbation. The landing of our
envoys at Lisbon will risk a very dangerous conse
quence, insomuch as the news of Truxton's aggression
will perhaps arrive at Paris before our commissioners
will. Had they gone directly there, they might have
been two months ahead of that news. We are
entirely without further information from Paris. By
letters from Bordeaux, of Dec. 7, tobo was then from
25 to 27 D. pr. cwt. Yet did Marshall maintain on

432 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
the non-intercourse bill, that it's price at other
markets had never been affected by that law. While
the navigating and provision states, who are the
majority, can keep open all the markets, or at least
sufficient ones for their objects, the cries of the
tobacco makers, who are the minority, and not at all
in favor, will hardly be listened to. It is truly the
fable of the cat pulling the nuts out of the fire with
the monkey's paw ; and it shows that G. Mason's
proposition in the convention was wise, that on laws
regulating commerce, two-thirds of the votes should
be requisite to pass them. However, it would have
been trampled under foot by a triumphant majority.
Mar. 8. My letter has lain by me till now, waiting
mr. Trist's departure. The question has been de
cided to-day on Livingston's motion respecting Rob
bins ; 35. for it, about 60. against it. Livingston,
Nicholas, & Gallatin distinguished themselves on one
side, & J. Marshall greatly on the other. Still it is
believed they will not push Bayard's motion of appro
bation. We have this day also decided in Senate on
the motion for overhauling the editor of the Aurora.
It was carried, as usual, by about 2. to i. ; H. Mar
shall voting of course with them, as did, & frequently
does Anderson of Tennessee, who is perfectly at
market. It happens that the other party are so
strong, that they do not think either him or Marshall
worth buying. As the conveyance is confidential, I
can say something on a subject which, to those who
do not know my real dispositions respecting it, might
seem indelicate. The feds begin to be very seriously

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 433
alarmed about their election next fall. Their speeches
in private, as well as their public & private demeanor
to me, indicate it strongly. This seems to be the
prospect. Keep out Pennsylva, Jersey, & N York,
& the rest of the states are about equally divided ; and
in this estimate it is supposed that N Carolina &
Maryland added together are equally divided. Then
the event depends on the 3. middle states before mentd.
As to them, Pennsylva passes no law for an election
at the present session. They confide that the next
election gives a decided majority in the two houses,
when joined together. INI'Kean, therefore, intends to
call the legislature to meet immediately after the new
election, to appoint electors themselves. Still you will
be sensible there may arise a difficulty between the
two houses about voting by heads or by houses. The
repubHcan members here from Jersey are entirely
confident that their two houses, joined together, have
a majority of republicans ; their council being repub
lican by 6. or 8. votes, & the lower house federal by
only I. or 2. ; and they have no doubt the approach
ing election will be in favor of the republicans. They
appoint electors by the two houses voting together.
In N York all depends on the success of the city
election, which is of 12. members, & of course makes
a difference of 24., which is sufficient to make the
two houses, joined together, republican in their vote.
Gov Clinton, Gen Gates, & some other old revolu
tionary characters, have been put on the republican
ticket. Burr, Livingston, &c., entertain no doubt on
the event of that election. Still these are the ideas

VOL, VU.— 28

434 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
of the republicans only in these three States, & we
must make great allowance for their sanguine views.
Upon the whole, I consider it as rather more doubt
ful than the last election, in which I was not de
ceived in more than a vote or two. If Pennsylvania
votes, then either Jersey or New York giving a repub
lican vote, decides the election. If Pennsylva does
not vote, then New York determines the election. In
any event, we may say that if the city election of
N York is in favor of the Republican ticket, the issue
will be republican ; if the federal ticket for the city of
N York prevails, the probabilities will be in favor of
a federal issue, because it would then require a repub
lican vote both from Jersey & Pennsylva to prepon
derate against New York, on which we could not
count with any confidence. The election of New
York being in April, it becomes an early & interest
ing object. It is probable the landing of our envoys
in Lisbon will add a month to our session ; because
all that the Eastern men are anxious about, is to get
away before the possibility of a treaty's coming in
upon us. You must consider the money you have in
mr. Barnes' hands as wholly at your disposal. I have
no note here of the amount of our nail account ; but
it is small and will be quite as convenient to me to
receive after I go home.
Present my respectful salutations to mrs. Madison
and be assured of my constant and affectionate
esteem.

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 435
TO BEXJ.A.MIX HAWKINS. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Mar 14, 1800.
Dear Sir, — I had twice before attempted to open
a correspondence by writing to you, but receiving no
answer, I took for granted my letters did not reach
you, & consequently that no communication could be
found. Yesterday, however, your nephew put into my
hands your favor of Jan 23, and informs me that a
letter sent by post by way of fort Wilkinson, will be
certain of getting safely to you. Still, I expect your
long absence from this part of the states, has rendered
occurrences here but little interesting to you. Indeed,
things have so much changed their aspect, that it is
like a new world. Those who know us only from
1775. to 1793. can form no better idea of us now than
of the inhabitants of the moon ; I mean as to political
matters. Of these, therefore, I shall say not one
word, because nothing I could say, would be any
more intelligible to you, if said in English, than if
said in Hebrew. On your part, however, you have
interesting details to give us. I particularly take
great interest in whatever respects the Indians, and
the present state of the Creeks, mentioned in your
letter, is very interesting. But you must not suppose
that your official communications will ever be seen or
known out of the offices. Reserve as to all their pro
ceedings is the fundamental maxim of the executive
department. I must, therefore, ask from you one
communication to be made to me separately, & I am
encouraged to it by that part of your letter which
promises me something on the Creek language. I

436 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
have long believed we can never get any information
of the antient history of the Indians, of their descent
& filiation, but from a knowledge & comparative
view of their languages. I have, therefore, never
failed to avail myself of any opportunity which
offered of getting their vocabularies. I have now
made up a large collection, and afraid to risk it any
longer, lest by some accident it might be lost, I am
about to print it. But I still want the great southern
languages, Cherokee, Creeks, Choctaw, Chickasaw,
For the Cherokee, I have written to another, but for
the three others, I have no chance but through your
self, I have indeed an imperfect vocabulary of the
Choctaw, but it wants all the words marked in the
enclosed vocabulary' with either this mark (*) or
this (f), I therefore throw myself on you to procure
rhe the Creek, Choctaw, & Chickasaw ; and I enclose
you a vocabulary of the particular words I want.
You need not take the trouble of having others
taken, because all my other vocabularies are confined
to these words, and my object is only a comparative
view. The Creek column I expect you will be able
to fill up at once, and when done I should wish it to
come on without waiting for the others. As to the
Choctaw & Chickasaw, I know your relations are not
very direct, but as I possess no means at all of getting
at them, I am induced to pray your aid. All the
despatch which can be conveniently used is desirable
to me, because I propose this summer to arrange all
my vocabularies for the press, and I wish to place
' This vocabulary is missing.

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 437
every tongue in the column adjacent to it's kindred
tongues. Your letters, addressed by post to me at
MonticeUo, near Charlottesville, will come safely, &
more safely than if put under cover to any of the
offices, where they may be mislaid & lost.
Your old friend, mrs. Trist, is now settled at Char
lottesville, within 2^ miles of me. She lives with her
son, who married here, & removed there. She pre
serves her health & spirits fully, and is much beloved
with us, as she deserves to be. As I know she is a
favorite correspondent of yours, I shall observe that
the same channel will be a good one to her as I have
mentioned for myself. Indeed, if you find our cor
respondence worth having, it can now be as direct as
if you were in one of these states. Mr. Madison is
well. I presume you have long known of his mar
riage. He is not yet a father. Mr. Giles is happily
& wealthily married to a Miss Tabb. This I presume
is enough for a first dose ; after hearing from you, &
knowing how it agrees with you, it may be repeated.
With sentiments of constant & sincere esteem, I am,
dear Sir, your affectionate friend & servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. J'MSS.
Philadelphia, Mar. 25, 1800.
Yours of the 15th is safely received. I perceive
by that that I had by mistake sent you Ramsay's
Eulogy instead of Cooper's smaller pamphlet, which
therefore I now inclose merely for the last paper in it,
as the two first were in the copy I first sent you. I

438 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
inclose also Mr. Nicholas's amendment this day pro
posed to the bill concerning President & V. P, for
merly sent you. We expect it will be rejected by 1 7,
to 13. in Senate, but that it may be brought forward
in the lower house with better prospects. We have
nothing from Europe but what you will see in the
newspapers. The Executive are sending off a frigate
to France, but for what purposes we know not. The
bankrupt law will pass. A complimentary vote of a
medal to Truxton will pass. A judiciary law adding
about 100,000 D. to the annual expense of that
department is going through the H. of R. A loan
of 2,\ millions will pass. The money it is said will be
furnished by some English houses. Bankruptcies
continue at Baltimore, and great mercantile distress
& stagnation here. The Republican spirit beginning
to preponderate in Pennsa, Jersey & N. Y. & becom
ing respectable in Mass. N. Hampsh. & Connect.
Of R. I. & Vermont I can say nothing. There are
the strongest expectations that the Republican ticket
will prevail in the city election of N. Y. Clinton,
Gates & Burr are at the head of it. Its success
decides the complexion of that legislature. We
expect Gouvr. Morris to be chosen by the present
legislature Senator of the U. S. in the room of
Watson resigned. The legislature here parted in a
state of distraction, their successors, as soon as chosen,
will be convened : but it is very questionable if the
Senate will not still be obstinate. We suppose Con
gress will rise in May. Respectful & affectionate
salutations to mrs. Madison & yourself. Adieu.

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 439
TO PHILIP NORBORNE NICHOLAS. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Apr. 7. 1800.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of Feb. 2. came to hand
Feb. II. and I put off the acnoleging it, till I could
forward to you some pamphlets on a subject very in
teresting to all the states, and containing views which
I am anxious should be generally exhibited. In a
former collection of tracts published by Mr. Cooper
were two papers on Political arithmetic. He was
printing a 2d edition of the whole, & was prevailed
on to strike off an extra number of the two on Politi
cal arithmetic, adding to it some principles of govern
ment from a former work of his. I have forwarded
to you by a vessel going from hence to Richmond 8.
dozen of these, with a view that one should be sent
to every county commee in the state, either from
yourself personally or from your central commee,
Tho' I know that this is not the immediate object of
your institution, yet I consider it as a most valuable
object, to which the institution may most usefully be
applied, I trust yourself only with the secret that
these pamphlets go from me. You will readily see
what a handle would be made of my advocating their
contents, I must leave to yourself therefore to say
how they come to you. Very possibly they will have
got to you before this does, as I shall retain it for a
private conveyance & know of none as yet. I dare
trust nothing this summer through the post offices.
At other times they would not have such strong
motives to infidelity.
It is too early to think of a declaratory act as yet.

440 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
but the time is approaching & not distant. Two
elections more will give us a solid majority in the H.
of R. and a sufficient one in the Senate. As soon as
it can be depended on, we must have ' a Declaration
of the principles of the constitution ' in nature of a
Declaration of rights, in all the points in which it has
been violated. The people in the middle states are
almost rallied to Virginia already ; & the eastern
states are recommencing the vibration which had
been checked by X. Y. Z. North Carolina is at
present in the most dangerous state. The lawyers
all tories, the people substantially republican, but
uninformed & deceived by the lawyers, who are
elected of necessity because few other candidates.
The medicine for that State must be very mild &
secretly administered. But nothing should be spared
to give them true information. I am, dear Sir, yours
affectionately.

