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BOUGHT WITH THE INCOME

James L. Kingsley Fnnd

PRflQnENT3

OF

|fEYOLUTlON/!RT ff l5TpRr.

FragERenls of Revoliilionary History.
Being hitherto unpublished Writings of the Men of the Revolution.
Collected and edited, under authority of the District of Columbia Society,
SONS OF THE REVOLUTION.
By gaillard hunt,
REGISTRAR AND HISTORIAN.

Edition Limited to 500 Copies.
Small Quarto, printed on fine paper, uncut.
Price, in half leather, $2 SO. In sheets, stitched, with cover, $2.00.

This work comprises over eighty-five original letters and papers
written by revolutionary characters, none of the MSS. having ever appeared
in print before. Among them are:
I. General Daniel Morgan's letters to and from Generals Gates, Small-
wood, Steuben, and Lafayette, and Governors Harrison and Nelson,
Alexander Hamilton and others, making twenty-one in all. Taken
in connection with the published accounts of Morgan, they complete
the history of his campaign in the South. They are from the histor
ical collection of the late Theodorus Bailey Myers.
Lafayette letters, consisting of sixteen letters to and from him. They
pertain especially to his private life and his visit to America, in the
year 1824. Among them are several long and interesting Lafayette-
Monroe letters.
Colonel John Francis Mercer's account of the Yorktown campaign,
in the form of a narrative addressed to Col. Sims. Col. Mercer nar
rates the events minutely, and throws new light, especially on the en-

II.

III.

IV.

icester and Green Spring.
follow.

A number of letters to

gagements at
and from Men
Rochester Mi i^o^hester's Autobiography (he was the founder of
of the Br't" hi 7 ^^ gives a new version of the defeat and capture
* (Tories at Moore's Creek, N. C, and an interesting
1 Hfe.
:r, a case of depredations committed on Long Island
isode is related by a series of letters from Generals
and Washington, and Colonel Gray.
ters of Washington.
mentioned, there are letters of Caesar Rodney, Gen
es Lee to Monroe (the correct version of
aracteristic letters) and a number of entertaining
sufficient to mention one from Sarah

account of his
V. The Scudder
in 1778. The
Parsons, Putn
VI. Miscellaneous!
Beside the abd,
eral Riirrr,^-,.^,^ r- 'f mentior
erai i3urgoyne, Geri/ , p, ,
one of Lee's most P ^^^"^^

IS

private letters, amoll 1 ¦ u .
Robinson to Kittv I ' ^^""^ '^
a. description of the ^'^'^^'"' g'^'"^ *^ g°^^'P °^ New York in 1789, and
Kitty" Duer- [palace" prepared for General Washington, by "Lady
(Franklin's o-' d parkable poem signed by Benjamin Franklin Bache
Sarah Frank!' R^l^) when a child, but written evidently by his mother,
Ogden to his 'f Ir^^ (Franklin's daughter) ; also a letter from Aaron
The lett h "describing Mt. Vernon and Mrs. Washington.
that the volu '^^^^ been illustrated by careful notes, and it is thought
terestinp- to rh ' ^^^^ from its historical value, will prove particularly in-
The nla /",^'nbers,.of the Society of the Sons of the Revolution.
President of th° f^jjblication has been approved by Hon. John Lee Carroll
Mortimer M 1- j^"^''^-! Society, Sons of the Revolution, and by James'
The nan '^ pery, the Secretary.
the Sons of th '^^I^f ^ generally contributed by members of the Society of
evolution.

FRAGMENTS

OF

Revolutionary History.

Being hitherto unpublished writings of the men of the
American Revolution, collected and edited,
under authority of the District of Columbia
Society, Sons of the Revolution.

BY
GAILLARD HUNT,
Registrar and Historian.

BROOKLYN, N. Y. :
The Hi3Toricai< Printing Ci,ub.
1892.

INTRODUCTORY NOTE.

A LARGE and important part of the manuscript
sources of information upon the American Revolu
tion are in the custody of private individuals.
These scattered fragments are often the missing
links in chains of important events, and until they
are gathered together and printed they are to all
intent and purpose unknown and valueless. It
might be supposed that the people who would be
most likely to have such papers in their possession
would be the descendants of the men who wrote
them, and it was a recognition of this probability
that prompted the District of Columbia Society,
Sons of the Revolution, to authorize the publication
of such original Revolutionary writings as members
of the Society might contribute. The request for
contributions met with a prompt and satisfactory
response. Some of the letters, it is true, have Httle
worth from a purely historical point of view, but
are nevertheless useful, serving to place vividly
before us, as living and breathing human beings,
characters that lived a century ago. On the other
hand, others of the MSS. have a decided histori
cal interest.
The most valuable private collection which has

IV

been placed at the editor's disposal, is that of the
late Colonel Theodorus Bailey Myers, of New York,
now in the possession of his son, Theodorus Bailey
Myers Mason, Lieutenant U. S. N., the founder of
the Washington branch of the Sons of the Revolu
tion. Among the letters which it has contributed
to this volume are those of General Daniel Morgan,
which fell into Col. Myer's hands when they were
sold in New Orleans in 1879. "Some part, at
least," says Mr. Winsor in his Narrative and
Critical History of America, "of the correspon
dence of General Morgan is in the collection of
Theodorus Bailey Myers." The whole of it, so far
as it was ever collected, is there. It was used by
James Graham in his Life of Morgan, and later by
Colonel Myers himself in his account of the battle
of the Cowpens, which appeared in the Charleston
News and Courier in 1881. Taken in connection
with previous publications what will be found here
makes a tolerably complete history of the latter past
of Morgan's military career.
Another contribution which must be said to have
a decided historical value, is the narrative of
Colonel John Francis Mercer. He tells how he
impeded the progress of the British Army with a
band of less than fifty horsemen at Green Spring,
and again he engaged Tarleton's Army with great
gallantry in the Gloucester skirmish. For the first
affair he was thanked by Lafayette, and for the

second by the Commander-in-Chief His narrative
of the Gloucester skirmish throws new light upon
it without disturbing existing accounts, but his
version of the Green Spring action varies materially
from those which are usually considered authentic.
It was, according to Mercer, silly and ill-devised,
and had the enemy followed up the advantages he
gained, Cornwallis would never have been obliged
to surrender at Yorktown. It is only fair in es
timating Mercer's opinion of Lafayette's conduct
to remember that Mercer had been Aide-de-Camp
to General Charles Lee at the battle of Monmouth,
and that he had been the first witness called to
testify in Lee's behalf when the latter was court-
martialled. He left the army at the same time
with Lee, and did not serve again until the York-
town campaign. As he sympathized strongly with
Lee, it is not improbable that he shared some of
Lee's prejudices, prominent among which was a
dislike of our French allies.
In the group of fifteen letters of the Lafayette
correspondence, it will be observed that several
sources have been drawn upon. Rear Admiral F.
A. Roe, U. S. N., has, through the kindness of
Mrs. S. H. Gouverneur, of Washington, contributed
several important Lafayette-Monroe letters, and a
few others have been taken from the State Depart
ment collection of Mouroe papers purchased in
1849. Another letter from the private Gouverneur

Vl
collection is the characteristic one of General
Charles Lee to James Monroe.
Outside of the contributions from members of the
Society, the editor has in another instance had re
course to the Manuscript Archives of the govern
ment — this time to the privateer records in the
United States Supreme Court. This was with a
view to completing in some degree the story of the
Scudder depredations. The incident is not one of
great importance, but it shows how rigorously the
orders against such depredations were enforced.
The groups of letters will, it is believed, be
found sufficiently clear without further comment.
Except those that have been described above, all
came from the members of the Society of the Sons
of the Revolution. Gaillard Hunt.
Washington, January, i8g2.

CONTENTS AND BY WHOM CONTRIBUTED.

PAGE
Benjamin Ford to Daniei, Morgan. . . T. B. M. Mason.
Suggests the arrest of certain Tories  r
D. GouivD TO Morgan  T. B. M. Mason.
Challenges him to a duel  2
Geni,. Muhi,enberg to Morgan . . . - T. B. M. Mason.
Arrangement of the Virginia line.  3
Morgan to Gates;  T. B. M. Mason.
Movement of troops  4
Geni<. W. Smai,i,wood to Morgan . . . T. B. M. Mason.
Disaffected inhabitants. Movements of the enemy . . 6
B. Bruin to Morgan  T. B. M. Mason.
Gates' recall  9,
Smahwood to Morgan  T. B. M. Mason.
Movement of troops  lo-
Same to the same  T. B. M. Mason.
Movements of the enemy  11
Gates TO Morgan  T. B. M.Mason.
Military movements  13;
Same to the same  T. B. M. Mason.
Military movements  13
Baron Steuben to Morgan  T. B. M. Mason.
Is not recruiting cavalry  15
IvAEAYETTE TO MORGAN  T. B. M. Mason.
Disposition of forces  i6
Same to the same  T. B. M. Mason.
Disposition of British prisoners  17
(vii)

Vlll PAGE
Thomas Nelson, Jr., to  . • . . T. B. M. Mason.
Horse for Genl. Morgan  l8
Benj. Harrison to Morgan  T. B. M. Mason.
Provisions for the army and escape of prisoners of war . 19
Same to the same  T. B. M. Mason.
Care of prisoners of war  20
Same to the same  T. B. M. Mason.
Emptiness of treasury and Claypool's pardon  21
David Jameson to Morgan  T. B. M. Mason.
Emptiness of treasury and proposed pardon for Claypool 23
B. Lincoln to Morgan  T. B. M. Mason.
Medal for Morgan  24
Thomas Jefferson to Morgan Neville . T. B. M. Mason.
Medal for Morgan  25
Charles Magill to Morgan  D. M. Taylor.
Pecuniary transactions  27
Morgan to Alexander Hamilton . . . . D. M. Taylor.
Proposed raising of troops in 1799  28
John Francis Mercer to Col. Simms. . . Carroll Mercer.
Narrative of Yorktown campaign  29
Lafayette to George A. Washington . T. B. M. Mason.
Asks for copies of letters and orderly books  63
Lafayette to Madame Jullien  T. B. M. Mason.
Suggests studies for her son  64
Lafayette to James Monroe  F. A. Roe.*
Visit to America  65
Same to the same  State Department MSS.
Announces his arrival in America  66
Same To the same  State Department MSS.
Arrangements for his tour  70
* Through the courtesy of Mrs. S. H. Gouverneur.

IX PAGE
Lafayette to Morgan Neville . . . - T. B. M. Mason.
Friendship for Genls. Morgan and Neville  71
Lafayette to Richard Forrest  J. M. Henry.
Gives directions for his mail  73
Lafayette to Neville  T. B. M. Mason.
Acknowledgment of indebtedness  75
Lafayette to George Graham . . . . R. G. Davenport.
Power of attorney  76
Same to the same  R. G. Davenport.
Concerning Lafayette's lands  77
James Monroe to George Graham . . R. G. Davenport.
Concerning Lafayette's lands and a memoir  78
Lafayette to Neville  T. B. M. Mason.
Introduces Mr. Bowman  79
Same to the same  T. B. M. Mason.
News of mutual friends  80
James Monroe to George Graham . . R. G. Davenport.
Friendship between Monroe and Lafayette  82
Same to the same  R. G. Davenport.
Lafayette's offer of aid and Graham's oflScial position . 83
Monroe to Lafayette  State Department MSS.
Declines pecuniary assistance. Virginia constitutional
convention. Marbois' book on Louisiana purchase . 85
Lafayette to Monroe  State Department MSS.
Monroe's grandson. Abolition of slavery. Personal
movements  92
Same to the same  State Department MSS.
Account of the Revolution of 1830  96
Nathaniel Rochester  W. B. Rochester.
Autobiography  99
CigSAR Rodney to Thomas Rodney. . . T. B. M. Mason.
Behaviour of the New England men in the struggle for
the Hudson  106

X PAGE
CjEsar Rodney to Genl. Smallwood . . T. B. M. Mason.
Insurrection of refugees  •  io8
Nathaniel Scudder  T. B. M. Mason.
Action of Committee of Monmouth Co  no
Scudder to   Carroll McKenney.
Cargo of the schooner Betsy  112
Genl. Charles Lee to James Monroe. . • . F. A. Roe.*
Gives advice and passes strictures on the officers of the
army  116
Genl. George Weedon to Wm. R. Davie. T. B. M. Mason.
Discusses military matters  120
Weedon to John F. Mercer  Carroll Mercer.
Peace negotiations  122
Same to the same  Carroll Mercer.
Peace negotiations  123
Same to the same  Carroll Mercer.
Public and private debts. Effects of the peace .... 124
Same to the same  Carroll Mercer.
Personal. Wants an office  126
Same to the S.4.me  Carroll Mercer.
Races and county fair. Officers' land warrants .... 127
Genl- S. H. Parsons to Major Gray . Carroll McKenney.
The Scudder aflfair  131
Genl. Washington to Gray  Carroll McKenney.
The Scudder affair  131
Genl. Israel Putnam to Gray. . . . Carroll McKenney.
The Scudder aflfair  I32
Putnam to Gov. Clinton. . . XJ. S. Supreme Court MSS .
The Scudder aflfair  134

* Through the courtesy of Mrs. S. H. Gouverneur.

XI PAGE
Gov. Clinton to Putnam. . . U. S. Supreme Court MSS.
The Scudder aflfair  135
Genl. Parsons to Gray  Carroll McKenney.
The Scudder aflfair  136
Putnam to Gray.  Carroll McKenney.
The Scudder aflfair  137
Abigail Smith to Jarvis Rogers. . . Carroll McKenney.
The Scudder aflfair  138
Putnam to Col. Malcom  T. B. M. Mason.
Orders for troops  140
John Paul Jones to Jonathan Williams T. B. M. Mason.
Is searching for a ship at Brest  142
Samuel Tenney to Joseph Gilman. . . R. G. Davenport.
Hardships of army life  144
William BeatTy to Thomas S. LEE . . W. B. Rochester.
Asks for funds for recruiting  146
David Cobb to Henry Jackson  T. B. M. Mason.
Rivington's paper in New York. Deserters and preju
dice against Continental officers  148
Alex. Scammell to Joseph Gilman . . R. G. Davenport.
Supplies for the army  152
Nicholas Gilman to Richard Varrick R. G. Davenport.
Declines place on Arnold's staff.  154
Nicholas Oilman to Joseph Oilman. . R. G. Davenport.
The constitutional convention  156
Steuben to Col. Meade  T. B. M. Mason.
Orders for movements of troops  158
Steuben to Col. William Davie . . . . T. B. M. Mason.
Rendezvous for cavalry  159
John Burgoyne to   T. B. M. Mason.
Movement of troops and personal affairs  161

Xll PAGE
Burgoyne to Miss Caulfield  T. B. M. Mason.
Approves her toilet and sends game  163
Genl. Washington to Robt. Hanson . . R. G. Davenport.
A certificate of service and conduct  165
Washington to Geo. S. Washington  F. A. Roe.
Personal matters and his own movements  165
Washington invitation to dinner . . R. O. Davenport.
Asks the Ramsays to meet Mr. and Mrs. Lewis .... 167
Washington to Martin Cockburn. . . R. G. Davenport.
Sends list of taxable property and asks about a negro
tailor  167
Geo. a. Washington to J. F. Mercer. . . Carroll Mercer.
Debt due to Genl. Washington  169
Same to the same  Carroll Mercer.
Debt due to Genl. Washington  169
Same to THE same  Carroll Mercer.
Debt due to Genl. Washington  170
Aaron Ogden to his wife  T. B. M. Mason.
Visit to Mount Vernon  173
Sarah Robinson to Kitty F. Wister . . S. R. Franklin.
Gossip of New York in 1789  175
Benj. Franklin Bache to his father ¦ . . Ren6 Bache.
An epistolary poem  180
John Page to Mann Page  H. G. Kemp.
Personal matters  184
Peter Minor to John Minor, Jr . . . . B. L. Blackford.
Personal matters and bill to emancipate slaves in Va. . 186

GENERAL DANIEL MORGAN.

LIEUT. COL. BENJAMIN FORD* TO MORGAN.
Wilmington, 25 May, 1778.1
Sir:
I have received certain information that Mrs.
Saunderson, a Lady from Maryland (who obtained
permission from Genl. Smallwood to go to Phila
delphia return), is to leave the city to-morrow
will be escorted by several officers from Mary
land belonging to the New Levies in the British
Service. I doubt not but you will endeavor to secure those
Gentry who have given such striking proofs of
their desire to enslave their country. It is more
than probable they may appear in the Garb of
*Benj. Ford was commissioned Lieut. Col. 6th Maryland
Regt. Apl. 17, 1777, and is presumably the same Lieut. Col.
Ford, who, together with Colonels Williams and Ounby and
Lieut. Col. Howard, had charge of the Maryland Brigade at the
battle of Eutaw Springs, Sept. 8, 1781. Col. Ford was so badly
wounded in this engagement that he died a few days afterwards.
— Lee's Memoirs, Vol 2, p. 59 et seq.
fAt this time Morgan was at Radnor, Pa., patrolling the
country between the Schuylkill and Darby Creek. — Graham,
Life of Morgan, p. 198.

Quakers or peasants and may be expected at Darby
between the hours of 12 & 4 o'clock.
I am Sir Yr. most obt.
And very Hhle. St.
Benjamin Ford
L^ Colo. 6'.i'M. Regt.
Colo. Morgan.

D. GOULD TO MORGAN.
AuGT 4''! 1779 4 o'clock a. m.
Sir: The treatment you this day very undeservedly
gave me is such as no man ever has, or ever shall,
offer with impunity. There are few men in America
whose Publick Character I entertain a higher re
spect for than Col? Morgan's— and am therefore
Solicitous to obtain his good opinion, nor can I
possibly be satisfied he should think me so con
temptible a rascal, as to put up tamely with his
abuse — when Col? Morgan decended so much be
neath the Gentleman in his unmanly and illiberal
treatment he will please to recollect he was in pos
session of my Bill for 1000 Dollars. This circum
stance (which laid me under some restraint) is now
removed, and I can no longer avoid informing you
that I feel the sentiment of a noble soul, basely in
jured, and have a right to expect, (if you are actu
ated by that delicate sensibility which ought to in-

fluence every man of true honor) you will not hesi
tate a moment to give such intimation to the com
pany then present, as your good sense will natur
ally dictate ; but if this mode of proceeding is
incompatible with your [sic] I beg you will inform
me, how, when, & where, (within 20 hours) you
will meet as a Gentleman your most obt.
hble servt
D. Gould.
Please consider sir that this paper was intended
to be delivered you in town, but when I had wrote
it, on enquiry found you had left Winchester, how
ever shall stay at my lodgings till to-morrow morn
ing 10 o'clock for your response. *

genl. MUHLENBERG TO MORGAN.
Fredericksburg, August loth, 1780.
Dear Colo .
Enclosed I have the Honor to transmit you the
Arrangement of the Virginia linef as formed by
*After the campaign of 1778 Morgan, sharing in the dissatis
faction with Congress which was prevalent in the Army at that
time, and suffering from ill-health beside, resigned his com
mand and returned to Frederick county early in the summer
of 1779- He remained there until after the battle of Camden,
and in September, 1780, he again appeared in the field. The
challenge given above was received when he was at home.
Unfortunately there is no record of its sequel.
fAugust 1st the Virginia legislature passed a bill authorizing
the raising of 3000 levies. The duty devolved upon Muhlen-

His Excellency the Commander-in-Chief — and
likewise a Letter from His Excellency the Gover
nor. I set out this morning for Chesterfield Court
House to send in those men who are at present as
sembled at that place.
As soon as I get to Richmond, I shall send you
orders for the officers in the countie which I
request you to communicate — there is no news
from the Southward and but little from the North
ward. I am Dear Col? .
Your most obd* hbl. servt.
P. Muhlenberg.

MORGAN TO GATES.
Salsbury, 2ot3i Oct.* 1780.
Dear Sir:
I am just setting out for Tephers, where my de
tachment arrived last evening. 'GenV Smalwood de-
berg, Febiger, Greene of the 6th Reg't., Morgan, Wood, Gist,
Daviess, and Bufords were the Colonels who had thus far es
caped capture. The old soldiers had collected at Chesterfield,
and Muhlenberg undertook to complete the regiments — a task
which he had partially accomplished by September 1st. — Muhl
enberg's Zi/^ o/Cifw/. Muhlenberg, p. 197, et. seq.
* Morgan had been appointed a Brigadier General on the 18th,
but had not yet been apprised of his promotion. (Graham's
Morgan. )

tain'd me to go on with the cavalry — no certain in
telligence from the enemy since the 18* They
were on Monday last nine miles beyond Charlott*
on the Road Leading to the old nation ford and at
or near steel creek road that leads to camdon — I
can't account for their manuvers, as it seems thay
are short of provision & Forage and still continue
at or near that place — but must think thay are go
ing to Camdon. .
I am inform' d you are coming on with the main
body which I think very advisable — Salsbury will
be a very safe & comodeous encampment provided
a sufficient number of boats are procured at the
Yadkin well supplied with good ferry men and a
sufficient command of men left to guard the place.
I think if you can march a thousand men we can
act with safety, and cover the country — I have been
very sick since I left Hilsborough, but have got
well except a very sore mouth.
Being separated, from Gen^ Smallwood have had
little to eat or drink except meat & bread, no
stores were allowed me when I came away. Gen^
Smallwood & Mr. Pen told me you would see me
provided for. I spoke to you but through a plenty
of business I emagine you forgot me — I assure you
* "The King's troops left Charlotte town on the evening of the
14th to march to Catawba ford." (Tarleton's Campaigns.) The
defeat of Col. Ferguson at Kings Mountain had occurred on the
7th.

an officer looks very blank when he hant it in his
power to ask his officers to eat with him at times —
I understand some linnen is coming -on for the
officers, if so, would be glad to get some. I come
off from home bare of them thinking to be supplied
at richmond but could not get a yard, if I can get
any my old friend Col°. Rosekranz * will be kind
enough to take charge of it for me and have it
brought on his baggage.
I have the Honor to be
With High esteem
Your obed": servt.
Dan Morgan.

GENERAL W. SMALLWOOD t TO MORGAN.
Camp New Providence, 3'? November, 1780.
Dear Sir:
Having understood that the disaffected Inhabi
tants in the settlements of Lynch Creek, and Wax-
haw, since the retreat of the British from Charlotte,
have meditated the removal of their property to
Camden, I was induced to order Colo. Davie with
a detachment down into that quarter, to intercept
all such property, which he might apprehend was
* Probably Captain Jacobus Rosekrans of the 5th N. Y. Regt.
t Smallwood had come to the Southern Department with
Gates, and about a month after the battle of Camden was pro
moted to Major General.

about to be removed, and to draw what supplies of
forage, and Provisions, could otherwise be procured,
exclusive of the stock necessary for consumption of
the remaining Inhabitants.
I have this day received intelligence that a party
of four hundred British & Tories,* have advanced
up to the Hanging Rock, to cover the disaffected
who are actually removing not only their own ef
fects, but the property of such Whigs as they fall
in with, and apprehending the detachment under
Col? Davie will be annoyed in the Execution of
their Duty, — You will therefore proceed down with
the Cavalry, Light Infantry, and Rifle men below
the Range of his duty, to cover them in the dis
charge thereof — March with all imaginable secrecy
and dispatch, and if possible give the enemy a
stroke at the Hanging Rock, should they still be
there, and no powerful reasons against it.
* On receiving intelligence that Lord Cornwallis had occupied
Charlotte, Gates detached Smallwood to the Yadkin, with di
rections to post himself at the ford of the river, and to take
command of all the troops in that quarter of the country. The
more effectually to harass the enemy, a light corps was selected
from the army and placed under the command of Morgan, now
a Brigadier General.
"Smallwood having received information that a body of
royal militia had entered the country in which he foraged, for
the purpose of intercepting his wagons, detached Morgan and
Washington against them. Intelligence of Morgan's approach
being received, the party retreated. " Marshall's Washington,
Vol. I, p. 398 et seq (2d Edition).

In accomplishing your views should it be neces
sary you will call to your aid any part of Davie's
detachment, but otherwise, I would not wish their
duty to be obstructed —
It will be unnecessary to caution you to guard
against a surprise, and to restrain the soldiery from
distressing such of the Inhabitants as may merit
your attention. Your own Judgment and vigilance
in the first instance, and your Humanity and dis
cretion in the latter, will govern —
It is not improbable but you may fall in with
part of our Tents, Waggons, and Baggage plund
ered by the Tories after General Gates's defeat.
Whatever you fall in with under that description
secure and forward to camp —
You will give me the earliest, and frequent In
telligence of your transactions, and as speedy as
possible, accomplishing the views comprized in
your Instructions, return to camp — distribute the
orders prohibiting plundering, copies of which are
Enclosed and it may not be amiss to give assur
ances of Lenity to such Tories, who may return
and submit to the mercy of their country, intimat
ing that proclamations to that purpose will be is
sued. — Wishing you success and a pleasant tour,
I am, with sincere —
Your obdt. Humble servt.
W. Smallwood.

B. BRUIN TO MORGAN.
Guilford Court House, Nov. 1780.
Dear General:
I write to you, but with pain having no informa
tion but what must displease you. The Bearer of
your Letters was severely beaten, and your letters
examined at Taylors Tavern, within twelve miles
of Salisbury by one Penny an impertinent Fellow
in that neighborhood — I did not learn this, before
I reached Salisbury or I should have attempted to
secure him — A Gentleman immediately from Phila
delphia assures me, that General Lincoln is ex
changed for Phillips * and will shortly resume his
command in the South. — A major (his name he does
not recollect) is now on his way to recall General
Gates, t but purposely delays the business, with a
view, to let the old General retrieve his character
by some fortunate adventure. — This circumstance,
* General Lincoln, who had been taken prisoner in March,
when Charleston fell into the hands of the British, was ex
changed in November and took part in the campaign.
t On Nov. 13 Gates wrote to Morgan: "I hear by report that
I am to be recalled, and that Greene is to succeed to the com
mand of the Southern department. But of this I have not the
smallest intimation from Congress, which, I conceive, would
have been the case, had the business been finally settled. I
think exactly as you do in regard to the command, and am im
patient for the arrival of General Greene." A few days after
wards the resolution of Congress superceding Gates arrived, and
was followed by the new Commander himself — Graham's Mor
gan.

lO

from the opinion you have conceived of his Suc
cessor,'^ will I am afraid render your Command less
agreeable, than it otherwise would have been. If
it would not be troublesome, I should be happy to
maintian a regular correspondence with you, and if
you please, it shall be a confidential one. — Assure
Howard & Brooks of my Esteem, and that I will
shortly write to them — ^and make my compliments
to every officer under your command.
Yours affectionately
Bry". Bruin.

SMALLWOOD TO MORGAN.
Camp, 6tli November, 178a
Dear Sir:
I have just rec4 advice from Genl Sumter, that a
favourable opportunity of effecting something to our
advantage offers on the other side the Catawba; you
will therefore view the expediency of dispatching
your tour below as soon as possible that we may
avail ourselves.  We have had no news since
* The relations between Morgan and Gates were confidential,
but there is nothing beyond the allusion in this letter to show
that Morgan entertained any but favorable opinions of Greene.
If he suspected him of incapacity before he took command of
the Southern Department, he certainly changed his opinion of
him before the campaign was over. See Graham's Morgan and
also T. B. Myers' account of the Battle of Cowpens, containing
original letters of Greene and Morgan, printed in the Charleston
News and Courier in 1881.

