¦k- *: M#^ °Y^LIE«¥MIYEI&SIIFY«> /§r#^ JESUS THE MESSIAH VOL. I. LOKCOX : PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE' AND CO., NEW-STREET SQUARE AND PARLIAMENT STKEKT THE LIEE AND TIMES OF JESUS THE MESSIAH ALFEED EDEESHEIM, M.A. Oxon., D.D., Bh.D. WARBURTONIAN LBCTDKEE AT LINCOLN'S INN B\t7ro/tEv yap apri cV iao-rrrpov iv alviyfiari IN TWO VOLUMES— VOL. I. LONDON LONGMANS, GEEEN, AND CO. 1883 All rights reserved TO THE CHANCELLOK, MASTEKS, AND SCHOLARS OF THE UNIVERSITY OF OXFORD THESE VOLUMES ABE EESPECTFULLY DEDICATED " PREFACE. In presenting these volumes to the reader I must offer an explana tion, — though I would fain hope that such may not be absolutely necessary. The title of this book must not be understood as implying any pretence on my part to write a ' Life of Christ ' in the strict sense. To take the lowest view, the materials for it do not exist. Evidently the Evangelists did not intend to give a full record of even the outward events in that History ; far less could they have thought of compassing the sphere or sounding the depths of the Life of Him, Whom they present to us as the God-Man and the Eternal Son of the Eternal Father. Rather must the Gospels be regarded as four different aspects in which the Evangelists viewed the historical Jesus of Nazareth as the fulfilment of the Divine promise of old, the Mes siah of Israel and the Saviour of man, and presented Him to the Jewish and Gentile world for their acknowledgment as the Sent of God, Who revealed the Father, and was Himself the Way to Him, the Truth, and the Life. And this meaning of the Gospel-narratives seems even implied in the figurative representation of the Evan gelists in Christian Symbolism. In thus guarding my meaning in the choice of the title, I have already indicated my own standpoint in this book. But in an other respect I wish to disclaim having taken any predetermined dogmatic standpoint at the outset of my investigations. I wished to write, not for a definite purpose, be it even that of the defence of the faith — but rather to let that purpose grow out of the book, as would be pointed out by the course of independent study, in which arguments on both sides should be impartially weighed and facts ascertained. In this manner I hoped best to attain what must be the Vill PREFACE. first object in all research, but especially in such as the present : to ascertain, so far as we can, the truth, irrespective of consequences. And thus also I hoped to help others, by going, as it were, before them, in the path which their enquiries must take, and removing the difficulties and entanglements which beset it. So might I honestly, confidently, and, in such a matter, earnestly, ask them to follow me, pointing to the height to which such enquiries must lead up. I know, indeed, that there is something beyond and apart from this ; even the restful sense on that height, and the happy outlook from it. But this is not within the province of one man to give to another, nor yet does it come in the way of study, however earnest and careful ; it depends upon, and implies the existence of a subjective state which comes only by the direction given to our enquiries by the true oSrjyos (St. John xvi. 13). This statement of the general object in view will explain the course pursued in these enquiries. First and foremost, this book was to be a study of the Life of Jesus the Messiah, retaining the general designation, as best conveying to others the subject to be treated. But, secondly, since Jesus of Nazareth was a Jew, spoke to, and moved among Jews, in Palestine, and at a definite period of its history, it was absolutely necessary to view that Life and Teaching in all its surroundings of place, society, popular life, and intellectual or religious development. This would form not only the frame in which to set the picture of the Christ, but the very background of the picture itself. It is, indeed, most true that Christ spoke not only to the Jews, to Palestine, and to that time, but — of which history has given the evidence — to all men and to all times. Still He spoke first and directly to the Jews, and His words must have been in telligible to them, His teaching have reached upwards from their intellectual and religious standpoint, even although it infinitely extended the horizon so as, in its full apphcation, to make it wide as the bounds of earth and time. Nay, to explain the bearing of the religious leaders of Israel, from the first, towards Jesus, it seemed also necessary to trace the historical development of thought and religious belief, till it issued in that system of Traditionalism, which, PREFACE. IX by an internal necessity, was irreconcilably antagonistic to the Christ of the Gospels. On other grounds also, such a full portraiture of Jewish life, society, and thinking seemed requisite. It furnishes alike a vin dication and an illustration of the Gospel-narratives. A vindication — because in measure as we transport ourselves into that time, we feel that the Gospels present to us a real, historical scene ; that the men and the circumstances to which we are introduced are real — not a fancy-picture, but just such as we know and now recognise them, and would expect them to have spoken, or to have been. Again, we shall thus vividly realise another and most important ' aspect of the words of Christ. We shall perceive that their form is wholly of the times, their cast Jewish — while by the side of this similarity of form there is not only essential difference but absolute contrariety of substance and spirit. Jesus spoke as truly a Jew to the Jews, but He spoke not as they — no, not as their highest and best Teachers would have spoken. And this contrariety of spirit with manifest similarity of form is, to my mind, one of the strongest evidences of the claims of Christ, since it raises the all-important question, whence the Teacher of Nazareth — or, shall we say, the humble Child of the Carpenter-home in a far-off. little place of Galilee — had drawn His inspiration ? And clearly to set this forth has been the first object of the detailed Rabbinic quotations in this book. But their further object, besides this vindication, has been the illustration of the Gospel-narratives. Even the general reader must be aware that some knowledge of Jewish life and society at the time is requisite for the understanding of the Gospel-history. Those who have consulted the works of Lightfoot, Schottgen, Meuschen, Wetstein,- and Wunsche, or even the extracts from them presented in Com mentaries, know that the help derived from their Jewish references is very great. And yet, despite the immense learning and industry of these writers, there are serious drawbacks to their use. Some times the references are critically not quite accurate ; sometimes they are derived from works that should not have been adduced in evidence ; occasionally, either the rendering, or the application of what is separated from its context, is not reliable. A still more X PREFACE. serious objection is, that these quotations are not unfrequently one sided ; but chiefly this — perhaps, as the necessary consequence of being merely illustrative notes to certain verses in the Gospels — that they do not present a full and connected picture. And yet it is this which so often gives the most varied and welcome illustration of the Gospel-narratives. In truth, we know not only the leading per sonages in Church and State in Palestine at that time, their views, teaching, pursuits, and aims ; the state of parties ; the character of popular opinion ; the proverbs, the customs, the daily life of the country — but we can, in imagination, enter their dwellings, associate with them in familiar intercourse, or follow them to the Temple, the Synagogue, the Academy, or to the market-place and the workshop. " We know what clothes they wore, what dishes they ate, what wines they drank, what they produced and what they imported : nay, the cost of every article of their dress or food, the price of houses and of living j in short, every detail that can give vividness to a picture of life. All this is so important for the understanding of the Gospel- history as, I hope, to justify the fulness of archaeological detail in this book. And yet I have used only a portion of the materials which I had collected for the purpose. And here I must frankly own, as another reason for this fulness of detail, that many erroneous and misleading statements on this subject, and these even oh elementary points, have of late been made. Supported by references to the labours of truly learned German writers, they have been sometimes set forth with such confidence as to impose the laborious and un welcome duty of carefully examining and testing them. But to this only the briefest possible reference has been made, and chiefly in the beginning of these volumes. Another explanation seems more necessary in this connection. In describing the Traditionalism of the time of Christ, I must have said what, I fear, may, most unwillingly on my part, wound the feelings of some who still cling, if not to the faith of, yet to what now represents the ancient Synagogue. But let me appeal to their fairness. I must needs state what I believe to be the facts ; and I could neither keep them back nor soften them, since it was of the very essence of PREFACE. XI my argument to present Christ as both in contact and in contrast with Jewish Traditionalism. No educated Western Jew would, in these days, confess himself as occupying the exact standpoint of Rabbinic Traditionalism. Some will select parts of the system; others will allegorise, explain, or modify it; very many will, in heart — often also openly — repudiate the whole. And here it is surely not neces sary for me to rebut or disown those vile falsehoods about the Jews which ignorance, cupidity, and bigoted hatred have of late again so strangely raised. But I would go further, and assert that, in re ference to Jesus of Nazareth, no educated Israelite of to-day would identify himself with the religious leaders of the people eighteen centuries ago. Yet is not this disclaimer of that Traditionalism which not only explains the rejection of Jesus, but is the sole logical raison d'etre of the Synagogue, also its condemnation ? I know, indeed, that from this negative there is a vast step in advance to the positive in the reception of the Gospel, and that many continue in the Synagogue, because they are not so convinced of the other as truthfully to profess it. And perhaps the means we have taken to present it have not always been the wisest. The mere appeal to the literal fulfilment of certain prophetic passages in the Old Testament not only leads chiefly to critical discussions, but rests the case on what is, after all, a secondary line of argumentation. In the New Testament prophecies are not made to point to facts, but facts to point back to prophecies. The New Testament presents the fulfilment of all prophecy rather than of prophecies, and individual predictions serve as fingerposts to great outstanding facts, which. mark where the roads meet and part. And here, as it seems to me, we are at one with the ancient Synagogue. In proof, I would call special attention to Appendix IX., which gives a list of all the Old Testament passages Messianically applied in Jewish writings. We, as well as they, appeal to all Scripture, to all prophecy, as that of which the reality is in the Messiah. But we also appeal to the whole tendency and new direction which the Gospel presents in opposition to that of Traditionalism ; to the new revelation of the Father, to the new brotherhood of man, and to the satisfaction of the deepest wants of the heart, which Christ has brought — in short, to Xll PREFACE. the Scriptural, the moral, and the spiritual elements ; and we would ask whether all this could have been only the outcome of a Car penter's Son at Nazareth at the time, and amidst the surroundings which we so well know. In seeking to reproduce in detail the life, opinions, and teaching of the contemporaries of Christ, we have also in great measure addressed ourselves to what was the third special object in view in this History. This was to clear the path of difficulties — in other words, to meet such objections as might be raised to the Gospel- narratives. And this, as regards principle — not details and minor questions, which will cause little uneasiness to the thoughtful and calm reader; quite irrespective also of any theory of inspiration which may be proposed, and hence of any harmonistic or kindred attempts which may be made. Broadly speaking, the attacks on the Gospel-narratives may be grouped under these three particulars: they may be represented as intentional fraud by the writers, and imposition on the readers; or, secondly, a rationalistic explanation may be sought of them, showing how what originally had been quite simple and natural was misunderstood by ignorance, or perverted by superstition ; or, thirdly, they may be represented as the outcome of ideas and expectations at the time, which gathered around the beloved Teacher of Nazareth, and, so to speak, found body in legends that clustered around the Person and Life of Him Who was regarded as the Messiah. . . . And this is supposed to account for the preach ing of the Apostles, for their life-witness, for their martyr-death, for the Church, for the course which history has taken, as well as for the dearest hopes and experiences of the Christian life ! Of the three modes of criticism just indicated, importance attaches only to the third, which has been broadly designated as the mythical theory. The fraud-theory seems — as even Strauss admits — psychologically so incompatible with admitted facts as regards the early Disciples and the Church, and it does such violence to the first requirements of historical enquiry, as to make it — at least to me — - difficult to understand how any thoughtful student could be swayed by objections which too often are merely an appeal to the vulgar, intellectually and morally, in us. For — to take the historical view PREFACE. xm of the question — even if every concession were made to negative criticism, sufficient would still be left in the Christian documents to establish a consensus of the earliest belief as to all the great facts of the Gospel-History, on which both the preaching of the Apostles and the primitive Church have been historically based. And with this consensus at least, and its practical outcome, historical enquiry has to reckon. And here I may take leave to point out the infinite importance, as regards the very foundation of our faith, attaching to the historical Church — truly in this also the sK/cKvcria ©eov ^avros, trrvXos Kal sSpatcofia [columna et fulcrum] ttjs akvdelas (the Church of the Living God, the pillar and stay [support] of the truth). As regards the second class of interpretation — the rationalistic — it is altogether so superficial, shadowy and unreal that it can at most be only regarded as a passing phase of light-minded attempts to set aside felt difficulties. But the third mode of explanation, commonly, though perhaps not always quite fairly, designated as the mythical, deserves and demands, at least in its sober presentation, the serious consideration of the historical student. Happily it is also that which, in the nature of it, is most capable of being subjected to the test of historical ex amination. For, as previously stated, we possess ample materials for ascertaining the state of thought, belief, and expectancy in the time of Christ and of His Apostles. And to this aspect of objections to the Gospels the main line of argumentation in this book has been addressed. For, if the historical analysis here attempted has any logical force, it leads up to this conclusion, that Jesus Christ was, alike in the fundamental direction of His teaching and work, and in its details, antithetic to the Synagogue in its doctrine, practice, and expectancies. But even so, one difficulty — we all feel it — remaineth. It is that connected with miracles, or rather with the miraculous, since the designation, and the difficulty to which it points, must not be limited to outward and tangible phenomena. But herein, I venture to say, lies also its solution, at least so far as such is possible — since the difficulty itself, the