TO WILLIAM HAMILTON OF WOODLANDS. J. MSS.
Philadelphia Apr. 22. 1800.
Dear Sir, — A little reflection enables me to under
stand the appearances of neglect which you were kind
enough to mention to me the other day. It was in
March, 1797 you did me the honor of calling on
me. I had then come up to Philadelphia only to
take the oath of office. On that occasion I received
the visits not only of every one in the city who had
known me, but of great numbers who did not. The
Senate adjourned finally the same day ; so that being
to return immediately, it was impossible to repay the

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 441
numerous visits I had received. I counted therefore
on finding my excuse in the impossibility of the thing.
Your distance from the town prevented your know-
lege of this circumstance, while those who were in the
city saw & felt my justification in my departure.
During the ensuing summer came on the war-fever.
Those who caught it seemed to consider every man
as their personal enemy who would not catch their
disorder, and many suffered themselves to think it
was a sufficient cause for breaking off society with
them. I became sensible of this on my next arrival
in town, on perceiving that many declined visiting me
with whom I had been on terms of the greatest
friendship & intimacy. I determined, for the first
time in my life, to stand on the ceremony of the first
visit, even with my friends ; because it served to sift
out those who chose a separation. I was happy to be
informed by yourself that your declining to visit was
on a different ground ; a ground too, which while it
might well appear otherwise to you then, you will
now be sensible I hope was involuntary & unavoid
able on my part. I never considered a difference of
opinion in politics, in religion, in philosophy, as cause
for withdrawing from a friend. During the whole of
the last war, which was trying enough, I never de
serted a friend because he had taken an opposite
side ; & those of my own state who joined the British
government can attest my unremitting zeal in saving
their property, & can point out the laws in our stat
ute book which I drew, & carried through in their
favor However I have seen during the late political

442 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
paroxysm here numbers whom I had highly esteemed ;
draw off from me, in so much as to cross the street to
avoid meeting me. The fever is abating and doubt
less some of them will correct the momentary wander
ings of their heart, & return again. If they do, they
will meet the constancy of my esteem, & the same
oblivion of this as of any other delirium which might
happen to them.
I am happy to find you as clear of political antipa
thies as I am ; & am particularly obliged by the
frankness of your explanation. I owe to it the oppor
tunity of placing myself justly before you, and of
assuring you there was no person here to whom I had
less disposition of shewing neglect than to yourself.
The circumstances of our early acquaintance I have
ever felt as binding me in morality as well as in affec
tion, & there are so many agreeable points in which
we are in perfect union that I am at no loss to find a
justification of my constant esteem.
Among the many botanical curiosities you were so
good as to shew me the other day, I forgot to ask if
you had the Dionea muscipula, & whether it produces
a seed with you. If it does, I should be very much
disposed to trespass on your liberality so far as to ask
a few seeds of that, as also of the Acacia Nilotica, or
Farnesiana whichever you have. I pray you to ac
cept assurances of the sincere attachment & respect
of Dear Sir your most obedient humble servant.

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 443
TO EDWARD LIVINGSTON. j. mss.
Philadelphia, Apr. 30, 1800.
Dear Sir, — I received with great pleasure your
favour of the nth inst. By this time I presume the
result of your labours is known with you, tho' not here.
Whatever it may be, & my experience of the art,
industry, & resources of the other party has not per
mitted me to be prematurely confident, yet I am
entirely confident that ultimately the great body of
the people are passing over from them. This may
require one or two elections more ; but it will assur
edly take place. The madness & extravagance of
their career is what ensures it. The people through
all the states are for republican forms, republican
principles, simplicity, economy, religious & civil
freedom. I have nothing to offer you but Congressional news.
The Judiciary bill is postponed to the next session ;
so is the militia bill ; so the military academy. The
bill for the election of the Brest and V P has under
gone much revolution. Marshall made a dexterous
manoeuvre ; he declares against the constitutionality
of the Senate's bill, and proposes that the right of
decision of their grand committee should be con
trollable by the concurrent vote of the two houses of
congress ; but to stand good if not rejected by a con
current vote. You will readily estimate the amount
of this sort of controul. The Committee of the H.
of R, however, took from the Committee the right
of giving any opinion, requiring them to report facts
only, and that the votes returned by the states should

444 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
be counted, unless reported by a concurrent vote of
both houses. In what form they will pass them or
us, cannot be foreseen. Our Jury bill in Senate will
pass so as merely to accommodate N. York & Ver
mont. The H. of R. sent us yesterday a bill for
incorporating a company to work Roosevelt's copper
mines in N. Jersey. I do not know whether it is
understood that the Legislature of Jersey was incom
petent to this, or merely that we have concurrent
legislation under the sweeping clause. Congress are
authorized to defend the nation. Ships are necessary
for defence ; copper is necessary for ships ; mines
necessary for copper ; a company necessary to work
mines ; and who can doubt this reasoning who has
ever played at ' This is the House that Jack Built'?
Under such a process of filiation of necessities the
sweeping clause makes clean work. We shall cer
tainly rise on the 12th. There is nothing to do now
but to pass the ways & means, and to settle some dif
ferences of opinion of the two houses on the Georgia
bill, the bill for dividing the North-Western territory,
& that for the sale of the Western lands. Saluta
tions & affectionate esteem. Adieu.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON, j. mss.
Philadelphia, Apr. 30, i8oo.
Dear Sir, — Your favour of Feb. 28. never came to
my hand till the 1 7th inst. This must account for
the greater portion of the delay which has attended
the acknolegment of it. I thank you for the volume

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 445
of your agricultural transactions : & as I perceive you
take a great interest in whatever relates to this first
& most precious of all the arts, I have packed in a
small box, a model of a mouldboard of a plough, of
my invention, if that term may be used for a mere
change of form. It is accompanied by a block, which
will shew the form in which the block is to be got for
making the mouldboard & the manner of making it.
However as this would not explain it's principles,
alone, I accompany it by the late volume of our Philo
sophical transactions, in which there is a minute
description of the principles & construction. The
printer having (on his removal from the yellow fever)
lost several of the plates belonging to this volume &
among them that relating to the mouldboard, I have
supplied this last by some sketches which may enable
you to understand the description. I shall avail
myself of the first person of my acquaintance whom I
shall know to be passing in the stage to New York,
to forward them to you. The printer will have the
lost plates ready to replace shortly.
I had before heard of your discovery of the method
of making paper from a vegetable & from the speci
men sent have no doubt of it's great importance.
For this article, the creature of art, & but latterly so
comparatively, is now interwoven so much into the
conveniences & occupations of men as to have become
one of the necessaries of civilized life.
We are here engaged in improving our constitution
by construction, so as to make it what the majority
thinks it should have been. The Senate received

446 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
yesterday a bill from the Representatives incorporat
ing a company for Roosevelt's copper mines in Jersey,
This is under the sweeping clause of the constitution,
& supported by the following pedigree of necessities.
Congress are authorized to defend the country : ships
are necessary for that defence : copper is necessary
for ships : mines are necessary to produce copper :
companies are necessary to work mines : and " this is
the house that Jack built."
I shall be happy to receive from you, at your
leisure, the long letter which you promised. I have
been long in the habit of valuing whatever comes
from your pen. And my taste, which in 1775. was
like yours, in politics, is now passed over with yours
to more tranquilizing studies. Accept assurances of
my respectful & affectionate esteem.

TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
Philadelphia, May 12, [1800.]
Dear Sir, — Congress will rise to-day or to-morrow.
Mr. Nicholas proposing to call on you, you will get
from him the Congressional news. On the whole,
the federalists have not been able to carry a single
strong measure in the lower house the whole session.
When they met, it was believed they had a majority
of 20 ; but many of these were new & moderate men,
& soon saw the true character of the party to which
they had been well disposed while at a distance. The
tide, too, of public opinion sets so strongly against
the federal proceedings, that this melted off their

iSoo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 447
majority, & dismayed the heroes of the party. The
Senate alone remained undismayed to the last. Firm
to their purposes, regardless of public opinion, and
more disposed to coerce than to court it, not a man
of their majority gave way in the least ; and on the
electoral bill they adhered to John Marshal's amend
ment, by their whole number ; & if there had been a
full Senate, there would have been but 11. votes
against it, which includes H. Marshall, who has voted
with the republicans this session. * ¦» *

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
Eppington May 26, 1800.
Dear Sir, — I am sorry your servant had such a
chase to find me. I came to this place on Saturday.
He got here in the night last night. Further reflec
tion on the matter which had been proposed in con
versation the evening before I left you, convinced me
that it could not succeed, that obstacles must arise to
it, and that these would give rise to disagreeable inci
dents. Could I have seen you therefore in the morn
ing of my leaving Richmond I should have dissuaded
the attempt. However, as it has been made it shews
who are the Anti-Unionists in principle. My only
anxiety is that the friends of our principle may take
umbrage at my declining their proffered civility. I
will thank you to express my particular respect to
Doctr. Fancher, to whom it happened that I had not
an opportunity of doing it sufficiently while we were
together at your house. /As to the calumny of Athe-

448 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
ism, I am so broken to calumnies of every kind, from
every department of government. Executive, Legisla
tive, & Judiciary, & from every minion of theirs
holding office or seeking it, that I entirely disregard
it, and from Chace it will have less effect than from
any other man in the United States. It has been so
impossible to contradict all their lies, that I have
determined to contradict none ; for while I should be
engaged with one, they would publish twenty new
ones. Thirty years of public life have enabled most
of those who read newspapers to judge of one for
themselves. /
I think it essentially just and necessary that Callen
dar should be substantially defended. Whether in the
first stages by publick interference, or private contrib
utors, may be a question. Perhaps it might be as
well that it should be left to the legislature, who
will meet in time, & before whom you can lay the
matter so as to bring it before them. It is become
peculiarly their cause and may furnish them a fine
opportunity of shewing their respect to the union &
at the same time of doing justice in another way to
those whom they cannot protect without committing
the publick tranquility.
I leave this place tomorrow for MonticeUo, and
shall be three days on the road. I think it possible
that in the course of a month or two the Senate may
be called to the Federal city by the arrival of a treaty
with France. However I presume it will be a very
short call. I shall give you notice when Dupont
arrives at MonticeUo, as you may perhaps so time

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 449
your visits of business to that quarter as to see him.
Present my friendly respects to Mrs. Monroe, &
accept yourself assurances of constant & affectionate
attachment from. Dear Sir, your friend & servt.