II
you left us, neither of the British in Virginia nor
of Genl Gates's coming on or forwarding the Con
tinental Troops. I expect the Augusta Rifle men
here to-morrow, one Hundred and Six in number,
these I shall detain here unless you should require
them below, as I imagine their service with you at
this time will not be wanting —
I am with Sincere regard
Your obd. Hble Serv*
W. Smallwood.
P. S. The Enemy are still in Winsborough,
Sumter informs me are likely to remain there for
some time — and continue to make detachments
some distance from their camp — after Provisions
& Plunder.
General Morgan.

smallwood to morgan.
Camp N. Providence, ^^!^ Nov. 1780.
Dear Sir:
I have just rec4 an intimation to be depended on
that Tarleton's Legion to the amount of five hun
dred Cavalry and Infantry mounted, was three
days ago at the ferry opposite Camden;* this hint
*"The light troops, however, on their arrival at Camden,
found no reason to expect an attack from General Morgan, and
Lieutenant Colonel Tarleton thought the opportunity favorable
to commence an expedition against Marion." Tarleton's
Campaigns, p. 171.

12

I think necessary to give, to guard you against a
surprise, or any excursion they may have in view
to attack you in a divided state, or intercept any of
your parties — you will therefore avail yourself of
the Hint, and keep a watchful eye on their motions,
should they approach upward
I am with great regard
your ob Hie servt
W. Smallwood.
N. B. (This information comes from Genl
Sumpter)  Since writing the above I have it
from good authority that Tarleton had crossed to
Camden and had moved from there before Day.
On Sunday morning, he gave out he was going up
the Hanging Rock road, but I rather think he took
the road to the High Hills of Santee against
Marion, otherwise you must have fallen in with
him; he is Four Hundred Strong. I would there
fore recommend that you move up & draw your
and the principal part of Davies force to a point,
covering such detachments as it may be necessary
to make; by this means you will be more than suf
ficient to cope with him should be approach up
wards. I shall send a detachment down to join
you in the morning, and could wish our force would
admit of a strong one. Give me the earliest inti
mation of occurrences, and your opinion of moving
a larger force to you. I am persuaded you will be

13
vigilant and cautious and then you will have noth
ing to dread. Adieu.
Genl. Morgan.

GENL. GATES TO MORGAN. *
Charlotte, 28*11 November, 1780.
Dear Sir:
If General Smallwood, General Davidson, and
Colonel Washington, are in opinion with you, it is
a proper time to make an excursion to the Wax-
haws ; I have no Objection to that measure taking
place immediately : but if Lord Cornwallis has
join'd his whole force at Camden — I think it wise
in us to do the same here.
I am Your affectionate
humble Servant
Horatio Gates.
Brig. Genl Morgan.

GATES TO MORGAN.
CoL. Smiths, 15 June, 1781.1
Dear General :
This morning I was acquainted in Winchester
*This was one of the last of Gates' orders. Four days later
Greene took command at Charlotte.
t Gates no longer held any military command. He was not
restored to his rank until 1783, after all fighting was over.

14
that you had an Express last Night by the Bearer,
Cap" Reid of State Cavalry, arrived last Night from
Staunton. He reports that Baron Steuben had sud
denly retreated from the Forks of James River, to
Hallifax Court House, on the Back of North Caro
lina, and that a Quantity of cloathing, &. other
stores, had been destroyed by the enemy at the
forks, which, the Baron had not removed : I sup
pose, from want of the means. Cap". Reid futher
says, that General Nelson is appointed G-overnor,
in the room of Governor Jefferson — Cap? Reid
further declares, that the Marquis & Lord Corn
wallis are only 25 miles asunder, &, that an action
between them was daily expected ! I confess my
self very Anxious for the success of our Army, as
the Defeat of the Marquis must at this critical
moment be attended with very serious consequences.
I wish I could communicate my thoughts upon the
present position of affairs to you this evening as I
must return home to-morrow morning early ! — per
haps you may be inclined to return here with the
Bearer — My best respects wait upon Mrs. Morgan
& the Young Ladies.
With much regard I am
Your affectionate
Humble servant
Horatio Gates.

15
STEUBEN TO morgan.*
Near Charlottesville, July, 16, 1781.
Sir: Col White has just handed me your letter of the
i2'> Inst.
You must certainly Sir have misunderstood the
Marquis, as he knows that I am here for the recov
ery of my Health & not for the purpose of equip
ping the Cavalry. Major Call has the superinten
dence of that business & to him I have refer' d Col
White I am Sir
Your very hum
Servt Steuben Maj. Genl.
*The Battle of the Cowpens had been won Jany. i7'.'i, and
after taking his troops to Guilford Court House, Morgan was
obliged from bad health to retire from the field. Early in Feb
ruary he went to Fredericksburg, and reached his home in
March in great suffering. In May he had recovered sufficiently
for active duty, and the Virginia House of Delegates, June 2,
1781, called for his assistance, "to take the command of such
Volunteers, Militia, or others, as he may be able speedily to
Embody, and march to join the army of the Honorable Major
Oeneral Marquis de Lafayette." He immediately took meas
ures to raise a large force of militia, but his success, at first,
was not encouraging. (Graham's Morgan.) His application
to Baron Steuben was ill-timed, as Steuben had retired to a
friend's country place near Charlottesville, sick and disgusted,
and did not take an active part in the campaign until Septem
ber. (See Kapp's Zi/^ o/"5i'^«(!if«.)

i6

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN.
Malvern Hill, 2i?t July, 1781.*
My dear Sir:
I am very sorry my letter to you Has Been so
much delayed — not that any inconvenience Has
attended this neglect; But Because I fear future
ones which may Be very Hurtful to the Service —
However my letters Had been put into the Gover
nor's Hands who promised it should Be sent on
immediately. General Wayne will, no doubt, communicate to
you a Letter from me — if His position affords Re
freshment, subsistence and security He Had Better
Remain there and you with Him — Two or three
days will determine what the enemy intend to do,
and the distribution of their forces must of course
decide what will Become of ours.
In every case you will shortly Rejoin this Army,
and I wish you may find on your arrival the ex
pected Reinforcement — it will I think Be well to
send them some orders to Hurry their march to
camp. Should you not find any position where you
might fight to advantage the Mounted part of the
British Army, or should you fear to Be unac
quainted with their movements, it would of course
*A few days before this Lafayette had put Morgan in com
mand of all the light troops and cavalry.

17
Be more prudent to Be on this Side — But in the
other cases, independant of my aversion to Useless
fatigues I am glad to keep the enemy in suspense
and should they move up in consequence of our
divided state it will Retard their preparations for
the Relief of New York.
With the most Sincere Regard and affection
Lafayette M. G.

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN.
Malvern Hill, 21?'. July 1781.
Z": Sir:
I had made out instructions for an officer (which
I inclose you) to proceed to the British prisoners,
when I received an account of Tarleton's return.
As sending them to James Town by the route you
proposed is now unnecessary you will give orders
for them to cross at the Point of fork, and to pro
ceed by slow and easy inarches. Our prisoners
have not arrived for whom these are to be ex
changed. I am Dr Sir
Your ob S
Lafayette.
Brig. Gen. Morgan.

i8
GOVERNOR NELSON* TO 
Camp before York, i6ti» Octr 1781.
Sir: I received your Letter yesterday and am sorry
that Major Massie purchased that Horse for General
Morgan, because I know he will not suit him. He
was once mine. I found him vicious, dull, and
that he would stumble, so much as to make it dan
gerous to ride him; in short, that he had almost
every bad quality and not a good one. f If General
Morgan chooses to keep him. He must be paid for,
but the orders cannot be sent at present.
I am Sir
Your obed servt
Thos. Nelson Jr.

BENJ. HARRISON t TO MORGAN.
II Deer , 1781.
Sir: Your lfetter§ to Col? Joseph Holmes of the as'*"
* Thomas Nelson, Jr., had been elected Governor of Virginia
June 12, to succeed Thomas Jefferson.
t General Morgan was over six feet high and weighed more
than two hundred pounds. General Nelson's solicitude was,
therefore, well founded.
tHarrison was at this time Speaker of the Virginia House of
Burgesses. He was elected Governor in 1752.
§ After the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown, "a large
proportion of the prisoners surrendered on that occasion were
marched to Winchester, and guarded by a body of Militia, were

19
ult. was by him sent to the executive. It gives me
the greatest concern to hear that the People in your
part of the Country should refuse to part with their
provisions for the purpose of feeding the Guard and
prisoners; I hope before this reaches you the neces
sity for our impress of those articles will cease,
as the continental and State Commissaries have
enterd into an agreement by which I expect the
former will be enabled to pay for what may be
wanted till he can receive orders on that subject
from Philadelphia, to which place application has
been made for a supply of money; but should none
arrive, and the agreement made by the commis
saries fail, recourse must be had to impress till the
first day of January next and no longer, and I must
beg the favor of you to use your influence and as
sistance on the occasions ; whatever may be fur
nish' d till that time this State will make good as
soon as possible.
The escape of such numbers of the prisoners is
really a matter of moment, and ought to be strictly
inquired into and the negligent punished in the
confined in the barracks near that place, under the direction of
Col. Wood, the commissary of prisoners in that section of the
country. The untoward consequences which followed the ar
rival of these prisoners in Frederick, were the subject of a num
ber of letters from Morgan to Washington, Governor Harrison,
Colonels Wpod and Smith, and others in authority." Graham's
Morgan, p. 400. Morgan was then at his home, "Saratoga"
near Winchester, recovering from another attack of illness.

20

severest manner, will you be so kind as to look
into the matter, and so far as is in your power
remedy the evil. It will give you some trouble, but
I rest assured that will not deter 3'ou when you
reflect the very great service you will render your
country by giving your assistance on the present
occasion; I do not mean to press this business on
you for any length of time, but will relieve you as
soon as possible. As to the riotous officers I dare
say you will know how to deal with them, and beg
you to act accordingly.
I am with great respect and esteem
Your most obedient and most
Humble servant
Benj. Harrison.

BENJ. HARRISON TO MORGAN.
Richmond, Deer. 31, 1781.
Sir: Your favor of the ii*? instant came to hand only
two days ago ; I thank you for your care of the
Prisoners of war ; and for the measures you have
taken to prevent their escaping. That you should
not be too much troubled on the occasion, Cap^
Holmes was appointed to take charge of them, and
a letter written to you by him which I suppose has
been long since deliver'd. I have hopes from the
last informations from Congress that before this

21

reaches you the greater part of these people will be
removed out of the State, and that the few which
will be left will be furnished by contract, made in
Philadelphia. — You will see by the enclosed procla
mation that all officers civil and military are
order' d to assist in taking up and securing strag
gling prisoners of war. I hope it will have a good
effect as I am determined to punish any person that
I can prove has neglected to do his duty. I am
Your most obedient Humble
Servant
Benj. Harrison.

BENJ. HARRISON* TO MORGAN.
RiCH^ , Feby 23d , 1782.
Sir: I am really sorry it is not in my power to comply
with your just demands against the country, if it
was, you may rest assured the money should be
paid, but there is not forty shillings in the Treas
ury, nor has not been above ten pounds in it, since
I have been in the Government, as soon as it is in
Cash, which will not be in less than four or five
months, you shall be most certainly paid. 
The subject of Claypoolf has been already under
* He was now Governor of the State.
t In the Spring of 1781, "a party of tories, residing on Lost
River, in the then county of Hampshire (now Hardy), had col-

22

the consideration of the Executive ; they have de-
termin'd that he be bro't down, and I see no reason
for an alteration of his term, everything that you
urge in his favor having been said before by Rev.
Hogg ; the weather is so bad that I cant get a coun
cil to-day, when I have one I will again lay the
matter before them, and if they should be of opin
ion that he should be pardon' d I will forward one
to you, if you do not receive it very shortly, you
may conclude that it will not be granted, and the
law must take its course. I do, and ever shall, pay
great respect to your recommendations, but in the
present case I see so much due to government, that
I can not help saying, that clemency in the present
instance, at least at this stage of the business, will

lected together and raised the British standard. John Claypool,
a Scotchman by birth, and his two sons, were at the head of the
insurgents.* * * * Claypool had succeeded in drawing over to
his party a considerable majority of the people on Lost River,
and a number of those on the South Fork of the Wappatomica.
* * * * The tories began to organize, they appointed officers, and
made John Claypool their colonel, with the intention of march
ing off in a body to join Cornwallis, in the event of his march
ing into the valley, or near it. ' ' General Morgan assumed com
mand of a force raised against these Tories, captured Claypool
and dispersed his adherents. Claypool afterwards expressed
great contrition for his conduct and on Feb'y 5, 1782, wrote
begging Morgan's interposition in his behalf. — Graham's Mor
gan p. 378 et seq.

23
show a want of fortitude in the Governor, and be
injurious to the State.
I am. Sir
Your most oW Hble servt
Benj Harrison.

DAVID JAMESON TO MORGAN.
In Circuit, February 27th, 1782.
Sir: Claypool having been examined in the county
and ordered for Trial at the General court, the Ex
ecutive have no Right to interfere. Should he be
condemned your recommendation of him will have
its proper weight in obtaining his pardon.
We are very sorry to inform you there is not a
shilling in the Treasury, nor is it probable there
will be, till the Taxes are collected under the Rev
enue act passed last Session of Assembly. M^
Beale presented an Account for clothing &c., fur
nished some volunteers, and was then told it must
be laid before the Assembly. The Executive have
in no instance furnished either Clothing for Volun
teers or equipments for the Horses — except caps.
Swords and Pistols on Loan.
Mr. Campbells account is returned, if the Court

24
of claims for the County will not admit it, he must
apply to the auditors.
I am Sir
Your most obedient humble servant
David Jameson.
Genl. Morgan.

B. LINCOLN* TO MORGAN.
War Office, Sept 17111, 1782.
Sir: I have been honored with your favor of the 17*'^
instant. I am very sorry that it is not in my power to
forward you the medal ordered by Congress f —
* He was then Secretary of War.
t Congress had ordered a gold medal struck for Morgan in
appreciation of his conduct at the battle of the Cowpens, but he
did not receive it until 1790. It was transmitted to him by
Washington, as the following letter shows :
"New York, March 25111, 1790.
"Sir: You will receive with this a medal, struck by order of
the late Congress, in commemoration of your much approved
conduct in the battle of the Cowpens, and presented to you as a
mark of the high sense which your country entertains of your
services on that occasion.
"This medal was put into my hands by Mr. Jefferson, and it
is with singular pleasure that I now transmit it to you.
"I am, sir,^&c.,
" George Washington.
"Gen. Morgan." — Graham's Morgan, p. 414.

25
such are the pressing demands on the finances to
feed the army that little money can be supplied for
any other purpose. The moment the money can be
had I will cause it to be made and forwarded. I
am with real esteem regard Your ob sv^
B. Lincoln,
Gen^. Morgan.

TH . JEFFERSON TO MORGAN NEVILLE, ESQR. *
MONTICELLO, Dec. i8, 19.
Sir :
On receipt of your letter of the 19*.'' I turned to
my papers respecting the medals given by Con
gress to certain officers. They charged their min
ister of finance with procuring them, and he put
the execution into the hands of Col? Humphreys
when he went to Paris as Secretary of legation, but
he returned before much progress was made, left
the completion with me. I had them compleated
and when I returned from France in 1789 I
brought two compleat sets, and delivered them to
General Washington, the one in silver for himself,
* General Morgan's eldest daughter married General Presley
Neville, of the Revolutionary army. This letter is to their son.
To General Presley Neville the reader will find further allusion
in the letters of Gen. La Fayette, and he played an important
part in the "Whiskey Insurrection."

26
the others in gold or silver as voted by Congress was
for the officers and delivered to G' Washington
to be presented. That to G*. Morgan was of gold —
each die cost 2400? and the gold for the medal was
400? , as an additional charge. Congress had di
rected copies in silver to be presented to the differ
ent sovereigns of Europe and to the Universities
of that quarter of our own, this part of the bui-
ness being unfinished and left with Mjr. Short and
finally I believe dropt. The dies were directed to
be deposited in the office of Mr. Grand, banker of
the U. S. and I think they were afterwards directed
to be sent here and deposited in the treasury office:
but of this I am not sure; if they are not in our
Treasury they ought still to be in the office of Mr.
Grand. The dies were considered as the property
of the U. S. , and if not sent here, can, I imagine,
be found by our minister at Paris, altho' Mr. Grand
be dead long since. A Mr. Gautier succeeded in
his house, but retired long since to Geneva, is still
living as far as I know, and can give information
on the subject ; perhaps Mr. Short of Philad' can
also give some information. This is the sum of
my knowledge of the matter, which is tendered
with the assurance of my respect.
Th. Jefferson.
Mr. Neville.

27

CHARLES MAGILL TO MORGAN.
I S'.*^ June 1796,
Dear General:
When I last had the pleasure of seeing you at
Saratoga you kindly observed that when you re
turn' d from Alex? (to which place you shortly
meditated a visit) you would adjust the balance of
Glassels claim against you as security for Lewis &
a small pecuniary matter between us. At that
time I did not foresee a circumstance that has lately
turn'd up to wit the purchase by M. Norton of M.
P. Murrays land from that gentleman & as M.
N. & myself have some amounts to adjust that
authorizes a requisition for some money from me
I hope you will excuse me for requesting that
you will direct any of your correspondents in
Alex? to pay to M^ Murray or order Ten Guineas
which I can safely assure you is within the amount
of the claims above referr'd to.
Your obed^ Serv.
Chas Magill.
Gen'. Morgan.

28
MORGAN TO ALEXANDER HAMILTON. *
(No DATE, BUT EVIDENTLY 1799- )
Dear Gen\
I have rec? yours should have answered it sooner
but am laboring under a severe Illness, which hath
afflicted me some time —
I inclose you an arrangement to assist you in
your recruiting Instructions, agreable to your re
quest —
The state of Virg? is laid off into four divisions
of Militia by law, I have regulated the principal
districts by them, and the subdistricts and Rendez
vouses according to my Ideas of the business in
one division or district having the smallest Popu
lation; you will observe only four subdistricts, in
another, the largest, six —
I am DT Sir with Sentiments of real friendship
& Esteem Y^ OW & humble SeT'
Daniel Morgan.
Major General Alexander Hamilton.
* Morgan had been elected to Congress in, 1797, and, after re
tiring in ill health, was named in connection with a command,
in the event of a war with France, which then seemed more
than probable. Under date of May 10, 1799, Washington had
consulted him in reference to the military measures to be fol
lowed in Virginia. It was in connection with these matters
that the letter to Hamilton was wtitten.

COLONEL JOHN FRANCIS MERCER.

LIEUT. COL. JOHN F. MERCER TO COL. SIMMS.*
To Colo. Simms: '
As you have repeated your request to be fur
nished by me with some military details of the
campaign of 1781, in Virginia, I have hastily
thrown together what I can now recollect, in doing
which the circumstances which relate personally
to myself have been furnish'd, principally because
*The date of the letter is not found on the MS., but from the
fact that an allusion is made to "President" Madison, and that
Mercer died in 1821, it is fair to presume that it was written
between 1809 and 1817, during the closing years of Mercer's
life. John Francis Mercer was born in Stafford Co., Va., May 17,
1759, and died in Philadelphia Aug. 30, 1821. He entered the
3d Virginia Regt. in 1776. His subsequent military career is
stated in his narrative. After the surrender at Yorktown he
returned to the study of the law, and was from 1782 to 1785 a
delegate in Congress. In 1785 he married Sophie, daughter of
Richard Sprigg, of West River, Md., and moved soon afterwards
to Cedar Creek, Md., his wife's estate, where he resided from
that time. He was a delegate to the convention that formed
the Constitution of the United States, but disapproved of the
plan that was adopted, and refused to sign the document. He
was subsequently a member of the legislature and governor of
Maryland. He was an anti-federalist in politics, a friend and
follower of Thomas Jefferson. (29)

30
they have been requested, & also because on some
occasions many of them have been misrepresented.
I have felt a delicacy when I have differ' d from the
relations both of Judge Marshall* & Gen'l Tarle
ton t of the affairs at Green Spring & before Glou
cester, but the only proper object of this relation
is to exhibit with truth the impressions of the
writer. You ask me what rank I bore, & how, & when
I quitted the continental army? I became a cap
tain in the third reg't of the Virginia line from
the battle of Brandywine, my commission bearing
date from that day. I'n March 1778 I was ap
point' d in gen'l orders at Valley Forge Aid de camp
to Maj. Gen'l Lee & in that capacity serv'd at the
action at Monmouth courthouse, & afterwards gave
my evidence on his trial, which will be found en
tirely exculpatory of his conduct in that much
misunderstood & misrepresented affair, f After the
sentence of the Court Marshal, suspending Gen'l
Lee from all command for one twelve month, was
confirm' d by Congress, I determined to quit the
army & study law, & in the fall of 1779 I fix'd my
self for this purpose at Williamsburg under the
* Marshall's Life of Washington.
\ A History of the Campaigns of ijSo and lySi in the South
ern Provinces of North America. By Lieut. Colonel Tarleton.
XTrial of Major General Charles Lee, p. 116.

31
auspices & direction of Mr. Jefferson, then lately
appointed Gov'r of Virginia.
At this time the important supplies which Vir
ginia still continued to furnish the armies of the
North & South. had attracted the serious attention
of the enemy & it was conceived that she was pe
culiarly vulnerable at home, from the many large
navigable rivers, rendering the heart of the coun
try at all times easily accessible to a small invading
force, who wou'd risque but little whilst they
could command the waters. In conformity with
this view Gen'ls Matthews & Leslie had success
ively landed at Portsmouth in the fall of 1780 &
the Legislature of the State were so fully appriz'd
of the designs of the enemy, that they had vested
ample powers in the executive to provide for its
defence, during their recess. Among the earliest
measures adopted by the Executive & which con
tinued afterwards during subsequent invasions, be
came one of the principal causes of repelling the
enemy & ultimately deciding the war by the cat
astrophe at Yorktown, was placing the Militia
when call'd into service under the direction of Con
tinental officers, who had been long in service
many of whom were retir'd, having resigned or
become derang'd under an act of Congress, made
in consequence of the reduced number of privates
in the several corps. In conformity to this plan
Gen'l Robert Lawson who had commanded the

32
fourth Virg' a reg't in the northern army & who
afterwards serv'd with great distinction, as a Brig.
Gen. of Militia at the battle of Guilford courthouse
in North Carolina, on the first intelligence of the
invasion by Leslie received authority by direction
from the Executives at Richmond (to which place
the seat of Government had been remov'd in the
spring of 1780) to raise a legionary corps, to be
compos' d of two reg't of foot, & i of horse, to be
form'd of volunteer militia, & to be commanded
by Officers of his own selection & appointment;
who were empower' d to recruit from all corps of
Militia that were draughted into service. It was
in virtue of this authority that I received my first
appointment of Lieut. Col. from Genl. Lawson,
dated the twenty fourth of October, in one of the
reg't of foot, of which the command was given to
Col. James Monroe in a similar manner, & pro
ceeding immediately to collect & organize the
corps in the vicinity of Richmond, we were enabled
in 7 days to cross James River at Westover on the
first of Novr. with about 300 officers & privates &.
on the 7th joined a corps of about 1600 men almost
wholly militia & commanded by Genl. Muhlen
berg stationed at Everitts,* in front of Smith field.
Before any operations had been commenced, the
advanc'd post of the Enemy about 8 miles dis-
* Everitt's Mills.

33
tant from Everitts was called in, & about the 20th
Gen'l Leslie embark' d his troops & proceeded to
join Lord Cornwallis by water. The camp of
Gen'l Muhlenberg broke up & the legionary corps,
part of which particularly the horse under Col.
Bannister were rapidly organizing at Petersburg,
were perhaps too precipitately disbanded.
Early in the spring of 1781 Arnold invaded the
state & seiz'd on its defenceless capital, but retreat
ing thence toward Portsmouth he plac'd himself in
such a situation that Gen'l Washington conceiv'd
it practicable by a rapid movement by light troops
from the army under his command, combined with
a cooperating French naval force, to capture the
body of the Enemy. The Marquis De La Fayette
was detach' d with 1200 light troops dispos'd in
3 battalions with (I believe) 6 pieces, but had
scarcely reach' d the waters of the Chesapeake
when the arrival of a reinforcement to Arnold
under Gen'l Philips render'd the object imprac
ticable, & he was countermanded. At this crisis
however, the junction of Lord Cornwallis with
the corps of Arnold & Philips at Petersburg by
a rapid march thro' the interior of North Caro
lina, indicated a conibin'd movement of the enemy
against Virg'a on so extended a scale as to render
the assistance of a body of continental troops essen
tial to the protection of that important & deserving
State. The Marquis was therefore again order' d

34
to proceed & the Pennsylvania line under Gen'l
Wayne which had lately mutinied & had been des
tined to join the southern army after the mutiny
subsided, was directed to reinforce him in the first
instance. At the moment of the arrival of Lord
Cornwallis, died Gen'l Philips, & the delay occas-
ion'd by this circumstance had enabled the Mar
quis to collect unmolested a considerable force of
militia on the north side of James river, who were
arranged into brigades under the command of con
tinental officers, with three detach' d corps of about
250 men each of select marksmen plac'd under the
command of Maj. Call, Dick 8c Willis* of Virg'a;
the field officers of the militia who express' d dis
content at having officers associated with & placed
over them, were permitted to go home, a permiss
ion not acceptable to many of the men & the men
who cou'd not but have more confidence in officers
of experience, were in general pleased with the ar
rangement. The moment however that a combin'd force
cou'd operate against the Marquis, it was evident,
that a retreat on his part was unavoidable; the sep
arate detachments of Arnold, Philips, & Lord Corn
wallis when united consisted of not less than 8000
effective men, of which from 1000 to 1200 were
cavalry & mounted infantry. The whole force of
* Richard Call, Charles Dick and Francis Willis, Jr.

> 3'5
the Marquis did not exceed about looo effective-
Cont'l Light Infantry, & about 3000 militia, at
this time commanded by Gen'l Nelson— combin'd'
with these might be estimated at most about 200:
Contl troops & newly rais'd 18 months men, &
from 6 to 7 hundred militia, then acting under the
orders of Baron Steuben, to protect the stores at
the Point of fork. The militia in both these corps
were fluctuating; as the times of service of some
expir'd, others arriv'd to take their places, but the
above may be fairly consider' d as a medium esti
mate of that force, previous to the retrograde
movement of the British army. Lord Cornwallis
having cross' d James River below, moved rapidly
on the Marquis at Richmond. The Marquis aban-
don'd Richmond on his approach, cross'd the
Pamunkey & retreated thro' Hanover on the main
road to Fredericksburg. Lord Cornwallis pursued
him into Hanover county, crossing the Pamunkey
at Bottoms Bridge, & here his sudden halt sacrificed
ev'ry rational object of the campaign. Of these
there were two, but which an intelligent & diligent
officer wou'd necessarily have combin'd. The first
was the army of the Marquis, the destruction of
which (as it contained the only germ of defence)
might have prov'd fatal — by pressing on the right
flank of this corps he must have either overtaken
& destroyed it, or forc'd it below the falls of the
Rappahannock, & by that means involving it be-

36
tween the Patomack & Rappahannock, or the Rap
pahannock & Mattapony it must have surrendered
or dispers'd. The practicability of this operation
must be evident to who ever reflects that he had
the command of from lOOO to 1200 cavalry &
mounted infantry, a number superior to the whole
Cont'l force in the Marquis's army, & the main
bodies of the two Armies were not twenty miles
distant, when the halt was made at Bottom's bridge.
The Marquis at this time had not more than 50
Dragoons, the remnant of Armands corps, & 15 or
20 volunteer cavalry, under Capt. Page — these were
not only in number entirely inadequate to perform
ing reconoitring duty, but were worn down with
incessant fatigue. It was therefore utterly, impos
sible for the Marquis to escape, if diligently watch'd
& harrass'd by so formidable a corps of horse.
This was plainly seen the day after the British
army cross'd the bridge, the Army of the Marquis
was compell'd to halt and stand to their arms by
the sudden appearance of Tarleton, who after this
unmeaning bravado, retir'd to the main body. It
was unnecessary for him to risque anything, the
Marquis dare not march in his presence & Thus
retarded. Lord Cornwallis must necessarily have
brought him to action & the event cou'd not be
doubtful.* There was one other important object
*" At this period, the superiority of the [British] army, and
the great superiority of the light troops, were such as to have

37
of the campaign, which might have been combin'd
with the destruction of the Marquis's corps, this
was the occupation of Fredericksburg & Falmouth
or rather the heights above the latter. The impor
tance of this position had been well understood by
Gen. Philips, the ignorance of Lord Cornwallis
might explain but not excuse his error. A manu
factory of small arms had been established at Fred
ericksburg at the commencement of the revolution,
& connected with similar & more extensive estab
lishments at Hunters Forge above Falmouth on
the opposite side of the river, constituted the most
valuable manufactory of arms & military equip
ments in the southern states — added to this, these
places were rich depots of Tobacco, & Fredericks
burg at that time was the most flourishing town in
the State; but these were not the most essential ob
jects, as a position this was by far the most import
ant in Virg'a, the wide navigable waters of the Pa
tomack approach the Rappahannock here within
seven miles, beyond which there navigable for
frigates near 60 miles, on the flank & rear of the
position, to Alexandria & Georgetown — at Boyds
hole the station for a fleet of the largest ships is as
enabled the British to traverse the country without apprehen
sion or difi&culty, either to destroy stores and tobacco in the
neighborhood of the rivers, or to undertake more important
expeditions." Tarleton's Campaigns, p. 2g<f.