miraculous, is .of the very essence of our thinking about the Divine, and therefore one of the conditions of it : at least, in all religions of which the origin is not from within us, subjective, XIV PREFACE. but from without us, objective, or, if I may so say, in all that claim to be universal religions (catholic thinking). But, to my mind, the evidential value of miracles (as frequently set forth in these volumes) lies not in what, without intending offence, I may call their barely super-naturalistic aspect, but in this, that they are the manifestations of the miraculous, in the widest sense, as the essential element in revealed religion. Miracles are of chief evidential value, not in themselves, but as instances and proof of the direct communication between Heaven and earth. And such direct communication is, at least, the postulate and first position in all religions. They all present to the worshipper some medium of personal communication from Heaven to earth — some prophet or other channel of the Divine — and some medium for our communication with Heaven. And this is the fundamental principle of the miraculous as the essential postulate in all religion that purposes again to bind man to God. It proceeds on the twofold principle that communication must first come to man from Heaven, and then that it does so come. Rather, perhaps, let us say, that all religion turns on these two great factors of our inner experience : man's felt need and (as implied in it, if we are God's creatures) his felt expectancy. And in the Christian Church this is not merely matter of the past; — it has attained its fullest reality, and is a constant present in the indwelling of the Paraclete. Yet another part of the task in writing this book remains to be mentioned. In the nature of it, such a book must necessarily have been more or less of a Commentary on the Gospels. But I have sought to follow the text of the Gospels throughout, and separately to consider every passage in them, so that, I hope, I may truthfully designate it also a Commentary on the Four Gospels — though an informal one. And here I may be allowed to state that throughout I have had the general reader in view, reserving for the foot-notes and Appendices what may be of special interest to students. While thankfully availing myself of all critical help within my reach and here I may perhaps take the liberty of specially singling out Professor Westcott's Commentary on St. John — I have thought it right to make the sacred text the subject of fresh and independent study. The conclusions at which I arrived I would present with PREFACE. XV the more deference, that, from my isolated position, I had not, in writing these volumes, the inestimable advantage of personal contact, on these subjects, with other students of the sacred text. It only remains to add a few sentences in regard to other matters — perhaps of more interest to myself than to the reader. For many years I had wished and planned writing such a book, and all my previous studies were really in preparation for this. But the task was actually undertaken at the request of the Publishers, of whose kindness and patience I must here make public acknowledgment. For, the original term fixed for writing it was two or three years. It has taken me seven years of continual and earnest labour — and, even so, I feel as if I would fain, and ought to, spend other seven years upon what could, at most, be touching the fringe of this great subject. What these seven years have been to me I could not at tempt to tell. In a remote country parish, entirely isolated from all social intercourse, and amidst not a few trials, parochial duty has been diversified and relieved by many hours of daily work and of study — delightful in and for itself. If any point seemed not clear to my own mind, or required protracted investigation, I could give days of undisturbed work to what to others might perhaps seem secondary, but was all-important to me. And so these seven years passed — with no other companion in study than my daughter, to whom I am indebted, not only for the Index Iterum, but for much else, especially for a renewed revision, in the proof-sheets, of the references made throughout these volumes. What labour and pa tience this required every reader will perceive — although even so I cannot hope that no misprint or slip of the pen has escaped our detection. And now I part from this book with thankfulness to Almighty God for sparing me to complete it, with lingering regret that the task is ended, but also with unfeigned diffidence. I have, indeed, sought to give my best and most earnest labour to it, and to write what I believed to be true, irrespective of party or received opinions. This, in such a book, was only sacred duty. But where study necessarily extended to so many, and sometimes new, departments, I cannot hope always to carry the reader with me, or — which is far XVI PREFACE. more serious — to have escaped all error. My deepest and most earnest prayer is that He, in Whose Service I have desired to write this book, would graciously accept the humble service — forgive what is mistaken and bless what is true. And if anything personal may intrude into these concluding lines, I would fain also designate what I have written as Apologia pro vita meet, (alike in its fundamental direction and even ecclesiastically) — if, indeed, that may be called an Apologia which is the confession of this inmost conviction of mind and heart : ' Lord, to Whom shall we go ? The words of eternal life hast Thou ! And we have believed and know that Thou art the Holy One of God.' ALFRED EDERSHEIM. 8 Bradmoke Road, Oxford: September 1883. LIST OF AUTHORITIES CHIEFLY USED IN WRITING THIS BOOK. Alford : Greek Testament. Von der Almi: Heidn. u. jiid. Urtheile iiber Jesu u. die alten Christen. Altingius : Dissertatipnes et Orationes. Apocrypha : S. P. C. K. Commentary on. The Apocryphal Gospels. Auerbaeh : Berith Abraham. Backer : Die Agada der Babylon. Amo- raer. Back : Geschichte des Jiid. Volkes u. seiner Literatur. Baedeker : Syrien u. Palastina. Bahr : Gesetz iiber Falsche Zeugen nach Bibel u. Talmud. Barclay : City of the Great King. Beer : Leben Abraham's. Beer : Leben Mosis. Beer, P. : Geschichte d. relig. Sekten d. Juden. Bengel : Gnomon Novi Testamenti. Bengel: Alter der jiidischen Proselyten- taufe. Bergel : Naturwissenschaftliche Kennt- nisse d. Talmudisten. Bergel : Der Himmel u. seine Wunder. Bergel: Die Eheverhaltnisse der alten Juden. Bertholdt : Christologia Judseorum. Beyschlag : Die Christologie des Neuen Testaments. Beyschlag : Zur Johanneischen Frage. Bickett : Die Entstehung der Liturgie aus der Einsetzungsfeier. Bleek: Einleitung in das Neue Testament, ed. Mangold. Bleek: Synoptische Erklarung d. drei Evangelien. Block : Studien z. Gesch. der Sammlung d. althebr. Literatur. Block: Das Mosaisch-talmud. Polizei- recht. VOL. I. Block: Civilprocess-Ordnung nach Mos. rabb. Bechte. Bockartms : Hierozoicon. Bodek : Marcus Aurelius u. B. Jehudah. Bodenschatz : Kirchliche Verfassung der heutigen Juden. Bbhl : Forschungen nach einer Volks- bibel zur Zeit Jesu. Bohl : Alttestamentliche Citate im N. T Bonar : The Land of Promise. Brawn : Die Sonne des Herodes. Brawnius : De Vestitu Hebrasorum. Bre'cker : Das Transcendentale im Talmud. Bredom : Babbinische Mythen, &c. Bruckner : Die Versuchungsgeschichte unseres Herrn Jesu Christi. Brilck: Babbinische Ceremonialgebrau- che. Brull: Fremdsprachliche Bedensarten im Talmud. Brull : Trachten der Juden. Buber : Pesikta. Bucker : Des Apostels Johannes Lehre vom Logos. Bwrgon : The Last Twelve Verses of St. Mark. Buxtorf: Exercitationes. Buxtorf: Synagoga Judaica. Buxtorf: Lexicon Talmud. Calvin : Comment, (passim). Oaken : Bepertorium Talmudicum. Carpzov : Chuppa Hebraorium. Caspari : Einleitung in das Leben Jesu Christi. Cassel : Das Buch Kusari. Cassel: Lehrbuch der Jiid. Gesch. u. Literatur. Castelli : Commento di Sabbatai Donnolo sui libro della Creazione. CastelU : II Messia secondo gli'Ebrei. Cavedoni : Biblische Numismatik. XVIII LIST OF AUTHORITIES. Charteris: Canonicity. Chasronoth Hashas. Cheyne : Prophecies of Isaiah. Ckijs : De Herode Magno. Cohen : Les Deicides. Commentaries, Speaker's, on the Gospels; Camb. Bible on the Gospels. Conder : Tentwork in Palestine. Conder : Handbook to the Bible. Conforte : Liber Kore ha-Dorot. Cook : The Eev. Version of the Gospels. Creizenach : Shulchan Aruch. Cremer : New Testament Dictionary. Cnreton : Syriac Gospels. Dahne : Jiidisch-Alex. Beligionsphilos. Davidson : Introduction to the Study of the New Testament. Davidson : The Last Things. Dachs : Codex Succa Talmudis Babylonici. Danko : Historia Bevelationis DivinEe N. T. Danko : De Sacra Script ura ej usque in- terpretatione Commentarius. Delawnay : Moines et Sibylles dans l'an- tiquite Judeo-Grecque. Delitzsch: Handwerkerleben zur Zeit Jesu. Delitzsck : Geschichte der jiid. Poesie. Delitzsch: Durch Krankheit zur Gene- sung. Delitzsch : Ein Tag in Capernaum. Delitzsch : Untersuchungen lib. die Ent- steh. u. Anlage d. Matth.-Evang. Delitzsch : Talmudische Studien. Delitzsck : Jesus und Hillel. Derenbowrg : Essai sur l'Histoire et la Geographie de la Palestine. Deutsch : Literary Bemains. DeyUngius : Observationes Sacrae. Dillmann : Das Buch Henoch. Dbllmger : Heidenthum und Judenthum. Drwmmond : The Jewish Messiah. Dukes : Zur Babbinischen Sprachkunde. Dukes : Babbinische Blumenlese. Duschak : Zur Botanik des Talmud. Duschak : Die Moral der Evangelien und des Talmud. Duschak : Jiidischer Cultus. Dusckak : Schulgesetzgebung. Ebrard : Wissenschaftliche Kritik der evangel. Geschichte. Ederslievm: History of the Jewish Na tion. Edersheim : The Temple, its Ministry and its Services. Edersheim: Sketches of Jewish Social Life. Ehrmann : Geschichte der Schulen u. der Cultur unter den Juden. Eisenmenger : Entdecktes Judenthum. Eisler : Beitrage zur Babb. Sprach- u. Alterthums-kunde. EUicott : New Testament Commentary : Gospels. EUicott : Lectures on the Life of our Lord. Encyclopaedia Britannica (passim). Ethendge : The Targums on the Penta teuch. Eusebius : Ecclesiastical History. Ewald : Abodah Sarah. Ewald : Geschichte des Volkes Israel. EiBald : Bibl. Jahrb. (passim). Fabricius : Codex Pseudepigraphus V. T. Farrar : Life of Christ. Fa/rrar : Eternal Hope. Fassel : Das Mos. rabb. Civilrenht. Fassel: Gerichts-Verf. Field : Otium Norvicense. Filipomski : Liber Juchassin. Fisher : Beginnings of Christianity. Frankel : Targum der Proph. Frankel: Ueb. d. Einfl. d. palast. Exegese auf die Alexandr. Hermeneutik. Frankel: Monatschrift fur das Juden thum (passim). Frankel : Vorstudien zu der Septuaginta. Frankel: Einleitung in d. Jerusalem. ' Talmud. Franck : d. Kabbala. Freudenthal : Hellenistische Studien. Friedentkal : Jessode haddat weikere Haemuna. Friedlaender : Sittengeschichte Boms. Friedlaender : Ben Dosa u. seine Zeit. Friedlaender : Patristische u. Talmudische Studien. Friedlieb : Oracula Sibyllina. Friedlieb : Archaologie der Leidensge- schichte. Friedmann : Siphre debe Bab. Fritzsche u. Grimm : Handbuch zu den Apokryphen. Fritzsche u. Gri.mm: Libri V. T. Pseud- epigraphi Selecti. LIST OF AUTHORITIES. XIX Fuller : Harmony of the Four Gospels. Furst : Der Kanon des A. T. Fiirst : Kultur u. Literaturgesohichte der Juden in Asien. Fiirst : Biblioth. Jiid. (passim). Fwrstenthal : Menorath Hammaor. Furstenthal : Jessode h'addat. Geier : De Ebraeorum Luctu Lugen- tiumque Bitibus. Geiger : Das Judenthum u. seine Ge schichte. Geiger : Beitrage z. Jiid. Literatur- Gesoh. ¦: Zeitschrift fur Jiid. Theol. Geiger : Urschrift u. Uebersetzungen der Bibel. Geihie : Life and Words of Christ. Gelpke : Die Jugendgesch. des Herrn. Gerlach : Die Bom. Statthalter in Syrien u. Judaa. Gfrorer : Philo. Gfrorer : Jahrh. d. Heils. Ginsburg : Ben Chajim's Introd. Ginsburg : Massoreth Ha- Massoreth. Ginsburg : The Essenes. Ginsburg : The Kabbalah. Godet : Commentar. Godet: Bibl. Studies. Goebel : Die Parabeln Jesu. Goldberg : The Language of Christ. Graetz : Geschichte der Juden. Green : Handbk. to the Grammar of the , Gr. Test. Grimm : Die Samariter. Grimm : Clavis N. T. Gronemann : Die Jonathansche Penta teuch- Uebersetzung. Griinebaum : Sittenlehre des Judenthums. Guerm : Description de la Palestine et Samarie. Guillemard: Hebraisms in the Greek Testament. Gunzbwg : Beleuchtung des alten Juden thums. Hamburger : Beal-Encyklopadie f. Bibel u. Talmud. Hamelsveld : Dissertatio de sedibus vet, Hebr. Haneberg : Die relig. Alterth. der Bibel. Harnoch: De Philonis Judaei Log. In- quisitio. Hartmann : Die Hebraerih am Putztische u. als Braut. Hartmann: Die enge Verbindung des A. T. mit dem Neuen. Hase : Leben Jesu. Haupt: Die A. T. Citate in den i Evangelien. Hausratk : Neutestamentliche Zeitge- schichte. Herzfeld : Geschichte Israels. Herzfeld : Handelsgeschichte der Juden des Alterthums. Herzog : Beal-Encyklopadie (passim). Hildeshevmer: Der Herod. Tempel n. d. Talmud u. Josephus. Hilgenfeld : Jiidische Apokalyptik. Hi/rsehfeld : Halach. u. Hagad. Exegese. Hirsckfeld : Tractatus Macot. Hitzig : Geschichte des Volkes Israel. Hoffmann : Leben Jesu. Hofmann : Schriftbeweis. Hofmann : Weissagung u. Erfiillung. Hoffmann : Abhandlungen iib. die Pentat, Gesetze. Holdkeim : d. Cerem. Ges. Hottinger : Juris Hebr. Leges. Huschke : Ueb. d. Census u. die Steuer- verf . d. friih. Bom. Kaiserzeit. Husokke: Ueb. d. „, Zeit d. Geb. Jesu Christi gehaltenen Census. Havercamp : Flavius Josephus. Ideler : Chronologie. Tkenius : Antiquitates Hebraicae. Ikenius : Dissertationes Philologico-theo- logicsa. JelUnek : Beth ha- Midrash. Joel: Blick in d. Beligionsgesch. d. 2ten Christlichen Jahrh. Joel : Beligionsphilos. des Sohar. Jost : Gesch. d. Judenth. u. seiner Sekten. Jowett: Epistles of St. Paul, Eomans, Galatians, Thessalonians. Josephus Gorionides : ed. Breithaupt. Juynboll : Comment, in Hist. Gentis Samaritanae. '. : Einl. in d. Kanon. u. Apokryph. Schriften des A. T. Geschichte Jesu von Nazara. Besurrection of Jesus Christ, Kirchheim : Septem Libri Talmudici parvi Hierosol. Kirchner : Jiid. Passahf. Kitto : Cyclopaedia of Biblical Litera ture (passim). a2 XX LIST OF AUTHORITIES. Eokutk: Jiidische Angelologie u. Daemo- nologie. Konig : Die Menschwerdung Gottes. Koster : Nachw. d. Spur, einer Trinitats- lehre vor Christo. Krafft : Jiidische Sagen u. Dichtungen. Krauss : Die Grosse Synode. Krebs : Decreta Athen. in honor. Hyrcani P. M. Judasorum. Krebs: Decreta Boman. pro Judaeis. Krebs : Observationes in Nov. Test. Kukn: Stadt. u. biirgerl. Verfass. d. Bom. Beichs. Landau : Aruck. Lange : Bibelwerk (on Gospels). Langen : Judenthum in Palastina z. Zeit Christi. Lange : Leben Jesu. Langfelder : Symbolik des Judenthums. Lattes : Saggio di Giunte e Correzzioni al Lessico Talmudico. Lavadew : Krit. Beleucht. d. jiid. Kalen- derwesens. Lenormant : Chaldean Magic. Levi : Historia Beligionis Judasorum. Levy : Neuhebr. u. Chaldaisch. Worter buch. 7,evy : Chaldaisch. Worterb. fib. die Targumim. Levy : Gesch. der Jiidisch. Miinzen. Levyssokn : Disputatio de Jud. sub Caes. Conditione. Lewin : Fasti Sacri. Lewin : Siege of Jerusalem. Lewyssohn : Zoologie des Talmuds. Lightfoot : Horae Hebraicae et Talmudicae in i Evangel. Lightfoot : Commentary on Galatians. Lightfoot : Commentary on Colossians. Lisco : Die Wunder Jesu Christi. Low : Beitrage z. jiid. Alterthumskunde. Low : Lebensalter in d. jud. Literatur. Lome : Schulchan Aruch. Loivy : Bekoroth haTalmud. Lucius : Essenismus in sein. Verhaltn. z. Judenth. Liicke : Johannes (Gospel). Lundins : Jiidische Heiligthumer, Luthardt : Johann. Evangelium. Luthardt : Die modern. Darstell. d. Lebens Jesu. Lutterbeck: Neutestamentliche Lehrbe- griffe. McLellan : New Testament (Gospels). Maimonides : Yad haChazzakah. Marcus : Padagogik des Talmud. Marquardt: Bom. Staatsverwaltung, Martinns : Fidei Pugio. Maybawn< Die Anthropomorph. u. An- thropopath. bei Onkelos. Megillath Taanith. Meier: Judaica. Meuschen: Nov. Test, ex- Talmude et Joseph. Meyer : Seder Olam Eabba et Suta. Meyer : Buch Jezira. Meyer : Kommentar. (on Gospels). Meyer : Arbeit u. Handwerk im Talmud. Midrash Eabboth. Midrashim. (See List in Babb. Abbrev.) Mill : On the Mythical Interpretation of the Gospels. Mishnah. Molitor : Philosophie der Geschichte. Moscovitor : Het N. T. en de Talmud. Miiller : Mess. Erwart. d. Jiid. Philos. Miiller : Zur