TO PIERCE BUTLER. j.mss.
Aug. 11. 1800.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of July 28. is safely re
ceived & received with great pleasure, it having been
long since we have been without communication.
You will have perceived, on your return to Phila
delphia, a great change in the spirit of the place.
' The arrogancy of the proud hath ceased, & the
patient and meek look up.' I do not know how
matters are in the quarter you have been in, but all
north of the Roanoke has undergone a wonderful
change. The state of the public mind in N. Caro
lina appears mysterious to us. Doubtless you know
more of it than we do. W^hat will be the effect, in
that & the two other states south of that, of the new
maneuvre of a third competitor proposed to be run
at the ensuing election, & taken from among them ?
Will his personal interest or local politics derange
the votes in that quarter which would otherwise have
been given on principle alone ? Nothing ever passed
between the gentleman you mention and myself on
the subject you mention. It is our mutual duty to
leave those arrangements to others, & to acquiesce
in their assignment. He has certainly greatly merited
VOL VII — 29

4SO THE WRITINGS OF [1800
of his country, & the Republicans in particular, to
whose efforts his have given a chance of success.
Are we to see you at the Federal city, or will Phila
delphia still monopolize the time you spare from S.
Carolina ? I shall be happy to meet you there and
at all times to hear from you. Accept assurances
of the high regard of dear sir your friend & servant.

TO GIDEON GRANGER. j. mss.
[MONTICELLO,] Aug 13, 1800.
Dear Sir, — I received with great pleasure your
favor of June 4, and am much comforted by the
appearance of a change of opinion in your state ; for
tho' we may obtain, & I believe shall obtain, a ma
jority in the legislature of the United States, attached
to the preservation of the Federal constitution ac
cording to it's obvious principles, & those on which
it was known to be received ; attached equally to the
preservation to the states of those rights unques
tionably remaining with them ; friends to the free
dom of religion, freedom of the press, trial by jury &
to economical government ; {opposed to standing
armies, paper systems, war, & all connection, other
than commerce, with any foreign nationjj in short, a
majority firm in all those principles which we have
espoused and the federalists have opposed uniformly ;
still, should the whole body of New England con
tinue in opposition to these principles of government,
either knowingly or through delusion, our govern
ment will be a very uneasy one. It can never be

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 451
harmonious & solid, while so respectable a portion
of it's citizens support principles which go directly to
a change of the federal constitution, to sink the state
governments, consolidate them into one, and to mon-
archize that. Our country is too large to have all its
affairs directed by a single government. Public ser
vants at such a distance, & from under the eye of
their constituents, must, from the circumstance of
distance, be unable to administer & overlook all the
details necessary for the good government of the
citizens, and the same circumstance, by rendering
detection impossible to their constituents, will invite
the public agents to corruption, plunder & waste.
And I do verily believe, that if the principle were to
prevail, of a common law being in force in the U S,
(which principle possesses the general government
at once of all the powers of the state governments,
and reduces us to a single consolidated government,)
it would become the most corrupt government on the
earth. You have seen the practises by which the
public servants have been able to cover their conduct,
or, where that £ould not be done, delusions by which
they have varnished it for the eye of their constitu
ents. What an augmentation of the field for jobbing,
speculating, plundering, office-building & office-hunt
ing would be produced by an assumption of all the
state powers into the hands of the general govern
ment. The true theory of our constitution is surely
the wisest & best, that the states are independent as
to everything within themselves, & united as to
everything respecting foreign nations. Let the gen-

452 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
eral government be reduced to foreign concerns only,
and let our affairs be disentangled from those of all
other nations, except as to commerce, which the mer
chants will manage the better, the more they are
left free to manage for themselves, and our general
government may be reduced to a very simple organi
zation, & a very unexpensive one ; a few plain duties
to be performed by a few servants. But I repeat,
that this simple & economical mode of government
can never be secured, if the New England States
continue to support the contrary system. I rejoice,
therefore, in every appearance of their returning to
those principles which I had always imagined to be
almost innate in them. In this State, a few persons
were deluded by the X. Y. Z. duperies. You saw
the effect of it in our last Congressional representa
tives, chosen under their influence. This experiment
on their credulity is now seen into, and our next
representation will be as republican as it has hereto
fore been. On the whole, we hope, that by a part
of the Union having held on to the principles of the
constitution, time has been given to the states to
recover from the temporary frenzy into which they
had been decoyed, to rally round the constitution, &
to rescue it from the destruction with which it had
been threatened even at their own hands. I see
copied from the American Magazine two numbers
of a paper signed Don Quixotte, most exceUently
adapted to introduce the real truth to the minds even
of the most prejudiced.
I would, with great pleasure, have written the letter

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 453
you desired in behalf of your friend, but there are
existing circumstances which render a letter from me
to that magistrate as improper as it would be un
availing. I shall be happy, on some more fortunate
occasion, to prove to you my desire of serving your
wishes. I sometime ago received a letter from a Mr.
M'Gregory of Derby, in your State ; it is written
with such a degree of good sense & appearance of
candor, as entitles it to an answer. Yet the writer
being entirely unknown to me, and the stratagems of
the times very multifarious, I have thought it best to
avail myself of your friendship, & enclose the answer
to you. You will see it's nature. If you find from
the character of the person to whom it is addressed,
that no improper use would probably be made of
it, be so good as to seal & send it. Otherwise
suppress it.
How will the vote of your State and^R I be as to
A. and P. ?
I am, with great and sincere esteem, dear Sir, your
friend and servant.

TO JEREMIAH MOOR. J- mss.
MONTICELLO Aug. 14. 1800.
Sir, — I have to acknowlge the receipt of your
favor of July 12. The times are certainly such as
to justify anxiety on the subject of political prin
ciples, & particularly those of the public servants,
I have been so long on the public theatres that I

454 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
supposed mine to be generally known. I make no
secret of them : on the contrary I wish them known
to avoid the imputation of those which are not mine.
You may remember perhaps that in the year 1 783.
after the close of the war there was a general idea
that a convention would be called in this state to
form a constitution. In that expectation I then
prepared a scheme of constitution which I meant
to have proposed. This is bound up at the end
of the Notes on Virginia, which being in many
hands, I may venture to refer to it as giving a
general view of my principles of government. It
particularly shews what I think on the question
of the right of electing & being elected, which is
principally the subject of your letter. I found it
there on a year's residence in the country ; or the
possession of property in it, or a year's enroll
ment in it's militia. When the constitution of Vir
ginia was formed I was in attendance at Congress.
Had I been here I should probably have proposed
a general suffrage : because my opinion has always
been in favor of it. StiU I find very honest men who,
thinking the possession of some property necessary
to give due independence of mind, are for restraining
the elective franchise to property. I believe we may
lessen the danger of buying and seUing votes, by
making the number of voters too great for any
means of purchase : I may further say that I have
not observed men's honesty to increase with their
riches. /I observe however in the same scheme of a
constitution, an abridgment of the right of being

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 455
elected, which after 1 7. years more of experience &
reflection, I do not approve. It is the incapacitation
of a clergyman from being elected. The clergy, by
getting themselves established by law, & ingrafted
into the machine of government, have been a very
formidable engine against the civil and religious
rights of man. They are still so in many countries
& even in some of these United States. Even in
1783, we doubted the stability of our recent meas
ures for reducing them to the footing of other useful
callings. It now appears that our means were
effectual. The clergy here seem to have relin
quished all pretension to privilege and to stand on a
footing with lawyers, physicians &c. They ought
therefore to possess the same rights.
-^ I have with you wondered at the change of
political principles which has taken place in many in
this state however much less than in others. I am
still more alarmed to see, in the other states, the
general political dispositions of those to whom is
confided the education of the rising generation. Nor
are all the academies of this state free from grounds
of uneasiness. I have great confidence in the com
mon sense of mankind in general : but it requires a
great deal to get the better of notions which our
tutors have instilled into our minds while incapable
of questioning them, & to rise superior to antipathies
strongly rooted. However, I suppose when the evil
rises to a certain height, a remedy will be found, if
the case admits any other than the prudence of
parents and guardians./ The candour & good sense

456 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
of your letter made it a duty in me to answer it, &
to confide that no uncandid use will be made of the
answer : & particularly that it be kept from the
newspapers, a bear-garden field into which I do not
chuse to enter. I am with esteem sir, your most
obedient servant.

TO JAMES MADISON. j.mss.
MONTICELLO, Sep. 17. 1800.
Dear Sir, — I now send by Bp. Madison the bal
ance which should have gone from our last court by
mr. Barber : but not seeing him the first day of the
court, & that breaking up on the first day, contrary
to usage, & universal expectation, mr. Barber was
gone before I knew that fact. — Is it not strange
the public should have no information of the pro
ceedings & prospects of our envoys in a case so
vitally interesting to our commerce ? that at a time
when, as we suppose, all differences are in a course
of amicable adjustment, Truxton should be fitted out
with double diligence that he may get out of court
before the arrival of a treaty, & shed more human
blood merely for the pleasure of shedding it ? — I
have a letter from Mr. Butler in which he supposes
that the Republican vote of N. Carolina will be but
a bare majority. Georgia he thinks will be unani
mous with the Republicans ; S. C. unanimous either
with them or against them : but not certainly which.
Dr. Rush & Burr give favorable accounts of Jersey.
Granger & Burr even count with confidence on Con-

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 457
necticut. But that is impossible. The revolution
there indeed is working with very unexpected rapid
ity. Before another Congressional election it will
probably be complete. There is good reason to be
lieve Massachusetts will increase her republican vote
in Congress, & that Levi Lincoln will be one. He
wUl be a host in himself ; being undoubtedly the
ablest & most respectable man of the Eastern states.
Health, respect & affection.

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
MONTICELLO Sep. 20. 1800.
Dear Sir, — Mr. Craven, who was here at the re
ceipt of your favor of the 15th & will probably be
here a week longer, desires me to inform you that he
communicates by this day's post, your terms to Mr.
Darrelle, and that he is thoroughly persuaded he will
accede to them. He is very anxious you should re
tain the lands for Darrelle, who is his father in law,
and whose removal into the neighborhood is there
fore much wished for by him.
Where to stay the hand of the executioner is an im
portant question. Those who have escaped from the
immediate danger, must have feelings which would
dispose them to extend the executions. Even here,
where every thing has been perfectly tranquil, but
where a familiarity with slavery, and a possibility of
danger from that quarter prepare the general mind
for some severities, there is a strong sentiment that
there has been hanging enough. The other states &

458 THE WRITINGS OF [iBoo
the world at large will forever condemn us if we in
dulge a principle of revenge, or go one step beyond
absolute necessity. They cannot lose sight of the
rights of the two parties, & the object of the un
successful one. Our situation is indeed a difficult
one : for I doubt whether these people can ever be
permitted to go at large among us with safety. To
reprieve them and keep them in prison till the meet
ing of the legislature will encourge efforts for their
release. Is there no fort & garrison of the state or
of the Union, where they would be confined, & where
the presence of the garrison would preclude all ideas
of attempting a rescue. Surely the legislature would
pass a law for their exportation, the proper meas
ure on this & all similar occasions ? I hazard these
thoughts for your own consideration only, as I should
be unwUling to be quoted in the case ; you will
doubtless hear the sentiments of other persons &
places, and will thence be enabled to form a better
judgment on the whole than any of us singly & in a
solitary situation. Health, respect & affection.

TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH. j. mss.
MONTICELLO, Sep. 23, 1800.
Dear Sir, — I have to acknolege the receipt of your
favor of Aug. 22, and to congratulate you on the
healthiness of your city. Still Baltimore, Norfolk
& Providence admonish us that we are not clear of
our new scourge. When great evils happen, I am in
the habit of looking out for what good may arise

[i8oo THOMAS JEFFERSON. 459
from them as consolations to us, and Providence has
in fact so established the order of things, as that
most evils are the means of producing some good.
The yellow fever will discourage the growth of great
cities in our nation, & I view great cities as pestilen
tial to the morals, the health and the liberties of man.
True, they nourish some of the elegant arts, but the
useful ones can thrive elsewhere, and less perfection in
the others, with more health, virtue & freedom, would
be my choice.
I agree with you entirely, in condemning the mania
of giving names to objects of any kind after persons
StUl living. Death alone can seal the title of any
man to this honor, by putting it out of his power
to forfeit it. There is one other mode of recording
merit, which I have often thought might be intro
duced, so as to gratify the living by praising the
dead. In giving, for instance, a commission of chief
justice to Bushrod Washington, it should be in con
sideration of his integrity, and science in the laws,
and of the services rendered to our country by his
iUustrious relation, &c. A commission to a descend
ant of Dr. Franklin, besides being in consideration
of the proper qualifications of the person, should
add that of the great services rendered by his
iUustrious ancestor, Bn Fr, by the advancement of
science, by inventions useful to man, &c. I am not
sure that we ought to change all our names. And
during the regal government, sometimes, indeed, they
were given through adulation ; but often also as the
reward of the merit of the times, sometimes for ser-

46o THE WRITINGS OF [1800
vices rendered the colony. Perhaps, too, a name
when given, should be deemed a sacred property.
I promised you a letter on Christianity, which I
have not forgotten. On the contrary, it is because I
have reflected on it, that I find much more time
necessary for it than I can at present dispose of. I
have a view of the subject which ought to displease
neither the rational Christian nor Deists, and would
reconcile many to a character they have too hastily
rejected. I do not know that it would reconcile the
genus irritabile vatum who are all in arms against me.
Their hostility is on too interesting ground to be
softened. The delusion into which the X. Y. Z. plot
shewed it possible to push the people ; the successful
experiment made under the prevalence of that delu
sion on the clause of the constitution, which, whUe it
secured the freedom of the press, covered also the
freedom of religion, had given to the clergy a very
favorite hope of obtaining an establishment of a par
ticular form of Christianity thro' the U. S. ; and as
every sect believes its own form the true one, every
one perhaps hoped for his own, but especially the
Episcopalians & Congregationalists. The returning
good sense of our country threatens abortion to their
hopes, & they believe that any portion of power con
fided to me, will be exerted in opposition to their
schemes. And they believe rightly ; for I have
sworn upon the altar of god, eternal hostility against
every form of tyranny over the mind of man. But
this is all they have to fear from me : & enough too
in their opinion, & this is the cause of their print-

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 461
ing lying pamphlets against me, forging conversations
for me with Mazzei, Bishop Madison, &c., which are
absolute falsehoods without a circumstance of truth
to rest on ; falsehoods, too, of which I acquit Mazzei
& Bishop Madison, for they are men of truth.
But enough of this : it is more than I have before
committed to paper on the subject of all the lies that
has been preached and printed against me. I have
not seen the work of Sonnoni which you mention,
but I have seen another work on Africa, (Parke's,)
which I fear will throw cold water on the hopes of
the friends of freedom. You will hear an account of
an attempt at insurrection in this state. I am look
ing with anxiety to see what will be it's effect on our
state. We are truly to be pitied. I fear we have
little chance to see you at the Federal city or in Vir
ginia, and as little at Philadelphia. It would be a
great treat to receive you here. But nothing but
sickness could effect that ; so I do not wish it. For
I wish you health and happiness, and think of you
with affection. Adieu.

TO JAMES MONROE. mon. mss.
MONTICELLO Nov. 8. 180O.
Yours by your servant has been delivered as also
that by Mr. Erwin. I think Sklpwith's letter con
tains some paragraphs which would do considerable
good in the newspapers. I shall inclose that & the
other by Mr. Erwin to Mr. Madison, to be returned
to you. I shall set out for Washington so as to arrive

462 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
there as soon as I suppose the answer to the speech
is delivered. It is possible some silly things may be
put into the latter on the hypothesis of it's being vale
dictory, & that these may be zealously answered by
the federal majority in our house. They shall deliver
it themselves therefore. I have not heard from
Craven since I wrote to you. I told him I should
leave this on the I2'^ therefore I think it certain he
will be here before that date, as we have some im
portant arrangements to make together. I shall not
fail to encourage the purchase of your lands. — I am
sincerely sorry I was absent when you were in the
neighborhood. I wished to learn something of the
excitements, the expectations & extent of this negro
conspiracy, not being satisfied with the popular re
ports. I learnt with concern in Bedford that the im
portant deposit of arms near New London is without
even a centinel to guard it. There is said to be much
powder in it. We cannot suppose the federal admin
istration takes this method of offering arms to insur
gent negroes : yet some in the neighborhood of the
place suspect it. Would it not be justifiable in you
to suggest to them the importance of a guard there ?
In truth that deposit should be removed to the river.
Health, respect & affection.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. j. mss.
Washington, Dec. 14, 1800.
Dear Sir, — Your former communications on the
subject of the steam engine, I took the liberty of
laying before the American Philosophical society, by

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 463

whom they wUl be printed in their volume of the
present year. I have heard of the discovery of some
large bones, supposed to be of the mammoth, at about
30. or 40. miles distance from you ; and among the
bones found, are said to be some of which we have
never yet been able to procure. The ist interesting
question is, whether they are the bones of the mam
moth ? The 2d, what are the particular bones, and
could I possibly procure them ? The bones I am
most anxious to obtain, are those of the head & feet,
which are said to be among those found in your State,
as also the ossa innominata, and the scapula. Others
would also be interesting, though similar ones may
be possessed, because they would show by their simi
larity that the set belong to the mammoth. Could I
so far venture to trouble you on this subject, as to
engage some of your friends near the place, to pro
cure for me the bones above mentioned ? If they are
to be bought I will gladly pay for them whatever you
shall agree to as reasonable ; and will place the money
in N York as instantaneously after it is made known
to me, as the post can carry it, as I will all expenses
of package, transportation, &c, to New York and
Philadelphia, where they may be addressed to John
Barnes, whose agent (he not being on the spot) will
take care of them for me.
But I have still a more important subject whereon
to address you. Tho' our information of the votes
of the several states be not official, yet they are stated
on such evidence as to satisfy both parties that the
Republican vote has been successful. We may.

464 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
therefore, venture to hazard propositions on that
hypothesis without being justly subjected to raillery
or ridicule. The constitution to which we are all at
tached was meant to be republican, and we believe to
be republican according to every candid interpreta
tion. Yet we have seen it so interpreted and admin
istered, as to be truly what the French have called, a
m,onarchie masquee. Yet so long has the vessel run
on this way and been trimmed to it, that to put her
on her republican track will require all the skiU, the
firmness & the zeal of her ablest & best friends. It
is a crisis which calls on them, to sacrifice all other
objects, and repair to her aid in this momentous opera
tion. Not only their skill is wanting, but their names
also. It is essential to assemble in the outset per
sons to compose our administration, whose talents,
integrity and revolutionary name and principles may
inspire the nation at once, with unbounded confidence,
and impose an awful silence on all the maligners of
republicanism ; as may suppress in embryo the pur
pose avowed by one of their most daring & effective
chiefs, of beating down the administration. These
names do not abound at this day. So few are they,
that yours, my friend, cannot be spared among them
without leaving a blank which cannot be filled. If I
can obtain for the public the aid of those I have con
templated, I fear nothing. If this cannot be done,
then are we unfortunate indeed ! We shall be un
able to realize the prospects which have been held
out to the people, and we must fall back into monar-
chism, for want of heads, not hands to help us out of

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 465
it. This is a common cause, my dear Sir, common
to all republicans. Tho' I have been too honorably
placed in front of those who are to enter the breach
so happily made, yet the energies of every individual
are necessary, & in the very place where his energies
can most serve the enterprise. I can assure you that
your colleagues will be most acceptable to you ; one
of them, whom you cannot mistake, peculiarly so.
The part which circumstances constrain us to pro
pose to you is, the secretaryship of the navy. These
circumstances cannot be explained by letter. Repub-
Hcanism is so rare in those parts which possess nauti
cal skill, that I cannot find it allied there to the other
qualifications. Tho' you are not nautical by profes
sion, yet your residence and your mechanical science
qualify you as well as a gentleman can possibly be,
and sufficiently to enable you to choose under-agents
perfectly qualified, and to superintend their conduct.
Come forward then, my dear Sir, and give us the
aid of your talents & the weight of your character
towards the new establishment of republicanism : I
say, for it's new establishment ; for hitherto we have
only seen it's travestie. I have urged thus far, on the
belief that your present office would not be an obsta
cle to this proposition. I was informed, and I think
it was by your brother, that you wished to retire
from it, & were only restrained by the fear that a
successor of different principles might be appointed.
The late change in your council of appointment wUl
remove this fear. It wUl not be improper to say a
word on the subject of expence. The gentlemen
VOL VII— 30

466 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
who composed Genl Washington's first administra
tion took up, too universally, a practice of general
entertainment, which was unnecessary, obstructive of
business, & so oppressive to themselves, that it was
among the motives for their retirement. Their suc
cessors profited by the experiment, & lived altogether
as private individuals, & so have ever continued to
do. Here, indeed, it cannot be otherwise, our situa
tion being so rural, that during the vacations of the
Legislature we shall have no society but of the offi
cers of the government, and in time of sessions the
Legislature is become & becoming so numerous, that
for the last half dozen years nobody but the Presi
dent has pretended to entertain them. I have been
led to make the application before official knowledge
of the result of our election, because the return of
Mr, Van Benthuysen, one of your electors & neigh
bors, offers me a safe conveyance at a moment when
the post offices wiU be peculiarly suspicious &.prying.
Your answer may come by post without danger, if
directed in some other hand writing than your own ;
and I will pray you to give me an answer as soon as
you can make up your mind.
Accept assurances of cordial esteem & respect, &
my friendly salutations.