38
safe & capacious as the harbours of Yorktown &
Portsmouth & would be completely cover'd by an
army posted on the hills above the falls, on the
north side of the Rappahannock, with which there
wou'd be an open safe water communication except
for about 6 or 7 miles constituting a pass so inter
sected with hills & water courses as to be entirely
commanded by an army so posted. This position
then commanded the two towns of Fred'g & Fal
mouth, the main road to the northern states, & the
communication with the lower counties, the large
and fertile peninsula, inclos'd between the Pa
tomack & Rappahannock abounding in supplies
and inhabited by a numerous black population,
would be entirely at the mercy of the British army.
The larger & equally fertile Peninsula between the
Rappahannock & York, & its northern branch the
Mattapony from similar population wou'd be
almost as incapable of defence. From Fred'g to
Charlottesville is about 60 miles, the same as from
Richmond; to the northern passes in the Blue
Mountains still less. The army of Lord Cornwallis
therefore possess' d of this position, connected with
their naval force, brought into the Patomack &
with so large a body of cavalry that might be en-
creas'd in this country at will, would command &
threaten a great portion of the State, would discon
nect, the lower country from the back country &
the northern states & would cut off the southern

39
army from all supplies from the northern states &
even communication with the northern army, ex
cept by the circuitous & almost impracticable rout
beyond the Blue mountains which [AfS. torn']
would in fine if it did not effect a conquest of, it
would infallibly paralize all the efforts of Virg'a.
With military men who had reflected on these
combinations there cou'd not remain a doubt but
that Lord Cornwallis, whether he succeeded in his
views against the Marquis or not, wou'd occupy
Frederick'g and Falmouth at least for a time.
Such certainly was my impression, & I resided there
in the beginning of May 1781, having commenced
the practice of the law there the winter before, on
the disbanding of Lawson's corps. At this junc
ture Gen'l Weedon took the command of about 5
hundred militia, collected to cover this position &
as the towns of Fredericksburg & Falmouth are
commanded by the surrounding heights, he aban
doned them withdrawing whatever might be an
object to the enemy & took an advantageous post
on the heights above Hunters works, in order to
protect them from the insult of an inferior detach
ment. It was here that Gen'l Weedon communi
cated to me a letter from the Marquis de la Fayette
stating his total want of & great distress for cavalry,
& conveying a request that I would exert myself
to raise a volunteer corps of horse. With the as
sistance of Mr. Washington the present judge, then

40
a youth of twenty, Mr. Ludwell Lee, the Mr.
Brents, & other young gentlemen a corps was col
lected, arm'd and march'd in less than a week.
At first it did not exceed 30, it gradually however
grew in numbers & reputation, but never exceeded
50 on duty at any one time; they furnish'd their
horses & arms themselves & paid their own ex-
pences until all their resourses were exhausted,
without recurring to the distressing modes which
the decline ot paper money had render'd almost in
dispensable & universal, requisition, impressment
& payment in certificates. This troop join'd the
Marquis in Hanover county, at the moment that
Col. Tarleton had made the demonstration before
related, whilst the American troops were drawn up
expecting an immediate attack; & were instru
mental in ascertaining that the enemy in view
were only a reconnoitring party. The moment
they dispearred the Marquis abandon' d the road to
Fred. & leaving that position to its fate, directed
his march thro' the upper part of Spotsylvania &
cross'd the head waters of Mattapony in the route to
Orange courthouse with the view of forming a
junction with Wayne & gaining the upper country
thro' which Wayne was then marching.
The delay at Bottoms bridge decided the fate of
this campaign. The destruction of the Marquis's
corps & the position at Frederick were relinquished
in favor of a Quixottic expedition against the

41
members of the legislature at Charlottesville,* who
with great facility mov'd their quarters & who had
they been taken cou'd only have prov'd an incum
brance & another as trifling, which terminated in
the destruction of a few rusty musquits as the point
of fear. To favour these two operations the main
body of the British Army mov'd to their left into
Goochland county, & the Marquis de la Fayette
having effected a junction with Wayne, mov'd
rapidly across the country to James River, in order
to cover the stores at Albemarle court house & be
ing now also reinforced by a considerable body of
Militia, he deem'd his force sufficient to watch the
movements of the enemy & to prevent their oper
ations by detachments. Before this last move
ment Gen. Nelson being elected Gov'r of Vir'a
left the army to qualify & to attend to other duties
of the office & did not join it again until it had
taken post at W'msburg some short time before
the siege of York. Early in June, Lord Corn
wallis fell back upon Richmond, & the Marquis
de la Fayette fix'd his headquarters at Dandridge
about 20 miles above. The armies lay 8 or 10
days in these positions inactive, except that an at
tempt was made by Col. Tarleton to strike at the
corps of Muhlenberg, but without success, after

* " . . .To distress the Americans, by breaking up the as
sembly at Charlottesville." — Tarleton, p. 2gs. See Letters of
fosephfones, p. 82.

42
this the enemy evacuated Richmond & mov'd on
slowly to W'msberg by new Kent court house, his
rear protected by the legions of Tarleton & Simcoe.
The Marquis follow'd him cautiously at an inter
val of from 20 to 30 miles & arriv'd at what was
called Mr. Frye's plantation (formerly Duncastle's
ordinary) 16 miles from Williamsburg on the main
road to Fred'g by Ruffins ferry, having plann'd &
executed an attack on Simcoe's corps which had not
yet entered Williamsburg. The command of this
enterprize was given to Col. Butler* assisted by the
Dragoons of Armand, under Maj. McPherson. I
was not present but I then collected from several
officers that were (some of whom were taken pris
oners in that action,) that Col. Simcoe was com
pletely surpriz'd at Hot Water near 7 miles above
W'msburg;t the rifle men of Call & Willis of Virg'a
made the attack & drove the Hessian Jagers upon
the Infantry of the legion, who being also fir'd on,
whilst they were forming, began to give way,
when a Lieutenant LoUar J of the horse of Simcoe,
at the head of not more than 50 dragoons, hastily
collected, made a well timed & furious charge first
on the Dragoons of Armand & having overturn'd
* Percival Butler, of Pennsylvania.
t The place is better known as Spencer's ordinary. I find no
other writer describing it as Hot Water.
t It was Captain Shank who commanded in this charge.

43
them, wounding and taking prisoners Lieut. Brife*
& some privates of that corps, charg'd thro' the
rifle men, who were at that time passing a lane in
pursuit. These fled precipitately & dispersed,
whilst the Continental infantry remained in order
at a distance & never fir'd a gun; they however
protected the retreat of the militia, which became
soon necessary, as Lord Cornwallis arriv'd on the
ground within le.^s than an hour after the fighting
began with his best troops — on his arrival at the
head of his line he was address'd by Col. Simcoe
with information at his success, but replied (as I
was inform' d by an officer who was then a prisoner
& heard the conversation) with the reproachful ob
servation that no officer ever receiv'd a surprize.
Col. Simcoe had never been a favorite, he appears to
have declin'd in activity and health after this morti
fying repulse, & he seem'd by no means recover'd,
when his legion surrender' d at Gloucester, f
From the time that my volunteer corps had
join'd the Marquis their activity & good conduct
had distinguish'd them in the army, where such
corps had before fallen into disrepute; the duty they
* Dr. Egle gives a roster of Armand's legion, and in the sixth
corps the lieutenant was Augustin Briffault — the only name that
is at all like Brife.
fThis does not agree with Col. Tarleton's account. See
Tarleton's Campaigns, p 301 ; Clinton-Cornwallis Controversy,
II., 32 ; Srcacos, Journal, 235; Lossing, Field Book, II., 258.

44
had perform' d wou'd have destroy' d the same
number of any regular troop; their youth, their
spirit & the honourable pride incident to their sta
tion in life, encourag'd them to attempt any thing,
and accustom' d to ride in the woods their fine
horses extricated them when surrounded by the
numerous adverse cavalry; they liv'd on the flanks
& rear of the enemy, and altho' few days pass'd
without some of them & often the whole corps be
ing pursued by parties greatly superior in number,
yet they sustained no loss themselves, on the con
trary the day Tarleton made the movement against
Muhlenberg, they proceeded to Richmond, alarm'd
the Pickett on Shockhoe hill, fell into Tarleton's
rear, carried off his Parolle & conducted them safe
thro' the woods to the American camp, altho' the
whole force of Tarleton was then in motion be
tween. These were the only prisoners made by
any part of the army during the summer campaign
that I recollect, certainly they were the only horse
men that were taken. The troops enter'd Rich
mond as the enemy quitted it, & whilst the enemy
lay at W'msburg the Marquis having information
that Lord Cornwallis was on the eve of crossing the
James river, directed this corps to obtain the earli
est intelligence of the movement; for this purpose
they made a circuitous march of twenty miles &
halted in a skirt of wood back of the Palace during
the night, & were at Lord Cornwallis's head

45
quarters (President Madison's at Wm. and Mary
college*) a very short time after he left them, & ap
priz'd the Marquis of his movements & designs in
time for him to put his troops in motion that even
ing. The American army halted that night about
8 or ID miles from the enemy, & early in the morn
ing of the 6th of July I rode up to Green Spring
house & was informed by a Black with a knap
sack at his back standing at the door, that it was
the quarters of Col. Tarleton who (he said) was then
in a .spring house a few yds. distant; during the
conversation myself & three or four young gentle
men with me, found ourselves suddenly surrounded
in a decay' d yard formed of brick walls, but the
enemy by pushing to cut off our retreat enabled us
to escape in a contrary direction, & out riding them
in the wood I was enabled to regain my troop,
which I had placed in cover on the road. The
manner in which I had gain'd this intelligence
which was so abrupt as to admit of no deception,
& what I saw of the enemys force, satisfied me that
their main Body had not cross'd & was not cross
ing, & I gave this as my decided opinion to the
Marquis at ii o'clock, whilst advancing with his
troops. Previous to this he had dispatch' d two
Gent'e of my corps Mr. Washington & Mr. Lee
with his glasses to reconnoitre the ferry, & unaccus
tomed to the appearance of armies, they were de-
* Rev. James Madison was then President of the college.

46
ceiv'd by the passage of the Queens Rangers & the
numerous followers of the armj% into a persuasion
that the main body had crossed.
THE ACTION OF GREEN SPRING.
At one o'clock the Marquis & Gen'l Wayne with
their parties arrived at Green Spring house, which
now exhibited no appearance of an enemy, & re
ceiving this, and other intelligence, the confidence
of Gen'l Wayne that we had only a covering party
in front prevailed, & it was determined to hazard
an action, in the attempt to cut them off. The
ground in front of the house at Green Spring was
most unfavorable for such an enterprize, a morass
& wood protected & cover'd the front of the enemy,
& presented no approach but by a causeway of con
siderable extent forming part of the main road lead
ing to the Church, which render'd even reconnoi
tring with effect unsafe, unless protected by a strong
body of troops, & such a corps when beyond the
ravine were expoa'd to eminent risque ; a few scatter
ing volunteers on horseback pass'd the causeway,
& were soon follow'd by about 300 riflemen, who
enter'd the wood at three o'clock with great caution.
At 4 the main body of the Continental troops took
up their line of march, the riflemen who had ad
vanc'd were divided into two corps on the right &
left of the road of a hundred & fifty men each, to
protect the flanks. Maj. McPherson and the head

47
of Armand's horse led the column, I follow'd with
my troops, then at a considerable interval the Con
tinental light infantry were followed by Gen'l
Wayne's brigade, the whole amounting to 2200
effective men, a force rather unequal to 8000, the
flower of the British army, posted with ev'ry ad
vantage not now more that a mile in front. The
militia were directed to form as a reserve, back of
Green Spring house. The column had scarcely
advanced half a mile thro' an open wood, when
some scattering shot & retreating volunteers* an
nounced the vicinity of the enemy. Maj. McPher
son, who from the commencement, had form'd just
ideas of the relative situation of the two armies &
consequently no very favorable impression of our
present movements, appriz'd the Gen'l of our nigh
approach, but he immediately received an order
to take command of the 150 Riflemen on the left,
whilst I was ordered to direct the attack on the
right, with a similar number. — 400 yards on the
right of the road, where the column halted, I found
the Riflemen advanc'd near the edge of the wood, &
firing at long shot on the sentinels of a Pickett
paraded before a small clapboard house; along
the front of the wood, & and to the left ran a ditch
& post & rail fence to this house; beyond this fence
was an open field in which the horse of Tarleton
were form'd, at the respectable distance of four or
five hundred yards; their left flank was protected

48
by a skirt of woods, in front of which was form'd a
Pickett of ICO or 150 men, beyond this on the
right of Tarleton, & across the main road & in
front of the church appeared, indistinctlj', the
main body of the British army. I judged it neces
sary to attack the Pickett at the house; to advance
into the field if the riflemen could be persuaded to
risque it, would have expos' d them to the horse,
& wou'd have left this Pickett in the flank and
rear. — By encouragement & example they were
gradually advanc'd obliquely to the left in the
ditch & cover'd from the house by the fence & the
Pickett was speedily driven with loss, & possession
gain'd of the house. To support them & regain the
house, the Pickett on the left of Tarleton advanc'd
with spirit, but they were unable to stand the
deadly fire of the Riflemen, and were driven back
with the loss of the officer who led them, who was
wounded & taken prisoner with several men; the
Riflemen embolden' d by this success, were with
difficulty restrain' d from advancing into the open
field against the horse & a number of them
crowded into the house & began to fire to the left
on the main body of the British army now plainly
discover'd, at the distance of about 300 yards. At
-this moment my troops was sent to me; they be
came consequently much exposed & cou'd be of no
possible use; however to encourage the Riflemen,
& give them confidence, I drew them up in a lane

49
which led towards the main road & the enemy, &
at the same time Maj. Galvan advanc'd along the
main road with about 150 light infantry to the
front of the wood, form'd to the left of the horse &
began to fire at long shot on the enemy's army.
The British Gen'l & Staff immediately clear'd
their front & open'd 3 pieces of artillery on us, at
from three to four hundred yards. Almost at the
first discharge my horse received a cannon ball in
his body, which carried away my stirrups & bruis'd
my foot, several of the troop were dismounted, the
shot passing through the clapboard house alarming
the Riflemen within so much that they fled in
stantly with great trepidation; by this time I had
mounted another horse, but it was impossible to
rally those who had fled or stop those advanced
into the field, who dispers'd in great confusion.
The whole front line of the enemy was now ad
vancing with shouts. At this moment arriv'd
Cap't Savage with two pieces of artillery at the
clapboard house, & a Battalion of Cont. light in
fantry under Maj. Willis of Connecticut. I had no
hesitation in advising Capt. Savage to withdraw his
artillery as fast as possible as nothing else cou'd pre
vent their instant capture; he follow'd this advice
with reluctance & sav'd his pieces. Maj. Willis re
tir'd by the right without firing a gun & without
any advice & Maj. Galvan after firing some rounds
with his 150 men on the British line, now formed &

5°
advancing, was soon compell'd to retreat with pre
cipitation. This advanced corps being entirely dis-
pers'd, the wounded in our possession were retaken
by the enemy. I fell back with a few of my troops
having order' d on the others to join a party who
acted as body guard to the Marquiss. At the dis
tance of about 300 yards in the rear of where we had
been engaged, I found Gen'l. Wayne's Brigade
drawn up across the road & thro' the wood to the
right. I staid with them until they were defeated.
We had just begun to assume the stiff German tac
tics, as the British acquir'd the good sense, from
experience in our woody country, to lay it aside.*
Gen'l Wayne's Brigade were drawn up in such close
order as to render it utterly impracticable to ad
vance in line & preserve their order — the line was
necessarily broke by the trees as they pass'd the
wood. The British advanc'd in open order at arm's
length & aiming very low kept up a deadly fire.
In this situation Gen'l Wayne gave repeated orders
for the line to charge, but this operation was really
impossible from the manner in which they were
form'd & they cou'd not be push'd forward; not
withstanding his own bravery & the ardor of an
admirable corps of field officers, who gave them the
best examples, the destruction amongst them was
very great, whilst the effect of their own fire, from
* A hit at Steuben who was very unpopular in Virginia.

51
the causes already explain' d, was I believe very
trifling, & I have always retain'd the opinion that
the enemy suffer' d more from the Riflemen on the
right & Galvan's corps, than from all the rest of the
Marquis' troops in this action. — In less than 30
minutes from the retreat of the advanc'd corps, the
rout was total and our flying & dispers'd soldiers
escap'd along the causeway & thro' the morass.
During the whole action the Marquis remain'd
with a few horse a small distance in the rear of
Wayne* — he did nothing and in fact in the situa
tion things were, after the attempt to reinforce the
advanc'd corps, nothing cou'd be done, but to sub
mit to a disgraceful defeat. Fortunately it termin
ated better tlian cou'd have been expected, had the
British horse (who never made an effort during the
action, when the brigade of Wayne gave way)
charg'd down the road, & taken possession of
Green Spring, only defended by some frighten' d
militia, very few of the Continental troops cou'd
have escaped, the Marquis's army wou'd have
been broken & dispers'd, & Lord Cornwallis wou'd
have escap'd the catastrophe at York. As it was
*This is at variance with the printed accounts. Johnston
{The Yorlitown Campaign and tlie Surrender of Cornwallis)
says Wayne's movement "was successful, though costly," and
that Lafayette "exposed himself at the front, when he saw that
Wayne had become engaged," pp. 65, 66. This is substantially
the same as Marshall's brief description — Marshall's Life of
Washington, Vol. 4, p. 400 et seq. (Edition of 1805.)

52
the troops collected that night a few miles beyond
Green Spring & the next day being not pursued,
& being join'd by an excellent corps of horse from
Baltimore commanded by Capt. More & having
preserv'd all their baggage, soon forgot the disaster
of this day. The British were therefore perfectly
right when they speak of defeating the militia in
the commencement of this action; they defeated
those I commanded, who being reinforced by the
corps of Galvan & Willis, the corps of volunteer
horse & two pieces of artillery made no doubt a
very formidable appearance, altho' none of them
did any mischief, except the Riflemen & Galvan's
& the latter not much. When our accounts speak
nothing of the engagement of the advanc'd militia
it only shews that such confusion reign' d that no
one had any just knowledge of this affair who has
yet describ'd it. Thus terminated one of the most
silly 8l misjudged affairs that took place during the
war. There was no good reason to think Lord
Cornwallis wou'd risque a covering party & indeed
it ought to have been known that James Island
where the action was fought affords ample protec
tion to the rear of a crossing army. The Gen'ls
never had any good reason to believe the army had
crossed & they were furnish'd with proofs to the
contrary at ev'ry step; they had it in their power
to withdraw the corps they had risqued bej^ond the
causeway at any time before the artillery were ad-

53
vanc'd with Galvan & Willis; — afterwards it re
quired all the bravery of Wayne & his corps &
above all, the misconduct of the enemy, to save the
whole from capture.* The next day the Marquis
thought proper to compliment my corps highly in
general orders,! which indeed they always de
served, but on that day none of them were with me
till towards the close of the action of small arms, &
altho' afterward they were expos' d to great danger
they cou'd not possibly render any service. Many
*"The events of this day were particularly important, and
claimed more attention than they obtained. The Marquis de
la Fayette had made a long march in very sultry weather, with
about fifteen hundred continentals and one thousand militia, to
strike at the rear of the British before they passed to James is
land. Too great ardour, or false intelligence, which is most
probable, for it is the only instance of this ofScer committing
himself during a very difScult campaign, prompted him to cross
a morass to attack Earl Cornwallis, who routed him, took his
cannon, and must inevitably have destroyed his army, if night
had not intervened. His lordship might certainly have derived
more advantage from his victory. If the two battalions of light
infantry, the guards, and Colonel Yorke's brigade, who had all
been slightly engaged, or any other corps, and the cavalry, had
been detached, without knapsacks, before dawn of day, to pur
sue the Americans, and push them to the utmost, the army of
the Marquis de la Fayette must have been annihilated. Such
an exploit would have been easy, fortunate, and glorious, and
would have prevented the combination which produced the fall
of Yorktown and Gloucester." — Tarleton's Campaigns, p. 355.
t"The zeal of Colonel Mercer's little corps is handsomely
expressed in the number of horses he had killed." Lafayette's
General Orders of July 8'^.

54
of the gentlemen of this corps being dismounted,
& all exhausted & finding that the armies were
about to operate on the south side of James River,
I obtain'd permission for the Corps to return to
their homes & I know nothing farther of the mili
tary transactions of this campaign 'till the siege of
York & Gloucester, but believe they were alto
gether unimportant & almost devoid of military
incidents. SIEGE OF YORK & GLOUCESTER.
The combin'd American and French army under
Gen'l Washington & Count Rochambeau having
taken their position before York town, & the Count
de Grasse having taken his station at the mouth
of the river with his fleet, the army of Lord Corn
wallis became completely invested on the south
side of the river. On the north side, the British
held the small town of Gloucester, defended by the
legions of Simcoe & Tarleton, cavalry & infantry,
a detachment of mounted British light infantry,
& the 8oth or Edinburgh volunteers, a very
strong reg't command by Col. Dundass, the whole
consisting of about 2200 effective troops, but to re
strain the operation of this body of which a great
proportion were cavalry & who forag'd the country
in ev'ry direction, no effective American force had
been collected as late as the middle of Sept. A
few scattering militia & mounted volunteers under

55
the comand of Col. John Taylor of Caroline &
who rarely ventured beyond Gloucester Court
House, left the lower part of that country very
much at the discretion of the British. Early in
Sept. Gen'l Weedon being about to take the com
mand of the troops destined to act against Glouces
ter, applied to me to accompany him, promising
me a command of select militia; I consented &
Gen'l Weedon reliev'd Col. Taylor, who return' d
home after a fatiguing & hazardous tour of duty;
Gen'l Weedon being soon reinforc'd by several
militia detachments from the Upper counties, took
post at Dixons mill about the middle of Sept. &
soon after Brigadier Gen'l Choisy, promoted during
the seige to the rank of Maj. Gen'l, join'd us with
the legion of the Duke de Lauzun, & on the 25th
he was farther reinforc'd by about 1000 marines
from the French fleet. Gen'l Choisy having now
the command of 1600 French regular troops &
about 2000 American militia, deem'd himself
strong enough to commence operations against the
enemy. Agreeably to Gen'l Weedon' s order, I had selected
from the militia such old soldiers as I cou'd find,
who having retir'd from the army after the expira
tion of their term of service, were now performing
their tours of duty with the militia as other citizens;
to these I added the most likely young men that
volunteer' d their services & such young gentlemen

56
as officers as appear'd most promising; personally I
was acquainted with none of them. Of such mater
ials I collected a corps consisting of 200 rank & file
& a proportionate number of officers; without
much relation to size, as a distinction that appear'd
best calculated to create an esprit du corps, they
were termed the Grenadier reg't. After arming &
disciplining them in the best manner time & cir
cumstances wou'd permit, they were attach' d to the
legion of Lauzun, the infantry of which did not ex
ceed 350 men, fit for duty. Until this time I had
acted without any commission, but the court of my
native cou7tty of Stafford, probably being appriz'd
of the circumstances, recommended me to the Exe
cutive, who forwarded me a commission as Lieut.
Col. of the -militia of that county, but which was not
necessary to confer an authority that was never dis
puted. ACTION BEFORE GLOUCESTER.
Early on the morning of the 2nd of Oct. I was
order'd with my corps to join Lieut. Col. Count
Robert Dillon who with 150 of the Dragoons of
Lauzun was directed to gain the road that led to
Gloucester by York river & to move on towards
that Post: whilst Gen. Choisy & the Due de
Lauzun at the head of 150 Dragoons proceeded
down the Severn road in the same direction, fol
low'd at a considerable interval by the French &
American infantry — the whole intended to take

57
up a position as near as practicable to the town of
Gloucester. The interval in which the Dragoons
mov'd in advance of the French infantry was soon
greatly increas'd, when it was found that the
legions of Tarleton & Simcoe were out foraging, &
by the anxiety of the French Gen'l & officers to
fall in with them. At lo o'clock some scattering
fire was heard in front & and an order came to
Count Dillon to advance with his horse [MS. torn]
that the legions of Tarleton & Simcoe being over
taken by Gen'l Choisy had halted & that as the
Gen'l had no infantry with him, he requested me
to hasten my march, by dismounting & setting an
example to the corps by running; we were not
much behind the horse & when we arriv'd within
about 3 or four miles of Gloucester, emerging from
the wood I found the two roads uniting in a lane
in front, of near a mile in extent, a fence on each
side enclosing a large open field, on the right &
left. On the right were two houses, the first of
which we approach'd became afterwards the quar
ters of Gen'l Weedon, this was contiguous to the
lane; the second, at some distance from the lane,
became the quarters of Gen'l Choisy. This lane led
into an extensive open old field, where the fences
dividing to right & left at right angles, seperated
the fields on each side from the old field in front.
On the left, at the mouth of the lane commenced
a wood which running- to the left of the main road

58
for more than a mile, terminated in a small ad
vanc'd redoubt, commanding the main road; to the
right of this redoubt facing Gloucester appear'd a
post & rail fence which running to the right, at
right angles with the road, enclos'd the old field in
the rear. In this old field the British horse ap
pear'd to be form'd in line, advanc'd of the re^
doubt. The dragoons under Dillon passing the
lane join'd those under Gen'l Choisy & the Duke
at the mouth, — & immediately charg'd the right
of Tarleton's line, which broke & gave way, but
at the same time the French being receiv'd by
musqnetry from the post & rail fence in the rear of
the British horse, & from the wood in their right,
found it necessary to fall back — which they did
slowly with order & firmness under the fire of the
enemy until they found that my corps was just
emerging from the mouth of the lane, when the
fire of the musqnetry being considerably advanc'd
in the wood on their right flank, they made a rapid
movement & fell behind my corps into the lane,
where they fac'd about & their officers ranged
themselves in front to receive the charge of the
British horse, now form'd again & advancing in a
line with their infantry in the wood.
My little corps of raw troops which did not ex
ceed i6o Rank & file fit for duty, were at first some
what startled to find the French horse retreating so
rapidly by them in the open field expos' d to at

59
least 460 horse of the enemy & a body of Infantry
in the wood & their situation was evidently ren
der'd more critical by having a very high fence in
their rear & the lane they advanc'd thro' block' d
up by the French horse. However they were im
mediately order'd to deploy so as to push their left
flank into the wood, which they did with great cel
erity & good order, & commenced firing, one half
on the cavalry on the right, & the other half on
the infantry advancing rapidly thro' this wood.
The horse of the enemy had approach'd within 250
yards & the infantry were not at more than 150
yards distance, when the firing began. No regular
troops cou'd behave with more zeal & alacrity than
this corps of Militia; their spirits had been rais'd
by running them up, and being hurried into action
without time to reflect on their danger, they dis
covered as much gallantry & order as any regular
corps that I ever saw in action. Fortunately Tarle
ton did not like the reception prepared for him &
at a critical moment sounded a retreat, when not
100 cartridges remain'd unexpended in the regi
ment; the British troop left Lieut. Moir dead on
the field, within 10 paces of our line, & there ended
this action, which Col. Tarleton justly calls a
trifling affair, but when he says he only notices it
as having been so much misrepresented,* I can only
*No such statement appears in Tarleton's Campaigns.