Johann. Frage. Miiller, J. : Massech. Sopher. Miinter : Stern der Weisen. Nanz : Die Besessenen im N. T. Ntander : Life of Christ. Nebe: Leidensgesch. unser. Herm Jesu Christi. Nebe : Auferstehungsgesch. unser. Herrn Jesu Christi. IVeubauer : La Geographie du Talmud. Neubamer and Driver: Jewish Inter preters of Isaiah liii. Neumann : Messian. Erschein. bei d. Juden. Neumann : Gesch. d. Mess. Weissag. im A. T. New Testament. Ed. ScriveDer. Ed. Westcott and Hort. Ed. Geb- hardt. Nicolai : De Sepulchris Hebraorum. Nizzachon Vetus, et Toledoth Jeshu. Nicholson: The Gospel accord, to the Hebrews. Norris : New Testament (Gospels). Nork : Babbinische Quellen u. Parallelen. Nutt ¦ Samaritan History. Otho : Lexicon Babbin. Philolog. Outram : De Sacrificiis Judaeor. et Christi. Othijoth de E. Akiba. LIST OF AUTHORITIES. XXI Oxlee : Doc. of Trinity on Princips. of Judaism. Pagninus : Thesaurus Linguae Sanctae. Palestine Exploration Fund Quarterly Statements (passim). Perles: Leichenfeierlichk. im Nachbibl. ¦¦ Judenth. Pkilippson : Haben wirklich die Jud. Jesum gekreuzigt ? Pkilippson : Israelit. Beligionslehre. Philo Judaeus : Opera. Pictorial Palestine (passim). Pinner : Berachoth. Pinner : Compend. des Hieros. u. Babyl. Thalm. ; Pirke de E. Elieser. Plumptre : Comment, on the Gospels. Plumptre : Bible Educator (passim). Pocock : Porta Mosis. Prayer-books, Jeivisk : i. Arnheim. ii. Mannheimer. iii. Polak (Frankfort ed.). iv. Friedlander. v. F. A. Euchel. vi. Jacobson. vii. Pesach Haggadah. viii. Bodelheim ed. Pressense : Jesus Christ : His Time, Life, and Works. Prideaux : Connec. of 0. and N. T. Pusey : What is of Faith as to Everlasting Punishment 1 Rabbinorvicz : Emleit. in d. Gesetzgeb. u. Medicin d. Talm. Ravuis : Dissertat. de aedib. vet. Hebr. RedsUb : Die Kanonisch. Evangelien. Reland : Antiquit. Sacr. veter. Hebr. Reland : Palaestina. Remand-: Ausbreit. d. Judenthums. Renan : L'Antechrist. Renan : Leben Jesu. Renan : Marc-Aurele. Rkenferd et Vitringa : De Decern Otiosis Synagogae. Riekm : Handworterb. d. bibl. Alterth. Riehm : Lehrbegriff d. Hebraerbrief s. Riess : Geburtsjahr Christi. Ritter : Philo u. die Halacha. Roberts : Discussion on the Gospels. Robinson : Biblical Besearches in Pales tine. Roetk : Epistola ad Hebraeos. Rokr : Palastina z. Zeit Christi. Rbnsok : Buch Jubilaen. Roos : Lehre u. Lebensgesch. Jesu Christi. Rosch :. Jesus- Mythen d. Talmudist. Rosenmiiller : Biblisch. Geographie. Rossi, Azarjah de : Meor Enajim. Sacks : Beitrage z. Sprach u. Alterthums- kunde. Saalsehiitz : Musik bei d. Hebraern. Saalsckiitz : Mos. Becht. Salvador : Bomerherrschaft in Judaea. Salvador : Gesch. d. jiid. Volkes. Sammter : Baba Mezia. Sclienhel : Bibel-Lexicon (passim). Sckleusner : Lexicon Gr. Lat. in N. T. Sekmer : De Chuppa Hebrceorum. Schmilg : Der Siegeskalender Megill. Taanith. Sckneckenburger : Neutestament. Zeitge- schichte. Schoettgen : Horae Hebraicae et Tal- mudicae. Schveiber : Principien des Judenthums. Schroederus : Comment, de Vestitu mulier. Hebr. Sckii/rer : Neutestam. Zeitgesch. Sekiirer: Gemeindeverfass. d. Juden in Bom in d. Kaiserzeit. Schwab : Le Talmud de Jerusalem. Schwarz : D. Heilige Land. Sckwarz : Tosifta Shabbath. Scrivener : Introduction to the Criticism of the New Testament. Seder Hadoroth. Selden : De Synedriis Ebr. Selden : De Jure Naturali et Gent. Hebr. Selden : Uxor Ebraica. Sepp : Leben Jesu. Sevvn : Chronologie des Lebens Jesu. Skeringham : Joma. Siegfried : Philo von Alexandria. Simger : Onkelos u. seine Verhiiltn. &. Halacha. Sion Ledorosh. Smith : Dictionary of the Bible (passim). Smith and Wdce : Dictionary of Christian Biography (passim,). Sohar.Tikkune haSohar. Solomeyczyk : Bibel, Talmud, u. Evan- gelium. Sommer : Mispar haSohar. Spencer : De Leg'ib. Hebr. Bitual. Spiess : Das Jerusalem des Josephus. Spitzer : Das Mahl bei den Hebraern. Stanley : Sinai and Palestine. Steinmeyer: Geburt des Herm u. sein. erste Schritte im Leben. XXII LIST OF AUTHORITIES. Stein : Schrift des Lebens. Stem : Die Frau im Talmud. Stern : Gesch. des Judenthums. Stier : Beden des, Herrn Jesu. Strack: Pirke Aboth. Strack: Proleg. Crit. in V. T. Hebr. Strauss : Leben Jesu. Supernatural Beligion. Swrenhusius : Biblos Katallages. Mishnah. Talmud, Babylon and Jerusalem. Targum, the Targumim in the Mik- raoth gedoloth. Taylor : Great Exemplar. Tauchuma : Midrash. Thein : Der Talmud. Theologische Studien u. Kritiken (passim). Tkoluck : Bergpredigt Christi. Tholuck: Das Alt. Test, im Neu. Test. Tiscltendorf : When were our Gospels written ? Toetterman : B, Eliez er ben Hyrcanus. Traill : Josephus. Trench : Notes on the Miracles. Trenck : Notes on the Parables. Tristram : Natural History of the Bible. Tristram : Land of Israel. Tristram : Land of Moab. Trusen : Sitten, Gebrauche u. Krank- heiten. d. alt. Hebr. Vgolinus : Thesaurus Antiquitatum Sac- rarum (vassvm). Vhruh : Das alte Jerusalem u. seine Bauwerke. Vernes : Histoire des Idees Messianiques. Vitringa : De Synagoga Vetere. Volkmar : Einleitung in die Apokryphen. Volkmar: Marcus. Vollimar: Mose Prophetie u. Himmel- fahrt. Vorstius : De Hebraismis Nov. Test. Wace: The Gospel and its Witnesses. Wagenseil : Sota. Wahl : Clavis Nov. Test. Philologica. Warneck : Pontius Pilatus. Watkins : Gospel of St. John. Weber: Johannes der Taufer u. die Parteien seiner Zeit. Weber: System der altsynagog. palast. Theologie. Weiss: Lehrb. der bibl. Theol. des N. T. Weiss : Mechilta. Weiss : Siphra. Weiss : Matthausevangelium. Weiss : Leben Jesu. Weiss : Geschichte der jiid. Tradition. Weizsacker : Untersuch. iib. die evangel. Geschichte. Wellhausen: Die Pharisaier u. die Sad- ducaer. Westcott : Introduction to the Study of the Gospels. Westcott : On the Canon of the New Testament. Westcott : Gospel of St. John. Wetstein : Novum Testamentum Graecum (Gospels). Wiehelhans : Kommentar zur Leidens- geschichte. Wieseler : Beitrage zu den Evang. u. der Evangel. Gesch. Wieseler : Chronol. Synopse der i Evan- gelien. Winer : Biblisches Eealworterbuch (pas sim). Winer : De Onkeloso. Wilson : Becovery of Jerusalem. Wittichen : Die Idee des Eeiches Gottes. Wittichen : Leben Jesu. Wolfius : Bibliotheca Hebraica (passim). Wordsworth : Commentary (Gospels). Wunderbar : Bibl. talmud. Medecin. Wunsche : Die Leiden des Messias. i : Neue Beitrage n. Erlaut. der Wimsche : Der Jerusalemische Talmud. Wiinsche : Bibliotheca Eabbinica. Valkut Shimeoni. Yalkut Eubeni. Young : Christology of the Targums. Zahn: Forsch. zur Gesch. d. N. T. Kanons. Zeller : Philosophie der Griechen. Zemach David. Zimmermann : Karten u. Plane z. Topo- graphie des alten Jerusalems. ZoeUer : Handb. d. theol. Wissenschaf ten. Zumpt : Geburtsjahr Christi. Zunz : Zur Geschichte u. Literatur. Zunz : Synagogendienst. Zunz : Synagogen-Poesie. Zunz : Bitus d. Synagogen-Gottesdienst. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS USED IN REFERENCE TO RABBINIC WRITINGS QUOTED IN THIS WORK. The Mishnah is always quoted according to Tractate, Chapter (Perek) and Para graph (Mishnah), the Chapter being marked in Roman, the paragraph in ordinary Numerals. Thus Ber. ii. 4 means the Mishnic Tractate Berackoth, second Chapter, fourth Paragraph. The Jerusalem Talmud is distinguished by the abbreviation Jer. before the name of the Tractate. Thus, Jer. Ber. is the Jer. Gemara, or Talmud, of the Tractate Berackoth. The edition, from which quotations are made, is that commonly used, Krotoschin, 1866, 1 vol. fol. The quotations are made either by Chapter and Para graph (Jer. Ber. ii. 4), or, in these volumes mostly, by page and column. It ought to be noted that in Babbinic writings each page is really a double one, distinguished respectively as a and b : a being the page to the left hand of the reader, and b the reverse one (on turning over the page) to the right hand of the reader. But in the Jerusalem Gemara (and in Talkut [see below], as in all works where the page and column (col.) are mentioned) the quotation is often — in these volumes, mostly — made by page and column (two columns being on each side of a page). Thus, while Jer. Ber. ii. 4 would be Chapter H. Par. 4, the corresponding quotation by page and column would in that instance be, Jer. Ber. 4 d ; d marking that it is the fourth column in b (or the off-side) of page 4. The Babyl. Talmud is, in all its editions, equally paged, so that a quotation made applies to all editions. It is double-paged, and quoted with the name of the Tractate, the number of the page, and a or b, according as one or another side of the page is referred to. The quotations are distinguished from those of the Mishnah by this, that in the Mishnah Boman and ordinary numerals are employed (to mark Chapters and Paragraphs), while in the Babylon Talmud the name of the Tractate is followed by an ordinary numeral, indicating the page, together with a or b, to mark which side of the page is referred to. Thus Ber. 4 a means : Tractate Berackoth, p. 4, first or left-hand side of the page. I have used the Vienna edition, but this, as already explained, is not a point of any importance. To facilitate the verification of passages quoted I have in very many instances quoted also the lines, either from top or bottom. The abbreviation Tos. (Tosepkta, additamentum) before the name of a Tractate refers to the additions made to the Misknak after its redaction. This redaction dates from the third century of our era. The Tos. extends only over 52 of the Mishnic Trac tates. They are inserted in the Talmud at the end of each Tractate, and are printed on the double pages in double columns (col. a and b on p. a, col. c and d on p. b). They are generally quoted by Perek and Mishnah : thus, Tos. Gitt-. i. 1, or (more rarely) by page and column, Tos. Gitt. p. 150 a. Besides, the Tractate Aboth de Rabbi Nathan (Ab. de E. Nath.), and the smaller Tractates, Sophei-im (Sopker), Semaakotk (Semach.), Cliallah ( Chall.), Derech Erez (Der. Er.), Dereck Erez Sata (Der. Er. S.), and Perek Shalom (Per. Shal.) are inserted at the close of vol. ix. of the Talmud. They are printed in four columns (on double pages), and quoted by Perek and Mishnah. XXIV LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. The so-called Septem Libri Talmudici parvi Hierosolymitani are published se parately (ed. Raphael Kirchheim, Frcf. 1851). They are the Massecketk Sopker Thorah (Mass. Sept. Tor.), Mass. Mesusah (Mass. Mesus.), Mass. Tephillin (Mass. Tephill.), Mass. Zi.zitk (Mass. Ziz. ), Mass. Abadim (Mass. Abad.), Mass. Catkim (Mass. Catk.), and Mass. Gerim (Mass. Ger.). They are printed and quoted according to double pages (a and b). To these must be added the so-called Cftasronotk kaSkas, a collection of passages expurgated in the ordinary editions from the various Tractates of the Talmud. Here we must close, what might else assume undue proportions, by an alphabetical list of the abbreviations, although only of the principal books referred to : — Ab. Sar. . . The Talmudic Tractate Abodah Sarah, on Idolatry. Ab „ „ Pirkey Aboth, Sayings of the Fathers. Ab. de R. Natk. The Tractate Aboth de Rabbi Natkan at the close of vol. ix. in the Bab. Talm. Arach. . . The Talmudic Tractate Arachin, on the redemption of persons or things consecrated to the Sanctuary. Baba K. . Baba Mez. Baba B. . Beckor.Bemid. R. Ber. . Ber. R. . Bez. . Biccur. Chag. Ckall.Chel.Ckerith. . Chethub. Chil. [also Cknll Debar. R. Dem. Eck. R. Eduj. „ „ „ Baba Kamma (' First Gate '), the first, „ „ „ Baba Mezia ('Middle Gate'), the second, „ „ „ Baba Bathra (' Last Gate '), the third of the great Tractates on Common Law. „ „ „ Bechoroth, on the consecration to the Sanc tuary of the First-born. The Midrash (or Commentary) Bemidbar Rabba, on Numbers. . The Talmudic Tractate Berackoth, on Prayers and Benedictions. . The Midrash (or Commentary) Bereshith Rabba, on Genesis. • The Talmudic Tractate Beizak, laws about an egg laid on Sabbath and Fast-days, and on similar points con nected with the sanctifying of such seasons. » „ „ Biocurim, on First-fruits. ,» .. ., ' Chagigeh, on the festive offerings at the three Great Feasts. „ „ „ Ckallah, on the first of the dough (Numb. xv. 17). „ „ „ Chelim, on the purification of furniture and vessels. » „ „ Cheritkuth, on the punishment of ' cutting off.' i, „ „ Chethubofk on marriage-contracts. Kil.~\. „ „ „ Ckilajim, on the unlawful commixtures, Lev. xix. 19 ; Deut. xxii. 9-11. „ „ „ Chullin, the rubric as to the mode of killing meat and kindred subjects. . The Midrash Debarvm Rabba, on Deuteronomy. . The Talmudic Tractate Demai, regarding produce, the tithing of which is not certain. . The Midrash EcJiak Rabbathi, on Lamentations (also quoted as Mid. on Lament.). . The Talmudic Tractate Edujoth (Testimonies), the legal determina tions enacted or confirmed on a certain occasion, decisive in Jewish History. LIST OF ABBREVIATIONS. XXV Erub. . . The Talmudic Tractate Erubin, on the conjunction of Sabbath- boundaries. (See Appendix XVII.) Midr. Esth. . The Midrash on Esther. Gitt. . . The Talmudic Tractate Gittin, on Divorce. Horaj. . . „ „ „ Horajotk, ' Decisions ' on certain uninten tional transgressions. „ „ Yadayin, on the Washing of Hands. „ „ Yebamotk, on the Levirate. Jad [or Tad.] . Jeba m. [o r \ Yebam.~\ . J Jom. [mostly 1 Yom.~\ . ./ Kidd. Kinn. Midr. Kohel. Maas.Maas. Sh. . Mace. Machsh. Mechil. Megill. Meil. Midd.Mikv. Moed. K. Nas. . Ned..Neg.Nidd. Okal. Orl. . Par.. Peah. Pes. . „ „ Yoma, on the Day of Atonement. „ „ „ Kiddushin, on Betrothal. „ „ „ Kinnim, on the offering of doves (Lev. v. 1-10 ; xii. 8). The Midrash on Koheleth or Eccles. The Talmudic Tractate Maaserotk, on Levitical Tithes. „ „ „ Maaser Sheni, on second Tithes (-Deut. xiv. 22, &c). „ „ „ Maccoth, on the punishment of Stripes. „ „ „ Machshirin,orifi.m >-ok ab 'The world was not created but only for the Messiah.' — Sanh. 98 b. VOL. I. CHAPTER I. THE JEWISH WORLD IN THE DATS OF CHRIST — THE JEWISH DISPERSION IN THE EAST. Among the outward means by which the religion of Israel was pre- chap. served, one of the most important was the centralisation and localisa- i tion of its worship in Jerusalem. If to some the ordinances of the ' ' Old Testament may seem in this respect narrow and exclusive, it is at least doubtful, whether without such a provision Monotheism itself could have continued as a creed or a worship. In view of the state of the ancient world, and of the tendencies of Israel during the earlier stages of their history, the strictest isolation was necessary to preserve the religion of the Old Testament from that mixture with foreign elements which would speedily have proved fatal to its existence. And if one source of that danger had ceased after the seventy years' exile in Babylonia, the dispersion of the greater part of the nation among those whose manners and civilisation would necessarily influence them, rendered the continuance of this sepa ration of as great importance as before. In this respect, even traditionalism had its mission and use, as a hedge around the Law to render its infringement or modification impossible. Wherever a Eoman, a Greek, or an Asiatic might wander, he could take his gods with him, or find rites kindred to his own. It was far otherwise with the Jew. He had only one Temple, that in Jerusa lem ; only one God, Him Who had once throned there between the Cherubim, and Who was still King over Zion. That Temple was the only place where a God-appointed, pure priesthood could offer accept able sacrifices, whether for forgiveness of sin, or for fellowship with God. Here, in the impenetrable gloom of the innermost sanctuary, which the High-Priest alone could enter once a year for most solemn expia tion, had stood the Ark, the leader of the people into the Land of Promise, and the footstool on which the Shechinah had rested. From that golden altar rose the sweet cloud of incense, symbol of Israel's accepted prayers ; that seven-branched candlestick shed its perpetual b2 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. light, indicative of the brightness of God's Covenant-Presence ; on that table, as it were before the Face of Jehovah, was laid, week by week, ' the Bread of the Face,' l a constant sacrificial meal which Israel offered unto God, and wherewith God in turn fed His chosen priesthood. On the great blood-sprinkled altar of sacrifice smoked the daily and festive burnt-offerings, brought by all Israel, and for all Israel, wherever scattered ; while the vast courts of the Temple were thronged not only by native Palestinians, but literally by ' Jews out of every nation under heaven.' Around this Temple gathered the sacred memories of the past ; to it clung the yet brighter hopes of the future. The history of Israel and all their prospects were intertwined with their religion ; so that it may be said that without their religion they had no history, and without their history no religion. Thus, history, patriotism, religion, and hope alike pointed to Jerusalem and the Temple as the centre of Israel's unity. Nor could the depressed state of the nation alter their views or shake their confidence. What mattered it, that the Idumsean, Herod, had usurped the throne of David, except so far as his own guilt and their present subjection were concerned ? Israel had passed through deeper waters, and stood triumphant on the other shore. For centuries seemingly hopeless bondsmen in Egypt, they had not only been delivered, but had raised the God-inspired morning-song of jubilee, as they looked back upon the sea cleft for them, and which had buried their oppressors in their might and pride. Again, for weary years had their captives hung Zion's harps by the rivers of that city and empire whose colossal grandeur, wherever they turned, must have carried to the scattered strangers the desolate feeling of utter hopelessness. And yet that empire had crumbled into dust, while Israel had again taken root and sprung up. And now little more than a century and a half had passed, since a danger greater even than any of these had threatened the faith and very existence of Israel. In his daring madness, the Syrian king, Antiochus IV. (Epiphanes) had forbidden their religion, sought to destroy their sacred books, with unsparing ferocity forced on them conformity to heathen rites, desecrated the Temple by dedicating it to Zeus Olympios, and even reared a heathen altar upon that of burnt-offering.2 Worst of all, his wicked schemes had been aided by two apostate High-Priests, who had outvied each other in buying and then prostituting the sacred office of God's 1 Such is the literal meaning of what is translated by ' shewbread.' * 1 Mace. 1. 