TO AARON BURR. j. mss.
Washington, Dec 15, 1800.
Dear Sir, — Although we have not official informa
tion of the votes for President & Vice President,
and cannot have until the first week in Feb, yet the

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 467
state of the votes is given on such evidence, as satis
fies both parties that the two republican candidates
stand highest. From S Carolina we have not even
heard of the actual vote ; but we have learnt who
were appointed electors, and with sufficient certainty
how they would vote. It is said they would with
draw from yourself one vote. It has also been said
that a General Smith, of Tennessee, had declared
that he would give his 2d. vote to Mr. Gallatin, not
from any indisposition towards you, but extreme rev
erence to the character of Mr. G. It is also surmised
that the vote of Georgia will not be entire. Yet
nobody pretends to know these things of a certainty,
and we know enough to be certain that what it is
surmised will be withheld, wUl still leave you 4. or 5.
votes at least above Mr. A. However, it was badly
managed not to have arranged with certainty what
seems to have been left to hazard. It was the more
material, because I understand several of the high
flying federalists have expressed their hope that the
two republican tickets may be equal, & their deter
mination in that case to prevent a choice by the H
of R, (which they are strong enough to do,) and let
the government devolve on a President of the Senate.
Decency required that I should be so entirely passive
during the late contest that I never once asked
whether arrangements had been made to prevent so
many from dropping votes intentionally, as might
frustrate half the republican wish ; nor did I doubt,
tiU lately, that such had been made.
While I must congratulate you, my dear Sir, on

468 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
the issue of this contest, because it is more honorable,
and doubtless more grateful to you than any station
within the competence of the chief magistrate, yet
for myself, and for the substantial service of the
public, I feel most sensibly the loss we sustain of
your aid in our new administration. It leaves a
chasm in my arrangements, which cannot be ade
quately filled up. I had endeavored to compose an
administration whose talents, integrity, names, and
dispositions, should at once inspire unbounded con
fidence in the public mind, and insure a perfect har
mony in the conduct of the public business. I lose
you from the list, & am not sure of all the others.
Should the gentlemen who possess the public con
fidence decline taking a part in their affairs, and
force us to take persons unknown to the people, the
evU genius of this country may realize his avowal
that ' he will beat down the administration.' The
return of Mr. Van Benthuysen, one of your electors,
furnishes me a confidential opportunity of writing
this much to you, which I should not have ventured
through the post office at this prying season. We
shaU of course see you before the 4th of March.
Accept my respectful and affectionate salutations.

TO JOHN BRECKENRIDGE. j. mss.
Washington, Dec 18, 1800.
Dear Sir,— I received, while at home, the letter
you were so kind as to write me. The employments
of the country have such irresistible attractions for

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 469
me, that while I am at home, I am very unpunctual
in acknoleging the letters of my friends. Having
no refuge here from my room & writing-table, it is
my regular season for fetching up the lee-way of my
correspondence. Before you receive this, you will have understood
that the State of S Carolina (the only one about
which there was uncertainty) has given a republican
vote, and saved us from the consequences of the
annihUation of Pennsylvania. But we are brought
into dUemma by the probable equality of the two
republican candidates. The federalists in Congress
mean to take advantage of this, and either to prevent
an election altogether, or reverse what has been
understood to have been the wishes of the people,
as to the President & Vice-president ; wishes which
the constitution did not permit them specially to
designate. The latter alternative stiU gives us a
republican administration. The former, a suspension
of the federal government, for want of a head. This
opens upon us an abyss, at which every sincere patriot
must shudder. General Davie has arrived here with
the treaty formed (under the name of a convention)
with France. It is now before the Senate for rati
fication, and will encounter objections. He believes
firmly that a continental peace in Europe will take
place, and that England also may be comprehended.

47° THE WRITINGS OF [1800
TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
Washington, Dec. 19, 1800.
Dear Sir, — Mrs. Brown's departure for Virginia
enables me to write confidentially what I could not
have ventured by the post at this prying season.
The election in S. Carolina has in some measure
decided the great contest. Tho' as yet we do not
know the actual votes of Tennessee, Kentucky, &
Vermont, yet we believe the votes to be on the
whole, J. 73, B. 73, A. 65, P. 64. Rhode isld with
drew one from P. There is a possibility that Ten
nessee may withdraw one from B., and Burr writes
that there may be one vote in Vermont for J. But I
hold the latter impossible, and the former not prob
able ; and that there will be an absolute parity
between the two republican candidates. This has
produced great dismay and gloom on the republican
gentlemen here, and equal exultation on the federal
ists, who openly declare they will prevent an election,
and will name a President of the Senate, pro tem. by
what they say would only be a stretch of the consti
tution. The prospect of preventing this, is as fol
lows, G, N C, T, K, V, P, & N Y, can be counted
on for their vote in the H of R, & it is thought by
some that Baer of Maryland, & Linn of N J will
come over. Some even count on Morris of Vermont.
But you must know the uncertainty of such a depen
dence under the operation of caucuses and other
federal engines. The month of February, therefore,
will present us storms of a new character. Should
they have a particular issue, I hope you will be here

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 471
a day or two, at least, before the 4th of March. I
know that your appearance on the scene before the
departure of Congress, would assuage the minority,
and inspire in the majority confidence and joy un
bounded, which they would spread far & wide on
their journey home. Let me beseech you then to
come with a view of staying perhaps a couple of
weeks, within which time things might be put into
such a train, as would permit us both to go home for
a short time, for removal. I wrote to R. R. L. by a
confidential hand three days ago. The person pro
posed for the T has not come yet.
Davie is here with the Convention, as it is caUed ;
but it is a real treaty, and without limitation of time.
It has some disagreeable features, and will endanger
the compromising us with G B. I am not at liberty
to mention it's contents, but I believe it will meet
with opposition from both sides of the house. It has
been a bungling negotiation. Elsworth remains in
France for the benefit of his health. He has re
signed his office of C J. Putting these two things
together, we cannot misconstrue his views. He must
have had great confidence in Mr. A's continuance to
risk such a certainty as he held. Jay was yesterday
nominated Chief Justice. We were afraid of some
thing worse. A scheme of government for the terri
tory is cooking by a committee of each house, under
separate authorities, but probably a voluntary har
mony. They let out no hints. It is believed that
the judiciary system will not be pushed, as the ap
pointments, if made by the present administration.

472 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
could not fall on those who create them. But I very
much fear the road system wiU be urged. The mines
of Peru would not supply the monies which would be
wasted on this object, nor the patience of any people
stand the abuses which would be incontrolably com
mitted under it. I propose, as soon as the state of
the election is perfectly ascertained, to aim at a can
did understanding with Mr. A. I do not expect that
either his feelings or his views of interest will oppose
it. I hope to induce in him dispositions liberal and
accommodating. Accept my affectionate salutations.

TO C^SAR RODNEY. j. mss.
Washington Dec. 21. 1800.
Dear Sir, — I received in due time your favor of
Oct. 12. and, as it did not require a particular answer
I have postponed the acknolegement of it to this
time & place. It seems tolerable well ascertained
(though not officially) that the two republican candi
dates on the late election have a decided majority.
Probably of 7^. to 65. but equally probable that they
are even between themselves & that the Federalists
are disposed to make the most of the embarrassment
this occasions, by preventing any election by the H,
of Representatives. It is far from certain that 9,
representatives in that House can be got to vote for
any candidate. What the issue of such a dilemma may
be cannot be estimated. The French treaty is before
the Senate. It is not agreeable in all its parts to
anybody, but it is to be hoped it will be ratified with

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON, 473
a limitation of time which cannot produce difficulty
with the other party. Congress seemed hardly dis
posed to do anything this session. The Judiciary
bUl, the territorial government, & the taking into
their hands the making roads through the union are
the subjects talked of. The last will be a bottomless
abyss for money, the most fruitful field for [illegible]
and the richest provision for jobs to favorites that has
ever yet been proposed. We have been 12. years
grasping at all the expenses of the union. A shorter
time will suffice to restore them to whom they belong
& who would manage them with so much more cor
rectness & raise them in ways so much less burthen-
some to the people than we can. Foreign relations
are our province : domestic regulations & institutions
belong, in every state, to itself. I pray you to accept
the assurances of my high regard & esteem, & to
present my affectionate veneration to mr. Dickinson.
Adieu.

TO JAMES MADISON. j.mss.
[Washington,] Dec. 26, 1800.
Dear Sir, — All the votes have now come in, ex
cept of Vermont & Kentuckey, and there is no doubt
that the result is a perfect parity between the two
republican characters. The Feds appear determined
to prevent an election, & to pass a biU giving the
government to Mr. Jay, appointed Chief Justice, or
to Marshall as Secy of state. Yet I am rather of
opinion that Maryland & Jersey wiU give the 7 re
publican majorities. The French treaty wiU be vio-

474 THE WRITINGS OF [1800
lently opposed by the Feds ; the giving up the
vessels is the article they cannot swallow. They
have got their judiciary bill forwarded to commit
ment. I dread this above all the measures meditated,
because appointments in the nature of freehold render
it difficult to undo what is done. We expect a report
for a territorial government which is to pay little
respect to the rights of man. — Your's of the 20th
came safely to hand. I am almost certain that you
sent money by me to Lyon, which he sent to me for
& received as soon as he heard I was arrived. As I
was merely the bearer I did not take a receipt. I
wUl inquire into it, and do what is necessary. No
answer yet from R, R. L.
Cordial and affectionate salutations. Adieu.

TO TENCH COXE. j. mss.
December 31, 1800.
I shall neither frank nor subscribe my letter, be
cause I do not chuse to commit myself to the fidelity
of the post-office. For the same reason, I have
avoided putting pen to paper through the whole sum
mer, except on mere business, because I knew it was
a prying season. I received from time to time papers
under your superscription, which shewed that our
friends were not inattentive to the great operation
which was agitating the nation. You are by this
time apprised of the embarrassment produced by the
equality of votes between the two republican candi
dates. The contrivance in the Constitution for mark-

i8oo] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 475
ing the votes works badly, because it does not enounce
precisely the true expression of the public will. We
do not see what is to be the issue of the present diffi
culty. The federalists, among whom those of the
republican section are not the strongest, propose to
prevent an election in Congress, and to transfer the
government by an act to the C, J. (Jay) or Secretary
of State, or to let it devolve on the Pres pro tem.
of the Senate, till next December, which gives them
another year's predominance, and the chances of
future events. The republicans propose to press for
ward to an election. If they fail in this, a concert
between the two higher candidates may prevent the
dissolution of the government and danger of anarchy,
by an operation, bungling indeed & imperfect, but
better than letting the Legislature take the nomina
tion of the Executive entirely from the people. Ex
cuse the infrequency of my acknowledgments of your
kind attentions. The danger of interruption makes
it prudent for me not to indulge my personal wishes
in that way. I pray you to accept assurances of my
great esteem. 
SERVICES OF JEFFER,SON, [1800 ?]
I have sometimes asked myself whether my country is the
better for my having lived at all ? I do not know that it is. I
have been the instrument of doing the following things ; but they
would have been done by others ; some of them, perhaps, a little
better. The Rivanna had never been used for navigation ; scarcely an
empty canoe had ever passed down it. Soon after I came of age,
I examined its obstructions, set on foot a subscription for remov-

476 TIIE WRITINGS OF [1800
ing them, got an Act of Assembly passed, and the thing effected,
so as to be used completely and fully for carrying down all our
produce. The Declaration of Independence.
¦=^ I proposed the demolition of the church establishment, and the
freedom of religion. It could only be done by degrees ; to wit,
the Act of 1776, c. 2, exempted dissenters from contributions to
the church, and left the church clergy to be supported by volun
tary contributions of their own sect ; was continued from year to
year, and made perpetual 1779, c. 36. I prepared the act for re
ligious freedom in 1777, as part of the revisal, which was not
reported to the Assembly till 1779, and that particular law not
passed till 1785, and then by the efforts of Mr. Madison. //'
The act putting an end to entails.
The act prohibiting the importation of slaves.
The act concerning citizens, and establishing the natural right
of man to expatriate himself, at will.
The act changing the course of descents, and giving the inheri
tance to all the children, &c., equally, I drew as part of the revisal.
The act for apportioning crimes and punishments, part of the
same work, I drew. When proposed to the legislature, by Mr.
Madison, in 1785, it failed by a single vote. G. K. Taylor after
wards, in 1796, proposed the same subject ; avoiding the adoption
of any part of the diction of mine, the text of which had been
studiously drawn in the technical terms of the law, so as to give
no occasion for new questions by new expressions. When I drew
mine, public labor was thought the best punishment to be substi
tuted for death. But, while I was in France, I heard of a society
in England, who had successfully introduced solitary confine
ment, and saw the drawing of a prison at Lyons, in France, formed
on the idea of solitary confinement. And, being applied to by
the Governor of Virginia for the plan of a Capitol and Prison, I
sent him the Lyons plan, accompanying it with a drawing on a
smaller scale, better adapted to our use. This was in June, 1786.
Mr. Taylor very judiciously adopted this idea, (which had now
been acted on in Philadelphia, probably from the English model)
and substituted labor in confinement, to the public labor proposed
by the Committee of revisal ; which themselves would have done.