6o
say that he has not been more fortunate in his re
lation than those (whoever they were) of whom
he complains. Thus when he .says he found the
whole French & American Infantry advanc'd to the
edge of the wood* (if I recollect right, for I quote
from memory) it is a shameful misrepresentation;
there was not one French or American foot soldier
within 3 or perhaps three miles, except this corps
of i6o militia : the infantry of the legion of Lauzun
first arriv'd, with their field pieces, but they were
not on the ground till 30 minutes after the firing
ceased. From the fire this corps kept up. Col.
Tarleton no doubt concluded them much more
numerous than they were — but nothing cou'd ex
cuse his not proving the fact, with his great super
iority. That night I took possession of the ad
vanc'd redoubt on the main road, with 150 French
& 150 Americans; & the French & American
troops encamp' d in the fields on each side of the
lane. The siege continued a tiresome, uniterest-
ing blockade on the Gloucester side, without mili
tary incidents, except that men were repeatedly &
uselessly sacrificed by the French Gen'l in idle re
connoitring; the day before the surrender & when
the capitulation had been agreed on at York, Col.
Tarleton came out and dined with Gen'l Choisy;
*"The French hussars retired behind their infantry and a
numerous militia who had arrived at the edge of the plain."
Tarleton's Campaigns, p. 378.

6i
his object seemed to be to represent that his life
might be endangered if he surrended to the militia,
& [MS. torn] was so accommodating as to order
that no infantry except that of the legion of Lauzun
& my corps shou'd be present at the surrender.
We march'd for that purpose 2 miles in front of the
camp, & after the arms were piled on the outside of
the breastworks. Col. Hugo of the legion & myself
took possession of a redoubt & thus ended the cam
paign in Virginia of 1781.
A few days after Gen'l Washington in Gen'l
Orders noticed this action* of the 2d & returned
*"The General congratulates the Army upon the brilliant
success of the allied Troops near Gloucester. He requests the
Duke of Lauzun to accept his particular thanks for the judi
cious disposition and the decisive vigour with which he charged
the enemy — and to communicate his warmest acknowledgments
to the Gallant officers and men by whom he was so admirably
seconded. He feels peculiar satisfaction at the inconsiderable
loss on our part, that no ill effects are to be apprehended from
the Honorable Wounds which have been received in this affair,
and that at so small an expence, the enemy amounting to six
hundred Horse and foot were completely repulsed and Recon
ducted to their very lines. ,
"The corps of the allied Army were Duke de Lauzun's Le
gion and the Militia Grenadiers of Mercer.
"The following is the list of our killed and wounded, and as
far as can be gathered ^of the Enemies — the Duke de Lauzun's
Legion had three Hussars Killed — Captains Billy Dillon and
Dutester with eleven Hussars Wounded (the officers very
slightly) — three horses killed and four wounded.
"The enemy's loss in killed and wounded exceeds fifty, in-

62
his thanks to the legion of Lauzun & the Grena
diers of Mercer for their conduct; these terms did
not satisfy some of my friends on the Gloucester
side, particularly Col. Innes who was next in com
mand to Gen'l Weedon & who found however on
enquiry that the gen'l orders in that report were
but a transcript of the report of General Choisy.
eluding the commanding officer of the Infantry killed, and
Colonel Tarlton badly wounded." — ^From Washington's Gen
eral Orders, Thursday, October 4, 1781. State Dept. MSS.

GENERAL LAFAYETTE.

LAFAYETTE TO GEORGE AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON. *
On board the Alliance,
December 22d, 1781.
I could not think of going, my dear George, Be
fore I send you this last assurance of my sincere af
fection — My Best wishes attend you, whatever you
may Be doing during the winter — I anticipate the
pleasure to see you again with me, and Hope the
family will be Reunited in the campaign — Be so
kind, my dear Washington, to forward the inclosed
letters, and to send them by some good oppor
tunity. You will greatly oblige me, my dear friend,
to give [me] copies of my letters to the General, as
you know I never kept any, and when I grow old
I will find great satisfaction in Reading over our
Correspondence during the Last Campaign.
There is one other thing that would give me
great pleasure — the General has several Orderly
Books from the beginning of the War, and there
are Orderly Books of mine in the light infantry of
the two last campaigns which I would like to Have
copied By some Sergeant that writes a fair Hand
* General Washington's nephew, who had served as an aid to
Lafayette. He died in February, 1793.
(63)

64
and Bound up in Books in the same way as those
of the General are — if that does not give you too
much trouble I will be obliged to you to Have the
Business done By some non-commissioned officer
that can write well.
In your letters to your family, I Beg you will
mention me most affectionately to them — particu
larly your father and mother, Mrs. Ball and the
Colonel,* Mrs. Lewis,t Mrs. CarterJ and the Gen
eral's mother — My best compliments to Smith§ and
all the family — Adieu, my dear friend, most affec
tionately Yours, Lafayette,
If Miss Carter is still in Philadelphia present my
best Respects to Her.

LAFAYETTE TO MADAME JULLIEN.
La grange, 9 Octobre, 1814.
J' avals pens6, Madame, que votre fils Revien-
drait a paris pour L'epogue des Elections: il se pro-
posait m^me de donner quelque extension a son
manuel des elections et je crois pour cet objet qu'il
*Col. Surges Ball and his wife, Frances Washington Ball.
She was a daughter of Charles Washington, own brother of the
General. t Betty Lewis, wife of Fielding Lewis.
JWife of Charles Carter, and daughter of Fielding Lewis.
? William S. Smith.

65
m'avait empruntd un ouvrage anglais en deux vol
umes intitule History of the Borough of Great
Britain. Cet auvrage a 6t6 confie par lui k un
citoien des etats unis qui devait cooperer k son tra
vail. Voil^ les Elections termindes; je ne sais quand
votre fils m'attendra, et je prends la libertd de
m'adresser k vous, madame, pour avoir de ses nou
velles et des nouvelles de mon Histoire des Bourgs
Britannique. Je vous prie d' avoir la Bonte de me
la faire parvenir si elle est a paris, car je pense
qu'on en a tire ce qui pourra Remplir I'objet des
collaborations. C'est avec plaisir que je profite de
cette occasion pour une Rappelleri vos Bont^s et
pour vous offrir 1' expression de mon respectueux
attachement.
Lafayette.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE. *
Paris, May lotii 1824.
Sir: The high favor Conferred upon me By the Repre-
resentatives of the people of the United States, the
testimonies of public Benevolence Contained in
their resolution Have filled my Heart with feelings
* On Feb'y 7, 1824, President Monroe wrote Lafayette inform
ing him of the wish of Congress that he should visit America.
He enclosed the Congressional resolutions. Under date of April,
1824, Lafayette replied, and subsequently sent the letter of
May loth given above.

66
of Respectful, affectionate and patriotic gratitude
which I want adequate words to express. No an
swer can I find more Congenial to these feelings
than to embark as soon as possible for the Blessed
Shore, I Have for so many years longed to Re
view. Nor can I fear, impressed as I am with a
proud .sense of the Honor to Be on Board a National
ship, therein will appear irreverence on my part
when I Beg leave not to avail my self of the flatter
ing Offer which, in their extreme kindness Con
gress have deigned to Bestow. The summer will
not Be over Before I enjoy the delight to find my
self under an American flag, on my way to the Be
loved land of which it has been my Happy lot to
Become an early soldier and an adopted son.
Be pleased Sir to accept my affectionate and
grateful Respects.
Lafayette.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE. *
New York, August i8Ui 1824.
My dear Sir.
Here I am again, recast, on the Blessed Shore of
America, where on the moment of my landing, I
find myself Honored with new testimonies of your
kindness. Some mistake in the information re
specting the departure of the post Had prevented
*From State Dept. MSS., Monroe papers.

67
my writing yesterday, and the same morning your
letter was delivered By Mr. Sam Gouveneur* and
lieutenant Monroe. I Hope I will see them to day
more at leisure as we met in very numerous So
ciety, But will not delay this letter of mine with
the enclosed from MT Brown, f
I came over with my Son who Requests His
High and affectionate Regards be presented to you,
and M. le Vasseur, a former officer in the French,
Army now my Secretary. We Had a short passage,,
and pleasant one as a fine ship, the Cadmus, excel'-
lent Captain, Allyn, and every accomodation and'
attention could make it. The only inconvenience
that could not be obviated is sea sickness, of which
we Had our full share.
The reception of me in this city I dare not dwell
upon, as it looks like vanity, while I would like to>
express the feelings of gratitude, and all the de
lightful emotions that overwhelm my Heart. You
will particularly sympathize in my sentiments at
the meeting with our surviving Brother soldiers.
My dear friend, I am very anxious to embrace
*Mr. Monroe's second daughter, Maria, married Samuel L.
Gouverneur, of New York. The latter was appointed Post
master of that city by President John Quincy Adams. Later he
served as an oflSicial in the Department of State from 1845 to
1849. t James Brown, of Louisiana, United States minister to France
from 1823 to 1829.

68
you: I wish it had been in my power to consult you
before I had made my arrangements: I hope you
will approve them.
The city of Boston had transmitted By the min
ister, Mr. Brown, an official kind invitation to
make my first landing in that part of the union:
I sent a respectful answer, intimating that when
ever I should land, I would hasten to present, in
person, my acknowledgments, and as Wednesday
next is the time of what is called in the University
of Cambridge, the Commencement, I will be ar
rived in Boston, By way of New Haven, New
London and Providence, Before that day, then
cross over to Albany and come down North River
so as to be returned to New York in the first days
of September. I have been informed through the
governor of Virginia, there was to be a grand
meeting of the Richmond, Norfolk and other vol
unteers at York town on the 19*'' October, where I
am invited. My best plan I think would Be to
leave New York about the middle of September,
go to Philadelphia, Baltimore, Washington, where
from, if I did not find you, it was my intention to
Hasten to your country seat which in all cases I
fondly Hope to visit as well as Montpellier and
Monticello. Let me know, my dear Sir, whether
this plan has your approbation.
Here are the two letters I have in charge for
you: in my conversations with Mr. Brown, particu-

69
larly the last, he expressed the great pleasure He
found in Having with Him, as Secretary of Lega
tion, Mr. Sheldon* whose utility to the embassy
and to the minister He experienced every day.
He requested me to mention it confidentially
to you, but not knowing what arrangements
might chance to take place in the interval between
my arrival and our meeting, and Having myself
an affectionate regard for Mr. Sheldon, I would not
expose myself to the possible regret of Having de
lay' d for some weeks the confidential message en
trusted to me.
Happy I am, my dear Sir, to be arrived under
your presidency, Happy I will be to tell you, viva
voce, How Respectfully, affectionately, and grate
fully I am. Your old Brother soldier and friend
Lafayette.
My best respects to the ladies of the family.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE, f
[Written Evidently Dec. 1824.]
My dear Friend:
I am delighted with your message and so will be
every liberal mind in Europe and South America.
As soon as I learned that a Committee Had been
* Daniel Sheldon, of Connecticut.
IFrom State Dept. MSS., Monroe papers.

7°
appointed to regulate my reception in Congress I
went to visit the members separately to show that
I had Hitherto considered it as my only means to
pay them my Respects and Acknowledgments: I
Have also postponed every thought of excursion
out of the city until I Hear from them ; it is
thought by some they will do me the Honor to ad
vise me on Monday: at all events I Have told my
friends from Annapolis that I would not leave town
before the Sixteenth, this even being submitted to
the arrangements of Congress. I shall have the
pleasure to dine with you, and arrive about four.
My motive to wait for your usual dining Hour was
the fear to take you from the business of the mes
sage. Most truly and affectionately
Your grateful friend
Lafayette.
My two Companions will also avail themselves
of your kindness to Have the Honor to dine with
you. Wednesday, morn.

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN NEVILLE, ESQ.*
Washington Jany i6tii 1825.
My dear Sir:
Since I Have Been denied the Happiness once
*The son of Genl. Presley Neville and grandson of Genl.
Danl. Morgan.

71
more to embrace your father, my dear friend, aid,
and Brother Soldier, I cannot now enjoy a Greater
Satisfaction than to view His Lady, His Son, and
all what Remains of His family. I Have Been in
quiring after you from the moment of My Landing
on the American Shore: the Relations of Nevill
and Morgan cannot But Be Loved By me, and I
am sure those feelings are Cordially Reciprocated.
The Letter you allude to Has not Been Received.
The testimonies of affection I find in the name of
your departed Brother and your own son are dear
to my Heart. I anticipate the Gratification to see
you all Before long. .
It Has Been my intention to enjoy with the feel
ings of an American patriot those wonders of the
West which I Have not Hitherto Been able to visit.
Pittsburg and Cincinnati are two points I am par
ticularly anxious to see; this double and very High
gratification I shall obtain some time in the next
Spring. I am Sorry to find my Journey must Be
Rapid as I cannot Leave Here Before the Celebra
tion of the 22? February, and I am engaged to Be
at Boston in time for the corner stone of the
Bunker Hill Monument on the 17^'' June.
I will proceed to the Carolinas, Georgia, and
across Alabama and Mississipi to New Orleans,
thence to go up the two Great Rivers, so that I
shall Have the pleasure to meet you at Cincinnati
some time next Spring: I Have much felt, since

72
your fine State of Ohio Has Been settled, for the
prodigious Creations and Rapid improvements of
that precious part of the Union: the Long wished
for satisfaction will be greater on that account.
Receive, my dear Sir, the affectionate, and I am
entitled to say the paternal Regard of yoUr father's
and your friend
Lafayette.

GENERAL LAFAYETTE TO RICHARD FORREST. *
Albany, June 13'^, 1825.
Dear Sir:
I Have Received on my arrival at this place
Your kind favour and the letters that accompanied
it. Mr. Clay Had informed me that such letters as
Had a chance to meet me at Louisville were sent
there; that the posterior packets were detained at
Washington; He therefore invited me to ask their
Being sent from the State office to any place where
they could meet us. You know, my dear Sir, that
those packets of letters, whatever Be their volume.
Have Been Hitherto forwarded By the mail stage,
nor do I understand in what other way I could get
them. The letters I Have Received from family
and friends allude to an anterior correspondence
* Richard Forrest was at that time an official in the Depart
ment of State.

73
the want of which Render part of them unintelli
gible and unanswerable. I must therefore claim
your kindness to Have those packets sent to me as
soon and as safely as possible from Washington
and also from louisville, as you know in Whose
Hands they Have been deposited.
I am this morning setting out for Boston where
any thing you please to send will find me untill the
20* of this month. I shall Hence visit the States
of Maine, New Hampshire and Vermont so as to
Be Returned to Albany on the 29**! On the 30*'!
evening I expect to go down the North River to
New York, paying some visits in my way But so
as to Reach the city two days Before the 4''? July.
I Beg your pardon for the trouble I give you. But
you will [sic] Better than myself at which of those
places the letters from Washington and afterwards
those from Louisville can Best come to my Hands,
and I am sure you will kindly sympathize in my
eagerness to obtain them.
I need not observe that letters directed to my
son or to M. le Vasseur ought to be forwarded By
the mail. I will claim your kindness to Have them
convey' d to New York and directed to M"; Witt-
lock Junr at that place.
While I ought to apologise I will only thank you
for the trouble which you Have encouraged me to
give you, and of which, I confess, I stood in great
need Having no other way to Recover the series of

74
my correspondence from the other side of the
Atlantic. With the Highest Regard I Have the Honor to
be Yours Lafayette.
P. S. Upon consideration of the difficulties at
tending other Conveyances than the stage, I beg
you, my dear Sir, to keep at Washington the
trunks and other objects too Bulky to go By that
commodity. I expect to be at the seat of govmt.
about the middle of July.

LAFAYETTE'S ACKNOWLEDGMENT OF INDEBTED
NESS TO MORGAN NEVILLE, ESQ.*
I Hereby acknowledge myself debtor to Morgan
Neville Esq. for the sum of four thousand dollars
* During his visit to America, Congress granted a tract of land
to General Lafayette. The act follows:
"Be it enacted, d^c. That the sum of Two Hundred Thousand
dollars be, and the same is hereby, granted to Major General
Lafayette, in compensation for his important services and ex
penditures during the American Revolution, and that, for this
purpose, a stock to that amount be issued in his favor dated the
4th of July, 1824, bearing an annual interest of six per cent.
payable quarter yearly, and redeemable on the 31st December,
1834. "Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That one complete and
entire Township of Land be, and the same is hereby granted to
the said Major General Lafayette, and that the President of the

75
which I shall pay to Him in the course of three
years from this day, the same sum Being in the
mean while Mortgaged first on my Florida town
ship the patent of which has been signed by the
president of the U. S., two days ago, and a Second
Mortgage on the Capital of $120,000 in the loan of
the U. S., which capital is now under the manage
ment of the president of the U. S. Bank Who Has
my power of attorney to send the Quarterly Rent
to Europe. Done at Washington City under my
Hand and Seal, August 7^^ 1825.
Lafayette.

POWER OF ATTORNEY FROM LAFAYETTE TO
GEORGE GRAHAM, ESQ.*
Know all men by these presents, that
I, Lafayette, have made, constituted, and ap
pointed, and by these presents do make, consti
tute, and appoint, George Graham, Esquire, of the
United States be authorized to cause the said Township to be
located on any of the Public Lands which remain unsold, and
that patents be issued to General Lafayette for the same,"
Passed December 23, 1824. Congressional Debates, Vol. i.
* George Graham, of Va., was appointed Secretary of War.
Apl. 7, 1817. He was afterwards President of the branch United
States Bank in Washington, and in 1825 was appointed Com
missioner of Public Lands, which position he held up to his
death in 1830.

76
City of Washington in the District of Columbia,
my true and lawful attorney, for me, and in my
name, to lay out or cause to be laid out, all section
number Thirty-one, in Township number One,
North of Range number One, East of the Meridian
Line, in the Land District of West Florida, or
such part thereof as he may deem proper, into such
Streets, Alleys, Town-lots or Out lots, and sell and
dispose of the same, on such terms and conditions,
as he may deem expedient, and to make all such
deeds and conveyances as may legally be necessary
and proper to convey the same, and generally to do
and perform all such legal acts as may be necessary
and proper to carry the full intention of this power
of Attorney into effect, and one or more substitutes
to appoint under him, and at pleasure revoke their
powers. Hereby ratifying and confirming what
ever my said attorney or his substitutes may legally
do in the premises.
Given under my hand at the City of Washing
ton, this second day of September, 1825.
Signed, sealed &

delivered in
presence of
R. C. Weightman.

Lafayette.

District of Columbia, City of Washington, D. C.
Be it remembered that on this 5*.'' day of Septem
ber 1825 General Lafayette personally appeared be
fore the undersigned Mayor of the City of Wash-

77
ington, and acknowledged the within and forego
ing Power of Attorney or Instrument of Writing,
to be his act and deed delivered for the purposes
therein mentioned.
In Testimony whereof I have hereunto sub
scribed my name, and caused the Seal
of the Corporation of the City of Wash
ington aforesaid, to be affixed the date
above written.

Washington

City Seal
1802

R. C. Weightman, Mayor.
Attest: Wm. Hewitt, reg.

LAFAYETTE TO GEORGE GRAHAM.
[Washington, 1825.]
My dear Sir:
I think 5'ou may, in your kindness to me, call
this morning, and beg leave to inform you that I
must to day send to the post office my French let
ters, not a line of which has yet been begun. Could
I find you at your office to-morrow or the day fol
lowing about two o'clock?
The more I reflect on your advice regarding
Florida and alternate lots the better it appears to
me. Will you please to talk of it with my excel
lent friend the president? Judge Duval who
knows much about Florida would also be a very
good adviser. Situated as I am, a set bargain for

78
that part of the lots would be more convenient than
retailing them, provided it came up to or near to
the value. Your obedient and grateful friend,
Lafayette,
Friday morn.

MONROE TO GEORGE GRAHAM.
Oak Hill, March 17, 1828.
Dear Sir :
Some late letters from Mr. Gamble, in Florida,
give such favorable accounts of Gen'. La Fayette's
land, and of the probable rise of good land there,
that the value, if these acc'.^ are correct, cannot well
be estimated too high. This communication was
made to me by Col. Mercer, of the H. of Reps.,
and lest it may not have reached you, I hasten to
apprize you of it. He speaks of half a million of
dolls. , or more. Be so kind as to inform me whether
any portion of it is sold. The General has written
to me in a letter of Jany. 12th, respecting it, and
in my answer I wish to give him the last informa
tion on the subject.
You have I presume received the copy of the
memoir, which has been lately printed at the in
stance and under the direction of my friends in
Albemarle. They allow me a large number of
copies, which I shall distribute in a manner to

79
make the subject thoroughly understood. I think
of having a copy delivered to each member of
Congress before the adjournment, that the subject
may be well understood by the next session, when
it is hoped they will act on it.
Mrs. Monroe's health is improving, but so severe
was the attack and so much reduced has she been
by it, that her recovery is slow. We have kept
Hortensia as ignorant of it as we could. The car
riage goes for her to-morrow; we hope that you
and your family are well. Your friend,
James Monroe.

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN NEVILLE.
LaGrange, October lo* 1828.
My dear Sir:
I do not well know where this letter will Reach
you Being intended to introduce Mr. Bowman who
will visit Cincinnati after He has Remained some
time in Orleans. That gntleman is a painter.
Born in the Western part of the Union, Having
since inhabited Washington and the Atlantic Cit
ies, who came to france and Has Remained Eight
months in Italy for improvement. We Had the
pleasure to see Him lately at LaGrange where He
Has made three family portraits. His character is
much esteemed By His Country men in Europe

8o
and such other persons as he has been conversant
with. I avail myself with much pleasure of this
opportunity to offer you once more the affectionate
Regards of Your most sincere friend
Lafayette.

LAFAYETTE TO MORGAN NEVILLE.
Lagrange, Novemb., 20, 1828.
My dear Sir:
It is to me a great gratification to hear of my
Cincinnati friends. Still more so to Hear from
them. I Hope this Letter will find you all in good
Health ; every account from the Westward delights
me with a picture of the increasing extent and
prosperity of your good. Beautiful City. I had
lately written to Genl. Harrison at Columbia when
I find He was likely, on the return of Mr. Poinsett,
to go to Mexico. Cincinnati papers, when they
come to me, are Highly welcome.
You are already informed, my dear sir, that my
English friend, Mrs. Trolloppe with her family are
your neighbors at Cincinnati. Had I known that
was their destination I would. Before they left
London Have given them Letters of introduction
to you and Mrs. Neville. Her Husband, a respect
able lawyer in the British Metropolis, is gone to
join them Before I could avail myself of the oppor-

8i
tunity; it is probable you have already Been long
acquainted with them, nor do I know whether they
are still on the Banks of the Ohio, in which case I
Beg you to remember me to Her, and also to Her
Husband and children. I have lately written to
Her. Remember me also very affectionately to my
friends in your kind family and in the City.
I have found out the Relatives of the traveller
whom I could not But introduce on the spot when
Requested By Him and knowing the acquaintance
of which probably He availed Himself amidst the
crowd of American friends By whom I Had the
Happiness to Be surrounded. We shall meet them
in town this winter and see what can, Be done.
The Session of the Chamber des deputes will not
open Before the end of January. I live in the
country, as usual, in good health, the greater part
of the family being with me. George and his
wife are gone to Gueyenne South of france, to see
their eldest daughter who is on the point of making
me a great-grandfather. MT Sparks is Here, Col
lecting information for his great work, which has
given me an opportunity in the collection of my
correspondence, to mention the dear name of my
excellent friend Presley Neville. Ever truly and
affectionately Yours.
Lafayette.
Morgan Neville, Esq.

82

MONROE TO GEORGE GRAHAM.
Oak Hill, Feby. ii, 1829.
Dear Sir :
I have received 5'ours of the 6th with the docu
ment which you presented to the committee, who
have my claims under consideration. It is correct
in point of fact, for there was nothing that I could
do at the awful moment when the President called
me to the dept. of war, after the fall of the city
that I did not do. I may say the same of my ex
ertions at other difficult epochs of our country. In
presenting that document in the manner you have
done, you have I know the strong interest you
take in my welfare.
I enclose you a letter which I have just received,
under cover of one to me from General La Fayette.
From his letter to me I infer the contents, which
correspond with the relation which has existed be
tween us since 1777. We were together and near
each other in the battle of Brandywine when he
rec? his wound, and were afterwards together in
that of Germantown and that of Monmouth, and
we have preserved that friendly relation, as you
well know, in every subsequent stage since. We
found his wife in prison when we went to France,
and aided in obtaining her release. I furnished
her with funds and sent her to him to the prison
of Olmutz, in Austria, where she remained with
him several years until his discharge. On my

83
second mission in 1803, I found him in Paris,.
where our friendly intercourse was revived, and
has always been preserved since. The good under
standing and service rendered to his wife by mine-
is remembered by him. We have witnessed their
distress and deeply sympathized for them. His
present offer* is a repetition of one which he made
me when with us. I told him that it was a gen
erous one, in his situation, for I know with the
[?] that would be made on him by visitors
and his remaining creditors, that he would never
be free from debt and trouble, and that sooner than
receive it, I would perish. I begged him never to.
repeat it. I am gratified to find that he retains,
that friendly feeling for me, which however I
never doubted, but my reply to him will be the
same. I will answer him: you will consider this
as the purport, unchangeable, of my answer, and
take no step or make any arrangement in respect
to his property in reference to me.
Very sincerely your friend,
James Monroe.
*The offer was a pecuniary one. After his term as Presi
dent Monroe's finances were much embarrassed. See his letter
of May 22d.

84
MONROE TO GEORGE GRAHAM.
Oak Hill, May 4, 1829.
Dear Sir :
I have not heard from you of late, but hope that
you and your family have enjoyed good health. I
conclude that you have answered Genl. Lafayette's
letter, offering aid to me by a pledge of his land in
Florida, and assured him of my sensibility to the
generous spirit which actuated him, but that I
could never take from him or his family any por
tion of their property, having seen so much of their
sufferings when I was in France, and having so
strong a sense of his claims on our country and the
friends of liberty everywhere.
I trust that you are under no apprehension re
specting your situation. It appears to me impos
sible that you should have cause for it. Should
you have any, and think that a desire \sic\ to those
in office, by you, to pronounce testimony of my con
fidence in your perfect integrity, capacity and dili
gence in the discharge of its duties would have a
good effect, I wish you to intimate it to them. If
either the President or a head of a Dept. will write
me, I will give that answer, or, if on your intima
tions they should express a desire that you would
produce such a document yourself and you will
communicate the fact to me, I will send it in
stantly to you. You know that I can move, even
in favor^of those to whom I am most attached, in a

85
particular way only, and I well know that out of
that line my interference would not have a good
effect. Sincerely your friend,
James Monroe.