64, 59 ; Jos. Ant. xii. 5. 4. i '< THE JEWISH DISPERSION. 5 anointed.1 Yet far away in the mountains of Ephraim2 God had chap. raised for them most unlooked-for and unlikely help. Only three i years later, and, after a series of brilliant victories by undisciplined '" ' men over the flower of the Syrian army, Judas the Maccabee — truly ¦God's Hammer 3 — had purified the Temple, and restored its altar on the very same day 4 on which the ' abomination of desolation ' 5 had been set up in its place. In all their history the darkest hour of their night had ever preceded the dawn of a morning brighter than any that had yet broken. It was thus that with one voice all their prophets had bidden them wait and hope. Their sayings had been more than fulfilled as regarded the past. Would they not equally become true in reference to that far more glorious future for Zion and for Israel, which was to be ushered in by the coming of the Messiah ? Nor were such the feelings of the Palestinian Jews only. These indeed were now a minority. The majority of the nation constituted what was known as the dispersion ; a term which, however, no longer expressed its original meaning of banishment by the judgment of God,6 since absence from Palestine was now entirely voluntary. But all the more that it referred not to outward suffering,7 did its continued use indicate a deep feeling of religious sorrow, of social isolation, and of political strangership 8 in the midst of a heathen world. For although, as Josephus reminded his countrymen,3, there » jew. w. a. was 'no nation in the world which had not among them part of the Jewish people,' since it was ' widely dispersed over all the world among its inhabitants,' b yet they had nowhere found a real home. » m. 3. 3 A century and a half before our era comes to us from Egypt9 — where 1 After the deposition of Onias III. Siatnreipw in Greek, with their derivatives, through the bribery of his own brother are used in the Old Testament, and in Jason, the latter and Menelaus outvied the rendering of the LXX., with reference each other in bribery for, and prostitu- to punitive banishment. See, for example, tion of, the holy office; Judg. xviii, 30 ; 1 Sam. iv. 21 ; and in 2 Modin, the birthplace of the Macca- the LXX. Deut. xxx. 4 ; Ps. cxlvii. 2 ; Is. bees, has been identified with the modern xlix. 6, and other passages. El-Medyek, about sixteen miles north- ' There is some truth, although greatly west of Jerusalem, in the ancient terri- exaggerated, in the bitter remarks of tory of Ephraim. Comp. Conder's Hand- Hausrath (Neutest. Zeitgesch. ii. p. 93), book of the Bible, p. 291 ; and for a full as to the sensitiveness of the Jews in reference to the whole literature of the the Siao-iropd, and the loud outcry of all subject, see Sekwrer (Neutest. Zeitgesch. its members at any interference with p. 78, note 1). them, however trivial. But events 3 On the meaning of the name Macca- unfortunately too often proved how bee, comp. Grimm's Kurzgef. Bxeget. real and near was their danger, and Handb. z. d. Apokr. Lief, iii., pp. ix., x. how necessary the caution ' Obsta prin- We adopt the derivation from Mahkabh, cipiis.' a hammer, like Charles Martel. 8 St. Peter seems to have used it in that 1 1 Mace. iv. 52-54 ; Megill. Taan. 23. sense, 1 Pet. i. 1. 5 1 Mace. i. 54. ° Comp. the remarks of Schneclten- 8 Alike the verb r6j in Hebrew, and burger (Vorles. ii. Neutest. Zeitg. p. 95). 6 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. book the Jews possessed exceptional privileges— professedly from the i heathen, but really from the Jewish1 Sibyl, this lament of Israel : — Crowding with thy number every ocean and country — Still an offence to all around thy presence and customs ! 2 Sixty years later the Greek geographer and historian Strabo bears the like witness to their presence in every land, but in language that shows how true had been the complaint of the Sibyl.3 The reasons for this state of feeling will by-and-by appear. Suffice it for the present that, all unconsciously, Philo tells its deepest ground, and that of Israel's loneliness in the heathen world, when speaking, like the others, of his countrymen as in 'all the cities of Europe, in the provinces of Asia and in the islands,' he describes them as, wherever sojourning, having but one metropolis — not Alexandria, Antioch, or Eome — but ' the Holy City with its Temple, dedicated to the Most High God. ' 4 A nation, the vast majority of which was dispersed over the whole inhabited earth, had ceased to be a special, and become a world-nation.5 Yet its heart beat in Jerusalem, and thence the life-blood passed to its most distant members. And this, indeed, if we rightly understand it, was the grand object of the ' Jewish dispersion ' throughout the world. What has been said applies, perhaps, in a special manner, to the Western, rather than to the Eastern ' dispersion.' The connection of the latter with Palestine was so close as almost to seem one ot continuity. In the account of the truly representative gathering in Jerusalem on that ever-memorable Feast of Weeks,3, the division of the ' dispersion ' into two grand sections — the Eastern or Trans- Euphratic, and the Western or Hellenist — seems clearly marked.6 In this arrangement the former would include ' the Parthians, Medes, Elamites, and dwellers in Mesopotamia,' Judaea standing, so to speak, in the middle, while ' the Cretes and Arabians ' would typically represent the farthest outrunners respectively of the Western and the Eastern Diaspora. The former, as we know from the New Tes tament, commonly bore in Palestine the name of the ' dispersion of a Acts ii. 11 1 Comp. Friedlieb, D. Sibyll. Weissag. xxii. 39. 2 Orac. Sibyll. iii. 271, 272, apud Fried lieb, p. 62. 3 Strabo apud Jos. Ant. xiv. 7. 2 : 'It is not easy to find a place in the world that has not admitted this race, and is not mastered by it.' 1 Philo in Flaccum (ed. Francf .), p. 971. 5 Comp. Jos. Ant. xii. 3 ; xiii. 10. 4 ; 13. 1 ; xiv. 6. 2 ; 8. 1 ; 10. 8 ; Sueton. Cses. 85. 0 Grimm (Clavis N.T. p. 113) quotes two passages from Philo, in one of which he contradistinguishes ' us,' the Hellenist Jews, from 'the Hebrews,' and speaks of the Greek as ' our language.' vii. 35 b Acts vi. 1 ; ix. 29 ; xi. 20 'HELLENISTS' AND 'HEBREWS.' the Greeks,' a and of ' Hellenists ' or ' Grecians.' b On the other hand, chap, the Trans-Euphratic Jews, who ' inhabited Babylon and many of the I other satrapies,' c were included with the Palestinians and the Syrians »st.j0im under the term ' Hebrews,' from the common language which they spoke. But the difference between the ' Grecians ' and the ' Hebrews ' cajum, P. , was far deeper than merely of language, and extended to the whole Ant/xv. 3. 1 direction of thought. There were mental influences at work in the Greek world from which, in the nature of things, it was impossible even for Jews to withdraw themselves, and which, indeed, were as necessary for the fulfilment of their mission as their isolation from heathenism, and their connection with Jerusalem. At the same time it was only natural that the Hellenists, placed as they were in the midst of such hostile elements, should intensely wish to be Jews, equal to their Eastern brethren. On the other hand, Pharisaism, in its pride of legal purity and of the possession of traditional lore, with all that it involved, made no secret of its contempt for the Hellenists, and openly declared the Grecian far inferior to the Baby lonian ' dispersion.' ' That such feelings, and the suspicions which they engendered, had struck deep into the popular mind, appears from the fact, that even in the Apostolic Church, and that in her earliest days, disputes could break out between the Hellenists and the Hebrews, arising from suspicion of unkind and unfair dealings grounded on these sectional prejudices.3 " Acts vi. 1 Far other was the estimate in which the Babylonians were hejd by the leaders of Judaism. Indeed, according to one view of it, Babylonia, as well as 'Syria' as far north as Antioch, was regarded as forming part of the land of Israel.2 Every other country was con sidered outside ' the land,' as Palestine was called, with the excep tion of Babylonia, which was reckoned as part of it.e For Syria and « En*. 21a Mesopotamia, eastwards to the banks of the Tigris, were supposed to have been in the territory which King David had conquered, and this made them ideally for ever like the land of Israel. But it was just between the Euphrates and the Tigris that the largest and wealthiest settlements of the Jews were, to such extent that a later writer actually designated them ' the land of Israel.' Here Nehardaa, on the Nahar Malka, or royal canal, which passed from the Euphrates 1 Similarly, we have (in Men. 110 a) —these are the exiles in other lands, who this curious explanation of Is. xliii. 6 : had become as women. Comp. also Gitt. ' My sons from afar ' — these are the exiles 2 a. in Babylon, who remained men, ' and 2 Ber. B. 17. my daughters from the ends of the earth ' 8 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. book to the Tigris, was the oldest Jewish settlement. It boasted of a i Synagogue, said to have been built by King Jechoniah with stones * ^~" that had been brought from the Temple.1 In this fortified city the vast contributions intended for the Temple were deposited by the Eastern Jews, and thence conveyed to their destination under escort of thousands of armed men. Another of these Jewish treasure- cities was Nisibis, in northern Mesopotamia. Even the fact that wealth, which must have sorely tempted the cupidity of the heathen, could be safely stored in these cities and transported to Palestine, shows how large the Jewish population must have been, and how great their general influence. In general, it is of the greatest importance to remember in regard to this Eastern dispersion, that only a minority of the Jews, con sisting in all of about 60,000, originally returned from Babylon, first ¦ 036 b.c. under Zerubbabel and afterwards under Ezra.a Nor was this inferiority confined to numbers. The wealthiest and most influential of the l^xr%li'- ^ews remamed behind. According to Josephus,b with whom Philo xviii. 9 substantially agrees, vast numbers, estimated at millions, inhabited the Trans-Euphratic provinces. To judge even by the number of those slain in popular risings (50,000 in Seleucia alone2), these figures do not seem greatly exaggerated. A later tradition had it, that so dense was the Jewish population in the Persian Empire, that Cyrus forbade the further return of the exiles, lest the country should be depopulated.3 So large and compact a body soon became a poli tical power. Kindly treated under the Persian monarchy, they were, « 330 b.c. after the fall of that empire,0 favoured by the successors of Alexander. When in turn the Macedono-Syrian rule gave place to the Parthian * 63 b.c. Empire,d the Jews formed, from their national opposition to Borne* an important element in the East. Such was their influence that, so late as the year 40 a.d., the Eoman legate shrank from provoking their hostility.4 At the same time it must not be thought that, even in these favoured regions, they were wholly without persecu tion. Here also history records more than one tale of bloody strife on the part of those among whom they dwelt.5 To the Palestinians, their brethren of the East and of Syria — to which they had wandered under the fostering rule of the Macedono- ' Comp. Fiirst, Kult. u. Literaturgesch. 5 The following are the chief passages d, Jud. in Asien, vol. i. p. 8. in Josephus relating to that part of Jewish 2 Jos. Ant. xviii. 9. 9. history : Ant. xi. 5. 2 ; xiv. 13. 5 : xv. 2. 7 ; ' Midrash on Cant. v. 5, ed. Warsh. 3. 1 ; xvii. 2. 1-3 ; xviii. 9. 1, &c. ; xx. 4. P- 26 a. Jew. W. i. 13. 3. * Philo ad Caj. PRE-EMINENCE OF THE BABYLONIANS. Syrian monarchs (the Seleucidse) — were indeed pre-eminently the Oolah, or ' dispersion.' To them the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem intimated by fire-signals from mountain-top to mountain-top the commencement of each month for the regulation of the festive calendar,1 even as they afterwards despatched messengers into Syria for the same purpose.2 In some respects the Eastern dispersion was placed on the same footing ; in others, on even a higher level than the mother-country. Tithes and Therumoth, or first-fruits in a prepared condition,3 were due from them, while the Biccurim, or first-fruits in a fresh state, were to be brought from Syria to Jerusalem. Unlike the heathen countries, whose very dust defiled, the soil of Svria was declared clean, like that of Palestine itself.3, So * oiuii. J y m xviii. 