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 477
had they been to act on the subject again. The public mind was
ripe for this in 1796, when Mr. Taylor proposed it, and ripened
chiefly by the experiment in Philadelphia; whereas, in 1785,
when it had been proposed to our assembly, they were not quite
ripe for it.
In 1789 and 1790, I had a great number of olive plants, of the
best kind, sent from Marseilles to Charleston, for South Carolina
and Georgia. They were planted, and are flourishing ; and,
though not yet multiplied, they will be the germ of that cultiva
tion in those States.
In 1790, I got a cask of heavy upland rice, from the river Den
bigh, in Africa, about lat. 9° 30' North, which I sent to Charles
ton, in hopes it might supersede the culture of the wet rice, which
renders South Carolina and Georgia so pestilential through the
summer. It was divided, and a part sent to Georgia. I know
not whether it has been attended to in South Carolina ; but it has
spread in the upper parts of Georgia, so as to have become almost
general, and is highly prized. Perhaps it may answer in Tennes
see and Kentucky. The greatest service which can be rendered ^
any country is, to add an useful plant to its culture ; especially, j
a bread grain ; next in value to bread is oil.
— ^ Whether the act for the more general diffusion of knowledge
will ever be carried into complete effect, I know not. It was re
ceived by the legislature with great enthusiasm at first ; and a
small effort was made in 1796, by the act to establish public
schools, to carry a part of it into effect, viz., that for the estab
lishment of free English schools ; but the option given to the
courts has defeated the intention of the act. -y

TO MARY JEFFERSON EPPES.'
Washington, Jan 4th, 1801.
Your letter, my dear Maria, of Dec. 28, is just
now received, and shall be immediately answered, as
shall all others received from yourself or Mr. Eppes.
1 From S. N. Randolph's Domestic Life of Jefferson, 271.

478 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
This will keep our accounts even, and show, by the
comparative promptness of reply, which is most anx
ious to hear from the other. I wrote to Mr. Eppes,
December 23d, but directed it to Petersburg; here
after it shall be to City Point. I went yesterday to
Mount Vernon, where Mrs. Washington and Mrs,
Lewis asked very kindly after you. Mrs. Lewis looks
thin, and thinks herself not healthy ; but it seems to
be more in opinion than any thing else. She has a
child of very uncertain health.
The election is understood to stand 73, 72,, 65, 64.
The Federalists were confident, at first, they could
debauch Col. B [urr]. from his good faith by offer
ing him their vote to be President, and having seri
ously proposed it to him. His conduct has been
honorable and decisive, and greatly embarrasses
them. Time seems to familiarize them more and
more to acquiescence, and to render it daily more prob
able they will yield to the known wiU of the people,
and that some one State will join the eight already
decided as to their vote. The victory o^f the Repub
licans in New Jersey, lately obtained by carrying their
whole Congressional members on an election by gen
eral ticket, has had weight on their spirits.
Should I be destined to remain here, I shall count
on meeting you and Mr. Eppes at MonticeUo the
first week in April, where I shall not have above three
weeks to stay. We shall then be able to consider
how far it wiU be practicable to prevent this new des
tination from shortening the time of our being to
gether, for be assured that no considerations in this

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON.

479

world would compensate to me a separation from
yourself and your sister. But the distance is so
moderate that I should hope a journey to this place
would be scarcely more inconvenient than one to
MonticeUo. But of this we will talk when we meet
there, which will be to me a joyful moment. Re
member me affectionately to Mr. Eppes, and accept
yourself the effusion of my tenderest love. Adieu,
my dearest Maria.

TO DR. HUGH WILLIAMSON. j. mss.
Washington, Jan lo, i8oi.
Dear Sir, — I should sooner have acknoledged your
favor of December 8th, but for a growing and press
ing correspondence which I can scarcely manage. I
was particularly happy to receive the diary of Que
bec, as about the same time I happened to receive
one from the Natchez, so as to be able to make a
comparison of them. The result was a wonder that
any human being should remain in a cold country
who could find room in a warm one, should prefer
— 32° to —55°. Harry HiU has told me that the tem
perature of Madeira is generally from 55° to 65°, it's
extreme about 50° to 70°. If I ever change my
climate for health. It should be for that Island. I do
not know that the coincidence has ever been remarked
between the new moon and greater degrees of cold,
or the full moon and the lesser degrees ; or that the
reflected beams of the moon attemper the weather at
aU, On the contrary, I thing I have understood that
the most powerful concave mirror presented to the

48o THE WRITINGS OF [1801
moon, and throwing its focus on the bulb of a ther
mometer, does not in the least affect it. I suppose
the opinion to be universal that the turkey is a native
of America. Nobody, as far as I know, has ever con
tradicted it but Daines Barrington ; and the argu
ments he produces are such as none but a head,
entangled & kinked as his is, would ever have urged.
Before the discovery of America, no such bird is
mentioned in a single author, all those quoted by Bar
rington, by description referring to the crane, hen,
pheasant or peacock ; but the book of every traveller,
who came to America soon after it's discovery, is full of
accounts of the turkey and it's abundance ; and imme
diately after that discovery we find the turkey served
up at the feasts of Europe, as their most extraordi
nary rarity. Mr. William Strickland, the eldest son
of St. George Strickland, of York, in England, told
me the anecdote. Some ancestor of his commanded
a vessel in the navigations of Cabot, Having occa
sion to consult the Herald's office concerning his
family, he found a petition from that ancestor to the
crown, stating that Cabot's circumstances being slen
der, he had been rewarded by the bounties he needed
from the crown ; that as to himself, he asked nothing
in that way, but that as a consideration for his ser
vices in the same way, he might be permitted to
assume for the crest of his family arms, the turkey, an
American bird ; and Mr. Strickland observed that
their crest is actually a turkey. You ask whether we
may be quoted. It the first place, I now state the
thing from memory, and may be inexact in some

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 481
small circumstances. Mr. Strickland too, stated it to
me in a conversation, and not considering it of impor
tance, might be inexact too. We should both dislike
to be questioned before the public for any little inac
curacy of style or recollection. I think if you were to
say that the Herald's office may be referred to in
proof of the fact, it would be authority sufficient,
without naming us. I have at home a note of Mr.
Strickland's information, which I then committed to
paper. My situation does not allow me to refresh my
memory from this. I shall be glad to see your book
make its appearance ; and I am sure it will be well
received by the Philosophical part of the world, for
I StUl dare to use the word philosophy, notwithstand
ing the war waged against it by bigotry & despotism.
Health, respect and friendly salutations.

TO WILLIAM DUNBAR. J.mss.
Washington, Jan 12, 1801.
Dear Sir,— Your favor of July 14, with the papers
accompanying it, came safely to hand about the last
of October. That containing remarks on the line of
demarcation I perused according to your permission,
and with great satisfaction, and then enclosed to a
friend in Philadelphia, to be forwarded to it's address.
The papers addressed to me, I took the liberty of
communicating to the PhUosophical society. That
on the language by signs is quite new. Soon after
receiving your meteorological diary, I received one of
Quebec ; and was struck with the comparison between

VOL. VII.— 31

482 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
— 32 & -j- 19! the lowest depression of the ther
mometer at Quebec & the Natchez, I have often
wondered that any human being should live in a cold
country who can find room in a warm one, I have
no doubt but that cold is the source of more suffer
ance to all animal nature than hunger, thirst, sickness,
& all the other pains of life & of death itself put to
gether, I live in a temperate climate, and under
circumstances which do not expose me often to cold.
Yet when I recollect on one hand all the sufferings I
have had from cold, & on the other all my other
pains, the former preponderate greatly. What then
must be the sum of that evil if we take in the vast
proportion of men who are obliged to be out in
all weather, by land & by sea, all the families of
beasts, birds, reptiles, & even the vegetable kingdom !
for that too has life, and where there is life there may
be sensation. I remark a rainbow of a great portion
of the circle observed by you when on the line of de
marcation. I live in a situation which has given me
an opportunity of seeing more than the semicircle
often, I am on a hill 500 f, perpendicularly high.
On the east side it breaks down abruptly to the base,
where a river passes through, A rainbow, therefore,
about sunset, plunges one of it's legs down to the
river, 500 f. below the level of the eye on the top of
the hill. I have twice seen bows formed by the moon.
They were of the color of the common circle round
the moon, and were very near, being within a few
paces of me in both instances. I thank you for the
Httle vocabularies of Bedais, Jankawis and Teghas, I

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 483
have it much at heart to make as extensive a collec
tion as possible of the Indian tongues. I have at
present about 30, tolerably full, among which the
number radically different, is truly wonderful. It is
curious to consider how such handfuls of men came
by different languages, & how they have preserved
them so distinct. I at first thought of reducing them
all to one orthography, but I soon become sensible
that this would occasion two sources of error instead
of one, I therefore think it best to keep them in
the form of orthography in which they were taken,
only noting whether that were English, French, Ger
man, or what, I have never been a very punctual
correspondent, and it is possible that new duties may
make me less so. I hope I shall not on that account
lose the benefit of your communications. Philosophi
cal vedette at the distance of one thousand miles, and
on the verge of the terra incognita of our continent,
is precious to us here. I pray you to accept assur
ances of my high consideration & esteem, and friendly
salutations.

TO COLONEL JOHN HOOMES. J. mss.
Washington, Jan. 24, 1801.
Dear Sir,—* * * There is no change in our
prospects as to the election, the party opposed to the
public sentiment, keeping their purposes very much
to themselves. A vote passed the H. of R. yesterday
for the continuance of the Sedition law. It was by
the casting voice of the Speaker, and not in it's final
stage. The Senate had annexed several modifications

484 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
to the Convention with France. Yesterday came on
the final question, which being divided into as many
parts as there were modifications, the whole of them
were struck out except one limiting it's duration to 8.
years. And on the question to ratify with this single
modification it was rejected by 14. out of 30, votes.
Tho', according to former usage this would close the
proceedings, I am told there will be a proposition to
ratify it without any modification, as being a question
which has not yet been decided. It's success may be
doubted. Some say the President will not on this
rejection send back the treaty, but will call the new
Senate to meet after the 3d of March and reconsider
it. Of those who voted against it, 4, will then go
out, and would leave them only 10. But we must
have a Senate of 30. at least convened to overweigh
them, which we can hardly count upon.

TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
Feb. 1, 1801.
I have not written to you since the letter by Mrs,
B. Yours of Jan. 10 is received, and your own wishes
are entirely acquiesced in as to time. Clermont has
refused,' I think to adopt your idea at Baltimore.^ I
dare not through the channel of the post hazard a
word to you on the subject of the election. Indeed
the interception and publication of my letters exposes
the republican cause as well as myself personally to
so much obloquy that I have come to a resolution
never to write another sentence of politics in a letter.
' Robert R. Livingston. ^ Samuel Smith.

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 485
The enclosed came under a blank cover to me, and I
broke it open and read it through. Until I was fold
ing it up to put away, I did not discover your name on
the back of it, and consequently that it was destined
for you, I hope your health is getting better. I think
nothing more possible than that a change of climate,
even from a better to a worse, and a change in the
habits and mode of life, might have a favorable effect
on your system. I shall be happy to hear that your
father is rallying. The approaching season will be
favorable for that. Present my respectful attach
ments to Mrs. Madison & accept affectionate assur
ances of friendship to yourself. Adieu.

TO AARON BURR. J- mss.

Washington, Feb. 1, 1801.
Dear Sir, — It was to be expected that the enemy
would endeavor to sow tares between us, that they
might divide us and our friends. Every considera
tion satisfies me you wiU be on your guard against
this, as I assure you I am strongly. I hear of one
stratagem so imposing & so base that it is proper I
should notice it to you. Mr. Munford, who is here,
says he saw at N York before he left it, an original
letter of mine to Judge Breckenridge, in which are
sentiments highly injurious to you. He knows my
hand writing, and did not doubt that to be genuine,
I enclose you a copy taken from the press copy of the
only letter I ever wrote to Judge Breckenridge in my

486 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
life : the press copy itself has been shown to several
of our mutual friends here. Of consequence, the
letter seen by Mr. Munford must be a forgery, and
if it contains a sentiment unfriendly or disrespectful
to you, I affirm it solemnly to be a forgery ; as also
if it varies from the copy enclosed. With the com
mon trash of slander I should not think of troubling
you ; but the forgery of one's handwriting is too im
posing to be neglected. A mutual knowledge of
each other furnishes us with the best test of the con
trivances which will be practised by the enemies of
both.

TO THOMAS M KEAN, j. mss.
Washington, Feb. 2, 1801.
Dear Sir, — I have long waited for an opportunity
to acknoledge the receipt of your favor of Dec 15, as
well as that by Doctr. Mendenhall. None occurring,
I shall either deliver the present to Genl Muhlenburg
or put it under cover to Doctr Wistar, to whom I
happen to be writing, to be sent to your house in
Philadelphia, or forwarded confidentially to Lan
caster, The event of the election is still in dubio. A strong
portion in the House of Representatives will prevent
an election if they can, I rather believe they will
not be able to do it, as there are six individuals of
moderate character, any one of whom coming over to
the republican vote will make a ninth State, Till
this is known, it is too soon for me to say what should be
done in such atrocious cases as those you mention of

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 487
federal officers obstructing the operation of the State
governments. One thing I will say, that as to the
future, interferences with elections, whether of the
State or General Government, by officers of the lat
ter, should be deemed cause of removal ; because the
constitutional remedy by the elective principle be
comes nothing, if it may be smothered by the enor
mous patronage of the General govmet. How far
it may be practicable, prudent or proper, to look
back, is too great a question to be decided but by
the united wisdom of the whole administration when
formed. Our situation is so different from yours,
that it may render proper some differences in the
practice. Your State is a single body, the majority
clearly one way. Ours is of sixteen integral parts,
some of them all one way, some all the other, some
divided. Whatever may be decided as to the past,
they shall give no trouble to the State governments
in future, if it shall depend on me ; and be assured,
particularly as to yourself, that I should consider the
most perfect harmony & interchange of accommoda
tions & good offices with those governments as among
the first objects.

TO TENCH COXE. J- mss.
Washington, Feb. 11, 1801.
Dear Sir,— Your favor of Jan 25 came to hand
some days ago, and yesterday a gentleman put into
my hand, at the door of the Senate chamber, the
volume of the Amer. Museum for 1 798, As no letter
accompanied it, I took it for granted it was to bring

488 THE WRITINGS OF [i8or
under my eye some of its contents. I have gone
over it with satisfaction.
This is the morning of the election by the H of R.
For some time past a single individual had declared
he would by his vote make up the ninth State, On
Saturday last he changed, and it stands at present 8,
one way, 6. the other, & 2. divided. Which of the
two will be elected, & whether either, I deem per
fectly problematical : and my mind has long been
equally made up for either of the three events. If I
can find out the person who brought me the volume
from you, I shall return it by him, because I presume
it makes one of a set. If not by him, I will find some
other person who may convey it to PhUadelphia
if not to Lancaster. Very possibly it may go
by a different conveyance from this letter. Very
probably you will learn before the receipt of either,
the result, or progress at least, of the election. We
see already at the threshold, that if it falls on
me, I shall be embarrassed by finding the offices
vacant, which cannot be even temporarily filled
but with advice of Senate, and that body is called
on the fourth of March, when it is impossible for
the new members of Kentucky, Georgia and S.
Carolina to receive notice in time to be here. The
summons for Kentucky, dated, as all were, Jan 31,
could not go hence till the 5th, & that for Georgia
did not go till the 6th. If the difficulties of the elec
tion, therefore, are got over, there are more & more
behind, until new elections shall have regenerated
the constituted authorities. The defects of our Con-

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 489
stitution under circumstances like the present, appear
very great. Accept assurances of the esteem and
respect of, dear Sir, your most obedient servant.

TO DR. BENJAMIN SMITH BARTON.'
Washington, Feb. 14, 1801.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of Jan. 18 is duly received.
The subject of it did not need apology. On the con
trary, should I be placed in office, nothing would be
more desirable to me than the recommendations of
those in whom I have confidence, of persons fit for
office ; for if the good withhold their testimony, we
shall be at the mercy of the bad. If the question
relative to Mr. Zantzlnger had been merely that of
remaining in office, your letter would have placed
him on very safe ground. Besides that, no man who
has conducted himself according to his duties would
have anything to fear from me, as those who have
done iU would have nothing to hope, be their political
principles what they might. The obtaining an
appointment presents more difficulties. The repub
licans have been excluded from all offices from the
first origin of the division into Republican and Fed
eralist. They have a reasonable claim to vacancies
till they occupy their due share. My hope however
is that the distinction wiU be soon lost, or at most
that it will be only of republican & monarchist : that
the body of the nation, even that part which French
1 From the original in the possession of the Historical Society of Pennsyl-

490 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
excesses forced over to the federal side, will rejoin
the republicans, leaving only those who were pure
monarchists, and who will be too few to form a sect.
This is the fourth day of the ballot, and nothing done ;
nor do I see any reason to suppose the six and a half
States here will be less firm, as they call it, than your
13, Senators; if so, and the government should
expire on the 3d of March by the loss of it's head,
there is no regular provision for reorganizing it, nor
any authority but in the people themselves. They
may authorize a convention to reorganize & even to
amend the machine. There are 10. individuals in the
H of R, any one of whom changing his vote may
save us this troublesome operation. Be pleased to
present my friendly respects to Mrs. Barton, Mrs,
Sarjeant, and Mrs, Waters, and to accept yourself
my affectionate salutations.

TO JAMES MONROE. j. mss.
Washington, Feb 15, 1801.
Dear Sir, — I have received several letters from
you which have not been acknoledged. By the post
I dare not, and one or two confidential opportuni
ties have passed me by surprise. I have regretted
it the less, because I know you could be more safely
and fully informed by others. Mr. Tyler, the bearer
of this, will give you a great deal more information
personally than can be done by letter. Four days of
balloting have produced not a single change of a vote.
Yet it is confidently believed by most that to-morrow

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 491
there is to be a coalition. I know of no foundation for
this belief. However, as Mr. Tyler waits the event
of it, he will communicate it to you. If they could
have been permitted to pass a law for putting the
government into the hands of an officer, they would
certainly have prevented an election. But we thought
it best to declare openly and firmly, one & all, that
the day such an act passed, the middle States would
arm, & that no such usurpation, even for a single day,
should be submitted to. This first shook them ; and
they were completely alarmed at the resource for
which we declared, to wit, a convention to re-organize
the government, & to amend it. The very word con
vention gives them the horrors, as in the present
democratical spirit of America, they fear they should
lose some of the favorite morsels of the constitution.
Many attempts have been made to obtain terms &
promises from me, I have declared to them un
equivocally, that I would not receive the government
on capitulation, that I would not go into it with my
hands tied. Should they yield the elecdon, I have
reason to expect in the outset the greatest difficulties
as to nominadons. The late incumbents running
away from their offices & leaving them vacant, will
prevent my filling them without the previous advice
of Senate. How this difficulty is to be got over I
know not. Accept for Mrs. Monroe and yourself my
affectionate salutations. Adieu,

492 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. j. mss.
Washington, Feb. 16, 1801.
Dear Sir. — Your favor of Jan. 7 came duly to
hand. A part of it gave me that kind of concern
which I fear I am destined often to meet. Men pos
sessing minds of the first order, and who have had
opportunities of being known & of acquiring the gen
eral confidence, do not abound in any country beyond
the wants of the country. In your case however it is
a subject of regret rather than of complaint, as you
are in fact serving the public in a very important
station. It is some two or three or four years since I inquired
of the members of the A. Phil, society whether you
were a member. The answer was that they were
pretty sure you were, & had been for a long time.
After acquiescing awhile in that authority I expressed
a wish to the secretaries that they would ascertain the
fact, which they promised. My absence from Phila
delphia prevented a repetition of the inquiry as often
as I wished, and the members' names being to be
sought through the whole minutes of our proceed
ings, obstructed the wish. At length I nominated
you, and at the next election you were chosen a mem
ber. Whether you were one before you probably
know : and if already of the elect, you are now doubly
so. I inclose the diploma.
I have on several occasions been led to think on
some means of uniting the state agricultural societies
into a central society : and lately it has been pressed
from England with a view to a cooperation with their

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 493
board of agriculture. You know some have proposed
to Congress to incorporate such a society. I am
against that, because I think Congress cannot find
in all the enumerated powers any one which author
izes the act, much less the giving the public money to
that use. I believe too if they had the power, it
would soon be used for no other purpose than to buy
with sinecures useful partisans. I believe it will
thrive best if left to itself as the Philosophical societies
are. There is certainly a much greater abundance of
material for Agricultural societies than Philosophical.
But what should be the plan of union ? Would it do
for the state societies to agree to meet in a central
society by a special deputation of members ? If this
should present difficulties, might they not be lessened
by their adopting into their society some one or more
of their delegates in Congress or of the members of
the Executive residing here, who assembling necessa
rily for other purposes, could occasionally meet on
the business of their societies ? Your Agricultural
society standing undoubtedly on the highest ground
might set the thing agoing by writing to such state
societies as already exist, and these once meeting
centrally might induce the other states to establish
societies & thus compleat the institution. This is
a mere idea of mine, not sufficiently considered or di
gested, & hazarded merely to set you to thinking on
the subject, and propose something better or to im
prove this. Will you be so good as to consider it at
your leisure, and give me your thoughts on the subject ?
Accept my affectionate salutations.