MONROE TO LAFAYETTE.*
Oak Hill, May 22nd 1829.
My dear Friend:
It is some time since I wrote to you, in answer
to your affectionate letters, although I have long
intended to do it, and to acknowledge, that, parti
cularly, in which you inclosed me one to Mr.
Graham, but the feeling, which it excited, has in
truth been the cause of the delay. So many inter
esting circumstances have occurred between us, to
which we have been parties, and others of which
we have been spectators, in both countries, since
the battle of Brandywine, that I never can review
them without peculiar interest and sensibility.
The letter referred to, brought them to my recol
lection with great force. But, my dear friend, I
can never take anything from you, nor from your
family. I have known and seen too much of your
and their sufferings, to commit such an outrage to
my feelings. Your claims are too strong on me
personally, on my country, and the friends of lib
erty everywhere, for me to do it. I sent your let-
*From state Dept, MSS., Monroe papers.

86
ter to Mr. Graham, with instruction not to think
of the measure, or rather to take no step in execu
tion of it, and with which he has complied. If I
was ever to visit France, your house would be my
home, but we are both too far advanced in years to
think of such a voyage. We must content our
selves with writing to each other, which I shall do
hereafter, more frequently.
With my ill state of health, and the accident
from which it proceeded in the first instance, you
have been acquainted. I have suffered much thro'
the winter, but am now so far recovered, as to be
able to take my usual exercise on horseback, and
which I do daily, when the weather will permit.
The legislature of this state have called a conven
tion, to be held in October next, to amend the
Constitution. It was the first framed in the Union,
and has managed affairs successfully; but it is gen
erally admitted to have defects, which require
amendment. Mr. Madison has been invited by
his district to become a member, and to which he
has consented, and will be elected. A like invita
tion has been given to me; in this I hesitated on
account of ill health, but have at length expressed
a willingness to serve if they desire it. I am per
sonally little known in the district, and can there
fore form no estimate of the result. My pursuits
at home are interesting. My mind is not inactive,
and in the employment given to it, a review of past

87
occurrences, in which I have acted, and of which I
have been a witness, occupies a large portion of
my time. I do not know that anything will ap
pear to the public, during my life; but whenever it
does, should it be deemed worthy notice, a just re
gard will be shown to your services and claims, on
our countries, as well as to the friendly relations
which have existed between us & our families.
Mrs. Monroe and my whole family, take a deep
interest in the welfare and happiness of yours, as
well as in your own. All the details which you
give us respecting them are gratifying. Your own
health, we are happy to hear, is quite restored and
good. We hope that that of your son and daugh
ters likewise is, and of their offspring. I sent to
Mr. Gouverneur, the papers you forwarded to me,
from the physicians in Paris, expressive of their
opinion respecting the infirmity of his son, & of
your desire to receive and render him any service
in your power, & for which he is most grateful.
The boy is at a school near the city of New York,
in which those thus afflicted are educated, and
his improvement is a cause of surprise, as well as
of consolation, to all the family. Should he ever
visit France, he will avail himself most willingly
of your good offices.
I will write you again soon. I have received
Mr. Marbois' book* relative to Louisiana. He
'''Histoire de La Louisiana et de la Cession de cette Colonic

88
speaks of me with kindness & does justice to me,
in many interesting circumstances, and as I be
lieve to the full extent of his knowledge. There
are some facts however, with which I am satisfied
he was unacquainted. He states, for example,
that he had commenc'd with Mr. Livingston, be
fore my arrival in Paris in April 1803, and that he
had done it in complyance with the instruction of
Bonaparte, the first Consul. You will observe
that the interview stated by Mr. Marbois, between
the first consul and his two Ministers, took place on
the tenth of April, on which day it was known to
Mr. Livingsion & of course to the Govt., that I
had arrived at Havre, & was on the route to Paris.
The conference referred to is stated in page 285.*
Mr. Livingston's letter in reply to mine, announc
ing my arrival, bears date likewise on the 10'.'', of
which you will see a translation in page 468. If it
was known to Mr. Livingston on the 10'^ that I had
arrived, it must have been known to the first con
sul. It was known to all at Havre, as a salute was
fired from the Battery and a guard of 50 men sent
to the hotel where I stopped, whom I dismissed.
That the first consul should have delayed his
par la France aux itats-Unis deVAmirique Septentrionale ;
precedee d'un discours sur la constitution de le gouvernment
des jktats- Unis. Par M. Barbe-Marbois. Paris, 1829.
*The references given by Mr. Monroe are correct according
to the Paris Edition of 1829.

89
conference till that day is a proof of this fact; for
otherwise, why did it not happen a day or a week
before or after ? He stated in the conference that
coining 2,000 leagues, I must have now extensive
powers, which shows that he waited for my arrival
— page 267. He knew that nothing could be done
till that event occurred. That he gave the instruc
tion, as stated by Mr. Marbois, to proceed forthwith;
I have no doubt, but that he gave it with a knowl
edge of the above facts, and with intention only to
put the affair in train, I am equally confident.
In this circumstance, I think that Mr. Marbois
is mistaken, as already observed, that he had com
menced with Mr. Livingston, before my arrival.
The day after my arrival, I dined with Mr. Liv
ingston, having Col. Mercer and Mr. Skipwith
with me, which was on the 12*'^ or 13^*' of April,
and while at dinner, Mr. Marbois arrived, & being
informed that the family were at dinner, he walked
in the garden until we arose from dinner. Mr.
Livingston then joined him, and a conversation
took place between them, in which it was agreed,
that they should have an interview that night, at
Mr. Marbois' house, which took effect. According
to my recollection Mr. Marbois retired without
seeing me, & as I presume without knowing that
I had arrived. I well recollect, that after his de
parture, Mr. Livingston disclosed the fact of his
appointment, with many other circumstances, of

90
which he had just been informed by Mr. Marbois,
and of which he knew nothing before, his whole
conversation having been of a different cast, pre
dicting the impossibility of a satisfactory termina
tion of the mission; and in the presence of Col.
Mercer and Mr. Skipwith, I proposed to accompany
Mr. Livingston, in the interview with Mr. Mar
bois, having known him since the year 1783, at
Annapolis, and been much with him, in my first
mission to France, and having personal regard for,
& confidence in him; but to this he objected. Mr.
Livingston had not then read his instructions,
which was an additional motive for wishing to ac
company him, in the interview, to guard against
his comproniitment of himself Many other cir
cumstances of a like kind, in support of what is
above noticed, occurred, and of which I have proof,
which has never been stated, or published, to pro
mote any object, on my part, either of advance
ment or fame, altho' they have been called for, by
misrepresentation here. It is admitted that a war
with England menaced, but it appears by Mr.
Marbois' statement that that was considered as cer
tain as early as Jany. , and was deemed inevitable,
soon afterward, if not before. Mr. Marbois states
on page 275, that before the message of the King of
England of the 8'^ of March, 1803, the first consul
had considered the war inevitable. Mr. Talley
rand's letter to Mr. Livingston, of the 24'*' of

91
March, declaring that he should wait my arrival,
is a farther proof that the first consul knew the
fact, and gave his instructions to Mr. Marbois in
consequence thereof. The order to Bernadotte
which you communicated to me, to leave Paris, the
day I entered it, shews that he was acquainted
with it, & intended to prevent an interview be
tween him and me.
If you see no impropriety in it, I have no objec
tion to your shewing to Mr. Marbois, what I have
stated above. I wish nothing but the truth, in
which I am satisfied he concurs. A communica
tion took place between him & me on this subject,
before my retirement, in which I stated to him at
his request, some facts, particularly the letter of
Mr. Talleyrand to Mr. Livingston of 24"? of March,
& Mr. Livingston's letter to me of the 10*^ of
April, which he has published.
I have entered further into this subject, than I
intended, but I have done it, from a knowledge of
the interest which you take in what relates to my
welfare and character. Retired now from public
life, with no desire ever to enter it again, I can
have no object, in what relates to the past, than a
strict regard to justice. Let me hear from you as
soon as convenient, and give us all the details men
tioned, respecting your family as well as yourself.
Our affectionate regards to you and them.
, Very sincerely your friend
James Monroe.

92
LAFAYETTE TO MONROE. *
Paris, June 17, 1829.
My dear Friend:
A long, very long while Has elapsed since I Had
the pleasure to Hear from you. I Hope However
you Have received my letters, namely those Rela
tive to your poor grand son and to your own affairs
which give me great uneasiness. I have Had, in
the case of the Boy, every inquiry, every consulta
tion in my power, the Result of which Has Been
that the Bruxelles practice is but an emanation ot
the new Parisian methods, not so wonderful as Has
Been Reported, But greatly improved from the
ancient mode of treatment. Two eminent physi
cians and Surgeons Have especially applied their
talents to that object. But it is necessary, they say,
to Have a personal view of the patient until a
guess can be formed — it appears also that in cases
unfortunately too common, where a cure cannot
be obtained, they Have devised means to make the
situation less uncomfortable. It Had made me Hope
to see some of the family at paris and La Grange,
But [no] information of the kind Has yet reached
me. I have been much pleased to Hear that the two
Virginia ex-presidents Have accepted a seat in the
State Convention With a sense of Virginian pride
I anticipate the result; this new constitution, after
*From State Dept. MSS., Monroe papers.

93
a political experience of fifty years, in the several
parts of the Union, cannot but offer a model of
social organization, so far as it can Be the case
under the lamentable evil of negro slavery, en
tailed, forced upon the colony By the mother coun
try, a check upon agriculture, an object of continued
reproach and regret, yes of incommensurable diffi
culty to remove it. Oh, How proud and elated I
would feel, if something could be contrived in your
convention whereby Virginia, who was the first to
petition against the slave trade, and afterwards to
forbid it, who Has published the first declaration of
Rights, would take an exalted situation among the
promoters of measures tending first to meliorate,
then gradually to abolish the slave mode of labour.
You know how anxious our departed friends were
on this subject, altho' they were sensible of the ob
stacles. But could not something be done point
ing that way and announcing the principles and
feelings which I Have submitted on that score in
the Southern States, with a determination to enter
the road to improvement, and finally attain, if pos
sible, the desirable end? In addition to my painful
anxiety with respect to your pecuniary embarrass
ments, upon which I Have formerly and fully
written to you,* I Have had my fears relative to
the state of your Health until I have been assured
*The letter referred to is not among the Monroe papers.

94
it was fully Restored. There have been other
causes of friendly uneasiness such as the Rumor that
Has Been spread of a change in the post mastership
of N. Y. , * and altho' I could not believe it I felt a
letter from you at the time would have been par
ticularly welcome.
Our friend Nich douglass is gone to revisit Great
Britain. I shall as soon as the Chambre des
deputes Rise go with George and His daughters on
a visit to my dear grand daughter Natalie perier,
so as to be returned to La Grange in the Beginning
of September. The public papers in France, if you
read some of them, particularly "the Courier and
Constitutionel," rnay give you some account of in
terior affairs, and what relates to european politics
is either translated, or if english, copied in the
American papers. I However inclose what I had
occasion to say at the French tribune, as it recalls
an interesting epoch, and refers to the Bill of the
double vote the greatest nuisance in the electoral
legislation of this country.
Mr. Brown and His lady are preparing to leave
us. Their departure depends, as to the time, upon
Mrs. Brown's state of Health. They are much re
gretted. We Have Been very sorry to Hear Mr.
*Mr. Governeur, Mr. Monroe's son-in-law, who had been
appointed by President J. Q. Adams, was then Postmaster at
New York.

95
Beasly * consul at Havre is removed, it is the case
also they say with old Mr. Murray f at Liverpool.
The last account from America says Mr. Rives J
is appointed to France. Governor Barbour || Had
neither asked nor declined a continuation in office.
He is expected Here as a visitor at the end of this
month. How is Mrs. Monroe? present my most
tender respects to Her.
Altho' the other powers endeavor to obtain a
peace between Russia and Turkey it is probable
they will try the fate of war; the diplomacy of
france Has been more sincere and liberal than that
of the British government. We wish the ministry
and King not to go out of the line of independ-
ance. Having nothing to do either with the Belli
gerents or the other powers. England Has been
Backward in everything respecting the limits or
welfare of Greece, and I fear this cabinet will ad
here to contracted views; they contemplate to have
Greece a tributary to the porte, confined to a small
area saddled with a sort of Hereditary monarch.
Adieu, my dear excellent friend, present my
most affectionate Respects to Mrs. Hay,§ Mrs.
*Reuben G. Beasley, of Va., appointed Jany. 2, 1817.
t James Maury, of Va., appointed June 7, 1790.
t William C. Rives, of Va., appointed April 18, 1829.
llJames Barbour, of Va., then Minister to England.
I Mr. Monroe's elder daughter, Eliza, married George Hay,
afterwards Judge of the Eastern District of Virginia. Their

96
Governeur, their Husbands, and dear Hortensia, in
which George joins with all the affection of His
feelings for you and for them. You know How af
fectionately I am Your old friend Lafayette.

LAFAYETTE TO MONROE. *
Paris, 7br 8, 1830.
My dear Friend:
Your warm interest in the fate of French free
dom will have made you a hearty partaker in the
triumph of the popular cause ;t it is exquisitely the
victory of the people. The name of your old Bro
ther soldier Has been the rallying signal; But no
other merit Belongs to the chief Hundred Battles
were fought at once in every quarter of the city;
the moment I heard at LaGrange of the ordinance
I posted up to town; the action Began the same
evening; the 28 &29*were too Bloody days, in the
morning of the 29'.'' the three colored flag and my
Headquarters were planted at the Hotel de Ville,
daughter, whom General Lafayette alludes to, was called Hor
tensia, after Queen Hortense, with whom Eliza Monroe had
gone to Mme. Campan's School in Paris. See Oilman's Monroe.
*From State Dept. MSS., Monroe papers.
fThe allusion is to the Revolution of August, 1830, which
placed Louis Phillippe, the citizen king, upon the throne.

97
the next morning the royal family and troops were
at St. Cloud and I was enabled to write by a flag
they Had ceased to Reign. They stopped at Rain-
bouillet with the hopes of a Civil war, their army
was twelve thousand, I some twenty thousand Par
isians, George inarched with them, but Before an act
ion took place they renounced their warlike plan,
gave up the jewels of the crown and went on slowly
to Cherbourg under the protection of our three
commissioners, whence they embarked for england.
Not a word of insult, none of those atts that you
Have seen in the former scenes of the french revolu
tion. All bravery, skill, disinterested generosity.
We are organizing the national guards, and in
three weeks time fifty thousand men were received
in the chanlp de Mars. You will, I think, approve
the resolution taken by us Republicans, in the
present exterior and interior circumstances, to ad
here to the will of the well known majority of the
nation, and to have a popular throne surrounded
with popular institutions. No better King and son
can ever exist. You remember Philipp the i?' was
the young Republican and milder soldier, Duke
de Chartres. So we stand now, not doing the best
that can be wished, but doing well, and progressing
on a good road of political improvement. You will
have perceived that in the sitting relative to the
recognition of South America and Mexican inde
pendence, justice Has been done to the priority of

98
the U. S. over all other powers; there is, of course
some revolutionary excitement among our neigh
bors, france will not allow foreign intervention,
thereby following the principle of your celebrated
message. Present my affectionate Respects to Mrs. Mon
roe, to your daughter and her Husband, to Dear
Hortensia in whose fate and change of name I
Have felt tenderly and paternally interested. I
Have also considered it as a Happy event for Mrs.
Eliza Custis' grand children and for herself My
family beg to be most respectfully remembered.
George shares with me the cares of this important
situation where the fate of European liberty is so
highly concerned. Your old affectionate friend
Lafayette.

GENERAL NATHANIEL ROCHESTER.

AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF NATHANIEL ROCHESTER. *
I was born in Westmoreland County, Virginia,
on the 2 1st of February, 1752. *****
In 1775 I was appointed a member of the Commit
tee of Safety for Orange County, f whose business
was to promote the revolutionary spirit among the
people, to procure arms and ammunition, make
*The autobiography of Nathaniel Rochester may be supple
mented by the following facts. ' ' While living in that place
[Hagerstown] he became in succession a member of the Mary
land assembly, postmaster, and judge of the county court, and
in 1808 he was chosen a presidential elector, and voted for
James Madison. * * * * In 1800 he first visited the 'Genesee
country,' where he had previously bought 640 acres, and in
September of that year he made large purchases of land in
Livingston county, N. Y., near Dansville, in connection with
Major Charles Carroll, Col. William Fitzhugh and Col. Hilton.
In 1802 he purchased, jointly with Carroll and Fitzhugh, the
'lOO-acre or Allan Mill tract,' in Falls Town (now Rochester),
and in May, 1810, he removed from Hagerstown and settled
near Dansville, where he remained five years * * * * and
in April, 1818, took up his residence in Rochester, which had
been named for him." He filled a number of important local
offices afterwards, and died in Rochester May 14, 1831 (see
Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography).
t North Carolina. Rochester had removed to that colony a
few years before. (99)

lOO

collections for the people of Boston, whose harbour
was blocked up by the British fleet, and to prevent
the sale and use of East India teas. In August of
the same year, 1775, I attended as a member of the
first Provincial Convention in North Carolina.
This convention ordered the raising of four regi
ments of Continental troops, organized the minute
men and militia systems, and directed an election
for another convention to meet in May, 1776, for
the purpose of forming and adopting a constitution
and form of government and measures of defence.
At this first convention I was appointed a Major of
Militia, Paymaster to the minute men and militia,
and a Justice of the Peace.
In February, 1776, the commander of the British
forces in New York sent General Alexander Mc
Donald to Cumberland County, in North Carolina,
the inhabitants of which county were mostly High
land Scotch, who had fled from Scotland for their
adherence to the Pretender to the Crown of England
in 1745; and so secret were his proceedings that be
fore it was known in other parts of the province he
had raised 1,000 men and formed them into a regi-
,ment and had them ready to inarch for Wilming
ton, at the mouth of Cape Fear River (about 100
miles), where transports from New York were to
meet them. As soon as information of these move
ments reached Hillsborough, a distance of about
80 miles, the minute men and militia of Orange

lOI
and Granville Counties collected and marched
down to Cross Creek (now Fayetteville), the seat of
justice of Cumberland County, where it was under
stood McDonald and his regiment of tories were
embodied. I went with the minute men and
militia in my official capacities as Major and Pay
master, and on our arrival at Cross Creek we heard
that McDonald and his regiment had set out a few
days before for Wilmington to embark for New
York. I was then dispatched by Col. Thackston,
our commanding officer, at 8 o'clock at night, with
two companies of infantry and one company of
cavalry, in pursuit of the enemy; but on our arrival
about daybreak at Devo's Ferry, about 20 miles
from Cross Creek, or headquarters, we met about
500 men with General McDonald on their retreat,
they having been met and defeated at Moore's
Creek Bridge by Col. Caswell,* commander of a
* ' ' The provincial parties were, however, so close in the pur
suit, and so alert in cutting the country and seizing the passes,
that McDonald at length found himself under a necessity of en
gaging a Colonel Caswell, who, with about a thousand militia
and minute men, had taken possession of a place called Moore's
Creek Bridge, where they had thrown up an intrenchment.
The royalists were, by all accounts, much superior in number,
having been rated from 3000 to 1500, which last number, Mc
Donald, after the action, acknowledged them to be. * * *
But McLeod, the second in command, and a few more of their'
bravest officers and men, being killed at the first onset, they
suddenly lost all spirit, fled with the utmost precipitation, and
as the provincials say, deserted their General, who was taken

I02

regiment of minute men. Col. Caswell was after
wards appointed the first Governor of the State.
We took the 500 prisoners. Being, however, in a
sparsely settled country, where provisions could
not be obtained, I was obliged to discharge all but
about 50, who were appointed officers by Mc
Donald, after swearing those discharged that they
would not again take arms against the United
Colonies; notwithstanding which they did after
wards join Lord Cornwallis when he marched
through North Carolina, in the year 1782.
I then returned to headquarters with my com
mand and the fifty prisoners, where I found Col.
Alex. Martin, of the Salisbury Minute Men, had
arrived with about two thousand minute men and
militia. He took the chief command.
Marshall, in his life of Washington, mentions
that Martin took these prisoners. They were sent
under a guard as prisoners of war to Frederick
Town, in Maryland, where they remained until ex
changed. In disarming the prisoners at Devo's
ferry, the Scotch gave up their dirks with much
reluctance, they having, as they said, been handed
down from father to son for many generations.
prisoner, as were nearly all their leaders, and the rest totally
broken and dispersed." Quoted in Revolutionary History of
North Carolina from the Annual Register for 1776. Marshall's
recount of this affair does not differ materially from the above.
It is not stated by him that Col. Alex. Martin took the prison
ers.

103
In May following, 1776, when I was 24 years of
age, I attended the convention at Halifax, N. C.,
as a member, when a constitution or form of gov
ernment was adopted. Six more regiments of
Continental troops were ordered to be raised, and
their officers appointed, among whom I was ap
pointed Commissary General of military stores and
clothing, with the rank and pay of a Colonel for
the North Carolina line, which consisted of ten
regiments. This convention organized a government by ap
pointing a governor and other State officers, and
directed an election in November following for
members of a State legislature.
On the adjournment of the convention I set out
for Wilmington, N. C, where the four regiments
first raised were stationed, in order to attend to the
duties of my office, and took with me Abishia
Thomas as a deputy, who was allowed the pay of a
subaltern officer, and who has since been a clerk
in one of the departments of the General Govern
ment. After riding to most of the seaport towns
in Carolina and Virginia to procure military stores
and clothing for the Army, I was taken sick at
Wilmington, and unable to transact business for a
considerable time. My physician and friends ad
vised me to retire from the seivice, on account of
my condition and the unhealthiness of that part of
the country. I therefore resigned a week or two

I04
before the election for members of the legislature,
but did not return to Hillsborough until some
weeks after the election. On my return there, I
found that I had been elected a Member of the
Assembly, which I attended in the winter of 1777,
with Nathaniel Macon, who had, a little before the
election, returned home from Princeton College,
and was elected to the same Assembly. He has
since been a member of Congress for about thirty
years without intermission. During this session I
was appointed Lieutenant Colonel of Militia, and
in the spring following. Clerk of the Court of
Orange County, which office had been held many
years by Gen'l F. Nash, who was killed at the
battle of German Town. I held the clerk's office
about two years, and until the fees of the office did
not pay for the stationery used, owing to the de
preciation of the paper currency.
This year, 1777, I was appointed a Commissioner
to establish and superintend a manufactory of arms
at Hillsborough, and went to Pennsylvania with
several wagons for bar iron for the factory. When
I resigned the clerk's office I was appointed one of
a board of three Auditors of Public Accounts for
the State, and a Colonel of Militia.
In 1778 I engaged in business with Col. Thos.
Hart (Henry Clay's father-in-law,) and James
Brown, our present minister to France. Col. Hart
resided two miles west of Hillsborough, where he

I05
had a considerable estate in land, mills and other
manufacturing establishments. His residence was
about on the line between the Whig and Tory set
tlements; the Tories committed many depredations
on his property, he being a very influential and
active Whig. There were frequent instances of
the Whigs and Tories not only committing depre
dations on each other in North and South Carolina,
but murdering people along their borders. Gen.
Gates, who in 1779 commanded the Southern army,
advised Col. Hart to remove with his family to
Berkley county, Virginia, where the family of the
General resided, and as Col. Hart's property and
his life was endangered by remaining where he
was, he took the advice of the General and in, the
autumn of 1780 removed not to Berkley but to
Hagers Town in Maryland, being in an adjoining
county though a different State. Col. Hart pre
vailed upon me to accompany him, proposing and
promising to go into mercantile business in Phila
delphia. Soon after we arrived at Hagers Town
he furnished the capital promised, and I proceeded
to Philadelphia by way of Baltimore (then a small
place), in February, 1781, and took lodging at the
"Canastoga Wagon," a first rate tavern at that
time.

C^SAR RODNEY.

CaSAR RODNEY TO CAPTAIN THOMAS RODNEY. *
PHlLADf Sept 25th 1776.
Sir: That the New England men failed to defend the
Landing place, f Behaved in a most Dastardy Cow
ardly Scandalous manner is most Certain. But
that courage is not always to be found the same,
even in the same person is equally true, and very-
fied in those very same men, for some of them the
day following were in the other engagement and
* Cssar Rodney, of Delaware, took his seat in Congress on
Sept. 5, 1774, with Thomas McKean as his colleague, and was a
Signer of the Declaration of Independence. While absent in
Philadelphia he was appointed a Brigadier General by Dela
ware. The letter to his brother. Captain Thomas Rodney, was
written from Congress, shortly before his retirement from that
body, while the letter to General Smallwood was written just
after Rodney's election to the Presidency of Delaware, which
office he held for four years. In Niles' Principles and Acts of
the Revolution (p. 245, edition of 1876) will be found further
correspondence between Cssar and Thomas Rodney.
fThe allusion is to the struggle for the Hudson. The British
landed in force on the August 22, and drove Col. Hand's regi
ment back. The fighting continued for several days, ending in
the occupation of New York by the enemy.
(106)

I07
behaved with great Bravery, as did the whole Body
engaged; you have some account of the skirmish in
the papers therefore shall refer you to them, and a
Letter I wrote by Wilds & Richley — I saw Car-
sons, but not till this morning when he told me
some person by the name of Jones from Mifflins
Corps had set out from below since he did and hav
ing got here before him with subscription papers
signed by some people below went to the several
printing offices before he did and engaged the
packets to carry down as a post in the Island of
Parke. After I saw Bradford the [sic] and telling
them what accounts I had from below and what
Carson himself had said He said they would let
Carson have the papers for the Gentlemen of Dover
and elsewhere, except those who subscribed to the
other. I suppose the subscribers will settle the
matter between them, when they go down — I
doubt whether you will get any powder & shott —
The schooner is not arrived that I know of, — and
you have made no mention of the sloop — but sent
the schooner before you heard what my opinion
was about selling her. I wrote you concerning
them both by Richly — My Pen is confounded Bad.
I am too blind to mend it,* and Captain Paploy
* Rodney suffered from his youth with a, cancer of the left
side of his face, and for many years before his death wore a
green silk screen over it. It would appear that the disease had
affected his vision.

ro8
who mends and makes them for me is gone out —
therefore must bid you farewell. C^AR Rodney.
P. S. The convention is dissolved, made a plan
of Government it seems and ordered an Election at
a short day — Query, do their late opponents intend
calmly to submit, or try again to Rally — I am
sorry for Mr. Pillows Illness.
Thomas Rodney, esq.

C^SAR RODNEY TO GENL. SMALLWOOD.
Dover, April the 28tii 1778.
Sir: Suppressing the Insurrection of the Villian Clow
and his ragged Gang* has almost exhausted the
little ammunition I had, and not knowing where
it may be possible, Immediately, to procure a sup
ply of that necessary article, has constrained me to
report my application to you — I am now reduced,
I believe, to about Three Rounds, and therefore
must beg you immediately to use your utmost en
deavour to supply me with cartridges or Powder
*Rodney wrote under date of May 8, 1778, to McKean, then
in Congress: "We are constantly alarmed by the Enemy and
refugees, and seldom a day passes, but some man in this and
the neighboring counties is taken off by these villains: so that
many near the bay, dare neither act or speak lest they should
be taken away and their houses plundered." Sanderson's
American Biography, Vol. VIII, p. 112 (Edition of 1827).