7 far as purity of descent was concerned, the Babylonians, indeed, con sidered themselves superior to their Palestinian brethren. They had it, that when Ezra took with him those who went to Palestine, he had left the land behind him as pure as fine flour .b To express it in their * Kiaa. G9& own fashion : In regard to the genealogical purity of their Jewish inhabitants, all other countries were, compared to Palestine, like dough mixed- with leaven ; but Palestine itself was such by the side of Babylonia.4 It was even maintained, that the exact boundaries could be traced, in a district, within which the Jewish population had preserved itself unmixed. Great merit was in this respect also ascribed to Ezra. In the usual mode of exaggeration, it was asserted, that, if all the genealogical studies and researches5 had been put together, they would have amounted to many hundred camel-loads. There was for it, however, at least this foundation in truth, that great care and labour were bestowed on preserving full and accurate records to establish purity of descent. What importance attached to it, we know from the action of Ezra0 in that respect, and from the c chs. ix. A. stress which Josephus lays on this point.d Official records of descent "Lifei.; Ag. as regarded the priesthood were kept in the Temple. Besides, the Jewish authorities seem to have possessed a general official register, which Herod afterwards ordered to be burnt, from reasons which it is not difficult to infer. But from that day, laments a Eabbi, the .glory of the Jews decreased !6 Nor was it merely purity of descent of which the Eastern dis- 1 Bosh haSh. ii. 4 ; comp. the Jer. s As comments upon the genealogies Gemara on it, and in the Bab. Talmud from ' Azel ' in 1 Chr. viii. 37 to ' Azel ' in 23 b. Comp. also Shek. vii. i. ix. 44. Jer. Pes. v. 3 ; Pes. 62 b. 2 Bosh haSh. i. 4. s Pes. 62 b ; Sachs, Beitr. vol. ii. p. ' Shev. vi. passim ; Gitt. 8 a. 157. ' * Cheth. Ill a. 10 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. BOOK I ¦ Sanh. 21 i persion could boast. In truth, Palestine owed everything to Ezra, the Babylonian,1 a man so distinguished that, according to tradition, the Law would have been given by him, if Moses had not previously obtained that honour. Putting aside the various traditional ordi nances which the Talmud ascribes to him,2 we know from the Scrip tures what his activity for good had been. Altered circumstances had brought 'many changes to the new Jewish State. Even the language, spoken and written, was other than formerly. Instead of the characters anciently employed, the exiles brought with them, on their return, those now common, the so-called square Hebrew letters,. which gradually came into general use.a 3 The language spoken by the Jews was no longer Hebrew, but Aramaean, both in Palestine and in Babylonia ;4 in the former the Western, in the latter the Eastern dialect. In fact, the common people were ignorant of pure Hebrew,. which henceforth became the language of students and of the Synagogue. Even there a Meturgeman, or interpreter, had to be- employed to translate into the vernacular the portions of Scripture read in the public services,5 and the addresses delivered by the Eabbis. This was the origin of the so-called Targumim, or paraphrases of Scripture. In earliest times, indeed, it was forbidden to the Me turgeman to read his translation or to write down a Targum, lest. 1 According to tradition he returned to Babylon, and died there. Josephus says that he died in Jerusalem (Ant. xi. 5. 6). 2 Herzfeld has given a very clear his torical arrangement of the ord er in which, and the persons by whom, the various legal determinations were supposed to have been given. See Gesch. d. V. Isr. vol. iii. pp. 240 tea. 3 Although thus introduced under Ezra, the ancient Hehrew characters, which are substantially the same as the Samaritan, only very gradually gave way. They are found on monuments and coins. 4 Herzfeld (u. s. vol. iii. p. 46) happily designates the Palestinian as the He- brceo-Aramaic, from its Hebraistic tinge. The Hebrew, as well as the Aramsean, belong to the Semitic group of languages, which has thus been arranged : 1. North Semitic : Punico-Phcenician, Hebrew, and Aramaic (Western and Eastern dialects). 2. South Semitic : Arabic and Ethiopian. 3. East Semitic : The Assyro-Babylonian cuneiform. When we speak of the dialect used in Palestine, we do not, of course, forget the great influence of Syria, exerted long before and after the Exile. The Aramaic is by far the most closely con nected with the Hebrew of all these branches. Hebrew occupies an interme diate position between the Aramaic and the Arabic, and may be said to be the oldest, certainly from a literary point of view. Together with the introduction of the new dialect into Palestine, we mark that of the new, or square, characters of writing. The Mishnah and all the kindred literature up to the fourth century are in Hebrew, or rather in a modern develop ment and adaptation of that language ;. the Talmud is in Aramasan. Comp. on this subject : De Wette- Schrader, Lehrb. d. hist. kr. Einl. (8 ed.) pp. 71-88 ; Her- zog's Eeal-Encykl. vol. i. 466-468 ; v. 614 &c, 710 ; Zvmz, Gottesd. Vortr. d. Jud.. pp. 7-9 ; Herzfeld, u. s. pp. 44 &c, 58 &c. 5 Could St. Paul have had this in mind when, in referring to the miraculous gift of speaking in other languages, he directs that one shall always interpret (1 Cor. xiv. 27) 1 At any rate, the word targum in Ezra iv. 7 is rendered in the LXX. by epfit]veva>. The following from the Tal mud (Ber. 8 a and b) affords a curious illustration of 1 Cor. xiv. 27 : ' Let a man always finish his Parashah (the daily lesson from the Law) with the congrega tion (at the same time) — twice the text, and once targum.' BABYLONIAN INFLUENCE ON THEOLOGY. 11 the paraphrase should be regarded as of equal authority with the chap. original. It was said that, when Jonathan brought out his Targum I on the Prophets, a voice from heaven was heard to utter : ' Who is ' " this that has revealed My secrets to men?" Still, such Targu- »MegHLSa mim seem to have existed from a very early period, and their necessity, amid the varying and often incorrect renderings, must have increasingly made itself felt. Accordingly, their use was authoritatively sanctioned before the end of the second century after Christ. This is the origin of our two oldest extant Targumim: that of Onkelos (as it is called), on the Pentateuch ; and that attri buted to Jonathan the son of Uzziel, on the Prophets. These names do not, indeed, accurately represent the authorship of the oldest Tar gumim, which may more correctly be regarded as new and authorita tive recensions of what, in some form, had existed before. But although these works had their origin in Palestine, it is noteworthy that, in the form in which at present we possess them, they are the outcome of the schools of Babylon. But Palestine owed, if possible, a still greater debt to Babylonia. The new circumstances in which the Jews were placed on their return seemed to render necessary an adaptation of the Mosaic Law, if not new legislation. Besides, piety and zeal now attached them selves to the outward observance and study of the letter of the Law. This is the origin of the Mishnah, or Second Law, which was intended to explain and supplement the first. This constituted the only Jewish dogmatics, in the real sense, in the study of which the sage, Eabbi, scholar, scribe, and Darshan,1 were engaged. The result of it was the Mid/rash, or investigation, a term which afterwards was popularly applied to commentaries on the Scriptures and preaching. From the outset, Jewish theology divided into two branches : the Halachah and the Haggadah. The former (from halach, to go) was, so to speak, the Eule of the Spiritual Eoad, and when fixed, had even greater authority than the Scriptures of the Old Testament, since it explained and applied them. On the other hand, the Haggadah2 (from hagad, to tell) was only the personal saying of the teacher, more or less valuable according to his learning and popularity, or the authorities which he could quote in his support. Unlike the Halachah, the Haggadah had no absolute authority, either as to doctrine, practice, or exegesis. But all the greater would 1 From da-rank, to search out, literally, 2 The Halackak might be described as to tread out. The preacher was after- the apocryphal Pentateuch, the Haggadah wards called the Darskan. as the apocryphal Prophets. 12 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. book be its popular influence,1 and all the more dangerous the doctrinal i license which it allowed. In fact, strange as it may sound, almost " " ' all the doctrinal teaching of the Synagogue is to be derived from the Haggadah — and this also is characteristic of Jewish traditionalism. But, alike in Halachah and Haggadah, Palestine was under the deepest obligation to Babylonia. For the father of Halachic study was Hillel, the Babylonian, and among the popular Haggadists there is not a name better known than that of Eleazar the Mede, who flourished in the first century of our era. After this, it seems almost idle to inquire whether, during the first period after the return of the exiles from Babylon, there were regular theological academies in Babylon. Although it is, of course, impossible to furnish historical proof, we can scarcely doubt that a community so large and so intensely Hebrew would not have been indifferent to that study, which constituted the main thought and engagement of their brethren in Palestine. We can understand that, since the great Sanhedrin in Palestine exercised supreme spiritual authority, and in that capacity ultimately settled all religious questions — at least for a time — the study and discussion of these subjects should also have been chiefly carried on in the schools of Palestine ; and how even the great Hillel himself, when still a poor and unknown student, should have wandered thither to acquire the learning and authority, which at that period he could not have found in his own country. But even this circumstance implies, that such studies were at least carried on and encouraged in Babylonia. How rapidly soon afterwards the authority of the Babylonian schools increased, till they not only overshadowed those of Palestine, but finally inherited their prerogatives, is well known. However, there fore, the Palestinians in their pride or jealousy might sneer,2 that the Babylonians were stupid, proud, and poor (' they ate bread upon bread'),3 even they had to acknowledge that, ' when the Law had fallen into oblivion, it was restored by Ezra of Babylon ; when it was a second time forgotten, Hillel the Babylonian came and recovered it ; and when yet a third time it fell into oblivion, Eabbi Chija came from Babylon and gave it back once more.' 4 ' We may here remind ourselves of 1 is mentioned as a reason why the Deity Tim. v. 17. St. Paul, as always, writes with could not rest upon a certain Eabbi. the familiar Jewish phrases ever recur- 3 Pes. 34 7> ; Men. 85 b • Sanh. 24 a ; ring to his mind. The expression 8iSo- Bez. 17 a — apud Neubauer, Geog. du o-kokIo. seems to be equivalent to Halachic Talmud, p. 323. In Cheth. 75 a, they teaching. Comp. Grimm, Clavis N .T. pp. are styled the ' silly Babylonians.' See 98, 99. also B. Kama 7 a. 2 In Moed K. 25 a, sojourn in Babylon 4 Succ. 20 a. B. Chija, one of the JEWISH WANDERERS IN THE FAR EAST. 13 Such then was that Hebrew dispersion which, from the first, con stituted really the chief part and the strength of the Jewish nation, and with whom also its religious future was to lie. For it is one of those strangely significant, almost symbolical, facts in history, that after the destruction of Jerusalem the spiritual supremacy of Pales tine passed to Babylonia, and that Eabbinical Judaism, under the stress of political adversity, voluntarily transferred itself to the seats of Israel's ancient dispersion, as if to ratify by its own act what the judgment of God had formerly executed. But long before that time the Babylonian ' dispersion ' had already stretched out its hands in every direction. Northwards, it had spread through Armenia, the Caucasus, and to the shores of the Black Sea, and through Media to those of the Caspian. Southwards, it had extended to the Persian Gulf and through the vast extent of Arabia, although Arabia Felix and the land of the Homerites may have received their first Jewish colonies from the opposite shores of Ethiopia. Eastwards it had passed as far as India.1 Everywhere we have distinct notices of these wanderers, and everywhere they appear as in closest connection with the Eabbinical hierarchy of Palestine. Thus the Mishnah, in an extremely curious section,2 tells us how on Sabbaths the Jewesses of Arabia might wear their long veils, and those of India the kerchief round the head, customary in those countries, without incurring the guilt of desecrating the holy day by needlessly carrying what, in the eyes of the law, would be a burden ; a while in the rubric for the Day ¦ shabb.vi. s of Atonement we have it noted that the dress which the High Priest wore ' between the evenings ' of the great fast — that is, as afternoon darkened into evening — was of most costly ' Indian ' stuff.b b Toma m, t That among such a vast community there should have been poverty, and that at one time, as the Palestinians sneered, learning may have been left to pine in want, we can readily believe. For, as one of the Eabbis had it in explanation of Deut. xxx. 13 : 'Wisdom is not " beyond the sea " — that is, it will not be found among traders or merchants,' ° whose mind must be engrossed by gain. And it was e Er. ss * teachers of the second century, is among by the Jews at that time. The reader the most celebrated Eabbinical author- interested in the subject will find special ities, around whose memory legend has information in the three little volumes of thrown a special halo. Hartmann (Die Hebraerin am Putztische), 1 In this, as in so many respects, Dr. iniV.tr. Schroder's somewhat heavy work: Neubauer has collated very interesting De Vestitu Mulier. Hebr., and especially information, to which we refer. See his in that interesting tractate, Trachten Geogr. du Talm., pp. 369-399. d. Juden, by Dr. A. Brull, of which, 2 The whole section gives a most curious unfortunately, only one part has ap- glimpse of the dress and ornaments worn peared. 14 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. trade and commerce which procured to the Babylonians their wealth and influence, although agriculture was not neglected. Their caravans— of whose camel drivers, by the way, no very flattering •Kiaa.iv.u account is given a — carried the rich carpets and woven stuffs of the East, as well as its precious spices, to the West : generally through Palestine to the Phoenician harbours, where a fleet of merchantmen belonging to Jewish bankers and shippers lay ready to convey them to every quarter of the world. These merchant princes were keenly alive to all that passed, not only in the financial, but in the political world. We know that they were in possession of State secrets, and entrusted with the intricacies of diplomacy. Yet, whatever its condition, this Eastern Jewish community was intensely Hebrew. Only eight days' journey — though, according to Philo's western ideas of it, by a difficult road ' — separated them from Palestine ; and every pulsation there vibrated in Babylonia. It was in the most outlying part of that colony, in the wide plains of Arabia, that Saul of 'Tarsus spent those three years of silent thought and unknown labour, which preceded his re-appearance in Jerusalem, when from the burning longing to labour among his brethren, kindled by long residence among these Hebrews of the Hebrews, he was directed to that strange work which was his life's mission. And it was among 1 pat '' W ^e same community that Peter wrote and laboured,b amidst dis couragements of which we can form some conception from the sad boast of Nehardaa, that up to the end of the third century it had not numbered among its members any convert to Christianity.2 In what has been said, no notice has been taken of those wan derers of the ten tribes, whose trackless footsteps seem as mysterious as their after-fate. The Talmudists name four countries as their seats. But, even if we were to attach historic credence to their vague statements, at least two of these localities cannot with any certainty be identified.3 Only thus far all agree as to point us northwards, through India, Armenia, the Kurdish mountains, and the Caucasus. And with this tallies a curious reference in what is known as IV. Esdras, which locates them in a land called Arzareth, a term which has, with « Ant. xi. 5.2 some probability, been identified with the land of Ararat.4 Josephus ° 1 Philo ad Cajum, ed. Frcf. p. 1023. For the reasons there stated, I prefer 2 Pes. 56 a, apud Neubmur, U.S., p. this to the interpretation proposed by 351- Dr. Schiller-Szinessy (Journ. of Philol. for 3 Comp. Neubaucr, pp. 315, 372 ; Ham- 1870, pp. 113,114), who regards it as burger, Beal-Encycl. p. 135. a contraction of Erez aclieretk, ' an- * Comp. Volkmar, Handb. d. Einl. in other land,' referred to in Deut xxix 27 d. Apokr ii" Abth., pp. 193, 194, notes. (28). THE 'LOST' TRIBES. 