494 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
TO JAMES MADISON. j. mss.
Washington, Feb 18, 1801.
Dear Sir, — Notwithstanding the suspected infidel
ity of the post, I must hazard this communication.
The minority in the H of R, after seeing the impossi
bility of electing B, the certainty that a legislative
usurpation would be resisted by arms, and a recourse
to a convention to re-organize and amend the govern
ment, held a consultation on this dilemma, whether it
would be better for them to come over in a body and
go with the tide of the times, or by a negative con
duct suffer the election to be made by a bare ma
jority, keeping their body entire & unbroken, to act
in phalanx on such ground of opposition as circum
stances shall offer ; and I know their determination
on this question only by their vote of yesterday.
Morris of V withdrew, which made Lyon's vote that
of his State. The Maryland federalists put in 4.
blanks, which made the positive ticket of their col
leagues the vote of the State. S Carolina & Dela
ware put in 6, blanks. So there were 10. States for
one candidate, 4. for another, & 2. blanks. We
consider this, therefore, as a declaration of war, on
the part of this band. But their conduct appears to
have brought over to us the whole body of the feder
alists, who, being alarmed with the danger of a dis
solution of the government, had been made most
anxiously to wish the very administration they had
opposed, & to view it when obtained, as a child of
their own. They [illegible] too their quondam leaders
separated fairly from them, and themselves relegated

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 495
under other banners. Even Hamilton & Higginson
have been partisans for us. This circumstance, with
the unbounded confidence which will attach to the
new ministry as soon as known, will start us on right
ground, Mr, A, embarrasses us. He keeps the
offices of State and War vacant, but has named
Bayard M P to France, and has called an unorgan
ized Senate to meet the fourth of March. As you do
not like to be here on that day, I wish you would
come within a day or two after, I think that between
that & the middle of the month we can so far put
things under way, as that we may go home to make
arrangements for our final removal. Come to Con
rad's, where I will bespeak lodgings for you. Yester
day Mr. A, nominated Bayard to be M P of the U S
to the French republic ; to-day, Theophilus Parsons,
Atty Gen of the U S in the room of C, Lee, who,
with Keith Taylor cum multis aliis, are appointed
judges under the new system. H, G, Otis is nomi
nated a district attorney. A vessel has been waiting
for some time in readiness to carry the new minister
to France, My affectionate salutations to Mrs. Madi
son & yourself. Adieu.

TO lieutenant HENRY DEARBORN. j. mss.
Washington, Feb. 18, 1801.
Dear Sir,— The House of Representatives having
yesterday concluded their choice of a person for the
chair of the U S and willed me that office, it now
becomes necessary to provide an administration com-

496 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
posed of persons whose qualifications and standing
have possessed them of the public confidence, and
whose wisdom may ensure to our fellow-citizens the
advantages the)' sanguinely expect. On a review of
the characters in the different States proper for the
different departments, I have had no hesitation in con
sidering you as the person to whom it would be most
advantageous to the public to confide the Department
of War. May I therefore hope. Sir, that you will give
your country the aid of your talents as Secretary of
War ? The delay which has attended the election
has very much abridged our time, and rendered the
call more sudden and pressing than I could have
wished. I am in hopes our administration may be
assembled during the first week of March, except
yourself, and that you can be with us in a few days
after. Indeed it is probable we shall be but a few days
together (perhaps to the middle of the month) to
make some general & pressing arrangements, & then
go home, for a short time, to make our final removal
hither. I mention these circumstances that you may
see the urgency of setting out for this place with the
shortest delay possible, which may be the shorter as
you can return again to your family, as we shall, to
make your final arrangements for removal. I hope
we shall not be disappointed in counting on your aid,
and that you will favor us with an answer by return
of post. Accept assurances of sincere esteem and
high respect from, dear Sir, your most obedient, and
most humble servant.

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 497
TO THOMAS MANN RANDOLPH. j. mss.
Washington, Feb. 19, i8oi.
After exactly a week's balloting there at length
appeared 10, States for me, 4, for Burr, & 2. voted
blanks. This was done without a single vote coming
over. Morris of Vermont withdrew, so that Lyon's
vote became that of the State. The 4. Maryland
federalists put in blanks, so that the vote of the 4.
Republicans became that of their State. Mr. Huger
of Sh CaroUna (who had constantly voted for me)
withdrew by agreement, his colleagues agreeing in
that case to put in blanks. Bayard, the sole member
of Delaware, voted blank. They had before de
liberated whether they would come over in a body,
when they saw they could not force Burr on the re
publicans, or keep their body entire & unbroken to
act in phalanx on such ground of opposition as they
shaU hereafter be able to conjure up. Their vote
shewed what they had decided on, and is considered
as a declaration of perpetual war ; but their conduct
has completely left them without support. Our in
formation from all quarters is that the whole body of
federalists concurred with the republicans in the last
elections, & with equal anxiety. They had been
made to interest themselves so warmly for the very
choice, which while before the people they opposed,
that when obtained it came as a thing of their own
wishes, and they find themselves embodied with the
republicans, & their quondam leaders separated from
them, and I verily believe they will remain embodied
with us, so that this conduct of the minority has done in

VOL. VII — 32

498 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
one week what very probably could hardly have been
effected by years of mild and impartial administration.
A letter from Mr. Eppes informs me that Maria Is In
a situation which Induces them not to risk a journey
to MonticeUo, so we shall not have the pleasure of
meeting them here. I begin to hope I may be able
to leave this place by the middle of March. My
tenderest love to my ever dear Martha, and kisses to
the little ones. Accept yourself sincere and affection
ate salutation. Adieu.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE TREASURY. j. mss.
(SAMUEL DEXTER.) Washington, Feb. 20, 1801.
Dear Sir, — The liberality of the conversation you honored me
with yesterday evening has given me great satisfaction, & demands
my sincere thanks. It is certain that those of the Cabinet Council
of the President should be of his bosom confidence. Our geo
graphical position has been an impediment to that, while I can
with candor declare that the imperfect opportunities I have had
of acquaintance with you, have inspired an entire esteem for your
character, and that you will carry with you that esteem and sincere
wish to be useful to you. The accommodation you have been so
kind as to offer as to the particular date of retiring from office, is
thankfully accepted, and shall be the subject of a particular letter
to you, as soon as circumstances shall enable me to speak with
certainty. Iu the meantime accept assurances of my high respect
& consideration.

TO THE SECRETARY OF THE NAVY. j. mss.
(benjamin stoddert.) Washington, Feb. 21, 1801.
Sir,— Your favor of the i8th did not get to my hand till yester
day. I thank you for the accommodation in point of time therein
offered. Circumstances may render it a convenience ; in which

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON.

499

case I will avail myself of it, without too far encroaching on your
wishes. At this instant it is not in my power to say anything
certain on the subject of time. The declarations of support to
the administration of our government are such as were to be
expected from your character and attachment to our Constitution.
I wish support from no quarter longer than my object candidly
scanned, shall merit it ; & especially, not longer than I shall
rigorously adhere to the Constitution. I am with respect. Sir
your most obedient humble servant.

TO ROBERT R. LIVINGSTON. J. mss.
Washington, Feb. 24, 1801.
Dear Sir, — It has occurred to me that possibly
you might be willing to undertake the mission as
Minister Plenipotentiary to France. If so, I shall
most gladly avail the public of your services in that
office. Though I am sensible of the advantages de
rived from your talent to your particular State, yet I
cannot suppress the desire of adding them to the mass
to be employed on the broader scale of the nation at
large. I will ask the favor of an Immediate answer,
that I may give in the nomination to the Senate, ob
serving at the same dme, that the period of your de
parture can't be settled until we get our admlnistradon
together, and may perhaps be delayed till we receive
the ratification of the Senate, which would probably
be 4, months ; consequently, the commission would
not be made out before then. This will give you
ample time to make your departure convenient. In
hopes of hearing from you as speedily as you can form
your resolution, and hoping it will be favorable, I
tender you my respectful and affectionate salutations.

500 THE WRITINGS OF [1801
TO THOMAS LOMAX. J. mss.
Washington, Feb. 25, 1801.
Dear Sir, — Your favor of the 5th came to hand
on the 20th, and I have but time to acknoledge it
under the present pressure of business. I recognize
in it those sentiments of virtue & patriotism which
you have ever manifested. The suspension of public
opinion from the nth to the 17th, the alarm Into
which It threw all the patriotic part of the federalists,
the danger of the dissolution of our Union, and
unknown consequences of that, brought over the
great body of them to wish with anxiety & solicitude
for a choice to which they had before been strenu
ously opposed. In this state of mind they separated
from their congressional leaders, and came over to
us ; and the manner In which the last ballot was given,
has drawn a fixed line of separation between them
and their leaders. When the election took effect, it
was as the most desirable of events to them. This
made it a thing of their choice, and finding them
selves aggregated with us accordingly, they are in a
state of mind to be consolidated with us, if no intem
perate measures on our part revolt them again. I
am persuaded that weeks of ill-judged conduct here,
has strengthened us more than years of prudent and
concUiatory administration could have done. If we
can once more get social intercourse restored to It's
pristine harmony, I shall believe we have not lived in
vain ; and that it may, by rallying them to true repub
lican principles, which few of them had thrown off, I
sanguinely hope. Accept assurances of the high
esteem & respect of, dear Sir, your friend and servant.

i8oi] THOMAS JEFFERSON. 501
SPEECH TO THE SENATE. J. mss.
[Feb. 28, 1801.]
Gentlemen of the Senate ;
To give the usual opportunity of appointing a President pro
tempore I now propose to retire from the chair of the Senate ;
and as the time is near at hand, when the relations will cease
which have for some time subsisted between this honorable house
& myself, I beg leave, before I withdraw, to return them my
grateful thanks for all the instances of attention & respect with
which they have been pleased to honor me. In the discharge of
my functions here, it has been my conscientious endeavor to
observe impartial justice, without regard to persons or subjects :
& if I have failed in impressing this on the mind of the Senate,
it will be to me a circumstance of the deepest regret. I may
have erred at times. No doubt I have erred. This is the law of
human nature. For honest errors, however, indulgence may be
hoped. I owe to truth & justice at the same time to declare that
the habits of order and decorum, which so strongly characterize
the proceedings of the Senate, have rendered the umpirage of
their President an office of little difficulty ; that in times & on
questions which have severely tried the sensibilities of the House,
calm & temperate discussion has rarely been disturbed by
departures from order.
Should the support which I have received from the Senate, in
the performance of my duties here, attend me into the new
station to which the public will has transferred me, I shall
consider it as commencing under the happiest auspices.
With these expressions of my dutiful regard to the Senate as a
body, I ask leave to mingle my particular wishes for the health
& happiness of the individuals who compose it, and to tender
them my cordial and respectful adieux.
END OF VOLUME VII.

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