109
and Lead unmade up. I rest assured that your at
tachment to the cause and Willingness to oblige
me will induce you to Comply without loss of time.
I am Sir Your most
obed'. Humbl Servt
CasAR Rodney.
Genl. Smallwood.

D^ NATHANIEL SCUDDER.*

ACTION OF COMMITTEE OF MONMOUTH COUNTY.
In consequence of an Advertisement from the
New Jersey Committee of Correspondence, a full
and well authenticated Representation of the sev
eral Townships of Middle Town, Freehold, Upper
Freehold, Dover and Stafford appeared at the Court
House in Freehold on Thursday the lo'."^ of May
1775, and without Dissent placed John Anderson
Esq^ in the Chair.
A number of gentlemen attended from the
Township of Shrewsbury under the Character of
Deputies of the Shrewsbury association, declaring
* In 1776 Dl Nathaniel Scudder, of Monmouth Court House,
N. J., was made Lieut. Col. of the Monmouth Co. Militia, un
der Colonel George Taylor, and succeeded to the command
when Taylor renewed his allegiance to the king and went over
to the enemy. In November, 1777, Scudder was elected dele
gate to the Continental Congress, and served till 1782. His
county was frequently excited by excursions of British forage
parties, and in an engagement on Oct. 16, 1781, with refugees
near Shrewsbury, he was killed while leading a batallion. (See
Pennsylvania Magazine, Vol. Ill, p. 189 ; also Moore's Diary
of the American Revolution, Vol. II, p. 504, for manner of
Scudder' s death.)
(no)

Ill

themselves and their Constituents desirous of
adopting the measures of the late Continental Con
gress and willing to acceed to any future Plan for
the general safety and Well being of America, who
were cordially received by the Committees of the
other Towns as Exempts from the Township in
which they resided.
They furthermore advised them to appear at the
provincial Convention at Trenton, and there fairly
represent a State of their Case, promising them
their friendly Concurrence in whatever should
there be adopted as a mode of Relief to them from
the public Censure incurred by the Inhabitants of
Shrewsbury —
The Committees of the above mentioned five
Townships, being a great Majority of the County
of Monmouth, conceived themselves vested with
ample Power to constitute Deputies to represent
said County at the approaching provincial Conven
tion at Trenton, and accordingly elected the follow
ing Gentlemen, any three of whom shall be a suf
ficient number to attend for that Purpose, viz: John
Taylor Esq., Cap^ John Covenoven, Mr. John
Holmes, M^ Joseph Saltar, and Mr. Robert Mont
gomery, who are fully authorized by their Constit
uents to meet and consult with the Deputies of the
other Counties in the Colony of New Jersey, and
these with them to concert and adopt any such
Measures, as shall by a Majority of that convention

112

be deemed conducive to the general Security of
American Freedom.
Signed by Order of said Committees
Nathaniel Scudder Clerk.
Freehold May 18^'' 1775.

D^. NATHANIEL SCUDDER TO

Freehold, March 28'^, 1777.
Sir: Late last evening I rec'd yours of the 19* In
stant respecting the Cargo of the Schooner Betsey
which was stranded at long Branch in Shrewsbury
in this County & in answer thereto have the Morti
fication to inform you that the Enemy while they
had Possession of the County seized and appro
priated the greatest Part of it, insomuch, that upon
the Best Inquirey, I can never since hear of more
than the Fustick & Staves which are considerable
squandered, and of about 30 Casks of oil and ninety
odd Barrels of the Pot or Pearl Ash which are gone
to Philadelphia; when I had the Pleasure of seeing
M^ Patten in Philadelphia, this whole County v/as
under the Dominion of the Tories and was dis
armed & made a scene of Devastation. Soon after
the memorable Battle of Princeton Genl Putnam
detached a Party of Militia under the Command of
Col. Francis Gurney of Philadelphia, who marched

113
them into Monmouth, routed the Tories and seized
a considerable Quantity of stores in several Places.
I myself marched with the same Detachment and
continued with them untill the enemy were en
tirely dispersed & their stores at Middle Town
seized, when I was obliged to attend constantly at
Freehold both on account of furnishing Teams to
haul them off & to endeavour to revive and rally
the militia of the County; so that I was not at
Shrewsbury whenj Col. Gurney took possession of
the stores there — However upon leaving there were
a Quantity of Spermaceti Oil, Pot or Pearl ash
among them. I immediately applied to Col.
Gurney, and informed him, that I expected it
was a Part of the Cargo of the Schooner aforsd,
and put in a Claim in behalf of the owners,
at the same time protesting in their favour against
the sale of said Articles, other than for their Bene
fit — I afterwards saw some of s? oil & ash
on the way to Philadelphia and have no doubt of
its being a Part of s? Cargo, but the Confusion of
the time has been such that I have never been
able fully to ascertain the matter. Mr. Patten said
that after the schooner stranded she fell into the
hands of our Militia, who, (as there was no Court
of Admiralty in this State, nor any Disposition of
s? Cargo ordered until too late); kept the Cargo
well guarded until the sudden Irruption of the
enemy in to these parts, when they were obliged

114
to quit it & provide for themselves. Col. Georgie
Taylor, in whose charge it was, and who has
proved himself a Traitor to his Country & is gone
over to the enemy, immediately seized the whole
of s? Cargo in the King's name and improved his
time so well that the Articles before mentioned
were all that can since be heard of. He and his
Genl. have doubtless- appropriated all the most
valuable Part, & put the Proceeds in their Packet.
Soon after the Removal of the s? stores I was
obliged to meet the Council of this State & have
been closely ingaged ever since untill yesterday
morning when I returned home. In order, how
ever, that every thing might be done that could be,
I spoke to the Commissioners and desired them to
consult the Interest of the owners in the disposition
of the oil & ash which they promised to do — The
issue I know not — I at the same time desired Levi
Cook to take care of the Fustick and Staves that
he might receive the Cost he had been at in un
loading & Removing the Cargo, & preserve the
Remainder for the owners, which he undertook.
But unfortunately some few weeks after he with a
large Guard were surprised near Sandy Hook and
a great Number of them taken Prisoners, who yet
remain in captivity, so that I know not what he
has done in the affair. I expect to go to Shrews
bury to morrow and shall enquire about the Fustick
& staves. This is the best account I am at present

"5
able to give you & must leave yon to act as you
think proper. I am Sir Your Very obbt servt,
Nath. Scudder.
excuse the great haste & hurry.
P. S. By applying to Col: Gurney in Philadel
phia you may probably be informed wether the oil
& ash are sold or not. N. S.

GENERAL CHARLES LEE.

GENERAL CHARLES LEE TO JAMES MONROE.*
Berkley County, June y? 25*1' 1780.
My dear Monroe:
I received two days ago your letter dated from
Richmond upbraiding me for not writing — I do
assure you that I have written twice immediately
addressed to you, and third time addressed to you
Conjointly with Mercer — but whether you have re
ceived em I can not pretend to say, as amongst
the many admirable qualities possessed by the In
habitants of this Continent, the noble ambition of
opening every letter, in order to obtain knowl
edge, is one of the most predominant — it is not
always that I am master of pen ink and paper,
and seldom that I have an opportunity of aprising
you how much and sincerely I am yours, or you
may depend upon it that you should receive these
assurances very frequently, as without compliment
there are few young men for whom I have a higher
esteem and affection — I am certainly concerned
that Fortune has been so unkind as not to admit
* Compare the letter from Lee to Monroe printed on page
278 et seq.. Vol III (Lee Papers) New York Historical Society's
publications. (116)

117
of your cultivating the talents which Nature has
bestowed on you to greater advantage than your
present situation seems to Promise, for in my opin
ion (but perhaps I am a prejudiced man) the study
of topographical Law (unless daily corrected by
other more liberal studies) is a horrid narrower of
the mind; and you, as you justly complain, have
not the proper books for this necessary correction.
If I remain on the Continent nothing will give
me greater pleasure, or more flatter my ambition,,
than to communicate my ideas and assist you with
all the means in my power in your pursuit of polite
letters, — and if any circumstances arise to make
me alter my present plan, I hope it may be so-
contrived that we may be much together. Your
present Assembly, I have many reasons to believe,
is composed of most wretched materials, but
wretched as it is, I have as many reasons to believe,
that it is one of the least abominable on the Conti
nent — in fact, the power in every State is fallen.
into the very worst hands. We have now neither
monarchy, Aristocracy, nor Democracy; if it is any
thing, it is rather a Mac-ocracy, by which I mean
that a Banditti of low Scotch-Irish who are either
themselves imported servants or the immediate de
scendants of Imported Servants are the Lords
Paramount, and in such wild beastly hands as these
respublica diutius stare non potest. God knows
what is to become of us; I possibly see with a

ii8
jaundiced eye, but I am myself fully persuaded
that after some months or at highest a couple of
years' anarchy and confusion, an absolute Tyranny
will be the conclusion of the Piece; but whether
the Tyrant will be foreign or domestic is out of the
reach of foresight. What do you think of the
policy of virtue of Congress, in inviting (or if not
invited), in admitting a large Body of French
Troops into our bosom — How are We to get rid of
'em? Is there an instance in history of a strong
nation sending an Army for the protection of an
impotent one, when the Protectors have not ulti
mately stripped or attempted to strip the Protected
of their liberties? You have, I am sure, read the
history of Britain, and must be acquainted with
the conduct of our Saxon Ancestors — You have
likewise probably read the history of Charles the
Fifth and Philip the Second, and of course, must
know that the Armies of Germans Italians and
Spaniards introduced under the pretext of protect
ing the Low Countries against the French were Em
ployed to Capture these very Low Countries, and
that afterwards vice versa the French, called on to
protect Em from the tyranny of the Spaniards and
Italians, attempted to accomplish the very same
purposes. They were called in to defeat — in short
the measure is so very big with myschief, so repug
nant to the first axioms of policy, that I cannot . .
must have been bribed out of the little sense they

119
set out with — but I am warmed by the subject into
a tedious political essay — it has been revealed * to
Mrs. Gates in a dream that S. Carolina is of not
the least importance, which revelation She has
communicated to the General to his unspeakable
comfort; the General has comm.unicated it to a
McAUaster and the other Commissaries, who have
comforted the whole County with the glad tidings
— and it is resolved by a Committee of whigs, that
whoever insinuates that S. Carolina and the Army
taken in it, are of the least consequence, is ipso
facto a damn'd Tory. Upon my word I pity Gates.
He is an honest man and has many good qualities,
and that Dsemoness his wife occasions him to make
a very rediculous figure — Adieu, God bless you.
C. Lee.
P. S-t I suppose an Army of Russians will like
wise be introduced as well as an Army of French,
and then the Country will be a blessed theatre of
war and desolation; one side or the other must be
victorious, or it must be a drawn battle; if the
former happen, the victor will dictate what meas
ures He pleases, and if the latter happen, a treaty
of partition will take place. Upon the whole it is
a damnable measure.
*This language and what follows is not found in the letter
printed in the N. Y. Historical Society's collection.
fThe strictures on the French army appear in the body of
the N. Y. Historical Society's letter.

GENERAL GEORGE WEEDON.

WEEDON* TO COL. W?^ R. DAVIE. f
Fredericksburg, May 3d 1781.
Sir: I am favored with yours 27*'^ ult? respecting the
powder belonging to Government. The cause of
my altering the rout of the waggons carrying sup
plies to Genl. Greens Army, was in consequence
of the Enemies being in James River; they were
positively Directed via Richmond, where the
* George Weedon was Lieut. Col. of the 3d Virginia Regiment
in 1776, and afterwards held the same rank in the ist Virginia
Regt. Feby. 23, 1777, he was commissioned a Brigadier Gen
eral, and participated in the battles of Brandywine and German-
town. Shortly after the latter battle he retired from the Army,
owing to a question of disputed rank, and did not serve again,
until the Yorktown Campaign, when he was in command of
of a brigade and had charge of the Virginia Militia at Glou
cester. Appleton's Cyclopcedia of American Biography.
fWilliam R. Davie entered the Army in 1776 as a volunteer,
was elected lieutenant of a troop of horse in 1779 and attached
to Pulaski's legion. He rose to the rank of Major and was
wounded at Stono, near Charleston. In 17S0 he raised a troop
of horse, was at the battles of Hanging Rock, Ramsour's Mills,
and Charlotte. Genl. Greene appointed him commissary of
the Southern Army, and he was at the engagepients at Guilford,
Hobkirk's Hill, and Ninety-Six. Lossing's Pictorial Field
Book of the Revolution, Vol. II, pp 418, 419.
(120)

121

powder was ordered to be left. My knowledge of
the Scarcity of that article induced me to stop it
here till further Directions, for fear of a misfortune,
that would have proved fatal. It was immediately
on rect of yours, sent off to Carters Ferry where I
hope it is Deposited in safety. Just before I left
Williamsburg had the pleasure of communicating
to his Excellency the Governor an offer made me by
Mr. Best of the Loan of some powder & lead be
longing to him, which I conceived in the time of
distress worthy the attention of Government. I
known not whether they accepted his offer. If they
did not, I dare say it may still be had if wanting.
We have abundant reasons to believe S^ Harry
Clinton is meditating a sudden descent somewhere
to the Southward. An Embarkation of 3000 men
is taking at N: York perhaps destin'd for Virg?,
therefore be prepared if possible. You need not
expect the Second Division soon. Indeed the best
policy is to depend upon ourselves, as our allies
have no doubt great objects of their own to attend
too. Genl. Wayne has marched with 1200 of the
Peun? line, Maryland Dragoons will follow when
equipt; at present they want every thing on the
face of the earth, so that with the scanty supply of
cash which you know the old Congress has been
carrying on their operations for these two years
with, we have no room to expect them shortly.
The Dutch have closed with the British respecting

122

Hostilities, this will cut out some work for enemy
and very little helps — I was favoured with j'ours in
Answer to mine concerning the officers Memorial.
I have heard nothing of this affair from the first of
it — I think it was impolitick at this day and may
be attended with circumstances that will prejudice
the service. I at first blamed you for it, but have
since been informed from whence it originated, and
therefore beg your pardon for entertaining a
thought of the kind.
I am DT Capt.
With esteem Yr. ob servt.
G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO LIEUT. COL. JOHN F. MERCER.*
Fredks., March i8th, 1783.
My dear Mercer:
I am honored by last nights post with your fav.
nth inst. It is pleasing tho' not conclusive as to
the grand point, however one week more will no
doubt clear up all our. doubts & fears. Colo.
Temple who left Phila. after the post is now with
me, he assures me Capt. Barney has arrived with
official Dispatches from our Ministers but cannot
*This letter and those which follow from Genl. Weedon were
written when Col. Mercer was a Delegate from Virginia in the
Continental Congress.

123
positively say what they are. One thing however
gives me hopes they are such as we wish, and that
is, we are scarcely one hour without private ex
presses from the Northern Min'trs to their Tobacco
Agents in Virga. It therefore behoves you as a
friend to the honest part of your country to com
municate with Expedition the Glad tidings, when
you are sufficiently informed & authorised so to do;
be assured such Intelligence as you would wish
should go abroad, shall have the first Circulation
after it arrives to me. This little City affords not
a syllable of any thing inteiesting or would informe
you of it. I shall wait with patients for your next
favr. and how will it elevate me to be informed of
Peace. I am my dear Colo, with sentiments of great
esteem & Regd. yr. obt. servt.
G. Weedon.

WEEDON to MERCER.
Fredericksburg, Apl. ist 1783.
My dear Colo:
Yours of the 24th Inst, per Express has opened
all our Eyes. I cannot describe my feelings to
You, nor is it possible for me to express the joy of
Your Friends on this most Glorious and important
event. I hope on this Occasion America will hold

124
in Eternal remembrance the good offices and bene
fits she has reed, from our great and good ally —
she surely merits every thing we can do consistant
with the Dignity and Interest of our own Country.
Nothing rejoyces me more than to hear the dis
turbances in the Army are reconciled, it would
have been a sad stain in the History of the war had
they gone to extremes, the Liberal allowance of
Congress in hie of half pay must give general sat
isfaction and will enable we poor Continentals to
drink our Beer with a contented mind.
This place affords nothing new. Your Brother
James just had time to Drink a Peace Bowl with
me before he set out for Richmond, he took his
departure last Sunday morning, fatter and more
cheerful than I ever saw him. All other friends
are well.
I am Dr. Colo, with real affection, Yr. obt servt.
G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO MERCER.
Fredericksburg, May 20th 1783.
Dear Colo:
I am honored with your 13th Inst, which has
almost given me a fever; by your information I
conclude public Debts will remain Public Debts,
for some time, which by no means suits my Fi
nances, as I never wish to become a Creditor in

125
the Funds, with not a shilling to go to market
with. We are told here of three months pay to be
immediately advanced the Army; do confirm this
account, and call on me for a bottle of wine when
ever you please. A very full meeting of the Offi
cers of the Virg? line was held here on Monday the
I2th Inst, when the sense of the Gentlemen was
collected respecting the Resolutions of Congress
23d of March. They were unanimous in accepting
the commutation in lue of half pay on the terms
offered, when ever disbanded by Authority.
We already begin to taste the blessings of Peace.
Our Rivers feel the weight of Foreign burthens,
which the Assembly have admitted to an entrance
as their first measure this session. Goods have
fallen nearly to old price. Tobacco in a general
way 20/. but believe 22/6 has been given. Wheat
21/. & Corn 15/. the latter rising fast and will be
20/. in this place e'er long. This article I have to
buy, and none of the others to sell. Your Brother
dined with me yesterday, he is as hearty as a buck,
as are all your other Friends. Fitzhugh is in
Richmond. Madam is about the size of Miss
Peggy M — . I think she is pretty sure of a brace
at least. Do transmit the paymasters account so
soon as You are able to procure it, and tell me how
the evacuation of N. Y. goes on, and what the re
sult of the conference between the two great Mili
tary Characters, when the Army is likely to be

126
disbanded, and whether any will be retained in
service. I am with real Esteem
Yr obt. servt.
G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO MERCER.
Fredericksburg, Sept. 9th 83.
My dear Colo:
You are at least two letters Indebted to me, and
from never writing any of Your old Friends I be
lieve in my Conscience you have forgot us all. I
hear you have been long indisposed, let me enquire
now after your health. I observe You are now Ar
ranging Your Peace "Establishment which will re
quire deep and serious Deliberations, but having
the Aid of His Excellency have not a doubt but
all will be right. I was thinking that an officer in
each State should be retained in service as an Ad
jutant Genl. whose Business it should be not only
to Inspect the Militia of the State but also the Post
and Magazines and to make Report thereof every
Quarter or half Year. No doubt however but the
General will think of every thing proper, and if
any snugg post or place in the Peace Establishment
should offer where I can be of service You will
particularly oblige me in proposing me. I am
rather of the rong side of life to look far forward in

127
Business and wish to be employ'd the remainder
of my days in some way that I am more acquainted
with. I have not any News worth communicating.
Your Brothers are boath well as are all Your other
Friends. I wish You could be hear the first of
next month to purtake of our Races, but Your
moments are more advantageously employ'd. I
shall bring Billy Mercer to Phila. in October, and
perhaps may have the pleasure of seeing you.
I am Very affectionately Yr. obt servt.
G. Weedon.

WEEDON TO MERCER.
Fredericksburg, Octobr 12th, 1783.
I am to thank you my Dear Colo, for the Friend
ship Expressed in Your last fav. wch. I had the
honor to receive by post. Not having anything
worth communicating at that time, deferred ack
nowledging the Rect. till this week in hopes of
picking up something that might amuse for a few
minutes. It would be laughable enough for me to
touch on foreign affairs when You are so much
better informed in point of Intelligence, Domestic
matters must therefore be the resource to apply
to. Our Races are over, and I know it matters
very little with you who won, or who lost; so it
does with me, but my three Guineas are gone never

128
more to return. Farmer Selden carried the Beef
premium hollow, not a little pleased as You may
suppose, and besides the Bounty the old fellow
touched igd. pr. pound for the Carcass, indeed it
was by far the best meat I ever saw, and of the
white back bread. The Races lasted three Days
and brought together more people by two thirds
than I ever remember to have seen on any similar
occation. As to ladies they were not to be num
bered. Balls every night ; but I know this amuse
ment dont hit your fancy either, for I well remem
ber the last I had the pleasure of seeing you at
[a ball] you complained of it's being the only im
prudent step you could charge yourself with in
life: however it may not be unpleasant to inform
your sisters were all so well as to take a part in the
Dances. Mrs. Garnot made one of the party.
Among other thing we had a General Meeting of
the Cloath, such as it now is. Necessity however
has no law, the Back is nothing, the Heart is all
and I can venture to say a truer band never pistle
cocked. Do my Dear Colo, inform me immediately
the situation of our land Business. I understand
Congress have accepted the Cession of Virga. but
would be glad to know whether in doing this, they
have considered the prayer of our Petition to the
last Assembly in which we solicit a part of the
lands that they had oferred to Congress laying be
tween the little and great Miami's.

129
I am very desirous of being fully advised in this
matter, to prevent as far as lays in my power the
poor officers from parting with their Warrants,
which they are now disposing of for a song, not
knowing where they are to be located. I am sure
You will find leisure to communicate anything that
tends to the benefit of Your Field companions and
shall thank You to be as explicite as possible for
their information. We are in hopes of fixing every
thing this session of Assembly and to know clearly
on what ground we stand. I have twice hinted to
you the propriety of your Claim, with an offer of
attending to it, but have never received a line from
you respecting the matter, which needs no further
explanation than what I have in my previous let
ters suggested, and can only add that I am still at
Your service should You chose to offer Your pre
tentions which I cant but think are just.
I am with every sentiment of esteem
Your obt servt.
G. Weedon.

THE SCUDDER AFFAIR.*

* "Scudder v. Gray, Claimant. Appeal from a judgment in
the County Court of Fairfield County, Connecticut, May 31,
1779, lodged with the Committee on Appeals, December 23,
1780, reversed by the Court of Appeals. "^See Vol. 131, U. S.
Reports, p. xlii of Appendix.
. The statement of the case as it appears in the U. S. Supreme
Court Archives shows thafWilliam Smith Scudder, owner of the
.sloop Ranger, with a crew of nine men, was commissioned by
Governor Clinton as a privateersman with power to seize and
make prize of all goods, shipping, merchandize and effects liable
to confiscation. He went in pursuance of this commission into
Long Island Sound, and on December 2otli, 1778, landed at
Huntington, L. I,, within the enemy's lines, where he seized a
large quantity of goods and chattels, all, however, belonging to
British subjects. Washington's orders to Col. Gray had been
positive. He was to permit no one to pass to Long Island, ex
cept for the purpose of gaining necessary military intelligence,
and in no case was any plundering of the inhabitants. Whig or
Tory, to be .permitted. Gray exacted a promise from Scudder
to cruise only in the Sound, and on this understanding permitted
him to pass the guards, and after Scudder had made his seizures
Gray took all the goods into his custody and reported his action
to his superior ofiicers. The case having been brought before
the County Court was decided in Scudder's favor, probably on
the ground that he had molested none but Tories; but the Court
of Appeals reversed this decision and condemned the seized
goods as lawful prize of the United States, compelling the libel-
lant, Scudder, to pay the costs of the suit.
(130)

131
GENERAL PARSONS TO MAJOR GRAY. *
2ott Sept. 177S.
Before a Post was established at Norwalk, the-
General orderM Lt. Brewster to that Place with.
Directions to ingage a Number of Men, Refugees.
or others to keep up a Communication with Long
Island & New York to gain Intelligence, this they-
did untill the Post was establish' d and you ordered;
to command, on which the whole Government &.
Direction of that matter of course devolv'd upon
you, and it is undoubtedly your Duty to prevent
any Irregularities by those of the Army or Country
whereby the Ends you are design^ to answer may
be frustrated, and no Person can have Right to.
pass over to the Island from your Post on any Pre
tence but by your consent unless by order of the
Commander in Chief or other your Superior officer;
nor can any prior order of the General warrant
their passing after you was sent to this command.
Yr. ob. serv.
Saml. H. Parsons.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO LIEUT. COL. GRAY.
Headquarters Fredericksburg, 31=' Octolar. 1778.
Sir:
It has been intimated to me that several persons
* Ebenezer Grey was commissioned Lieut. Col. 6*-}^ Conn.
Infty., October 15, 1778.

132
have gone over to Long Island, under the pretext
of gaining intelligence, and indiscriminately dis
tressed and plundered the inhabitants. As such a
conduct is totally incompatible with obtaining in
formation or making discoveries, I do not imagine
you have given any sanction to such proceedings.
But that so pernicious a practice may be the more
effectually prevented — you will prevent any per
sons whatever from making excursions to the
Island — and only employ those as spies or observ
ers, in whom you can place a proper confidence.
I am Sir
Your most obed^ Serv'
G. Washington.

GENERAL ISRAEL PUTNAM TO LIEUT. COL. GRAY.
Head Quarters, 2 Deer 1778.
Sir: I have received your Letters of the 22^. Inst. , en
closing a Copy of his Excellencys orders to you —
I had before heard of the affair of Scudder, both
from Genl Parsons & himself; I entirely approve
of your Conduct, in taking the goods into your
Custody, until some determination can be had con
cerning them, & would have you retain them till
such Time — I have wrote to Genl Washington &
Gov''. Clinton on the subject.

133
As to Rogers,* who was sent under guard, I can
not find, upon an examination of the Articles of
War, that he is tryable by a Court Martial— but if
he is, the crime should be made out particularly
against him, & the evidence annex'd to it — I have
therefore sent him back to be despos'd of as you
think proper — & have to observe that if you are
still of opinion, that there is such evidence
against him, as that a Court Martial will take Cog
nizance of the matter he may be brought before
it on Monday or Tuesday Next, at which Times a
Court will set at this place; In order to this all the
Evidence ought to be collected & digested in a
proper manner.
The civil power is exceeding jealous lest the
Military should make encroachments on its Juris
diction, for which reason I could wish matters
might not be drawn into question, where the Juris
diction of Courts Martial, is not obvious ; we have
had one instance, within these few days, where the
Prisoners, tho' guilty of robbing the publick Stores,
were not consider'd by the Court Martial as capable
of being tryed by them —
I am Sir your humble serv^ .
Israel Putnam.
* This is Jarvis Rodgers, evidently, who was one of Scudder's
associates. A letter to him from Abigail Smith follows. Em
mons' United States Navy, from lyjs to 1853, shows J. Rodgers,
of Connecticut, captain privateer boat Argo, with a force of 15
men. The boat was captured eventually by the British.

134
PUTNAM TO GOV. CLINTON.*
Camp at Reading, 22 Dec. 1778.
Sir: This Letter will be handed to your Excellency
by Cap" W^ Scudder who I understand has your
Commission to cruize, under Colour of which I am
further informed, he has within these few Days
been on Long Island & brought off a quantity of
Goods from thence — These Lt. Col. Gray who is
stationed at Norwalk, has seiz'd and holds in his
hands, untill some legal determination can be had
on the matter.
The particulars of this affair, and the conduct of
several other persons. Inhabitants of your State,
will be reported to your Excellency by Brig**!
Gen^ Parsons, who is entirely acquainted with the
subject, and possessed of the original evidence con
cerning it.
As this is a matter, which falls under your im
mediate cognozance, I thought proper to make this
representation of it, — and to inform you that the
orders of the Commander in Chief are, that no kind
of property be taken from any person, under pre
tense of its belonging to Tories — These orders I
am determined shall be most particularly com
plied w'*} by the Troops under my command that
every violation of them shall be severely Punished
*From the MS. copy in the Archives of the U. S. Supreme
Court.