15 describes them as an innumerable multitude, and vaguely locates chap. them beyond the Euphrates. The Mishnah is silent as to their i seats, but discusses their future restoration ; Eabbi Akiba denying ' ' and Eabbi Eliezer anticipating it.3, 1 Another Jewish tradition b locates a sanh. x. 3 them by the fabled river Sabbatj on, which was supposed to cease bBer-H-73 its flow on the weekly Sabbath. This, if course, is an implied admis sion of ignorance of their seats. Similarly, the Talmud ° speaks of "'a Sank. three localities whither they had been banished : the district around the river Sabbatj on ; Daphne, near Antioch ; while the third was overshadowed and hidden by a cloud. Later Jewish notices connect the final discovery and the return of the ' lost tribes ' with their conversion under that second Messiah who, in contradistinction to ' the Son of David,' is styled ' the Son of Joseph,' to whom Jewish tradition ascribes what it cannot recon cile with the royal dignity of ' the Son of David,' and which, if applied to Him, would almost inevitably lead up to the most wide concessions in the Christian argument.2 As regards the ten tribes there is this underlying truth in the strange hypothesis, that, as their persistent apostacy from the God of Israel and His worship had cut them off from His people, so the fulfilment of the Divine promises to them in the latter days would imply, as it were, a second birth to make them once more Israel. Beyond this we are travelling chiefly into the region of conjecture. Modern investigations have pointed to the Nestorians,3 and latterly with almost convincing evidence (so far as such is possible) to the Afghans, as descended from the lost tribes.4 Such mixture with, and lapse into Gentile nationalities seems to have been before the mind of those Eabbis who ordered that, if at present a non- Jew wedded a Jewess, such a union was to be respected, since the stranger might be a descendant of the ten tribes.4 Besides, aYebam there is reason to believe that part of them, at least, had coalesced with their brethren of the later exile;5 while we know that indi viduals who had settled in Palestine and, presumably, elsewhere, 1 E. Elieser seems to connect their on the Nestorians. His arguments have return with the dawn of the new Mes- been well summarised and expanded in an sianic day. interesting note in Mr. Nutfs Sketch of 2 This is not the place to discuss the Samaritan History, pp. 2-4. later Jewish fiction of a second or ' suffer- 4 I would here call special attention to ing ' Messiah, 'the son of Joseph,' whose a most interesting paper on the subject special mission it was to bring back the (' A New Afghan Question'), by Mr. H. W. ten tribes, and to subject them to Mes- Bellew, in the ' Journal of the United siah, ' the son of David,' but who perishes Service Institution of India,' for 1881, in the war against Gog and Magog. pp. 49-97. 8 Comp. the work of Dr. Asakel Grant s Kidd. 69 b. 16 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. were able to trace descent from them.1 Still the great mass of the ten tribes was in the days of Christ, as in our own, lost to the Hebrew nation. 1 So Anna from the tribe of Aser, St. ments are not convincing, and his opinion Luke ii. 36. Lutterbeck (Neutest. Lehr- was certainly not that of those who lived begr. pp. 102, 103) argues that the ten in the time of Christ, or who reflected tribes had become whoUy undistinguish- their ideas. able from the other two. But his argu- GREEK INFLUENCES ON THE HELLENIST JEWS. 17 CHAPTEE II. THE JEWISH DISPERSION IN THE WEST — THE HELLENISTS — ORIGIN OF HEL LENIST LITERATURE IN THE GREEK TRANSLATION OP THE BIBLE CHA RACTER OF THE SEPTUAGINT. When we turn from the Jewish ' dispersion ' in the East to that in the West, we seem in quite a different atmosphere. Despite their intense nationalism, all unconsciously to themselves, their mental characteristics and tendencies were in the opposite direction from those of their brethren. With those of the East rested the future of Judaism ; with them of the West, in a sense, that of the world. The one represented old Israel groping back into the darkness of the past ; the other young Israel, stretching forth its hands to where the dawn of a new day was about to break. These Jews of the West are known by the term Hellenists — from sWwvi&iv, to conform to the language and manners of the Greeks.1 Whatever their religious and social isolation, it was, in the nature of things, impossible that the Jewish communities in the West should remain unaffected by Grecian culture and modes of thought ; just as, on the other hand, the Greek world, despite popular hatred and the contempt of the higher classes, could not wholly withdraw itself from Jewish influences. Witness here the many converts to Judaism among the Gentiles ;2 witness also the evident preparedness of the lands of this ' dispersion ' for the new doctrine which was to come from Judsea. Many causes contributed to render the Jews of the West accessible to Greek influences. They had not a long local history to look back upon, nor did they form a compact body, like their brethren in the East. They were craftsmen, traders, merchants, 1 Bbhl (Forsch. n. ein. Volksb. p. 7) term ' Hellenist ' indicated only principles, quotes Philo (Leg; ad Caj. p. 1023) in and not birthplace, and that there were proof that he regarded the Eastern dis- Hebrews and Hellenists in and out of persion as a branch separate from the Palestine. But this view cannot be main- Palestinians. But the passage does not tained. convey to me the inference which, he 2 An account of this propaganda of draws from it. Dr. Guillemard" (He- Judaism and of its results will be given braisms in the Greek Test.) on Acts vi. 1, in another conection. • following Dr. Eoberts, argues that the VOL., I. C 18 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. settled for a time here or there— units which might combine into communities, but could not form one people. Then their position was not favourable to the sway of traditionalism. Their occupations, the very reasons for their being in a ' strange land,' were purely secular. That lofty absorption of thought and life in the study of the Law, written and oral, which characterised the East, was to them something in the dim distance, sacred, like the soil and the insti tutions of Palestine, but unattainable. In Palestine or Babylonia numberless influences from his earliest years, all that he saw and heard, the very force of circumstances, would tend to make an earnest Jew a disciple of the Eabbis ; in the West it would lead him to ' hellenise.' It was, so to speak, ' in the air ' ; and he could no more shut his mind against Greek thought than he could withdraw his body from atmospheric influences. That restless, searching, subtle Greek intellect would penetrate everywhere, and flash its light into the innermost recesses of his home and Synagogue. To be sure, they were intensely Jewish, these communities of strangers. Like our scattered colonists in distant lands, they would cling with double affection to the customs of their home, and invest with the halo of tender memories the sacred traditions of their faith. The Grecian Jew might well look with' contempt, not unmingled with pity, on the idolatrous rites practised around, from which long ago the pitiless irony of Isaiah had torn the veil of beauty, to show the hideousness and unreality beneath. The dissoluteness of public and private life, the frivolity and aimlessness of their pursuits, political aspirations, popular assemblies, amusements — in short, the utter decay of society, in all its phases, would lie open to his gaze. It is' in terms of lofty scorn, not unmingled with indignation, which only^eeasionally gives way to the softer mood of warning, or even invitation, that Jewish Hellenistic literature, whether in the Apo crypha" or in its Apocalyptic utterances, addresses heathenism. Ffdm that spectacle the Grecian Jew would turn with infinite satisfaction — not to say, pride — to his own community, to think of its spiritual enlightenment, and to pass in review its exclusive privileges.1 It was with no uncertain steps that he would go past those splendid temples to his own humbler Synagogue, pleased to find himself "there surrounded by those who shared his descent, his faith, his hofes:; and gratified to see their number swelled by many who, heathens by birth, had learned the error of their ways, and now, so to spe^^JjyjmMy stood as suppliant ' strangers of the gate,' to seek 1 St. Paul fully describes these feelings in the Epistle to the Eomans. IN THE HELLENIST SYNAGOGUES. 19 admission into his sanctuary.1 How different were the rites which chap. he practised, hallowed in their Divine origin, rational in themselves, h and at the same time deeply significant, from the absurd superstitions around. Who could have compared with the voiceless, meaningless, blasphemous heathen worship, if it deserved the name, that of the Synagogue, with its pathetic hymns, its sublime liturgy, its Divine Scriptures, and those ' stated sermons ' which * instructed in virtue and piety,' of which not only Philo,8, Agrippa,b and Josephus,c speak as a »DeVita Tegular institution, but whose antiquity and general prevalence is p- ess ; Le attested in Jewish writings,2 and nowhere more strongly than in the p. iow book of the Acts of the Apostles. oa^8p. W36 And in these Synagogues, how would ' brotherly love ' be called ?.-** APion •out, since, if one member suffered, all might soon be affected, and the danger which threatened one community would, unless averted, ere long overwhelm the rest. There was little need for the admonition not to ' forget the love of strangers.' 3 To entertain them was not merely a virtue; in the Hellenist dispersion it was a religious necessity. And by such means not a few whom they would regard as ' heavenly messengers ' might be welcomed. From the Acts of the Apostles we know with what eagerness they would receive, and with what readiness they would invite, the passing Eabbi or teacher, who came from the home of their faith, to speak, if there were in them a word of comforting exhortation for the people.d We can "aoy<«™p*- scarcely doubt, considering the state of things, that this often bore jp« tov on 'the consolation of Israel.' But, indeed, all that came from Acts xiii. 15 Jerusalem, all that helped them to realise their living connection with it, or bound it more closely, was precious. ' Letters out of Judsea,' the tidings which some one might bring on his return from festive pilgrimage or business journey, especially about anything ¦connected with that grand expectation — the star which was to rise on the Eastern sky — would soon spread, till the Jewish pedlar in his "wanderings had carried the news to the most distant and isolated Jewish home, where he might find a Sabbath-welcome and Sab bath-rest. 1 The 'Gerey kaShaar,' proselytes of the read of a Eabbi in Eome, Thodos (Theu- gate, a designation which some have de- dos ?), who flourished several generations rived from the circumstance that Gentiles before Hillel, for reasons which the pas- were not allowed to advance beyond the sage itself will suggest to the student. Temple Court, but more likely to be At the time of Philo, however, such in- traced to such passages as Ex. xx. 10; structions in the Synagogues at Eome Deut. xiv. 21 ; xxiv. 14. were a long-established institution (Ad 2 Comp. here Targ. Jon. on Judg. v. Caj. p. 1014). 2, 9. I feel more hesitation in appealing * ^>iA.o|eWo, Hebr. xiii. 2. to such passages as Ber. 19 a, where we 02 20 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. book Such undoubtedly was the case. And yet, when the Jew stepped I out of the narrow circle which he had drawn around him, he was confronted on every side by Grecianism. It was in the forum, in the market, in the counting-house, in the street ; in all that he saw, and in all to whom he spoke. It was refined ; it was elegant ; it was profound; it was supremely attractive. He might resist, but he could not push it aside. Even in resisting, he had already yielded to it. For, once open the door to the questions which it brought, if it were only to expel, or repel them, he must give up that principle of simple authority on which traditionalism as a system rested. Hellenic criticism could not so be silenced, nor its. searching light be extinguished by the breath of a Eabbi. If he attempted this, the truth would not only be worsted before its- enemies, but suffer detriment in his own eyes. He must meet argument with argument, and that not only for those who were without, but in order to be quite sure himself of what he believed. He must be able to hold it, not only in controversy with others, where pride might bid him stand fast, but in that much more serious contest within, where a man meets the old adversary alone in the secret arena of his own mind, and has to sustain that terrible hand- to-hand fight, in which he is uncheered by outward help. But why should he shrink from the contest, when he was sure that his was Divine truth, and that therefore victory must be on his side ? As in our modern conflicts against the onesided inferences from physical investigations we are wont to say that the truths of nature cannot contradict those of revelation — both being of God — and as we are apt to regard as truths of nature what sometimes are only deduc tions from partially ascertained facts, and as truths of revelation what, after all, may be only our own inferences, sometimes from im- . perfectly apprehended premisses, so the Hellenist would seek to con ciliate the truths of Divine revelation with those others which, he thought, he recognised in Hellenism. But what were the truths of Divine revelation? Was it only the substance of Scripture, or also its form — the truth itself which was conveyed, or the manner in which it was presented to the Jews ; or, if both, then did the two stand on exactly the same footing ? On the answer to these ques tions would depend how little or how much he would ' hellenise.' One thing at any rate was quite certain. The Old Testament, leastwise, the Law of Moses, was directly and wholly from God; and if so, then its form also — its letter — must be authentic and authoritative. Thus much on the surface, and for all. But the HELLENIST VIEWS OF SCRIPTURE. 21 student must search deeper into it, his senses, as it were, quickened by Greek criticism ; he must ' meditate ' and penetrate into the Divine mysteries. The Palestinian searched into them, and the result was the Midrash. But, whichever of his methods he had •applied — the Peshat, or simple criticism of the words ; the Derush, or search into the possible application of the text, what might be ' trodden out ' of it ; or the Sod, the hidden, mystical, supranatural bearing of the words — it was still only the letter of the text that had been studied. There was, indeed, yet another understanding of the Scripture, to which St. Paul directed his disciples: the spiritual bearing of its spiritual truths. But that needed another qualifica tion, and tended in another direction from those of which the Jewish student knew. On the other hand, there was the intellectual view of the Scriptures — their philosophical understanding, the appli cation to them of the results of Grecian thought and criticism, and this was what was peculiarly Hellenistic. Apply that method, and the deeper the explorer proceeded in his search, the more would he feel himself alone, far from the outside crowd ; but the brighter also would that light of criticism, which he carried, shine in the growing darkness, or, as he held it up, would the precious ore, which he laid bare, glitter and sparkle with a thousand varying hues of brilliancy. What was Jewish, Palestinian, individual, concrete in the Scriptures, was only the outside — true in itself, but not the truth. There were depths beneath. Strip these stories of their nationalities ; idealise the individualism of the persons introduced, and you came upon abstract ideas and realities, true to all time and to all nations. But this deep symbolism was Pythagorean; this pre-existence of ideas, which were the types of all outward actuality, was Platonism ! Broken rays in them, but the focus of truth in the Scriptures. Yet these were rays, and could only have come from the Sun. All truth was of God ; hence theirs must have been of that origin. Then were the sages of the heathen also in a sense God-taught, and God-teach ing, or inspiration, was rather a question of degree than of kind ! One step only remained; and that, as we imagine, if not the easiest, yet, as we reflect upon it, that which in practice would be most readily taken. It was simply to advance towards Grecianism ; frankly to recognise truth in the results of Greek thought. There is that within us, name it mental consciousness, or as you will, which, all unbidden, rises to answer to the voice of intellectual truth, come "whence it may, just as conscience answers to the calls of moral truth or duty. But in this case there was more. There was the mighty 22 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. book I » Men. 99 b, towards tlie end spell which Greek philosophy exercised on all kindred minds, and the special adaptation of the Jewish intellect to such subtle, if not deep, thinking. And, in general, and more powerful than the rest, because penetrating everywhere, was the charm of Greek literature, with its brilliancy ; of Greek civilisation and culture, with their polish and attractiveness ; and of what, in one word, we may call the ' time- spirit,' that tyrannos, who rules all in their thinking, speaking, doing, whether they list or not. Why, his sway extended even to Palestine itself, and was felt in the innermost circle of the most exclusive Eabbinism. We are not here referring to the fact that the very language spoken in Palestine came to be very largely charged with Greek, and even Latin, words Hebraised, since this is easily accounted for by the new circumstances, and the necessities of intercourse with the dominant or resident foreigners. Nor is it requisite to point out how impossible it would have been, in presence of so many from the Greek and Eoman world, and after the long and persistent struggle of their rulers to Grecianise Palestine, nay, even in view of so many magnificent heathen temples on the very soil of Palestine, to exclude all knowledge of, or con tact with, Grecianism. But not to be able to exclude was to have in sight the dazzle of that unknown, which as such, and in itself, must have had peculiar attractions to the Jewish mind. It needed stern principle to repress the curiosity thus awakened. When a young Eabbi, Ben Dama, asked his uncle whether he might not study Greek philosophy, since he had mastered the ' Law ' in every aspect of it, the older Eabbi replied by a reference to Josh. i. 8 : ' Go and search what is the hour which is neither of the day nor of the night, and in it thou mayest study Greek philosophy.' a Yet even the Jewish Patriarch, Gamaliel IL, who may have sat with Saul of Tarsus at the feet of his grandfather, was said to have busied himself with Greek, as he certainly held liberal views on many points connected with Grecianism. To be sure, tradition justified him on the ground that his position brought him into contact with the ruling powers, and, perhaps, to further vindicate him, ascribed similar pur suits to the elder Gamaliel, although groundlessly, to judge from the circumstance that he was so impressed even with the wrong of pos sessing a Targum on Job in Aramaean, that he had it buried deep in the ground. But all these are indications of a tendency existing. How wide it must have spread, appears from the fact that the ban had to be THE SEPTUAGINT AS THE PEOPLE'S BIBLE. 23 pronounced on all who studied ' Greek wisdom.' One of the greatest Eabbis, Elisha ben Abujah, seems to have been actually led to apostacy by such studies. True, he appears as the 'Acher' — the 'other' — in Talmudic writings, whom it was not proper even to name. But he was not yet an apostate from the Synagogue when those ' Greek songs ' ever flowed from his lips ; and it was in the very Beth-ha-Midrash, or theological academy, that a multitude of SiphrS Minim (heretical books) flew from his breast, where they had lain con cealed.* It may be so, that the expression ' Siphre Homeros ' (Homeric * Jjr; c^e- writings), which occurs not only in the Talmud b but even in the oW-is Mishnah,0 referred pre-eminently, if not exclusively, to the religious * Jfg (fanh' or semi-religious Jewish Hellenistic literature, outside even the cTaa. iv.6 Apocrypha.1 But its occurrence proves, at any rate, that the Hel lenists were credited with the study of Greek literature, and that through them, if not more directly, the Palestinians had become acquainted with it. This sketch will prepare us for a rapid survey of that Hellenistic literature which Judsea so much dreaded. Its importance, not only to the Hellenists but to the world at large, can scarcely be overstated. First and foremost, we have here the Greek translation of the Old Testament, venerable not only as the oldest, but as that which at the time of Jesus held the place of our ' Authorised Version,' and as such is so often, although freely, quoted in the New Testament. Nor need we wonder that it should have been the people's Bible, not merely among the Hellenists, but in Galilee, and even in Judaea. It was not only, as already explained, that Hebrew was no longer the ' vulgar tongue ' in Palestine, and that written Targumim were prohibited. But most, if not all, would understand the Greek ; it might be quoted in intercourse with Hellenist brethren or with the Gentiles ; and, what was perhaps equally, if not more important, it was the most readily procurable. From the extreme labour and care bestowed on them, Hebrew manuscripts of the Bible were enormously dear, as we infer from a curious Talmudical notice,3 where a Gitt. 3e «, -,-, ., . . .. -. t. last line, a common woollen wrap, which oi course was very cheap, a copy ot ana & the Psalms, of Job, and torn pieces from Proverbs, are together valued 1 According to Hamburger (Eeal-En- simply to Homeric literature. Of the cycl. fur Bibel u. Talmud, vol. ii. pp. 68, two extremes, the former embodies the 69), the expression Siphre Homeros ap- more correct view. But see the subject plies exclusively to the Judso-Alex- discussed in Levy, Neuhebr. u. Chald. andrian heretical writings ; according Worterb., vol. i. p. 476 a and b. to Furst (Kanon d. A. Test. p. 98), 24 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. book at five minahs — say, about 191. Although this notice dates from 1 the third or fourth century, it is not likely that the cost of Hebrew Biblical MSS. was much lower at the time of Jesus. This would, of course, put their possession well nigh out of common reach. On the other hand, we are able to form an idea of the cheapness of Greek manuscripts from what we know of the price of books in Eome at the beginning of our era. Hundreds of slaves were there engaged copying what one dictated. The result was not only the publication of as large editions as in our days, but their production at only about double the cost of what are now known as ' cheap ' or ' people's editions.' Probably it would be safe to compute, that as much matter as would cover sixteen pages of small print might, in such cases, be sold at the rate of about sixpence, and in that ratio.1 Ac cordingly, manuscripts in Greek or Latin, although often incorrect, must have been easily attainable, and this would have considerable influence on making the Greek version of the Old Testament the ' people's Bible.' 2 The Greek version, like the Targum of the Palestinians, originated, no doubt, in the first place, in a felt national want on the part of the Hellenists, who as a body were ignorant of Hebrew. Hence we find notices of very early Greek versions of at least parts of the Penta teuch.3 But this, of course, could not suffice. On the other hand, there existed, as we may suppose, a natural curiosity on the part of students, specially in Alexandria, which had so large a Jewish popu lation, to know the sacred books on which the religion and history of Israel were founded. Even more than this, we must take into account the literary tastes of the first three Ptolemies (successors in Egypt of Alexander the Great), and the exceptional favour which the Jews for a time enjoyed. Ptolemy I. (Lagi) was a great patron of study. He projected the Museum in Alexandria, which was a home for literature and study, and founded the great library. In these undertakings Demetrius Phalereus was his chief adviser. The tastes of the first Ptolemy were inherited by his son Ptolemy II. »28s-284B.c. (Philadelphus), who had for two years been co-regent.a In fact, ultimately that monarch became literally book-mad, and the sums spent on rare MSS., which too often proved spurious, almost pass 1 Comp. Friedlander, Sitteng. Eoms, land. vol. iii. p. 315. 3 Aristobulus in Euseb. Prajpar. Evang. 2 To these causes there should perhaps ix. 6 ; xiii. 12. The doubts raised by be added the attempt to introduce Hody against this testimony have been Grecianism by force into Palestine, the generally repudiated by critics since the consequences which it may have left, and treatise by Valhenaer (Diatr. de Aristob. the existence of a Grecian party in the Jud.). ORIGIN OF THE SEPTUAGINT. 25 belief. The same may be said of the third of these monarchs, chap. Ptolemy III. (Euergetes). It would have been strange, indeed, if H these monarchs had not sought to enrich their library with an ' ' authentic rendering of the Jewish sacred books, or not encouraged such a translation. These circumstances will account for the different elements which we can trace in the Greek version of the Old Testament, and explain the historical, or rather legendary, notices which we have of its composition. To begin with the latter. Josephus has preserved what, no doubt in its present form, is a spurious letter from one Aristeas to his brother Philocrates,1 in which we are told how, by the advice of his librarian (?), Demetrius Phalereus, Ptolemy II. had sent by him (Aristeas) and another officer, a letter, with rich pre sents, to Eleazar, the High-Priest at Jerusalem ; who in turn had . selected seventy-two translators (six out of each tribe), and furnished them with a most valuable manuscript of the Old Testament. The letter then gives further details of their splendid reception at the Egyptian court, and of their sojourn in the island of Pharos, where they accomplished their work in seventy-two days, when they returned to Jerusalem laden with rich presents, their translation having received the formal approval of the Jewish Sanhedrin at Alexandria. From this account we may at least derive as historical these facts : that the Pentateuch — for to it only the testimony refers — was translated into Greek, at the suggestion of Demetrius Phalereus, in the reign, and under the patronage — if not by commis sion — of Ptolemy II. (Philadelphus).2 With this the Jewish accounts agree, which describe the translation of the Pentateuch under Ptolemy — the Jerusalem Talmud3, in a simpler narrative, the Babylo- * Meg. i. 9 nianb with additions apparently derived from the Alexandrian legends ; > Meg. 9 a the former expressly noting thirteen, the latter marking fifteen, variations from the original text.3 1 Comp. Josephi Opera, ed. Haver- tion in fact has of late been recognised -camp, vol. ii. App. pp. 103-132. The by well nigh all critics, though the letter best and most critical edition of this itself is pseudonymic, and full of fabulous letter is by Prof. M. ScJimidt, in Merx' details. Archiv. i. pp. 252-310. The story is z This is also otherwise attested. See found in Jos. Ant. xii. 2. 2 ; Ag. Ap. ii. Keil, Lehrb. d. hist. kr. Einl. d. A. T., A ; Philo, de Vita Mosis, lib. ii. § 5-7. p. 551, note 5. The extracts are most fully given in 3 It is scarcely worth while to refute Preepar. Evang. Some of the the view of Tychsen, Jost (Gesch. d. Fathers give the story, with additional Judenth.), and others, that the Jewish •embellishments. It was first critically writers only wrote down for Ptolemy •called in question by Hody (Contra His- the Hebrew words in Greek letters. toriam Aristeas de LXX. interpret, dissert. But the word ym cannot possibly bear Oxon. 1685), and has since been generally that meaning in this connection. Comp. regarded as legendary. But its founda- also Frankel, Vorstudien, p. 31. 26 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. book The Pentateuch once translated, whether by one, or more likely I by several persons,1 the other books of the Old Testament would naturally soon receive the same treatment. They were evidently done by a number of persons, who possessed very different qualifica tions for their work — the translation of the Book of Daniel having been so defective, that in its place another by Theodotion was after wards substituted. The version, as a whole, bears the name of the LXX. — as some have supposed from the number of its translators ac cording to Aristeas' account — only that in that case it should have been seventy-two ; or from the approval of the Alexandrian Sanhedrin 2 — although in that case it should have been seventy-one ; or perhaps be cause, in the popular idea, the number of the Gentile nations, of which the Greek (Japheth) was regarded as typical, was seventy. We have, however, one fixed date by which to compute the completion of this translation. From the prologue to the Apocryphal 'Wisdom of Jesus the Son of Sirach,' we learn that in his days th e Canon of Scripture was closed ; and that on his arrival, in his thirty-eighth year,3 in Egypt, which was then under the rule of Euergetes, he found the so-called LXX. version completed, when he set himself to a similar translation of the Hebrew work of his grandfather. But in the 50th chapter of that work we have a description of the High-Priest Simon, which is evidently written by an eye-witness. We have therefore as one term the pontificate of Simon, during which the earlier Jesus lived ; and as the other, the reign of Euergetes, in which the grandson was at Alexandria. Now, although there were two High-Priests who bore the name Simon, and two Egyptian kings with the surname Euergetes, yet on purely historical grounds, and apart from critical prejudices, we conclude that the Simon of Ecclus. 4. was Simon 1., the Just, one of the greatest names in Jewish traditional history ; and similarly, that the Euergetes of the younger Jesus was the first of that name, or Ptolemy III., who reigned from 247 to 221 B.C.4 In his reign, 1 According to Sopker. i. 8, by five 4 To my mind, at least, the historical persons, but that seems a round number evidence, apart from critical considera te correspond to the five books of Moses. tions, seems very strong. Modem writers Frankel (Ueber cl. Einfl. d. palast. Exeg.) on the other side have confessedly been labours, however, to show in detail the influenced by the consideration that the differences between the different trans- earlier date of the Book of Sirach would lators. But his criticism is often strained, also involve a much earlier date for the and the solution of the question is ap- close of the 0. T. Canon than they are dis- parently impossible. posed to admit. More especially would it 2 Bohl would have it, ' the Jerusalem bear on the question of the so-called Sanhedrin I ' ' Maccabean Psalms,' and the authorship 3 But the expression has also been and date of the Book of Daniel. But his- referred to the thirty-eighth year of the torical questions should be treated inde- reign of Euergetes. pendently of critical prejudices. Winer TEXT, ORDER, AND CHARACTER OF THE SEPTUAGINT. 2T therefore, we must regard the LXX. version as, at least substantially, completed. From this it would, of course, follow that the Canon of the Old Testament was then practically fixed in Palestine.1 That Canon was accepted by the Alexandrian translators, although the more loose views of the Hellenists on ' inspiration,' and the absence of that close watchfulness exercised over the text in Palestine, led to additions and alterations, and ultimately even to the admission of the Apocrypha into the Greek Bible. Unlike the Hebrew arrangement of the text into the Law, the Prophets,2 and the (sacred) Writings, or Hagiographa, the LXX. arrange them into the historical, prophetical, and poetic books, and count twenty-two, after the Hebrew alphabet, instead of twenty-four, as the Hebrews. But perhaps both these may have been later arrangements, since Philo evidently knew the Jewish order of the books.3, What text the translators may have » De vita used, we can only conjecture. It differs in almost innumerable §3Ue™P" instances from our own, though the more important deviations are comparatively few.3 In the great majority of the lesser variations our Hebrew must be regarded as the correct text.4 Putting aside clerical mistakes and misreadings, and making allowance for errors of translation, ignorance, and haste, we note certain outstanding facts as characteristic of the Greek version. It bears evident marks of its origin in Egypt in its use of Egyptian words and references, and equally evident traces of its Jewish com position. By the side of slavish and false literalism there is great liberty, if not licence, in handling the original ; gross mistakes occur along with happy renderings of very difficult passages, suggesting (Bibl. Eealworterb. i. p. 555), and others Jer., and Ezek. ; and the Minor Pro- after him, admit that the Simon of phets. Ecclus. ch. 1. was indeed Simon the Just, 3 They occur chiefly in 1 Kings, the (i.), but maintain that the Euergetes of books of Esther, Job, Proverbs, Jeremiah, the Prologue was the second of that and Daniel. In the Pentateuch we find name, Ptolemy VII., popularly nicknam- them only in four passages in the Book of ed Kakergetes. Comp. the remarks of Exodus. Fritzscke on this view in the Kurzgef. 