135
— W*"? regard to others, who are not accountable to
me for their conduct, I shall take no more upon
myself, than to inform those to whom they are, of
the Circumstances that the [sic] may be exculpated,
and blame (if there be any) fall only where it is
merited. I have wrote to his Excellency, the Commander-
in-Chief, Governor Trumbull on the abuses com
mitted in the Sound on Long Island, should have
troubled your Excellency on the same subject by
the first opportunity had not this affair occurred.
As to Mr. Scudder personally, I know nothing
to his disadvantage, but have heard that he is a
brave man, has suffered much and done consider
able service in the cause of his country. All that
I wish is that justice may take place, to which I
know you are equally disposed.
I am your Excellency's
|Most obt. humbl. servt.
Israel Putnam.

GOV. CLINTON TO GENERAL PUTNAM.*
PouGHKEEPSlE, Dec. 25, 1778.
Sir :
I am favoured with your letter of the 22d inst.,
by Capt. Scudder. I have always believed that
* From the MS. copy in the Archives of the U. S. Supreme
Court.

136
Whigs on Long Island suffered indiscriminately w*.'^
the Tories from the Parties who have from time to
time been on Long Island, owing to the villainy of
some and indiscretion of other of them. From a
conviction of this being the case, I have not in any
Instance given my authority to any of these Parties.
You may rest assured. Sir, that nothing will be
done which may in the least interfere with the
order of the Commander in Chief, but on the con
trary you will meet with every aid in carrying
them into execution. Cap? Scudder I have reason
to believe is a Brave, Honest man. His Comis-
sion authorizes him to cruize on the Sound only,
& I doubt not but he will meet with every en
couragement from you which can be Granted con
sistent with the good of the Public service.
I am. Sir, with great Respect,
Your most obt. Servt.,
Geo. Clinton.

GENERAL PARSONS TO LIEUT. COL. GRAY.
Fairfield, 31 Deer 78.
Dr Colo:
Mr. Scudder has return'? from Gov" Clinton; but
no Decision is yet had on his Goods; Genl Putnam
directs that every article which was sav? be kept
safe until further orders, and that you furnish

137
Scudder with a Copy of the Invoice of the Goods
&c seisd if he requests it.
You will forward such evidence as you have or
may receive concerning this excursion, as soon as
you can to Genl. Putnam or me, the Particular
Situation & number of the Troops at Oyster Bay is
necessary to be known speedily. I wish [MS. torn]
to take proper measures for [MS. torn] Purpose &
inform. Yr ob serv
Sam^ H. Parsons.
The boat you will deliver up and continue to
prevent passing to Long Island. S. Parsons.

PUTNAM to gray.
Camp Reading, Feby. lotb 1779.
Sir: I am favor'd with your letter of yesterday's date,
and am much oblig'd for the intelligence.
As Scudder has Governor Clintons Commission
to Cruize on the Sound, I know not of any au
thority by which I can forbid him — however as you
will know before this reaches you, what becomes
of the Goods that was seized, so you will be better
able to determine your line of conduct in future. —
If it should not be given in Scudders favour, I
would have you keep a look out & sieze him &
every thing that he may bring off.

138
In the meantime I desire you will furnish me
with all the papers & Evidences of which you are
possess'd, respecting Scudders former Conduct, &
that of taking the Goods which you siezed in par
ticular, that I may lay the whole matter before the
Commander in Chief for his further directions.
I am Sir Your most obed^ servt.
Israel Putnam.
P. S. The Traveling is so exceeding bad at
present that I cannot conveniently send for the
Oysters which you was good enough to offer, but
a few days will determine whether the Roads will
be properly settled, or the Ground hard froze.

ABIGAIL SMITH TO JARVIS ROGERS.
Huntington [Suffolk Co., L. I.] y
March the 12 [1779] j
My dear Sir:
I am wonce moer a going to rit you a few lines
in which I have the pleasure to let yon to know
that I am well and your fathers family is well But
I must let you know that I have Reseived your
agreeable letter to Day that you sent By Mr. talor
But I should have been very happy to have re
ceived it Befoer to have sent won by him I have
thought the time Long that I did not hear from
you I did not think that the time wold have Ben

139
so long Before I see or heard from you but a this
unhappy war it seems as if their never wod be an
end to it for my part I am almost disspair of even
seeing any Beter teims but O my Dear Sir I must
Beg favour of you that you will rit to me and let
me know if you had your things taking from you
with the plundered goods but pray Dont never at-
temt to come on such a desin again if you have
any regard for me or your fathers family O did
you know what a trouble is to me to hear every
won a teling a Bout you plundering I am sur you
would Leave of the traid for I wold not do any
thing that wold lay you so much troubel pray re
member me to my Brothers
this from yoer faithful friend
Abigail Smith

GENERAL ISRAEL PUTNAM.

PUTNAM TO COLONEL MALCOM.
HEAD Quarters, Peekskili,, 27 Sept., 1777.
Sir :
I have just Receiv'd, a Letter from General
Washington* Dated 34 miles up Schuylkill wherein
he informs me that Genl. Howes Army had
found means to cross Schuylkill, several miles
below his Army ; upon which He has ordered a
further reinforcement from this Post, of which
* The letter referred to is dated Sept. 23, 1777, and is as fol
lows: "DrSir: "The situation of our affairs in this Quarter calls for every aid
and for every effort. Gen'l Howe, by various manoeuvers and
marching high up the Schuylkill, as if he meant to turn our
Right Flank, found means by countermarching to pass the
River several miles below us last night. * * * i therefore
desire, that, without a moment's loss of time, you will detach
as many effective rank and file under proper generals and
other of&cers as will make the whole number, including those
with Genl McDougall, amount to twenty-five hundred privates
& non-commissioned fit for duty. ***** That you
may not hesitate about complying with this order, you are to
consider it as peremptory & not to be dispensed with. Colonel
Malcom's regiment will form a part of the detachment."
Ford's Writings of Washington Vol. 6, p. 84.
(140)

141
corps you must join. You will therefore upon the
rec'. of this prepare to join Genl. Parsons Brigade,
whom I have ordered up from the White Plains.
I shall endeavor to send some militia to guard the
stores Remaining in the Clave. Your Baggage must
go with you. I am Sir
Your very
Hble sev'
Israel Putnam, M. G.
To Colonel Malcom.

JOHN PAUL JONES.

JONES TO JONATHAN WILLIAMS.*
Brest, Nov^ sUj, 1778.1
I had the pleasure of writing you, my dear sir,
the 31st ult, inclosing a Bill of Lading for 15 Hh^s
of Porter, and I believe it will not be amiss to re
serve one of them for me, as it is highly probable
that I may this Winter fit out at or near Nantes if
a suitable ship can be found. I have at last
found means to purchase, and should be glad to
hear of a very fast sailing Frigate of from 36 to 40
Guns. I impatiently wait the result of your in
quiries in consequence of my last.
I thank you for your favor of 27*^' ulto. You lay
before me circumstances which can be best seen
thro' by the candid eye of Friendship, whose coun
cils always merit attention. I am not ill pleased
that you can discover a species of inflexibility in
my nature which will not suffer me to kneel at the
feet of haughty Power, or to stoop where I cannot
* A nephew of Benjamin Franklin, and agent at Nantes for
the American commissioners at Paris.
t Jones was busy at this time trying to obtain a suitable frig
ate in France. A little later he procured his famous ship, " Le
Bon Homme Richard." (142)

H3
also Esteem. I know that this turn of mind is
highly unfavorable to any who would obtain court
favor or promotion in Europe; yet I find no inclina
tion to alter my disposition. And tho in my life
I have met with some severe Trials, if I cannot
rise by even and direct dealing, I will not rise at all.
I would have sent you the inclosed letter of At
torney by the last Post — but I thought a witness
mecessary to prove it in Nan1;es, and was unsuccess
fully employed in looking after a person for that
purpose untill it was too late.
With respect to my 3/20'?* of the Drake — I think
you need only represent that I still hold my share
and that you agree to this as the purchaser of the
17/20'?^ — the matter of Commission will thus be
out of the Question — the affair will remain between
you and me, aod I promise you that I shall make
no sort of difficulty about its settlement.
As to the affair of the Countess of Selkirks Plate,
it is deposited in the Kings Store, and I am ready
to account for the Captors part to any person who
proves himself properly authorized. — Tho' perhaps
it may be found more properly to be my .own
province to remit the amount to the Captain in
articles that will sell at an high advance in
America. I am with sincere affection
Your obliged Friend & Servant
Jn? p. Jones.
Jonathan Williams, Esq.

DR. SAMUEL TENNEY.

TENNEY TO JOSEPH GILMAN.*
Danbury (Connt ) November 29, 1779.
Dear Sir:
When I inform you that I am in a cold fireless
chamber, writing on a Tea table so completely in
Ruins, that it is with the utmost DiflSculty I can,
with two Knees & one Hand keep it together, you
will have a more convincing Proof of my warm
Friendship for you & your agreeable & amiable
Lady, than the most specious Protestations could
possibly afford. Till I met with Col. Folsom, in
this place, two Days since, I had never heard from
you nor a single Friend in Exeter since I parted
with them. By your own Feelings on similar
Occasions, you may judge of the Happiness I en
joyed in hearing by him of your Welfare.
Soon after I left Exeter, I joined my Regiment
at Rhode Island, found my Friends well, & have
spent the time very happily until since the evacu
ation of Newport. We are now on our Way to
Head-Quarters, which is to be near Morristown in
* Dr Samuel Tenney was a Surgeon in the New Hampshire
line, and was cousin to Hon. Joseph Gilman.
(144)

145
N. Jersey. Our Unhappiness now is that we have
to build our own winter Quarters, at a Time when
we ought to be in them; and after a Summer of
Idleness & Luxury, to spend the Winter in Penury
& Fatigue. But upon every Adversity in a mili
tary Life, the Frenchman says, C est la Fortune de
Guerre, Sl makes himself easy; — & I know of no
better Way than to imitate him. He is certainly
happy who is contented with his situation.
Had the British Army, & consequently our
Regiment, continued at Rhode Island, I pleas' d
myself with the Thoughts of spending some Part
of the Winter with my Friends at Exeter & else
where — but now the Distance will be so greatly
increas'd that I am uncertain whether so much
Happiness will fall to my Share.
But, be that as it may, neither Distance nor
Time will ever be able to efface or diminish those
warm Sentiments of Respect & Esteem with which
I have the Honor to,
my Dear Sir,
Yours & Mrs. Oilman's
Very sincere Friend
& most obt Servt
Sam^ Tenney.
Mr. Joseph Gilman.

CAPTAIN WILLIAM BEAITY.

BEATTY TO GOVERNOR THOMAS S. LEE. *
FrEd^ Town, March 9111 80.
Sir: It is with pleasure that I can inform your Excel
lency that my success in the recruiting service
obliges me to call on you for two Thousand Dollars,
or an order for that sum. I have enclos'd an ac
count of the money I receiv'd last by which you
will find the number of men I have Inlisted. I am
under the necessity of sending my recruits to Camp
without Coats, vests or overalls, as the cloathing ex
pected from Baltimore has never arrived. The re
cruits Cant be Conveniently kept here any longer.
My Being on this Command deprives me of Every
opportunity of drawing the stores allow' d by the
state, which I am under the greatest necessity for.
* William Beatty was captain in Col. Gemby's ist Maryland
Regt. which "gained the battle of Cowpens and were preemi
nently distinguished in the retreat through North Carolina and
at the battle of Guilford" (Marshall's Washington.) Young
Beatty distinguished himself by his bravery, and, at the battle of
Hobkirk's Hill, 25'.'! April, 1780, received a wound from which
he died, in the 23d year of his age. See "A New Biographical
Dictionary and Remembrancer" (1824). Thos. S. Lee was at
this time governor of Maryland. (146)

147
I should be glad your Excellency would allow me
the priviledge of purchasing the stores due me ac
cording to the Act of Assembly, or authorize some
person to furnish me with them.
MT Tho? Beatty, the Bearer hereof, promises to
bring me Cash or Order.
I am your Excellencies
Most ob* Hul*^ serv! ,
W. Beatty.

GENERAL DAVID COBB.

COBB * TO COL. HENRY JACKSON.
Boston, 8tii June, 1780.
My dear Colo ¦
I wrote you by the last post, & received yours
by Bright — You can't conceive what an uproar
Rivington's paper from New Yorkf has put this
Town into; the Dog has publish' d an account of
the surrendery of Charlestown on the 12*11 ult., but
from the manner of his relating the matter & some
other circumstances, added to his being the damn'd-
est lyar in the World, makes a number of us dis
believe it, tho' the greatest part of the Town are
in full faith — The Government, in consequence of
* David Cobb had served in Rhode Island and New Jersey in
1777-1778 as Lieutenant-colonel in Henry Jackson's regiment.
He was for several years Aide-de-camp to General Washington,
and at the close of the war had risen to the rank of Colonel and
Brevet Brigadier General.
t James Rivington published till the end of the war, "The
New York Gazetteer; or the Connecticut, New Jersey, Hudson's
River, and Quebec Weekly Advertiser." He "offended even
his own party by the gross fabrications which appeared in his
columns, and was repeatedly obliged to apologize. The paper
went by the name of the Lying Gazette. " — Magazine of Ameri
can History ; Feby., 1887. On this occasion, however, Riving
ton spoke the truth. (148)

149
orders from Congress, have assest 4000 men to be
rais'd immediately to fill their Battalions, they are
engag'd for six months. As this will supercede at
present, any occasion for Recruiting oflScers, I
think it best, in the course of a fortnight, to order
on all ours that are here. — I have applied to some-
members of Council about recruiting Monej'-, they-
tell me that they have appropriated a Large Sum-
for that purpose, which is now with Genl. Patter
son at West point; you may get what sum you
please by sending to him — the money for your
private purse, I must wait your orders respecting
the notes. — Two Lads Lowell, a deserter reinlisted
for War, & Thos. Elliot who I took for Jones, have
gone on — do write me who of the Regt. are still
absent, I know of none of the war men on furlough
that have deserted, — old Nelson told me that
Blanchard had deserted into the Coos Country,
where, he says, numbers of deserters are gone to
settle some wild Lands. I am sorry you returned
Cottell & Giggett deserted, as I am very certain
they never meant to leave the| Reg^ — their Ignor
ance has lead 'em into the error, they are two
fine armorers & would be a loss to the Regt. ; I'll
send em directly — Renopt will be on soon — old
Waltt & Stutering Bob are still here — I'd have you
and your officers exercise every kind of Lenity to
the Soldiers that is consistent with Discipline, as
you'll thereby endear the soldiery to you and in-

I50
duce numbers to return with pleasure from deser
tion to service under you; it will likewise take off
that curse of slander that is now pervading all the
Country Towns in this Government, that the Con
tinental ofiicers are so cruel and severe that the
men can never be got to serve under 'em; and you
may be assur'd that the Leading members of the
House meet with the greatest diflBculty in getting
a majority of the Country members to assent that
the 4000 men now raising should serve under Con
tinental ofiicers, so great is the prejudice. — You
can't meet a man of any Influence from the
Country, but he'll tell you that they never shall be
able to raise their men unless they appoint their
officers, for the men, they say, will never serve
under Continental officers, because they have been
to badly treated by 'em; so great is the Ignorance
of this sett of people that they eagerly swallow any
malicious slander that any villinous soldier may
propigate against the best character in the Army;
this is a prejudice that must be combated with all
the force of art and Intrigue, for I conceive that
this will have the most fatal tendency to the op
position of this Country, of anything that has
happened during the contest. We have a report
here that the Massachusetts Line are to be reduc'd
to 10 Regts. & the 10 oldest Cols, command them
& whatever officers that are supernumerary to re
tire on half pay &c. Do inform of the truth of this;

151
for I do assure you that I have no fancy at present
of serving in a different corps than what I have
heretofore serv'd in; you know that if this new
arrangement takes place (which I conceive to be
perfectly right) I shall be chas'd into some other
Reg! that will make me very unhappy & conse
quently defeat all my pleasure, as it is from the
agreeableness of connection that I continu'd in
service — You'll write every post, — let me know
your wishes respecting my stay here — if the French
Fleet arrives I shall be on without invitation, if it
dont I shall be at your command — my Love to
the Maj^ & officers — my best respect to Genl^ Green
& Knox and accept the warmest wishes for your
happiness from your friend.
David Cobb.
Col. Henry Jackson.

COL. ALEXANDER SCAMMELL.

SCAMMELL TO HON. JOSEPH GILMAN.*
June 9, 1781.
 I am confident you have not been
wanting in your exertions for us. Our soldiers —
poor fellows, I feel distressed for them beyond de
scription — they are ragged, very ragged, but a
small degree removed from stark nakedness. I
would suppose that our brother citizens are doing
everything in their power for us, while we are en
joying Continental fare in the field. Their politi
cal salvation depends on a good army well found.
I shudder at the prospect of the ensuing campaign,
not from fear of the enemy, but from apprehensions
of starvation. The supplies are so very precarious
that the Commander-in-Chief cannot lay a single
plan nor commence a single operation, for want of
the necessary supplies. What a pity that our great
and good General should be cramped in his opera
tions, which, perhaps, if well seconded, might this
* Alexander Scammell was Colonel of the 3d New Hampshire
Regt. from 1776 to 1780 and served as Adjutant General of the
Continental army. The above letter was written from the
South to Hon. Joseph Oilman, Chairman of Committee of Safety
of New Hampshire. (152)

153
campaign be decisive! I wright this part only for
our stanch Whigg friends. I don't wish the Tories
might know the circumstances, least they should
triumph. Make use of it as a Sptirr at our Assem
bly, as many of them as you can trust 

NICHOLAS GILMAN.

OILMAN * TO COL. RICHARD VARRICK.
Tean Neck, August 28tii '80.
Dear Sir:
I have to acknowledge the rect of yours of the
25*^ by Express — but am unhappy, that several
circumstances are so obstinately combined to
counteract my wishes and disappoint your expecta
tions. A long and tedious servitude in the Orderly
Office, a continual round of the same mechanical
business, and many other considerations, has ren
dered the duties of the office disagreeable in a high
degree ; that I should be pleased with the idea of
serving General Arnold provided my appointment
could be a positive one, and the General should
* Nicholas Gilman was at 21 Adjutant of Colonel Alexander
Scammell's regiment of the New Hampshire line, and in 1778
was promoted to Captain, and was Deputy Adjutant-General to
take account of the prisoners captured upon the surrender of
Lord Cornwallis at Yorktown. He was a member of Congress
for New Hampshire 1786-1788, also member of the Convention
which met at Philadelphia, 1787, to frame a Constitution. He
was member of Congress from New Hampshire 1789-1797, and
in 1805 he was Senator from New Hampshire and served until
the day of his death. May 2, 1814. In 1780 he was urged by Major-
General Arnold to accept an appointment under him, but he
declined. — See Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography.
(154)

155
find himself able to command in the field — the
latter objection in this critical State of affairs has
great weight — If I should come into your family
and be confined in the dreary wilderness of the
highlands while our operations are going on
against the City, which possibly may be the case,
my situation would be as distressing as that of
Fabius M. when he had recourse to the flaming
cattle. As matters have gone I am sorry the appoint
ment was offered me, as I fear it has prevented the
Generals applying to another person and think you
must be in great want of assistance.
If I can render you any service in my present
station, shall be happy to do it, as I think to con
tinue here a few months longer, and then to seek a
new mode of life.
Be pleased to make my Compts to Majr Franks,
& believe me to be with sincere regard
Dear Sir
Your most ob* Servant
N. Gilman.
Col. Richard Varrick
Secy to M. General Arnold
Robinson House.

156
OILMAN TO HON. JOSEPH GILMAN.
Phii<adei,phia, September i8, 1787.
Dear Sir:
The important business of the Convention being
closed, the Secretary set off this morning to present
Congress with a report of their proceedings, which
I hope will come before the States in the manner
directed, but as some time must necessarily elapse
before that can take place, I do my.self the pleasure
to transmit the enclosed papers for your private
satisfaction forbearing all comments on the plan
but that it is the best that could meet the unani
mous concurrence of the States in Convention; it
was done by bargain and Compromise, yet not
withstanding its imperfections, on the adoption of
it depends (in my feeble judgment) whether we
shall become a respectable nation, or a people torn
to pieces by intestine commotions, and rendered
contemptible for ages.
Please present my most respectful regards to
Mrs. Gilman, my love to my friend Tenny &
Cousin Ben, of whose return I was very glad to
hear. I am with the greatest Respect
Dr Sir Your most Obedient and
Humble Servant,
NiCH. Gilman.
Hon'ble Joseph Gilman, Esq^ .

BARON STEUBEN.

STEUBEN TO COL. MEADE.*
June 30, 1781.
My dear Meade:
Your letter handed by the express I have this
moment received. To-morrow I set out for Char
lottesville, f consequently shall have no occasion
for the lads you were so good as to send me. As
it is of the greatest moment that the Marquis
*CoL Meade was on Steuben's staff.
t Steuben had experienced so much difficulty in getting an
effective force of men in Virginia, or any supplies for the few
he was able to collect, that he was almost in despair. On 3d
June, 1781, he wrote Lafayette from Point of Fork: "Here
I am with five hundred and fifty men in a desert, without
shoes, shirts, and what is still worse, without cartridge-boxes.
I write everywhere, send expresses to all parts of the world,
but I receive no answer. • If I did not expect Lawson, with a
reinforcement, I would go to Charlottesville to Sing a jeremiad
to my sovereign masters. Please let me have news from you.
I am here as I would be in Kamschatka ; I do not know where
you are, nor what has become of Cornwallis." In a very few
days he was nearly surrounded by the enemy, and was obliged
to make a hasty retreat into North Carolina, but in the latter
part of June rejoined Lafayette. He then fell sick, and retired
to a country place near Charlottesville where he remained
until September.— Kapp's Life of Steuben. Compare also
Steuben to Morgan, p. 15- (157)

158
should be informed of the movements of the enemy
on the S? Side James River, (if they make any)
I think you can do no greater service than to pro
ceed as low down on that side to be opposite their
fleet, & to be in continual correspondence with the
Marquis; from your knowledge & fidelity he will
be informed of everything, as it is, which will en
able him to act with certainty.
The two expresses I send back. They may be
employed by you very beneficially. Was I to re
main with the Army I would even then give up
the pleasure of seeing you and the benefit which I
have reason to expect from your advice & assist
ance; that 3'ou might undertake, the above neces
sary business.
The Continental Line of the Army lay near the
bird ordinary, the militia at this place ah? 7 miles
above the bird — The British are 2 miles below the
town of Wilsbg At present we can form no con
jecture of their intentions. With real esteem I am
Dear Meade your friend and Humbl Servt
Steuben.

STEUBEN TO COLONEL WILLIAM DAVIE.*
Near Chari,ottesvii,i<e, 27 July [1781].
Sir: Capt Morrow with 56 horses belonging to Col.
* He was on Steuben's staff.

159
Washington's regiment is here without forage or
provisions If there is a place fixed for the ren
dezvous of the cavalry I beg you to inform Capt.
Morrow of it, through Col. Febiger or Maj Call. If
there is no place yet pointed out I beg you to con
sult with Government on the matter; in the mean
time Capt Morrow thinks Culpepper Co house will
be the best place for the party to proceed to, not
only on account of provisions & forage but the
conveniency of artificers by whom his equipage
may be repaired. When the plan for the general
rendezvous for the Cavalry is made the horse may
then be drawn together
I am Sir Your most Humbl St.
Steuben Maj. Genl.

GENERAL JOHN BURGOYNE.

BURGOYNE TO

Au QUARTiER GiNf;RAi, A Skenesborough, le i8 de
Juillet 1777.*
Monsieur: Je vous prie de me pardonner d' avoir regu deux
lettres de votre part sans faire rdponse par ^crit,
ayaiit dtd extr^mement occup6 en finissant mes d^-
p^ches £l la cour.
Votre projet pour faire un mouvement de votre
Corps est fort k mon gr6, & marque, dans toutes
ses parties, les titres que vous possddez. Les cir-
constances du tems cependant, m'emp^chent d'en
profiter sans courir risque de trop fatiguer vos
troupes. II sera ndcessaire de faire un mouvement en
avant avec toute I'armde aussi t6t que possible;
Je n'attend que d'avoir les chemins en 6tat.
Je vous supplie de faire en sorte que 1' esprit de
I'ordre par rapport k le renvoye des baggages des
officiers a Ticonderoga ayet (?) bien. Les bag
gages des officiers P  soiit d^ja renvoyds et il
n'en reste k plusieurs q'une petite trunk & une
valise. C'est reelment pour I'mbort (?) de I'officier
k la fin, que Je suis si porte k cet article.
* This was about three mouths before his surrender.
(160)

i6i
J'ai ordonn^ la distribution des cheveaux pour
I'artillerie; aprSs ce, ceux qui restent seront par-
teges parmi les troupes, mais jusqu'^ present il n'
y a certes pas un nombre suffisant pour porter les
tentes des soldats.
Les habitans de votre voisinage en excuse de
n'avoir les enemi tiens(?) battaille, prdtendant que
le sorte (?) est employ^ pour le service de votre
corps. Je vous serais fort oblige par un rapport
du nombre des boeufs, chevaux, et charettes reel
ment employ^, le regiment difference compris, afin
que Je puisse corriger les habitans en ce que le
pretexte est.
On travaille k present pour mdthodiser les nou-
veaux corps des Provinciaux. II est necessaire
que Monsieur Sherwood retourne au plUtot avec
une partie de son monde pour avoir leurs noms en
rolls, & les autres officiers leurs regimens.
J'ai ordonn^ 4 dozain de vin de Port, & la
m^me quantity de vin de Madeira de vous ^tre en-
voy6. Je suis tres mortifie que I'dtat pr&ent de
ma caisse ne me permet pas de vous supplier en
plus grande quantity & de meilleurs sortes.
J'ai I'honneur d'etre avec tons les sentimens de
respect & 'attachement possible.
Monsieur Votre tres Humble
& tres obeissant serviteur
J. Burgoyne.

l62
BURGOYNE TO MISS CAULFIELD. * 1785.
My dearest Sue :
I did not intend to write to-day, nor can I ex
ceed one short paragraph, in consequence of one
expression of yours of yesterday, and another in a
letter of Lord D  . You seem to think the ap
probation of the Toilet was not sincere. He in a
letter to me is quite in rapture of approbation on
Miss F's opinion and his own.
I thought it absolutely necessary to tell you this
to tune your song at your work; make all possible
despatch, use all economy; if we must have four
boxes, I should think the front and two ends wont
be sufficient and the back saved, if the expense is
of consequence.
I have sent you a pheasant and a brace of Part-
riges — both will keep, but particularly for a week
if you chuse it. I give you the particulars, though
at the loss of your indulgence in the curiosity of
rummaging, because I find there is a practice in
fashion of stealing half out of bushels of game.
Yours ever faithfully, J. B.
Friday.
* Burgoyne married Lady Charlotte, youngest daughter of
Lord Derby ; she had died in 1776. It was after his return to
England from America that he formed a connection with
Susan Caulfield, a singer of some prominence, and by her he
had three children, the eldest of whom was Sir John, who be
came a field marshal.

1 63
P. S. : Fie! Fie! to get such colds and pains
in the stomach by feasting. If you did but take
such care as I do!

GENERAL GEORGE WASHINGTON.