4 There is also a curious correspondence Exeg. Handb. z. d. Apokr. 5te Lief. p. between the Samaritan version of the xvii. Pentateuch and that of the LXX., which 1 Comp. here, besides the passages in no less than about 2,000 passages agree quoted in the previous note, Baba B. 13 as against our Hebrew, although in other Sand 14 b; for the cessation of re vela- instances the Greek text either agrees tion in the Maccabean period, 1 Mace. iv. with the Hebrew against the Samaritan, 46 ; ix. 27 ; xiv. 41 ; and, in general, for or else is independent of both. On the the Jewish view on the subject at the connection between Samaritan literature time of Christ, Jos. Ag. Ap. i. 8. and Hellenism there are some very inte- 2 Anterior : Josh., Judg., 1 and 2 Sam., resting notices in Freudentkal, Hell. Stud. 1 and 2 Kings. Posterior : Major : Is., pp. 82-103, 130-136, 186 &c. 28 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. book trie aid of some able scholars. Distinct Jewish elements are un- i deniably there, which can only be explained by reference to Jewish — — ¦ tradition, although they are much fewer than some critics have supposed.1 This we can easily understand, since only those traditions would find a place which at that early time were not only received, but in general circulation. The distinctively Grecian elements, however, are at present of chief interest to us. They consist of allusions to Greek mythological terms, and adaptations of Greek phi losophical ideas. However few,2 even one well-authenticated instance would lead us to suspect others, and in general give to the version the character of Jewish Hellenising. In the same class we reckon what constitutes the prominent characteristic of the LXX. version, which, for want of better terms, we would designate as rationalistic and apologetic. Difficulties — or what seemed such— are removed by the most bold methods, and by free handling of the text ; it need scarcely be said, often very unsatisfactorily. More especially a strenuous effort is made to banish all anthropomorphisms, as incon sistent with their ideas of the Deity. The superficial observer might be tempted to regard this as not strictly Hellenistic, since the same may be noted, and indeed is much more consistently carried out, in the Targum of Onkelos. Perhaps such alterations had even been introduced into the Hebrew text itself.3 But there is this vital difference between Palestinianism and Alexandrianism, that, broadly speaking, the Hebrew avoidance of anthropomorphisms depends on objective — theological and dogmatic — the Hellenistic on subjective — philosophical and apologetic — grounds. The Hebrew avoids them as he does what seems to him inconsistent with the dignity of 1 The extravagant computations in $i> a.6pa.Tos ical aKaracrKeiao-Tos (Gen. i. 2), this respect of Frankel (both in his work, bears undeniable mark of Grecian philo- Ueber d. Einfl. d. Palast. Exeg., and sophic views. And certainly this is not also in the Vorstud. z. Sept. pp. 189-191) the sole instance of the kind. have been rectified by Herzfeld (Gesch. 3 As in the so-called ' Thikkuney So- d. Vol. Isr. vol. iii.) , who, perhaps, goes to iriierim] or ' emendations of the scribes.' the other extreme. Herzfeld (pp. 548- Comp. here generally the investigations 550) admits — and even this with hesita- of Geiger (Urschrift u. TJebersetz. d. tion — of only six distinct references to Bibel). But these, however learned and Halachoth in the following passages in ingenious, require, like so many of the the LXX. : Gen. ix. 4 ; xxxii. 32 ; Lev. dicta of modern Jewish criticism, to be xix. 19 ; xxiv. 7 ; Deut. xxv. 5 ; xxvi. 12. taken with the utmost caution, and in As instances of Haggadah we may men- each case subjected to fresh examination, tion the renderings in Gen. v. 24 and since so large a proportion of their writ- Ex. x. 23. ings are what is best designated by the 2 Ddkne and Gfrorer have in this German Tendenz-Schriften, and their in- respect gone to the same extreme as f erences Tendenz-Schlusse. But the critic Frankel on the Jewish side. But even and the historian should have no Ten- Siegfried (Philo v. Alex. p. 8) is obliged to denz — except towards simple fact and admit that the LXX. rendering, i\ Se yrj historical truth. ALEXANDRIAN VIEWS ON INTERPRETATION AND INSPIRATION. 29 Biblical heroes and of Israel. ' Great is the power of the prophets,' he writes, ' who liken the Creator to the creature ; ' or else a ' a thing is written only to break it to the ear ' — to adapt it to our human modes of speaking and understanding ; and again,b the ' words of the Thorah are like the speech of the children of men.' But for this very purpose the words of Scripture may be presented in another form, if need be even modified, so as to obviate possible misunder standing, or dogmatic error. The Alexandrians arrived at the same conclusion, but from an opposite direction. They had not theo logical but philosophical axioms in their minds — truths which the highest truth could not, and, as they held, did not contravene. Only dig deeper ; get beyond the letter to that to which it pointed ; divest abstract truth of its concrete, national, Judaistic envelope — penetrate through the dim porch into the temple, and you were surrounded by a blaze of light, of which, as its portals had been thrown open, single rays had fallen into the night of heathendom. And so the truth would appear glorious — more than vindicated in their own sight, triumphant in that of others ! In such manner the LXX. version became really the people's Bible to that large Jewish world through which Christianity was afterwards to address itself to mankind. It was part of the case, that this trans lation should be regarded by the Hellenists as inspired like the original. Otherwise it would have been impossible to make final appeal to the very words of the Greek ; still less, to find in them a mystical and allegorical meaning. Only that we must not regard their views of inspiration — except as applying to Moses, and even then only partially — as identical with ours. To their minds inspi ration differed quantitatively, not qualitatively, from what the rapt soul might at anytime experience, so that even heathen philosophers might ultimately be regarded as at times inspired. So far as the version of the Bible was concerned (and probably on like grounds) similar views obtained at a later period even in Hebrew circles, where it was laid down that the Chaldee Targum on the Pentateuch had been originally spoken to Moses on Sinai,0 though afterwards «Nea.37 6; forgotten, till restored and re-introduced.a a 3Ieg. 3 a Whether or not the LXX. was read in the Hellenist Synagogues, and the worship conducted, wholly or partly, in Greek, must be matter of conjecture. We find, however, a significant notice" to |TJ™"^eg- the effect that among those who spoke a barbarous language (not Krot- p- 75 " Hebrew — the term referring specially to Greek), it was the custom for one person to read the whole Parashah (or lesson for the day), 30 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. BOOK while among the Hebrew-speaking Jews this was done by seven I persons, successively called up. This seems to imply that either ' ' ' the Greek text alone was read, or that it followed a Hebrew reading, like the Targum of the Easterns. More probably, however, the former would be the case, since both Hebrew manuscripts, and persons qualified to read them, would be difficult to procure. At any rate, we know that the Greek Scriptures were authoritatively acknowledged in Palestine,1 and that the ordinary daily prayers might be said in Greek.2 The LXX. deserved this distinction from its general faithfulness — at least, in regard to the Pentateuch — and from its preservation of ancient doctrine. Thus, without further referring to its full acknowledgment of the doctrine of Angels (comp. Deut. xxxii. 8, xxxiii. 2), we specially mark that it preserved the Messianic rendering of Gen. xlix. 10, and Numb. xxiv. 7, 17, 23, bringing us evidence of what had been the generally received view two and a half centuries before the birth of Jesus. It must have been on the ground of the use made of the LXX. in argument, that later voices in the Synagogue declared this version to have » Mass. so- been as great a calamity to Israel as the making of the golden calf,3, — at the a ' and that its completion had been followed by the terrible omen of vol. ix. of an eclipse, that lasted three days.b For the Eabbis declared that Talmud' upon investigation it had been found that the Thorah could be T™f1'Ged" adequately translated only into Greek, and they are most extrava gant in their praise of the Greek version of Ahylas, or Aquila, the « jer. Meg. proselyte, which was made to counteract the influence of the LXX.C Erot. p. 7i But in Egypt the anniversary of the completion of the LXX. was celebrated by a feast in the island of Pharos, in which ultimately * pmio, vita even heathens seem to have taken part.4 Mos. n. ed. x Francf. p. 660 ' Meg. i. 8. It is, however, fair to De Pond, et Mensur. c. xiv. confess strong doubt, on my part, 2 The ' Shema ' (Jewish creed) with its whether this passage may not refer to the collects, the eighteen ' benedictions,' and Greek translation of Akylas. At the 'the grace at meat.' A later Babbi vindi- same time it simply speaks of a transla- cated the use of the ' Shema ' in Greek tion into Greek. And before the version by the argument that the word Shema of Aquila the LXX. alone held that place. meant not only ' Hear,' but also ' un it is one of the most daring modern derstand ' (Jer. Sotah vii. 1). Comp. Sotah Jewish perversions of history to identify vii. 1, 2. In Ber. 40 b, it is said that this Akylas, who flourished about 130 the Parashah connected with the woman after Christ, with the Aquila of the Book suspected of adultery, the prayer and of Acts. It wants even the excuse of a confession at the bringing of the tithes, colourable perversion of the confused and the various benedictions over food, - story about Akylas, which Epiplianius, may be said not only in Hebrew, but in who is so generally inaccurate, gives in any other languages. APOCRYPHAL LITERATURE. 31 CHAPTEE III. THE OLD FAITH PREPARING FOR THE NEW — DEVELOPMENT OF HELLENIST THEOLOGY : THE APOCRYPHA, ARISTEAS, ARISTOBULUS, AND THE PSEUD- EPIGRAPHIC WRITINGS. The translation of the Old Testament into Greek may be regarded chap. as the starting-point of Hellenism. It rendered possible the hope in that what in its original form had been confined to the few, might » pmio, de become accessible to the world at large." But much yet remained ea. Mangey, to be done. If the religion of the Old Testament had been brought "" p' uo near to the Grecian world of thought, the latter had still to be brought near to Judaism. Some intermediate stage must be found ; some common ground on which .the two might meet ; some original kindredness of spirit to which their later divergences might be carried back, and where they might finally be reconciled. As the first attempt in this direction — first in order, if not always in time — we mark the so-called Apocryphal literature, most of which was either written in Greek, or is the product of Hellenising Jews.1 Its general object was twofold. First, of course, it was apologetic — in tended to fill gaps in Jewish history or thought, but especially to strengthen the Jewish mind against attacks from without, and gene rally to extol the dignity of Israel. Thus, more withering sarcasm could scarcely be poured on heathenism than in the apocryphal story of ' Bel and the Dragon,' or in the so-called ' Epistle of Jeremy,' with which the Book of ' Baruch ' closes. The same strain, only in more lofty tones, resounds through the Book of the ' Wisdom of Solomon,' b along with the constantly implied contrast between the ¦> comp. x.- righteous, or Israel, and sinners, or the heathen. But the next . object was to show that the deeper and purer thinking of heathenism in its highest philosophy supported — nay, in some respects, was identical with — the fundamental teaching of the Old Testament. This, of course, was apologetic of the Old Testament, but it also pre pared the way for a reconciliation with Greek philosophy. We 1 All the Apocrypha were originally course, the ' Wisdom of Jesus the Son of written in Greek, except 1 Mace, Judith, Sirach.' part of Baruch, probably Tobit, and, of XX. 32 THE PREPARATION FOR THE GOSPEL. tt Comp. for ex. Ecclus. xxiv. 6 » ii. 39, 40 c Oomp. also Jos. Ag, Ap. ii. 34 d Comp. 2 Mace. vi. 18- vii. 41 « Ch. vii. 22- 27 ' Vv. 22-24 s Vv. 25-20 notice this especially in the so-called Fourth Book of Maccabees, so long erroneously attributed to Josephus,1 and in the ' Wisdom of Solomon.' The first postulate here would be the acknowledgment of truth among the Gentiles, which was the outcome of Wisdom — and Wisdom was the revelation of God. This seems already implied in so thoroughly Jewish a book as that of Jesus the Son of Sirach.* Of course there could be no alliance with Epicureanism, which was at the opposite pole to the Old Testament. But the brilliancy of Plato's speculations would charm, while the stern self-abnegation of Stoicism would prove almost equally attractive. The one would show why they believed, the other why they lived, as they did. Thus the theology of the Old Testament would find a rational basis in the ontology of Plato, and its ethics in the moral philosophy of the Stoics. Indeed, this is the very line of argument which Josephus follows in the conclusion of his treatise Against Apion.b This, then, was an unassailable position to take : contempt poured on heathen ism as such,0 and a rational philosophical basis for Judaism. They were not deep, only acute thinkers, these Alexandrians, and the result of their speculations was a curious Eclecticism, in which Platonism and Stoicism are found, often heterogeneously, side by side. Thus, without further details, it may be said that the Fourth Book of Maccabees is a Jewish Stoical treatise on the Stoical theme of ' the supremacy of reason ' — the proposition, stated at the outset, that ' pious reason bears absolute sway over the passions,' being illustrated by the story of the martyrdom of Eleazar, and of the mother and her seven sons.d On the other hand, that sublime work, the ' Wisdom of Solomon,' contains Platonic and Stoic elements 2 — chiefly perhaps the latter — the two occurring side by side. Thus e ' Wisdom,' which is so concretely presented as to be almost hypostatised,3 is first described in the language of Stoicism,f and afterwards set forth, in that of Platonism,^ as ' the breath of the power of God ; ' as ' a pure influence flowing from the glory of the Almighty ; ' 'the brightness of the everlasting light, the unspotted mirror of the power of God, 1 It is printed in Havercamp's edition of Josephus, vol. ii. pp. 497-520. The best edition is in Fritzsche, Libri Apo crypha Vet. Test. (Lips. 1871). - Ewald (Gesch. d. Volkes Isr., vol. iv. pp. 626-632) has given a glowing sketch of it. Ewald rightly says that its Grecian elements have been exaggerated ; ' but Bucker (Lehre vom Logos, pp. 59-62) utterly fails in denying their presence altogether. s Compare especially ix. 1 ; xviii. 14- 16, where the idea of o-o