No. 3000.
TO LIEUT. COLONEL ROBERT HANSON HAR
RISON, ESQ.
Lieut. Colonel in the Continental Army; entered
the service in the month of October 1775 as one of
my Aid-de-Camp, and in May following became my
Secretary. The duties of which office he dis
charged with Conspicuous abilities. That his
whole conduct during all the interesting period of
the War has been marked by the strictest integrity
and the most attentive and faithful service, while
by personal bravery he has been distinguished on
many occasions.
Given at my head quarters this Twenty-fifth day
of March 1781.
Go Washington.

GENERAL WASHINGTON TO GEORGE STEPTOE
WASHINGTON. *
Newburgh, Aug. i8th, 1783.
Dear George :
If my letter from Albany by the Count de Vienne
has reached you, it would inform you that I had
*The General's nephew.
(164)

i65
just made the tour of the Northern and Western
parts of this State, & had got that far on my return
home. — Accordingly the day following I Arrived at
this place & found your Aunt but just recovering
from a Fever and severe Cholic, which had re
duced her much. — Since that she has had a relapse,
and is at this Moment far from being in a good
state of health. —
It gave us much concern to hear by C0I9 Cobb
that you had been very unwel, altho' better when.
he left you — I would Advise you to persevere in a
temperate mode of living & give the climate a fair
chance. — Too much retirement may be as improper
as to be always in a crowd — extremes should be
avoided. — If you want anything let me know it. —
Congress having required my attendance, I shall.
set off for Princeton to-morrow, and it is not likely
that I shall return to this Quarter again, to reside..
I carry my Baggage with me, it being the desire of
Congress that I should remain there till the Arrival
of the Definitive Treaty which as for the three last
months is every day expected. — The British seem
to be more in earnest to evacuate New York than
heretofore, otherwise things in this quarter remain
in statu quo.
Our best wishes attend you.
I am yours affectl
Go Washington.

i66
INVITATION TO DINNER.
General & M''? Washington present their com
pliments to M^ AndT Ramsay, M'^? Ramsay, and Mr.
Will™ Ramsay, and request the favour of their com
pany to dine on Tuesday next, with the couple
newly married.*
Mount Vernon, 33? Feb., 1799.
An answer is requested.
M? And!' Ramsay, &c.,
in Alexandria.

WASHINGTON TO MARTIN COCKBURN. f
Mount Vernon, May 3d , 1786.
Sir: Being informed that you receive the lists of tax
able property in Truro Parish, I do, tho. late, send
you that of mine.
Do you hire your negro Tailor by the year? If
* Mr. and Mrs. Lawrence Lewis. Eleanor Parke Custis, Mrs.
Washington's grand-daughter, was married to Genl. Washing
ton's nephew, Lawrence Lewis, Feb'y 22, 1799.
t Martin Cockburn, Esq., was a neighbor of Washington's,
living at " Springfield," adjoining " Gunston Hall " and " Lex
ington," Va.

i67
so on what terms and is, he now, or will he soon be
disengaged ?
My compliments, in which Mrs. Washington
joins me, are offered to Mrs. Cockburn.
I am. Sir, Yr. most obdt. servt.
Go. Washington.

GEORGE AUGUSTINE WASHINGTON.

GEORGE A. WASHINGTON* TO COL. JOHN F. MERCER.
Mount Vernon, May 24th, 1789.
Dear Sir :
I have received your favor of the 22d Inst, and
with it was delivered by your Servant ninety-four
pounds ten Shillings and seven pence half penny
Verginia Currency for the President, which sum
shall be passed to your credit. You mentioned
having forwarded Bill No. 4 to him. Bills No. 2
& % which I rec'd, will be retained for his direc
tions, and so soon as I am advised, you shall be
informed the result.
Be pleased to present Mrs. Washington's Com
pliments to Mrs. Mercer with mine.
I am Dear Sir with much esteem,
Your most Obt Ser.
Geo. a. Washington.

GEO. A. WASHINGTON TO MERCER.
Mount Vernon, Dec^ 17th, 1789.
Dear Sir :
Your Favor which was dated shortly after I
* Major George A. Washington was General Washington's
nephew, and attended to the affairs of Mt. Vernon.
(168)

169
parted with you at Fredericksburg met with some
delay in getting to me. The President has been
informed of the contents, and in reply says, as an
act of Providence has interposed to render a
complyance with your promise impracticable, he
must have further patience. He has also been
consulted as you desired, to know if wheat would
be received in payment. Clean & .sound wheat
will be taken at his Mill and the Alexandria
Cash price allowed for it. The Crop of Corn
made here this year will be inadequate to the
demands, will therefore be glad to be informed
on the rect of this if you will have any to dis
pose of and on what terms you will engage to
deliver it here, or have it taken from your landing.
Mrs. Washington joins me in best respects to Mrs.
Mercer. I am Dear Sir Your most obt ser.
Geo. a. Washington.

GEO. A. WASHINGTON TO MERCER.
Mount Vernon, May 19th, 1791.
Dear Sir :
I had for some time been expecting the draught
you thought you would be able to give me on Al
exandria, when I received your Letter, desiring I
would draw on you for eight hundred Dollars, but
it being without date of place or time and not hav-

170
ing come to hand long since, I was at a loss where
to direct, but imagine from the tenor of your Let
ter that you would be at Annapolis, and was writ
ing to you at that place, when it was confirmed by
your letter of the 5th inst. dated there. I expected
you would have forwarded the money you have for
the President to this place, but being extremely
pressed for money went to Alexandria to endeavour
to accomodate you by getting some one to take a
draught on Annapolis, but could meet with no
person who had transactions in that place that
would enable them to do it, but meeting with Mr.
Fendall who was going there I will cheerfully
risque any sum you may pay to him on the Presi
dent's Acct. I have therefore drawn on you for
the eight hundred Dollars your first Letter author
ised me to do, and as you speak of a considerable
sum have desired him to receive, and pass a receipt
which shall be good against the president for any
further sum you may choose to forward. The two
statements I rec^ under cover from you at Freder
icksburg I shewd the president, but his stay being
short at Mount Vernon he did not go into an ex
amination of them, but observed to me that all he
wished was a just settlement and that he had long
been desirous of bringing the business to a close,
and should any difficulty attend it there will on
the part of the president be no objection to having
the accts. examined and settled by persons quali-

171
fied to do it, and that it is his wish that the busi
ness should be closed with mutual satisfaction I
have no doubt.
I am Dear Sir with esteem
Your obt. Sev.
G? A. Washington.
Colo. John F. Mercer.

AARON OGDEN.

AARON OGDEN TO HIS WIFE.
Washington, April 26, 1802.*
My very dear Wife :
Yesterday, being Sunday, was spent at Mount
Vernon, whereby I was prevented from writing to
you, in my usual [sic].
The visit was very agreeable, and interested my
feelings exceedingly. The prospects are fine, and
the grounds, which are laid out, very extensive —
the whole in a style very grand indeed — it appears,
like works of its once Great possessor, and is a
style like himself The scene appears, in some
manner, like enchanted Ground, owing to the asso
ciation of the Idea of the Great Washington with
every thing you behold. His vault, containing
his remains, made a great impression on my mind.
His widow is an affecting personage — dignified
and polite, inspiring the greatest respect and vene
ration. She remembered and professed to be very
glad to see me, which I doubt not, recollecting the
great attachment which she knew most of the Army
had for her husband.
After dinner I took mj' leave & received a kind
* Ogden was then a U. S. Senator.
(172)

173
invitation to pay her another visit, when it might
be in my power. I promised to do so next winter.
My love to all to whom I bear it, & believe me
to be continually yours. Aaron Ogden.
Mrs. Aaron Ogden,
Elizabeth Town, New Jersey.

SARAH ROBINSON.

SARAH ROBINSON TO KITTY F. WISTER.*
New York,
30th of the Fourth Month,
1789.
I feel exceedingly mortified and hurt, my dear
cousin, that so many of my letters to thee have
been miscarried. I have.certainly written as many
as half a dozen since thee left New York, although
thou acknowledgest the receipt of but one, which
almost discourages me from making another at
tempt, so uncertain is it whether it will ever reach
Brandywine, but I cannot entirely give it up, as I
am sure they afford you some pleasure. I received
thine of the 4th, and was pleased to hear you were
well and that my dear uncle and aunt talked of
making New York a visit. I shall wish for a wed
ding in the family often, if it will bring such good
strangers ; do, my dear, insist on it, and do not let
*Miss Sarah Robinson was the daughter of Rowland Robin
son and Sarah Franklin. Kitty Franklin Wister, her cousin, to
whom the letter is written, was the daughter of Casher Wister
and Mary Franklin. Both Sarah Robinson and Mary Wister
were sisters of Walter Franklin (the "Uncle Walter" referred
to in this letter), one of whose daughters married De Witt Clin
ton, the other George Clinton. (174)

175
them disappoint us ; we promise ourselves a great
enjoyment in their company. Uncle John's affair
goes on rapidly and will soon come to a crisis, and
he is as attentive a swain as thou wouldst wish to
see, and as much delighted at the approaching
event. Betsy and Polly are expected to-day. I
hope they will be prudent, but no doubt it will be
a great trial ; they are all extremely averse to the
match, and uncle has his hands full with them,
thou may suppose. If I could but sit an hour with
thee, my dear, how much I should have to tell
thee, but it will not do to put all on paper; but so
far I will say that the Widow would have nothing
to say to Uncle John, until he would be reconciled
to Cousin Tommy, in consequence of which he
visits there £ind takes a great deal of notice of his
three little granddaughters, a very pleasing event
to all of us, and does great honour to our aunt, and
endears her very much to me; she is, I think, every
way suitable to our Uncle, and I have no doubt
will make him an excellent wife. Billy is now
out on his journey to Vermont; he has been gone
eight weeks. I have frequently heard from him
during his absence, but do not know when to ex
pect him. Our dear little Eliza is now in the
small-pox, and like to have it very favourably, a
favour which demands our gratitude; the rest of the
little tribe are well. My little neice Esther grows
finely and her mother is as well as can be expected.

176
Great rejoicing in New York on the arrival of
General Washington, an elegant barge decorated
with an awning of satin, 12 oarsmen dressed in
white frocks and blue ribbons, went down to E.
Town last fourth day to bring him up. A stage
was erected at the coffee house wharf, covered with
a carpet for him to step on, where a company of
light-horse, one of artillery, and most of the inhab
itants were waiting to receive him. They paraded
through Queen st. in great form, while the music
of the drums and the ringing of the bells were
enough to stun one with the noise. Previous to
his coming Uncle Walter's* house on Cherry St.
was taken for him, and every room furnished in the
most elegant manner. Aunt Osgood and Lady
Kitty Duert had the whole management of it. I
went the morning before the General's arrival to
take a look at it, the best of furniture in every
room and the greatest quantity of plate and china
I ever saw, the whole of the first and second story
is papered and the floors covered with the richest
kind of Turkey and Wilton carpets. The house
did honour to my Aunts and Lady Kitty; they
spared no pains nor expense on it. Thou must
* Walter Franklin.
t William Alexander, Earl of Stirling, Major-General in the
Continental Army, had two daughters, the second of whom,
Catharine, married Col. William Duer, and was known as Lady
Kitty Duer. (Duer's " Life of Lord Stirling .")

177
know that Uncle Osgood and Duer were appointed
to procure a house and furnish it, accordingly
they pitched on their wives as being likely to do
it better. I have not yet done, 3'et my dear is
thee not almost tired? The evening after his excel
lency's arrival, there was a general illumination
took place, except among my friends (quakers),
and those styled Anti-Federalists. The latter's
windows suffered some, thou may imagine. As
soon as the General has sworn in, a grand exhibi
tion of fireworks is to be displayed, which it is
expected is to be to-morrow. There is scarcely
anything talked about now but General Washing
ton and the palace, and of little else have I told
thee yet, tho' I have spun my miserable scrawl al
ready to a great length; but thou requested to know
all that was going forward. I have just heard that
William Titus of Woodbury is going to be married
to a sister of Uncle Browne, mother to Thomas
Browne, who I believe thee knows. Eliza Titus,
her husband, and Father and Mother, spent the
evening with me last sixth day. Eliza is much
altered since I saw her, she is much thinner and
plainer. Marie de Courcy, too, has been in town a
fortnight; she made her home at Uncle Osgood's,
but was a great deal among us all She is about
making a little tour into Connecticut on a visit to
a friend, Lucy Bull, with Joseph Bull, who is now
in town. Our families are all well. Hettie is still

178
with us. Rowland and the girls' love to you. Ac
cept mine, my dear cousin, and write soon to thy
affectionate cousin.
Sarah Robinson.
Kitty F. Wister.

BENJAMIN FRANKLIN BACHE.*

benjamin FRANKLIN BACHE TO HIS FATHER,
RICHARD BACHE.
HT ., T> ,j • . [I775-],
My dear Papa, you d give a guinea
Just now to see my nurse, Mo'minny,
With such a fretful busy face.
Pursuing me from place to place.
She scolds and coaxes, frowns and flatters.
And now she's dumb, and then she chatters, ,
And all, forsooth, to get me out.
With her to flirt and gad about!

* Sarah Franklin, the only daughter of Benjamin Franklini.
married Richard Bache, a merchant of Philadelphia, on the
29th October, 1767, when her father was in England, fighting
the reimposition of the Stamp Act upon the Colonies. The first
child of this union was Benjamin Franklin Bache, born Aug
ust 12, 1769. His grandfather's son. Governor William Frank
lin, stood one godfather at his christening, and a Mr. Braytoit
was proxy for Dr. Franklin, who was the other. In May, 1775,,
when Franklin returned from Europe, he found his godson a
bright little boy of six years, the pet and pride of his mother
and grandmother. The following year, when Franklin went to
Paris as the envoy of the United States, he can-ied the boy with
him, and had him educated in Paris and Geneva. Bache did
not return to America until 1785, and in 1790 entered upon his
brilliant and tempestuous career as editor of the Philadelphia
General Advertiser, afterwards known as the Aurora. In this
capacity he was the champion of Jefferson and his school, and,
as much as any writer of his time, may be said to have shared
(179)

i8o
Now spare your labor. Goody Nurse;
For, look, says I, with all your fuss,
I won't be coax'd abroad, nor carried ;
Go — coax your Sweetheart, and get married ;
Then, please the pigs, I hope to see
Your Husband plague'd instead of me!
She persevered and I persisted;
The more I turn'd the more she twisted;
And truly I'm ashamed to say
What gave occasion for the fray:
In short, she made this mighty pother,
Lest I should interrupt my Mother,
While she was writing. Sir, to you!
No, no, let Benny scribble too ;
in the formation of the Democratic party. He died suddenly
during a yellow fever epidemic in Philadelphia, at the age of
twenty- eight years.
It was the custom of his mother, when he was a child, to take
refuge from the commotions which then beset Philadelphia in
Burlington, a quiet retreat in New Jersey, where William Frank
lin had a residence, and it was from some place near there, and
evidently just before Benjamin Franklin's return to America
in 1775, that the poem was written. It has descended in a
regular line in the Bache family, and its authenticity and
antiquity are beyond question, but the penmanship is not tiiat
of a child of six, nor can its composition be reasonably at
tributed to so young a mind, however precocious it might be.
In the published letters of Franklin and his family, there are
many allusions to the brightness of "little Benny," but
there is nothing to indicate such startling precociousness as this
poem would indicate. The metre, it is true, is the easiest, and
the thoughts are simple and child-like, but the whole betokens
rather the combined effort of the witty and clever Sarah Bache
and her clever little son, than the individual production of the
latter.

I8l
Mamma, let Benny write. She smiled.
And said I was a Charming Child ;
And — here, says she, my lovely Ben,
My Franklin, take your Mother's pen.
And scribble what you will, my Boy,
I'm sure 'twill give your Father joy.
So MoUie was obliged to yield.
And like a Man, I kept the Field.
We've been to Burlington, and there
We made a progress through the Fair.
The Street was crouded full enough
With idle Folks and paltry stuff;
The Country People, far and near.
Flock here to market twice a year.
They think that something new and rare
Is to be seen at every Fair,
Some Curiosity ; — but no,
'Tis they themselves that are the show.
But, had you seen us press along,
From Stall to Stall, through such a throng,
I think it would have made you proud
To see my courage in the Croud ;
Take care, says I, make room for Benny,
Among the rest to spend his penny ;
So, one I puU'd and push'd another.
And made a Passage for my Mother !
Among the trinkets to be bought
For eighteen pence — not worth a Groat —
I must upon a Fairing fix.
And so I chose a Coach and six.
At Burlington we stay'd some weeks.
And every day I stuffed my Cheeks
With Creams and dainties from the Dairy,
Besides the victuals dress'd by Mary.

1 82
We had the pleasure still to find
Our worthy Friends so very kind.
And every thing so good and clever,
I cou'd have wish'd to stay forever ;
But that, you know, wou'd never do
Without my Grandmamma and you.
And oh. Papa, why don't you come.
And spend your Christmas here at home ?
Had I but wings ! Oh, how romantic !
I'd soon fly over the Atlantic,
Salute my Grand-Papa, and make
His Cheeks and sides with laughing ake.
And in my English Danma's breast,
Make for a while the Kingbird's nest,
And then return with you. Papa,
Again to bless my own Mamma.
But now, I've writ so long a letter,
I only wish it were a better!
I hope in time I shall improve
And more and more deserve your love.
Mamma takes all the pains she can
To make me good and be a man ;
'Tis her delight, she says, to teach
Your ever dutiful
Ben Franklin Bache.

GOVERNOR JOHN PAGE.

JOHN PAGE TO MANN PAGE.*
N. Y? March i2tti 1790.
My dear Mann ;
Last night I received yours of 21?' inst. from
York, & was happy to find that you & the rest of
my dear Family were well ; but was sorry that the
whooping cough had surrounded the dear little
ones; that Disorder is more to be dreaded on their
Acc^ than the measles — but I hope in God neither
will hurt them — I have sent on in different letters
a pretty good collection of Garden seed, & will
send any other you may want. For clover seed I
find no conveyance. I would wish to get many
things here & send to you if I had the money, but
the Expensiveness of living & Lillys take itt keep me
poor indeed. I will send you the Books if to be
had — I suppose your sisters have told you that I am
*John Page, of Rose well, Gloucester Co., Va., was a member
of the Committee of Safety and Lieutenant Governor of Virginia
during the Revolution, beside which he raised a regiment of
militia in his county. He was elected to Congress as soon as
the Constitution was adopted, and served till 1797. In Decem
ber, 1802, he was made Governor of Virginia. Appleton's
Cyclopcedia of American Biograpliy. The above letter was
written from Congress to his kinsman.
(183)

1 84
about to be married to Miss Lowther, I must refer
you to them for my Description of that Lady, & of
my Prospect of happiness. As I shall now keep
Rosewell & consult my own Ease & Happiness
rather than the Gratification of unreasonable im
patient creditors & mean if possible at the Death
of my Wife to give it to you, I wish you to have
every thing done which can preserve the Buildings
&c upon cheap terms & let me know what may be
wanted for that purpose, possibly workmen may be
hired here by the year — from Miss Lowther's Dis
position toward me & my Family & her happy
Temper I conceive it will be unnecessary for you
& your family to be at any Expense or Inconven
ience on Account of our Marriage, at any Rate as
long as I shall be in Congress — Should I live to re
turn & settle at Rosewell I will assist you to the
utmost of my Power, & fix you in W'J'^burg, Rich
mond, York or Gloucester, as you may think will
best suit your Views — enclosed are some grains of
the corn which MT Willis desired me to get him an
early sort — I have sent him the like Number &
shall continue to send you both till I have sent the
Quart which I have.
Give my Love to Betsey your Brothers & Sisters
& all my Family & Friends; being called off I can
only say that I am affec'^ yrs.
J. Page.

PETER MINOR.

PETER MINOR TO JOHN MINOR, JR.*
Petersburg, 25th Sept. 1783.
Dear Jack:
I now sit down to apologize for not answering
your former Favours. In the ist place I've been
so very unwell For about Two months that I was
Incapable of attending to Business. In the next,
as soon as I was able to attend to my most principle
Concerns I found affairs so behind hand that I
could attend to nothing else But that, till I got
them in tolerable way again. By which means I
have neglected to answer my Friends Letters. It
was not Inatention or forgetfulness. But the Situa
tion I found my affairs in, so that I hope this will
convince you it was not the want of Friendship,
But nothing more than wishing to have matters in
a good way.
You ought to know my dear Jack that when a
man undertakes a piece of Business or Studies a
profession, he ought to apply his whole time to it,
or he may not be master of it till old age creeps

¦ * He was in the Revolutionary Army and was afterwards a
member of the Virginia Assembly. (185)

1 86
on too far for him too do anything [MS torn] he
cannot Injoy it with that Satisfaction had he [MS
torn]. I mean my own Situation had it been agreed by
my Friends to have allow' d me to chose what I
now profess It would have been greatly to my In
terest and (make no doubt to their) satisfaction.
But our parents and Friends very seldom consult
our inclinations tho perhaps it may be for our ad
vantage. I will inform you in my next what I have been
doing here & what Intend to do in future, and at
the same Time my dear Jack you'l Remember to
inform me what you are doing &c. &c. and how
you come on in your wise assembly. Your Bills
pass'd & thrown out, motion made &c. &c. mind
this Jack you must write ine Two or three . Letters
to my one. That is allowing for my being absent
or Business Interests. But this be assured of I
will answer every Letter you write without some
Accident; which I know you will Excuse.
As the old Gentleman may not allow you, or an
opportunity may not offer for him to send you
pocket cash Let me know and I will send you a
few Guineas. But not to sport with Jack, mind
that, a Gamster In my Idea is the most Despisable
being that exists, at the same time I think a young
Fellow ought not to be stinted in any Rasional
pleasures.

187
As to you first Bill for the Emancipating Slaves
I think it met with a very good fate for we might
as well let Loose a parcel of Indians or Lions as
to Let our Slaves free without they could be sent
from the Continent. *
Your Second Bill I so far agree, that Emigra
tion should be encouraged by every good member
of Society as our Country is young & very exten
sive. And the greater number of Souls we have,
the Richer we shall be — as to Exempting them
from Taxes for thre^ four or Five years, I think
would be of no disadvantage to us, But rather an
advantage, as it would Encourage Emigration.
But as to admitting Foreigners to the Highest
offices or to any office whatever, I think is very un-
politick and the Highest absurdity. You must see
Instances every day of Scotchmen getting into of
fices who have Acted in a Lukewarm manner ever
Since the war began, nay have Tried to Alienate
the minds of the Ignorant part of mankind from
what we have been so long Contending for. They
*"The disposition to emancipate them [the slaves] is strong
est in Virginia. Those who desire it form, as yet, the minority
of the whole State, but it bears a respectable proportion to the
whole in numbers and weight of character, and it is continually
recruiting by the addition of nearly the whole of the young men
as fast as they come into public life. I flatter myself that it
will take place there at some period of time not very distant."
Thomas Jefferson, Works,\Vol. IX., p. 290. The editor is unable
to find any record of the bill referred to in this letter.

hang together, they are an artfull. Designing sett
of men, and were we once to admit them on the
same footing of our good Citizens who has fought
& Bled for their Country It would be unpolitick
and Reflecting on our Country that we were obliged
to be beholden to those very men (that would have
Cut our throats) to represent us. For God sake
never let it be said, that we were obliged to import
Scoundrels that has been fighting us and then to
come here and be admitted into offices. It would
be acknowledging that we hafl not Citizens capable
of that Trust. It will not bare reflection. For my
part I should be clear for excluding the first Gen
eration from any publick service whatever and
none But Natives should Represent us [MS.
torn.]* I have wrote you a long Scribble. I do not
know wheather you can make it out or not. I was
obliged to write in a hurry as Mr. Call is waiting.
I forgot you are a Lawyer, therefore you can Inter
pret for the Best. I an Dr Jack yr aff uncle
Peter Minor.
* These criticisms may refer to the " Citizen bill." See Let
ters of Joseph Jones, ito.

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Bibliography of fbe Official Piiblicatioos

OF THE

CONTINENTAL CONGRESS
»* 1774-1789. **

COLLECTED AND ANNOTATED BY
PAUL LEICESTER FORD.
250 copies printed.
Royal octavo, pp. S7.
Half Mopoeco, gilt top, uncut, $2. SO.
Sheets, uncut, $2.00.
This is the first serious attempt to print a list of the reports, proclamations,
broadsides, journals, and ordinances, published by our Revolutionary Congress. Of
many of those here catalogued, but fifty or a hundred copies were printed, and such
is their great rarity that they have never been used as historical material. It includes
the practically unknown weekly and monthly issues of the journals printed for Con
gress only, which are so much fuller than what is commonly known as the author
ized edition ; the secret editions of the various drafts of the Articles of Confederation ;
the various court martials held by order of Congress ; a long series of reports and
other papers relating to the finances, the series of State papers bearing on the western
territory, including the different drafts of the ordinance of 1787; a number of pub
lications bearing on the Indians ; and many others of interest from their having been
drafted by such leading men as the Lees, the Adamses, the Morrises, Franklin, Jay,
Livingston, Madison, Hamilton, Monroe, Pinckney, Rutledge, and others. It con
tains in all nearly five hundred titles, which have only been gathered at great pains
and difficulty from the archives of the Department of State, the archives of the
various States, as well as the leading public and private libraries ; and with hardly
an exception a copy of each is located for the benefit of historical workers. Though
by no means a complete list, it is nevertheless the only work yet compiled of this
almost unknown literature, and is the first and most difificult step toward a biblio
graphy of the publications of the United States government.

iiiii - ¦' •

e>'m iSfe^ mt^ ^^

IILLS OF GEORGE WASHIIGTON
AND HIS IMMEDIATE ANCESTORS.

By WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD.

The Edition limited to 2SO copies.
Small Quarto, uncut, printed on fine paper.
Price $2.00.

I The title gives a very imperfect idea of the contents of this work.
The Wills printed are those of :
I. John Washington, the immigrant, great grandfather of the President.
2. Lawrence Washington, the immigrant, a brother of John.
3. Lawrence Washington, grandfather of the President.
4. Augustine Washington, father of the President.
5. Mary (Ball) Washington, mother of the President.
6. Lawrence Washington, half-brother of the President.
7. George Washington.
8. Judge Bushrod Washington, nephew of the President.
Q. John Augustine Washington, possessor of Mount Vernon.
10. John Custis, the elder.

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»tL» r-A/f tA/l lsU» tvL«

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Letters of William Lee
->* 1766-1783. ^
COLLECTED AND EDITED BY
WORTHINGTON CHAUNCEY FORD.
Edition limited to 250 copies.
Three Volumes, small Quarto, printed on fine paper.
Half Morocco, gilt top, uncut.
Portrait of William Lee, engraved especially foi* this work.
Price, $12.00.

This important collection, comprising upwards of 300 letters, is, with a
very few exceptions, published for the first time from the original manu
scripts or letter books. The prominent positions occupied by Lee Under
the Continental Congress during the American Revolution, make them of
great value historically. He was successively secret agent in London,
commercial agent in France, and minister to the courts of Vienna, and,
Berlin. He was the only American who hcis been Sheriff and Alderman
of London, while his mercantile career is of interest. The letters are for
the most part written to his brothers, in full and free confidence, often in
cypher, and are replete with novel views and open criticism of men and
actions. The growth of the enmity of the Lees and Izard to Deane and
Franklin is fully shown, and its bitterness and persistency proved ; while,
at the same time, the letters are full of details of the situation of affairs in
Europe, told as they have never been before described. Lee was, above
all, an "intelligencer," and the rumors of the day as well as accomplished
facts, find place in his correspondence. In no other collection can the
same features be found, a'nd these volumes form a necessary addition to
American, as well as to French histories of the commercial and political
relations between the two countries during the Revolution.

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